Contents

i

A SELECT LIBRARY


OF THE


NICENE AND

POST-NICENE FATHERS


OF


THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.





EDITED BY

PHILIP SCHAFF, D.D., LL.D.,

PROFESSOR IN THE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORK,

IN CONNECTION WITH A NUMBER OF PATRISTIC SCHOLARS OF EUROPE AND AMERICA.




VOLUME IV

ST. AUGUSTIN:

THE WRITINGS AGAINST THE MANICHÆANS

AND

AGAINST THE DONATISTS




T&T CLARK

EDINBURGH

__________________________________________________

WM. B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY

GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN

iii

Editor’s Preface

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This fourth volume of St. Augustin’s Works contains his polemical writings in vindication of the Catholic Church against the heresy of the Manichæans, and the schism of the Donatists.  The former are contained in Tom. II. and VIII., the latter in Tom. IX., of the Benedictine edition.

Like the preceding volumes, this also is more than a reprint of older translations, and contains important additions not previously published.

I.—Seven Writings Against the Manichæan Heresy.  Four of these were translated by the Rev. Richard Stothert, of Bombay, for Dr. Dods’ edition, published by T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh, 1872, and revised by Dr. Albert H. Newman, of Toronto, for the American edition.  The other three treatises are translated, I believe for the first time, by Dr. Newman for this edition.  (See Contents.)

The Edinburgh translation, especially of the first two treatises, is sufficiently faithful and idiomatic, and needed very little alteration by the American editor, who compared it sentence by sentence with the Latin original, and made changes only where they seemed necessary.

This part of the volume is also enriched by an introductory essay of Dr. Newman, which embodies the literature and the results of the most recent as well as the earlier researches concerning that anti-Christian heresy.

II.—The Writings Against the Donatists.  These were well translated by the Rev. J. R. King, of Oxford, and are slightly revised by Dr. Hartranft, of Hartford, after a careful comparison with the Latin.

The literary introduction of Dr. Hartranft, in connection with the translator’s historical preface, will place the reader in the situation of the controversy between the Catholic Church and the Donatists at the time of St. Augustin.

In both sections the treatises are arranged in chronological order.

The fifth volume will contain the writings of St. Augustin against the Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians.  It is in the hands of the printer and will be published in October.

Philip Schaff.

New York, June, 1887.

v

Contents.

__________

Preface.

I.    THE ANTI-MANICHæAN WRITINGS.

Translated by the Rev. RICHARD STOTHERT, M.A., Bombay, and Prof. Albert H. Newman, D.D., LL.D., Toronto

Introductory essay on the Manichæan heresy.

By Dr. Newman.

On the Morals of the Catholic Church

(De Moribus Ecclesiæ Catholicæ),

A.D. 388.

Translated by the Rev. Richard Stothert.

On the Morals of the Manichæans

(De Moribus Manichæorum),

A.D. 388.

Translated by the Rev. Richard Stothert.

On Two Souls, against the Manichæans

(De Duabus Animabus, contra Manichæos),

A.D. 391.

Translated by Dr. Newman.

Acts or Disputation against Fortunatus the Manichæan

(Acta seu Disputatio contra Fortunatum Manichæum),

A.D. 392.

Translated by Dr. Newman.

Against the Epistle of Manichæus called Fundamental

(Contra Epistolam Manichæi quam vocant Fundamenti),

A.D. 397.

Translated by the Rev. R. Stothert.

Reply to Faustus the Manichæan

(Contra Faustus Manichæum, Libri XXXIII ),

A.D. 400.

Translated by the Rev. R. Stothert.

Concerning the nature of good, against the Manichæans

(De Natura Boni contra Manichæos),

A.D. 404.

Translated by Dr. Newman.

II.   THE ANTI-donatist WRITINGS.

Translated by the Rev. J.R. King, M.A., Vicar of St. Peter’s in the East, Oxford, and late Fellow and Tutor of Merton College, Oxford.

The Translation revised, with additional annotations, by the Rev. Chester D. Hartranft, D.D.,  Professor of Biblical and Ecclesiastical History in the Theological Seminary at Hartford, Connecticut.

Introductory to the Anti-Donatist Writings.

By Dr. Hartranft.


On Baptism, against the Donatists

(De Baptismo, contra Donatistas, Libri VII ),

Circa, A.D. 400.

Answer to Letters of Petilian, Bishop of Cirta

(Contra Litteras Petiliani Donatistæ Cirtensis Episcopi, Libri III ),

A.D. 400.

The Correction of the Donatists

(De Correctione Donatistarum Liber seu Epistola CLXXXV ),

Circa, A.D. 417.

Index to the Anti-Manichæan Writings.

Index to the Anti-Donatist Writings.


3

w r I t I n g s

in connection with the

Manichæan controversy

translated by the

Rev. Richard Stothert, M.A.,

Bombay;

and

Albert H. Newman, D.D., LL.D.

Professor of Church History and Comparative Religion, in Toronto

Baptist (Theological) College, Toronto, Canada.


5

Introductory Essay on the Manichæan Heresy,

By Albert H. Newman, D.D., LL.D.

————————————

Chapter I.—Literature.

I.  Sources.

The following bibliography of Manichæism is taken from Schaff’s History of the Christian Church, vol. II. pp. 498–500 (new edition).  Additions are indicated by brackets.

1. Oriental Sources:  The most important, though of comparatively late date.

(a)  Mohammedan (Arabic):  Kitâb al Fihrist.  A history of Arabic literature to 987, by an Arab of Bagdad, usually called Ibn Abi Jakub An-Nadîm; brought to light by Flügel, and published after his death by Rödiger and Müller, in 2 vols. Leipz. 1871-’72.  Book IX. section first, treats of Manichæism.  Flügel’s translation, see below.  Kessler calls the Fihrist a "Fündstätte allerersten Ranges."  Next to it comes the relation of the Mohammedan philosopher, Al-Shahrastani (d. 1153), in his History of Religious Parties and Philosophical Sects, Ed. Cureton, Lond. 1842, 2 vols. (I. 188–192); German translation by Haarbrücker, Halle, 1851.  On other Mohammedan sources, see Kessler in Herzog, IX., 225 sq.

(b)  Persian Sources:  relating to the life of Mani, the Shâhnâmeh (the King’s Book) of Firdausi; ed. by Jul. Mohl, Paris, 1866 (V. 472–475).  See Kessler, ibid. 225.

[Albiruni’s Chronology of Ancient Nations, tr. by E. Sachau, and published by the Oriental Translation Fund, Lond. 1879.  Albîrunî lived 973–1048, and is said to have possessed vast literary resources no longer available to us.  His work seems to be based on early Manichæan sources, and strikingly confirms the narrative preserved by the Fihrist.  See also articles by West and Thomas in Journal of the Asiatic Society, 1868, 1870, 1871.]

(c)  Christian Sources:  In Arabic, the Alexandrian Patriarch Eutychius (d. 916). Annales, ed. Pococke, Oxon. 1628; Barhebræus (d. 1286), in his Historia Dynastiarum, ed. Pococke.  In Syriac:  Ephraem Syrus (d. 393), in various writings.  Esnig or Esnik, an Armenian bishop of the 5th Century, who wrote against Marcion and Mani (German translation from the Armenian by C. Fr. Neumann, in Illgen’s Zeitschrift für die Hist. Theologie, 1834, pp.77–78).

2.  Greek Sources:  [Alexander of LycopolisThe Tenets of the Manichæans (first published by Combefis, with a Latin version, in the Auctararium Novissimum, Bibl. S. S. Patrum; again by Gallandi, in his Bibl. Patrum, vol. IV. p. 73 sq.  An English translation by Rev. James B.H. Hawkins, M .A ., appeared in Clark’s Ante-Nicene Library, Vol. XIV. p. 236 sq.; Am. ed. vol. VI. p. 237 sq.  Alexander represents himself as a convert from Paganism to Manichæism, and from Manichæism to Orthodoxy.  He claims to have learned Man6ichæism from those who were intimately associated with Mani himself, and is, therefore, one of the earliest witnesses.11     Baur discredits this claim on internal grounds (Das Manich. Religionssystem, p. 7). Eusebius (H. E. VII. 31, a brief account).  Epiphanius (Haer. 66).  Cyril of Jerusalem (Catech. VI. 20 sq.).  Titus of Bostra (πρὸσ Μανιχαίουσ, ed P. de Lagarde, 1859).  Photius: Adv. Manichæos (Cod. 179, Biblioth.).  John of DamascusDe Haeres. and Dial.  [Petrus Siculus, Hist. Manichæorum.]

3.  Latin Sources:  Archelaus (Bishop of Cascar in Mesopotamia, d. about 278):  Acta Disputationis cum Manete Hæresiarcha; first written in Syriac, and so far belonging to the Oriental Christian Sources (Comp. Jerome, de Vir. Ill. 72), but extant only in a Latin translation, which seems to have been made from the Greek, edited by Zacagni (Rome, 1698), and Routh (in Reliquiæ Sacræ, vol. V. 3–206); Eng. transl. in Clark’s Ante-Nicene Library (vol. XX. 272–419).  [Am. ed. vol. VI. p. 173 sq.].  These Acts purport to contain the report of a disputation between Archelaus and Mani before a large assembly, which was in full sympathy with the orthodox bishop, but (as Beausobre first proved), they are in form a fiction from the first quarter of the fourth century (about 320), by a Syrian ecclesiastic (probably of Edessa), yet based upon Manichæan documents, and containing much information about Manichæan doctrines.  They consist of various pieces, and were the chief source of information to the West.  Mani is represented (ch. 12), as appearing in a many-colored cloak and trousers, with a sturdy staff of ebony, a Babylonian book under his left arm, and with a mien of an old Persian master.  In his defense he quotes freely from the N.T.  At the end, he makes his escape to Persia (ch. 55).  Comp. H. V. Zittwitz:  Die Acta Archelai et Manetis untersucht, in Kahnis’ Zeitschrift für d. Hist. Theol. 1873, No. IV.  OblasinskiActa Disput. Arch., etc. Lips. 1874 (inaugural dissert.).  Ad. HarnackDie Acta Archelai und das Diatessaron Tatians, in Texte und Untersuchungen zur Gesch. der altchristl. Lit. vol. I. Heft 3 (1883), p. 137–153.  Harnack tries to prove that the Gospel variations of Archelaus are taken from Tatian’s Diatessaron.

St. Augustin (d. 430, the chief Latin authority next to the translation of Archelaus).  [Besides the treatises published in Clark’s series, Contra Fortunatum quendam Manichæorum Presbyterum Disput. I. et II., Contra Adimantum Manichæi discipulum, Contra Secundinum Manichæum, De Natura Boni, De duabus Animabus, De Utilitate Credendi, De Haeres. XLVI.  Of these, De duabus Animabus, Contra Fortunatum, and De Natura Boni are added in the present edition, and De Utilitate Credendi has been included among Augustin’s shorter theological treatises in vol. III. of the present series.  In the Confessions and the Letters, moreover, the Manichæans figure prominently.  The treatises included in the present series may be said to fairly represent Augustin’s manner of dealing with Manichæism.  The Anti-Manichæan writings are found chiefly in vol. VIII. of the Benedictine edition, and in volumes I. and XI. of the Migne reprint.  Augustin’s personal connection with the sect extending over a period of nine years, and his consummate ability in dealing with this form of error, together with the fact that he quotes largely from Manichæan literature, render his works the highest authority for Manichæism as it existed in the West at the close of the fifth century.]  Comp. also the Acts of Councils against the Manichæans from the fourth century onwards, in Mansi and Hefele [and Hardouin].

II.  Modern Works.

Isaac de Beausobre (b. 1659 in France, pastor of the French church in Berlin, d. 1738):  Histoire Crit. de Manichée et du Manichéisme, Amst. 1634 and ’39, 2 vols. 4to.  Part of the first volume is historical, the second doctrinal.  Very full and scholarly.  He intended to write a third volume on the later Manichæans.  F. Chr. BaurDas Manichäische Religions-system nach den Quellen neu untersucht und entwickelt, Tüb. 1831 (500 pages).  A compre7hensive, philosophical and critical view.  He calls the Manich. system a "glühend prächtiges Natur-und Weltgedicht."  [An able critique of Baur’s work by Schneckenburger appeared in the "Theol. Studien u. Kritiken," 1833, p. 875 sq.  Schneckenburger strives to make it appear that Baur unduly minifies the Christian element in Manichæism.  Later researches have tended to confirm Baur’s main position.  The Oriental sources employed by Flügel and Kessler have thrown much light upon the character of primitive Manichæism, and have enabled us to determine more precisely than Beausobre and Baur were able to do the constituent elements of Mani’s system.  A.V. WegnernManichæorum Indulgentiæ, Lips. 1827.  Wegnern points out the resemblance between the Manichæan system, in accordance with which the "hearers" participate in the merits of the "elect" without subjecting themselves to the rigorous asceticism practiced by the latter, and the later doctrine and practice of indulgences in the Roman Catholic church.]  TrechselUeber Kanon, Kritik und Exegese der Manichäer, Bern, 1832.  D. ChwolsonDie Ssabier und der Ssabismus, Petersb. 1856, 2 vols.  G. Flugel Mani, seine Lehre und seine Scriften.  Aus dem Fihrist des Abî Jakub an-Nadîm (987), Leipz. 1862.  Text, translation and commentary, 440 pages.  [Of the highest value, the principal document on which the work is based being, probably, the most authentic exposition of primitive Manichæan doctrine.]  K. KesslerUntersuchungen zur Genesis des Manich. Rel. Systems, Leipz. 1876.  By the same:  Mânî oder Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Religionsmischung im Semitismus, Leipz. 1887.  See also his thorough article, Mânî und die Manichær, in "Herzog," new ed. vol. IX. 223–259 (abridged in Schaff’s "Encyclop." II. 1396–1398).  [Kessler has done more than any other writer to establish the relation between the Manichæans and the earlier Oriental sects, and between these and the old Babylonian religion.  The author of this introduction wishes to express his deep obligation to Kessler.  The article on the "Mandäer" in "Herzog," by the same author, is valuable in this connection, though his attempt to exclude all historical connection between this Babylonian Gnostic sect and Palestine can hardly be pronounced a success.  J. B. MozleyRuling Ideas in Early Ages; lecture on "The Manichæans and the Jewish Fathers," with special reference to Augustin’s method of dealing with the cavils of the Manichæans.]  G. T. Stokes Manes and Manichæans, in "Smith and Wace," III. 792–801.  A. HarnackManichæism in 9th ed. of the "Encycl. Britannica," vol. XV. (1883), 481–487.  [Also in German, as a Beigabe to his Lehrbuch d. Dogmengeschichte, vol. I. p. 681 sq.  Harnack follows Kessler in all essential particulars.  Of Kessler’s article in "Herzog" he says:  "This article contains the best that we possess on Manichæism."  In this we concur.  W. Cunningham:  S. Austin and his Place in the History of Christian Thought, Hulsean Lectures, 1885, p. 45–72, and passim, Lond. 1886.  This treatise is of considerable value, especially as it regards the philosophical attitude of Augustin towards Manichæism.]  The accounts of Mosheim, Lardner, Schröckh, Walch, Neander, Gieseler [and Wolf].

Chapter II.—Philosophical Basis, and Antecedents of Manichæism.

"About 500 years before the commencement of the Christian era," writes Professor Monier Williams,22     Indian Wisdom, 3rd ed. (1876), p. 49. "a great stir seems to have taken place in Indo-Aryan, as in Grecian minds, and indeed in thinking minds everywhere throughout the then civilized world.  Thus when Buddha arose in India, Greece had her thinkers in Pythagoras, Persia in Zoroaster, and China in Confucius.  Men began to ask themselves earnestly such questions as—What am I?  Whence have I come?  Whither am I going?  How can I explain my consciousness of personal existence?  What is the relationship between my material and immaterial nature?  What is the world in which I find myself? did a wise, good and all-powerful Being create it out of nothing? or did it evolve out of an eternal germ? or did it come together by 8the combination of eternal atoms?  If created by a Being of infinite wisdom, how can I account for the inequality of condition in it—good and evil, happiness and misery.  Has the Creator form or is he formless?  Has he any qualities or none?"

It is true that such questions pressed themselves with special importunity upon the thinkers of the age mentioned, but we should be far astray if we should think for a moment that now for the first time they suggested themselves and demanded solution.  The fact is that the earliest literary records of the human race bear evidence of high thinking on the fundamental problems of God, man, and the world, and the relations of these to each other.  Recent scholars have brought to light facts of the utmost interest with reference to the pre-Babylonian (Accadian) religion.  A rude nature-worship, with a pantheistic basis, but assuming a polytheistic form, seems to have prevailed in Mesopotamia from a very early period.  "Spirit everywhere dispersed produced all the phenomena of nature, and directed and animated all created beings.  They caused evil and good, guided the movements of the celestial bodies, brought back the seasons in their order, made the wind to blow and the rain to fall, and produced by their influence atmospheric phenomena both beneficial and destructive; they also rendered the earth fertile, and caused plants to germinate and to bear fruit, presided over the births and preserved the lives of living beings, and yet at the same time sent death and disease.  There were spirits of this kind everywhere, in the starry heavens, in the earth, and in the intermediate region of the atmosphere; each element was full of them, earth, air, fire and water; and nothing could exist without them…As evil is everywhere present in nature side by side with good, plagues with favorable influences, death with life, destruction with fruitfulness; an idea of dualism as decided as in the religion of Zoroaster pervaded the conceptions of the supernatural world formed by the Accadian magicians, the evil beings of which they feared more than they valued the powers of good.  There were essentially good spirits, and others equally bad.  These opposing troops constituted a vast dualism, which embraced the whole universe and kept up a perpetual struggle in all parts of the creation."33     Lenormant, Chaldean Magic (1877),  p. 144-145.   This primitive Turanian quasi-dualism (it was not dualism in the strictest sense of the term) was not entirely obliterated by the Cushite and Semitic civilizations and cults that successively overlaid it.  So firmly rooted had this early mode of viewing the world become that it materially influenced the religions of the invaders rather than suffered extermination.  In the Babylonian religion of the Semitic period the dualistic element was manifest chiefly in the magical rites of the Chaldean priests who long continued to use Accadian as their sacred language.  "Upon this dualistic conception rested the whole edifice of sacred magic, of magic regarded as a holy and legitimate intercourse established by rites of divine origin, between man and the supernatural beings surrounding him on all sides.  Placed unhappily in the midst of this perpetual struggle between the good and bad spirits, man felt himself attacked by them at every moment; his fate depended upon them.…He needed then some aid against the attacks of the bad spirits, against the plagues and diseases which they sent upon him.  This help he hoped to find in incantations, in mysterious and powerful words, the secret of which was known only to the priests of magic, in their prescribed rites and their talismans…The Chaldeans had such a great idea of the power and efficacy of their formulæ, rites and amulets, that they came to regard them as required to fortify the good spirits themselves in their combat with the demons, and as able to give them help by providing them with invincible weapons which should ensure success."44     Ibid. p. 146-147.   A large number of magical texts have been preserved and deciphered, and among them "the ‘favorable Alad,’ the ‘favorable Lamma,’ and the ‘favorable Utuq,’ are very frequently opposed…to the ‘evil Alad,’ the ‘evil Lamma,’ the ‘evil Utuq.’"55     Ibid. p. 148.  It would be interesting to give in detail the results of the researches of George Smith, Lenor9mant, A.H. Sayce, E. Schrader, Friedrich Delitzsch and others, with reference to the elaborate mythological and cosmological systems of the Babylonians.  Some of the features thereof will be brought out further on by way of comparison with the Manichæan mythology and cosmology.  Suffice it to say that the dualistic element is everywhere manifest, though not in so consistent and definite a form as in Zoroastrianism, to say nothing of Manichæism.

The Medo-Persian invasion brought into Babylonia the Zoroastrian system, already modified, no doubt, by the Elamitic (Cushite) cult.  Yet the old Babylonian religion was too firmly rooted to be supplanted, even by the religion of such conquerors as Darius and Cyrus.  Modifications, however, it undoubtedly underwent.  The dualism inherent in the system became more definite.  The influence of the Jews in Mesopotamia upon the ancient population cannot have been inconsiderable, especially as many of the former, including probably most of the captives of the Northern tribes, were absorbed by the latter.  As a result of this blending of old Babylonian, Persian, and Hebrew blood, traditions, and religious ideas, there was developed in Mesopotamia a type of religious thought that furnished a philosophical basis and a mythological and cosmological garnishing for the Manichæan system.  Dualism, therefore, arising from efforts of the unaided human mind to account for the natural phenomena that appear beneficent and malignant, partly of old Babylonian origin and partly of Persian, but essentially modified by Hebrew influence more or less pure, furnished to Mani the foundation of his system.  We shall attempt at a later stage of the discussion to determine more accurately the relations of Manichæism to the various systems with which correctly or incorrectly it has been associated.  Suffice it to say, at present, that no new problem presented itself to Mani, and that he furnished no essentially new solution of the problems that had occupied the attention of his countrymen for more than 2500 years.  Before proceeding to institute a comparison between Manichæism and the various systems of religious thought to which it stands related, it will be advantageous to have before us an exposition of the Manichæan system itself, based upon the most authentic sources.

Chapter III.—The Manichæan System.

Earlier writers on Manichæism have, for the most part, made the Acta Disp. Archelai et Manetis and the anti-Manichæan writings of Augustin the basis of their representations.  For later Manichæism in the West, Augustin is beyond question the highest authority, and the various polemical treatises which he put forth exhibit the system under almost every imaginable aspect.  The "Acts of the Disputation of Archelaus and Manes," while it certainly rests upon a somewhat extensive and accurative knowledge of early Manichæism, is partially discredited by its generally admitted spuriousness—spuriousness in the sense that it is not a genuine record of a real debate.  It is highly probable that debates of this kind occurred between Mani and various Christian leaders in the East, and so Mani may at one time or other have given utterance to most of the statements that are attributed to him in this writing; or these statements may have been derived, for substance, from his numerous treatises, and have been artfully adapted to the purposes of the writer of the "Acts."  It is certain that most of the representations are correct.  But we can no longer rely upon it as an authentic first-hand authority.  Since Flügel published the treatise from the Fihrist entitled "The Doctrines of the Manichæans, by Muhammad ben Ishâk," with a German translation and learned annotations, it has been admitted that this treatise must be made the basis for all future representations of Manichæism.  Kessler, while he has had access to many other Oriental documents bearing upon the subject, agrees with Flügel in giving the first place to this writing.  On this exposition of the doctrines of the Manichæans, therefore, as expounded by Flügel and Kessler, we must chiefly rely.  The highly poetical mythological form which Mani gave to his speculations renders it exceedingly difficult to 10arrive at assured results with reference to fundamental principles.  If we attempt to state in a plain matter-of-fact way just what Mani taught we are in constant danger of misrepresenting him.  In fact one of the favorite methods employed against Mani’s doctrines by the writer of the "Acts of the Disputation," etc., as well as by Augustin and others, was to reduce Mani’s poetical fancies to plain language and thus to show their absurdity.  The considerations which have led experts like Flügel and Kessler to put so high an estimate upon this document, and the discussions as to the original language in which the sources of the document were written, are beyond the scope of this essay.  Suffice it to say, that so far as we are able to form a judgment on the matter, the reasons for ascribing antiquity and authenticity to the representation of Manichæism contained in the document are decisive.

1.  Mani’s Life.  According to the Fihrist, Mani’s father, a Persian by race, resided at Coche on the Tigris, about forty miles north of Babylon.  Afterwards he removed into Babylonia and settled at Modein, where he frequented an idol-temple like the rest of the people.  He next became associated with a party named Mugtasila (Baptizers), probably identical with or closely related to the Mandæans and Sabeans, both of which parties made much of ceremonial bathings.  Mani, who was born after the removal to Babylonia, is related to have been the recipient of angelic visitations at the age of twelve.  Even at this time he was forewarned that he must leave the religion of his father at the age of twenty-four.  At the appointed time the angel At-Taum appeared again and announced to him his mission.  "Hail, Mani, from me and the Lord, who has sent me to thee and chosen thee for his mission.  But he commands thee to invite men to thy doctrine and to proclaim the glad tidings of truth that comes from him, and to bestow thereon all thy zeal."  Mani entered upon his work, according to Flügel’s careful computation, April 1, 238, or, according to calculations based on another statement, in 252.  Mani maintained that he was the Paraclete promised by Jesus.  He is said, in this document, to have derived his teaching from the Magi and the Christians, and the characters in which he wrote his books, from the Syriac and the Persian.  After travelling in many lands for forty years and disseminating his doctrines in India, China, and Turkestan, he succeeded in impressing his views upon Fîrûz, brother of King Sapor, who had intended to put him to death.  Sapor became warmly attached to Mani and granted toleration to his followers.  Afterwards, according to some accounts, Mani was imprisoned by Sapor and liberated by his successor Hormizd.  He is said to have been crucified by order of King Bahraîm I. (276-’7), and his skin stuffed with straw is said to have been suspended at the city gate.  Eusebius (H. E. VII. 31) describes Mani as "a barbarian in life, both in speech and conduct, who attempted to form himself into a Christ, and then also proclaimed himself to be the very Paraclete and the Holy Spirit.  Then, as if he had been Christ, he selected twelve disciples, the partners of his new religion, and after patching together false and ungodly doctrines collected from a thousand heresies long since extinct, he swept them off like a deadly poison from Persia, upon this part of the world."  The account given in the Acta Archel (written probably about 330-’40), is far more detailed than that of the Fihrist and differs widely therefrom.  It contains much that is highly improbable.  Mani is represented as having for his predecessors one Scythianus, an Egyptian heretic of Apostolic times, and Terebinthus, who went with him to Palestine and after the death of Scythianus removed to Babylonia.  The writings of Terebinthus or Scythianus came into the possession of a certain widow, who purchased Mani when seven years of age (then named Cubricus) and made him heir of her property and books.  He changed his name to Mani (Manes), and, having become imbued with the teachings of the books, began at about sixty years of age to promulgate their teachings, choosing three disciples, Thomas, Addas and Hermas, to whom he entrusted the writings mentioned above, along with some of his own.  Up to this time he knew little of Christianity, but having been imprisoned by the king 11for failure in a promised cure of the king’s son, he studied the Christian Scriptures and derived therefrom the idea of the Paraclete, which he henceforth applied to himself.  After his escape the famous dialogue with Archelaus and that with Diodorus occurred.  Returning to Arabion he was arrested, carried to Persia, flayed alive, and his skin stuffed and suspended as above.  Some additional facts from an Oriental source used by Beausobre have more or less verisimilitude.  According to this, Mani was born of Magian parents about 240 A.D.  He became skilled in music, mathematics, geography, astronomy, painting, medicine, and in the Scriptures.  The account of his ascendancy over Sapor and his subsequent martyrdom is substantially the same as that of the Fihrist.  Albîrunî’s work (see bibliography preceding) confirms the account given by the Fihrist.  The conversion of Sapor to Manichæism (in A.D. 261) is said to be confirmed by Sassanian inscriptions (see Journal of Asiat. Soc. 1868 p. 310-’41, and ibid. p. 376, and 1871 p. 416).

The Fihrist’s account contains a long list of the works of Mani, which is supplemented by other Oriental and Western notices.  The list is interesting as showing the wide range of Mani’s literary activity, or at least of the literature that was afterwards connected with his name.

2.  Mani’s System.  As the life of Mani has been the subject of diversified and contradictory representations, so also have his doctrines.  Here, too, we must make the account given by the Fihrist fundamental.  It will be convenient to treat the subject under the following heads:  Theology, Cosmogony, Anthropology, Soteriology, Cultus, Eschatology, and Ethics.

(1.)  Theology.  Mani taught dualism in the most unqualified sense.  Zoroastrianism is commonly characterized as dualistic, yet it is so in no such sense as is Manichæism.  According to the Fihrist, "Mani teaches:  Two subsistences form the beginning of the world, the one light the other darkness; the two are separated from each other.  The light is the first most glorious being, limited by no number, God himself, the King of the Paradise of Light.  He has five members:  meekness, knowledge, understanding, mystery, insight; and five other spiritual members:  love, faith, truth, nobleness, and wisdom.  He maintained furthermore that the God of light, with these his attributes, is without beginning, but with him two equally eternal things likewise exist, the one the atmosphere, the other the earth.  Mani adds:  and the members of the atmosphere are five [the first series of divine attributes mentioned above are enumerated]; and the members of the earth are five [the second series].  The other being is the darkness, and his members are five:  cloud, burning, hot wind, poison, and darkness.  Mani teaches:  that the light subsistence borders immediately on the dark subsistence, without a dividing wall between them; the light touches with its (lowest) side the darkness, while upwards to the right and left it is unbounded.  Even so the darkness is endless downwards and to the right and left."

This represents Mani’s view of the eternally existent status quo, before the conflict began, and the endless state after the conflict ceases.  What does Mani mean, when he enumerates two series of five attributes each as members of God, and straightway postulates the co-eternity of atmosphere and earth and divides these self-same attributes between the latter?  Doubtless Mani’s theology was fundamentally pantheistic, i.e., pantheistic within the limits of each member of the dualism.  The God of Light himself is apparently conceived of as transcending thought.  Atmosphere and Earth (not the atmosphere and earth that we know, but ideal atmosphere and earth) are the æons derived immediately from the Ineffable One and coëternal with him.  The ten attributes are æons which all belong primarily to the Supreme Being and secondarily to the two great æons, half to each.  The question may arise, and has been often discussed, whether Mani meant to identify God (the Prince of Light) with the Kingdom of Light?  His language, in this treatise, is wavering.  He seems to struggle against such a representation, yet without complete success.

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What do the other sources teach with reference to the absoluteness of the dualism and with reference to the identification of the Prince of Light with the Kingdom of Light?  According to the Acts of the Disputation of Archelaus and Manes,66     Ante-Nicene Library, Am. ed. vol. vi. pp. 182 and 188. Manes "worships two deities, unoriginated, self-existent, eternal, opposed the one to the other.  Of them he represents the one as good, and the other as evil, and assigned the name of Light to the former, and that of Darkness to the latter."  Again, Manes is represented as saying:  "I hold that there are two natures, one good and another evil; and that the one which is good dwells in a certain part proper to it, but that the evil one is this world as well as all things in it, which are placed there like objects imprisoned in the portion of the wicked one" (1 John 5, 19).  According to Alexander of Lycopolis,77     Ibid. p. 241. "Mani laid down two principles, God and matter (Hyle).  God he called good, and matter he affirmed to be evil.  But God excelled more in good than matter in evil."  Alexander goes on to show how Mani used the word Hyle, comparing the Manichæan with the Platonic teaching.  Statements of substantially the same purport might be multiplied.  As regards the identification of God (the King of Light) with the Kingdom of Light, and of Satan (the King of Darkness) with the Kingdom of Darkness, the sensuous poetical way in which Mani expressed his doctrines may leave us in doubt.  The probability is, however, that he did pantheistically identify each element of the dualism with his Kingdom.  He personifies the Kingdom of Light and the Kingdom of Darkness, and peoples these Kingdoms with fanciful beings, which are to be regarded as personified attributes of the principles of darkness and light.

A word on the Manichæan conception of matter or Hyle may not be out of place in this connection.  It would seem that the Manichæans practically identified Hyle or matter with the Kingdom of Darkness.  At any rate Hyle is unoriginated and belongs wholly to this Kingdom.

(2.)  Cosmogony.  So much for the Manichæan idea of the Kingdom of Light and the Kingdom of Darkness before the great conflict that resulted in the present order of things.  Why did not they remain separate?  Let us learn from the Fihrist’s narrative:  "Mani teaches further:  Out of this dark earth [the Kingdom of Darkness] arose Satan, not that he was in himself eternal from the beginning, yet were his substances in his elements unoriginated.  These substances now united themselves out of his elements and went forth as Satan, his head as the head of a lion, his body as the body of a dragon, his wings as the wings of a bird, his tail as the tail of a great fish, and his four feet as the feet of creeping animals.  When this Satan under the name Iblis, the (temporally considered) eternal (primeval), had arisen out of the darkness, he devoured and consumed everything, spread destruction right and left, and plunged into the deep, in all these movements bringing down from above desolation and annihilation.  Then he strove for the height, and descried the beams of light; but they were opposed to him.  When he saw later how exalted these were, he was terrified, shrivelled up, and merged himself in his elements.  Hereupon he strove anew with such violence after the height, that the land of light descried the doings of Satan and how he was bent upon murder and destruction.  After they had been apprised thereof, the world of Insight learned of it, then the world of Knowledge, then the world of Mystery, then the world of Understanding, then the world of Meekness.  When at last, he further teaches, the King of the Paradise of Light had also learned of it, he thought how he might suppress Satan, and, Mani adds, those hosts of his would have been mighty enough to overpower Satan.  Yet he desired to do this by means of his own might.  Accordingly, he produced by means of the spirit of his right hand [i.e., the Gentle Breeze], his five worlds, and his twelve elements, a creature, and this is the (temporally considered) Eternal Man 13 [Primordial Man], and summoned him to do battle with the Darkness.  But Primordial Man, Mani adds, armed himself with the five races [natures], and these are the five gods, the Gentle Breeze, the Wind, the Light, the Water and the Fire.  Of them he made his armor, and the first that he put on was the Gentle Breeze.  He then covered the Gentle Breeze with the burning Light as with a mantle.  He drew over the Light Water filled with atoms, and covered himself with the blowing Wind.  Hereupon he took the Fire as a shield and as a lance in his hand, and precipitated himself suddenly out of Paradise until he reached the border of the region that is contiguous to the battle-field.  The Primordial Devil also took his five races [natures]:  Smoke, Burning, Darkness, Hot Wind and Cloud; armed himself with them; made of them a shield for himself; and went to meet Primordial Man.  After they had fought for a long time the Primordial Devil vanquished the Primordial Man, devoured some of his light, and surrounded him at the same time with his races and elements.  Then the King of the Paradise of Light sent other gods, freed him, and vanquished the Darkness.  But he who was sent by the King of Light to rescue Primordial Man is called the Friend of the Light.  This one made a precipitate descent, and Primordial Man was freed from the hellish substances, along with that which he had snatched from the spirit of Darkness and which had adhered to him.  When, therefore, Mani proceeds, Joyfulness and the Spirit of Life drew near to the border, they looked down into the abyss of this deep hell and saw Primordial Man and the angels [i.e., the races or natures with which he was armed], how Iblis, the Proud Oppressors, and the Dark Life surrounded them.  And the Spirit of Life, says Mani, called Primordial Man with a loud voice as quick as lightning and Primordial Man became another god.  When the Primordial Devil had ensnared Primordial Man in the battle, Mani further teaches, the five parts of the Light were mingled with the five parts of the Darkness."

Let us see if we can get at the meaning of this great cosmological poem as far as we have gone.  The thing to be accounted for is the mixture of good and evil.  The complete separation of the eternally existent Kingdoms of Light and Darkness has been posited.  How now are we to account for the mixture of light and darkness, of good and evil, in the present order of things?  Mani would account for it by supposing that a conflict had occurred between an insufficiently equipped representative of the King of Light and the fully equipped ruler of the Kingdom of Darkness.  His view of the vastly superior power of the King of Light would not allow him to suppose that the King of Light fully equipped had personally contended with the King of Darkness, and suffered the loss and contamination of his elements.  Yet he only clumsily obviates this difficulty; for Primordial Man is produced and equipped by the King of Light for the very purpose of combating the King of Darkness, and Mani saves the King of Light from personal contamination only by impugning his judgment.

We have now reached the point where, as a result of the conflict, good and evil are blended.  We must beware of supposing that Mani meant to ascribe any kind of materiality to the members of the Kingdom of Light.  The Kingdom of Light, on the contrary, he regarded as purely spiritual; the Kingdom of Darkness as material.  We have now the conditions for the creation of the present order of things, including man.  How does Mani picture the process and the results of this mixing of the elements?

"The smoke (or vapor) was mingled with the gentle breeze (zephyr), and the present atmosphere resulted.  So that whatever of agreeableness and power to quicken the soul and animal life is found in it [resultant air], is from the zephyr, and whatever of destructiveness and noisomeness is found in it, proceeds from the smoke.  The burning was mingled with the fire; therefore whatever of conflagration, destruction and ruin is found, is from the burning, but whatever of brightness and illumination is in it [the resultant fire], springs 14from the fire.  The light mingled itself with the darkness; therefore in dense bodies as gold, silver and the like, whatever of brightness, beauty, purity and other useful qualities occurs, is from the light, and whatever of tarnish, impurity, density and hardness occurs, springs from the darkness.  The hot wind was mingled with the wind; whatever now is useful and agreeable in this [resultant wind] springs from the wind, and whatever of uneasiness, hurtfulness and deleterious property is found in it [resultant wind] is from the hot wind.  Finally, the mist was mingled with the water, so that what is found in this [resultant water] of clearness, sweetness, and soul-satisfying property, is from the water; whatever, on the contrary, of overwhelming, suffocating, and destroying power, of heaviness, and corruption, is found in it, springs from the mist."

But we must from this point abbreviate the somewhat prolix account.  Primordial Man, after the blending of the elements, ascended on high accompanied by "one of the angels of this intermingling;" in other words, snatching away a part of the imprisoned elements of the Kingdom of Light.

The next step is the creation of the present world, which Mani ascribes to the King of the World of Light, the object being to provide for the escape of the imprisoned elements of Light.  Through an angel he constructed ten heavens and eight earths, an angel being appointed to hold heavens and earths in their places.  A description of the stairways, doors, and halls of the heavens is given in the Fihrist’s narrative.  The stairways lead to the "height of heaven."  The air was used as a medium for connecting heaven and earth.  A pit was formed to be the receptacle of darkness from which the light should be liberated.  The sun and the moon were created to be the receptacles of the light that should be liberated from the darkness, the sun for light that has been mingled with "hot devils," the moon for that which had been mingled with "cold devils."  The moon is represented as collecting light during the first half-month, and during the second pouring it into the sun.  When the sun and moon have liberated all the light they are able, there will be a fire kindled on the earth which will burn for 1468 years, when there will be no light left.  The King of Darkness and his hosts will thereupon withdraw into the pit prepared for them.

(3.)  Anthropology.  So much for the liberation of the imprisoned light, which, according to Mani, was the sole object of creation.  As yet we have heard nothing of the creation of living creatures.  What place do man, the lower animals, and plants sustain in the Manichæan economy?  We are to keep constantly in mind that Primordial Man was not Adam, but a divine æon, and that he ascended into the heights immediately after the blending of parts of his armor with darkness.  The creation of earthly man was an altogether different affair.  We must give the account of man’s creation in Mani’s own words, as preserved by the Fihrist:  "Hereupon one of those Arch-fiends and [one] of the Stars, and Overmastering Violence, Avarice, Lust, and Sin, copulated, and from their copulation sprang the first man, who is Adam, two Arch-fiends, a male and a female, directing the process.  A second copulation followed and from this sprang the beautiful woman who is Eve."

Man, therefore, unlike the world, is the creature of demons, the aim of the demons being to imprison in man, through the propagation of the race, as much as possible of the light, and so to hinder the separating process by the sun and the moon.  Avarice is represented as having secretly seized some of the divine light and imprisoned it in man.  The part played by the Star in the production of man is somewhat obscure in the narrative, yet the Star could hardly have been regarded as wholly evil.  Probably the Star was thought of as a detached portion of the light that had not entered into the sun or the moon.  "When, therefore, the five Angels saw what had taken place, they besought the Messenger of Joyful Knowledge, the Mother of Life, Primordial Man and the Spirit of Life, to send some one to liberate and save man, to reveal to him knowledge and righteousness, and to free 15him from the power of the devils.  They sent, accordingly, Jesus, whom a god accompanied.  These seized the two Arch-fiends, imprisoned them and freed the two creatures (Adam and Eve.)"

Jesus warned Adam of Eve’s violent importunity, and Adam obeyed his injunction not to go near her.  One of the Arch-fiends, however, begat with her a son named Cain, who in turn begat Abel of his mother, and afterwards two maidens Worldly wise and Daughter-of-Avarice.  Cain took the first to wife and gave the other to Abel.  An angel having begotten of Worldly-wise two beautiful daughters (Raufarjâd and Barfarjâd), Abel accused Cain of the act.  Cain enraged by the false accusation slew Abel and took Worldly-wise to wife.  So far Adam had kept himself pure, but Eve was instructed by a demon in the art of enchanting, and she was enabled to excite his lust and to entrap him.  By Adam she bore a beautiful son, whom the demon urged Eve to destroy.  Adam stole the child away and brought it up on cow’s milk and fruit.  This son was named Seth (Schatil).  Adam once more yielded to Eve’s fascinations, but through Seth’s exhortations was induced to flee "eastward to the light and the wisdom of God."  Adam, Seth, Raufarjâd, Barfarjâd, and Worldly-wise died and went to Paradise; while Eve, Cain, and Daughter-of-Avarice went into Hell.  This fantastic perversion of the Biblical narrative of the creation and fall of man has many parallels in Rabbinic literature, and doubtless Mani first became acquainted with the narrative in a corrupted form.  The teaching, however, of this mythologizing evidently is that the indulgence of the flesh and the begetting of children furnish the chief obstacle to the separation of light from darkness.  Adam is represented as striving to escape from the allurements of Eve, but Eve is aided by demonic craft in overcoming him.  Yet Adam does not become enslaved to lust, and so at last is saved.  Eve, lustful from the beginning, is lost along with those of like disposition.

(4.)  Soteriology.  Such was, apparently, Mani’s conception of the creation of man, and of the attempts to liberate the light that was in him.  What were his practical teachings to men of his time as to the means of escape from the Kingdom of Darkness into the Kingdom of Light?  What view did Mani take of the historical Jesus?  The Jesus who warned Adam against the seductions of Eve was evidently not the Jesus of the New Testament.  According to the narrative of the Fihrist, Mani "maintained that Jesus is a devil."  Such a statement occurs nowhere else, so far as we are aware, in the literature of Manichæism.  The sources, however, are unanimous in ascribing to Mani a completely docetical view of the person of Christ.  In using this blasphemous language, he probably referred to the representations of Jesus as God manifest in the flesh, which he regarded as Jewish and abominable.  The New Testament narratives Mani [or at least his followers] regarded as interpolated in the interest of Judaism.  Later Manichæans, under the influence of Marcionism (and orthodoxy) gave to Jesus a far more prominent place in the economy of man’s salvation than did Mani himself.

How then is man to be saved according to Mani?  It is by rigorous asceticism, and by the practice of certain ceremonial observances.  Mani does not rise above the plane of ordinary heathenism in his plan of salvation.  "It is incumbent upon him who will enter into the religion that he prove himself, and that if he sees that he is able to subdue lust and avarice, to leave off the eating of all kinds of flesh, the drinking of wine, and connubial intercourse, and to withhold himself from what is injurious in water, fire, magic and hypocrisy, he may enter into the religion; but if not let him abstain from entering.  But if he loves religion, yet is not able to repress sensuality and avarice, yet he may make himself serviceable for the maintenance of religion and of the Truthful [i.e. the ‘Elect’], and may meet (offset) his corrupt deeds through the use of opportunities where he wholly gives himself up to activity, righteousness, zealous watchfulness, prayer and pious humiliation; for this suf16fices him in this transitory world and in the future eternal world, and his form in the last day will be the second form, of which, God willing, we shall treat further below."

The doctrine of indulgences of which the germs appeared in the Catholic church even before the time of Mani, is here seen fully developed.  What the Greek and Latin sources call the Elect or Perfect and the Hearers, are undoubtedly indicated here by those who are able to devote themselves to rigidly ascetical living, and those who, without such qualifications, are willing to exert themselves fully on behalf of the cause.  These latter evidently become partakers of the merits of those who carry out the ascetical regulations.  That this is primitive Manichæan doctrine is abundantly proved by the general agreement of ancient writers of all classes.  It is noteworthy that nothing Christian appears among the conditions of Manichæan discipleship.  It is not faith in Christ, but the ability to follow a particular kind of outward life that confers standing in the Manichæan society.

(5.)  Cultus.  Let us next look at the precepts of Mani to the initiated:  "Mani imposed upon his disciples commandments, namely, ten commandments, and to these are attached three seals, and fasts of seven days in each month.  The commandments are:  Faith in the four most glorious essences:  God, his Light, his Power, and his Wisdom.  But God, whose name is glorious, is the King of the Paradise of Light; his Light is the sun and the moon, his Power the five angels:  Gentle Breeze, Wind, Light, Water and Fire; and his Wisdom the Sacred Religion.  This embraces five ideas:  that of teachers, the sons of Meekness; that of those enlightened by the Sun, sons of Knowledge; that of the presbyters, sons of Reason; that of the Truthful, sons of Mystery; that of Hearers, sons of Insight.  The ten commandments are:  Abandoning of prayer to idols, of lies, avarice, murder, adultery, theft, of the teaching of jugglery and magic, of duplicity of mind, which betrays doubt on religion, of drowsiness and inertness in business; and the commandment of four or seven prayers.  In prayer one is to stand upright, rub himself with flowing water or with something else, and turn while standing to the great light (the Sun), then prostrate himself and in this position pray:  Blessed be our Leader, the Paraclete, the Ambassador of the Light, blessed be his angels, the Guardians, and highly praised be his resplendent hosts.… In the second prostration let him say:  Thou highly praised, O thou enlightening one, Mani, our Leader, thou root of enlightenment, stem of honorableness, thou great tree who art altogether the means of salvation.  In the third prostration let him say:  I fall down and praise with pure heart and upright tongue the great God, the Father of Light, and their element, highly praised, Blessed One, thou and thy whole glory and thy blessed world, which thou hast called into being.  For he praises thee who praises thy Host, thy Righteous Ones, thy Word, thy Glory, and thy Good Pleasure, because thou art the God who is wholly truth, life and righteousness.  In the fourth prostration let him say:  I praise and fall down before all the gods, all the enlightening angels, before all Light and all Hosts, who are from the great God.  In the fifth prostration let him say:  I fall down and praise the great Host and the enlightening Gods, who with their wisdom assail the Darkness, drive it out and triumph over it.  In the sixth prostration let him say:  I fall down and praise the Father of Glory, the Exalted One, the Enlightening One, who has come forth from the two sciences (see note in Flügel p. 310), and so on to the twelfth prostration. * * The first prayer is accomplished at mid-day, the second between this hour and sunset; then follows the prayer at eventide, after sunset, and hereupon the prayer in the first quarter of the night, three hours after sunset.

"As regards fasting, when the sun is in Sagittarius, and the moon has its full light, fasting is to take place for two days without interruption, also when the new moon begins to appear; likewise when the moon first becomes visible again after the sun has entered into the sign of Capricorn; then when the new moon begins to appear, the sun stands in Aquarius 17and from the moon eight days have flowed, a fast of thirty days occurs, broken, however, daily at sunset.  The common Manichæans celebrate Sunday, the consecrated ones (the ‘Elect’) Monday."

Here we have a somewhat detailed account of the cultus of the early Manichæans.  The forms of invocation do not differ materially from those of the Zoroastrians, of the early Indians, of the Babylonians, and of the Egyptians.  There is not the slightest evidence of Christian influence.  The times of worship and of fasting are determined by the sun and the moon, and practically these are the principal objects of worship.  It is certain that Mani himself was regarded by his followers as the most perfect revealer of God that had ever appeared among men, and, according to this account, he taught his followers to worship him.  We cannot fail to see in this Manichæan cult the old Oriental pantheism modified by a dualism, of which the most fully developed form was the Persian, but which, as we have seen, was by no means confined to Zoroastrianism.

(6.)  Eschatology.  We must conclude our exposition of the doctrines of the Manichæans by quoting from the Fihrist Mani’s teachings on eschatology.

"When death approaches a Truthful One (‘Elect’), teaches Mani, Primordial Man sends a Light-God in the form of a guiding Wise One, and with him three gods, and along with these the water-vessel, clothing, head-gear, crown, and garland of light.  With them comes the maiden, like the soul of this Truthful One.  There appears to him also the devil of avarice and lust, along with other devils.  As soon as the Truthful Man sees these he calls the goddess who has assumed the form of the Wise One and the three other gods to his help, and they draw near him.  As soon as the devils are aware of their presence they turn and flee.  The former, however, take this Truthful One, clothe him with the crown, the garland and the robe, put the water-vessel in his hand and mount with him upon the pillars of promise to the sphere of the moon, to Primordial Man, and to Nahnaha, the Mother of the Living, to the position in which he was at first in the Paradise of Light.  But his body remains lying as before in order that the sun, the moon, and the gods of Light may withdraw from it the powers, i.e., the water, the fire and the gentle breeze, and he rises to the sun and becomes a god.  But the rest of his body, which is wholly darkness, is cast into hell."

In the case of Manichæans of the lower order, described above, the same divine personages appear at his summons.  "They free him also from devils, but he ceases not to be like a man in the world, who in his dreams sees frightful forms and sinks into filth and mire.  In this condition he remains, until his light and his spirit are liberated and he has attained to the place of union with the Truthful, and after a long period of wandering to and fro puts on their garments."

To the sinful man, on the other hand, the divine personages appear, not to free him from the devils that are tormenting him, but rather to "overwhelm him with reproaches, to remind him of his deeds, and strikingly to convince him that he has renounced help for himself, from the side of the Truthful.  Then wanders he round about in the world, unceasingly chased by torments, until this order of things ceases, and along with the world he is cast into hell."

There is nothing original about the eschatology of Mani, and scarcely anything Christian.  We see in it a fully developed doctrine of purgatory, somewhat like the Platonic, and still more like that of the later Catholic church.  Salvation consists simply in the liberation of the light from the darkness.  In the case of the Elect this takes place immediately after death; in the case of adherents who have not practiced the prescribed forms of asceticism, it takes place only after considerable torment.  In the case of the ordinary sensual man, there is no deliverance.  Doubtless Mani would have held that in his case, too, 18whatever particles of light may have been involved in his animal structure are liberated from the dead body.

(7.)  Ethics.  As regards ceremonies we find little that enlightens us in the Fihrist’s account.  Water (that is, water apart from the deleterious elements that have become blended with it) was regarded by Mani as one of the divine elements.  The ablutions in running water mentioned above in connection with the prayers may have sustained some relation to baptism, but can hardly be ascribed to Christian influence.  The connection of the Manichæans with the Mandæans, who made much of ceremonial bathing, will be considered below.  It is certain that Mani’s father was connected with a baptizing party, viz., the Mugtasilah.  According to the Fihrist Mani was the author of an Epistle on Baptism.  The question whether Mani and his followers practised water-baptism or not is by no means an easy one to solve.  The passage cited by Giesseler from Augustin to prove that the "Elect" were initiated by baptism is inconclusive.  Augustin acknowledges that God and the Manichæans themselves alone know what takes place in the secret meetings of the "Elect."  Whatever ceremonies they performed, whether baptism or the Lord’s supper, or some other, were matters of profound secrecy, and so we need not wonder at the lack of definite information.  From a passage quoted by Augustin in his report of a discussion with Felix the Manichæan, we should certainly infer that both ordinances were practised in some form by the Manichæans of the West.  But Augustin himself says that Manichæans deny the saving efficacy of baptism, maintain that it is superfluous, do not require it of those whom they win to their views, etc.  It is certain, therefore, that if they practised baptism and the Lord’s supper at all, they attached to it a meaning radically different from that of Augustin.  It is possible that a ceremonial anointing with oil took the place of baptism.  (Baur, p. 277 sq.).  Augustin mentions a disgusting ceremony in which human semen was partaken of by the Elect in order to deliver the imprisoned light contained therein (De Haeres. 46), and he calls this ceremony a sort of Eucharist.  But his confessed ignorance of the doings of the "Elect" discredits in some measure this accusation.

The Fihrist gives us no definite information about the three signacula.  The seals (not signs) of the mouth, the hand (or hands), and of the bosom.  In these are contained symbolically the Manichæan moral system.  In the book Sadder (Hyde, p. 492) we read:  "It is taught [by the Manichæans] to abstain from every sin, to eliminate every sin from hand, and tongue and thought."  Augustin explains the signacula more fully and represents the Manichæans as attaching great importance to them:  "When I name the mouth, I mean all the senses that are in the head; when I name the hand I mean every operation; when I name the bosom I mean every seminal lust."

It is confidently believed that the foregoing account of the Manichæan system, based upon the Arabic narratives preserved by the Fihrist, supplemented by the principal Eastern and Western sources, contains the essential facts with reference to this strange system of religious thought.  Our next task will to be to ascertain, as precisely as possible, the relations that Manichæism sustained to the various religious systems with which it has commonly been associated.

Chapter IV.—Relation of Manichæism to Zoroastrianism.

The very close connection of these two systems has commonly been presupposed, and is undeniable.  In fact Manichæism has frequently been represented as Zoroastrian dualism, slightly modified by contact with Christianity and other systems.  No one could possibly gain even a superficial view of the two systems without being strongly impressed with their points of resemblance.  A closer examination, however, will reveal points of antagonism just as striking, and will enable us to account for the fact that Mani was put to death by a 19zealous Zoroastrian ruler on account of his recognized hostility to the state religion.  The leading features of the Manichæan system are already before us.  Instead of quoting at length from the Zend-Avesta, which is now happily accessible in an excellent English translation, we may for the sake of brevity quote Tiele’s description of Zoroastrian dualism as a basis of comparison:88     Outlines of the Hist. of Religion (1877), p. 173.  Cf. J. Darmsteter, Introduction to the Zend-Avesta, p. xliii., xliv., lvi., lxxii., lxxiv. sq.; and his article in the Contemporary Review (Oct. 1879), on "The Supreme God in the Indo-European Mythology."

"Parsism is decidedly dualistic, not in the sense of accepting two hostile deities, for it recognizes no worship of evil beings, and teaches the adoration only of Ahura Mazda and the spirits subject to him; but in the sense of placing in hostility to each other two sharply divided kingdoms, that of light, of truth, and of purity, and that of darkness, of falsehood, and of impurity.  This division is carried through the whole creation, organic and inorganic, material and spiritual.  Above, in the highest sphere, is the domain of the undisputed sovereignty of the All-wise God; beneath, in the lowest abyss, the kingdom of his mighty adversary; midway between the two lies this world, the theatre of the contest.… This dualism further dominates the cosmogony, the cultus, and the entire view of the moral order of the world held by the Mazda worshippers.  Not only does Anro-Maînyus (Ahriman) spoil by his counter-creations all the good creations of Ahura-Mazda (Ormuzd), but by slaying the protoplasts of man and beast, he brings death into the world, seduces the first pair to sin, and also brings forth noxious animals and plants.  Man finds himself, in consequence, surrounded on all sides by the works of the spirits of darkness and by his hosts.  It is the object of worship to secure the pious against their influence."

Let us bring in review some of the points of resemblance between the two systems.  Both are in a sense dualistic.  In both the kingdoms of Light and Darkness are set over against each other in the sharpest antagonism.  In both we have similar emanations from these kingdoms (or kings).  Yet, while in the Manichæan system the dualism is absolute and eternal, in the later Zoroastrian system (as in the Jewish and Christian doctrine of Satan), Ahriman (Satan) if not merely a fallen creature99     This is confidently asserted by Kessler (Art. Mani in Herzog’s RE, 2d ed. vol. IX. p. 258), and after him by Harnack, Encyclopædia Britannica, art. Manichæism.  On the other hand, Lenormant (Anc. Hist. II. p. 30), says:  "Ahriman had been eternal in the past, he had no beginning, and proceeded from no former being * * * .  This being who had no beginning would come to an end. * * * .  Evil then should be finally conquered and destroyed, the creation should become as pure as on its first day, and Ahriman should disappear forever."  Such, doubtless, was the original doctrine, but the form probably in vogue in the time of Mani was more pantheistic or monotheistic, both Ormuzd and Ahriman proceeding from boundless time (Zrvan akarana).  See on this matter, DarmsteterIntrod. to the Zend-Avesta, p. lxxii, etc., and his art. in Contemp. Review; and LenormantAnc. Hist. as above. of Ormuzd (the good and supreme God) was at least an immeasurably inferior being.  The supreme control of the universe, to which it owes its perfect order, was ascribed by Zoroastrianism to Ormuzd.  The struggle between good and evil, beneficent and malevolent, was due to the opposition of the mighty, but not almighty, Ahriman.  Whatever form of Mazdeism (Zoroastrianism) we take for purposes of comparison, we are safe in saying that the Manichæan dualism was by far the more absolute.

In both systems each side of the dualism is represented by a series (or rather several series) of personified principles.  These agree in the two systems in some particulars.  Yet the variations are quite as noticeable as the agreements.  There is much in common between the Manichæan and the Zoroastrian delineations of the fearful conflict between the Kingdom of Light and the Kingdom of Darkness, yet the beginning of the conflict is quite differently conceived of in the two systems.  In Manichæism the creation is accounted for by the conflict in which Primordial Man was beaten by the powers of Darkness and suffered the mixing of his elements with the elements of darkness.  The actual world was made by the good God, or rather by his subordinates, as a means of liberating the imprisoned light. 20The creation of man is ascribed, on the other hand, to the King of Darkness (or his subordinates), with a view to hindering the escape of the mingled light by diffusion thereof through propagation.  Mazdeism derives the creation solely from Ormuzd, from whose hand it issued "as pure and perfect as himself" (Lenormant, Anc. Hist. II. p. 30).  It was the work of Ahriman to "spoil it by his evil influence."  The appellation "Maker of the material world" is constantly applied to Ormuzd in the Vendîdâd and other sacred books. The most instructive Mazdean account of the creation that has come down to us is that contained in the Vendîdâd, Fargard I.  Ahura Mazda (Ormuzd) is represented here as naming one by one the sixteen good lands that he had created.  Angra Mainyu (Ahriman) is represented as coming to each, one by one, and creating in it noxious things.  Examples of these counter-creations are, the serpents, winter, venomous flies, sinful lusts, mosquitoes, pride, unnatural sin, burying the dead, witchcraft, the sin of unbelief, the burning of corpses, abnormal issues in women, oppression of foreign rulers, excessive heat, etc.  This jumble of physical evils and sins is characteristic of Mazdeism.

According to Mani matter is inherently evil, and it only ceases to be absolutely evil by the mixture with it of the elements of the Kingdom of Light.  Creation is a process forced upon the King of Light by the ravages of the King of Darkness, and is at best only partially good.  Zoroastrianism looked upon earth, fire, water, as sacred elements, to defile which was sin of the most heinous kind.  Manichæism regarded actual fire and water as made up of a mixture of elements of light and darkness, and so, as by no means wholly pure.  Manichæans regarded earth, so far as it consisted of dead matter, with the utmost contempt.  The life-giving light in it was alone thought of with respect.  Zoroastrianism somewhat arbitrarily divided animals and plants between the kingdoms of Ormuzd and Ahriman; but the idea that all material things, so far as they are material, are evil, seems never to have occurred to the early Mazdeists.  Manichæans agreed with Mazdeists in their veneration for the sun, but the principles underlying this veneration seem to have been widely different in the two cases.  The most radical opposition of the two systems is seen in their views of human propagation.  Mani regarded the procreation of children as ministering directly to the designs of the King of Darkness to imprison the light, and so absolutely condemned it.  The Zend-Avesta says:  (Vendîdâd, Fargard IV.):  "Verily I say unto thee, O Spitama Zarathustra; the man who has a wife is far above him who begets no sons; he who keeps a house is far above him who has none; he who has children is far above a childless man."  Mani made great merit of voluntary poverty.  The Zend-Avesta (ibid.) says:  "He who has riches is far above him who has none."  Mani forbade the use of animal food as preventing the escape of the light contained in the bodies of animals.  The Zend-Avesta (ibid.):  "And of two men, he who fills himself with meat is filled with the good spirit much more than he who does not do so; the latter is all but dead; the former is above him by the worth of an Asperena, by the worth of a sheep, by the worth of an ox, by the worth of a man."1010     That meat is used in the sense of flesh may be inferred from Darmsteter’s comment on this passage, which he suggests may be a bit of religious polemics against Manichæism.  See his Introd. to the Zend-Avesta, p. xl. sq.

The eschatology of the two systems might be shown to present just as striking contrasts, and just as marked resemblances.  In both systems the consummation of the age is effected by means of a conflagration, the aim of the conflagration in Mazdeism being the punishment and the purging of wicked men, the destruction of wicked spirits, the renovation of the earth, and the inauguration of the sole sovereignty of Ormuzd, while in Manichæism the aim of the conflagration is to liberate the portions of light which the processes of animal and vegetable growth, with the aid of sun and the moon have proved unable to liberate.

21But enough has been said to make it evident that Manichæism was by no means a slightly altered edition of Zoroastrianism.  The points of similarity between the two are certainly more apparent than real, though the historical relationship can by no means be denied.

Chapter V.—The Relation of Manichæism to the Old Babylonian Religion as Seen in Mandæism and Sabeanism.

It would have been strange indeed if the old Babylonian religion, after dominating the minds of the inhabitants of Mesopotamia for so many centuries, had given place completely to the religion of the Medo-Persian conquerors of the country.  Magism itself was a mixture of old Babylonian, Medic and Persian elements.  But there is much reason for believing that the primitive Babylonian faith, in a more or less pure form, persisted until long after the time of Mani, nay, that it has maintained its ground even till the present day.  The researches of Chwolson, Nöldeke, Kessler and others, in the literature and history of the Mandæans and the Sabeans, combined in the last case at least with accurate knowledge of old Babylonian literature and religion, have rendered it highly probable that representatives of the old Babylonian faith were numerous in Mesopotomia and the adjoining regions at the time of Mani, and that Mani himself was more or less closely connected with it.  The Mandæans were a Gnostic sect of the Ophitic type, without Christian elements.  It is the opinion of Kessler, who has devoted much attention to this sect and to the relations of occult religious matters in general in Mesopotomia, that "the source of all Gnosis, and especially the immediate source of Ophitic Gnosis, is not the doctrine of the Persian Zoroaster, not Phœnicean heathenism, not the theory and practise of Greek mysteries, but the old Babylonian-Chaldaic national religion, which maintained itself in Mesopotomia and Babylonia, the abode of the Ophites, Perates, Mandæans, until the post-Christian centuries, and was now opposed by the Gentiles in a mystical-ascetical form to Christianity."  The close connection of the Mandæans with the Ophites, and of both with the old Babylonian religion, would seem to be established beyond question.  The relation of Manichæism to Mandæism has been by no means so clearly shown.  Let us look at some of the supposed points of contact.  Mani’s connection with the Mugtasilah sect (or Baptizers) has already been mentioned.  Kessler seeks to identify this party with the Mandæans, or at least to establish a community of origin and of fundamental principles in the two parties.  He would connect with the old Babylonian sect, of which ceremonial baptism seems to have been a common characteristic, the Palestinian Hemero-baptists, Elkesaites, Nazareans, Ebionites, etc.  There is nothing improbable about this supposition.  Certainly we find elements in Palestinian heresy during the early Christian centuries, which we can hardly suppose to have been indigenous.  And there is no more likely source of occult religious influence than Babylonia, unless it be Egypt, and there is much reason for supposing that even in Alexandria Babylonian influences were active before and after the beginning of the Christian era.  Besides, a large number of Gnostic elements different from these can be traced to Egypt.  How far the Mandæans of modern times, and as they are described in extant literature, correspond with representatives of the old Babylonian religion in the third century, cannot be determined with complete certainty.  Yet there is much about this party that has a primitive appearance, and the tenacity with which it has held aloof from Judaism, Manichæism, Mohammedanism, and Oriental Christianity, during centuries of conflict and oppression, says much for its conservatism.  It would extend this chapter unduly to describe the elaborate cosmogony, mythology, hierarchy, ceremonial, etc., of this interesting party.  For the illustration of Christian Gnosticism the facts that have been brought out are of the utmost value.  As compared with Manichæism, there is a remarkable parallelism 22between the two kingdoms and their subordinates or æons; the conflict between Primordial Man and the King of Darkness has its counterpart in Mandæism.  The close connection of the Mandæan and the Manichæan cosmogony, together with similar views about water in the two parties, would make it highly probable that the Manichæans, like the Mandæans, practised some kind of ceremonial ablutions.

What, now, are the grounds on which the connection of these systems with the old Babylonian religion is based?  The dualistic element in the old Babylonian system was pointed out above.  Kessler seeks to establish an almost complete parallelism between the Mandæan and Manichæan cosmological and mythological systems on the one hand, and the old Babylonian on the other.  That there are points of striking resemblance it is certain.  There is ground to suspect, however, that he has been led by partiality for a theory of his own to minimize unduly the Zoroastrian and Buddhist influence and to magnify unduly the old Babylonian.  Be that as it may, there remains an important residuum of solid fact which must be taken account of by all future students of Manichæism.  There is reason to hope that future work along the lines of Kessler’s researches will bring to light much additional material.

Chapter VI.— The Relation of Manichæism to Buddhism.

The extent of Mani’s dependence on Buddhism is a matter that has been much disputed.  The attention of scholars was first directed to this possible source of Manichæism by the discovery of important features that are radically opposed to Zoroastrianism, Judaism and Christianity, and by the traditional historical connection of Mani with India and Turkestan.  The antagonism of spirit and matter, of light and darkness, the mixture of spirit and light with matter and darkness in the formation of the world, the final catastrophe in which complete simplicity shall be re-established, only inert matter and darkness remaining to represent the Kingdom of Darkness, abstinence from bloody sacrifices, from marriage, from killing or eating animals—points in which Manichæism differs widely from the other systems with which it stands historically related—find their counterpart in Buddhism.  It is certain, moreover, that they were fully developed in Buddhism centuries before the time of Mani.  Baur,1111     Das Manichäische Religionssystem, p. 433 sq. though not the first to suggest a connection of the two systems, was the first to show by a somewhat detailed comparison the close parallelism that exists between Manichæism and Buddhism.  Baur’s reasonings were still further elaborated and confirmed by Neander.1212     Church Hist. vol. I.   External grounds in favor of Mani’s dependence on Buddhism are the traditions of Mani’s journey to India and China, and of his prolonged stay in Turkestan, where Buddhism flourished at that time.  But it is on internal grounds that we chiefly rely.

If space permitted we could illustrate the close parallelism that undoubtedly exists between Manichæism and Buddhism, from Buddhist documents which have been made accessible through Professor Max Müller and his collaborators in The Sacred Book of the East, far more completely than was possible to Baur and Neander.  It is certain that parallels can be found in Buddhism for almost every feature of Manichæism that is sharply antagonistic to Zoroastrianism.  The Buddhist view of matter as antagonistic to spirit is fundamental.  It is the world of matter that deludes.  It is the body and its passions that prevent the longed-for Nirvana.  Buddhist asceticism is the direct outgrowth of the doctrine of the evil and delusive nature of matter.  The Buddhist doctrine of metempsychosis has its precise counterpart in Manichæism, but it should be said that this doctrine was widely diffused in the West, through Pythagoreanism, before the time of Mani.  The Buddhist tenderness for animal and plant life is paralleled by the Manichæan.  But there is 23considerable difference between the views on which this tenderness is based.  The Buddhist feeling was based, in part at least, upon the doctrine of metempsychosis, animals and plants being regarded as the abodes of human spirits awaiting their release into Nirvana.  The Manichæan looked upon the elements of light (life) contained in animals and plants as particles of God, and any injury done to them as a hindrance to the escape of these elements, to be conveyed away into the Kingdom of Light.  Both looked upon sexual intercourse as among the greatest of evils, though the theory in the two cases was slightly different.  So of the drinking of wine, the eating of animal food, etc.  The final state was conceived of in substantially the same way in the two systems.  Nirvana, the blowing out of man’s life as an individual entity, is quite paralleled by the Manichæan view of the gradual escape of the imprisoned particles of light into the Kingdom of Light.  In both cases the divine pleroma is to be restored in such a way as to destroy individual consciousness.

The Buddhist Bhikkhus (or ascetical monks) correspond very closely with the Manichæan Truthful Ones (Elect), and the relations of these to ordinary adherents of the parties was much the same in the two cases.  Both systems (like Christianity) had the proselyting spirit fully developed.  The position of Mani as a preacher or prophet corresponds with the Buddhist idea of the manifestations of Buddha.  The statement is attributed to Mani that "as Buddha came in the land of India, Zoroaster in the land of Persia, and Jesus in the land of the West, so at last in the epoch of the present this preaching came through me [Mani] in the land of Babylonia."  In the interest of his theory, which makes the old Babylonian religion the chief source of Manichæism, Kessler has attempted to detract from the significance of the Buddhist influence.  Yet he grants that the morality of the Manichæans (including many of the features mentioned above) was Buddhist.  The close connection of the two systems cannot, it would seem, be successfully gainsaid.1313     Cunningham, St. Austin and his Place in the History of Christian Thought (1886), has these remarks on the relation of Mani to Buddhism:  "Mani was indeed a religious reformer:  deeply impregnated with the belief and practice which Buddhist monks were spreading in the East, he tried with some success to reform the religion of Zoroaster in Persia [i.e. the Persian Empire], his native land.  While his fundamental doctrine, the root of his system, was of Persian origin, and he figured the universe to himself as if it were given over to the unending conflict between the Powers of Light and Darkness, in regard to discipline his system very closely resembles that founded by Buddha; the elect of the Manichæans correspond to the Buddhist monks:  the precepts about abstinence from meat and things of sense are, if not borrowed from the rules Gotama gave for the conduct of his followers, the outcome of the same principles about the nature of man."  Harnack, art. Manichæism in Ency. Britannica, follows Kessler in attaching slight importance to the Buddhist influence on Manichæism, preferring, with him, to derive nearly all of the features ascribed by Baur, Neander and others to Buddhist influence, to the old Babylonian religion, the precise character of which, in the time of Mani, is imperfectly understood.  Harnack’s (and Kessler’s) statements must therefore be taken with some allowance.  There is no objection, however, to supposing that Mani derived from the old Babylonian party or parties with which he came in contact religious principles which were wrought out in detail under the influence of Buddhism.  This is in fact what probably occurred.

Chapter VII.—The Relation of Manichæism to Judaism.

So far as a relation existed it was one of the intensest hostility.  Like the Gnostics in general, Manichæism looked upon the God of the Old Testament as an evil, or at least imperfect being.  On this matter we do not learn so much from the Oriental as from the Western sources, but even from the former the radical antagonism is manifest.

The statement in the Fihrist’s narrative, that "Mani treated all the prophets disparagingly in his books, degraded them, accused them of lying, and maintained that devils had possessed them and that these spoke out of their mouths; nay, he goes so far as expressly to assert in some passages of his books that the prophets were themselves devils," is precisely in the line of the later Manichæan polemics against the Judaistic element in Christianity.

The Manichæan account of the creation shows some acquaintance with the Jewish Scriptures or with Jewish tradition, yet the complete perversion of the Biblical account is 24one of the clearest indications of hostility.  It may be said in general that it is impossible to conceive of two systems of religion that have less in common, or more that is sharply antagonistic.  One of the principal points of controversy between Manichæans and Christians was the defense of the Jewish Scriptures and religion by the latter.  The Manichæan demanded the elimination from the current Christianity, and from the New Testament itself, of every vestige of Judaism.  Their objections to the Old Testament Scriptures and religion were in general substantially the same as those made by other Gnostics, especially by the Marcionites.  The Old Testament anthropomorphic representations seem to have been offensive to them, notwithstanding their own crude conceptions of the conflict between light and darkness, of the creation, etc.  The relation of God to the conquest of Canaan is a point that those inclined to cavil have never failed to make the most of.  The Old Testament encouragement of race propagation, the narratives of polygamy as practised by those that enjoyed the favor of the God of the Old Testament, the seeming approval of prevarication in several well-known cases, the institution of animal sacrifices, the allowing of the use of animal food, were among the standard objections that they raised against Judaism and against Christians who accepted the Old Testament.  Judaism had, since the captivity, had many representatives in Mesopotamia, and Mani was doubtless brought up to abominate the Jews.  Some of his extreme positions may have been primarily due to his radical anti-Judaistic tendencies.  We shall see hereafter how Augustin met the Manichæan objections to the Old Testament.

Chapter VIII.—The Relation of Manichæism to Christianity.

Far more superficial are the relations of Manichæism to Christianity than to any of the heathen systems to which we have adverted.  In fact no Christian idea has been introduced into the system without being completely perverted.  If Christian language is used, it is utterly emptied of its meaning.  If Christian practices are introduced, a completely different motive lies at the basis.  Indeed the wildest of the Christian Gnostic systems kept immeasurably nearer to historical Christianity than did the Manichæans.  While he blasphemed against the historical Jesus, Mani claimed to believe in Christ, a purely spiritual and divine manifestation, whose teachings had been sadly perverted by the Jews.  It is scarcely possible to determine with any certainty what view Mani actually took of New Testament history.  That he claimed to be a follower of Christ, and the Paraclete whom Christ had promised to send, or at least the organ of the Paraclete, Eastern and Western authorities agree.  Mani is said, by Augustin, to have begun his Fundamental Epistle as follows:  "Manichæus, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, by the providence of God the Father.  These are wholesome words from the perennial and living fountain."  So also in the Act. Archel., Mani is represented as introducing a letter:  "Manichæus, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, and all the saints who are with me, and the virgins, to Marcellus, my beloved son:  Grace, mercy, and peace be with you from God the Father, and from our Lord Jesus Christ."  There can be no doubt but that Mani and his followers, whether from designed imposture or from less sinister motives, attempted to palm themselves off as Christians, nay, as the only true Christians.  It is certain, moreover, that in this guise they gained many proselytes from the Christian ranks.  As previously remarked, Mani and his followers professed to accept the New Testament Scriptures, yet they treated them in a purely subjective manner, eliminating as Judaistic interpolation whatever they could not reconcile with their own tenets.  Their adherence to the New Testament, as well as their adherence to Christ, was, therefore, virtually a mere pretence.  In common with Christianity, Manichæism laid much stress on redemption, yet there was nothing in common between the Christian idea of redemption through the atoning suffering of Jesus Christ and the Manichæan notion of 25redemption through the escape of imprisoned light.  Manichæans and Christians were at one in advocating self-denial and the due subordination of the flesh.  It need not be pointed out how radically different the Christian view was from the Manichæan view, already expounded.  Yet pagan ascetical ideas had already invaded the Church long before the time of Mani, and many Christians were in a position to be attracted strongly by the Manichæan theory and practice.  The later asceticism as it appeared in the hermit life of the fourth and following centuries was essentially pagan and had much in common with the Manichæan.  Still more manifest is the anatagonism between Manichæism and Christianity on the great fundamental principles of religion.  The Manichæan and Christian ideas of God are mutually contradictory.  Christianity holds fast at the same time to the unity, the omnipotence, the omniscience, the perfect wisdom, the holiness and the goodness of God.  If He permits sin to exist in the world it is not because He looks upon it with complacency, nor because He lacked wisdom to provide against its rise or power to annihilate it at once when it appeared, nor because He did not foresee its rise and its ravages, but because the permission of sin forms part of His all-wise plan for the education of moral and spiritual beings.  If the forces of nature are under certain circumstances hurtful or destructive to man, Christianity does not regard them as the operations of a malevolent power thwarting God’s purposes, but it sees underneath the destructive violence purposes of goodness and of grace; or if it fails to see them in any given instance it yet believes that God doeth all things well.  Christianity admits the existence of evil in men and in demons, yet of evil that ministers to the purposes of the Most High.  Christianity is the only religion that has been able to arrive at a perfectly satisfactory theology, cosmology, anthropology, and eschatology, and this is because Christianity alone has a true and satisfying soteriology.  It is God manifest in the flesh that meets all the conditions for the solution of the problem of human existence.  Manichæism openly antagonized Christianity in its adherence to Old Testament revelation, including the Jewish and Christian monotheism.  The good God could not, they maintained, be the creator of this world and of the universe of being.  That God should be looked upon as in any sense the creator of the devil and his angels, and of the material world, was in their view an absurdity—a monstrosity.  The unchristian character of the Manichæan view of matter, leading to unchristian asceticism, has already been sufficiently indicated.  The reader will only need to compare the principles and practices of Manichæism, as delineated above, with those of Christianity as they are delineated in the New Testament and in the evangelical churches of to-day, to be impressed with the completely anti-Christian character of the former.

How then, it may well be asked, could Manichæism succeed as it did in fascinating so many intelligent members of the Catholic Church during the third, fourth and fifth centuries?  In attempting to answer this question it should be premised that the later Western Manichæism took far more account of historical Christianity than did Mani and his immediate followers.  In the West, at least, Manichæism set itself up as the only genuine exponent of Christianity.  The Jewish-Alexandrian philosophy, and Gnosticism its product, had done much towards discrediting the Old Testament Scriptures, and the moral and religious teachings therein contained.  Devout Jewish and Christian thinkers who had adopted this mode of thought, had attempted by means of the allegorical method of interpretation to reconcile the seeming antagonism between Judaism and philosophy.  But the process was so forced that its results could not be expected to satisfy those that felt no special interest in the removal of the difficulties.  Marcionism represents a stern refusal to apply the allegory, and a determination to exhibit the antagonism between Judaism and current thought, and especially the seeming antagonism between Judaism and Christianity, in the harshest manner.  Marcionism was still vigorous in the East when Manichæism arose, and 26through this party unfavorable views of the Old Testament were widely disseminated.  Many Christians doubtless felt that the Old Testament and its religion were burdensome and trammelling to Christianity.  The very fact that Mani set aside so summarily every element of Judaism that he encountered in the current Christianity, doubtless commended his views to a large and influential element in the East and the West alike.  Mani claimed to set forth a spiritual religion as opposed to a carnal.  The asceticism of Manichæism was in the line of a wide-spread popular ascetical movement that was already in progress, and so commended it to many.  The question as to the origin of evil, and as to the relation of the good, wise and powerful God to the evil that appears in the world, in man and in demons was never asked with more interest than during the early Christian centuries, and any party that should advance a moderately plausible theory was sure to receive its share of public attention.  Mani professed to have a solution and the only possible solution of questions of this class, and however fantastic may have been the forms in which his speculations were set forth, they were doubtless all the more acceptable on this account in that semi-pagan age to many intelligent people.  The fact that these forms satisfied so able a thinker as Mani undoubtedly was, would guarantee their acceptance by a large number both East and West.  There was in the West at this time, and had been for centuries, a hankering after Oriental theosophy, the more extravagant the better.  The wide-spread worship of Mithra was an excellent preparation for the more complete system of Mani.  Manichæism and Neo-Platonism antagonized the Christianity of the fourth and fifth centuries from opposite sides, and those minds for whom Platonism had no charms were almost sure to be attracted by the theosophy of Mani.  "How are we to explain," asks Harnack,1414     Encyclopædia Britannica, art. Manichæism. "the rapid spread of Manichæism, and the fact that it really became one of the great religions?  Our answer is, that Manichæism was the most complete Gnosis, the richest, most consequent and most artistic system formed on the basis of the ancient Babylonian religion.… What gave strength to Manichæism was… that it united its ancient mythology and a thorough-going materialistic dualism with an exceedingly simple spiritual worship and a strict morality.  On comparing it with the Semitic religions of nature, we perceive that it retained their mythologies, after transforming them into doctrines, but abolished all their sensuous cultus, substituting instead a spiritual worship as well as a strict morality.  Manichæism was thus able to satisfy the new wants of an old world.  It offered revelation, redemption, moral virtue, and immortality [this last is very doubtful, if conscious immortality be meant], spiritual benefits on the basis of the religion of nature.  A further source of strength lay in the simple, yet firm social organization which was given by Mani himself to his new institution.  The wise man and the ignorant, the enthusiast and the man of the world, could all find acceptance here, and there was laid on no one more than he was able and willing to bear."

The question as to the secret of the fascination that Manichæism was able to exercise even over the most intelligent Western minds, may receive a more concrete answer from the autobiographical account of Augustin’s own relations to the party.  What was it that attracted and enthralled, for nine years, him who was to become the greatest theologian of the age?  In his Confessions (Book III. ch. 6) he gives this impassioned account of his first connection with Manichæism:  "Therefore I fell among men proudly railing, very carnal and voluble, in whose mouth were the snares of the devil—the bird lime being composed of a mixture of the syllables of Thy Name, and of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of the Paraclete, the Holy Ghost, the Comforter.  These names departed not out of their mouths, but so far forth as the sound and clatter of the tongue; for the heart was empty of truth.  Still 27they cried ‘Truth, Truth,’ and spoke much about it to me, yet it was not in them, but they spake falsely not of Thee only—who, verily art the Truth—but also of the elements of this world, Thy creatures… O Truth, Truth! how inwardly even then did the marrow of my soul pant after Thee, when they frequently and in a multiplicity of ways, and in numerous and huge books, sounded out Thy Name to me, though it was but a voice.  And these were the dishes in which to me, hungering for Thee, they, instead of Thee, served up the sun and the moon, Thy beauteous works—but yet Thy works, not Thyself, nay, nor Thy first works…Woe, woe, by what steps was I dragged down to the depths of hell!—toiling and turmoiling through want of Truth, when I sought after Thee, my God,—to Thee I confess it, who hadst mercy on me when I had not yet confessed, sought after Thee not according to the understanding of the mind in which Thou desiredst that I should excel the beasts, but according to the sense of the flesh."

Chapter IX.—Augustin and the Manichæans.

In the preceding Chapter we have given in Augustin’s own words some account of the process by which he became ensnared in Manichæan error.  In reading Augustin’s account of his experience among the Manichæans, we can not escape the conviction that he was never wholly a Manichæan, that he never surrendered himself absolutely to the system.  He held it rather as a matter of opinion than as a matter of heart-attachment.  Doubtless the fact that he continued to occupy himself with rhetorical and philosophical studies prevented his complete enthrallment.  His mind was not naturally of an Oriental cast, and the study of the hard, common-sense philosophy of Aristotle, and of the Eclecticism of Cicero, could hardly have failed to make him more or less conscious of the absurdity of Manichæism.  The influence of scientific studies on his mind is very manifest from Confessions, Book V. ch. 3, where he compares the accurate astronomical knowledge with which he had become acquainted, with the absurd cosmological fancies of Faustus, the great Manichæan teacher who appeared at Carthage in Augustin’s twenty-ninth year.  "Many truths, however, concerning the creation did I retain from these men [the philosophers], and the cause appeared to confirm calculations, the succession of seasons, and the visible manifestations of the stars; and I compared them with the sayings of Manichæus, who in his frenzy has written most extensively on these subjects, but discovered not any account either of the solstices, or the equinoxes, the eclipses of the luminaries, or anything of the kind I had learned in the books of secular philosophy.  But therein I was ordered to believe, and yet it corresponded not with those rules acknowledged by calculation and by our light, but was far different."

From this time Augustin’s faith was shaken, and he was soon able to throw off completely the yoke that had become too grievous to be borne.  But to reject Manichæism was not necessarily to become an orthodox Christian.  Augustin finds himself still greatly perplexed about the nature of God and the origin of evil, problems the somewhat plausible Manichæan solutions of which had ensnared him.  It was through Platonism, or rather Neo-Platonism, that he was led to more just and satisfying views, and through Platonism, along with other influences, he was enabled at last to find peace in the bosom of the Catholic church.  "And Thou, willing to show me how Thou ‘resistest the proud, but givest grace unto the humble,’ and by how great an act of mercy Thou hadst pointed out to men the path of humility, in that ‘Thy Word was made flesh and dwelt among men,’—Thou procuredst for me, by the instrumentality of one inflated with monstrous pride, certain books of the Platonists, translated from Greek into Latin.  And therein I read not indeed in the same words but to the self-same effect, enforced by many and divers reasons, that ‘In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.  The same was in the beginning with God.  All things were made by Him; and without Him was 28not anything made that was made.’"1515     Confessions, Book. VII. ch. 9, vol. 1. p. 108, of the present series.  In other words, Augustin thought that he discerned complete harmony between the prologue of John’s gospel and the teachings of the Platonists, and in this teaching, thus corroborated, he found the solution of the problem that had caused him such anguish of soul.  In this connection Augustin points out in some detail the features that Platonism and Christianity have in common.  Thus Neo-Platonism, not blindly followed, but adapted to his Christian purpose, became not only a means of deliverance to Augustin himself, but a mighty weapon for the combating of Manichæan error.

Neo-Platonism enters so largely and influentially into Augustin’s polemics against Manichæism that it will be apposite here to inquire into the extent and the nature of Augustin’s dependence on this system of thought.  Much has been written on this subject, especially by German and French scholars.  A brief statement of some of the more important points of contact is all that is allowable in an essay like this.  Premising, therefore, that Platonism essentially influenced the entire circle of Augustin’s theological and philosophical thinking, let us first examine the Neo-Platonic and Augustinian conceptions of God.  With Augustin God is absolutely simple and immutable, incomprehensible by men in their present state of existence, exalted above all human powers of thought or expression.  All things may be said of God, and yet nothing worthily; God is honored more by reverential silence than by any human voice.  He is better known by not being known; it is easier to say what He is not, than what He is.  God is wanting in qualities; has no variety and multitude of properties and attributes; is absolutely simple.  By no means is God to be called substance, for the word substance pertains to a certain accident; nor is it allowable to think of Him as composed of substance and of accidents.  Divine qualities are therefore purely subjective.  There is no discrimination in God of substance and accidents, of potency and act, of matter and form, of universal and singular, of superior and inferior.  To know, to will, to do, to be, are in God equivalent and identical.  Eternity itself is the substance of God, which has nothing mutable, nothing past, nothing future.  God makes new things, without being Himself new, unchangeable He makes changeable things, He always works and always rests.  The changes that take place in the world do not fall in the will of God, but solely in the things moved by God.  God changes them out of His unchangeable counsel.  For nearly every one of these statements an almost exact parallel can be pointed out in the writings of Plotinus, the Neo-Platonic writer with whom Augustin was most conversant.1616     See G. LoescheDe Augustino Plotinizante in Doctrina de Deo Disserenda, Jenæ, 1880.  Also, DornerAugustinus, Zeller, Ueberweg, Ritter, and ErdmannHistories of Philosophy, sections on Augustin and Neo-Platonism.   It would be easy to point out that Augustin here goes to a dangerous extreme, and narrowly escapes fatalism on the one hand, and denial of the true personality of God on the other.  But the effectiveness of this type of teaching against Manichæism is what chiefly interests us in this connection.  Readers of the following treatises will have no difficulty in seeing for themselves how confidently and with what telling effect Augustin employs this view of God against the crudities of Manichæism, which thought of God as mutable, as capable of being successfully assailed by evil, as rent asunder, as suffering miserable contamination and imprisonment by mixture with matter, as painfully struggling for freedom, as suffering with the suffering of plants and animals, as liberated by their decay and by the digestive operations of the faithful, etc., etc.

Again, while still a Manichæan Augustin had thought and written much about beauty.  On this point also, the throwing off of Manichæism and the adoption of a Platonizing Christianity brought about a revolution in his conceptions.  The exactness with which he has followed Plotinus in his ideas of the beauty of God and of his creatures is remarkable.  This we could fully illustrate by the citation of parallel passages.  But we must content our29selves with remarking that Augustin himself acknowledged his indebtedness, and that his idea of beauty was an important factor in his polemics against Manichæism.  According to Augustin (and Plotinus) God is the most beautiful and splendid of all beings.  He is the beauty of all beauties; all the beautiful things that are the objects of our vision and love He Himself made.  If these are beautiful what is He?  All beauty is from the highest beauty, which is God.  Augustin follows Plato and Plotinus even in neglecting the distinction between the good and the beautiful.  The idea of Divine beauty Augustin applies to Christ also.  He speaks of Him as beautiful God, beautiful Word with God, beautiful on earth, beautiful in the womb, beautiful in the hands of his parents, beautiful in miracles, beautiful in being scourged, beautiful when inciting to life, beautiful when not caring for death, beautiful when laying down his life, beautiful when taking it up again, beautiful in the sepulchre, beautiful in Heaven.  The beauty of the creation, which is simply a reflection of the beauty of God, is not even disturbed by evil or sin.  Beauty is with Augustin (and the Platonists) a comprehensive term, and is almost equivalent to perfect harmony or symmetry of parts, perfect adaptation of beings to the ends for which they exist.

It is patent that this view of the beauty of God and His creation is diametrically opposed to the crude conceptions of Mani, with reference to the disorder of the universe, a disorder not confined even to the Kingdom of Darkness, but invading the Realm of light itself.  So also Augustin’s Platonizing views of the creation must be taken into consideration in judging of his attitude towards Manichæism.  It goes without saying that from Augustin’s theological point of view, to account for creation is a matter of grave difficulty.  How can there be a relation between the infinite and the finite?  Any substantial connection is unthinkable.  The only thing left is a relation of causality.  The finite, according to Plotinus, is an accident, an image and shadow of God.  It is constituted, established, sustained, and nourished by the Divine potency, and is therefore absolutely dependent upon God.  The power that flows from God permeates each and every finite thing.  God as one, whole, and indivisible, is perpetually present with his eternal process, to everything, everywhere.  When Augustin teaches that God of his own free will, subject to no necessity, by His own Word created the world out of nothing, this statement might be taken in connection with his view of the absolute simplicity of God and the consequent denial of distinction between being, willing, doing, etc.  The easiest way to get over the difficulty involved in creation was to maintain the simultaneous creation of all things.  The six days of creation in Genesis are an accommodation to human modes of thinking.  In some expressions Augustin approaches the Platonic doctrine of the ideal or archetypal world.  Finite things, so far as they exist, are essence, i.e., God; so far as they are not essence they do not exist at all.  Thus the distinction between God and the world is almost obliterated.  Again, whatever is finite and derivative is subject to negation or nothingness.  Thus he goes along with Plato and Plotinus to the verge of denying the reality of derived existence, and so narrowly escapes pantheism.

It is easy to see how effectively this conception of creation might be employed against the Manichæan notion of the creation as something forced upon God by the powers of evil, and as a mere expedient for the gradual liberation of his imprisoned elements.  The Manichæan limitation of God and his domain by the bordering Kingdom of Darkness, was in sheer opposition to Augustin’s view of the indivisibility of God and his presence as a whole everywhere and always.  Augustin’s theory that nature or essence, as far as it has existence is God, is quite the antithesis of Mani’s dualism, especially of his supposition that the Kingdom of Darkness is essentially and wholly evil.  Augustin argued that even the inhabitants of the Kingdom of Darkness, and the King of Darkness himself, according to Mani’s own representations, are good so far as they have essence or nature, and evil only so far as they are non-existent.

30With Augustin’s Platonizing view of creation is closely connected his theory of evil and his doctrine of divine providence.  Evil with him, as with the Platonists, has no substantial existence.  It is only privation of good.  It is wanting in essence, substance, truth,—is in short mere negation, and so cannot have God for its efficient cause or author, or be referred to God.  God would not have permitted evil unless by His own supreme power he had been able to make good use of it.  He attempts, with some success, to show the advantages of the permission of evil in the world.  God made all things good from the angels of heaven to the lowest beasts and herbs of the earth.  Augustin delighted, with the Platonists, in dwelling upon the goodness of nature as shown in the animal and vegetable worlds, as well as in the great cosmical phenomena.  Each creature of God has its place, some a higher, some a lower, but all so far as they conform to the idea of their creation, or to their nature, are good.  So far as they fall short of this idea they are evil.

This principle Augustin applied with great force to the confutation of the Manichæan view of the substantiality and permanence of evil.  This may be regarded as the central point in Augustin’s controversies with the Manichæans.  He evidently felt that the Manichæan view of evil was the citadel of their system, and he never wearied of assailing it.  It would be beyond the scope of the present essay to inquire whether and how far Augustin himself became involved in error, in his efforts to dislodge the Manichæans.  Far less satisfactory than his confutation of the fundamental principles of the Manichæan system were his answers to the Manichæan cavils against the Old Testament.  If we may judge from the prominence given in the extant literature to the Old Testament question, this must have been the favorite point of attack with the Manichæans.  The importance of the questions raised and the necessity of answering them was fully recognized by Augustin.  His principal reliance is the allegorical or typological method of interpretation.  It would be hard to find examples of more perverse allegorizing than Augustin’s Anti-Manichæan treatises furnish.  It will not be needful to adduce instances here, as readers of the treatises will discover them in abundance.  Nothing more wearisome and disgusting in Biblical interpretation can well be conceived of than certain sections of The Reply to Faustus, the Manichæan.  Yet Augustin did not fail entirely to recognize the distinction between Old Testament times and New, and he even suggests the theory "that God could in a former age and to a people of a lower moral standard, give commands to do actions, which we should think it wrong to do now.… There was a certain inward want, an unenlightenment, a rudeness of moral conception, in those to whom such commands were given; otherwise they would not have been given.  God would not have given a command to slaughter a whole nation to an enlightened people."1717     See J. B. Mozley’s Ruling Ideas in Early Ages, art. The Manichæans and the Jewish Fathers.  The sentence quoted above is Mozley’s.

Yet with all the defects of Augustin’s polemics against the Manichæans, they seem to have been adapted to the needs of the time.  Well does Canon Mozley declare Augustin to have been "the most marvellous controversial phenomenon which the whole history of the Church from first to last presents.… Armed with superabundant facility of expression,—so that he himself observes that one who had written so much must have a good deal to answer for,—he was able to hammer any point of view which he wanted, and which was desirable as a counteracting one to a pervading heresy, with endless repetition upon the ear of the Church; at the same time varying the forms of speech sufficiently to please and enliven."  Certainly he was one of the greatest debaters of any age.  He doubtless deserves the credit of completely checking the progress of Manichæism in the West, and of causing its gradual but almost complete overthrow.  His arguments were probably more effective in guarding Christians against perversion by Manichæan proselytizers, than in converting 31those that were already ensnared by Manichæan error.  Other controversies of a completely different character, especially the Pelagian, caused Augustin to look to other aspects of truth and so led to certain modifications in his own statements, nay led him on some occasions to the verge of Manichæan error itself.  But we are chiefly interested at present in knowing that his earnest efforts against the Manichæans from A.D. 388, the year of his baptism, to A.D. 405, were not in vain.1818     For an account of the controversies in which Augustin was engaged with the Manichæans, and for the chronological order of the Anti-Manichæan treatises, see the Preface of the Edinburgh editor.  Cf. Bindemann, on the various controversies, in his Der h. Augustinus, passim.  See also, a good chronological list of St. Augustin’s works in CunninghamSt. Austin, p. 277 sq.

Chapter X.—Outline of Manichæan History.1919     Compare Professor George T. Stokes’ excellent article Manichæans, in Smith and WaceDict. of Chr. Biography, vol. III. p. 798 sq.

In the East Mani’s followers were involved in the persecution that resulted in his death, and many of them fled to Transoxiania.  Their headquarters and the residence of the chief of the sect continued to be Babylon.  They returned to Persia in 661, but were driven back, 908–32.  They seem to have become very numerous in the Transoxiania.  Albîrûnî, 973–1048, speaks of the Manichæans as still existing in large numbers throughout all Mohammedan lands, and especially in the region of Samarkand, where they were known as Sabeans.  He also relates that they were prevalent among the Eastern Turks, in China, Thibet and India.  In Armenia and Cappadocia they gained many followers, and thence made their way into Europe.  The Paulicians are commonly represented as a Manichæan party, but the descriptions that have come down to us would seem to indicate Marcionitic rather than Manichæan elements.  Yet contemporary Catholic writers such as Peter Siculus and Photius constantly assail them as Manichæans.

In the West we have traces of their existence from 287 onwards.  Diocletian, according to a somewhat doubtful tradition, condemned its leaders to the stake, and its adherents to decapitation with confiscation of goods.  The edict is supposed to have been directed to the pro-consul of Africa where Manichæans were making great progress.  According to an early account, Mani sent a special envoy to Africa.  Valentinian (372) and Theodosius (381) issued bloody edicts against them, yet we find them still aggressive in the time of Augustin.  From Africa Manichæism spread into Spain, Gaul and Aquitaine.  Leo the Great and Valentinian III. took measures against them in Italy (440 sq.).  They appear, however, to have continued their work, for Gregory the Great mentions them (590 sq.).  From this time onwards their influence is to be traced in such parties as the Euchites, Enthusiasts, Bogomiles, Catharists, Beghards, etc.  But it is not safe to attach too much importance to the mere fact that these parties were stigmatized as Manichæans by their enemies.  Even in the Reformation time and since, individuals and small parties have appeared which in some features strongly resembled the ancient Manichæans.  Manichæism was a product of the East, and in the East it met with most acceptance.  To the spirit of the West it was altogether foreign, and only in a greatly modified form could it ever have flourished there.  It might persist for centuries as a secret society, but it could not endure the light.

3233

Preface to the Anti-Manichæan Writings.

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No reader of the accompanying volume can be expected to take a very lively interest in its contents, unless he has before his mind some facts regarding the extraordinary genius to whom the heresy of Manichæism owes its origin and its name.  His history is involved in considerable obscurity, owing to the suspicious nature of the documents from which it is derived, and the difficulty of constructing a consistent and probable account out of the contradictory statements of the Asiatics and the Greeks.  The ascertained facts, therefore, are few, and may be briefly stated.2020     Beausobre (Histoire Critique de Manichée et du Manichéisme, Amst. 1734, 2 vols.) has collected everything that is known of Mani.  The original sources are here sifted with unusual acuteness, and with great and solid learning, though the author’s strong "bias in favor of a heretic" frequently leads him to make unwarranted statements.  Burton’s estimate of this entertaining and indispensable work (Heresies of Apostol. Age, p. xxi.), is much fairer than Pusey’s (Aug. Conf. p. 314).  A brief account of Mani and his doctrines is given by Milman with his usual accuracy, impartiality and lucidity (Hist. of Christianity, ii. 259, ed. 1867).  For any one who wishes to investigate the subject further, ample references are there given.  A specimen of the confusion that involves the history of Mani will be found in the account given by Socrates (Hist. i. 22).

According to the Chronicle of Edessa, Mani was born A.D. 240.2121     [For the Oriental accounts of Mani’s parentage and youth, see the Introductory Essay, and the works there referred to.—A.H.N.]   From his original name, Corbicius or Carcubius, Beausobre conjectures that he was born in Carcub, a town of Chaldæa.  He belonged to a Magian family, and while still a youth won a distinguished place among the sages of Persia.  He was master of all the lore peculiar to his class, and was, besides, so proficient a mathematician and geographer, that he was able to construct a globe.  He was a skilled musician, and had some knowledge of the Greek language,—an accomplishment rare among his countrymen.  But his fame, and even his ultimate success as a teacher, was due in great measure to his skill in painting, which was so considerable as to earn for him among the Persians the distinctive title, Mani the painter.  His disposition was ardent and lively but patient and self-restrained.  His appearance was striking, as he wore the usual dress of a Persian sage:  the high-soled shoes, the one red, the other green; the mantle of azure blue, that changed color as he moved; the ebony staff in his right hand, and the Babylonish book under his left arm.

The meaning of his name, Mani, Manes, or Manichæus, has been the subject of endless conjectures.  Epiphanius supposes that he was providentially so named, that men might be warned against the mania of his heresy.2222     See also EusebiusHist. Eccl. vii. 31, with Heinichen’s note.   Hyde, whose opinion on any Oriental subject must have weight, tells us that in Persian mani means painter, and that he was so called from his profession.  Archbishop Usher conjectured that it was a form of Manaem or Menahem, which means Paraclete or Comforter; founding this conjecture on the fact that Sulpicius Severus calls the Israelitish king Menahem,2323     2 Kings xv. 14. Mane.  Gataker supplements this idea by the conjecture that Mani took this name at his own instance, and in pursuance of his claim to be the Paraclete.  It is more probable that, if his name was really given on account of this meaning, he received it from the widow who seems to have adopted him when a boy, and may have called him her Consolation.  But it is also possible that Mani was not an uncommon Persian name, and that he adopted it for some reason too trifling to discover.2424     "Peut-être cherchons nous du mystere, ou il n’y en a point."—Beausobre, i. 79.

While still a young man he was ordained as a Christian priest, and distinguished himself in that capacity by his knowledge of Scripture, and the zeal with which he discharged his sacred functions.2525     [This is in the highest degree improbable.—A.H.N.]   His heretical tendencies, however, were very soon manifested, stimulated, we may suppose, by his anxiety to make the Christian religion more acceptable to those who adhered to the Eastern systems.  Excommunicated from the Christian Church, Mani found asylum with Sapor, and won his confidence by presenting only the Magian side of his system.  But no sooner did he permit the Christian element to appear, and call himself the apostle of the Lord, and show a desire to reform Magianism, than his sovereign determined to put him to death as a revolutionist.  Forced to flee, he took refuge in Turkestan, and gained influence there, partly by decorating the temples with paintings.  To lend his doctrines the appearance of divine authority, he adopted the same device as Zoroaster 34and Mohammed.  Having discovered a cave through which there ran a rill of water, he laid up in it a store of provisions, and retired there for a year, giving out that he was on a visit to heaven.  In this retirement he produced his Gospel,2626     Called Erteng or Arzeng, i.e., according to Renaudot, an illustrated book. —a work illustrated with symbolical drawings the ingenuity of which has been greatly praised.  This book Mani presented to Hormizdas, the son and successor of Sapor, who professed himself favorable to his doctrine, and even built him a castle as a place of shelter and retirement.  Unfortunately for Mani, Hormizdas died in the second year of his reign; and though his successor, Varanes, was at first willing to shield him from persecution, yet, finding that the Magians were alarmed for their religion, he appointed a disputation to be held between the opposing parties.  Such trials of dialectic in Eastern courts have not unfrequently resulted in very serious consequences to the parties engaged in them.  In this instance the result was fatal to Mani.  Worsted in argument, he was condemned to die, and thus perished in some sense as a martyr.  The mode of his death is uncertain,2727     Böhringer adopts the more horrible tradition.  "Sein Schicksal war, dass er von den Christen, von den Magiern verfolgt, nach mannig fachem Wechsel unter Bahram lebendig geschunden wurde" (p. 386). but it seems that his skin was stuffed with chaff, and hung up in public in terrorem.  This occurred in the year 277, and the anniversary was commemorated as the great religious festival of the Manichæans.

This is not the place to attempt any account or criticism of the strange eclecticism of Mani.2828     Böhringer characterizes it briefly in the words:  "Es ist der alte heidnische Dualismus mit seiner Naturtheologie, der in Mani’s Systeme seine letzten Kräfte sammelt und unter der gleissenden Hülle christlicher Worte und Formen an den reinen Monotheismus des Christenthums und dessen reine Ethik sich heranwagt "   An adequate idea of the system may be gathered from the accompanying treatises.  It may, however, be desirable to give some account of the original sources of information regarding it.

We study the systems of heresiarchs at a disadvantage when our only means of ascertaining their opinions is from the fragmentary quotations and hostile criticism which occur in the writings of their adversaries.  Such, however, is our only source of information regarding the teaching of Mani.  Originally, indeed, this heresy was specially active in a literary direction, assailing the Christian Scriptures with an ingenuity of unbelief worthy of a later age, and apparently ambitious of promulgating a rival canon.  Certainly the writings of its early supporters were numerous;2929     Aug. c. Faustum, xiii. 6 and 18.  [See full list of Mani’s writings in Kessler’s art. in Herzog, R.E.—A.H.N.] and from the care and elegance with which they were transcribed, the sumptuous character of the manuscripts, and the mysterious emblems with which they were adorned, we should fancy it was intended to inspire the people with respect for an authoritative though as yet undefined code.  It is, indeed, nowhere said or implied that the sacred books of the Manichæans were reserved for the eye only of the initiated or elect; and their reception of the New Testament Scriptures (subject to their own revision and emendation) would make it difficult for them to establish any secret code apart from these writings.  They were certainly, however, doctrines of an esoteric kind, which were not divulged to the catechumens or hearers; and many of their books, being written in Persian, Syriac, or Greek, were practically unavailable for the instruction of the Latin speaking population.  It was not always easy, therefore, to obtain an accurate knowledge of their opinions.  Commentaries on the whole of the Old and New Testaments were written by Hierax;3030     Lardner, however, seems to prove that Hierax was not a Manichæan, though some of his opinions approximated to this heresy.  The whole subject of the Manichæan literature is treated by Lardner (Works, iii. p. 374), with the learning of Beausobre and more than Beausobre’s impartiality. a Theosophy by Aristocritus; a book of memoirs, or rather Memorabilia, of Mani, and other works, by Heraclides, Aphthonius, Adas, and Agapius.  Unfortunately all of these books have perished, whether in the flames to which the Christian authorities commanded that all Manichæan books should be consigned, or by the slower if not more critical and impartial processes of time.

Mani himself was the author of several works:  a Gospel, the Treasury of Life (and probably an abridgment of the same), the Mysteries, the Foundation Fpistle, a book of Articles or heads of doctrine, one or two works on astronomy or astrology, and a collection of letters so dangerous, that Manichæans who sought restoration to the Church were required to anathematize them.

Probably the most important of these writings was the Foundation Epistle, so called because it contained the leading articles of doctrine on which the new system was built.  This letter was written in Greek or Syriac; but a Latin version of it was current in Africa, and came into the hands of Augustin, who undertook its refutation.  To accomplish this with the greater precision and effect, he quotes the entire text of each passage of the Epistle before proceeding to criticise it.  Had Augustin accomplished the whole of his task, we should accordingly have been in possession of the whole of this important document.  Unfortunately, for reasons unknown, Augustin stops short at an early point in the Epistle; and though he tells us he had notes on the remainder, and would some day expand and publish them, this promise lay unredeemed for thirty years till the day of his death.  Extracts from the same Epistle and from the Treasury are also given by Augustin in the treatise De Natura Boni.3131     The De Natura Boni, written in the year 405, is necessarily very much a reproduction of what is elsewhere affirmed, that all natures are good, and created by God, who alone is immutable and incorruptible.  It presents concisely the leading positions of Augustin in this controversy, and concludes with an eloquent prayer that his efforts may be blessed to the conversion of the heretics,—not the only passage which demonstrates that he wrote not for the glory of victory so much as for the deliverance of men from fatal error.

35Next, we have in the Opus Imperfectum of Augustin some extracts from a letter of Mani to Menoch, which Julian had unearthed and republished to convict Augustin of being still tainted with Manichæan sentiments.  These extracts give us some insight into the heresiarch’s opinions regarding the corruption of nature and the evils of sexual love.

Again, we have Mani’s letter to Marcel, preserved by Epiphanius, and given in full by Beausobre;3232     Histoire, i. 91. which, however, merely reiterates two of the doctrines most certainly identified with Mani,—the assertion of two principles, and the tenet that the Son of God was man only in appearance.

Finally, Fabricius has inserted in the fifth volume of his Bibliotheca Græca the fragments, such as they are, collected by Grabe.

Such is the fragmentary character of the literary remains of Mani:  for fuller information regarding his opinions we must depend on Theodoret, Epiphanius, Alexander of Lycopolis, Titus of Bostra, and Augustin.  Beausobre is of opinion that the Fathers derived all that they knew of Manichæus from the Acts of Archelaus.3333     Published by Zaccagni in his Collectanea Monumentorum Veterum, Romæ, 1698; and by Routh his Reliquiæ Sacræ, vol. v., in which all the material for forming an opinion regarding it is collected.   This professes to be a report of a disputation held between Manes and Archelaus, bishop of Caschar in Mesopotamia.  Grave doubts have been cast on the authenticity of this document, and Burton and Milman seem inclined to consider it an imaginary dialogue, and use it on the understanding that while some of its statements are manifestly untrustworthy, a discriminating reader may gather from it some reliable material.3434     Any one who consults Beausobre on this point will find that historical criticism is not of so recent an origin as some persons seem to think.  It is worth transcribing his own account of the spirit in which he means to do his work:  "Je traiterai mon sujet en Critique, suivant la Regle de S. Paul, Examinez toutes choses, et ne retenez que ce qui est bon.  L’Histoire en general, et l’Histoire Ecclesiastique en particulier, n’est bien souvent qu’un mélange confus de faux et de vrai, entasse par des Ecrivains mal instruits, credules ou passionez.  Cela convient surtout a l’Histoire des Heretiques et des Heresies.  C’est au Lecteur attentif et judicieux d’en faire le discernement, a l’aide d’une critique, qui ne soit trop timide, ni temeraire.  Sans le secours de cet art, on erre dans l’Histoire comme un Pilote sur les mers, lorsqu’il n’a ni boussole, ni carte marine" (i. 7).

In the works of Augustin there are some other pieces which may well be reckoned among the original sources.  In the reply to Faustus, which is translated in this volume, the book of Faustus is not indeed reproduced; but there is no reason for doubting that his arguments are fairly represented, and we think there is evidence that even the original expression of them is preserved.3535     Beausobre and Cave suppose that we have the whole of Faustus’ book embodied in Augustin’s review of it.  Lardner is of opinion that the commencement, and perhaps the greater part, of the work is given, but not the whole.   Augustin had been acquainted with Faustus for many years.  He first met him at Carthage in 383, and found him nothing more than a clever and agreeable talker, making no pretension to science or philosophy, and with only slender reading.3636     See the interesting account of Faustus in the Confessions, v. 10.   His cleverness is sufficiently apparent in his debate with Augustin; the objections he leads are plausible, and put with acuteness, but at the same time with a flippancy which betrays a want of earnestness and real interest in the questions.  In his reply to Faustus, Augustin is very much on the defensive, and his statements are apologetic rather than systematic.3737     [This estimate of Faustus is somewhat too disparaging.  For fuller bibliography, see Introductory Essay.—A.H.N.]

But in an age when the ability to read was by no means commensurate with the interest taken in theological questions, written discussions were necessarily supplemented by public disputations.  These theological contests seem to have been a popular entertainment in North Africa; the people attending in immense crowds, while reporters took down what was said on either side for the sake of appeal as well as for the information of the absent.  In two such disputations Augustin engaged in connection with Manichæism.3838     His willingness to do so, and the success with which he encountered the most renowned champions of this heresy, should have prevented Beausobre from charging him with misunderstanding or misrepresenting the Manichæan doctrine.  The retractation of Felix tells strongly against this view of Augustin’s incompetence to deal with Manichæism.   The first was held on the 28th and 29th of August, 392, with a Manichæan priest, Fortunatus.  To this encounter Augustin was invited by a deputation of Donatists and Catholics,3939     Possidius. Vita Aug. vi. who were alike alarmed at the progress which this heresy was making in the district of Hippo.  Fortunatus at first showed some reluctance to meet so formidable an antagonist, but was prevailed upon by his own sectaries, and shows no nervousness during the debate.  His incompetence, however, was manifest to the Manichæans themselves; and so hopeless was it to think of any further proselytizing in Hippo, that he left that city, and was too much ashamed of himself ever to return.  The character of his reasoning is shifty; he evades Augustin’s questions and starts fresh ones.  Augustin pushes his usual and fundamental objection to the Manichæan system.  If God is impassable and incorruptible, how could He be injured by the assaults of the kingdom of darkness?  In opposition to the statement of Fortunatus, that the Almighty produces no evil, he explains that God made no nature evil, but made man free, and that voluntary 36sin is the grand original evil.  The most remarkable circumstance in the discussion is the desire of Fortunatus to direct the conversation to the conduct of the Manichæans, and the refusal of Augustin to make good the charges which had been made against them, or to discuss anything but the doctrine.4040     This cannot but make us cautious in receiving the statements of the tract, On the Morals of the Manichæans.  There can be little doubt that many of the Manichæans practiced the ascetic virtues, and were recognizable by the gauntness and pallor of their looks, so that Manichæan became a by-word for any one who did not appreciate the felicity of good living.  Thus Jerome says of a certain class of women, "quam viderint pallentem atque tristem, Miseram, Monacham, et Manichæan vocant" (De Custod. Virg. Ep. 18).  Lardner throws light on the practices of the Manichæans, and effectually disposes of some of the calumnies uttered regarding them.  Pusey’s appendix to his translation of the Confessions may also be referred to with advantage.

Twelve years after this, a similar disputation was held between Augustin and one of the elect among the Manichæans, who had come to Hippo to propagate his religion.  This man, Felix, is described by Augustin4141     Retract. ii. 8. as being ill-educated, but more adroit and subtle than Fortunatus.  After a keen discussion, which occupied two days, the proceedings terminated by Felix signing a recantation of his errors in the form of an anathema on Mani, his doctrines, and the seducing spirit that possessed him.  These two disputations are valuable, as exhibiting the points of the Manichæan system to which its own adherents were accustomed to direct attention, and the arguments on which they specially relied for their support.

The works given in the accompanying volume comprehend by no means the whole of Augustin’s writings against this heresy.  Before his ordination he wrote five anti-Manichæan books, entitled, De Libero Arbitrio, De Genesi contra Manichæos, De Moribus Ecclesiæ Catholicæ, De Moribus Manichæorum, and De Vera Religione.  These Paulinus called his anti-Manichæan Pentateuch.  After his ordination he was equally diligent, publishing a little treatise in the year 391, under the title De Utilitate Credendi,4242     Epist. August. xxv. which was immediately followed by a small work, De Duabus Animabus.  In the following year the report of the Disputatio contra Fortunatum was published; and after this, at short intervals, there appeared the books Contra Adimantum, Contra Epistolam Manichæi quam vocant Fundamenti, Contra Faustum, Disputatio contra Felicem, De Naturo Boni, and Contra Secundinum.

Besides these writings, which are exclusively occupied with Manichæism, there are others in which the Manichæan doctrines are handled with more or less directness.  These are the Confessions, the 79th and 236th Letters, the Lecture on Psalm 140, Sermons 1, 2, 12, 50, 153, 182, 237, the Liber de Agone Christiano, and the De Continentia.

Of these writings, Augustin himself professed a preference for the reply to the letter of Secundinus.4343     Retract. ii. 10:  "quod, mea sententia, omnibus quœ adversus illam pestem scribere potui, facile præpono."  The reason of this preference is explained by Bindemann, Der heilige Augstinus, iii. 168.   It is a pleasing feature of the times, that a heretic whom he did not know even by sight should write to Augustin entreating him to abstain from writing against the Manichæans, and reconsider his position, and ally himself with those whom he had till now fancied to be in error.  His language is respectful, and illustrates the esteem in which Augustin was held by his contemporaries; though he does not scruple to insinuate that his conversion from Manichæism was due to motives not of the highest kind.  We have not given this letter and its reply, because the preference of Augustin has not been ratified by the judgment of his readers.

The present volume gives a fair sample of Augustin’s controversial powers.  His nine years’ personal experience of the vanity of Manichæism made him thoroughly earnest and sympathetic in his efforts to disentangle other men from its snares, and also equipped him with the knowledge requisite for this task.  No doubt the Pelagian controversy was more congenial to his mind.  His logical acuteness and knowledge of Scripture availed him more in combating men who fought with the same weapons, than in dealing with a system which threw around its positions the mist of Gnostic speculation, or veiled its doctrine under a grotesque mythology, or based itself on a cosmogony too fantastic for a Western mind to tolerate.4444     "Wo Entwickelungen, dialektische Begriffe sein sollten, stellt sich ein Bild, ein Mythus ein."—Böhringer, p. 390.   But however Augustin may have misconceived the strange forms in which this system was presented, there is no doubt that he comprehended and demolished its fundamental principles;4545     Some have thought Augustin more successful here than elsewhere.  Cassiodorus may have thought so when he said:  "diligentius atque vivacius adversus eos quam contra hæreses alias disseruit" (Instit. i. quoted by Lardner). that he did so as a necessary part of his own personal search for the truth; and that in doing so he gained possession, vitally and permanently of ideas and principles which subsequently entered into all he thought and wrote.  In finding his way through the mazes of the obscure region into which Mani had led him, he once for all ascertained the true relation subsisting between God and His creatures, formed his opinion regarding the respective provinces of reason and faith, and the connection of the Old and New Testaments, and found the root of all evil in the created will.

The Editor.

Some knowledge of the Magianism of the time of Mani may be obtained from the sacred books of the Parsis, especially from the Vendidad Sade, an account of which is given by Dr. Wilson, of Bombay, in his book on the Parsi Religion.—Tr.

————————————

37

St. AUGUSTIN:

on the

morals of the catholic church.

 [de moribus ecclesiæ catholicæ].

A.D. 388.

translated by the

rev. richard stothert, m.a.,

bombay

41

Of the Morals of the Catholic Church.4646     Written in the year 388.  In his Retractations (i. 7) Augustin says:  "When I was at Rome after my baptism, and could not bear in silence the vaunting of the Manichæans about their pretended and misleading continence or abstinence, in which, to deceive the inexperienced, they claim superiority over true Christians, to whom they are not to be compared, I wrote two books, one on the morals of the Catholic Church, the other on the morals of the Manichæans."

[De Moribus Ecclesiæ Catholicæ]. a.d. 388.

It is laid down at the outset that the customs of the holy life of the Church should be referred to the chief good of man, that is, God.  We must seek after God with supreme affection; and this doctrine is supported in the Catholic Church by the authority of both Testaments.  The four virtues get their names from different forms of this love.  Then follow the duties of love to our neighbor.  In the Catholic Church we find examples of continence and of true Christian conduct.

Chapter 1.—How the Pretensions of the Manichæans are to Be Refuted.  Two Manichæan Falsehoods.

1.  Enough, probably, has been done in our other books4747     [This is commonly supposed to have been the first work of any importance written by the Author against Manichæism.  What he here refers to it is not easy to conjecture.—A.H.N.] in the way of answering the ignorant and profane attacks which the Manichæans make on the law, which is called the Old Testament, in a spirit of vainglorious boasting, and with the approval of the uninstructed.  Here, too, I may shortly touch upon the subject.  For every one with average intelligence can easily see that the explanation of the Scriptures should be sought for from those who are the professed teachers of the Scriptures; and that it may happen, and indeed always happens, that many things seem absurd to the ignorant, which, when they are explained by the learned, appear all the more excellent, and are received in the explanation with the greater pleasure on account of the obstructions which made it difficult to reach the meaning.  This commonly happens as regards the holy books of the Old Testament, if only the man who meets with difficulties applies to a pious teacher, and not to a profane critic, and if he begins his inquiries from a desire to find truth, and not in rash opposition.  And should the inquirer meet with some, whether bishops or presbyters, or any officials or ministers of the Catholic Church, who either avoid in all cases opening up mysteries, or, content with simple faith, have no desire for more recondite knowledge, he must not despair of finding the knowledge of the truth in a case where neither are all able to teach to whom the inquiry is addressed, nor are all inquirers worthy of learning the truth.  Diligence and piety are both necessary:  on the one hand, we must have knowledge to find truth, and, on the other hand, we must deserve to get the knowledge.

2.  But as the Manichæans have two tricks for catching the unwary, so as to make them take them as teachers,—one, that of finding fault with the Scriptures, which they either misunderstand or wish to be misunderstood, the other, that of making a show of chastity and of notable abstinence,—this book shall 42contain our doctrine of life and morals according to Catholic teaching, and will perhaps make it appear how easy it is to pretend to virtue, and how difficult to possess virtue.  I will refrain, if I can, from attacking their weak points, which I know well, with the violence with which they attack what they know nothing of; for I wish them, if possible, to be cured rather than conquered.  And I will quote such testimonies from the Scriptures as they are bound to believe, for they shall be from the New Testament; and even from this I will take none of the passages which the Manichæans when hard pressed are accustomed to call spurious, but passages which they are obliged to acknowledge and approve.  And for every testimony from apostolic teaching I will bring a similar statement from the Old Testament, that if they ever become willing to wake up from their persistent dreams, and to rise towards the light of Christian faith, they may discover both how far from being Christian is the life which they profess, and how truly Christian is the Scripture which they cavil at.

Chapter 2.—He Begins with Arguments, in Compliance with the Mistaken Method of the Manichæans.

3.  Where, then, shall I begin?  With authority, or with reasoning?  In the order of nature, when we learn anything, authority precedes reasoning.  For a reason may seem weak, when, after it is given, it requires authority to confirm it.  But because the minds of men are obscured by familiarity with darkness, which covers them in the night of sins and evil habits, and cannot perceive in a way suitable to the clearness and purity of reason, there is most wholesome provision for bringing the dazzled eye into the light of truth under the congenial shade of authority.  But since we have to do with people who are perverse in all their thoughts and words and actions, and who insist on nothing more than on beginning with argument, I will, as a concession to them, take what I think a wrong method in discussion.  For I like to imitate, as far as I can, the gentleness of my Lord Jesus Christ, who took on Himself the evil of death itself, wishing to free us from it.

Chapter 3.—Happiness is in the Enjoyment of Man’s Chief Good.  Two Conditions of the Chief Good:  1st, Nothing is Better Than It; 2d, It Cannot Be Lost Against the Will.

4.  How then, according to reason, ought man to live?  We all certainly desire to live happily; and there is no human being but assents to this statement almost before it is made.  But the title happy cannot, in my opinion, belong either to him who has not what he loves, whatever it may be, or to him who has what he loves if it is hurtful or to him who does not love what he has, although it is good in perfection.  For one who seeks what he cannot obtain suffers torture, and one who has got what is not desirable is cheated, and one who does not seek for what is worth seeking for is diseased.  Now in all these cases the mind cannot but be unhappy, and happiness and unhappiness cannot reside at the same time in one man; so in none of these cases can the man be happy.  I find, then, a fourth case, where the happy life exists,—when that which is man’s chief good is both loved and possessed.  For what do we call enjoyment but having at hand the objects of love?  And no one can be happy who does not enjoy what is man’s chief good, nor is there any one who enjoys this who is not happy.  We must then have at hand our chief good, if we think of living happily.

5.  We must now inquire what is man’s chief good, which of course cannot be anything inferior to man himself.  For whoever follows after what is inferior to himself, becomes himself inferior.  But every man is bound to follow what is best.  Wherefore man’s chief good is not inferior to man.  Is it then something similar to man himself?  It must be so, if there is nothing above man which he is capable of enjoying.  But if we find something which is both superior to man, and can be possessed by the man who loves it, who can doubt that in seeking for happiness man should endeavor to reach that which is more excellent than the being who makes the endeavor.  For if happiness consists in the enjoyment of a good than which there is nothing better, which we call the chief good, how can a man be properly called happy who has not yet attained to his chief good? or how can that be the chief good beyond which something better remains for us to arrive at?  Such, then, being the chief good, it must be something which cannot be lost against the will.  For no one can feel confident regarding a good which he knows can be taken from him, although he wishes to keep and cherish it.  But if a man feels no confidence regarding the good which he enjoys, how can he be happy while in such fear of losing it?

Chapter 4.—Man—What?

6.  Let us then see what is better than man.  This must necessarily be hard to find, unless 43we first ask and examine what man is.  I am not now called upon to give a definition of man.  The question here seems to me to be,—since almost all agree, or at least, which is enough, those I have now to do with are of the same opinion with me, that we are made up of soul and body,—What is man?  Is he both of these? or is he the body only, or the soul only?  For although the things are two, soul and body, and although neither without the other could be called man (for the body would not be man without the soul, nor again would the soul be man if there were not a body animated by it), still it is possible that one of these may be held to be man, and may be called so.  What then do we call man?  Is he soul and body, as in a double harness, or like a centaur?  Or do we mean the body only, as being in the service of the soul which rules it, as the word lamp denotes not the light and the case together, but only the case, yet it is on account of the light that it is so called?  Or do we mean only the mind, and that on account of the body which it rules, as horseman means not the man and the horse, but the man only, and that as employed in ruling the horse?  This dispute is not easy to settle; or, if the proof is plain, the statement requires time.  This is an expenditure of time and strength which we need not incur.  For whether the name man belongs to both, or only to the soul, the chief good of man is not the chief good of the body; but what is the chief good either of both soul and body, or of the soul only, that is man’s chief good.

Chapter 5.—Man’s Chief Good is Not the Chief Good of the Body Only, But the Chief Good of the Soul.

7.  Now if we ask what is the chief good of the body, reason obliges us to admit that it is that by means of which the body comes to be in its best state.  But of all the things which invigorate the body, there is nothing better or greater than the soul.  The chief good of the body, then, is not bodily pleasure, not absence of pain, not strength, not beauty, not swiftness, or whatever else is usually reckoned among the goods of the body, but simply the soul.  For all the things mentioned the soul supplies to the body by its presence, and, what is above them all, life.  Hence I conclude that the soul is not the chief good of man, whether we give the name of man to soul and body together, or to the soul alone.  For as according to reason, the chief good of the body is that which is better than the body, and from which the body receives vigor and life, so whether the soul itself is man, or soul and body both, we must discover whether there is anything which goes before the soul itself, in following which the soul comes to the perfection of good of which it is capable in its own kind.  If such a thing can be found, all uncertainty must be at an end, and we must pronounce this to be really and truly the chief good of man.

8.  If, again, the body is man, it must be admitted that the soul is the chief good of man.  But clearly, when we treat of morals,—when we inquire what manner of life must be held in order to obtain happiness,—it is not the body to which the precepts are addressed, it is not bodily discipline which we discuss.  In short, the observance of good customs belongs to that part of us which inquires and learns, which are the prerogatives of the soul; so, when we speak of attaining to virtue, the question does not regard the body.  But if it follows, as it does, that the body which is ruled over by a soul possessed of virtue is ruled both better and more honorably, and is in its greatest perfection in consequence of the perfection of the soul which rightfully governs it, that which gives perfection to the soul will be man’s chief good, though we call the body man.  For if my coachman, in obedience to me, feeds and drives the horses he has charge of in the most satisfactory manner, himself enjoying the more of my bounty in proportion to his good conduct, can any one deny that the good condition of the horses, as well as that of the coachman, is due to me?  So the question seems to me to be not, whether soul and body is man, or the soul only, or the body only, but what gives perfection to the soul; for when this is obtained, a man cannot but be either perfect, or at least much better than in the absence of this one thing.

Chapter 6.—Virtue Gives Perfection to the Soul; The Soul Obtains Virtue by Following God; Following God is the Happy Life.

9.  No one will question that virtue gives perfection to the soul.  But it is a very proper subject of inquiry whether this virtue can exist by itself or only in the soul.  Here again arises a profound discussion, needing lengthy treatment; but perhaps my summary will serve the purpose.  God will, I trust, assist me, so that, notwithstanding our feebleness, we may give instruction on these great matters briefly as well as intelligibly.  In either case, whether virtue can exist by itself without the soul, or can exist only in the soul, undoubtedly in the pursuit of virtue the soul follows after something, and this must be 44either the soul itself, or virtue, or something else.  But if the soul follows after itself in the pursuit of virtue, it follows after a foolish thing; for before obtaining virtue it is foolish.  Now the height of a follower’s desire is to reach that which he follows after.  So the soul must either not wish to reach what it follows after, which is utterly absurd and unreasonable, or, in following after itself while foolish, it reaches the folly which it flees from.  But if it follows after virtue in the desire to reach it, how can it follow what does not exist? or how can it desire to reach what it already possesses?  Either, therefore, virtue exists beyond the soul, or if we are not allowed to give the name of virtue except to the habit and disposition of the wise soul, which can exist only in the soul, we must allow that the soul follows after something else in order that virtue may be produced in itself; for neither by following after nothing, nor by following after folly, can the soul, according to my reasoning, attain to wisdom.

10.  This something else then, by following after which the soul becomes possessed of virtue and wisdom, is either a wise man or God.  But we have said already that it must be something that we cannot lose against our will.  No one can think it necessary to ask whether a wise man, supposing we are content to follow after him, can be taken from us in spite of our unwillingness or our persistence.  God then remains, in following after whom we live well, and in reaching whom we live both well and happily.  If any deny God’s existence, why should I consider the method of dealing with them, when it is doubtful whether they ought to be dealt with at all?  At any rate, it would require a different starting-point, a different plan, a different investigation from what we are now engaged in.  I am now addressing those who do not deny the existence of God, and who, moreover, allow that human affairs are not disregarded by Him.  For there is no one, I suppose, who makes any profession of religion but will hold that divine Providence cares at least for our souls.

Chapter 7.—The Knowledge of God to Be Obtained from the Scripture.  The Plan and Principal Mysteries of the Divine Scheme of Redemption.

11.  But how can we follow after Him whom we do not see? or how can we see Him, we who are not only men, but also men of weak understanding?  For though God is seen not with the eyes but with the mind, where can such a mind be found as shall, while obscured by foolishness, succeed or even attempt to drink in that light?  We must therefore have recourse to the instructions of those whom we have reason to think wise.  Thus far argument brings us.  For in human things reasoning is employed, not as of greater certainty, but as easier from use.  But when we come to divine things, this faculty turns away; it cannot behold; it pants, and gasps, and burns with desire; it falls back from the light of truth, and turns again to its wonted obscurity, not from choice, but from exhaustion.  What a dreadful catastrophe is this, that the soul should be reduced to greater helplessness when it is seeking rest from its toil!  So, when we are hasting to retire into darkness, it will be well that by the appointment of adorable Wisdom we should be met by the friendly shade of authority, and should be attracted by the wonderful character of its contents, and by the utterances of its pages, which, like shadows, typify and attemper the truth.

12.  What more could have been done for our salvation?  What can be more gracious and bountiful than divine providence, which, when man had fallen from its laws, and, in just retribution for his coveting mortal things, had brought forth a mortal offspring, still did not wholly abandon him?  For in this most righteous government, whose ways are strange and inscrutable, there is, by means of unknown connections established in the creatures subject to it, both a severity of punishment and a mercifulness of salvation.  How beautiful this is, how great, how worthy of God, in fine, how true, which is all we are seeking for, we shall never be able to perceive, unless, beginning with things human and at hand, and holding by the faith and the precepts of true religion, we continue without turning from it in the way which God has secured for us by the separation of the patriarchs, by the bond of the law, by the foresight of the prophets, by the witness of the apostles, by the blood of the martyrs, and by the subjugation of the Gentiles.  From this point, then, let no one ask me for my opinion, but let us rather hear the oracles, and submit our weak inferences to the announcements of Heaven.4848     [Augustin’s transition from his fine Platonizing discussion of virtue, the chief good, etc., to the patriarchs, the law, and the prophets is very fine rhetorically and apologetically.—A.H.N.]

Chapter 8.—God is the Chief Good, Whom We are to Seek After with Supreme Affection.

13.  Let us see how the Lord Himself in the gospel has taught us to live; how, too, Paul the apostle,—for the Manichæans dare not reject these Scriptures.  Let us hear, O Christ, what chief end Thou dost prescribe to us; and that is evidently the chief end 45after which we are told to strive with supreme affection.  "Thou shalt love," He says, "the Lord thy God."  Tell me also, I pray Thee, what must be the measure of love; for I fear lest the desire enkindled in my heart should either exceed or come short in fervor.  "With all thy heart," He says.  Nor is that enough.  "With all thy soul."  Nor is it enough yet.  "With all thy mind."4949     Matt. xxii. 37.  What do you wish more?  I might, perhaps, wish more if I could see the possibility of more.  What does Paul say on this?  "We know," he says, "that all things issue in good to them that love God."  Let him, too, say what is the measure of love.  "Who then," he says, "shall separate us from the love of Christ? shall tribulation, or distress, or persecution, or famine, or nakedness, or peril, or the sword?"5050     Rom. viii. 28, 35.   We have heard, then, what and how much we must love; this we must strive after, and to this we must refer all our plans.  The perfection of all our good things and our perfect good is God.  We must neither come short of this nor go beyond it:  the one is dangerous, the other impossible.

Chapter 9.—Harmony of the Old and New Testament on the Precepts of Charity.5151     [The most satisfactory feature of Augustin’s apology for the Old Testament Scriptures is his demonstration of the substantial agreement of the Old Testament with undisputed portions of the New Testament.—A.H.N.]

14.  Come now, let us examine, or rather let us take notice,—for it is obvious and can be seen, at once,—whether the authority of the Old Testament too agrees with those statements taken from the gospel and the apostle.  What need to speak of the first statement, when it is clear to all that it is a quotation from the law given by Moses?  For it is there written, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind." 5252     Deut. vi. 5.   And not to go farther for a passage of the Old Testament to compare with that of the apostle, he has himself added one.  For after saying that no tribulation, no distress, no persecution, no pressure of bodily want, no peril, no sword, separates us from the love of Christ, he immediately adds, "As it is written, For Thy sake we are in suffering all the day long; we are accounted as sheep for the slaughter."5353     Rom. viii. 36; cf. Ps. xliv. 22.   The Manichæans are in the habit of saying that this is an interpolation,—so unable are they to reply, that they are forced in their extremity to say this.  But every one can see that this is all that is left for men to say when it is proved that they are wrong.

15.  And yet I ask them if they deny that this is said in the Old Testament, or if they hold that the passage in the Old Testament does not agree with that of the apostle.  For the first, the books will prove it; and as for the second, those prevaricators who fly off at a tangent will be brought to agree with me, if they will only reflect a little and consider what is said, or else I will press upon them the opinion of those who judge impartially.  For what could agree more harmoniously than these passages?  For tribulation, distress, persecution, famine, nakedness, peril, cause great suffering to man while in this life.  So all these words are implied in the single quotation from the law, where it is said, "For Thy sake we are in suffering."5454     Retract. i. 7, § 2:—"In the book on the morals of the Catholic Church, where I have quoted the words, ‘For Thy sake we are in suffering all day long, we are accounted as sheep for the slaughter,’ the inaccuracy of my manuscript misled me; for my recollection of the Scriptures was defective from my not being at that time familiar with them.  For the reading of the other manuscripts has a different meaning:  not, we suffer, but we suffer death, or, in one word, we are killed.  That this is the true reading is shown by the Greek text of the Septuagint, from which the Old Testament was translated into Latin.  I have indeed made a good many remarks on the words, ‘For thy sake we suffer,’ and the things said are not wrong in themselves; but, as regards the harmony of the Old and New Testaments, this case certainly does not prove it.  The error originated in the way mentioned above, and this harmony is afterwards abundantly proved from other passages."   The only other thing is the sword, which does not inflict a painful life, but removes whatever life it meets with.  Answering to this are the words, "We are accounted as sheep for the slaughter."  And love could not have been more plainly expressed than by the words, "For Thy sake."  Suppose, then, that this testimony is not found in the Apostle Paul, but is quoted by me, must you not prove, you heretic, either that this is not written in the old law, or that it does not harmonize with the apostle?  And if you dare not say either of these things (for you are shut up by the reading of the manuscript, which will show that it is written, and by common sense, which sees that nothing could agree better with what is said by the apostle), why do you imagine that there is any force in accusing the Scriptures of being corrupted?  And once more, what will you reply to a man who says to you, This is what I understand, this is my view, this is my belief, and I read these books only because I see that everything in them agrees with the Christian faith?  Or tell me at once if you will venture deliberately to tell me to the face that we are not to believe that the apostles and martyrs are spoken of as having endured great sufferings for Christ’s sake, and as having been accounted by their persecutors as sheep for the slaughter?  If you cannot say this, why should you bring a charge against the book in which I find what you acknowledge I ought to believe?

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Chapter 10.—What the Church Teaches About God.  The Two Gods of the Manichæans.

16.  Will you say that you grant that we are bound to love God, but not the God worshipped by those who acknowledge the authority of the Old Testament?  In that case you refuse to worship the God who made heaven and earth, for this is the God set forth all through these books.  And you admit that the whole of the world, which is called heaven and earth, had God and a good God for its author and maker.  For in speaking to you about God we must make a distinction.  For you hold that there are two gods, one good and the other bad.

But if you say that you worship and approve of worshipping the God who made heaven and earth, but not the God supported by the authority of the Old Testament, you act impertinently in trying, though vainly, to attribute to us views and opinions altogether unlike the wholesome and profitable doctrine we really hold.  Nor can your silly and profane discourses be at all compared with the expositions in which learned and pious men of the Catholic Church open up those Scriptures to the willing and worthy.  Our understanding of the law and the prophets is quite different from what you suppose.  Mistake us no longer.  We do not worship a God who repents, or is envious, or needy, or cruel, or who takes pleasure in the blood of men or beasts, or is pleased with guilt and crime, or whose possession of the earth is limited to a little corner of it.  These and such like are the silly notions you are in the habit of denouncing at great length.  Your denunciation does not touch us.  The fancies of old women or of children you attack with a vehemence that is only ridiculous.  Any one whom you persuade in this way to join you shows no fault in the teaching of the Church, but only proves his own ignorance of it.

17.  If, then, you have any human feeling,—if you have any regard for your own welfare,—you should rather examine with diligence and piety the meaning of these passages of Scripture.  You should examine, unhappy beings that you are; for we condemn with no less severity and copiousness any faith which attributes to God what is unbecoming Him, and in those by whom these passages are literally understood we correct the mistake of ignorance, and look upon persistence in it as absurd.  And in many other things which you cannot understand there is in the Catholic teaching a check on the belief of those who have got beyond mental childishness, not in years, but in knowledge and understanding—old in the progress towards wisdom.  For we learn the folly of believing that God is bounded by any amount of space, even though infinite; and it is held unlawful to think of God, or any part of Him, as moving from one place to another.  And should any one suppose that anything in God’s substance or nature can suffer change or conversion, he will be held guilty of wild profanity.  There are thus among us children who think of God as having a human form, which they suppose He really has, which is a most degrading idea; and there are many of full age to whose mind the majesty of God appears in its inviolableness and unchangeableness as not only above the human body, but above their own mind itself.  These ages, as we said, are distinguished not by time, but by virtue and discretion.5555     [Augustin’s virtus takes the place of the Greek δυυάμεις and the Vulgate virtutes.  It is not quite certain what meaning he attached to the expression.  He seems to waver between the idea of power and that of virtue in the ethical sense, and finally settles down to the use of the term in the latter sense.  That this does not accord with the meaning of the Apostle is evident.—A.H.N.]   Among you, again, there is no one who will picture God in a human form; but neither is there one who sets God apart from the contamination of human error.  As regards those who are fed like crying babies at the breast of the Catholic Church, if they are not carried off by heretics, they are nourished according to the vigor and capacity of each, and arrive at last, one in one way and another in another, first to a perfect man, and then to the maturity and hoary hairs of wisdom, when they may get life as they desire, and life in perfect happiness.

Chapter 11.—God is the One Object of Love; Therefore He is Man’s Chief Good.  Nothing is Better Than God.  God Cannot Be Lost Against Our Will.

18.  Following after God is the desire of happiness; to reach God is happiness itself.  We follow after God by loving Him; we reach Him, not by becoming entirely what He is, but in nearness to Him, and in wonderful and immaterial contact with Him, and in being inwardly illuminated and occupied by His truth and holiness.  He is light itself; we get enlightenment from Him.  The greatest commandment, therefore, which leads to happy life, and the first, is this:  "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and soul, and mind."  For to those who love the Lord all things issue in good.  Hence Paul adds shortly after, "I am persuaded that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor virtue, nor things present, nor things future, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature, 47shall be able to separate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord."5656     Rom. viii. 38, 39.   If, then, to those who love God all things issue in good, and if, as no one doubts, the chief or perfect good is not only to be loved, but to be loved so that nothing shall be loved better, as is expressed in the words, "With all thy soul, with all thy heart, and with all thy mind," who, I ask, will not at once conclude, when these things are all settled and most surely believed, that our chief good which we must hasten to arrive at in preference to all other things is nothing else than God?  And then, if nothing can separate us from His love, must not this be surer as well as better than any other good?

19.  But let us consider the points separately.  No one separates us from this by threatening death.  For that with which we love God cannot die, except in not loving God; for death is not to love God, and that is when we prefer anything to Him in affection and pursuit.  No one separates us from this in promising life; for no one separates us from the fountain in promising water.  Angels do not separate us; for the mind cleaving to God is not inferior in strength to an angel.  Virtue does not separate us; for if what is here called virtue is that which has power in this world, the mind cleaving to God is far above the whole world.  Or if this virtue is perfect rectitude of our mind itself, this in the case of another will favor our union with God, and in ourselves will itself unite us with God.  Present troubles do not separate us; for we feel their burden less the closer we cling to Him from whom they try to separate us.  The promise of future things does not separate us; for both future good of every kind is surest in the promise of God, and nothing is better than God Himself, who undoubtedly is already present to those who truly cleave to Him.  Height and depth do not separate us; for if the height and depth of knowledge are what is meant, I will rather not be inquisitive than be separated from God; nor can any instruction by which error is removed separate me from Him, by separation from whom it is that any one is in error.  Or if what is meant are the higher and lower parts of this world, how can the promise of heaven separate me from Him who made heaven?  Or who from beneath can frighten me into forsaking God, when I should not have known of things beneath but by forsaking Him?  In fine, what place can remove me from His love, when He could not be all in every place unless He were contained in none?

Chapter 12.—We are United to God by Love, in Subjection to Him.

20.  "No other creature," he says, separates us.  O man of profound mysteries!  He thought it not enough to say, no creature:  but he says no other creature; teaching that with which we love God and by which we cleave to God, our mind, namely, and understanding, is itself a creature.  Thus the body is another creature; and if the mind is an object of intellectual perception, and is known only by this means, the other creature is all that is an object of sense, which as it were makes itself known through the eyes, or ears, or smell, or taste, or touch, and this must be inferior to what is perceived by the intellect alone.  Now, as God also can be known by the worthy, only intellectually,5757     [I.e. only by the use of the mental faculty of which God Himself is the Creator and Author; not by any independently existing power "of the same nature with Him who created it."—A.H.N.] exalted though He is above the intelligent mind as being its Creator and Author, there was danger lest the human mind, from being reckoned among invisible and immaterial things, should be thought to be of the same nature with Him who created it, and so should fall away by pride from Him to whom it should be united by love.  For the mind becomes like God, to the extent vouchsafed by its subjection of itself to Him for information and enlightenment.  And if it obtains the greatest nearness by that subjection which produces likeness, it must be far removed from Him by that presumption which would make the likeness greater.  It is this presumption which leads the mind to refuse obedience to the laws of God, in the desire to be sovereign, as God is.

21.  The farther, then, the mind departs from God, not in space, but in affection and lust after things below Him, the more it is filled with folly and wretchedness.  So by love it returns to God,—a love which places it not along with God, but under Him.  And the more ardor and eagerness there is in this, the happier and more elevated will the mind be, and with God as sole governor it will be in perfect liberty.  Hence it must know that it is a creature.  It must believe what is the truth,—that its Creator remains ever possessed of the inviolable and immutable nature of truth and wisdom, and must confess, even in view of the errors from which it desires deliverance, that it is liable to folly and falsehood.  But then again, it must take care that it be not separated by the love of the other creature, that is, of this visible world, from the love of God Himself, which sanctifies it in order to lasting happiness.  No 48other creature, then,—for we are ourselves a creature,—separates us from the love of God which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.

Chapter 13.—We are Joined Inseparably to God by Christ and His Spirit.

22.  Let this same Paul tell us who is this Christ Jesus our Lord.  "To them that are called," he says, "we preach Christ the virtue of God, and the wisdom of God."5858     1 Cor. i. 23, 24.   And does not Christ Himself say, "I am the truth?"5959     John xiv. 6.   If, then, we ask what it is to live well,—that is, to strive after happiness by living well,—it must assuredly be to love virtue, to love wisdom, to love truth, and to love with all the heart, with all the soul, and with all the mind; virtue which is inviolable and immutable, wisdom which never gives place to folly, truth which knows no change or variation from its uniform character.  Through this the Father Himself is seen; for it is said, "No man cometh unto the Father but by me."  To this we cleave by sanctification.  For when sanctified we burn with full and perfect love, which is the only security for our not turning away from God, and for our being conformed to Him rather than to this world; for "He has predestinated us," says the same apostle, "that we should be conformed to the image of His Son."6060     Rom. viii. 29.

23.  It is through love, then, that we become conformed to God; and by this conformation, and configuration, and circumcision from this world we are not confounded with the things which are properly subject to us.  And this is done by the Holy Spirit.  "For hope," he says, "does not confound us; for the love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Spirit, which is given unto us."6161     Rom. v. 5.   But we could not possibly be restored to perfection by the Holy Spirit, unless He Himself continued always perfect and immutable.  And this plainly could not be unless He were of the nature and of the very substance of God, who alone is always possessed of immutability and invariableness.  "The creature," it is affirmed, not by me but by Paul, "has been made subject to vanity."6262     Rom. viii. 20.   And what is subject to vanity is unable to separate us from vanity, and to unite us to the truth.  But the Holy Spirit does this for us.  He is therefore no creature.  For whatever is, must be either God or the creature.

Chapter 14.—We Cleave to the Trinity, Our Chief Good, by Love.

24.  We ought then to love God, the Trinity in unity, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit; for this must be said to be God Himself, for it is said of God, truly and in the most exalted sense, "Of whom are all things, by whom are all things, in whom are all things."  Those are Paul’s words.  And what does he add?  "To Him be glory."6363     Rom. xi. 36.   All this is exactly true.  He does not say, To them; for God is one.  And what is meant by, To Him be glory, but to Him be chief and perfect and widespread praise?  For as the praise improves and extends, so the love and affection increases in fervor.  And when this is the case, mankind cannot but advance with sure and firm step to a life of perfection and bliss.  This, I suppose, is all we wish to find when we speak of the chief good of man, to which all must be referred in life and conduct.  For the good plainly exists; and we have shown by reasoning, as far as we were able, and by the divine authority which goes beyond our reasoning, that it is nothing else but God Himself.  For how can any thing be man’s chief good but that in cleaving to which he is blessed?  Now this is nothing but God, to whom we can cleave only by affection, desire, and love.

Chapter 15.—The Christian Definition of the Four Virtues.

25.  As to virtue leading us to a happy life, I hold virtue to be nothing else than perfect love of God.  For the fourfold division of virtue I regard as taken from four forms of love.  For these four virtues (would that all felt their influence in their minds as they have their names in their mouths!), I should have no hesitation in defining them:  that temperance is love giving itself entirely to that which is loved; fortitude is love readily bearing all things for the sake of the loved object; justice is love serving only the loved object, and therefore ruling rightly; prudence is love distinguishing with sagacity between what hinders it and what helps it.  The object of this love is not anything, but only God, the chief good, the highest wisdom, the perfect harmony.  So we may express the definition thus:  that temperance is love keeping itself entire and incorrupt for God; fortitude is love bearing everything readily for the sake of God; justice is love serving God only, and therefore ruling well all else, as subject to man; prudence is love making a right distinction between what helps it towards God and what might hinder it.6464     [It would be difficult to find in Christian literature a more beautiful and satisfactory exposition of love to God.  The Neo-Platonic influence is manifest, but it is Neo-Platonism thoroughly Christianized.—A.H.N.]

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Chapter 16.—Harmony of the Old and New Testaments.

26.  I will briefly set forth the manner of life according to these virtues, one by one, after I have brought forward, as I promised, passages from the Old Testament parallel to those I have been quoting from the New Testament.  For is Paul alone in saying that we should be joined to God so that there should be nothing between to separate us?  Does not the prophet say the same most aptly and concisely in the words, "It is good for me to cleave to God?" 6565     Ps. lxxiii. 28.   Does not this one word cleave express all that the apostle says at length about love?  And do not the words, It is good, point to the apostle’s statement, "All things issue in good to them that love God?"  Thus in one clause and in two words the prophet sets forth the power and the fruit of love.

27.  And as the apostle says that the Son of God is the virtue of God and the wisdom of God,—virtue being understood to refer to action, and wisdom to teaching (as in the gospel these two things are expressed in the words, "All things were made by Him," which belongs to action and virtue; and then, referring to teaching and the knowledge of the truth, he says, "The life was the light of men"6666     John i. 3, 4. ),—could anything agree better with these passages than what is said in the Old Testament6767     [Augustin seems to make no distinction between Apocryphal and Canonical books.  The book of Wisdom was evidently a favorite with him, doubtless on account of its decided Platonic quality.—A.H.N.] of wisdom, "She reaches from end to end in strength, and orders all things sweetly?"  For reaching in strength expresses virtue, while ordering sweetly expresses skill and method.  But if this seems obscure, see what follows:  "And of all," he says, "God loved her; for she teaches the knowledge of God, and chooses His works."  Nothing more is found here about action; for choosing works is not the same as working, so this refers to teaching.  There remains action to correspond with the virtue, to complete the truth we wish to prove.  Read then what comes next:  "But if," he says, "the possession which is desired in life is honorable, what is more honorable than wisdom, which works all things?"  Could anything be brought forward more striking or more distinct than this, or even more fully expressed?  Or, if you wish more, hear another passage of the same meaning.  "Wisdom," he says, "teaches sobriety, and justice, and virtue." 6868     Wisd. viii. 1, 4, 7.   Sobriety refers, I think, to the knowledge of the truth, or to teaching; justice and virtue to work and action.  And I know nothing comparable to these two things, that is, to efficiency in action and sobriety in contemplation, which the virtue of God and the wisdom of God, that is, the Son of God, gives to them that love Him, when the same prophet goes on to show their value; for it is thus stated:  "Wisdom teaches sobriety, and justice, and virtue, than which nothing is more useful in life to man."6969     Retract. i. 7, § 3:—"The quotation from the book of Wisdom is from my manuscript, where the reading is, ‘Wisdom teaches sobriety, justice, and virtue.’  From these words I have made some remarks true in themselves, but occasioned by a false reading.  It is perfectly true that wisdom teaches truth of contemplation, as I have explained sobriety; and excellence of action, which is the meaning I give to justice and virtue.  And the reading in better manuscripts has the same meaning:  ‘It teaches sobriety, and wisdom, and justice, and virtue.’  These are the names given by the Latin translator to the four virtues which philosophers usually speak about.  Sobriety is for temperance, wisdom for prudence, virtue for fortitude, and justice only has its own name.  It was long after that we found these virtues called by their proper names in the Greek text of this book of Wisdom."

28.  Perhaps some may think that those passages do not refer to the Son of God.  What, then, is taught in the following words:  "She displays the nobility of her birth, having her dwelling with God?"7070     Wisd. viii. 3.   To what does birth refer but to parentage?  And does not dwelling with the Father claim and assert equality?  Again, as Paul says that the Son of God is the wisdom of God,7171     1 Cor. i. 24. and as the Lord Himself says, "No man knoweth the Father save the only-begotten Son,"7272     Matt. xi. 27. what could be more concordant than those words of the prophet:  "With Thee is wisdom which knows Thy works, which was present at the time of Thy making the world, and knew what would be pleasing in Thine eyes?"7373     Wisd. ix. 9.   And as Christ is called the truth, which is also taught by His being called the brightness of the Father7474     Heb. i. 3. (for there is nothing round about the sun but its brightness which is produced from it), what is there in the Old Testament more plainly and obviously in accordance with this than the words, "Thy truth is round about Thee?"7575     Ps. lxxxix. 8.   Once more, Wisdom herself says in the gospel, "No man cometh unto the Father but by me;"7676     John xiv. 6. and the prophet says, "Who knoweth Thy mind, unless Thou givest wisdom?" and a little after, "The things pleasing to Thee men have learned, and have been healed by wisdom."7777     Wisd. ix. 17-19.

29.  Paul says, "The love of God is shed abroad in our hearts by the Holy Spirit which is given unto us;"7878     Rom. v. 5. and the prophet says, "The Holy Spirit of knowledge will shun guile."7979     Wisd. i. 5.   For where there is guile there is no love.  Paul says that we are "conformed to the image of the Son of God;"8080     Rom. viii. 29. and the 50prophet says, "The light of Thy countenance is stamped upon us."8181     Ps. iv. 6.   Paul teaches that the Holy Spirit is God, and therefore is no creature; and the prophet says, "Thou sendest Thy Spirit from the higher."8282     Wisd. ix. 17.   For God alone is the highest, than whom nothing is higher.  Paul shows that the Trinity is one God, when he says, "To Him be glory;"8383     Rom. xi. 36. and in the Old Testament it is said, "Hear, O Israel, the Lord thy God is one God."8484     Deut. vi. 4.

Chapter 17.—Appeal to the Manichæans, Calling on Them to Repent.

30.  What more do you wish?  Why do you resist ignorantly and obstinately?  Why do you pervert untutored minds by your mischievous teaching?  The God of both Testaments is one.  For as there is an agreement in the passages quoted from both, so is there in all the rest, if you are willing to consider them carefully and impartially.  But because many expressions are undignified, and so far adapted to minds creeping on the earth, that they may rise by human things to divine,8585     [Here we have the key to all that is best in Augustin’s defense of the anthropomorphisms and the seemingly imperfect ethical representations of the Old Testament.  See Mozley’s essay on "The Manichæans and the Jewish Fathers," in his Ruling Ideas in Early Ages.  The entire volume represents an attempt to account for the elements in the Old Testament that offend the Christian consciousness.—A.H.N.] while many are figurative, that the inquiring mind may have the more profit from the exertion of finding their meaning, and the more delight when it is found, you pervert this admirable arrangement of the Holy Spirit for the purpose of deceiving and ensnaring your followers.  As to the reason why divine Providence permits you to do this, and as to the truth of the apostle’s saying, "There must needs be many heresies, that they which are approved may be made manifest among you,"8686     1 Cor. xi. 19. it would take long to discuss these things, and you, with whom we have now to do, are not capable of understanding them.  I know you well.  To the consideration of divine things, which are far higher than you suppose, you bring minds quite gross and sickly, from being fed with material images.

31.  We must therefore in your case try not to make you understand divine things, which is impossible, but to make you desire to understand.  This is the work of the pure and guileless love of God, which is seen chiefly in the conduct, and of which we have already said much.  This love, inspired by the Holy Spirit, leads to the Son, that is, to the wisdom of God, by which the Father Himself is known.  For if wisdom and truth are not sought for with the whole strength of the mind, it cannot possibly be found.  But when it is sought as it deserves to be, it cannot withdraw or hide itself from its lovers.  Hence its words, which you too are in the habit of repeating, "Ask, and ye shall receive; seek, and ye shall find; knock, and it shall be opened unto you:"8787     Matt. vii. 7.   "Nothing is hid which shall not be revealed."8888     Matt. x. 26.   It is love that asks, love that seeks, love that knocks, love that reveals, love, too, that gives continuance in what is revealed.  From this love of wisdom, and this studious inquiry, we are not debarred by the Old Testament, as you always say most falsely, but are exhorted to this with the greatest urgency.

32.  Hear, then, at length, and consider, I pray you, what is said by the prophet:  "Wisdom is glorious, and never fadeth away; yea, she is easily seen of them that love her, and found of such as seek her.  She preventeth them that desire her, in making herself first known unto them.  Whoso seeketh her early shall have no great travail; for he shall find her sitting at his doors.  To think, therefore, upon her is perfection of wisdom; and whoso watcheth for her shall quickly be without care.  For she goeth about seeking such as are worthy of her, showeth herself favorably unto them in the ways, and meeteth them in every thought.  For the very true beginning of her is the desire of discipline; and the care of discipline is love; and love is the keeping of her laws; and the giving heed unto her laws is the assurance of incorruption; and incorruption maketh us near unto God.  Therefore the desire of wisdom bringeth to a kingdom." 8989     Wisd. vi. 12-20.   Will you still continue in dogged hostility to these things?  Do not things thus stated, though not yet understood, make it evident to every one that they contain something deep and unutterable?  Would that you could understand the things here said!  Forthwith you would abjure all your silly legends and your unmeaning material imaginations, and with great alacrity, sincere love, and full assurance of faith, would betake yourselves bodily to the shelter of the most holy bosom of the Catholic Church.

Chapter 18.—Only in the Catholic Church is Perfect Truth Established on the Harmony of Both Testaments.

33.  I could, according to the little ability I have, take up the points separately, and could expound and prove the truths I have learned, which are generally more excellent and lofty than words can express; but this 51cannot be done while you bark at it.  For not in vain is it said, "Give not that which is holy to dogs."9090     Matt. vii. 6.   Do not be angry.  I too barked and was a dog; and then, as was right, instead of the food of teaching, I got the rod of correction.  But were there in you that love of which we are speaking, or should it ever be in you as much as the greatness of the truth to be known requires, may God vouchsafe to show you that neither is there among the Manichæans the Christian faith which leads to the summit of wisdom and truth, the attainment of which is the true happy life, nor is it anywhere but in the Catholic teaching.  Is not this what the Apostle Paul appears to desire when he says, "For this cause I bow my knees to the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, from whom the whole family in heaven and earth is named, that He would grant unto you, according to the riches of His glory, to be strengthened with might by His Spirit in the inner man:  that Christ may dwell in your hearts by faith; that ye, being rooted and grounded in love, may be able to comprehend with all saints what is the height, and length, and breadth, and depth, and to know the love of Christ, which passeth knowledge, that ye may be filled with all the fullness of God?"9191     Eph. iii. 14-19.   Could anything be more plainly expressed?

34.  Wake up a little, I beseech you, and see the harmony of both Testaments, making it quite plain and certain what should be the manner of life in our conduct, and to what all things should be referred.  To the love of God we are incited by the gospel, when it is said, "Ask, seek, knock;"9292     Matt. vii. 7. by Paul, when he says, "That ye, being rooted and grounded in love, may be able to comprehend;"9393     Eph. iii. 7. by the prophet also, when he says that wisdom can easily be known by those who love it, seek for it, desire it, watch for it, think about it, care for it.  The salvation of the mind9494     [Animi not mentis.—A.H.N.] and the way of happiness is pointed out by the concord of both Scriptures; and yet you choose rather to bark at these things than to obey them.  I will tell you in one word what I think.  Do you listen to the learned men of the Catholic Church with as peaceable a disposition, and with the same zeal, that I had when for nine years I attended on you:9595     From his 19th to his 28th year.   there will be no need of so long a time as that during which you made a fool of me.  In a much, a very much, shorter time you will see the difference between truth and vanity.

Chapter 19.—Description of the Duties of Temperance, According to the Sacred Scriptures.

35.  It is now time to return to the four virtues, and to draw out and prescribe a way of life in conformity with them, taking each separately.  First, then, let us consider temperance, which promises us a kind of integrity and incorruption in the love by which we are united to God.  The office of temperance is in restraining and quieting the passions which make us pant for those things which turn us away from the laws of God and from the enjoyment of His goodness, that is, in a word, from the happy life.  For there is the abode of truth; and in enjoying its contemplation, and in cleaving closely to it, we are assuredly happy; but departing from this, men become entangled in great errors and sorrows.  For, as the apostle says, "The root of all evils is covetousness; which some having followed, have made shipwreck of the faith, and have pierced themselves through with many sorrows."9696     1 Tim. vi. 10.   And this sin of the soul is quite plainly, to those rightly understanding, set forth in the Old Testament in the transgression of Adam in Paradise.  Thus, as the apostle says, "In Adam we all die, and in Christ we shall all rise again."9797     1 Cor. xv. 22.   Oh, the depth of these mysteries!  But I refrain; for I am now engaged not in teaching you the truth, but in making you unlearn your errors, if I can, that is, if God aid my purpose regarding you.

36.  Paul then says that covetousness is the root of all evils; and by covetousness the old law also intimates that the first man fell.  Paul tells us to put off the old man and put on the new.9898     Col. iii. 9, 10.   By the old man he means Adam who sinned, and by the new man him whom the Son of God took to Himself in consecration for our redemption.  For he says in another place, "The first man is of the earth, earthy; the second man is from heaven, heavenly.  As is the earthy, such are they also that are earthy; and as is the heavenly, such are they also that are heavenly.  And as we have borne the image of the earthy, let us also bear the image of the heavenly," 9999     1 Cor. xv. 47-49. —that is, put off the old man, and put on the new.  The whole duty of temperance, then, is to put off the old man, and to be renewed in God,—that is, to scorn all bodily delights, and the popular applause, and to turn the whole love to things divine and unseen.  Hence that following passage which is so admirable:  "Though our outward man perish, 52our inward man is renewed day by day."100100     2 Cor. iv. 16.   Hear, too, the prophet singing, "Create in me a clean heart, O God, and renew a right spirit within me."101101     Ps. li. 10.   What can be said against such harmony except by blind barkers?

Chapter 20.—We are Required to Despise All Sensible Things, and to Love God Alone.

37.  Bodily delights have their source in all those things with which the bodily sense comes in contact, and which are by some called the objects of sense; and among these the noblest is light, in the common meaning of the word, because among our senses also, which the mind uses in acting through the body, there is nothing more valuable than the eyes, and so in the Holy Scriptures all the objects of sense are spoken of as visible things.  Thus in the New Testament we are warned against the love of these things in the following words:  "While we look not at the things which are seen, but at the things which are not seen; for the things which are seen are temporal, but the things which are not seen are eternal."102102     2 Cor. iv. 18.   This shows how far from being Christians those are who hold that the sun and moon are to be not only loved but worshipped.  For what is seen if the sun and moon are not?  But we are forbidden to regard things which are seen.  The man, therefore, who wishes to offer that incorrupt love to God must not love these things too.  This subject I will inquire into more particularly elsewhere.  Here my plan is to write not of faith, but of the life by which we become worthy of knowing what we believe.  God then alone is to be loved; and all this world, that is, all sensible things, are to be despised,—while, however, they are to be used as this life requires.

Chapter 21.—Popular Renown and Inquisitiveness are Condemned in the Sacred Scriptures.

38.  Popular renown is thus slighted and scorned in the New Testament:  "If I wished," says St. Paul, "to please men, I should not be the servant of Christ."103103     Gal. i. 10.   Again, there is another production of the soul formed by imaginations derived from material things, and called the knowledge of things.  In reference to this we are fitly warned against inquisitiveness to correct which is the great function of temperance.  Thus it is said, "Take heed lest any one seduce you by philosophy."  And because the word philosophy originally means the love and pursuit of wisdom, a thing of great value and to be sought with the whole mind, the apostle, with great prudence, that he might not be thought to deter from the love of wisdom, has added the words, "And the elements of this world."104104     Col. ii. 8.   For some people, neglecting virtues, and ignorant of what God is, and of the majesty of nature which remains always the same, think that they are engaged in an important business when searching with the greatest inquisitiveness and eagerness into this material mass which we call the world.  This begets so much pride, that they look upon themselves as inhabitants of the heaven of which they often discourse.  The soul, then, which purposes to keep itself chaste for God must refrain from the desire of vain knowledge like this.  For this desire usually produces delusion, so that the soul thinks that nothing exists but what is material; or if, from regard to authority, it confesses that there is an immaterial existence, it can think of it only under material images, and has no belief regarding it but that imposed by the bodily sense.  We may apply to this the precept about fleeing from idolatry.

39.  To this New Testament authority, requiring us not to love anything in this world,105105     1 John ii. 15. especially in that passage where it is said, "Be not conformed to this world,"106106     Rom. xii. 2. —for the point is to show that a man is conformed to whatever he loves,—to this authority, then, if I seek for a parallel passage in the Old Testament, I find several; but there is one book of Solomon, called Ecclesiastes, which at great length brings all earthly things into utter contempt.  The book begins thus:  "Vanity of the vain, saith the Preacher, vanity of the vain; all is vanity.  What profit hath a man of all his labor which he taketh under the sun?" 107107     Eccles. i. 2, 3.   If all these words are considered, weighed, and thoroughly examined, many things are found of essential importance to those who seek to flee from the world and to take shelter in God; but this requires time and our discourse hastens on to other topics.  But, after this beginning, he goes on to show in detail that the vain108108     Retract. i. 7, § 3: —"I found in many manuscripts the reading, ‘Vanity of the vain.’  But this is not in the Greek, which has ‘Vanity of vanities.’  This I saw afterwards.  And I found that the best Latin manuscripts had vanities and not vain.  But the truths I have drawn from this false reading are self-evident." are those who are deceived by things of this sort; and he calls this which deceives them vanity,—not that God did not create those things, but because men choose to subject themselves by their sins to those things, which the divine law has made subject to them in well-doing.  For when you consider things beneath your53self to be admirable and desirable, what is this but to be cheated and misled by unreal goods?  The man, then, who is temperate in such mortal and transient things has his rule of life confirmed by both Testaments, that he should love none of these things, nor think them desirable for their own sakes, but should use them as far as is required for the purposes and duties of life, with the moderation of an employer instead of the ardor of a lover.  These remarks on temperance are few in proportion to the greatness of the theme, but perhaps too many in view of the task on hand.

Chapter 22.—Fortitude Comes from the Love of God.

40.  On fortitude we must be brief.  The love, then, of which we speak, which ought with all sanctity to burn in desire for God, is called temperance, in not seeking for earthly things, and fortitude in bearing the loss of them.  But among all things which are possessed in this life, the body is, by God’s most righteous laws, for the sin of old, man’s heaviest bond, which is well known as a fact but most incomprehensible in its mystery.  Lest this bond should be shaken and disturbed, the soul is shaken with the fear of toil and pain; lest it should be lost and destroyed, the soul is shaken with the fear of death.  For the soul loves it from the force of habit, not knowing that by using it well and wisely its resurrection and reformation will, by the divine help and decree, be without any trouble made subject to its authority.  But when the soul turns to God wholly in this love, it knows these things, and so will not only disregard death, but will even desire it.

41.  Then there is the great struggle with pain.  But there is nothing, though of iron hardness, which the fire of love cannot subdue.  And when the mind is carried up to God in this love, it will soar above all torture free and glorious, with wings beauteous and unhurt, on which chaste love rises to the embrace of God.  Otherwise God must allow the lovers of gold, the lovers of praise, the lovers of women, to have more fortitude than the lovers of Himself, though love in those cases is rather to be called passion or lust.  And yet even here we may see with what force the mind presses on with unflagging energy, in spite of all alarms, towards that it loves; and we learn that we should bear all things rather than forsake God, since those men bear so much in order to forsake Him.

Chapter 23.—Scripture Precepts and Examples of Fortitude.

42.  Instead of quoting here authorities from the New Testament, where it is said, "Tribulation worketh patience; and patience, experience and experience, hope;"109109     Rom. v. 3, 4. and where, in addition to these words, there is proof and confirmation of them from the example of those who spoke them; I will rather summon an example of patience from the Old Testament, against which the Manichæans make fierce assaults.  Nor will I refer to the man who, in the midst of great bodily suffering, and with a dreadful disease in his limbs, not only bore human evils, but discoursed of things divine.  Whoever gives considerate attention to the utterances of this man, will learn from every one of them what value is to be attached to those things which men try to keep in their power, and in so doing are themselves brought by passion into bondage, so that they become the slaves of mortal things, while seeking ignorantly to be their masters.  This man, in the loss of all his wealth, and on being suddenly reduced to the greatest poverty, kept his mind so unshaken and fixed upon God, as to manifest that these things were not great in his view, but that he was great in relation to them, and God to him.110110     Job. i. 2.   If this mind were to be found in men in our day, we should not be so strongly cautioned in the New Testament against the possession of these things in order that we may be perfect; for to have these things without cleaving to them is much more admirable than not to have them at all.111111     [It is interesting to observe how remote Augustin was from attaching superior merit to voluntary poverty, or to other forms of asceticism as ends in themselves.  What he prized was the ability to use without abusing, to have without cleaving to the good things which God provides.—A.H.N.]

43.  But since we are speaking here of bearing pain and bodily sufferings, I pass from this man, great as he was, indomitable as he was:  this is the case of a man.  But these Scriptures present to me a woman of amazing fortitude, and I must at once go on to her case.  This woman, along with seven children, allowed the tyrant and executioner to extract her vitals from her body rather than a profane word from her mouth, encouraging her sons by her exhortations, though she suffered in the tortures of their bodies, and was herself to undergo what she called on them to bear.112112     2 Mac. vii.   What patience could be greater than this?  And yet why should we be astonished that the love of God, implanted in her inmost heart, bore up against tyrant, and executioner, and pain, and sex, and natural affection?  Had she not heard, "Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of His saints?"113113     Ps. cxvi. 15.   Had she not heard, "A patient man is better than the mightiest?"114114     Prov. xvi. 32.   Had she not heard, "All that is appointed 54thee receive; and in pain bear it; and in abasement keep thy patience:  for in fire are gold and silver tried?"115115     Ecclus. ii. 4, 5.   Had she not heard, "The fire tries the vessels of the potter, and for just men is the trial of tribulation?"116116     Ecclus. xxvii. 6.   These she knew, and many other precepts of fortitude written in these books, which alone existed at that time, by the same divine Spirit who writes those in the New Testament.

Chapter 24.—Of Justice and Prudence.

44.  What of justice that pertains to God?  As the Lord says, "Ye cannot serve two masters,"117117     Matt. vi. 24. and the apostle denounces those who serve the creature rather than the Creator,118118     Rom. i. 25. was it not said before in the Old Testament, "Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and Him only shalt thou serve?"119119     Deut. vi. 13.   I need say no more on this, for these books are full of such passages.  The lover, then, whom we are describing, will get from justice this rule of life, that he must with perfect readiness serve the God whom he loves, the highest good, the highest wisdom, the highest peace;120120     A name given by Augustin to the Holy Spirit, v. xxx. and as regards all other things, must either rule them as subject to himself, or treat them with a view to their subjection.  This rule of life, is, as we have shown, confirmed by the authority of both Testaments.

45.  With equal brevity we must treat of prudence, to which it belongs to discern between what is to be desired and what to be shunned.  Without this, nothing can be done of what we have already spoken of.  It is the part of prudence to keep watch with most anxious vigilance, lest any evil influence should stealthily creep in upon us.  Thus the Lord often exclaims, "Watch;"121121     Matt. xxiv. 42. and He says, "Walk while ye have the light, lest darkness come upon you."122122     John xii. 35.   And then it is said, "Know ye not that a little leaven leaveneth the whole lump?"123123     1 Cor. v. 6.   And no passage can be quoted from the Old Testament more expressly condemning this mental somnolence, which makes us insensible to destruction advancing on us step by step, than those words of the prophet, "He who despiseth small things shall fall by degrees."124124     Ecclus. xix. 1.   On this topic I might discourse at length did our haste allow of it.  And did our present task demand it, we might perhaps prove the depth of these mysteries, by making a mock of which profane men in their perfect ignorance fall, not certainly by degrees, but with a headlong overthrow.

Chapter 25.—Four Moral Duties Regarding the Love of God, of Which Love the Reward is Eternal Life and the Knowledge of the Truth.

46.  I need say no more about right conduct.  For if God is man’s chief good, which you cannot deny, it clearly follows, since to seek the chief good is to live well, that to live well is nothing else but to love God with all the heart, with all the soul, with all the mind; and, as arising from this, that this love must be preserved entire and incorrupt, which is the part of temperance; that it give way before no troubles, which is the part of fortitude; that it serve no other, which is the part of justice; that it be watchful in its inspection of things lest craft or fraud steal in, which is the part of prudence.  This is the one perfection of man, by which alone he can succeed in attaining to the purity of truth.  This both Testaments enjoin in concert; this is commended on both sides alike.  Why do you continue to cast reproaches on Scriptures of which you are ignorant?  Do you not see the folly of your attack upon books which only those who do not understand them find fault with, and which only those who find fault fail in understanding?  For neither can an enemy know them, nor can one who knows them be other than a friend to them.

47.  Let us then, as many as have in view to reach eternal life, love God with all the heart, with all the soul, with all the mind.  For eternal life contains the whole reward in the promise of which we rejoice; nor can the reward precede desert, nor be given to a man before he is worthy of it.  What can be more unjust than this, and what is more just than God?  We should not then demand the reward before we deserve to get it.  Here, perhaps, it is not out of place to ask what is eternal life; or rather let us hear the Bestower of it:  "This," He says, "is life eternal, that they should know Thee, the true God, and Jesus Christ whom Thou hast sent."125125     John xvii. 3.   So eternal life is the knowledge of the truth.  See, then, how perverse and preposterous is the character of those who think that their teaching of the knowledge of God will make us perfect, when this is the reward of those already perfect!  What else, then, have we to do but first to love with full affection Him whom we desire to know?126126     Retract. i. 7. § 4:—"I should have said sincere affection rather than full; or it might be thought that the love of God will be no greater when we shall see Him face to face.  Full, then, must be here understood as meaning that it cannot be greater while we walk by faith.  There will be greater, yea, perfect fullness, but only by sight."   Hence arises that principle on which we have all 55along insisted, that there is nothing more wholesome in the Catholic Church than using authority127127     [By authority Augustin does not mean the authority of the Church or of Scripture, but he refers to the loving recognition of the authority of God as the condition of true discipleship.—A.H.N.] before argument.

Chapter 26.—Love of Ourselves and of Our Neighbor.

48.  To proceed to what remains.  It may be thought that there is nothing here about man himself, the lover.  But to think this, shows a want of clear perception.  For it is impossible for one who loves God not to love himself.  For he alone has a proper love for himself who aims diligently at the attainment of the chief and true good; and if this is nothing else but God, as has been shown, what is to prevent one who loves God from loving himself?  And then, among men should there be no bond of mutual love?  Yea, verily; so that we can think of no surer step towards the love of God than the love of man to man.

49.  Let the Lord then supply us with the other precept in answer to the question about the precepts of life; for He was not satisfied with one as knowing that God is one thing and man another, and that the difference is nothing less than that between the Creator and the thing created in the likeness of its Creator.  He says then that the second precept is, "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself."128128     Matt. xxii. 39.   Now you love yourself suitably when you love God better than yourself.  What, then, you aim at in yourself you must aim at in your neighbor, namely, that he may love God with a perfect affection.  For you do not love him as yourself, unless you try to draw him to that good which you are yourself pursuing.  For this is the one good which has room for all to pursue it along with thee.  From this precept proceed the duties of human society, in which it is hard to keep from error.  But the first thing to aim at is, that we should be benevolent, that is, that we cherish no malice and no evil design against another.  For man is the nearest neighbor of man.

50.  Hear also what Paul says:  "The love of our neighbor," he says, "worketh no ill."129129     Rom. xiii. 10.   The testimonies here made use of are very short, but, if I mistake not, they are to the point, and sufficient for the purpose.  And every one knows how many and how weighty are the words to be found everywhere in these books on the love of our neighbor.  But as a man may sin against another in two ways, either by injuring him or by not helping him when it is in his power, and as it is for these things which no loving man would do that men are called wicked, all that is required is, I think, proved by these words, "The love of our neighbor worketh no ill."  And if we cannot attain to good unless we first desist from working evil, our love of our neighbor is a sort of cradle of our love to God, so that, as it is said, "the love of our neighbor worketh no ill," we may rise from this to these other words, "We know that all things issue in good to them that love God."130130     Rom. viii. 28.

51.  But there is a sense in which these either rise together to fullness and perfection, or, while the love of God is first in beginning, the love of our neighbor is first in coming to perfection.  For perhaps divine love takes hold on us more rapidly at the outset, but we reach perfection more easily in lower things.  However that may be, the main point is this, that no one should think that while he despises his neighbor he will come to happiness and to the God whom he loves.  And would that it were as easy to seek the good of our neighbor, or to avoid hurting him, as it is for one well trained and kind-hearted to love his neighbor!  These things require more than mere good-will, and can be done only by a high degree of thoughtfulness and prudence, which belongs only to those to whom it is given by God, the source of all good.  On this topic—which is one, I think, of great difficulty—I will try to say a few words such as my plan admits of, resting all my hope in Him whose gifts these are.

Chapter 27.—On Doing Good to the Body of Our Neighbor.

52.  Man, then, as viewed by his fellow-man, is a rational soul with a mortal and earthly body in its service.  Therefore he who loves his neighbor does good partly to the man’s body, and partly to his soul.  What benefits the body is called medicine; what benefits the soul, discipline.  Medicine here includes everything that either preserves or restores bodily health.  It includes, therefore, not only what belongs to the art of medical men, properly so called, but also food and drink, clothing and shelter, and every means of covering and protection to guard our bodies against injuries and mishaps from without as well as from within.  For hunger and thirst, and cold and heat, and all violence from without, produce loss of that health which is the point to be considered.

53.  Hence those who seasonably and wisely supply all the things required for warding off 56these evils and distresses are called compassionate, although they may have been so wise that no painful feeling disturbed their mind in the exercise of compassion.131131     Retract. i. 7. § 4:—"This does not mean that there are actually in this life wise men such as are here spoken of.  My words are not, ‘although they are so wise,’ but ‘although they were so wise.’"  [Augustin’s ideal wise man was evidently the "Gnostic" of Clement of Alexandria.  The conception is Stoical and Neo-Platonic.—A.H.N.]   No doubt the word compassionate implies suffering in the heart of the man who feels for the sorrow of another.  And it is equally true that a wise man ought to be free from all painful emotion when he assists the needy, when he gives food to the hungry and water to the thirsty, when he clothes the naked, when he takes the stranger into his house, when he sets free the oppressed, when, lastly, he extends his charity to the dead in giving them burial.  Still the epithet compassionate is a proper one, although he acts with tranquillity of mind, not from the stimulus of painful feeling, but from motives of benevolence.  There is no harm in the word compassionate when there is no passion in the case.

54.  Fools, again, who avoid the exercise of compassion as a vice, because they are not sufficiently moved by a sense of duty without feeling also distressful emotion, are frozen into hard insensibility, which is very different from the calm of a rational serenity.  God, on the other hand, is properly called compassionate; and the sense in which He is so will be understood by those whom piety and diligence have made fit to understand.  There is a danger lest, in using the words of the learned, we harden the souls of the unlearned by leading them away from compassion instead of softening them with the desire of a charitable disposition.  As compassion, then, requires us to ward off these distresses from others, so harmlessness forbids the infliction of them.

Chapter 28.—On Doing Good to the Soul of Our Neighbor.  Two Parts of Discipline, Restraint and Instruction.  Through Good Conduct We Arrive at the Knowledge of the Truth.

55.  As regards discipline, by which the health of the mind is restored, without which bodily health avails nothing for security against misery, the subject is one of great difficulty.  And as in the body we said it is one thing to cure diseases and wounds, which few can do properly, and another thing to meet the cravings of hunger and thirst, and to give assistance in all the other ways in which any man may at any time help another; so in the mind there are some things in which the high and rare offices of the teacher are not much called for,—as, for instance, in advice and exhortation to give to the needy the things already mentioned as required for the body.  To give such advice is to aid the mind by discipline, as giving the things themselves is aiding the body by our resources.  But there are other cases where diseases of the mind, many and various in kind, are healed in a way strange and indescribable.  Unless His medicine were sent from heaven to men, so heedlessly do they go on in sin, there would be no hope of salvation; and, indeed, even bodily health, if you go to the root of the matter, can have come to men from none but God, who gives to all things their being and their well-being.

56.  This discipline, then, which is the medicine of the mind, as far as we can gather from the sacred Scriptures, includes two things, restraint and instruction.  Restraint implies fear, and instruction love, in the person benefited by the discipline; for in the giver of the benefit there is the love without the fear.  In both of these God Himself, by whose goodness and mercy it is that we are anything, has given us in the two Testaments a rule of discipline.  For though both are found in both Testaments, still fear is prominent in the Old, and love in the New; which the apostle calls bondage in the one, and liberty in the other.  Of the marvellous order and divine harmony of these Testaments it would take long to speak, and many pious and learned men have discoursed on it.  The theme demands many books to set it forth and explain it as far as is possible for man.  He, then, who loves his neighbor endeavors all he can to procure his safety in body and in soul, making the health of the mind the standard in his treatment of the body.  And as regards the mind, his endeavors are in this order, that he should first fear and then love God.  This is true excellence of conduct, and thus the knowledge of the truth is acquired which we are ever in the pursuit of.

57.  The Manichæans agree with me as regards the duty of loving God and our neighbor, but they deny that this is taught in the Old Testament.  How greatly they err in this is, I think, clearly shown by the passages quoted above on both these duties.  But, in a single word, and one which only stark madness can oppose, do they not see the unreasonableness of denying that these very two precepts which they commend are quoted by the Lord in the Gospel from the Old Testament, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind;" and the other, "Thou 57shalt love thy neighbor as thyself?"132132     Deut. vi. 5; Lev. xix. 18; Matt. xxii. 37, 39.   Or if they dare not deny this, from the light of truth being too strong for them, let them deny that these precepts are salutary; let them deny, if they can, that they teach the best morality; let them assert that it is not a duty to love God, or to love our neighbor; that all things do not issue in good to them that love God; that it is not true that the love of our neighbor worketh no ill (a two-fold regulation of human life which is most salutary and excellent).  By such assertions they cut themselves off not only from Christians, but from mankind.  But if they dare not speak thus, but must confess the divinity of the precepts, why do they not desist from assailing and maligning with horrible profanity the books from which they are quoted?

58.  Will they say, as they often do, that although we find these precepts in the books, it does not follow that all is good that is found there?  How to meet and refute this quibble I do not well see.  Shall I discuss the words of the Old Testament one by one, to prove to stubborn and ignorant men their perfect agreement with the New Testament?  But when will this be done?  When shall I have time, or they patience?  What, then, is to be done?  Shall I desert the cause, and leave them to escape detection in an opinion which, though false and impious, is hard to disprove?  I will not.  God will Himself be at hand to aid me; nor will He suffer me in those straits to remain helpless or forsaken.

Chapter 29.—Of the Authority of the Scriptures.

59.  Attend, then, ye Manichæans, if perchance there are some of you of whom your superstition has hold so as to allow you yet to escape.  Attend, I say, without obstinacy, without the desire to oppose, otherwise your decision will be fatal to yourselves.  No one can doubt, and you are not so lost to the truth as not to understand that if it is good, as all allow, to love God and our neighbor, whatever hangs on these two precepts cannot rightly be pronounced bad.  What it is that hangs on them it would be absurd to think of learning from me.  Hear Christ Himself; hear Christ, I say; hear the Wisdom of God:  "On these two commandments," He says, "hang all the law and the prophets."133133     Matt. xxii. 40.

60.  What can the most shameless obstinacy say to this?  That these are not Christ’s words?  But they are written in the Gospel as His words.  That the writing is false?  Is not this most profane blasphemy?  Is it not most presumptuous to speak thus?  Is it not most foolhardy?  Is it not most criminal?  The worshippers of idols, who hate even the name of Christ, never dared to speak thus against these Scriptures.  For the utter overthrow of all literature will follow, and there will be an end to all books handed down from the past, if what is supported by such a strong popular belief and established by the uniform testimony of so many men and so many times, is brought into such suspicion, that it is not allowed to have the credit and the authority of common history.  In fine, what can you quote from any writings of which I may not speak in this way if it is quoted against my opinion and my purpose?134134     [The strong testimony borne by Augustin against the perverse subjective criticism of the Manichæns has an important application to the present time.—A.H.N.]

61.  And is it not intolerable that they forbid us to believe a book widely known and placed now in the hands of all, while they insist on our believing the book which they quote?  If any writing is to be suspected, what should be more so than one which has not merited notoriety, or which may be throughout a forgery, bearing a false name?  If you force such a writing on me against my will, and make a display of authority to drive me into belief, shall I, when I have a writing which I see spread far and wide for a length of time, and sanctioned by the concordant testimony of churches scattered over all the world, degrade myself by doubting, and, worse degradation, by doubting at your suggestion?  Even if you brought forward other readings, I should not receive them unless supported by general agreement; and this being the case, do you think that now, when you bring forward nothing to compare with the text except your own silly and inconsiderate statement, mankind are so unreasonable and so forsaken by divine Providence as to prefer to those Scriptures not others quoted by you in refutation, but merely your own words?  You ought to bring forward another manuscript with the same contents, but incorrupt and more correct, with only the passage wanting which you charge with being spurious.  For example, if you hold that the Epistle of Paul to the Romans is spurious, you must bring forward another incorrupt, or rather another manuscript with the same epistle of the same apostle, free from error and corruption.  You say you will not, lest you be suspected of corrupting it.  This is your usual reply, and a true one.  Were you to do this, we should assuredly have this very suspicion; and all men of any sense would have it too.  See then 58what you are to think of your own authority; and consider whether it is right to believe your words against these Scriptures, when the simple fact that a manuscript is brought forward by you makes it dangerous to put faith in it.

Chapter 30.—The Church Apostrophised as Teacher of All Wisdom.  Doctrine of the Catholic Church.

62.  But why say more on this?  For who but sees that men who dare to speak thus against the Christian Scriptures, though they may not be what they are suspected of being, are at least no Christians?  For to Christians this rule of life is given, that we should love the Lord Our God with all the heart, with all the soul, and with all the mind, and our neighbor as ourselves; for on these two commandments hang all the law and the prophets.  Rightly, then, Catholic Church, most true mother of Christians, dost thou not only teach that God alone, to find whom is the happiest life, must be worshipped in perfect purity and chastity, bringing in no creature as an object of adoration whom we should be required to serve; and from that incorrupt and inviolable eternity to which alone man should be made subject, in cleaving to which alone the rational soul escapes misery, excluding everything made, everything liable to change, everything under the power of time; without confounding what eternity, and truth, and peace itself keeps separate, or separating what a common majesty unites:  but thou dost also contain love and charity to our neighbor in such a way, that for all kinds of diseases with which souls are for their sins afflicted, there is found with thee a medicine of prevailing efficacy.

63.  Thy training and teaching are childlike for children, forcible for youths, peaceful for the aged, taking into account the age of the mind as well as of the body.  Thou subjectest women to their husbands in chaste and faithful obedience, not to gratify passion, but for the propagation of offspring,135135     [This view of the marriage relation seems to have been almost universal in the ancient Church.  Tertullian and Clement of Alexandria are fond of dwelling upon it.  For Augustin’s views more fully stated see his De Bono Conjugali, 6.  See also an interesting excursus on "Continence in Married Life" in Cunningham’s St. Austin, p. 168. sq.—A.H.N.] and for domestic society.  Thou givest to men authority over their wives, not to mock the weaker sex, but in the laws of unfeigned love.  Thou dost subordinate children to their parents in a kind of free bondage, and dost set parents over their children in a godly rule.  Thou bindest brothers to brothers in a religious tie stronger and closer than that of blood.  Without violation of the connections of nature and of choice, thou bringest within the bond of mutual love every relationship of kindred, and every alliance of affinity.  Thou teachest servants to cleave to their masters from delight in their task rather than from the necessity of their position.  Thou renderest masters forbearing to their servants, from a regard to God their common Master, and more disposed to advise than to compel.  Thou unitest citizen to citizen, nation to nation, yea, man to man, from the recollection of their first parents, not only in society but in fraternity.  Thou teachest kings to seek the good of their peoples; thou counsellest peoples to be subject to their kings.  Thou teachest carefully to whom honor is due, to whom regard, to whom reverence, to whom fear, to whom consolation, to whom admonition, to whom encouragement, to whom discipline, to whom rebuke, to whom punishment; showing both how all are not due to all, and how to all love is due, and how injury is due to none.136136     [If this apostrophe had been addressed to "Christianity" rather than to the "Catholic Church," no Christian could fail to see in it one of the noblest tributes ever bestowed on the religion of Christ.  Augustin identified Christianity with the organized body which was far from realizing the ideal that he here sets forth.  As an apostrophe to ideal Christianity nothing could be finer.—A.H.N.]

64.  Then, after this human love has nourished and invigorated the mind cleaving to thy breast, and fitted it for following God, when the divine majesty has begun to disclose itself as far as suffices for man while a dweller on the earth, such fervent charity is produced, and such a flame of divine love is kindled, that by the burning out of all vices, and by the purification and sanctification of the man, it becomes plain how divine are these words, "I am a consuming fire,"137137     Deut. iv. 24 Retract. i. 7, § 5:—"The Pelagians may think that I have spoken of perfection as attainable in this life.  But they must not think so.  For the fervor of charity which is fitted for following God, and of force enough to consume all vices, can have its origin and growth in this life; but it does not follow that it can here accomplish the purpose of its origin, so that no vice shall remain in the man; although this great effect is produced by this same fervor of charity, when and where this is possible, that as the laver of regeneration purifies from the guilt of all the sins which attach to man’s birth, or come from his evil conduct, so this perfection may purify him from all stain from the vices which necessarily attend human infirmity in this world.  So we must understand the words of the apostle:  ‘Christ loved the Church, and gave himself for it; cleansing it with the washing of water by the word, that He might present it to Himself a glorious Church, not having spot, or wrinkle, or any such thing’ (Eph. v. 25-27).  For in this world there is the washing of water by the word which purifies the Church.  But as the whole Church, as long as it is here, says, ‘Forgive us our debts,’ it certainly is not while here without spot, or wrinkle, or any such thing; but from that which it here receives, it is led on to the glory which is not here, and to perfection." and, "I have come to send fire on the earth."138138     Luke xii. 49.   These two utterances of one God stamped on both Testaments, exhibit with harmonious testimony, the sanctification of the soul, pointing forward to the accomplishment of that which 59is also quoted in the New Testament from the Old:  "Death is swallowed up in victory.  O death, where is thy sting?  Where, O death, is thy contest?"139139     Hos. xiii. 14; 1 Cor. xv. 54, 55.   Could these heretics understand this one saying, no longer proud but quite reconciled, they would worship God nowhere but with thee and in thy bosom.  In thee, as is fit, divine precepts are kept by widely-scattered multitudes.  In thee, as is fit, it is well understood how much more heinous sin is when the law is known than when it is unknown.  For "the sting of death is sin, and the strength of sin is the law,"140140     1 Cor. xv. 56. which adds to the force with which the consciousness of disregard of the precept strikes and slays.  In thee it is seen, as is fit, how vain is effort under the law, when lust lays waste the mind, and is held in check by fear of punishment, instead of being overborne by the love of virtue.  Thine, as is fit, are the many hospitable, the many friendly, the many compassionate, the many learned, the many chaste, the many saints, the many so ardent in their love to God, that in perfect continence and amazing indifference to this world they find happiness even in solitude.

Chapter 31.—The Life of the Anachoretes and Cœnobites Set Against the Continence of the Manichæans.

65.  What must we think is seen by those who can live without seeing their fellow-creatures, though not without loving them?  It must be something transcending human things in contemplating which man can live without seeing his fellow-man.  Hear now, ye Manichæans, the customs and notable continence of perfect Christians, who have thought it right not only to praise but also to practise the height of chastity, that you may be restrained, if there is any shame in you, from vaunting your abstinence before uninstructed minds as if it were the hardest of all things.  I will speak of things of which you are not ignorant, though you hide them from us.  For who does not know that there is a daily increasing multitude of Christian men of absolute continence spread all over the world, especially in the East and in Egypt, as you cannot help knowing?

66.  I will say nothing of those to whom I just now alluded, who, in complete seclusion from the view of men, inhabit regions utterly barren, content with simple bread, which is brought to them periodically, and with water, enjoying communion with God, to whom in purity of mind they cleave, and most blessed in contemplating His beauty, which can be seen only by the understanding of saints.  I will say nothing of them, because some people think them to have abandoned human things more than they ought, not considering how much those may benefit us in their minds by prayer, and in their lives by example, whose bodies we are not permitted to see.  But to discuss this point would take long, and would be fruitless; for if a man does not of his own accord regard this high pitch of sanctity as admirable and honorable, how can our speaking lead him to do so?  Only the Manichæans, who make a boast of nothing, should be reminded that the abstinence and continence of the great saints of the Catholic Church has gone so far, that some think it should be checked and recalled within the limits of humanity,—so far above men, even in the judgment of those who disapprove, have their minds soared.

67.  But if this is beyond our tolerance, who can but admire and commend those who, slighting and discarding the pleasures of this world, living together in a most chaste and holy society, unite in passing their time in prayers, in readings, in discussions, without any swelling of pride, or noise of contention, or sullenness of envy; but quiet, modest, peaceful, their life is one of perfect harmony and devotion to God, an offering most acceptable to Him from whom the power to do those things is obtained?  No one possesses anything of his own; no one is a burden to another.  They work with their hands in such occupations as may feed their bodies without distracting their minds from God.  The product of their toil they give to the decans or tithesmen,—so called from being set over the tithes,—so that no one is occupied with the care of his body, either in food or clothes, or in anything else required for daily use or for the common ailments.  These decans, again, arranging everything with great care, and meeting promptly the demands made by that life on account of bodily infirmities, have one called "father," to whom they give in their accounts.  These fathers are not only more saintly in their conduct, but also distinguished for divine learning, and of high character in every way; and without pride they superintend those whom they call their children, having themselves great authority in giving orders, and meeting with willing obedience from those under their charge.  At the close of the day they assemble from their separate dwellings before their meal to hear their father, assembling to the number of three thousand at least for one father; for one may have even a much larger number than this.  They listen with astonishing 60eagerness in perfect silence, and give expression to the feelings of their minds as moved by the words of the preacher, in groans, or tears, or signs of joy without noise or shouting.  Then there is refreshment for the body, as much as health and a sound condition of the body requires, every one checking unlawful appetite, so as not to go to excess even in the poor, inexpensive fare provided.  So they not only abstain from flesh and wine, in order to gain the mastery over their passions, but also from those things which are only the more likely to whet the appetite of the palate and of the stomach, from what some call their greater cleanness, which often serves as a ridiculous and disgraceful excuse for an unseemly taste for exquisite viands, as distant from animal food.  Whatever they possess in addition to what is required for their support (and much is obtained, owing to their industry and frugality), they distribute to the needy with greater care than they took in procuring it for themselves.  For while they make no effort to obtain abundance, they make every effort to prevent their abundance remaining with them,—so much so, that they send shiploads to places inhabited by poor people.  I need say no more on a matter known to all.141141     [This picture of cœnobitic life, even in its purest form, is doubtless idealized.  It is certain that the monasteries very soon became hot-beds of vice, and the refuge of the scum of society.—A.H.N.]

68.  Such, too, is the life of the women, who serve God assiduously and chastely, living apart and removed as far as propriety demands from the men, to whom they are united only in pious affection and in imitation of virtue.  No young men are allowed access to them, nor even old men, however respectable and approved, except to the porch, in order to furnish necessary supplies.  For the women occupy and maintain themselves by working in wool, and hand over the cloth to the brethren, from whom, in return, they get what they need for food.  Such customs, such a life, such arrangements, such a system, I could not commend as it deserves, if I wished to commend it; besides, I am afraid that it would seem as if I thought it unlikely to gain acceptance from the mere description of it, if I considered myself obliged to add an ornamental eulogium to the simple narrative.  Ye Manichæans, find fault here if you can.  Do not bring into prominence our tares before men too blind to discriminate.

Chapter 32.—Praise of the Clergy.

69.  There is not, however, such narrowness in the moral excellence of the Catholic Church as that I should limit my praise of it to the life of those here mentioned.  For how many bishops have I known most excellent and holy men, how many presbyters, how many deacons, and ministers of all kinds of the divine sacraments, whose virtue seems to me more admirable and more worthy of commendation on account of the greater difficulty of preserving it amidst the manifold varieties of men, and in this life of turmoil!  For they preside over men needing cure as much as over those already cured.  The vices of the crowd must be borne with in order that they may be cured, and the plague must be endured before it is subdued.  To keep here the best way of life and a mind calm and peaceful is very hard.  Here, in a word, we are among people who are learning to live.  There they live.

Chapter 33.—Another Kind of Men Living Together in Cities.  Fasts of Three Days.

70.  Still I would not on this account cast a slight upon a praiseworthy class of Christians,—those, namely, who live together in cities, quite apart from common life.  I saw at Milan a lodging-house of saints, in number not a few, presided over by one presbyter, a man of great excellence and learning.  At Rome I knew several places where there was in each one eminent for weight of character, and prudence, and divine knowledge, presiding over all the rest who lived with him, in Christian charity, and sanctity, and liberty.  These, too, are not burdensome to any one; but, in the Eastern fashion, and on the authority of the Apostle Paul, they maintain themselves with their own hands.  I was told that many practised fasts of quite amazing severity, not merely taking only one meal daily towards night, which is everywhere quite common, but very often continuing for three days or more in succession without food or drink.  And this among not men only, but women, who also live together in great numbers as widows or virgins, gaining a livelihood by spinning and weaving, and presided over in each case by a woman of the greatest judgment and experience, skilled and accomplished not only in directing and forming moral conduct, but also in instructing the understanding.142142     [Augustin ascribes a broadmindedness and charitableness to the ascetics of his time which was doubtless quite subjective.  The ascetics of that age with whose history we are acquainted were not of this type.  Jerome is an example.—A.H.N.]

71.  With all this, no one is pressed to endure hardships for which he is unfit; nothing is imposed on any one against his will; nor is he condemned by the rest because he con61fesses himself too feeble to imitate them:  for they bear in mind how strongly Scripture enjoins charity on all:  they bear in mind "To the pure all things are pure,"143143     Tit. i. 15. and "Not that which entereth into your mouth defileth you, but that which cometh out of it."144144     Matt. xv. 11.   Accordingly, all their endeavors are concerned not about the rejection of kinds of food as polluted, but about the subjugation of inordinate desire and the maintenance of brotherly love.  They remember, "Meats for the belly, and the belly for meats; but God shall destroy both it and them;"145145     1 Cor. vi. 13. and again, "Neither if we eat shall we abound, nor if we refrain from eating shall we be in want;"146146     1 Cor. viii. 8. and, above all, this:  "It is good, my brethren, not to eat flesh, nor drink wine, nor anything whereby thy brother is offended;" for this passage shows that love is the end to be aimed at in all these things.  "For one man," he says, "believes that he can eat all things:  another, who is weak, eateth herbs.  He that eateth, let him not despise him that eateth not; and let not him that eateth not judge him that eateth:  for God hath approved him.  Who art thou that thou shouldest judge another man’s servant?  To his own master he stands or fails; but he shall stand:  for God is able to make him to stand."  And a little after:  "He that eateth, to the Lord he eateth, and giveth God thanks; and he that eateth not, to the Lord he eateth not, and giveth God thanks."  And also in what follows:  "So every one of us shall give account of himself to God.  Let us not, then, any more judge one another:  but judge this rather, that ye place no stumbling-block, or cause of offence, in the way of a brother.  I know, and am confident in the Lord Jesus, that there is nothing common in itself:  but to him that thinketh anything to be common, to him it is common."  Could he have shown better that it is not in the things we eat, but in the mind, that there is a power able to pollute it, and therefore that even those who are fit to think lightly of these things, and know perfectly that they are not polluted if they take any food in mental superiority, without being gluttons, should still have regard to charity?  See what he adds:  "For if thy brother be grieved with thy meat, now walkest thou not charitably."147147     Rom. xiv. 2-21.

72.  Read the rest:  it is too long to quote all.  You will find that those able to think lightly of such things,—that is, those of greater strength and stability,—are told that they must nevertheless abstain, lest those should be offended who from their weakness are still in need of such abstinence.  The people I was describing know and observe these things; for they are Christians, not heretics.  They understand Scripture according to the apostolic teaching, not according to the presumptuous and fictitious name of apostle.148148     See title of the Epistle of Manichæus, Contra Faust. xiii. 4.   Him that eats not no one despises; him that eats no one judges; he who is weak eats herbs.  Many who are strong, however, do this for the sake of the weak; with many the reason for so doing is not this, but that they may have a cheaper diet, and may lead a life of the greatest tranquillity, with the least expensive provision for the support of the body.  "For all things are lawful for me," he says; "but I will not be brought under the power of any." 149149     1 Cor. vi. 12.   Thus many do not eat flesh, and yet do not superstitiously regard it as unclean.  And so the same people who abstain when in health take it when unwell without any fear, if it is required as a cure.  Many drink no wine; but they do not think that wine defiles them; for they cause it to be given with the greatest propriety and moderation to people of languid temperament, and, in short, to all who cannot have bodily health without it.  When some foolishly refuse it, they counsel them as brothers not to let a silly superstition make them weaker instead of making them holier.  They read to them the apostle’s precept to his disciple to "take a little wine for his many infirmities."150150     1 Tim. v. 23.   Then they diligently exercise piety; bodily exercise, they know, profiteth for a short time, as the same apostle says.151151     1 Tim. iv. 8.

73.  Those, then who are able, and they are without number, abstain both from flesh and from wine for two reasons:  either for the weakness of their brethren, or for their own liberty.  Charity is principally attended to.  There is charity in their choice of diet, charity in their speech, charity in their dress, charity in their looks.  Charity is the point where they meet, and the plan by which they act.  To transgress against charity is thought criminal, like transgressing against God.  Whatever opposes this is attacked and expelled; whatever injures it is not allowed to continue for a single day.  They know that it has been so enjoined by Christ and the apostles; that without it all things are empty, with it all are fulfilled.

Chapter 34.—The Church is Not to Be Blamed for the Conduct of Bad Christians, Worshippers of Tombs and Pictures.

74.  Make objections against these, ye 62Manichæans, if you can.  Look at these people, and speak of them reproachfully, if you dare, without falsehood.  Compare their fasts with your fasts, their chastity with yours; compare them to yourselves in dress, food, self-restraint, and, lastly, in charity.  Compare, which is most to the point, their precepts with yours.  Then you will see the difference between show and sincerity, between the right way and the wrong, between faith and imposture, between strength and inflatedness, between happiness and wretchedness, between unity and disunion; in short, between the sirens of superstition and the harbor of religion.

75.  Do not summon against me professors of the Christian name, who neither know nor give evidence of the power of their profession.152152       [Augustin says nothing of the encouragement given to such pagan practices by men regarded in that age as possessed of almost superhuman sanctity, such as Sulpicius Severus, Paulinus of Nola, etc.  He speaks of corruptions as if they were exceptional, whereas they seem to have been the rule.  Yet there is force in his contention that Christianity be judged by its best products rather than by the worst elements associated with it.—A.H.N.]   Do not hunt up the numbers of ignorant people, who even in the true religion are superstitious, or are so given up to evil passions as to forget what they have promised to God.  I know that there are many worshippers of tombs and pictures.  I know that there are many who drink to great excess over the dead, and who, in the feasts which they make for corpses, bury themselves over the buried, and give to their gluttony and drunkenness the name of religion.  I know that there are many who in words have renounced this world, and yet desire to be burdened with all the weight of worldly things, and rejoice in such burdens.  Nor is it surprising that among so many multitudes you should find some by condemning whose life you may deceive the unwary and seduce them from Catholic safety; for in your small numbers you are at a loss when called on to show even one out of those whom you call the elect who keeps the precepts, which in your indefensible superstition you profess.  How silly those are, how impious, how mischievous, and to what extent they are neglected by most, nearly all of you, I have shown in another volume.

76.  My advice to you now is this:  that you should at least desist from slandering the Catholic Church, by declaiming against the conduct of men whom the Church herself condemns, seeking daily to correct them as wicked children.  Then, if any of them by good will and by the help of God are corrected, they regain by repentance what they had lost by sin.  Those, again, who with wicked will persist in their old vices, or even add to them others still worse, are indeed allowed to remain in the field of the Lord, and to grow along with the good seed; but the time for separating the tares will come.153153     [Augustin’s ideal representation of Christianity and his identification of the organized Catholic Church with Christianity is quite inconsistent with the practice of the Church which he here seeks to justify.  No duty is more distinctly enjoined upon believers in the New Testament than separation from unbelievers and evil doers.  But such separation is impracticable in an established Church such as that to which Augustin rejoiced to belong.—A.H.N.]   Or if, from their having at least the Christian name, they are to be placed among the chaff rather than among thistles, there will also come One to purge the floor and to separate the chaff from the wheat, and to assign to each part (according to its desert) the due reward.154154     Matt. iii. 13, and xiii. 24-43.

Chapter 35.—Marriage and Property Allowed to the Baptized by the Apostles.

77.  Meanwhile, why do you rage? why does party spirit blind your eyes?  Why do you entangle yourselves in a long defence of such great error?  Seek for fruit in the field, seek for wheat in the floor:  they will be found easily, and will present themselves to the inquirer.  Why do you look so exclusively at the dross?  Why do you use the roughness of the hedge to scare away the inexperienced from the fatness of the garden?  There is a proper entrance, though known to but a few; and by it men come in, though you disbelieve it, or do not wish to find it.  In the Catholic Church there are believers without number who do not use the world, and there are those who "use it," in the words of the apostle, "as not using it,"155155     1 Cor. vii. 31. as was proved in those times when Christians were forced to worship idols.  For then, how many wealthy men, how many peasant householders, how many merchants, how many military men, how many leading men in their own cities, and how many senators, people of both sexes, giving up all these empty and transitory things, though while they used them they were not bound down by them, endured death for the salutary faith and religion, and proved to unbelievers that instead of being possessed by all these things they really possessed them?

78.  Why do you reproach us by saying that men renewed in baptism ought no longer to beget children, or to possess fields, and houses, and money?  Paul allows it.  For, as cannot be denied, he wrote to believers, after recounting many kinds of evil-doers who shall not possess the kingdom of God:  "And such were you," he says:  "but ye are washed, but ye are sanctified, but ye are justified in 63the name of the Lord Jesus Christ and by the Spirit of our God."  By the washed and sanctified, no one, assuredly, will venture to think any are meant but believers, and those who have renounced this world.  But, after showing to whom he writes, let us see whether he allows these things to them.  He goes on:  "All things are lawful for me, but all things are not expedient:  all things are lawful for me, but I will not be brought under the power of any.  Meat for the belly, and the belly for meats:  but God will destroy both it and them.  Now the body is not for fornication, but for the Lord, and the Lord for the body.  But God raised up the Lord, and will raise us up also by His own power.  Know ye not that your bodies are the members of Christ? shall I then take the members of Christ, and make them the members of an harlot?  God forbid.  Know ye not that he which is joined to an harlot is made one body? for the twain, saith He, shall be one flesh.  But he that is joined to the Lord is one spirit.  Flee fornication.  Whatever sin a man doeth is without the body:  but he that committeth fornication sinneth against his own body.  Know ye not that your members are the temple of the Holy Spirit which is in you, which ye have of God, and ye are not your own?  For ye are bought with a great price:  glorify God, and carry Him in your body."156156     1 Cor. vi. 11-20.   "But of the things concerning which ye wrote to me:  it is good for a man not to touch a woman.  Nevertheless, to avoid fornication, let every man have his own wife, and let every woman have her own husband.  Let the husband render unto the wife due benevolence:  and likewise also the wife unto the husband.  The wife hath not power of her own body, but the husband:  and likewise also the husband hath not power of his own body, but the wife.  Defraud ye not one the other, except it be with consent for a time, that ye may have leisure for prayer; and come together again, that Satan tempt you not for your incontinency.  But I speak this by permission, and not of commandment.  For I would that all men were even as I myself:  but every man hath his proper gift of God, one after this manner, and another after that."157157     1 Cor. vii. 1-7.

79.  Has the apostle, think you, both shown sufficiently to the strong what is highest, and permitted to the weaker what is next best?  Not to touch a woman he shows is highest when he says, "I would that all men were even as I myself."  But next to this highest is conjugal chastity, that man may not be the prey of fornication.  Did he say that these people were not yet believers because they were married?  Indeed, by this conjugal chastity he says that those who are united are sanctified by one another, if one of them is an unbeliever, and that their children also are sanctified.  "The unbelieving husband," he says, "is sanctified by the believing wife, and the unbelieving woman by the believing husband:  otherwise your children would be unclean; but now are they holy."158158     1 Cor. vii. 14.   Why do you persist in opposition to such plain truth?  Why do you try to darken the light of Scripture by vain shadows?

80.  Do not say that catechumens are allowed to have wives, but not believers; that catechumens may have money, but not believers.  For there are many who use as not using.  And in that sacred washing the renewal of the new man is begun so as gradually to reach perfection, in some more quickly, in others more slowly.  The progress, however, to a new life is made in the case of many, if we view the matter without hostility, but attentively.  As the apostle says of himself, "Though the outward man perish, the inward man is renewed day by day."159159     2 Cor. iv. 16.   The apostle says that the inward man is renewed day by day that it may reach perfection; and you wish it to begin with perfection!  And it were well if you did wish it.  In reality, you aim not at raising the weak, but at misleading the unwary.  You ought not to have spoken so arrogantly, even if it were known that you are perfect in your childish precepts.  But when your conscience knows that those whom you bring into your sect, when they come to a more intimate acquaintance with you, will find many things in you which nobody hearing you accuse others would suspect, is it not great impertinence to demand perfection in the weaker Catholics, to turn away the inexperienced from the Catholic Church, while you show nothing of the kind in yourself to those thus turned away?  But not to seem to inveigh against you without reason, I will now close this volume, and will proceed at last to set forth the precepts of your life and your notable customs.

65

St. AUGUSTIN:

on the

morals of the manichæans.

 [de moribus manichæorum].

A.D. 388.

translated by the

rev. richard stothert, m.a.,

bombay

69

On the Morals of the Manichæans.

[De Moribus Manichæorum.] a.d. 388.

Containing a particular refutation of the doctrine of these heretics regarding the origin and nature of evil; an exposure of their pretended symbolical customs of the mouth, of the hands, and of the breast; and a condemnation of their superstitious abstinence and unholy mysteries.  Lastly, some crimes brought to light among the Manichæans are mentioned.

Chapter 1.—The Supreme Good is that Which is Possessed of Supreme Existence.

1.  Every one, I suppose, will allow that the question of things good and evil belongs to moral science, in which such terms are in common use.  It is therefore to be wished that men would bring to these inquiries such a clear intellectual perfection as might enable them to see the chief good, than which nothing is better or higher, next in order to which comes a rational soul in a state of purity and perfection. 160160     This statement has a complete parallel in Clement of Alexandria, and along with what follows, is Neo-Platonic.—A.H.N.]   If this were clearly understood, it would also become evident that the chief good is that which is properly described as having supreme and original existence.  For that exists in the highest sense of the word which continues always the same, which is throughout like itself, which cannot in any part be corrupted or changed, which is not subject to time, which admits of no variation in its present as compared with its former condition.  This is existence in its true sense.  For in this signification of the word existence there is implied a nature which is self-contained, and which continues immutably.  Such things can be said only of God, to whom there is nothing contrary in the strict sense of the word.  For the contrary of existence is non-existence.  There is therefore no nature contrary to God.  But since the minds with which we approach the study of these subjects have their vision damaged and dulled by silly notions, and by perversity of will, let us try as we can to gain some little knowledge of this great matter by degrees and with caution, making our inquiries not like men able to see, but like men groping the dark.

Chapter 2.—What Evil is.  That Evil is that Which is Against Nature.  In Allowing This, the Manichæans Refute Themselves.

2.  You Manichæans often, if not in every case, ask those whom you try to bring over to your heresy, Whence is evil?  Suppose I had now met you for the first time, I would ask you, if you please, to follow my example in putting aside for a little the explanation you suppose yourselves to have got of these subjects, and to commence this great inquiry with me as if for the first time.  You ask me, Whence is evil?  I ask you in return, What is evil?  Which is the more reasonable question?  Are those right who ask whence a thing is, when they do not know what it is; or he who thinks it necessary to inquire first what it is, in order to avoid the gross absurdity of searching for the origin of a thing unknown?  Your answer is quite correct, when you say that evil is that which is contrary to nature; for no one is so mentally blind as not to see that, in every kind, evil is that which is contrary to the nature of the kind.  But the establishment of this doctrine is the overthrow of your heresy.  For evil is no nature, 70if it is contrary to nature.  Now, according to you, evil is a certain nature and substance.  Moreover, whatever is contrary to nature must oppose nature and seek its destruction.  For nature means nothing else than that which anything is conceived of as being in its own kind.  Hence is the new word which we now use derived from the word for being,—essence namely, or, as we usually say, substance,—while before these words were in use, the word nature was used instead.  Here, then, if you will consider the matter without stubbornness, we see that evil is that which falls away from essence and tends to non-existence.

3.  Accordingly, when the Catholic Church declares that God is the author of all natures and substances, those who understand this understand at the same time that God is not the author of evil.  For how can He who is the cause of the being of all things be at the same time the cause of their not being,—that is, of their falling off from essence and tending to non-existence?  For this is what reason plainly declares to be the definition of evil.  Now, how can that race of evil of yours, which you make the supreme evil, be against nature, that is, against substance, when it, according to you, is itself a nature and substance?  For if it acts against itself, it destroys its own existence; and when that is completely done, it will come at last to be the supreme evil.  But this cannot be done, because you will have it not only to be, but to be everlasting.  That cannot then be the chief evil which is spoken of as a substance. 161161     [On Augustin’s view of negativity of evil and on the relation of this view to Neo-Platonism, see Introduction, chapter IX.  Augustin’s view seems to exclude the permanence of evil in the world, and so everlasting punishment and everlasting rebellion against God.—A.H.N.]

4.  But what am I to do?  I know that many of you can understand nothing of all this.  I know, too, that there are some who have a good understanding and can see these things, and yet are so stubborn in their choice of evil,—a choice that will ruin their understanding as well,—that they try rather to find what reply they can make in order to impose upon inactive and feeble minds, instead of giving their assent to the truth.  Still I shall not regret having written either what one of you may come some day to consider impartially, and be led to abandon your error, or what men of understanding and in allegiance to God, and who are still untainted with your errors, may read and so be kept from being led astray by your addresses.

Chapter 3.—If Evil is Defined as that Which is Hurtful, This Implies Another Refutation of the Manichæans.

5.  Let us then inquire more carefully, and, if possible, more plainly.  I ask you again, What is evil?  If you say it is that which is hurtful, here, too, you will not answer amiss.  But consider, I pray you; be on your guard, I beg of you; be so good as to lay aside party spirit, and make the inquiry for the sake of finding the truth, not of getting the better of it.  Whatever is hurtful takes away some good from that to which it is hurtful; for without the loss of good there can be no hurt.  What, I appeal to you, can be plainer than this? what more intelligible?  What else is required for complete demonstration to one of average understanding, if he is not perverse?  But, if this is granted, the consequence seems plain.  In that race which you take for the chief evil, nothing can be liable to be hurt, since there is no good in it.  But if, as you assert, there are two natures,—the kingdom of light and the kingdom of darkness; since you make the kingdom of light to be God, attributing to it an uncompounded nature,162162     [It is probable that Mani thought of the Kingdom of Light pantheistically, and that the principles personified in his mythological system were the result of efforts on his part to connect the infinite with the finite.—A.H.N.] so that it has no part inferior to another, you must grant, however decidedly in opposition to yourselves, you must grant, nevertheless, that this nature, which you not only do not deny to be the chief good, but spend all your strength in trying to show that it is so, is immutable, incorruptible, impenetrable, inviolable, for otherwise it would not be the chief good; for the chief good is that than which there is nothing better, and for such a nature to be hurt is impossible.  Again, if, as has been shown, to hurt is to deprive of good, there can be no hurt to the kingdom of darkness, for there is no good in it.  And as the kingdom of light cannot be hurt, as it is inviolable, what can the evil you speak of be hurtful to?

Chapter 4.—The Difference Between What is Good in Itself and What is Good by Participation.

6.  Now, compare with this perplexity, from which you cannot escape, the consistency of the statements in the teaching of the Catholic Church, according to which there is one good which is good supremely and in itself, and not by the participation of any good, but by its own nature and essence; and another good which is good by participation, and by having something bestowed.  Thus it has its being as good from the supreme good, which, however, is still self-contained, and loses nothing. 71This second kind of good is called a creature, which is liable to hurt through falling away.  But of this falling away God is not the author, for He is author of existence and of being.  Here we see the proper use of the word evil; for it is correctly applied not to essence, but to negation or loss.  We see, too, what nature it is which is liable to hurt.  This nature is not the chief evil, for when it is hurt it loses good; nor is it the chief good, for its falling away from good is because it is good not intrinsically, but by possessing the good.  And a thing cannot be good by nature when it is spoken of as being made, which shows that the goodness was bestowed.  Thus, on the one hand, God is the good, and all things which He has made are good, though not so good as He who made them.  For what madman would venture to require that the works should equal the workman, the creatures the Creator?  What more do you want?  Could you wish for anything plainer than this?

Chapter 5.—If Evil is Defined to Be Corruption, This Completely Refutes the Manichæan Heresy.

7.  I ask a third time, What is evil?  Perhaps you will reply, Corruption.  Undeniably this is a general definition of evil; for corruption implies opposition to nature, and also hurt.  But corruption exists not by itself, but in some substance which it corrupts; for corruption itself is not a substance.  So the thing which it corrupts is not corruption, is not evil; for what is corrupted suffers the loss of integrity and purity.  So that which has no purity to lose cannot be corrupted; and what has, is necessarily good by the participation of purity.  Again, what is corrupted is perverted; and what is perverted suffers the loss of order, and order is good.  To be corrupted, then, does not imply the absence of good; for in corruption it can be deprived of good, which could not be if there was the absence of good.  Therefore that race of darkness, if it was destitute of all good, as you say it was, could not be corrupted, for it had nothing which corruption could take from it; and if corruption takes nothing away, it does not corrupt.  Say now, if you dare, that God and the kingdom of God can be corrupted, when you cannot show how the kingdom of the devil, such as you make it, can be corrupted.

Chapter 6.—What Corruption Affects and What It is.

8.  What further does the Catholic light say?  What do you suppose, but what is the actual truth, that it is the created substance which can be corrupted, for the uncreated, which is the chief good, is incorruptible; and corruption, which is the chief evil, cannot be corrupted; besides, that it is not a substance?  But if you ask what corruption is, consider to what it seeks to bring the things which it corrupts; for it affects those things according to its own nature.  Now all things by corruption fall away from what they were, and are brought to non-continuance, to non-existence; for existence implies continuance.  Thus the supreme and chief existence is so called because it continues in itself, or is self-contained.  In the case of a thing changing for the better, the change is not from continuance, but from perversion to the worse, that is, from falling away from essence; the author of which falling away is not He who is the author of the essence.  So in some things there is change for the better, and so a tendency towards existence.  And this change is not called a perversion, but reversion or conversion; for perversion is opposed to orderly arrangement.  Now things which tend towards existence tend towards order, and, attaining order they attain existence, as far as that is possible to a creature.  For order reduces to a certain uniformity that which it arranges; and existence is nothing else than being one.  Thus, so far as anything acquires unity, so far it exists.  For uniformity and harmony are the effects of unity, and by these compound things exist as far as they have existence.  For simple things exist by themselves, for they are one.  But things not simple imitate unity by the agreement of their parts; and so far as they attain this, so far they exist.  This arrangement is the cause of existence, disorder of non-existence; and perversion or corruption are the other names for disorder.  So whatever is corrupted tends to non-existence.  You may now be left to reflect upon the effect of corruption, that you may discover what is the chief evil; for it is that which corruption aims at accomplishing.

Chapter 7.—The Goodness of God Prevents Corruption from Bringing Anything to Non-Existence.  The Difference Between Creating and Forming.

9.  But the goodness of God does not permit the accomplishment of this end, but so orders all things that fall away that they may exist where their existence is most suitable, till in the order of their movements they return to that from which they fell away.163163     In Retract. i. 7, § 6, it is said:  "This must not be understood to mean that all things return to that from which they fell away, as Origen believed, but only those which do return.  Those who shall be punished in everlasting fire do not return to God, from whom they fell away.  Still they are in order as existing in punishment where their existence is most suitable."  [This does not really meet the difficulty suggested on a preceding page.—A.H.N.] 72Thus, when rational souls fall away from God, although they possess the greatest amount of free-will, He ranks them in the lower grades of creation, where their proper place is.  So they suffer misery by the divine judgment, while they are ranked suitably to their deserts.  Hence we see the excellence of that saying which you are always inveighing against so strongly, "I make good things, and create evil things."164164     Isa. xlv. 7.   To create is to form and arrange.  So in some copies it is written, "I make good things and form evil things."  To make is used of things previously not in existence; but to form is to arrange what had some kind of existence, so as to improve and enlarge it.  Such are the things which God arranges when He says, "I form evil things," meaning things which are falling off, and so tending to non-existence,—not things which have reached that to which they tend.  For it has been said, Nothing is allowed in the providence of God to go the length of non-existence.165165     [That is to say nothing is absolutely evil, and conversely what is absolutely evil is ipso facto non-existent.—A.H.N.]

10.  These things might be discussed more fully and at greater length, but enough has been said for our purpose in dealing with you.  We have only to show you the gate which you despair of finding, and make the uninstructed despair of it too.  You can be made to enter only by good-will, on which the divine mercy bestows peace, as the song in the Gospel says, "Glory to God in the highest, and on earth peace to men of good-will."166166     Luke ii. 14.   It is enough, I say, to have shown you that there is no way of solving the religious question of good and evil, unless whatever is, as far as it is, is from God; while as far as it falls away from being it is not of God, and yet is always ordered by Divine Providence in agreement with the whole system.  If you do not yet see this, I know nothing else that I can do but to discuss the things already said with greater particularity.  For nothing save piety and purity can lead the mind to greater things.

Chapter 8.—Evil is Not a Substance, But a Disagreement Hostile to Substance.

11.  For what other answer will you give to the question, What is evil? but either that it is against nature, or that it is hurtful, or that it is corruption, or something similar?  But I have shown that in these replies you make shipwreck of your cause, unless, indeed, you will answer in the childish way in which you generally speak to children, that evil is fire, poison, a wild beast, and so on.  For one of the leaders of this heresy, whose instructions we attended with great familiarity and frequency, used to say with reference to a person who held that evil was not a substance, "I should like to put a scorpion in the man’s hand, and see whether he would not withdraw his hand; and in so doing he would get a proof, not in words but in the thing itself, that evil is a substance, for he would not deny that the animal is a substance."  He said this not in the presence of the person, but to us, when we repeated to him the remark which had troubled us, giving, as I said, a childish answer to children.  For who with the least tincture of learning or science does not see that these things hurt by disagreement with the bodily temperament, while at other times they agree with it, so as not only not to hurt, but to produce the best effects?  For if this poison were evil in itself, the scorpion itself would suffer first and most.  In fact, if the poison were quite taken from the animal, it would die.  So for its body it is evil to lose what it is evil for our body to receive; and it is good for it to have what it is good for us to want.  Is the same thing then both good and evil?  By no means; but evil is what is against nature, for this is evil both to the animal and to us.  This evil is the disagreement, which certainly is not a substance, but hostile to substance.  Whence then is it?  See what it leads to, and you will learn, if any inner light lives in you.  It leads all that it destroys to non-existence.  Now God is the author of existence; and there is no existence which, as far as it is existing, leads to non-existence:  Thus we learn whence disagreement is not; as to whence it is, nothing can be said.

12.  We read in history of a female criminal in Athens, who succeeded in drinking the quantity of poison allotted as a fatal draught for the condemned with little or no injury to her health, by taking it at intervals.  So being condemned, she took the poison in the prescribed quantity like the rest, but rendered it powerless by accustoming herself to it, and did not die like the rest.  And as this excited great wonder, she was banished.  If poison is an evil, are we to think that she made it to be no evil to her?  What could be more absurd than this?  But because disagreement is an evil, what she did was to make the poisonous matter agree with her own body by a process of habituation.  For how could she by any amount of cunning have brought it 73about that disagreement should not hurt her?  Why so?  Because what is truly and properly an evil is hurtful both always and to all.  Oil is beneficial to our bodies, but very much the opposite to many six-footed animals.  And is not hellebore sometimes food, sometimes medicine, and sometimes poison.  Does not every one maintain that salt taken in excess is poisonous?  And yet the benefits to the body from salt are innumerable and most important.  Sea-water is injurious when drunk by land animals, but it is most suitable and useful to many who bathe their bodies in it and to fish it is useful and wholesome in both ways.  Bread nourishes man, but kills hawks.  And does not mud itself, which is offensive and noxious when swallowed or smelt, serve as cooling to the touch in hot weather, and as a cure for wounds from fire?  What can be nastier than dung, or more worthless than ashes?  And yet they are of such use to the fields, that the Romans thought divine honors due to the discoverer, Stercutio, from whose name the word for dung [stercus] is derived.

13.  But why enumerate details which are countless?  We need not go farther than the four elements themselves, which, as every one knows, are beneficial when there is agreement, and bitterly opposed to nature when there is disagreement in the objects acted upon.  We who live in air die under earth or under water, while innumerable animals creep alive in sand or loose earth, and fish die in our air.  Fire consumes our bodies, but, when suitably applied, it both restores from cold, and expels diseases without number.  The sun to which you bow the knee, and than which, indeed, there is no fairer object among visible things, strengthens the eyes of eagles, but hurts and dims our eyes when we gaze on it; and yet we too can accustom ourselves to look upon it without injury.  Will you, then, allow the sun to be compared to the poison which the Athenian woman made harmless by habituating herself to it?  Reflect for once, and consider that if a substance is an evil because it hurts some one, the light which you worship cannot be acquitted of this charge.  See the preferableness of making evil in general to consist in this disagreement, from which the sun’s ray produces dimness in the eyes, though nothing is pleasanter to the eyes than light.167167     [The reasoning here is admirably adapted to Augustin’s purpose, which is to refute the Manichæan notion of the evil nature of material substance.—A.H.N.]

Chapter 9.—The Manichæan Fictions About Things Good and Evil are Not Consistent with Themselves.

14.  I have said these things to make you cease, if that is possible, giving the name of evil to a region boundless in depth and length; to a mind wandering through the region; to the five caverns of the elements,—one full of darkness, another of waters, another of winds, another of fire, another of smoke; to the animals born in each of these elements,—serpents in the darkness, swimming creatures in the waters, flying creatures in the winds, quadrupeds in the fire, bipeds in the smoke.  For these things, as you describe them, cannot be called evil; for all such things, as far as they exist, must have their existence from the most high God, for as far as they exist they are good.  If pain and weakness is an evil, the animals you speak of were of such physical strength that their abortive offspring, after, as your sect believes, the world was formed of them, fell from heaven to earth, according to you, and could not die.  If blindness is an evil, they could see; if deafness, they could hear.  If to be nearly or altogether dumb is an evil, their speech was so clear and intelligible, that, as you assert, they decided to make war against God in compliance with an address delivered in their assembly.  If sterility is an evil, they were prolific in children.  If exile is an evil, they were in their own country, and occupied their own territories.  If servitude is an evil, some of them were rulers.  If death is an evil, they were alive, and the life was such that, by your statement, even after God was victorious, it was impossible for the mind ever to die.

15.  Can you tell me how it is that in the chief evil so many good things are to be found, the opposites of the evils above mentioned? and if these are not evils, can any substance be an evil, as far as it is a substance?  If weakness is not an evil, can a weak body be an evil?  If blindness is not an evil, can darkness be an evil?  If deafness is not an evil, can a deaf man be an evil?  If dumbness is not an evil, can a fish be an evil?  If sterility is not an evil, how can we call a barren animal an evil?  If exile is not an evil, how can we give that name to an animal in exile, or to an animal sending some one into exile?  If servitude is not an evil, in what sense is a subject animal an evil, or one enforcing subjection?  If death is not an evil, in what sense is a mortal animal an evil, or one causing death?  Or if these are evils, must we not give the name of good things to bodily strength, sight, hearing, persuasive speech, fertility, native land, liberty, life, all which you hold to exist in that kingdom of evil, and yet venture to call it the perfection of evil?

16.  Once more, if, as has never been de74nied, unsuitableness is an evil, what can be more suitable than those elements to their respective animals,—the darkness to serpents, the waters to swimming creatures, the winds to flying creatures, the fire to voracious animals, the smoke to soaring animals?  Such is the harmony which you describe as existing in the race of strife; such the order in the seat of confusion.  If what is hurtful is an evil, I do not repeat the strong objection already stated, that no hurt can be suffered where no good exists; but if that is not so clear, one thing at least is easily seen and understood as following from the acknowledged truth, that what is hurtful is an evil.  The smoke in that region did not hurt bipeds:  it produced them, and nourished and sustained them without injury in their birth, their growth, and their rule.  But now, when the evil has some good mixed with it, the smoke has become more hurtful, so that we, who certainly are bipeds, instead of being sustained by it, are blinded, and suffocated, and killed by it.  Could the mixture of good have given such destructiveness to evil elements?  Could there be such confusion in the divine government?

17.  In the other cases, at least, how is it that we find that congruity which misled your author and induced him to fabricate falsehoods?  Why does darkness agree with serpents, and waters with swimming creatures, and winds with flying creatures, though the fire burns up quadrupeds, and smoke chokes us?  Then, again, have not serpents very sharp sight, and do they not love the sunshine, and abound most where the calmness of the air prevents the clouds from gathering much or often?  How very absurd that the natives and lovers of darkness should live most comfortably and agreeably where the clearest light is enjoyed!  Or if you say that it is the heat rather than the light that they enjoy, it would be more reasonable to assign to fire serpents, which are naturally of rapid motion, than the slow-going asp.168168       [The text has asinum in this sentence but aspidem in the next.  The former is a mistake.—A.H.N.]   Besides, all must admit that light is agreeable to the eyes of the asp, for they are compared to an eagle’s eyes.  But enough of the lower animals.  Let us, I pray, attend to what is true of ourselves without persisting in error, and so our minds shall be disentangled from silly and mischievous falsehoods.  For is it not intolerable perversity to say that in the race of darkness, where there was no mixture of light, the biped animals had so sound and strong, so incredible force of eyesight, that even in their darkness they could see the perfectly pure light (as you represent it) of the kingdom of God? for, according to you, even these beings could see this light, and could gaze at it, and study it, and delight in it, and desire it; whereas our eyes, after mixture with light, with the chief good, yea, with God, have become so tender and weak, that we can neither see anything in the dark, nor bear to look at the sun, but, after looking, lose sight of what we could see before.

18.  The same remarks are applicable if we take corruption to be an evil, which no one doubts.  The smoke did not corrupt that race of animals, though it corrupts animals now.  Not to go over all the particulars, which would be tedious, and is not necessary, the living creatures of your imaginary description were so much less liable to corruption than animals are now, that their abortive and premature offspring, cast headlong from heaven to earth, both lived and were productive, and could band together again, having, forsooth, their original vigor, because they were conceived before good was mixed with the evil; for, after this mixture, the animals born are, according to you, those which we now see to be very feeble and easily giving way to corruption.  Can any one persist in the belief of error like this, unless he fails to see these things, or is affected by your habit and association in such an amazing way as to be proof against all the force of reasoning?

Chapter 10.—Three Moral Symbols Devised by the Manichæans for No Good.

19.  Now that I have shown, as I think, how much darkness and error is in your opinions about good and evil things in general, let us examine now those three symbols which you extol so highly, and boast of as excellent observances.  What then are those three symbols?  That of the mouth, that of the hands, and that of the breast.  What does this mean?  That man, we are told, should be pure and innocent in mouth, in hands, and in breast.  But what if he sins with eyes, ears, or nose?  What if he hurts some one with his heels, or perhaps kills him?  How can he be reckoned criminal when he has not sinned with mouth, hands, or breast?  But, it is replied, by the mouth we are to understand all the organs of sense in the head; by the hands, all bodily actions; by the breast, all lustful tendencies.  To what, then, do you assign blasphemies?  To the mouth or to the hand?  For blasphemy is an action of the tongue.  And if all actions are to be classed under one head, why should you join together the actions of the hands and the feet, and not those of the tongue.  Do you wish to separate the action 75of the tongue, as being for the purpose of expressing something, from actions which are not for this purpose, so that the symbol of the hands should mean abstinence from all evil actions which are not for the purpose of expressing something?  But then, what if some one sins by expressing something with his hands, as is done in writing or in some significant gesture?  This cannot be assigned to the tongue and the mouth, for it is done by the hands.  When you have three symbols of the mouth, the hands, and the breast, it is quite inadmissible to charge against the mouth sins found in the hands.  And if you assign action in general to the hands, there is no reason for including under this the action of the feet and not that of the tongue.  Do you see how the desire of novelty, with its attendant error, lands you in great difficulties?  For you find it impossible to include purification of all sins in these three symbols, which you set forth as a kind of new classification.

Chapter 11.—The Value of the Symbol of the Mouth Among the Manichæans, Who are Found Guilty of Blaspheming God.

20.  Classify as you please, omit what you please, we must discuss the doctrines you insist upon most.  You say that the symbol of the mouth implies refraining from all blasphemy.  But blasphemy is speaking evil of good things.  So usually the word blasphemy is applied only to speaking evil of God; for as regards man there is uncertainty, but God is without controversy good.  If, then, you are proved guilty of saying worse things of God than any one else says, what becomes of your famous symbol of the mouth?  The evidence is not obscure, but clear and obvious to every understanding, and irresistible, the more so that no one can remain in ignorance of it, that God is incorruptible, immutable, liable to no injury, to no want, to no weakness, to no misery.  All this the common sense of rational beings perceives, and even you assent when you hear it.

21.  But when you begin to relate your fables, that God is corruptible, and mutable, and subject to injury, and exposed to want and weakness, and not secure from misery, this is what you are blind enough to teach, and what some are blind enough to believe.  And this is not all; for, according to you, God is not only corruptible, but corrupted; not only changeable, but changed; not only subject to injury, but injured; not only liable to want, but in want; not only possibly, but actually weak; not only exposed to misery, but miserable.  You say that the soul is God, or a part of God.  I do not see how it can be part of God without being God.  A part of gold is gold; of silver silver; of stone stone; and, to come to greater things, part of earth is earth, part of water is water, and of air air; and if you take part from fire, you will not deny it to be fire; and part of light can be nothing but light.  Why then should part of God not be God?  Has God a jointed body, like man and the lower animals?  For part of man is not man.

22.  I will deal with each of these opinions separately.  If you view God as resembling light, you must admit that part of God is God.  Hence, when you make the soul part of God, though you allow it to be corrupted as being foolish, and changed as having once been wise, and in want as needing health, and feeble as needing medicine, and miserable as desiring happiness, all these things you profanely attribute to God.  Or if you deny these things of the mind, it follows that the Spirit is not required to lead the soul into truth, since it is not in folly; nor is the soul renewed by true religion, since it does not need renewal; nor is it perfected by your symbols, since it is already perfect; nor does God give it assistance, since it does not need it; nor is Christ its physician, since it is in health; nor does it require the promise of happiness in another life.  Why then is Jesus called the deliverer, according to His own words in the Gospel, "If the Son shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed?"169169     John viii. 36.   And the Apostle Paul says, "Ye have been called to liberty."170170     Gal. v. 13.   The soul, then, which has not attained this liberty is in bondage.  Therefore, according to you, God, since part of God is God, is both corrupted by folly, and is changed by falling, and is injured by the loss of perfection, and is in need of help, and is weakened by disease, and bowed down with misery, and subject to disgraceful bondage.

23.  Again, if part of God is not God, still He is not incorrupt when His part is corrupted, nor unchanged when there is change in any part, nor uninjured when He is not perfect in every part, nor free from want when He is busily endeavoring to recover part of Himself, nor quite whole when He has a weak part, nor perfectly happy when any part is suffering misery, nor entirely free when any part is under bondage.  These are conclusions to which you are driven, because you say that the soul, which you see to be in such a calamitous condition, is part of God.  If you can succeed in making your sect abandon these and many similar opinions, then you may speak of your mouth being free from blas76phemies.  Better still, leave the sect; for if you cease to believe and to repeat what Manichæus has written, you will be no longer Manichæans.

24.  That God is the supreme good, and that than which nothing can be or can be conceived better, we must either understand or believe, if we wish to keep clear of blasphemy.  There is a relation of numbers which cannot possibly be impaired or altered, nor can any nature by any amount of violence prevent the number which comes after one from being the double of one.  This can in no way be changed; and yet you represent God as changeable!  This relation preserves its integrity inviolable; and you will not allow God an equality even in this!  Let some race of darkness take in the abstract the number three, consisting of indivisible units, and divide it into two equal parts.  Your mind perceives that no hostility could effect this.  And can that which is unable to injure a numerical relation injure God?  If it could not, what possible necessity could there be for a part of him to be mixed with evil, and driven into such miseries?

Chapter 12.—Manichæan Subterfuge.

25.  For this gives rise to the question, which used to throw us into great perplexity even when we were your zealous disciples, nor could we find any answer,—what the race of darkness would have done to God, supposing He had refused to fight with it at the cost of such calamity to part of Himself.  For if God would not have suffered any loss by remaining quiet, we thought it hard that we had been sent to endure so much.  Again, if He would have suffered, His nature cannot have been incorruptible, as it behoves the nature of God to be.  Sometimes the answer was, that it was not for the sake of escaping evil or avoiding injury, but that God in His natural goodness wished to bestow the blessing of order on a disturbed and disordered nature.  This is not what we find in the Manichæan books:  there it is constantly implied and constantly asserted that God guarded against an invasion of His enemies.  But supposing this answer, which was given from want of a better, to represent the opinion of the Manichæans, is God, in their view, vindicated from the charge of cruelty or weakness?  For this goodness of His to the hostile race proved most pernicious to His own subjects.  Besides, if God’s nature could not be corrupted nor changed, neither could any destructive influence corrupt or change us; and the order to be bestowed on the race of strangers might have been bestowed without robbing us of it.

26.  Since those times, however, another answer has appeared which I heard recently at Carthage.  For one, whom I wish much to see brought out of this error, when reduced to this same dilemma, ventured to say that the kingdom had its own limits, which might be invaded by a hostile race, though God Himself could not be injured.  But this is a reply which your founder would never consent to give; for he would be likely to see that such an opinion would lead to a still speedier demolition of his heresy.  And in fact any one of average intellect, who hears that in this nature part is subject to injury and part not, will at once perceive that this makes not two but three natures,—one violable, a second inviolable, and a third violating.

Chapter 13.—Actions to Be Judged of from Their Motive, Not from Externals.  Manichæan Abstinence to Be Tried by This Principle.

27.  Having every day in your mouth these blasphemies which come from your heart, you ought not to continue holding up the symbol of the mouth as something wonderful, to ensnare the ignorant.  But perhaps you think the symbol of the mouth excellent and admirable because you do not eat flesh or drink wine.  But what is your end in this?  For according as the end we have in view in our actions, on account of which we do whatever we do, is not only not culpable but also praiseworthy, so only can our actions merit any praise.  If the end we have regard to in any performance is unlawful and blameworthy, the performance itself will be unhesitatingly condemned as improper.

28.  We are told of Catiline that he could bear cold, thirst, and hunger.171171     Sallust, in prolog. Catilin. § 3.   This the vile miscreant had in common with our apostles.  What then distinguishes the parricide from our apostles but the precisely opposite end which he followed?  He bore these things in order to gratify his fierce and ungoverned passions; they, on the other hand, in order to restrain these passions and subdue them to reason.  You often say, when you are told of the great number of Catholic virgins, a she-mule is a virgin.  This, indeed, is said in ignorance of the Catholic system, and is not applicable.  Still, what you mean is that this continence is worthless unless it leads, on right principles, to an end of high excellence.  Catholic Christians might also compare your abstinence from wine and flesh to that of cattle and many small birds, as likewise of countless sorts of worms.  But, not 77to be impertinent like you, I will not make this comparison prematurely, but will first examine your end in what you do.  For I suppose I may safely take it as agreed on, that in such customs the end is the thing to look to.  Therefore, if your end is to be frugal and to restrain the appetite which finds gratification in eating and drinking, I assent and approve.  But this is not the case.

29.  Suppose, what is quite possible, that there is one so frugal and sparing in his diet, that, instead of gratifying his appetite or his palate, he refrains from eating twice in one day, and at supper takes a little cabbage moistened and seasoned with lard, just enough to keep down hunger; and quenches his thirst, from regard to his health, with two or three draughts of pure wine; and this is his regular diet:  whereas another of different habits never takes flesh or wine, but makes an agreeable repast at two o’clock on rare and foreign vegetables, varied with a number of courses, and well sprinkled with pepper, and sups in the same style towards night; and drinks honey-vinegar, mead, raisin-wine, and the juices of various fruits, no bad imitation of wine, and even surpassing it in sweetness; and drinks not for thirst but for pleasure; and makes this provision for himself daily, and feasts in this sumptuous style, not because he requires it, but only gratifying his taste;—which of these two do you regard as living most abstemiously in food and drink?  You cannot surely be so blind as not to put the man of the little lard and wine above this glutton!

30.  This is the true view; but your doctrine sounds very differently.  For one of your elect distinguished by the three symbols may live like the second person in this description, and though he may be reproved by one or two of the more sedate, he cannot be condemned as abusing the symbols.  But should he sup with the other person, and moisten his lips with a morsel of rancid bacon, or refresh them with a drink of spoilt wine, he is pronounced a transgressor of the symbol, and by the judgment of your founder is consigned to hell, while you, though wondering, must assent.  Will you not discard these errors?  Will you not listen to reason?  Will you not offer some little resistance to the force of habit?  Is not such doctrine most unreasonable?  Is it not insanity?  Is it not the greatest absurdity that one, who stuffs and loads his stomach every day to gratify his appetite with mushrooms, rice, truffles, cake, mead, pepper, and assafœtida, and who fares thus every day, cannot be convicted of transgressing the three symbols, that is, the rule of sanctity; whereas another, who seasons his dish of the commonest herbs with some smoky morsel of meat, and takes only so much of this as is needed for the refreshment of his body, and drinks three cups of wine for the sake of keeping in health, should, for exchanging the former diet for this, be doomed to certain punishment?

Chapter 14.—Three Good Reasons for Abstaining from Certain Kinds of Food.

31.  But, you reply, the apostle says, "It is good, brethren, neither to eat flesh, nor to drink wine."172172     Rom. xiv. 21.   No one denies that this is good, provided that it is for the end already mentioned, of which it is said, "Make not provision for the flesh to fulfill the lusts thereof;"173173     Rom. xiii. 14. or for the ends pointed out by the apostle, namely, either to check the appetite, which is apt to go to a more wild and uncontrollable excess in these things than in others, or lest a brother should be offended, or lest the weak should hold fellowship with an idol.  For at the time when the apostle wrote, the flesh of sacrifices was often sold in the market.  And because wine, too, was used in libations to the gods of the Gentiles, many weaker brethren, accustomed to purchase such things, preferred to abstain entirely from flesh and wine rather than run the risk of having fellowship, as they considered it, with idols, even ignorantly.  And, for their sakes, even those who were stronger, and had faith enough to see the insignificance of these things, knowing that nothing is unclean except from an evil conscience, and holding by the saying of the Lord, "Not that which entereth into your mouth defileth you, but that which cometh out of it," 174174     Matt. xv. 2. still, lest these weaker brethren should stumble, were bound to abstain from these things.  And this is not a mere theory, but is clearly taught in the epistles of the apostle himself.  For you are in the habit of quoting only the words, "It is good, brethren, neither to eat flesh, nor to drink wine," without adding what follows, "nor anything whereby thy brother stumbleth, or is offended or is made weak."  These words show the intention of the apostle in giving the admonition.

32.  This is evident from the preceding and succeeding context.  The passage is a long one to quote, but, for the sake of those who are indolent in reading and searching the sacred Scriptures, we must give the whole of it.  "Him that is weak in the faith," says the apostle, "receive ye, but not to doubtful disputations.  For one believeth that he may eat 78all things:  another, who is weak, eateth herbs.  Let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not; and let not him that eateth not judge him that eateth, for God hath received him.  Who art thou that judgest another man’s servant? to his own master he standeth or falleth; yea, he shall be holden up:  for God is able to make him stand.  One man esteemeth one day above another; another esteemeth every day alike.  Let every man be fully persuaded in his own mind.  He that regardeth the day, regardeth it to the Lord.  He that eateth, eateth to the Lord, for he giveth God thanks; and he that eateth not, to the Lord he eateth not, and giveth God thanks.  For none of us liveth to himself, and no man dieth to himself.  For whether we live, we live unto the Lord; and whether we die, we die unto the Lord:  whether we live, therefore, or die, we are the Lord’s.  For to this end Christ both lived, and died and rose again, that He might be Lord both of the dead and living.  But why dost thou judge thy brother? or why dost thou set at nought thy brother? for we shall all stand before the judgment-seat of God.  For it is written, As I live, saith the Lord, every knee shall bow to me, and every tongue shall confess to God.175175     Isa. xlv. 23, 24.   So then every one of us shall give account of himself to God.  Let us not, therefore, judge one another any more:  but judge this rather, that no man put a stumbling-block, or occasion to fall, in his brother’s way.  I know, and am persuaded in the Lord Jesus, that there is nothing common of itself:  but to him that esteemeth anything to be common, to him it is common.  But if thy brother be grieved with thy meat, now walkest thou not charitably.  Destroy not him with thy meat, for whom Christ died.  Let not then our good be evil spoken of.  For the kingdom of God is not meat and drink; but righteousness, and peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost.  For he who in this serveth Christ is acceptable to God, and approved of men.  Let us therefore follow after the things which make for peace, and things whereby one may edify another.  For meat destroys not the work of God.  All things indeed are pure; but it is evil for that man who eateth with offense.  It is good neither to eat flesh, nor to drink wine, nor anything whereby thy brother stumbleth, or is offended, or is made weak.  Hast thou faith? have it to thyself before God.  Happy is he who condemneth not himself in that thing which he alloweth.  And he that distinguishes is damned if he eats, because he eateth not of faith:  for whatsoever is not of faith is sin.  We then that are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak, and not to please ourselves.  Let every one of us please his neighbor for his good to edification.  For even Christ pleased not Himself."176176     Rom. xiv. and xv. 1-3.

33.  Is it not clear that what the apostle required was, that the stronger should not eat flesh nor drink wine, because they gave offense to the weak by not going along with them, and made them think that those who in faith judged all things to be pure, did homage to idols in not abstaining from that kind of food and drink?  This is also set forth in the following passage of the Epistle to the Corinthians:  "As concerning, therefore, the eating of those things that are offered in sacrifice unto idols, we know that an idol is nothing in the world, and that there is none other God but one.  For though there be that are called gods, whether in heaven or in earth, but to us there is but one God, the Father, of whom are all things, and we in Him; and one Lord Jesus Christ, by whom are all things, and we by Him.  Howbeit there is not in every man that knowledge:  for some, with conscience of the idol unto this hour, eat it as a thing offered to an idol; and their conscience being weak is defiled.  But meat commendeth us not to God:  for neither, if we eat, shall we abound; neither, if we eat not, shall we suffer want.  But take heed, lest by any means this liberty of yours become a stumbling-block to them that are weak.  For if any man see one who has knowledge sit at meat in the idol’s temple, shall not his conscience being weak be emboldened to eat those things which are offered to idols; and through thy knowledge shall the weak brother perish, for whom Christ died?  But when ye sin so against the brethren, and wound their weak conscience, ye sin against Christ.  Wherefore, if meat make my brother to offend, I will eat no flesh forever, lest I make my brother to offend."177177     1 Cor. viii. 4, etc.

34.  Again, in another place:  "What say I then? that the idol is anything? or that which is offered in sacrifice to idols is anything?  But the things which the Gentiles sacrifice they sacrifice to devils, and not to God:  and I would not that ye should have fellowship with devils.  Ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord, and the cup of devils:  ye cannot be partakers of the Lord’s table and of the table of devils.  Do we provoke the Lord to jealousy? are we stronger than He?  All things are lawful for me, but all things are not expedient:  all things are lawful for me, but all things edify not.  Let no man seek his own, but every man what is another’s.  Whatso79ever is sold in the shambles, that eat, asking no question for conscience sake.  But if any man say unto you, This is offered in sacrifice unto idols, eat not for his sake that shows it, and for conscience sake:  conscience, I say, not thine own, but another’s:  for why is my liberty judged of another man’s conscience?  For if I be a partaker with thanksgiving, why am I evil spoken of for that for which I give thanks?  Whether, therefore, ye eat or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God.  Give none offence, neither to the Jews, nor to the Greeks, nor to the Church of God:  even as I please all men in all things not seeking mine own profit, but the profit of many that they may be saved.  Be ye followers of me, even as I also am of Christ." 178178     1 Cor. x. 19-25 and 28, xi. 1.

35.  It is clear, then, I think, for what end we should abstain from flesh and wine.  The end is threefold:  to check indulgence, which is mostly practised in this sort of food, and in this kind of drink goes the length of intoxication; to protect weakness, on account of the things which are sacrificed and offered in libation; and, what is most praiseworthy of all, from love, not to offend the weakness of those more feeble than ourselves, who abstain from these things.  You, again, consider a morsel of meat unclean; whereas the apostle says that all things are clean, but that it is evil to him that eateth with offence.  And no doubt you are defiled by such food, simply because you think it unclean.  For the apostle says, "I know, and am persuaded by the Lord Jesus, that there is nothing common of itself:  but to him that esteemeth anything common, to him it is common."  And every one can see that by common he means unclean and defiled.  But it is folly to discuss passages of Scripture with you; for you both mislead people by promising to prove your doctrines, and those books which possess authority to demand our homage you affirm to be corrupted by spurious interpolations.  Prove then to me your doctrine that flesh defiles the eater, when it is taken without offending any one, without any weak notions, and without any excess.179179     [Augustin’s comparison of Manichæan with Christian asceticism is thoroughly just and admirable.—A.H.N.]

Chapter 15.—Why the Manichæans Prohibit the Use of Flesh.

36.  It is worth while to take note of the whole reason for their superstitious abstinence, which is given as follows:—Since, we are told, the member of God has been mixed with the substance of evil, to repress it and to keep it from excessive ferocity,—for that is what you say,—the world is made up of both natures, of good and evil, mixed together.  But this part of God is daily being set free in all parts of the world, and restored to its own domain.  But in its passage upwards as vapor from earth to heaven, it enters plants, because their roots are fixed in the earth, and so gives fertility and strength to all herbs and shrubs.  From these animals get their food, and, where there is sexual intercourse, fetter in the flesh the member of God, and, turning it from its proper course, they come in the way and entangle it in errors and troubles.  So then, if food consisting of vegetables and fruits comes to the saints, that is, to the Manichæans by means of their chastity, and prayers, and psalms, whatever in it is excellent and divine is purified, and so is entirely perfected, in order to restoration, free from all hindrance, to its own domain.  Hence you forbid people to give bread or vegetables, or even water, which would cost nobody anything, to a beggar, if he is not a Manichæan, lest he should defile the member of God by his sins, and obstruct its return.

37.  Flesh, you say, is made up of pollution itself.  For, according to you, some portion of that divine part escapes in the eating of vegetables and fruits:  it escapes while they undergo the infliction of rubbing, grinding, or cooking, as also of biting or chewing.  It escapes, too, in all motions of animals, in the carriage of burdens, in exercise, in toil, or in any sort of action.  It escapes, too, in our rest, when digestion is going on in the body by means of internal heat.  And as the divine nature escapes in all these ways, some very unclean dregs remain, from which, in sexual intercourse, flesh is formed.  These dregs, however, fly off, in the motions above mentioned, along with what is good in the soul; for though it is mostly, it is not entirely good.  So, when the soul has left the flesh, the dregs are utterly filthy, and the soul of those who eat flesh is defiled.

Chapter 16.—Disclosure of the Monstrous Tenets of the Manichæans.

38.  O the obscurity of the nature of things!  How hard to expose falsehood!  Who that hears these things, if he is one who has not learned the causes of things, and who, not yet illuminated by any ray of truth, is deceived by material images, would not think them true, precisely because the things spoken of are invisible, and are presented to the mind under the form of visible things, and can be eloquently expressed?  Men of this description exist in numbers and in droves, who are kept from being led away into these errors 80more by a fear grounded on religious feeling than by reason.  I will therefore endeavor, as God may please to enable me, so to refute these errors, as that their falsehood and absurdity will be manifest not only in the judgment of the wise, who reject them on hearing them, but also to the intelligence of the multitude.

39.  Tell me then, first, where you get the doctrine that part of God, as you call it, exists in corn, beans, cabbage, and flowers and fruits.  From the beauty of the color, say they, and the sweetness of the taste; this is evident; and as these are not found in rotten substances, we learn that their good has been taken from them.  Are they not ashamed to attribute the finding of God to the nose and the palate?  But I pass from this.  For I will speak, using words in their proper sense; and, as the saying is, this is not so easy in speaking to you.  Let us see rather what sort of mind is required to understand this; how, if the presence of good in bodies is shown by their color, the dung of animals, the refuse of flesh itself, has all kinds of bright colors, sometimes white, often golden; and so on, though these are what you take in fruits and flowers as proofs of the presence and indwelling of God.  Why is it that in a rose you hold the red color to be an indication of an abundance of good, while the same color in blood you condemn?  Why do you regard with pleasure in a violet the same color which you turn away from in cases of cholera, or of people with jaundice, or in the excrement of infants?  Why do you believe the light, shining appearance of oil to be a sign of a plentiful admixture of good, which you readily set about purifying by taking the oil into your throats and stomachs, while you are afraid to touch your lips with a drop of fat, though it has the same shining appearance as oil?  Why do you look upon a yellow melon as part of the treasures of God, and not rancid bacon fat or the yolk of an egg?  Why do you think that whiteness in a lettuce proclaims God, and not in milk?  So much for colors, as regards which (to mention nothing else) you cannot compare any flower-clad meadow with the wings and feathers of a single peacock, though these are of flesh and of fleshly origin.

40.  Again, if this good is discovered also by smell, perfumes of excellent smell are made from the flesh of some animals.  And the smell of food, when cooked along with flesh of delicate flavor, is better than if cooked without it.  Once more, if you think that the things that have a better smell than others are therefore cleaner, there is a kind of mud which you ought to take to your meals instead of water from the cistern; for dry earth moistened with rain has an odor most agreeable to the sense, and this sort of mud has a better smell than rain-water taken by itself.  But if we must have the authority of taste to prove the presence in any object of part of God, he must dwell in dates and honey more than in pork, but more in pork than in beans.  I grant that He dwells more in a fig than in a liver; but then you must allow that He is more in liver than in beet.  And, on this principle, must you not confess that some plants, which none of you can doubt to be cleaner than flesh, receive God from this very flesh, if we are to think of God as mixed with the flavor?  For both cabbages taste better when cooked along with flesh; and, while we cannot relish the plants on which cattle feed, when these are turned into milk we think them improved in color, and find them very agreeable to the taste.

41.  Or must we think that good is to be found in greater quantity where the three good qualities—a good color, and smell, and taste—are found together?  Then you must not admire and praise flowers so much, as you cannot admit them to be tried at the tribunal of the palate.  At least you must not prefer purslain to flesh, since flesh when cooked is superior in color, smell, and taste.  A young pig roasted (for your ideas on this subject force us to discuss good and evil with you as if you were cooks and confectioners, instead of men of reading or literary taste) is bright in color, and agreeable in smell, and pleasant in taste.  Here is a perfect evidence of the presence of the divine substance.  You are invited by this threefold testimony, and called on to purify this substance by your sanctity.  Make the attack.  Why do you hold back?  What objection have you to make.  In color alone the excrement of an infant surpasses lentils; in smell alone a roast morsel surpasses a soft green fig; in taste alone a kid when slaughtered surpasses the plant which it fed on when alive:  and we have found a kind of flesh in flavor of which all three give evidence.  What more do you require?  What reply will you make?  Why should eating meat make you unclean, if using such monstrosities in discussion does not?  And, above all, the rays of the sun, which you surely think more of than all animal or vegetable food, have no smell or taste, and are remarkable among other substances only by their eminently bright color; which is a loud call to you, and an obligation, in spite of yourselves, to place nothing higher than a bright color among the evidences of an admixture of good.

8142.  Thus you are forced into this difficulty, that you must acknowledge the part of God as dwelling more in blood, and in the filthy but bright-colored animal refuse which is thrown out in the streets, than in the pale leaves of the olive.  If you reply, as you actually do, that olive leaves when burnt give out a flame, which proves the presence of light, while flesh when burnt does not, what will you say of oil, which lights nearly all the lamps in Italy?  What of cow dung (which surely is more unclean than the flesh), which peasants use when dry as fuel, so that the fire is always at hand, and the liberation of the smoke is always going on?  And if brightness and lustre prove a greater presence of the divine part, why do you yourselves not purify it, why not appropriate it, why not liberate it?  For it is found chiefly in flowers, not to speak of blood and countless things almost the same as blood in flesh or coming from it, and yet you cannot feed on flowers.  And even if you were to eat flesh, you would certainly not take with your gruel the scales of fish, or some worms and flies, though these all shine with a light of their own in the dark.

43.  What then remains, but that you should cease saying that you have in your eyes, nose, and palate sufficient means of testing the presence of the divine part in material objects?  And, without these means, how can you tell not only that there is a greater part of God in plants than in flesh, but that there is any part in plants at all?  Are you led to think this by their beauty—not the beauty of agreeable color, but that of agreement of parts?  An excellent reason, in my opinion.  For you will never be so bold as to compare twisted pieces of wood with the bodies of animals, which are formed of members answering to one another.  But if you choose the testimony of the senses, as those must do who cannot see with their mind the full force of existence, how do you prove that the substance of good escapes from bodies in course of time, and by some kind of attrition, but because God has gone out of it, according to your view, and has left one place for another?  The whole is absurd.  But, as far as I can judge, there are no marks or appearances to give rise to this opinion.  For many things plucked from trees, or pulled out of the ground, are the better of some interval of time before we use them for food, as leeks and endive, lettuce, grapes, apples, figs, and some pears; and there are many other things which get a better color when they are not used immediately after being plucked, besides being more wholesome for the body, and having a finer flavor to the palate.  But these things should not possess all these excellent and agreeable qualities, if, as you say, they become more destitute of good the longer they are kept after separation from their mother earth.  Animal food itself is better and more fit for use the day after the animal is killed; but this should not be, if, as you hold, it possessed more good immediately after the slaughter than next day, when more of the divine substance had escaped.

44.  Who does not know that wine becomes purer and better by age?  Nor is it, as you think, more tempting to the destruction of the senses, but more useful for invigorating the body,—only let there be moderation, which ought to control everything.  The senses are sooner destroyed by new wine.  When the must has been only a short time in the vat, and has begun to ferment, it makes those who look down into it fall headlong, affecting their brain, so that without assistance they would perish.  And as regards health, every one knows that bodies are swollen up and injuriously distended by new wine?  Has it these bad properties because there is more good in it?  Are they not found in wine when old because a good deal of the divine substance has gone?  An absurd thing to say, especially for you, who prove the divine presence by the pleasing effect produced on your eyes, nose, and palate!  And what a contradiction it is to make wine the poison of the princes of darkness, and yet to eat grapes!  Has it more of the poison when in the cup than when in the cluster?  Or if the evil remains unmixed after the good is gone, and that by the process of time, how is it that the same grapes, when hung up for awhile, become milder, sweeter, and more wholesome? or how does the wine itself, as already mentioned, become purer and brighter when the light has gone, and more wholesome by the loss of the beneficial substance?

45.  What are we to say of wood and leaves, which in course of time become dry, but cannot be the worse on that account in your estimation?  For while they lose that which produces smoke, they retain that from which a bright flame arises; and, to judge by the clearness, which you think so much of, there is more good in the dry than in the green.  Hence you must either deny that there is more of God in the pure light than in the smoky one, which will upset all your evidences; or you must allow it to be possible that, when plants are plucked up, or branches plucked off, and kept for a time, more of the nature of evil may escape from them than 82of the nature of good.  And, on the strength of this, we shall hold that more evil may go off from plucked fruits; and so more good may remain in animal food.  So much on the subject of time.

46.  As for motion, and tossing, and rubbing, if these give the divine nature the opportunity of escaping from these substances, many things of the same kind are against you, which are improved by motion.  In some grains the juice resembles wine, and is excellent when moved about.  Indeed, as must not be overlooked, this kind of drink produces intoxication rapidly; and yet you never called the juice of grain the poison of the princes of darkness.  There is a preparation of water, thickened with a little meal, which is the better of being shaken, and, strange to say, is lighter in color when the light is gone.  The pastry cook stirs honey for a long time to give it this light color, and to make its sweetness milder and less unwholesome:  you must explain how this can come from the loss of good.  Again, if you prefer to test the presence of God by the agreeable effects on the hearing, and not sight, or smell, or taste, harps get their strings and pipes their bones from animals; and these become musical by being dried, and rubbed, and twisted.  So the pleasures of music, which you hold to have come from the divine kingdom, are obtained from the refuse of dead animals, and that, too, when they are dried by time, and lessened by rubbing, and stretched by twisting.  Such rough treatment, according to you, drives the divine substance from living objects; even cooking them, you say, does this.  Why then are boiled thistles not unwholesome?  Is it because God, or part of God, leaves them when they are cooked?

47.  Why mention all the particulars, when it is difficult to enumerate them?  Nor is it necessary; for every one knows how many things are sweeter and more wholesome when cooked.  This ought not to be, if, as you suppose, things lose the good by being thus moved about.  I do not suppose that you will find any proof from your bodily senses that flesh is unclean, and defiles the souls of those who eat it, because fruits, when plucked and shaken about in various ways, become flesh; especially as you hold that vinegar, in its age and fermentation, is cleaner than wine, and the mead you drink is nothing else than cooked wine, which ought to be more impure than wine, if material things lose the divine members by being moved about and cooked.  But if not, you have no reason to think that fruits, when plucked, kept, handled, cooked, and digested, are forsaken by the good, and therefore supply most unclean matter for the formation of bodies.

48.  But if it is not from their color and appearance, and smell and taste, that you think the good to be in these things, what else can you bring forward?  Do you prove it from the strength and vigor which those things seem to lose when they are separated from the earth and put to use?  If this is your reason (though its erroneousness is seen at once, from the fact that the strength of some things is increased after their separation from the earth, as in the case already mentioned of wine, which becomes stronger from age),—if the strength, then, is your reason, it would follow that the part of God is to be found in no food more abundantly than in flesh.  For athletes, who especially require vigor and energy, are not in the habit of feeding on cabbage and fruit without animal food.

49.  Is your reason for thinking the bodies of trees better than our bodies, that flesh is nourished by trees and not trees by flesh.  You forget the obvious fact that plants, when manured with dung, become richer and more fertile and crops heavier, though you think it your gravest charge against flesh that it is the abode of dung.  This then gives nourishment to things you consider clean, though it is, according to you, the most unclean part of what you consider unclean.  But if you dislike flesh because it springs from sexual intercourse, you should be pleased with the flesh of worms, which are bred in such numbers, and of such a size, in fruits, in wood, and in the earth itself, without any sexual intercourse.  But there is some insincerity in this.  For if you were displeased with flesh because it is formed from the cohabitation of father and mother, you would not say that those princes of darkness were born from the fruits of their own trees; for no doubt you think worse of these princes than of flesh, which you refuse to eat.

50.  Your idea that all the souls of animals come from the food of their parents, from which confinement you pretend to liberate the divine substance which is held bound in your viands, is quite inconsistent with your abstinence from flesh, and makes it a pressing duty for you to eat animal food.  For if souls are bound in the body by those who eat animal food, why do you not secure their liberation by being beforehand in eating the food?  You reply, it is not from the animal food that the good part comes which those people bring into bondage, but from the vegetables which they take with their meat.  What will you say then of the souls of lions, who feed only on flesh?  They drink, is the reply, and so 83the soul is drawn in from the water and confined in flesh.  But what of birds without number?  What of eagles, which eat only flesh, and need no drink?  Here you are at a loss, and can find no answer.  For if the soul comes from food, and there are animals which neither drink anything nor have any food but flesh, and yet bring forth young, there must be some soul in flesh; and you are bound to try your plan of purifying it by eating the flesh.  Or will you say that a pig has a soul of light, because it eats vegetables, and drinks water; and that the eagle, because it eats only flesh, has a soul of darkness, though it is so fond of the sun?180180     [Much of the foregoing, as well as of what follows, seems to the modern reader like mere trifling, but Augustin’s aim was by introducing many familiar illustrations to show the utter absurdity of the Manichæan distinctions between clean and unclean.  It must be confessed that he does this very effectively.—A.H.N.]

51.  What a confusion of ideas!  What amazing fatuity!  All this you would have escaped, if you had rejected idle fictions, and had followed what truth sanctions in abstinence from food, which would have taught you that sumptuous eating is to be avoided, not to escape pollution, as there is nothing of the kind, but to subdue the sensual appetite.  For should any one, from inattention to the nature of things, and the properties of the soul and body, allow that the soul is polluted by animal food, you will admit that it is much much more defiled by sensuality.  Is it reasonable, then, or rather, is it not most unreasonable, to expel from the number of the elect a man who, perhaps for his health’s sake, takes some animal food without sensual appetite; while, if a man eagerly devours peppered truffles, you can only reprove him for excess, but cannot condemn him as abusing your symbol?  So one who has been induced, not by sensuality, but for health, to eat part of a fowl, cannot remain among your elect; though one may remain who has yielded voluntarily to an excessive appetite for comfits and cakes without animal matter.  You retain the man plunged in the defilements of sensuality, and dismiss the man polluted, as you think, by the mere food; though you allow that the defilement of sensuality is far greater than that of meat.  You keep hold of one who gloats with delight over highly-seasoned vegetables, unable to keep possession of himself; while you shut out one who, to satisfy hunger, takes whatever comes, if suitable for nourishment, ready either to use the food, or to let it go.  Admirable customs!  Excellent morals!  Notable temperance!

52.  Again, the notion that it is unlawful for any one but the elect to touch as food what is brought to your meals for what you call purification, leads to shameful and sometimes to criminal practices.  For sometimes so much is brought that it cannot easily be eaten up by a few; and as it is considered sacrilege to give what is left to others, or, at least, to throw it away, you are obliged to eat to excess, from the desire to purify, as you call it, all that is given.  Then, when you are full almost to bursting, you cruelly use force in making the boys of your sect eat the rest.  So it was charged against some one at Rome that he killed some poor children, by compelling them to eat for this superstitious reason.  This I should not believe, did I not know how sinful you consider it to give this food to those who are not elect, or, at any rate, to throw it away.  So the only way is to eat it; and this leads every day to gluttony, and may sometimes lead to murder.

53.  For the same reason you forbid giving bread to beggars.  By way of showing compassion, or rather of avoiding reproach, you advise to give money.  The cruelty of this is equalled by its stupidity.  For suppose a place where food cannot be purchased:  the beggar will die of starvation, while you, in your wisdom and benevolence, have more mercy on a cucumber than on a human being!  This is in truth (for how could it be better designated) pretended compassion, and real cruelty.  Then observe the stupidity.  What if the beggar buys bread for himself with the money you give him?  Will the divine part, as you call it, not suffer the same in him when he buys the food as it would have suffered if he had taken it as a gift from you?  So this sinful beggar plunges in corruption part of God eager to escape, and is aided in this crime by your money!  But you in your great sagacity think it enough that you do not give to one about to commit murder a man to kill, though you knowingly give him money to procure somebody to be killed.  Can any madness go beyond this?  The result is, that either the man dies if he cannot get food for his money, or the food itself dies if he gets it.  The one is true murder; the other what you call murder:  though in both cases you incur the guilt of real murder.  Again, there is the greatest folly and absurdity in allowing your followers to eat animal food, while you forbid them to kill animals.  If this food does not defile, take it yourselves.  If it defiles, what can be more unreasonable than to think it more sinful to separate the soul of a pig from its body than to defile the soul of a man with the pig’s flesh.

Chapter 17.—Description of the Symbol of the Hands Among the Manichæans.

54.  We must now notice and discuss the 84symbol of the hands.  And, in the first place, your abstaining from the slaughter of animals and from injuring plants is shown by Christ to be mere superstition; for, on the ground that there is no community of rights between us and brutes and trees, He both sent the devils into an herd of swine,181181     Matt. viii. 32. and withered by His curse a tree in which He had found no fruit.182182     Matt. xxi. 19.   The swine assuredly had not sinned, nor had the tree.  We are not so insane as to think that a tree is fruitful or barren by its own choice.  Nor is it any reply to say that our Lord wished in these actions to teach some other truths; for every one knows that.  But assuredly the Son of God would not commit murder to illustrate truth, if you call the destruction of a tree or of an animal murder.  The signs which Christ wrought in the case of men, with whom we certainly have a community of rights, were in healing, not in killing them.  And it would have been the same in the case of beasts and trees, if we had that community with them which you imagine.

55.  I think it right to refer here to the authority of Scripture, because we cannot here enter on a profound discussion about the soul of animals, or the kind of life in trees.  But as you preserve the right to call the Scriptures corrupted, in case you should find them too strongly opposed to you,—although you have never affirmed the passages about the tree and the herd of swine to be spurious,—still, lest some day you should wish to say this of them too, when you find how much they are against you, I will adhere to my plan, and will ask you, who are so liberal in your promises of evidence and truth, to tell me first what harm is done to a tree, I say not by plucking a leaf or an apple,—for which, however, one of you would be condemned at once as having abused the symbol, if he did it intentionally, and not accidentally,—but if you tear it up by the root.  For the soul in trees, which, according to you, is a rational soul, is, in your theory, freed from bondage when the tree is cut down,—a bondage, too, where it suffered great misery and got no profit.  For it is well known that you, in the words of your founder, threaten as a great, though not the greatest punishment, the change from a man to a tree; and it is not probable that the soul in a tree can grow in wisdom as it does in a man.  There is the best reason for not killing a man, in case you should kill one whose wisdom or virtue might be of use to many, or one who might have attained to wisdom, whether by the advice of another without himself, or by divine illumination in his own mind.  And the more wisdom the soul has when it leaves the body, the more profitable is its departure, as we know both from well-grounded reasoning and from wide-spread belief.  Thus to cut down a tree is to set free the soul from a body in which it makes no progress in wisdom.  You—the holy men, I mean—ought to be mainly occupied in cutting down trees, and in leading the souls thus emancipated to better things by prayers and psalms.  Or can this be done only with the souls which you take into your belly, instead of aiding them by your understanding?

56.  And you cannot escape the admission that the souls in trees make no progress in wisdom while they are there, when you are asked why no apostle was sent to teach trees as well as men, or why the apostle sent to men did not preach the truth to trees also.  Your reply must be, that the souls while in such bodies cannot understand the divine precepts.  But this reply lands you in great difficulties; for you declare that these souls can hear your voices and understand what you say, and see bodies and their motions, and even discern thoughts.  If this is true, why could they learn nothing from the apostle of light?  Why could they not learn even much better than we, since they can see into the mind?  Your master, who, as you say, has difficulty in teaching you by speech, might have taught these souls by thought; for they could see his ideas in his mind before he expressed them.  But if this is untrue, consider into what errors you have fallen.

57.  As for your not plucking fruits or pulling up vegetables yourselves, while you get your followers to pluck and pull and bring them to you, that you may confer benefits not only on those who bring the food but on the food which is brought, what thoughtful person can bear to hear this?  For, first, it matters not whether you commit a crime yourself, or wish another to commit it for you.  You deny that you wish this!  How then can relief be given to the divine part contained in lettuce and leeks, unless some one pull them and bring them to the saints to be purified.  And again, if you were passing through a field where the right of friendship permitted you to pluck anything you wished, what would you do if you saw a crow on the point of eating a fig?  Does not, according to your ideas, the fig itself seem to address you and to beg of you piteously to pluck it yourself and give it burial in a holy belly, where it may be purified and restored, rather than that the crow should swallow it and make it 85part of his cursed body, and then hand it over to bondage and torture in other forms?  If this is true, how cruel you are!  If not, how silly!  What can be more contrary to your opinions than to break the symbol?  What can be more unkind to the member of God than to keep it?

58.  This supposes the truth of your false and vain ideas.  But you can be shown guilty of plain and positive cruelty flowing from the same error.  For were any one lying on the road, his body wasted with disease, weary with journeying, and half-dead from his sufferings, and able only to utter some broken words, and if eating a pear would do him good as an astringent, and were he to beg you to help him as you passed by, and were he to implore you to bring the fruit from a neighboring tree, with no divine or human prohibition to prevent your doing so, while the man is sure to die for the want of it, you, a Christian man and a saint, will rather pass on and abandon a man thus suffering and entreating, lest the tree should lament the loss of its fruit, and you should be doomed to the punishment threatened by Manichæus for breaking the symbol.  Strange customs, and strange harmlessness!

59.  Now, as regards killing animals, and the reasons for your opinion, much that has been said will apply also to this.  For what harm will be done to the soul of a wolf by killing the wolf, since the wolf, as long as it lives, will be a wolf, and will not listen to any preacher, or give up, in the least, shedding the blood of sheep; and, by killing it, the rational soul, as you think, will be set free from its confinement in the body?  But you make this slaughter unlawful even for your followers; for you think it worse than that of trees.  And in this there is not much fault to be found with your senses,—that is, your bodily senses.  For we see and hear by their cries that animals die with pain, although man disregards this in a beast, with which, as not having a rational soul, we have no community of rights.  But as to your senses in the observation of trees, you must be entirely blind.  For not to mention that there are no movements in the wood expressive of pain, what is clearer than that a tree is never better than when it is green and flourishing, gay with flowers, and rich in fruit?  And this comes generally and chiefly from pruning.  But if it felt the iron, as you suppose, it ought to die of wounds so many, so severe, instead of sprouting at the places, and reviving with such manifest delight.

60.  But why do you think it a greater crime to destroy animals than plants, although you hold that plants have a purer soul than animals?  There is a compensation, we are told, when part of what is taken from the fields is given to the elect and the saints to be purified.  This has already been refuted; and it has, I think, been proved sufficiently that there is no reason for saying that more of the good part is found in vegetables than in flesh.  But should any one support himself by selling butcher-meat, and spend the whole profit of his business in purchasing food for your elect, and bring larger supplies for those saints than any peasant or farmer, will he not plead this compensation as a warrant for his killing animals?  But there is, we are told, some other mysterious reason; for a cunning man can always find some resource in the secrets of nature when addressing unlearned people.  The story, then, is that the heavenly princes who were taken from the race of darkness and bound, and have a place assigned them in this region by the Creator of the world, have animals on the earth specially belonging to them, each having those coming from his own stock and class; and they hold the slaughterers of those animals guilty, and do not allow them to leave the earth, but harass them as much as they can with pains and torments.  What simple man will not be frightened by this, and, seeing nothing in the darkness shrouding these things, will not think that the fact is as described?  But I will hold to my purpose, with God’s help, to rebut mysterious falsehood by the plainest truth.

61.  Tell me, then, if animals on land and in water come in regular succession by ordinary generation from this race of princes, since the origin of animal life is traced to the abortive births in that race;—tell me, I say, whether bees and frogs, and many other creatures not sprung from sexual intercourse,183183     [This is, of course, a physiological blunder, but Augustin doubtless states what was the common view at the time.—A.H.N.] may be killed with impunity.  We are told they cannot.  So it is not on account of their relation to certain princes that you forbid your followers to kill animals.  Or if you make a general relationship to all bodies, the princes would be equally concerned about trees, which you do not require your followers to spare.  You are brought back to the weak reply, that the injuries done in the case of plants are atoned for by the fruits which your followers bring to your church.  For this implies that those who slaughter animals, and sell their flesh in the market, if they are your followers, and if they bring to you vegetables bought with their gains, may think nothing 86of the daily slaughter, and are cleared of any sin that may be in it by your repasts.

62.  But if you say that, in order to expiate the slaughter, the thing must be given as food, as in the case of fruits and vegetables,—which cannot be done, because the elect do not eat flesh, and so your followers must not slaughter animals,—what reply will you give in the case of thorns and weeds, which farmers destroy in clearing their fields, while they cannot bring any food to you from them?  How can there be pardon for such destruction, which gives no nourishment to the saints?  Perhaps you also put away any sin committed, for the benefit of the fruits and vegetables, by eating some of these.  What then if the fields are plundered by locusts, mice, or rats, as we see often happen?  Can your rustic follower kill these with impunity, because he sins for the good of his crops?  Here you are at a loss; for you either allow your followers to kill animals, which your founder prohibited, or you forbid them to be cultivators, which he made lawful.  Indeed, you sometimes go so far as to say that an usurer is more harmless than a cultivator,—you feel so much more for melons than for men.  Rather than hurt the melons, you would have a man ruined as a debtor.  Is this desirable and praiseworthy justice, or not rather atrocious and damnable error?  Is this commendable compassion, or not rather detestable barbarity?

63.  What, again, of your not abstaining yourselves from the slaughter of lice, bugs, and fleas?  You think it a sufficient excuse for this to say that these are the dirt of our bodies.  But this is clearly untrue of fleas and bugs; for every one knows that these animals do not come from our bodies.  Besides, if you abhor sexual intercourse as much as you pretend to do, you should think those animals all the cleaner which come from our bodies without any other generation; for although they produce offspring of their own, they are not produced in ordinary generation from us.  Again, if we must consider as most filthy the production of living bodies, still worse must be the production of dead bodies.  There must be less harm, therefore, in killing a rat, a snake, or a scorpion, which you constantly say come from our dead bodies.  But to pass over what is less plain and certain, it is a common opinion regarding bees that they come from the carcases of oxen; so there is no harm in killing them.  Or if this too is doubted, every one allows that beetles, at least, are bred in the ball of mud which they make and bury.184184     V. Retract. i. 7. § 6, where Augustin allows that this is doubtful, and that many have not even heard of it.   You ought therefore to consider these animals, and others that it would be tedious to specify, more unclean than your lice; and yet you think it sinful to kill them, though it would be foolish not to kill the lice.  Perhaps you hold the lice cheap because they are small.  But if an animal is to be valued by its size, you must prefer a camel to a man.

64.  Here we may use the gradation which often perplexed us when we were your followers.  For if a flea may be killed on account of its small size, so may the fly which is bred in beans.  And if this, so also may one of a little larger size, for its size at birth is even less.  Then again, a bee may be killed, for its young is no larger than a fly.  So on to the young of a locust, and to a locust; and then to the young of a mouse, and to a mouse.  And, to cut short, it is clear we may come at last to an elephant; so that one who thinks it no sin to kill a flea, because of its small size, must allow that it would be no sin in him to kill this huge creature.  But I think enough has been said of these absurdities.

Chapter 18.—Of the Symbol of the Breast, and of the Shameful Mysteries of the Manichæans.

65.  Lastly, there is the symbol of the breast, in which your very questionable chastity consists.  For though you do not forbid sexual intercourse, you, as the apostle long ago said, forbid marriage in the proper sense, although this is the only good excuse for such intercourse.  No doubt you will exclaim against this, and will make it a reproach against us that you highly esteem and approve perfect chastity, but do not forbid marriage, because your followers—that is, those in the second grade among you—are allowed to have wives.  After you have said this with great noise and heat, I will quietly ask, Is it not you who hold that begetting children, by which souls are confined in flesh, is a greater sin than cohabitation?  Is it not you who used to counsel us to observe as much as possible the time when a woman, after her purification, is most likely to conceive, and to abstain from cohabitation at that time, lest the soul should be entangled in flesh?  This proves that you approve of having a wife, not for the procreation of children, but for the gratification of passion.  In marriage, as the marriage law declares, the man and woman come together for the procreation of children.  Therefore whoever makes the procreation of children a greater sin than copulation, forbids marriage, and makes the woman not a wife, but a mistress, who for some gifts presented 87to her is joined to the man to gratify his passion.  Where there is a wife there must be marriage.  But there is no marriage where motherhood is not in view; therefore neither is there a wife.  In this way you forbid marriage.  Nor can you defend yourselves successfully from this charge, long ago brought against you prophetically by the Holy Spirit.

66.  Moreover, when you are so eager in your desire to prevent the soul from being confined in flesh by conjugal intercourse, and so eager in asserting that the soul is set free from seed by the food of the saints, do you not sanction, unhappy beings, the suspicion entertained about you?  For why should it be true regarding corn and beans and lentils and other seeds, that when you eat them you wish to set free the soul, and not true of the seeds of animals?  For what you say of the flesh of a dead animal, that it is unclean because there is no soul in it, cannot be said of the seed of the animal; for you hold that it keeps confined the soul which will appear in the offspring, and you avow that the soul of Manichæus himself is thus confined.  And as your followers cannot bring these seeds to you for purification, who will not suspect that you make this purification secretly among yourselves, and hide it from your followers, in case they should leave you?185185     [Compare what is said about the disgusting ceremonial of Ischas by Cyril of Jerusalem (Cat. vi.), Augustin (Haeres. xlvi.), Pope Leo X. (Serm. V. de Jejuniis, X. Mens.).  These charges were probably unfounded, though they are not altogether out of harmony with the Manichæan principles.—A.H.N.]   If you do not these things, as it is to be hoped you do not, still you see how open to suspicion your superstition is, and how impossible it is to blame men for thinking what your own profession suggests, when you maintain that you set free souls from bodies and from senses by eating and drinking.  I wish to say no more about this:  you see yourselves what room there is here for denunciation.  But as the matter is one rather to repress than to invite remark, and also as throughout my discourse my purpose appears of exaggerating nothing, and of keeping to bare facts and arguments, we shall pass on to other matters.

Chapter 19.—Crimes of the Manichæans.

67.  We see then, now, the nature of your three symbols.  These are your customs.  This is the end of your notable precepts, in which there is nothing sure, nothing steadfast, nothing consistent, nothing irreproachable, but all doubtful, or rather undoubtedly and entirely false, all contradictory, abominable, absurd.  In a word, evil practices are detected in your customs so many and so serious, that one wishing to denounce them all, if he were at all able to enlarge, would require at least a separate treatise for each.  Were you to observe these, and to act up to your profession, no childishness, or folly, or absurdity would go beyond yours; and when you praise and teach these things without doing them, you display craft and deceit and malevolence equal to anything that can be described or imagined.

68.  During nine full years that I attended you with great earnestness and assiduity, I could not hear of one of your elect who was not found transgressing these precepts, or at least was not suspected of doing so.  Many were caught at wine and animal food, many at the baths; but this we only heard by report.  Some were proved to have seduced other men’s wives, so that in this case I could not doubt the truth of the charge.  But suppose this, too, a report rather than a fact.  I myself saw, and not I only, but others who have either escaped from that superstition, or will, I hope, yet escape,—we saw, I say, in a square in Carthage, on a road much frequented, not one, but more than three of the elect walking behind us, and accosting some women with such indecent sounds and gestures as to outdo the boldness and insolence of all ordinary rascals.  And it was clear that this was quite habitual, and that they behaved in this way to one another, for no one was deterred by the presence of a companion, showing that most of them, if not all, were affected with this evil tendency.  For they did not all come from one house, but lived in quite different places, and quite accidentally left together the place where they had met.  It was a great shock to us, and we lodged a complaint about it.  But who thought of inflicting punishment,—I say not by separation from the church, but even by severe rebuke in proportion to the heinousness of the offence?

69.  All the excuse given for the impunity of those men was that, at that time, when their meetings were forbidden by law, it was feared that the persons suffering punishment might retaliate by giving information.  What then of their assertion that they will always have persecution in this world, for which they suppose that they will be thought the more of? for this is the application they make of the words about the world hating them. 186186     John xv. 18.   And they will have it that truth must be sought for among them, because, in the promise of the Holy Spirit, the Paraclete, it is said that the world cannot receive Him.187187     John xiv. 17.   This is not the place to discuss this question.  But clearly, 88if you are always to be persecuted, even to the end of the world, there will be no end to this laxity, and to the unchecked spread of all this immorality, from your fear of giving offence to men of this character.

70.  This answer was also given to us, when we reported to the very highest authorities that a woman had complained to us that in a meeting, where she was along with other women, not doubting of the sanctity of these people, some of the elect came in, and when one of them had put out the lamp, one, whom she could not distinguish, tried to embrace her, and would have forced her into sin, had she not escaped by crying out.  How common must we conclude the practice to have been which led to the misdeed on this occasion!  And this was done on the night when you keep the feast of vigils.  Forsooth, besides the fear of information being given, no one could bring the offender before the bishop, as he had so well guarded against being recognized.  As if all who entered along with him were not implicated in the crime; for in their indecent merriment they all wished the lamp to be put out.

71.  Then what wide doors were opened for suspicions, when we saw them full of envy, full of covetousness, full of greed for costly foods, constantly at strife, easily excited about trifles!  We concluded that they were not competent to abstain from the things they professed to abstain from, if they found an opportunity in secret or in the dark.  There were two of sufficiently good character, of active minds, and leaders in their debates, with whom we had a more particular and intimate acquaintance than with the rest.  One of them was much associated with us, because he was also engaged in liberal studies; he is said to be now an elder there.  These two were very jealous of one another, and one accused the other—not openly, but in conversation, as he had opportunity, and in whispers—of having made a criminal assault on the wife of one of the followers.  He again, in clearing himself to us, brought the same charge against another of the elect, who lived with this follower as his most trusted friend.  He had, going in suddenly, caught this man with the woman, and his enemy and rival had advised the woman and her paramour to raise this false report about him, that he might not be believed if he gave any information.  We were much distressed, and took it greatly to heart, that although there was a doubt about the assault on the woman, the jealous feeling in those two men, than whom we found none better in the place, showed itself so keenly, and inevitably raised a suspicion of other things.188188     Doubtless Augustin exaggerates the immorality of the Manichæans; but there must have been a considerable basis of fact for his charges.—A.H.N.]

72.  Another thing was, that we very often saw in theatres men belonging to the elect, men of years and, it was supposed, of character, along with a hoary-headed elder.  We pass over the youths, whom we used to come upon quarrelling about the people connected with the stage and the races; from which we may safely conclude how they would be able to refrain in secret, when they could not subdue the passion by which they were exposed in the eyes of their followers, bringing on them disgrace and flight.  In the case of the saint, whose discussions we attended in the street of the fig-sellers, would his atrocious crime have been discovered if he had been able to make the dedicated virgin his wife without making her pregnant?  The swelling womb betrayed the secret and unthought-of iniquity.  When her brother, a young man, heard of it from his mother, he felt keenly the injury, but refrained, from regard to religion, from a public accusation.  He succeeded in getting the man expelled from that church, for such conduct cannot always be tolerated; and that the crime might not be wholly unpunished, he arranged with some of his friends to have the man well beaten and kicked.  When he was thus assailed, he cried out that they should spare him, from regard to the authority of the opinion of Manichæus, that Adam the first hero had sinned, and was a greater saint after his sin.

73.  This, in fact, is your notion about Adam and Eve.189189     Compare the account from the Fihrist, in our Introduction, Chapter III.—A.H.N.]   It is a long story; but I will touch only on what concerns the present matter.  You say that Adam was produced from his parents, the abortive princes of darkness; that he had in his soul the most part of light, and very little of the opposite race.  So while he lived a holy life, on account of the prevalence of good, still the opposite part in him was stirred up, so that he was led away into conjugal intercourse.  Thus he fell and sinned, but afterwards lived in greater holiness.  Now, my complaint is not so much about this wicked man, who, under the garb of an elect and holy man, brought such shame and reproach on a family of strangers by his shocking immorality.  I do not charge you with this.  Let it be attributed to the abandoned character of the man, and not to your habits.  I blame the man for the atrocity, and not you.  Still there is 89this in you all that cannot, as far as I can see, be admitted or tolerated, that while you hold the soul to be part of God, you still maintain that the mixture of a little evil prevailed over the superior force and quantity of good.  Who that believes this, when incited by passion, will not find here an excuse, instead of checking and controlling his passion?

Chapter 20.—Disgraceful Conduct Discovered at Rome.

74.  What more shall I say of your customs?  I have mentioned what I found myself when I was in the city when the things were done.  To go through all that happened at Rome in my absence would take a long time.  I will, however, give a short account of it; for the matter became so notorious, that even the absent could not remain in ignorance of it.  And when I was afterwards in Rome, I ascertained the truth of all I had heard, although the story was told me by an eye-witness whom I knew so well and esteemed so highly, that I could not feel any doubt about it.  One of your followers, then, quite equal to the elect in their far-famed abstinence, for he was both liberally educated, and was in the habit of defending your sect with great zeal, took it very ill that he had cast in his teeth the vile conduct of the elect, who lived in all kinds of places, and went hither and thither for lodging of the worst description.  He therefore desired, if possible, to assemble all who were willing to live according to the precepts into his own house, and to maintain them at his own expense; for he was above the average in carelessness as to spending money, besides being above the average in the amount he had to spend.  He complained that his efforts were hindered by the remissness of the bishops, whose assistance he required for success.  At last one of your bishops was found,—a man, as I know, very rude and unpolished, but somehow, from his very moroseness, the more inclined to strict observance of morality.  The follower eagerly lays hold of this man as the person he had long wished for and found at last, and relates his whole plan.  He approves and assents, and agrees to be the first to take up his abode in the house.  When this was done, all the elect who could be at Rome were assembled there.  The rule of life in the epistle of Manichæus was laid before them.  Many thought it intolerable, and left; not a few felt ashamed, and stayed.  They began to live as they had agreed, and as this high authority enjoined.  The follower all the time was zealously enforcing everything on everybody, though never, in any case, what he did not undertake himself.  Meanwhile quarrels constantly arose among the elect.  They charged one another with crimes, all which he lamented to hear, and managed to make them unintentionally expose one another in their altercations.  The revelations were vile beyond description.  Thus appeared the true character of those who were unlike the rest in being willing to bend to the yoke of the precepts.  What then is to be suspected, or rather, concluded, of the others?  To come to a close, they gathered together on one occasion and complained that they could not keep the regulations.  Then came rebellion.  The follower stated his case most concisely, that either all must be kept, or the man who had given such a sanction to such precepts, which no one could fulfill, must be thought a great fool.  But, as was inevitable, the wild clamor of the mob prevailed over the opinion of one man.  The bishop himself gave way at last, and took to flight with great disgrace; and he was said to have got in provisions by stealth, contrary to rule, which were often discovered.  He had a supply of money from his private purse, which he carefully kept concealed.

75.  If you say these things are false, you contradict what is too clear and public.  But you may say so if you like.  For, as the things are certain, and easily known by those who wish to know them, those who deny that they are true show what their habit of telling the truth is.  But you have other replies with which I do not find fault.  For you either say that some do keep your precepts, and that they should not be mixed up with the guilty in condemning the others; or that the whole inquiry into the character of the members of your sect is wrong, for the question is of the character of the profession.  Should I grant both of these (although you can neither point out those faithful observers of the precepts, nor clear your heresy of all those frivolities and iniquities), still I must insist on knowing why you heap reproaches on Christians of the Catholic name on seeing the immoral life of some, while you either have the effrontery to repel inquiry about your members, or the still greater effrontery not to repel it, wishing it to be understood that in your scanty membership there are some unknown individuals who keep the precepts they profess, but that among the multitudes in the Catholic Church there are none.

91

St. AUGUSTIN:

on two souls,

against the manichæans.

 [de duabus animabus contra manichæos].

A.D. 391.

translated by

albert h. newman, d.d., ll.d.,

professor of church history and comparative religion, in toronto baptist (theological) college, toronto, canada.

95

Concerning Two Souls, Against the Manichæans.

[De Duabus Animabus Contra Manichæos.] a.d. 391.190190     Scarcely any one of his earlier treatises was more unsatisfactory to Augustin in his later Anti-Pelagian years than that Concerning Two Souls.  In his Retractations, Book I., chapter xv., he recognizes the rashness of some of his statements and points out the sense in which they are tenable or the reverse.  As regards the occasion of the writing, the following may be quoted:  "After this book [De Utilitate Credendi] I wrote, while still a presbyter, against the Manichæans Concerning Two Souls, of which they say that one part is of God, the other from the race of darkness, which God did not found, and which is coeternal with God, and they rave about both these souls, the one good, the other evil, being in one man, saying forsooth that the evil soul on the one hand belongs to the flesh, which flesh also they say is of the race of darkness; but that the good soul is from the part of God that came forth, combated the race of darkness, and mingled with the latter; and they attribute all good things in man to that good soul, and all evil things to that evil soul."—A.H.N.]

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One Book.

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Chapter 1.—By What Course of Reasoning the Error of the Manichæans Concerning Two Souls, One of Which is Not from God, is Refuted.  Every Soul, Inasmuch as It is a Certain Life, Can Have Its Existence Only from God the Source of Life.

1.  Through the assisting mercy of God, the snares of the Manichæans having been broken to pieces and left behind, having been restored at length to the bosom of the Catholic Church, I am disposed now at least to consider and to deplore my recent wretchedness.  For there were many things that I ought to have done to prevent the seeds of the most true religion wholesomely implanted in me from boyhood, from being banished from my mind, having been uprooted by the error and fraud of false and deceitful men.  For, in the first place, if I had soberly and diligently considered, with prayerful and pious mind, those two kinds of souls to which they attributed natures and properties so distinct that they wished one to be regarded as of the very substance of God, but were not even willing that God should be accepted as the author of the other; perhaps it would have appeared to me, intent on learning, that there is no life whatsoever, which, by the very fact of its being life and in so far as it is life at all, does not pertain to the supreme source and beginning of life,191191     In his Retractations, Augustin explains this proposition as follows:  "I said this in the sense in which the creature is known to pertain to the Creator, but not in the sense that it is of Him, so as to be regarded as part of Him."—A.H.N. which we must acknowledge to be nothing else than the supreme and only and true God.  Wherefore there is no reason why we should not confess, that those souls which the Manichæans call evil are either devoid of life and so not souls, neither will anything positively or negatively, neither follow after nor flee from anything; or, if they live so that they can be souls, and act as the Manichæans suppose, in no way do they live unless by life, and if it be an established fact, as it is, that Christ has said:  "I am the life,"192192     John xiv. 6. that all souls seeing that they cannot be souls except by living were created and fashioned by Christ, that is, by the Life.

Chapter 2.—If the Light that is Perceived by Sense Has God for Its Author, as the Manichæans Acknowledge, Much More The Soul Which is Perceived by Intellect Alone.

2.  But if at that time193193     It will aid the reader in following the thread of Augustin’s argument, if he will bear in mind that throughout this treatise the writer considers the points of antagonism between Manichæism and Catholicism from the point of view of his early entanglement in Manichæan error.  Considering the opportunities that he had for knowing the truth, the helps to have been expected from God in answer to prayer, the capacities of the unperverted intellect to arrive at truth, he inquires how he should have guarded himself from the insinuation of Manichæan error, how he should have defended the truth, and how he should have been the means of liberating others.—A.H.N. my thought was not able to bear and sustain the question concern96ing life and partaking of life, which is truly a great question, and one that requires much calm discussion among the learned, I might perchance have had power to discover that which to every man considering himself, without a study of the individual parts, is perfectly evident, namely, that everything we are said to know and to understand, we comprehend either by bodily sense or by mental operation.  That the five bodily senses are commonly enumerated as sight, hearing, smell, taste, touch, than all of which intellect is immeasurably more noble and excellent, who would have been so ungrateful and impious as not to concede to me; which being established and confirmed, we should have seen how it follows, that whatsoever things are perceived by touch or sight or in any bodily manner at all, are by so much inferior to those things that we comprehend intellectually as the senses are inferior to the intellect.  Wherefore, since all life, and so every soul, can be perceived by no bodily sense, but by the intellect alone, whereas while yonder sun and moon and every luminary that is beheld by these mortal eyes, the Manichæans themselves also say must be attributed to the true and good God, it is the height of madness to claim that that belongs to God which we observe bodily; but, on the other hand, to think that what we receive not only by the mind, but by the highest form of mind,194194     Sublimitate animi. namely, reason and intellect,195195     Mente atque intelligentia. that is life, whatsoever it may be called, nevertheless life, should be deprived and bereft of the same God as its author.  For if having invoked God, I had asked myself what living is, how inscrutable it is to every bodily sense, how absolutely incorporeal it is, could not I have answered?  Or would not the Manichæans also confess not only that the souls they detest live, but that they live also immortally? and that Christ’s saying:  "Send the dead to bury their dead," 196196     Matt. viii. 22. was uttered not with reference to those not living at all, but with reference to sinners, which is the only death of the immortal soul; as when Paul writes:  "The widow that giveth herself to pleasure is dead while she liveth,"197197     1 Tim. v. 6. he says that she at the same time is dead, and alive.  Wherefore I should have directed attention not to the great degree of contamination in which the sinful soul lives, but only to the fact itself that it lives.  But if I cannot perceive except by an act of intelligence, I believe it would have come into the mind, that by as much as any mind whatever is to be preferred to the light which we see through these eyes, by so much we should give to intellect the preference over the eyes themselves.

Chapter 3.—How It is Proved that Every Body Also is from God.  That the Soul Which is Called Evil by the Manichæans is Better Than Light.

They also affirm that the light is from the Father of Christ:  should I then have doubted that every soul is from Him?  But not even then, as a man forsooth so inexperienced and so youthful as I was, should I have been in doubt as to the derivation not only of the soul, but also of the body, nay of everything whatsoever, from Him, if I had reverently and cautiously reflected on what form is, or what has been formed, what shape is and what has been endued with shape.

3.  But not to speak at present concerning the body, I lament concerning the soul, concerning spontaneous and vivid movement, concerning action, concerning life, concerning immortality; in fine, I lament that I, miserable, should have believed that anything could have all these properties apart from the goodness of God, which properties, great as they are, I sadly neglected to consider; this I think, should be to me a matter of groaning and of weeping.  I should have inwardly pondered these things, I should have discussed them with myself, I should have referred them to others, I should have propounded the inquiry, what the power of knowing is, seeing there is nothing in man that we can compare to this excellency?  And as men, if only they had been men, would have granted me this, I should have inquired whether seeing with these eyes is knowing?  In case they had answered negatively, I should first have concluded, that mental intelligence is vastly inferior to ocular sensation; then I should have added, that what we perceive by means of a better thing must needs be judged to be itself better.  Who would not grant this?  I should have gone on to inquire, whether that soul which they call evil is an object of ocular sensation or of mental intelligence?  They would have acknowledged that the latter is the case.  All which things having been agreed upon and confirmed between us, I should have shown how it follows, that that soul forsooth which they execrate, is better than that light which 97they venerate, since the former is an object of mental knowledge, the latter an object of corporeal sense perception.  But here perhaps they would have halted, and would have refused to follow the lead of reason, so great is the power of inveterate opinion and of falsehood long defended and believed.  But I should have pressed yet more upon them halting, not harshly, not in puerile fashion, not obstinately; I should have repeated the things that had been conceded, and have shown how they must be conceded.  I should have exhorted that they consult in common, that they may see clearly what must be denied to us; whether they think it false that intellectual perception is to be preferred to these carnal organs of sight, or that what is known by means of the excellency of the mind is more excellent than what is known by vile corporeal sensation; whether they would be unwilling to confess that those souls which they think heterogenous, can be known only by intellectual perception, that is, by the excellency itself of the mind; whether they would wish to deny that the sun and the moon are made known to us only by means of these eyes.  But if they had replied that no one of these things could be denied otherwise than most absurdly and most impudently, I should have urged that they ought not to doubt but that the light whose worthiness of worship they proclaim, is viler than that soul which they admonish men to flee.

Chapter 4.—Even the Soul of a Fly is More Excellent Than the Light.

4.  And here, if perchance in their confusion they had inquired of me whether I thought that the soul even of a fly198198     Neither Augustin nor the Manichæans seem to have recognized the distinction in kind between the human soul and animal life.—A.H.N. surpasses that light, I should have replied, yes, nor should it have troubled me that the fly is little, but it should have confirmed me that it is alive.  For it is inquired, what causes those members so diminutive to grow, what leads so minute a body here and there according to its natural appetite, what moves its feet in numerical order when it is running, what regulates and gives vibration to its wings when flying?  This thing whatever it is in so small a creature towers up so prominently to one well considering, that it excels any lightning flashing upon the eyes.

Chapter 5.—How Vicious Souls, However Worthy of Condemnation They May Be, Excel the Light Which is Praiseworthy in Its Kind.

Certainly nobody doubts that whatever is an object of intellectual perception, by virtue of divine laws surpasses in excellence every sensible object and consequently also this light.  For what, I ask, do we perceive by thought, if not that it is one thing to know with the mind, and another thing to experience bodily sensations, and that the former is incomparably more sublime than the latter, and so that intelligible things must needs be preferred to sensible things, since the intellect itself is so highly exalted above the senses?

5.  Hence this also I should perchance have known, which manifestly follows, since injustice and intemperance and other vices of the mind are not objects of sense, but of intellect, how it comes about that these too which we detest and consider condemnable, yet in as much as they are objects of intellect, can outrank this light however praiseworthy it may be in its kind.  For it is borne in upon the mind subjecting itself well to God, that, first of all, not everything that we praise is to be preferred to everything that we find fault with.  For in praising the purest lead, I do not therefore put a higher value upon it than upon the gold that I find fault with.  For everything must be considered in its kind.  I disapprove of a lawyer ignorant of many statutes, yet I so prefer him to the most approved tailor, that I should think him incomparably superior.  But I praise the tailor because he is thoroughly skilled in his own craft, while I rightly blame the lawyer because he imperfectly fulfills the functions of his profession.  Wherefore I should have found out that the light which in its own kind is perfect, is rightly to be praised; yet because it is included in the number of sensible things, which class must needs yield to the class of intelligible things, it must be ranked below unjust and intemperate souls, since these are intelligible; although we may without injustice judge these to be most worthy of condemnation.  For in the case of these we ask that they be reconciled to God, not that they be preferred to that lightning.  Wherefore, if any one had contended that this luminary is from God, I should not have opposed; but rather I should have said, that souls, even vicious ones, not in so far as they are vicious, but in so far as they are souls, must be acknowledged to be creatures of God.

Chapter 6.—Whether Even Vices Themselves as Objects of Intellectual Apprehension are to Be Preferred to Light as an Object of Sense Perception, and are to Be Attributed to God as Their 98Author.  Vice of the Mind and Certain Defects are Not Rightly to Be Counted Among Intelligible Things.  Defects Themselves Even If They Should Be Counted Among Intelligible Things Should Never Be Put Before Sensible Things.  If Light is Visible by God, Much More is the Soul, Even If Vicious, Which in So Far as It Lives is an Intelligible Thing.  Passages of Scripture are Adduced by the Manichæans to the Contrary.

At this point, in case some one of them, cautious and watchful, now also more studious than pertinacious, had admonished me that the inquiry is not about vicious souls but about vices themselves, which, seeing that they are not known by corporeal sense, and yet are known, can only be received as objects of intellectual apprehension, which if they excel all objects of sense, why can we not agree in attributing light to God as its author, but only a sacrilegious person would say that God is the author of vices; I should have replied to the man, if either on the spur of the moment, as is customary to the worshippers of the good God, a solution of this question had darted like lightning from on high, or a solution had been previously prepared.  If I had not deserved or was unable to avail myself of either of these methods, I should have deferred the undertaking, and should have confessed that the thing propounded was difficult to discern and arduous.  I should have withdrawn to myself, prostrated myself before God, groaned aloud asking Him not to suffer me to halt in mid space, when I should have moved forward with assured arguments, asking Him that I might not be compelled by a doubtful question either to subordinate intelligible things to sensible, and to yield, or to call Himself the author of vices; since either of these alternatives would have been absolutely full of falsehood and impiety.  I can by no means suppose that He would have deserted me in such a frame of mind.  Rather, in His own ineffable way, He would have admonished me to consider again and again whether vices of mind concerning which I was so troubled should be reckoned among intelligible things.  But that I might find out, on account of the weakness of my inner eye, which rightly befell me on account of my sins, I should have devised some sort of stage for gazing upon spiritual things in visible things themselves, of which we have by no means a surer knowledge, but a more confident familiarity.  Therefore I should straightway have inquired, what properly pertains to the sensation of the eyes.  I should have found that it is the color, the dominion of which the light holds.  For these are the things that no other sense touches, for the motions and magnitudes and intervals and figures of bodies, although they also can be perceived by the eyes, yet to perceive such is not their peculiar function, but belongs also to touch.  Whence I should have gathered that by as much as yonder light excels other corporeal and sensible things, by so much is sight more noble than the other senses.  The light therefore having been selected from all the things that are perceived by bodily sense, by this [light] I should have striven, and in this of necessity I should have placed that stage of my inquiry.  I should have gone on to consider what might be done in this way, and thus I should have reasoned with myself:  If yonder sun, conspicuous by its brightness and sufficing for day by its light, should little by little decline in our sight into the likeness of the moon, would we perceive anything else with our eyes than light however refulgent, yet seeking light by reason of not seeing what had been, and using it for seeing what was present?  Therefore we should not see the decline, but the light that should survive the decline.  But since we should not see, we should not perceive; for whatever we perceive by sight must necessarily be seen; wherefore if that decline were perceived neither by sight nor by any other sense, it cannot be reckoned among objects of sense.  For nothing is an object of sense that cannot be perceived by sense.  Let us apply now the consideration to virtue, by whose intellectual light we most fittingly say the mind shines.  Again, a certain decline from this light of virtue, not destroying the soul, but obscuring it, is called vice.  Therefore also vice can by no means be reckoned among objects of intellectual perception, as that decline of light is rightly excluded from the number of objects of sense perception.  Yet what remains of soul, that is that which lives and is soul is just as much an object of intellectual perception as that is an object of sense perception which should shine in this visible luminary after any imaginable degree of decline.  And so the soul, in so far as it is soul and partakes of life, without which it can in no way be soul, is most correctly to be preferred to all objects of sense perception.  Wherefore it is most erroneous to say that any soul is not from God, from whom you boast that the sun and moon have their existence.

7.  But if now it should be thought fit to designate as objects of sense perception not 99only all those things that we perceive by the senses, but also all those things that though not perceiving by the senses we judge of by means of the body, as of darkness through the eyes, of silence through the ears,—for not by seeing darkness and not by hearing silence do we know of their existence,—and again, in the case of objects of intellectual perception, not those things only which we see illuminated by the mind, as is wisdom itself, but also those things which by the illumination itself we avoid, such as foolishness, which I might fittingly designate mental darkness; I should have made no controversy about a word, but should have dissolved the whole question by an easy division, and straightway I should have proved to those giving good attention, that by the divine law of truth intelligible subsistences are to be preferred to sensible subsistences, not the decline of these subsistences, even though we should choose to call these intelligible, those sensible.  Wherefore, that those who acknowledge that these visible luminaries and those intelligible souls are subsistences, are in every way compelled to grant and to attribute the sublimer part to souls; but that defects of either kind cannot be preferred the one to the other, for they are only privative and indicate nonexistence, and therefore have precisely the same force as negations themselves.  For when we say, It is not gold, and, It is not virtue, although there is the greatest possible difference between gold and virtue, yet there is no difference between the negations that we adjoin to them.  But that it is worse indeed not to be virtue than not to be gold, no sane man doubts.  Who does not know that the difference lies not in the negations themselves, but in the things to which they are adjoined?  For by as much as virtue is more excellent than gold, by so much is it more wretched to be in want of virtue than of gold.  Wherefore, since intelligible things excel sensible things, we rightly feel greater repugnance towards defect in intelligible than in sensible things, esteeming not the defects, but the things that are deficient more or less precious.  From which now it appears, that defect of light, which is intelligible, is far more wretched than defect of the sensible light, because, forsooth, life which is known is by far more precious than yonder light which is seen.

8.  This being the case, who will dare, while attributing sun and moon, and whatever is refulgent in the stars, nay in this fire of ours and in this visible earthly life, to God, to decline to grant that any souls whatsoever, which are not souls except by the fact of their being perfectly alive, since in this fact alone life has the precedence of light, are from God.  And since he speaks truth who says, In as far as a thing shines it is from God, would I speak falsely, mighty God, if I should say, In so far as a thing lives it is from God?  Let not, I beseech thee, blindness of intellect and perversions of mind be increased to such an extent that men may fail to know these things.  But however great their error and pertinacity might have been, trusting in these arguments and armed therewith, I believe that when I should have laid the matter before them thus considered and canvassed, and should have calmly conferred with them, I should have feared lest any one of them should have seemed to me to be of any consequence, should he endeavor to subordinate or even to compare to bodily sense, or to those things that pertain to bodily sense as objects of knowledge, either intellect or those things that are perceived (not by way of defect) by the intellect.  Which point having been settled, how would he or any other have dared to deny that such souls as he would consider evil, yet since they are souls, are to be reckoned in the number of intelligible things, nor are objects of intellectual perception by way of defect?  This is on the supposition that souls are souls only by being alive.  For if they were intellectually perceived as vicious through defect, being vicious by lack of virtue, yet they are perceived as souls not through defect, for they are souls by reason of being alive.  Nor can it be maintained that presence of life is a cause of defect, for by as much as anything is defective, by so much is it severed from life.

9.  Since therefore it would have been every way evident that no souls can be separated from that Author from whom yonder light is not separated, whatever they might have now adduced I should not have accepted, and should rather have admonished them that they should choose with me to follow those who maintain that whatever is, since it is, and in whatever degree it is, has its existence from the one God.

Chapter 7.—How Evil Men are of God, and Not of God.

They might have cited against me those words of the gospel:  "Ye therefore do not hear, because ye are not of God;" "Ye are of your father the devil."199199     John viii. 47 and 44.   I also should have cited:  "All things were made by Him and without Him was not anything made,"200200     John i. 3. and this of the Apostle:  "One God of whom are all things, and one Lord Jesus Christ 100through whom are all things,"201201     1 Cor. viii. 6. and again from the same Apostle:  "Of whom are all things, through whom are all things, in whom are all things, to Him be glory."202202     Rom. xi. 36.   I should have exhorted those men (if indeed I had found them men), that we should presume upon nothing as if we had found it out, but should rather inquire of the masters who would demonstrate the agreement and harmony of those passages that seem to be discordant.  For when in one and the same Scriptural authority we read:  "All things are of God,"203203     1 Cor. xi. 12. and elsewhere:  "Ye are not of God," since it is wrong rashly to condemn books of Scripture, who would not have seen that a skilled teacher should be found who would know a solution of this problem, from whom assuredly if endowed with good intellectual powers, and a "spiritual man," as is said by divine inspiration204204     1 Cor. ii. 15. (for he would necessarily have favored the true arguments concerning the intelligible and sensible nature, which, as far as I can, I have conducted and handled, nay he would have disclosed them far better and more convincingly); we should have heard nothing else concerning this problem, except, as might happen, that there is no class of souls but has its existence from God, and that it is yet rightly said to sinners and unbelievers:  "Ye are not of God."  For we also, perchance, Divine aid having been implored, should have been able easily to see, that it is one thing to live and another to sin, and (although life in sin may be called death in comparison with just life,205205     1 Tim. v. 6. and while in one man it may be found, that he is at the same time alive and a sinner) that so far as he is alive, he is of God, so far as he is a sinner he is not of God.  In which division we use that alternative that suits our sentiment; so that when we wish to insist upon the omnipotence of God as Creator, we may say even to sinners that they are of God.  For we are speaking to those who are contained in some class, we are speaking to those having animal life, we are speaking to rational beings, we are speaking lastly—and this applies especially to the matter in hand—to living beings, all which things are essentially divine functions.  But when our purpose is to convict evil men, we rightly say:  "Ye are not of God."  For we speak to them as averse to truth, unbelieving, criminal, infamous, and, to sum up all in one term—sinners, all of which things are undoubtedly not of God.  Therefore what wonder is it, if Christ says to sinners, convicting them of this very thing that they were sinners and did not believe in Him:  "Ye are not of God;" and on the other hand, without prejudice to the former statement:  "All things were made through Him," and "All things are of God?"  For if not to believe Christ, to repudiate Christ’s advent, not to accept Christ, was a sure mark of souls that are not of God; and so it was said:  "Ye therefore hear not, because ye are not of God;" how would that saying of the apostle be true that occurs in the memorable beginning of the gospel:  "He came unto his own things, and his own people did not receive him?"206206     John i. 11.   Whence his own if they did not receive him; or whence therefore not his own because they did not receive him, unless that sinners by virtue of being men belong to God, but by virtue of being sinners belong to the devil?  He who says:  "His own people received him not" had reference to nature; but he who says:  "Ye are not of God." had reference to will; for the evangelist was commending the works of God, Christ was censuring the sins of men.

Chapter 8.—The Manichæans Inquire Whence is Evil and by This Question Think They Have Triumphed.  Let Them First Know, Which is Most Easy to Do, that Nothing Can Live Without God.  Consummate Evil Cannot Be Known Except by the Knowledge of Consummate Good, Which is God.

Here perchance some one may say:  Whence are sins themselves, and whence is evil in general?  If from man, whence is man? if from an angel, whence is the angel?  When it is said, however truly and rightly, that these are from God, it nevertheless seems to those unskillful and possessed of little power to look into recondite matters, that evils and sins are thereby connected, as by a sort of chain, to God.  By this question they think themselves triumphant, as if forsooth to ask were to know;—would it were so, for in that case no one would be more knowing than myself.  Yet very often in controversy the propounder of a great question, while impersonating the great teacher, is himself more ignorant in the matter concerning which he would frighten his opponent, than he whom he would frighten.

These therefore suppose that they are superior to the common run, because the former ask questions that the latter cannot answer.  If therefore when I most unfortunately was associated with them, not in the position in which I have now for some time been, they had raised these objections when I 101had brought forward this argument, I should have said:  I ask that you meanwhile agree with me, which is most easy, that if nothing can shine without God, much less can anything live without God.  Let us not persist in such monstrous opinions as to maintain that any souls whatsoever have life apart from God.  For perchance it may so happen that with me you are ignorant as to this thing, namely whence is evil, let us then learn either simultaneously or in any order, I care not what.  For what if knowledge of the perfection of evil is impossible to man without knowledge of the perfection of good?  For we should not know darkness if we were always in darkness.  But the notion of light does not allow its opposite to be unknown.  But the highest good is that than which there is nothing higher.  But God is good and than Him nothing can be higher.  God therefore is the highest good.  Let us therefore together so recognize God, and thus what we seek too hastily will not be hidden from us.  Do you suppose then that the knowledge of God is a matter of small account or desert.  For what other reward is there for us than life eternal, which is to know God?  For God the Master says:  "But this is life eternal, that they might know Thee the only and true God, and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent."207207     John xvii. 3.   For the soul, although it is immortal, yet because aversion from the knowledge of God is rightly called its death, when it is converted to God, the reward of eternal life to be attained is that knowledge; so that this is, as has been said, eternal life.  But no one can be converted to God, except he turn himself away from this world.  This for myself I feel to be arduous and exceedingly difficult, whether it is easy to you, God Himself would have seen.  I should have been inclined to think it easy to you, had I not been moved by the fact, that, since the world from which we are commanded to turn away is visible, and the apostle says:  "The things that are seen are temporal, but the things that are unseen are eternal,"208208     2 Cor. iv. 18. you ascribe more importance to the judgment of these eyes than to that of the mind, asserting and believing as you do that there is no shining feather that does not shine from God; and that there are living souls that do not live from God.  These and like things I should either have said to them or considered with myself, for even then, supplicating God with all my bowels, so to speak, and examining as attentively as possible the Scriptures, I should perchance have been able either to say such things or to think them, so far as was necessary for my salvation.

Chapter 9.—Augustin Deceived by Familiarity with the Manichæans, and by the Succession of Victories Over Ignorant Christians Reported by Them.  The Manichæans are Likewise Easily Refuted from the Knowledge of Sin and the Will.

But two things especially, which easily lay hold upon that unwary age, urged me through wonderful circuits.  One of these was familiarity, suddenly, by a certain false semblance of goodness, wrapped many times around my neck as a certain sinuous chain.  The other was, that I was almost always noxiously victorious in arguing with ignorant Christians who yet eagerly attempted, each as he could, to defend their faith.209209     Nothing is more certain than that Christianity has suffered more at the hands of injudicious and ignorant defenders than from its most astute and determined foes.  Little attention would be paid to the blatant infidels of the present day were it not for the interest aroused and sustained by weak attempts to refute their arguments.  And as the youthful, ardent Augustin was encouraged and confirmed in his errors by the inability of his opponents, so are errors confirmed at the present day.  The philosophical defence of Christianity is a matter of the utmost delicacy, and should be undertaken with fear and trembling.—A.H.N.   By which frequent success the ardor of youth was kindled, and by its own impulse rashly verged upon the great evil of stubbornness.  For this kind of wrangling, after I had become an auditor among them, whatever I was able to do either by my own genius, such as it was, or by reading the works of others, I most gladly devoted to them alone.  Accordingly from their speeches ardor in disputations was daily increased, from success in disputations love for them [the Manichæans].  Whence it resulted that whatever they said, as if affected by certain strange disorders, I approved of as true, not because I knew it to be true, but because I wished it to be.  So it came about that, however slowly and cautiously, yet for a long time I followed men that preferred a sleek straw to a living soul.

12.  So be it, I was not able at that time to distinguish and discern sensible from intelligible things, carnal forsooth from spiritual.  It did not belong to age, nor to discipline, nor even to any habit, nor, finally, to any deserts; for it is a matter of no small joy and felicitation:  had I not thus been able at length even to grasp that which in the judgment of all men nature itself by the laws of the most High God has established?

Chapter 10.—Sin is Only from the Will.  His Own Life and Will Best Known to Each Individual.  What Will is.

For let any men whatever, if only no madness has broken them loose from the common 102sense of the human race, bring whatever zeal they like for judging, whatever ignorance, nay whatever slowness of mind, I should like to find out what they would have replied to me had I asked, whether a man would seem to them to have sinned by whose hand while he was asleep another should have written something disgraceful?  Who doubts that they would have denied that it is a sin, and have exclaimed against it so vehemently that they might perchance have been enraged that I should have thought them proper objects of such a question?  Of whom reconciled and restored to equanimity, as best I could do it, I should have begged that they would not take it amiss if I asked them another thing just as manifest, just as completely within the knowledge of all.  Then I should have asked, if some stronger person had done some evil thing by the hand of one not sleeping but conscious, yet with the rest of his members bound and in constraint, whether because he knew it, though absolutely unwilling, he should be held guilty of any sin?  And here all marvelling that I should ask such questions, would reply without hesitation, that he had absolutely not sinned at all.  Why so?  Because whoever has done anything evil by means of one unconscious or unable to resist, the latter can by no means be justly condemned.  And precisely why this is so, if I should inquire of the human nature in these men, I should easily bring out the desired answer, by asking in this manner:  Suppose that the sleeper already knew what the other would do with his hand, and of purpose aforethought, having drunk so much as would prevent his being awakened, should go to sleep, in order to deceive some one with an oath.  Would any amount of sleep suffice to prove his innocence?  What else than a guilty man would one pronounce him?  But if he has also willingly been bound that he may deceive some one by this pretext, in what respect then would those chains profit as a means of relieving him of sin?  Although bound by these he was really not able to resist, as in the other case the sleeper was absolutely ignorant of what he was then doing.  Is there therefore any possibility of doubting that both should be judged to have sinned?  Which things having been conceded, I should have argued, that sin is indeed nowhere but in the will,210210     The Pelagians used this statement with considerable effect in their polemics against its author.  In his Retractations Augustin has this to say by way of explanation:  "The Pelagians may think that thus was said in their interest, on account of young children whose sin which is remitted to them in baptism they deny on the ground that they do not yet use the power of will.  As if indeed the sin, which we say they derive originally from Adam, that is, that they are implicated in his guilt and on this account are held obnoxious to punishment, could ever be otherwise than in will, by which will it was committed when the transgression of the divine precept was accomplished.  Our statement, that ‘there is never sin but in will,’ may be thought false for the reason that the apostle says:  ‘If what I will not this I do, it is no longer I that do it, but sin that dwelleth in me.’  For this sin is to such an extent involuntary, that he says:  ‘What I will not this I do.’  How, therefore, is there never sin but in the will?  But this sin concerning which the apostle has spoken is called sin, because by sin it was done, and it is the penalty of sin; since this is said concerning carnal concupiscence, which he discloses in what follows saying:  ‘I know that in me, that is in my flesh, dwelleth no good; for to will is present to me, but to accomplish that which is good, is not.’ (Rom. vii. 16-18).  Since the perfection of good is, that not even the concupiscence of sin should be in man, to which indeed when one lives well the will does not consent; nevertheless man does not accomplish the good because as yet concupiscence is in him, to which the will is antagonistic, the guilt of which concupiscence is loosed by baptism, but the infirmity remains, against which until it is healed every believer who advances well most earnestly struggles.  But sin, which is never but in will, must especially be known as that which is followed by just condemnation.  For this through one man entered into the world; although that sin also by which consent is yielded to concupiscence is not committed but by will.  Wherefore also in another place I have said:  ‘Not therefore except by will is sin committed.’"—A.H.N.
   On this matter Augustin’s still earlier treatise De Libero Arbitrio, and his interesting Retractations on the same, should be compared.  The reader of these earlier treatises in comparison with the Anti-Pelagian treatises can hardly fail to recognize a marked change of base on Augustin’s part.  His efforts to show the consistency of his earlier with his later modes of thought are to be pronounced only partially successful.  The fact is, that in the Anti-Manichæan time he went too far in maintaining the absolute freedom of the will and the impossibility of sin apart from personal will in the sinner; while in the Anti-Pelagian time he ventured too near to the fatalism that he so earnestly combated in the Manichæans.—A.H.N.
since this consideration also would have helped me, that justice holds guilty those sinning by evil will alone, although they may have been unable to accomplish what they willed.

13.  For who could have said that, in adducing these considerations, I was dwelling upon obscure and recondite things, where on account of the fewness of those able to understand, either fraud or suspicion of ostentation is accustomed to arise?  Let that distinction between intelligible and sensible things withdraw for a little:  let me not be found fault with for following up slow minds with the stimuli of subtle disputations.  Permit me to know that I live, permit me to know that I will to live.  If in this the human race agrees, as our life is known to us, so also is our will.  Nor when we become possessed of this knowledge, is there any occasion to fear lest any one should convince us that we may be deceived; for no one can be deceived as to whether he does not live, or wishes nothing.  I do not think that I have adduced anything obscure, and my concern is rather lest some should find fault with me for dwelling on things that are too manifest.  But let us consider the bearing of these things.

14.  Sinning therefore takes place only by exercise of will.  But our will is very well known to us; for neither should I know that I will, if I did not know what will itself is.  Accordingly, it is thus defined:  will is a movement of mind, no one compelling, either 103for not losing or for obtaining something.211211     This dictum also Augustin thought it needful to explain:  "This was said that by this definition a willing person might be distinguished from one not willing, and so the intention might be referred to those who first in Paradise were the origin of evil to the human race, by sinning no one compelling, that is by sinning with free will, because also knowingly they sinned against the command, and the tempters persuaded, did not compel, that this should be done.  For he who ignorantly sinned may not incongruously be said to have sinned unwillingly, although not knowing what he did, yet willingly he did it.  So not even the sin of such a one could be without will, which will assuredly, as it has been defined, was a ‘movement of the mind, no one compelling, either for not losing or for obtaining something.’  For he was not compelled to do what if he had been unwilling he would not have done.  Because he willed, therefore he did it, even if he did not sin because he willed, being ignorant that what he did is sin.  So not even such a sin could be without will, but by will of deed not by will of sin, which deed was yet sin; for this deed is what ought not to have taken place.  But whoever knowingly sins, if he can without sin resist the one compelling him to sin, yet resists not, assuredly sins willingly.  For he who can resist is not compelled to yield.  But he who cannot by good will resist cogent covetousness, and therefore does what is contrary to the precepts of righteousness, this now is sin in the sense of being the penalty of sin.  Wherefore it is most true that sin cannot be apart from will."
   It is needless to say that such reasoning would not have answered Augustin’s purpose in writing against the Manichæans.—A.H.N.
  Why therefore could not I have so defined it then?  Was it difficult to see that one unwilling is contrary to one willing, just as the left hand is contrary to the right, not as black to white?  For the same thing cannot be at the same time black and white.  But whoever is placed between two men is on the left hand with reference to one, on the right with reference to the other.  One man is both on the right hand and on the left hand at the same time, but by no means both to the one man.  So indeed one mind may be at the same time unwilling and willing, but it cannot be at the same time unwilling and willing with reference to one and the same thing.  For when any one unwillingly does anything; if you ask him whether he wished to do it, he says that he did not.  Likewise if you ask whether he wished not to do it, he replies that he did.  So you will find him unwilling with reference to doing, willing with reference to not doing, that is to say, one mind at the same time having both attitudes, but each referring to different things.  Why do I say this?  Because if we should again ask wherefore though unwilling he does this, he will say that he is compelled.  For every one also who does a thing unwillingly is compelled, and every one who is compelled, if he does a thing, does it only unwillingly.  It follows that he that is willing is free from compulsion, even if any one thinks himself compelled.  And in this manner every one who willingly does a thing is not compelled, and whoever is not compelled, either does it willingly or not at all.  Since nature itself proclaims these things in all men whom we can interrogate without absurdity, from the boy even to the old man, from literary sport even to the throne of the wise, why then should I not have seen that in the definition of will should be put, "no one compelling," which now as if with greater experience most cautiously I have done.  But if this is everywhere manifest, and promptly occurs to all not by instruction but by nature, what is there left that seems obscure, unless perchance it be concealed from some one, that when we wish for something, we will, and our mind is moved towards it, and we either have it or do not have it, and if we have it we will to retain it, if we have it not, to acquire it?  Wherefore everyone who wills, wills either not to lose something or to obtain it.  Hence if all these things are clearer than day, as they are, nor are they given to my conception alone, but by the liberality of truth itself to the whole human race, why could I not have said even at that time:  Will is a movement of the mind, no one compelling, either for not losing or for obtaining something?

Chapter 11.—What Sin is.

Some one will say:  What assistance would this have furnished you against the Manichæans?  Wait a moment; permit me first also to define sin, which, every mind reads divinely written in itself, cannot exist apart from will.  Sin therefore is the will to retain and follow after what justice forbids, and from which it is free to abstain.212212     Here also Augustin guards himself in his Retractations:  "The definition is true, inasmuch as that is defined which is only sin, and not also that which is the penalty of sin."—A.H.N.   Although if it be not free, it is not will.  But I have preferred to define more roughly than precisely.  Should I not also have carefully examined those obscure books, whence I might have learned that no one is worthy of blame or punishment who either wills what justice does not prohibit him from willing, or does not do what he is not able to do?  Do not shepherds on mountains, poets in theatres, unlearned in social intercourse, learned in libraries, masters in schools, priests in consecrated places, and the human race throughout the whole world, sing out these things?  But if no one is worthy of blame and condemnation, who either does not act against the prohibition of justice, or who does not do what he cannot do, yet every sin is blameworthy and condemnable, who doubts then that it is sin, when willing is unjust, and not willing is free.  And hence that definition is both true and easy to understand, and not only now but then also could have been spoken by me:  Sin is the will of retaining or of obtaining, what justice forbids, and whence it is free to abstain?

104

Chapter 12.—From the Definitions Given of Sin and Will, He Overthrows the Entire Heresy of the Manichæans.  Likewise from the Just Condemnation of Evil Souls It Follows that They are Evil Not by Nature But by Will.  That Souls are Good By Nature, to Which the Pardon of Sins is Granted.

16.  Come now, let us see in what respect these things would have aided us.  Much every way, so that I should have desired nothing more; for they end the whole cause; for whoever consulting in the inner mind, where they are more pronounced and assured, the secrets of his own conscience, and the divine laws absolutely imposed upon nature, grants that these two definitions of will and sin are true, condemns without any hesitation by the fewest and the briefest, but plainly the most invincible reasons, the whole heresy of the Manichæans.  Which can be thus considered.  They say that there are two kinds of souls, the one good, which is in such a way from God, that it is said not to have been made by Him out of any material or out of nothing, but to have proceeded as a certain part from the very substance itself of God; the other evil, which they believe and strive to get others to believe pertains to God in no way whatever; and so they maintain that the one is the perfection of good, but the other the perfection of evil, and that these two classes were at one time distinct but are now commingled.  The character and the cause of this commingling I had not yet heard; but nevertheless I could have inquired whether that evil kind of souls, before it was mingled with the good, had any will.  For if not, it was without sin and innocent, and so by no means evil.213213     In his Retractations, Augustin replies to the Pelagian denial of the sinfulness of infants, in support of which they had quoted the above sentence.  "They [infants] are held guilty not by propriety of will but by origin.  For what is every earthly man in origin but Adam?"  The will of the whole human race was in Adam, and when Adam sinned the whole race voluntarily sinned, seems to be his meaning.—A.H.N.   But if evil in such a way, that though without will, as fire, yet if it should touch the good it would violate and corrupt it; how impious it is to believe that the nature of evil is powerful enough to change any part of God, and that the Highest Good is corruptible and violable!  But if the will was present, assuredly there was present, no one compelling, a movement of the mind either towards not losing something or obtaining something.  But this something was either good, or was thought to be good, for not otherwise could it be earnestly desired.  But in supreme evil, before the commingling which they maintain, there never was any good.  Whence then could there be in it either the knowledge or the thought of good?  Did they wish for nothing that was in themselves, and earnestly desire that true good which was without?  That will must truly be declared worthy of distinguished and great praise by which is earnestly desired the supreme and true good.  Whence then in supreme evil was this movement of mind most worthy of so great praise?  Did they seek it for the sake of injuring it?  In the first place, the argument comes to the same thing.  For he who wishes to injure, wishes to deprive another of some good for the sake of some good of his own.  There was therefore in them either a knowledge of good or an opinion of good, which ought by no means to belong to supreme evil.  In the second place, whence had they known, that good placed outside of themselves, which they designed to injure, existed at all.  If they had intellectually perceived it, what is more excellent than such a mind?  Is there anything else for which the whole energy of good men is put forth except the knowledge of that supreme and sincere good?  What therefore is now scarcely conceded to a few good and just men, was mere evil, no good assisting, then able to accomplish?  But if those souls bore bodies and saw the supreme good with their eyes, what tongues, what hearts, what intellects suffice for lauding and proclaiming those eyes, with which the minds of just men can scarcely be compared?  How great good things we find in supreme evil!  For if to see God is evil, God is not a good; but God is a good; therefore to see God is good; and I know not what can be compared to this good.  Since to see anything is good, whence can it be made out that to be able to see is evil?  Therefore whatever in those eyes or in those minds brought it about, that the divine essence could be seen by them, brought about a great thing and a good thing most worthy of ineffable praise.  But if it was not brought about, but it was such in itself and eternal, it is difficult to find anything better than this evil.

17.  Lastly, that these souls may have nothing of these praiseworthy things which by the reasonings of the Manichæans they are compelled to have, I should have asked, whether God condemns any or no souls.  If none, there is no judgment of rewards and punishments, no providence, and the world is administered by chance rather than by reason, or rather is not administered at all.  For the name administration must not be given to chances.  But if it is impious for all those that are bound by any religion to believe 105this, it remains either that there is condemnation of some souls, or that there are no sins.  But if there are no sins, neither is there any evil.  Which if the Manichæans should say, they would slay their heresy with a single blow.  Therefore they and I agree that some souls are condemned by divine law and judgment.  But if these souls are good, what is that justice?  If evil, are they so by nature, or by will?  But by nature souls can in no way be evil.  Whence do we teach this.  From the above definitions of will and sin.  For to speak of souls, and that they are evil, and that they do not sin, is full of madness; but to say that they sin without will, is great craziness, and to hold any one guilty of sin for not doing what he could not do, belongs to the height of iniquity and insanity.  Wherefore whatever these souls do, if they do it by nature not by will, that is, if they are wanting in a movement of mind free both for doing and not doing, if finally no power of abstaining from their work is conceded to them; we cannot hold that the sin is theirs.214214     In his Retractations, Augustin explains that by nature is to be understood the state in which we were created without vice.  He transfers the entire argument from the actual condition of man to the primitive Adamic condition.  It is evident, however, that this was not his meaning when he combated the Manichæans.  The question of infant sinfulness arises here also, and is discussed in the usual Anti-Pelagian way.—A.H.N.   But all confess both that evil souls are justly, and souls that have not sinned are unjustly condemned; therefore they confess that those souls are evil that sin.  But these, as reason teaches, do not sin.  Therefore the extraneous class of evil souls of the Manichæans, whatever it may be, is a non-entity.

18.  Let us now look at that good class of souls, which again they exalt to such a degree as to say that it is the very substance of God.  But how much better it is that each one should recognize his own rank and merit, nor be so puffed up with sacrilegious pride as to believe that as often as he experiences a change in himself it is the substance of that supreme good, which devout reason holds and teaches to be unchangeable!  For behold! since it is manifest that souls do not sin in not being such as they cannot be; it follows that these supposititious souls, whatever they may be, do not sin at all, and moreover that they are absolutely non-existent; it remains that since there are sins, they find none to whom to attribute them except the good class of souls and the substance of God.  But especially are they pressed by Christian authority; for never have they denied that forgiveness of sins is granted when any one has been converted to God; never have they said (as they have said of many other passages) that some corrupter has interpolated this into the divine Scriptures.  To whom then are sins attributed?  If to those evil souls of the alien class, these also can become good, can possess the kingdom of God with Christ.  Which denying, they [the Manichæans] have no other class except those souls which they maintain are of the substance of God.  It remains that they acknowledge that not only these latter also, but these alone sin.  But I make no contention about their being alone in sinning; yet they sin.  But are they compelled to sin by being commingled with evil?  If so compelled that there was no power of resisting, they do not sin.  If it is in their power to resist, and they voluntarily consent, we are compelled to find out through their [the Manichæan] teaching, why so great good things in supreme evil, why this evil in supreme good, unless it be that neither is that which they bring into suspicion evil, nor is that which they pervert by superstition supreme good?

Chapter 13.—From Deliberation on the Evil and on the Good Part It Results that Two Classes of Souls are Not to Be Held to.  A Class of Souls Enticing to Shameful Deeds Having Been Conceded, It Does Not Follow that These are Evil by Nature, that the Others are Supreme Good.

19.  But if I had taught, or at any rate had myself learned, that they rave and err regarding those two classes of souls, why should I have thenceforth thought them worthy of being heard or consulted about anything?  That I might learn hence, that these two kinds of souls are pointed out, which in the course of deliberation assent puts now on the evil side, now on the good?  Why is not this rather the sign of one soul which by free will can be borne here and there, swayed hither and thither?  For it was my own experience to feel that I am one, considering evil and good and choosing one or the other, but for the most part the one pleases, the other is fitting, placed in the midst of which we fluctuate.  Nor is it to be wondered at, for we are now so constituted that through the flesh we can be affected by sensual pleasure, and through the spirit by honorable considerations.  Am I not therefore compelled to acknowledge two souls?  Nay, we can better and with far less difficulty recognize two classes of good things, of which neither is alien from God as its author, one soul acted upon from diverse directions, the lower and the higher, or to speak more correctly, the external and the internal.  These are the two 106classes which a little while ago we considered under the names sensible and intelligible, which we now prefer to call more familiarly carnal and spiritual.  But it has been made difficult for us to abstain from carnal things, since our truest bread is spiritual.  For with great labor we now eat this bread.  For neither without punishment for the sin of transgression have we been changed from immortal into mortal.  So it happens, that when we strive after better things, habit formed by connection with the flesh and our sins in some way begin to militate against us and to put obstacles in our way, some foolish persons with most obtuse superstition suspect that there is another kind of souls which is not of God.

20.  However even if it be conceded to them that we are enticed to shameful deeds by another inferior kind of souls, they do not thence make it evident that those enticing are evil by nature, or those enticed, supremely good.  For it may be, the former of their own will, by striving after what was not lawful, that is, by sinning, from being good have become evil; and again they may be made good, but in such manner that for a long time they remain in sin, and by a certain occult suasion traduce to themselves other souls.  Then, they may not be absolutely evil, but in their own kind, however inferior, they may exercise their own functions without any sin.  But those superior souls to whom justice, the directress of things, has assigned a far more excellent activity, if they should wish to follow and to imitate those inferior ones, become evil, not because they imitate evil souls, but because they imitate in an evil way.  By the evil souls is done what is proper to them, by the good what is alien to them is striven after.  Hence the former remain in their own grade, the latter are plunged into a lower.  It is as when men copy after beasts.  For the four-footed horse walks beautifully, but if a man on all fours should imitate him, who would think him worthy even of chaff for food?  Rightly therefore we generally disapprove of one who imitates, while we approve of him whom he imitates.  But we disapprove not because he has not succeeded, but for wishing to succeed at all.  For in the horse we approve of that to which by as much as we prefer man, by so much are we offended that he copies after inferior creatures.  So among men, however well the crier may do in sending forth his voice, would not the senator be insane, if he should do it even more clearly and better than the crier?  Take an illustration from the heavenly bodies:  The moon when shining is praised, and by its course and its changes is quite pleasing to those that pay attention to such things.  But if the sun should wish to imitate it (for we may feign that it has desires of this sort215215     Augustin’s carefulness to explain that he is only indulging in personification is doubtless due to the fact that with the Manichæans the sun and the moon were objects of worship.—A.H.N. ), who would not be greatly and rightly displeased.  From which illustrations I wish it to be understood, that even if there are souls (which meanwhile is left an open question216216     In his Retractations, Augustin explains that he did not really regard this as an open question, but speaks of it as such only so far as this particular discussion is concerned.  He simply declines to enter upon a consideration of it in this connection.—A.H.N. ) devoted to bodily offices not by sin but by nature, and even if they are related to us, however inferior they may be, by some inner affinity, they should not be esteemed evil simply because we are evil ourselves in following them and in loving corporeal things.  For we sin by loving corporeal things, because by justice we are required and by nature we are able to love spiritual things, and when we do this we are, in our kind, the best and the happiest. 217217     Here also the use of the word "nature" gave Augustin trouble in his later years.  He claims in the Retractations that he uses the word in the sense of "nature that has been healed" and that "cannot be vitiated," and seeks to show that he did not mean to exclude divine grace.—A.H.N.

21.  Wherefore what proof does deliberation, violently urged in both directions, now prone to sin, now borne on toward right conduct, furnish, that we are compelled to accept two kinds of souls, the nature of one of which is from God, of the other not; when we are free to conjecture so many other causes of alternating states of mind?  But that these things are obscure and are to no purpose pried into by blear-eyed minds, whoever is a good judge of things sees.  Wherefore those things rather which have been said regarding the will and sin, those things, I say, that supreme justice permits no man using his reason to be ignorant of, those things which if they were taken from us, there is nothing whence the discipline of virtue may begin, nothing whence it may rise from the death of vices, those things I say considered again and again with sufficient clearness and lucidity convince us that the heresy of the Manichæans is false.

Chapter 14.—Again It is Shown from the Utility of Repenting that Souls are Not by Nature Evil.  So Sure a Demonstration is Not Contradicted Except from the Habit of Erring.

22.  Like the foregoing considerations is what I shall now say about repenting.  For as among all sane people it is agreed, and this the Manichæans themselves not only confess but also teach, that to repent of sin is useful.  Why shall I now, in this matter, collect the testimonies of the divine Scriptures, which 107are scattered throughout their pages?  It is also the voice of nature; notice of this thing has escaped no fool.  We should be undone, if this were not deeply imbedded in our nature.  Some one may say that he does not sin; but no barbarity will dare to say, that if one sins he should not repent of it.  This being the case, I ask to which of the two kinds of souls does repenting pertain?  I know indeed that it can pertain neither to him who does ill nor to him who cannot do well.  Wherefore, that I may use the words of the Manichæans, if a soul of darkness repent of sin, it is not of the substance of supreme evil, if a soul of light, it is not of the substance of supreme good; that disposition of repenting which is profitable testifies alike that the penitent has done ill, and that he could have done well.  How, therefore, is there from me nothing of evil, if I have acted unadvisedly, or how can I rightly repent if I have not so done?  Hear the other part.  How is there from me nothing of good, if in me there is good will, or how do I rightly repent if there is not?  Wherefore, either let them deny that there is great utility in repenting, so that they may be driven not only from the Christian name, but from every even imaginary argument for their views, or let them cease to say and to teach that there are two kinds of souls, one of which has nothing of evil, the other nothing of good; for that whole sect is propped up by this two-headed218218     Bicipiti. or rather headlong219219     Præcipiti. variety of souls.

23.  And to me indeed it is sufficient thus to know that the Manichæans err, that I know that sin must be repented of; and yet if now by right of friendship I should accost some one of my friends who still thinks that they are worthy of being listened to, and should say to him:  Do you not know that it is useful, when any one has sinned, to repent?  Without hesitation he will swear that he knows.  If then I shall have convinced you that Manichæism is false, will you not desire anything more?  Let him reply what more he can desire in this matter.  Very well, so far.  But when I shall have begun to show the sure and necessary arguments which, bound to it with adamantine chains, as the saying is, follow that proposition, and shall have conducted to its conclusion the whole process by which that sect is overthrown, he will deny perhaps that he knows the utility of repenting, which no learned man, no unlearned, is ignorant of, and will rather contend, when we hesitate and deliberate, that two souls in us furnish each its own proper help to the solution of the different parts of the question.  O habit of sin!  O accompanying penalty of sin!  Then you turned me away from the consideration of things so manifest, but you injured me when I did not discern.  But now, among my most familiar acquaintances who do not discern, you wound and torment me discerning.

Chapter 15.—He Prays for His Friends Whom He Has Had as Associates in Error.

24.  Give heed to these things, I beseech you, dearly beloved.  Your dispositions I have well known.  If you now concede to me the mind and the reason of any sort of man, these things are far more certain than the things that we seemed to learn or rather were compelled to believe.  Great God, God omnipotent, God of supreme goodness, whose right it is to be believed and known to be inviolable and unchangeable.  Trinal Unity, whom the Catholic Church worships, as one who have experienced in myself Thy mercy, I supplicate Thee, that Thou wilt not permit those with whom from boyhood I have lived most harmoniously in every relation to dissent from me in Thy worship.  I see how it was especially to be expected in this place that I should either even then have defended the Catholic Scriptures attacked by the Manichæans, if as I say, I had been cautious; or I should now show that they can be defended.  But in other volumes God will aid my purpose, for the moderate length of this, as I suppose, already asks to be spared.220220     This purpose Augustin accomplished in several works.  See especially Contra Adimantum, and Contra Faustum Manichæum.  On Augustin’s defense of the Old Testament Scriptures, see Mozley’s Ruling Ideas in Early Ages, last chapter.—A.H.N.

109

St. AUGUSTIN:

acts or disputation

against

fortunatus the manichæan.

 [acta seu disputatio contra fortunatum manichæum].

A.D. 392.

translated by

albert h. newman, d.d., ll.d.,

professor of church history and comparative religion, in toronto baptist (theological) college, toronto, canada.

113

Acts or Disputation

Against Fortunatus, the Manichæan.

[Acta Seu Disputatio Contra Fortunatum Manichæum.] a.d. 392.221221     This Disputation seems to have occurred shortly after the writing of the preceding treatise.  It appears from the Retractations that Fortunatus had lived for a considerable time at Hippo, and had secured so large a number of followers that it was a delight to him to dwell there.  The Disputation is supposed to be a verbatim report of what Augustin and Fortunatus said during a two days’ discussion.  The subject is the origin of evil.  Augustin maintains that evil, so far as man is concerned, has arisen from a free exercise of the will on man’s part; Fortunatus, on the other hand, maintains that the nature of evil is co-eternal with God.  Fortunatus shows considerable knowledge of the New Testament, but no remarkable dialectic powers.  He appears at great disadvantage beside his great antagonist.  In fact, he is far from saying the best that can be said in favor of dualism.  We may say that he was fairly vanquished in the argument, and at the close confessed himself at a loss what to say, and expressed an intention of more carefully examining the problems discussed, in view of what Augustin had said.  Augustin is more guarded in this treatise than in the preceding in his statements about free will.  He found little occasion here, therefore, to retract or explain.  Fortunatus often expresses himself vaguely and obscurely.  If some sentences are difficult to understand in the translation, they will be found equally so in the Latin.—A.H.N.

Disputation of the First Day.

On the fifth of September, the most renowned men Arcadius Augustus (the second time) and Rufinus being consuls, a disputation against Fortunatus, an elder of the Manichæans, was held in the city of Hippo Regius, in the baths of Sossius, in the presence of the people.


1.  Augustin said:  I now regard as error what formerly I regarded as truth.  I desire to hear from you who are present whether my supposition is correct.  First of all I regard it as the height of error to believe that Almighty God, in whom is our one hope, is in any part either violable, or contaminable, or corruptible.  This I know your heresy affirms, not indeed in the words that I now use; for when you are questioned you confess that God is incorruptible, and absolutely inviolable, and incontaminable; but when you begin to expound the rest of your system, we are compelled to declare Him corruptible, penetrable, contaminable.  For you say that another race of darkness, whatever it may be, has rebelled against the kingdom of God; but that Almighty God, when He saw what ruin and desolation threatened his domains, unless he should make some opposition to the adverse race and resist it, sent this virtue, from whose commingling with evil and the race of darkness the world was framed.  Hence it is that here good souls labor, serve, err, are corrupted:  that they may see the need of a liberator, who should purge them from error, loose them from this commingling with evil, and liberate them from servitude.  I think it impious to believe that Almighty God ever feared any adverse race, or was under necessity to precipitate us into afflictions.

Fortunatus said:  Because I know that you have been in our midst, that is, have lived as an adherent among the Manichæans, these are the principles of our faith.  The matter now to be considered is our mode of living, the falsely alleged crimes for which we are maltreated.  Therefore let the good men present hear from you whether these things with which we are charged and which we have thrown in our teeth are true or false.  For from your instruction, and from your exposition and explanation, they will have been able to gain more correct information about our 114mode of life, if it shall have been set forth by you.

2.  Augustin said:  I was among you, but faith and morals are different questions.  I proposed to discuss faith.  But if those present prefer to hear about morals, I do not decline that question.

Fortunatus said:  I wish first to purge myself in your conscience in which we are polluted, by the testimony of a competent man, (who even now is competent for me), and in view of the future examination of Christ, the just judge, whether he saw in us, or himself practiced by imitation, the things that are now thrown in our teeth?

3.  Augustin said:  You call me to something else, when I had proposed to discuss faith, but concerning your morals only those who are your Elect can fully know.  But you know that I was not your Elect, but an Auditor.  Hence though I was present at your prayer meetings,222222     The word used is oratio, by which is evidently meant the religious services to which Auditors were admitted, prayer (oratio) being the prominent feature.—A.H.N. as you have asked (whether separately among yourselves you have any prayer meetings, God alone and yourselves can know); yet in your prayer meetings where I have been present I have seen nothing shameful take place; but only that the faith that I afterwards learned and approved is denounced, and that you perform your services facing the sun.  Besides this I found out nothing new in your meetings, but whoever raises any question of morals against you, raises it against your Elect.  But what you who are Elect do among yourselves, I have no means of knowing.  For I have often heard from you that you receive the Eucharist.  But since the time of receiving it was concealed from me, how could I know what you receive?223223     The allusion here is doubtless to the probably slanderous charge that the Manichæans were accustomed to partake of human semen as a Eucharist.  The Manichæan view of the relation of the substance mentioned to the light, and their well-known opposition to procreation, give a slight plausibility to the charge.  Compare the Morals of the Manichæans, ch. xviii., where Augustin expresses his suspicions of Manichæan shamelessness.  See also further references in the Introduction.—A.H.N.   So keep the question about morals, if you please, for discussion among your Elect, if it can be discussed.  You gave me a faith that I today disapprove.  This I proposed to discuss.  Let a response be made to my proposition.

Fortunatussaid:  And our profession is this very thing:  that God is incorruptible, lucid, unapproachable, intenible, impassible, that He inhabits His own eternal lights, that nothing corruptible proceeds from Him, neither darkness, demons, Satan, nor anything adverse can be found in His kingdom.  But that He sent forth a Saviour like Himself; that the Word born from the foundation of the world, when He had formed the world, after the formation of the world came among men; that He has chosen souls worthy of Himself according to His own holy will, sanctified by celestial command, imbued with the faith and reason of celestial things; that under His leadership those souls will return hence again to the kingdom of God according to the holy promise of Him who said:  "I am the way, the truth, and the door;"224224     This is, of course, a mixture of two passages of Scripture.—A.H.N. and "No one can come unto the Father, except through me."  These things we believe because otherwise, that is, through another mediator, souls cannot return to the kingdom of God, unless they find Him as the way, the truth, and the door.  For Himself said:  "He that hath seen me, hath seen my Father also;"225225     John xiv. 8, 9. and "whosoever shall have believed on me shall not taste death forever, but has passed from death unto life, and shall not come into judgment."226226     John v. 24.   These things we believe and this is the reason of our faith, and according to the strength of our mind we endeavor to act according to His commandments, following after the one faith of this Trinity, Father and Son and Holy Spirit.227227     As remarked in the Introduction, the Manichæans of the West, in Augustin’s time, sustained a far more intimate relation to Christianity than did Mani and his immediate followers.  Far as Fortunatus may have been from using the above language in the ordinary Christian sense, yet he held, by profession at least, enough of Christian truth to beguile the unwary.—A.H.N.

4.  Augustin said:  What was the cause of those souls being precipitated into death, whom you confess come through Christ from death to life?

Fortunatus said:  Hence now deign to go on and to contradict, if there is nothing besides God.

5.  Augustin said:  Nay, do you deign to answer the question put to you:  What cause has given these souls to death?

Fortunatus said:  Nay but do you deign to say whether there is anything besides God, or all things are in God.

6.  Augustin said:  This I can reply, that the Lord wished me to know that God cannot suffer any necessity, nor be violated or corrupted in any part.  Which, since you also acknowledge, I ask by what necessity He sent hither souls that you say return through Christ?

Fortunatus said:  What you have said:  that thus far God has revealed to you, that He is incorruptible, as He has also revealed to me; the reason must be sought, how and wherefore souls have come into this world, so that now of right God should liberate them 115from this world through his Son only begotten and like Himself, if besides Himself there is nothing?

7.  Augustin said:  We ought not to disappoint those present, being men of note, and from the question proposed for discussion go to another.  So we both confess, so we concede to ourselves, that God is incorruptible and inviolable, and could have in no way suffered.  From which it follows, that your heresy is false, which says that God, when He saw desolation and ruin threaten His kingdom, sent forth a power that should do battle with the race of darkness, and that out of this commingling our souls are laboring.  My argument is brief, and as I suppose, perfectly clear to any one.  If God could have suffered nothing from the race of darkness because He is inviolable, without cause He sent us hither that we might here suffer distress.  But if anything can suffer, it is not inviolable, and you deceive those to whom you say that God is inviolable.  For this your heresy denies when you expound the rest of it.

Fortunatussaid:  We are of that mind in which the Apostle Paul instructs us, who says:  "Let this mind be in you that was also in Christ Jesus, who when He had been constituted in the form of God, thought it not robbery to be equal with God; but emptied Himself receiving the form of a servant, having been made in the likeness of men, and having been found in fashion as a man, He humbled Himself, and was made obedient even unto death." 228228     Philipp. ii. 5-8.   We have this mind therefore about ourselves, which we have also about Christ, who when He was constituted in the form of God, was made obedient even unto death that He might show the similitude of our souls.  And like as He showed in Himself the similitude of death, and having been raised from the midst of the dead showed that He was from the Father, in the same manner we think it will be with our souls, because through Him we shall have been able to be freed from this death, which is either alien from God, or if it belongs to God, His mercy ceases, and the name of liberator, and the works of Him who liberates.229229     Fortunatus could not surely have used this language with any proper conception of its meaning.  He seems, against Mani, to have identified in some sense the Jesus that suffered with Christ.  Yet even in this statement his docetism is manifest.—A.H.N.

8.  Augustin said:  I ask how we came into death, and you tell how we may be liberated from death.

Fortunatus said:  So the apostle said that we ought to have that mind concerning ourselves which Christ has shown us.  If Christ was in suffering and death, so also are we.

9.  Augustin said:  It is known to all that the Catholic faith is to the effect that our Lord, that is the Power and Wisdom of God,230230     1 Cor. i. 24. and the Word through whom all things have been made and without whom was not anything made,231231     John i. 3. took upon Himself man to liberate us.  In the man whom He took upon Himself, He demonstrated those things that you spoke of.  But we now ask concerning the substance of God Himself and of Unspeakable Majesty, whether anything can injure it or not.  For if anything can injure it, He is not inviolable.  If nothing can injure the substance of God, what was the race of darkness about to do to it, against which you say war was waged by God before the foundation of the world; in which war you assert that we, that is souls that are now manifestly in need of a liberator, have been commingled with every evil and implicated in death.  For I return to that very brief statement:  If He could be injured, He is not inviolable; if He could not, He acted cruelly in sending us hither to suffer these things.

Fortunatus said:  Does the soul belong to God, or not?

10.  Augustin said:  If it is just that you should fail to respond to my questions, and that I should be questioned, I will reply.

Fortunatus said:  Does the soul act independently?  This I ask of you.

11.  Augustin said:  I indeed will tell what you have asked; only remember this, that while you have refused to respond to my questions, I have responded to yours.  If you ask whether the soul descended from God, it is indeed a great question; but whether it descends from God or not, I make this reply concerning the soul, that it is not God; that God is one thing, the soul another.  That God is inviolable, incorruptible, and impenetrable, and incontaminable, who also could be corrupted in no part and to whom no injury can be done in any part.  But we see also that the soul is sinful, and is conversant with misery, and seeks the truth, and is in want of a liberator.  This changing condition of the soul shows me that the soul is not God.  For if the soul is the substance of God, the substance of God errs, the substance of God is corrupted, the substance of God is violated, the substance of God is deceived; which it is impious to say.

Fortunatus said:  Therefore you have denied that the soul is of God, so long as it serves sins, and vices, and earthly things, and is led by error, because it cannot happen that either God or His substance should suffer 116this thing.  For God is incorruptible and His substance immaculate and holy.  But here it is inquired of you whether the soul is of God, or not?  Which we confess, and show from the advent of the Saviour, from His holy preaching, from His election; while He pitied souls, and the soul is said to have come according to His will, that He might free it from death and might bring it to eternal glory, and restore it to the Father.  But what do you say and hope concerning the soul; is it from God or not?  Can the substance of God, from which you deny that the soul has its being, be subject to no passions?

12.  Augustin said:  I have denied that the soul is the substance of God in the sense of its being God; but yet I hold that it is from God as its author, because it was made by God.  The Maker is one thing, the thing made is another.  He who made cannot be corruptible at all, but what He made cannot be at all equal to Him who made it.

Fortunatus said:  Nor have I said that the soul is like God.  But because you have said that the soul is an artificial thing, and that there is nothing besides God, I ask whence then God invented the substance of the soul?

13.  Augustin said:  Only bear in mind that I reply to your interrogations, but that you do not reply to mine.  I say that the soul was made by God as all other things that were made by God; and that among the things that God Almighty made the principal place was given to the soul.  But if you ask whence God made the soul, remember that you and I agree in confessing that God is almighty.  But he is not almighty who seeks the assistance of any material whence he may make what he will.  From which it follows, that according to our faith, all things that God made through His Word and Wisdom, He made out of nothing.  For so we read:  "He ordered and they were made; He commanded and they were created."232232     Ps. cxlviii. 5.

Fortunatus said:  Do all things have their existence from God’s command?

14.  Augustin said:  So I believe, but all things which were made.

Fortunatus said:  As things made they agree, but because they are unsuitable to themselves, therefore on this account it follows, that there is not one substance, although from the same order of the One they came to the composition and fashioning of this world.  But it is plain in the things themselves that there is no similarity between darkness and light, truth and falsehood, death and life, soul and body, and other similar things which differ from each other both in names and appearances.  And for good reason did our Lord say:  "The tree which my heavenly Father has not planted shall be rooted up and cast into the fire, because it brings not forth good fruit:"233233     Matt. xv. 13, and iii. 10.   and that the tree has been rooted up.  Hence truly it follows from the reason of things that there are two substances in this world which agree in forms and in names, of which one belongs to corporeal natures, but the other is the eternal substance of the omnipotent Father, which we believe to be God’s substance.

15.  Augustin said:  Those contrary things that move you so that we think adversely, have happened on account of our sin, that is, on account of the sin of man.  For God made all things good, and ordered them well; but He did not make sin, and our voluntary sin is the only thing that is called evil.  There is another kind of evil, which is the penalty of sin.  Since therefore there are two kinds of evil, sin and the penalty of sin, sin does not pertain to God; the penalty of sin pertains to the avenger.  For as God is good who constituted all things, so He is just in taking vengeance on sin.  Since therefore all things are ordered in the best possible way, which seem to us now to be adverse, it has deservedly happened to fallen man who was unwilling to keep the law of God.  For God gave free will to the rational soul which is in man.  For thus it would have been possible to have merit, if we should be good voluntarily and not of necessity.  Since therefore it behooves us to be good not of necessity but voluntarily, it behooved God to give to the soul free will.  But to this soul obeying His laws, He subjected all things without adversity, so that the rest of the things that God made should serve it, if also the soul itself had willed to serve God.  But if it should refuse to serve God, those things that served it should be converted into its punishment.  Wherefore if all things are rightly ordered by God, and are good, neither does God suffer evil.

Fortunatus said:  He does not suffer, but prevents evil.

16.  Augustin said:  From whom then was He about to suffer it?

Fortunatus said:  This is my point, that He wished to prevent it, not rashly, but by power and prescience.  But deny evil to be apart from God, when other precepts can be shown which are done apart from His will.  A precept is not introduced, unless where there is contrariety.  The free faculty of liv117ing is not given except where there is a fall according to the argument of the apostle who says:  "And you did he quicken, when ye were dead in your trespasses and sins, wherein aforetime ye walked according to the rulership of this world, according to the prince of the power of the air, of the spirit that now worketh in the souls of disobedience; among whom we also all once lived in the lusts of our flesh, doing the desires of the counsels of the flesh, and were by nature children of wrath, even as the rest:  but God, who is rich in all mercy, had mercy on us.  And when we were dead by sins, quickened us together in Christ, by whose grace ye have been saved; and at the same time also raised us up, and made us to sit with Him in the heavenly places with Christ Jesus, that in the ages to come He might show the exceeding riches of his grace in kindness toward us in Christ Jesus.  For by grace have ye been saved through faith; and that not of yourselves, for it is a gift of God; not of works, lest any one should glory.  For we are his workmanship created in Christ Jesus in good works, which God prepared that we should walk in them.  Wherefore remember, that aforetime ye were Gentiles in the flesh, who are called uncircumcision, by that which is called circumcision in flesh made by hands, because ye were at that time without Christ, alienated from the commonwealth of Israel, and strangers of the covenant, having no hope of the promise, and without God in this world.  But now in Christ Jesus, ye that once were far off are made nigh in the blood of Christ.  For He is our peace, who made both one, and breaking down the middle wall of partition, the enmities in His flesh, making void by His decrees the law of commandments, that in Himself He might unite the two into one new man, making peace, that He might reconcile them both in one body unto God through the cross, slaying the enmities in Himself.  And He came and preached peace unto you that were far off, and peace to them that were nigh.  For through Him we both have our access in one Spirit unto the Father." 234234     Eph. ii. 1-18.  There are several somewhat important variations from the Greek text in this long extract.  The attentive reader can get a good idea of the nature of the variations by comparing this literal translation with the revised English version.—A.H.N.

17.  Augustin said:  This passage from the apostle, which you have thought fit to recite, if I mistake not, makes very strongly for my faith and against yours.  In the first place, because free will itself, on which I have said that the possibility of the soul’s sinning depends, is here sufficiently expressed, when sins are mentioned, and it is said that our reconciliation with God takes place through Jesus Christ.  For by sinning we were brought into opposition to God; but by holding to the precepts of Christ we are reconciled to God; so that we who were dead in sins may be made alive by keeping His precepts, and may have peace with Him in one Spirit, from whom we were alienated, by failure to keep His precepts; as is set forth in our faith concerning the man who was first created.  I ask of you, therefore, according to that passage which has been read, how can we have sins if contrary nature compels us to do what we do?  For he who is compelled by nature to do anything, does not sin.  But he who sins, sins by free will.  Wherefore would repentance be enjoined upon us, if we have done nothing evil, but only the race of darkness?  Likewise, I ask, to whom is forgiveness of sins granted, to us or to the race of darkness?  If to the race of darkness, their race will also reign with Him, receiving the forgiveness of sin; but if to us it is manifest that we have sinned voluntarily.  For it is the height of folly for him to be pardoned who has done no evil.  But he has done no evil, who has done nothing of his own will.  Therefore the soul that today promises itself forgiveness of sins and reconciliation to God, if it should cease to sin, and repent of past sins:  if it should answer according to your faith and should say:  In what have I sinned?  In what am I guilty?  Why hast Thou expelled me from Thy domains, that I might do battle with some sort of race?  I have been trodden under foot, I have been mixed up, I have been corrupted, I am worn out,235235     There are three readings here, "wearied out," "deceived," and "worn out."  The latter is preferred by the Benedictine editors.—A.H.N. my free will has not been preserved.  Thou knowest the necessity by which I am preserved:  Why dost Thou impute to me the wounds that I have received?  Wherefore dost Thou compel me to repentance when Thou art the cause of my wounds; when Thou knowest what I have suffered, what the race of darkness has done against me, Thou being the author who couldst suffer no harm and yet wishing to save the domains which nothing could injure, Thou didst thrust me down into these miseries.  If indeed I am a part of Thee, who have proceeded from Thy bowels, if I am from Thy kingdom and Thy mouth, I ought not to suffer anything in this race of darkness, so that I being uncorrupted that race should be subjected, if I was a part of the Lord.  But now since it cannot be controlled except by my corruption, how can I either be said to be a part of Thee, or Thou remain 118inviolable, or not be cruel in wishing me to suffer for those domains, that could in no way be injured by that race of darkness?  Respond to this if you please, and deign also to explain to me how it was said by the apostle, "We were by nature children of wrath," who, he says, have been reconciled to God.  If therefore they were by nature children of wrath, how do you say that the soul is by nature a daughter and portion of God?

Fortunatussaid:  If with regard to the soul the apostle had said that we are by nature children of wrath, the soul would have been alienated by the mouth of the apostle from God.  From this argument you only show that the soul does not belong to God, because, the apostle says, "We are by nature children of wrath."  But if it is said in view of the fact that the apostle236236     Rom. xi. 1. was held by the law, descending as he himself testifies, from the seed of Abraham, it follows that he has said corporeally, that we [i.e., Jews] were children of wrath even as the rest of mankind.  But he shows that the substance of the soul is of God, and that the soul cannot otherwise be reconciled to God than through the Master, who is Christ Jesus.  For the enmity having been slain, the soul seemed to God unworthy to have existed.  But that it was sent, this we confess, by God yet omnipotent, both deriving its origin from Him and sent for the sealing of His will.  In the same way we believe also that Christ the Saviour came from heaven to fulfill the will of the Father.  Which will of the Father was this, to free our souls from the same enmity, this enmity having been slain, which if it had not been opposed to God could neither be called enmity where there was unity, nor could slaying be spoken of or take place where there was life.

18.  Augustin said:  Remember that the apostle said that we are alienated from God by our manner of life.

Fortunatus said:  I submit, that there were two substances.  In the substance of light, as we have above said, God is to be held incorruptible; but that there was a contrary nature of darkness, that which I also today confess is vanquished by the power of God, and that Christ has been sent forth as a Saviour for my restoration, as previously the same apostle says.

19.  Augustin said:  That we should discuss on rational grounds the belief in two natures, has been made obligatory by those who are hearing us.  But inasmuch as you have again betaken yourself to the Scriptures, I descend to them, and demand that nothing be passed by, lest using certain statements we should bring confusion into the minds of those to whom the Scriptures are not well known.  Let us therefore consider a statement that the apostle has in his epistle to the Romans.  For on the first page is what is strongly against you.  For he says:  "Paul, a servant of Jesus Christ, called to be an apostle, separated unto the gospel of God, which He promised aforetime by His prophets in the Holy Scriptures, concerning his Son, who was made unto Him of the seed of David according to the flesh, who was predestinated to be the Son of God with power, according to the spirit of holiness from the resurrection from the dead of our Lord Jesus Christ."237237     Rom. i. 1-4.   We see that the apostle teaches us concerning our Lord Jesus Christ that before the flesh he was predestinated by the power of God, and according to the flesh was made unto Him of the seed of David.  Since you have always denied and always will deny this, how do you so earnestly demand the Scriptures that we should discuss rather according to them.

Fortunatussaid:  You assert that according to the flesh Christ was of the seed of David, when it should be asserted that he was born of a virgin,238238     Isa. vii. 14. and should be magnified as Son of God.  For this cannot be, unless as what is from spirit may be held to be spirit, so also what is from flesh may be known to be flesh.239239     John iii. 6.   Against which is the authority of the Gospel in which it is said, that "flesh and blood shall not inherit the kingdom of God, neither shall corruption inherit incorruption."240240     1 Cor. xv. 50.

Here a clamor was made by the audience who wished the argument to be conducted on rational grounds, because they saw that Fortunatus was not willing to receive all things that are written in the Codex of the apostle.  Then little discussions began to be held here and there by all, until Fortunatus said that the Word of God has been fettered in the race of darkness.  At which, when those present had expressed their horror, the meeting was closed. 241241     This little side remark lends reality to the discussion, and enables us to form a vivid conception of what doctrinal debates were in the age of Augustin.—A.H.N.

119

Disputation of the Second Day.

The next day, a notary having again been summoned, the discussion was conducted as follows:

Fortunatus said:  I say that God Almighty brings forth from Himself nothing evil, and that the things that are His remain incorrupt, having sprung and being born from an inviolable source; but other contrary things which have their being in this world, do not flow from God nor have appeared in this world with God as their author; that is to say, they do not derive their origin from God.  These things therefore we have received in the belief that evil things are foreign to God.

20.  Augustin said:  And our faith is this, that God is not the progenitor of evil things, neither has He made any evil nature.  But since both of us agree that God is incorruptible and incontaminable, it is the part of the prudent and faithful to consider, which faith is purer and worthier of the majesty of God; that in which it is asserted that either the power of God, or some part of God, or the Word of God, can be changed, violated, corrupted, fettered; or that in which it is said that Almighty God and His entire nature and substance can never be corrupted in any part, but that evils have their being by the voluntary sin of the soul, to which God gave free will.  Which free will if God had not given, there could be no just penal judgment, nor merit of righteous conduct, nor divine instruction to repent of sins, nor the forgiveness of sins itself which God has bestowed upon us through our Lord Jesus Christ.  Because he who sins not voluntarily, sins not at all.  This I suppose to be open and perspicuous to all.  Wherefore it ought not to trouble us if according to our deserts we suffer some inconveniences in the things God has made.  For as He is good, that He should constitute all things; so He is just, that He may not spare sins, which sins, as I have said, unless free will were in us, would not be sins.  For if any one, so to speak, should be bound by some one in his other members, and with his hand something false should be written without his own will, I ask whether if this were laid open before a judge, he could condemn this one for the crime of falsehood.  Wherefore, if it is manifest that there is no sin where there is not free exercise of will,242242     Liberum voluntatis arbitrium. I wish to hear what evil the soul which you call either part, or power, or word, or something else, of God, has done, that it should be punished by God, or repent of sin, or merit forgiveness, since it has in no way sinned?

Fortunatus said:  I proposed concerning substances, that God is to be regarded as creator only of good things, but as the avenger of evil things, for the reason that evil things are not of Him.  Therefore for good reason I think this, and that God avenges evil things because they are not of Himself.  But if they were from Him, either He would give them license to sin, as you say that God has given free will, He would be already found a participator in my fault, because He would be the author of my fault; or ignorant what I should be, he left me whom he did not constitute worthy of Himself.  This therefore is proposed by me, and what I ask now is, whether God instituted evil or not? and whether He Himself instituted the end of evils.  For it appears from these things, and the evangelical faith teaches, that the things which we have said were made by God Himself as God the Creator, as having been created and begotten by Him, are to be esteemed incorruptible.  These things I also proposed which belong to our belief, and which can be confirmed by you in that profession of ours, without prejudice to the authority of the Christian faith.  And because I can in no way show that I rightly believe, unless I should confirm that belief by the authority of the Scriptures, this is therefore what I have insinuated, what I have said.  Either if evil things have appeared in the world with God as their author, deign to say so yourself; or if it is right to believe that evil things are not of God, this also the contemplation of those present ought to honor and receive.  I have spoken about substances, not about sin that dwells in us.  For if what we think to make faults had no origin, we should not be compelled to come to sin or to fault.  For because we sinned unwillingly, and are compelled by a substance contrary and hostile to ourselves, therefore we follow the knowledge of things.  By which knowledge the soul admonished and restored to pristine memory, recognizes the source from which it derives its existence, in what evil it dwells, by what good works emending again that in which unwillingly it sinned, it may be able through the emendation of its faults, for 120the sake of good works, to secure for itself the merit of reconciliation with God, our Saviour being the author of it, who teaches us also to practice good things and to flee from evil.  For you ask us to believe that not by some contrary nature, but by his own choice, man either serves righteousness or becomes involved in sins; since, no contrary race existing, if the soul, to which as you say God has given free will, having been constituted in the body, dwells alone, it would be without sin, nor would it become involved in sins.

21.  Augustin said:  I say it is not sin, if it be not committed by one’s own will; hence also there is reward, because of our own will we do right.  Or if he who sins unwillingly deserves punishment, he who unwillingly does well ought to deserve reward.  But who doubts that reward is only bestowed upon him who does something of good will?  From which we know that punishment also is inflicted upon him who does something of ill will.  But since you recall me to primordial natures and substances, my faith is that God Almighty—which must especially be attended to and fixed in the mind—that God Almighty has made good things.  But the things made by Him cannot be such as is He who made them.  For it is unjust and foolish to believe that works are equal to the workman, things made to the maker.  Wherefore if it is reverential to believe that God made all good things, than which nevertheless He is by far more excellent and by far more pre-eminent; the origin and head of evil is sin, as the apostle said:  "Covetousness is the root of all evils; which some following after have made shipwreck of the faith, and have pierced themselves through with many sorrows."243243     1 Tim. vi. 10.   For if you seek the root of all evils, you have the apostle saying that covetousness is the root of all evils.  But the root of a root I cannot seek.  Or if there is another evil, whose root covetousness is not, covetousness will not be the root of all evils.  But if it is true that covetousness is the root of all evils, in vain do we seek some other kind of evil.  But as regards that contrary nature of yours which you introduce, since I have responded to your objections, I ask that you deign to tell me whether it is wholly evil, whether there can be no sin apart from it, whether by this alone punishment is deserved, not by the soul by which no sin has been committed.  But if you say that this contrary nature alone deserves punishment, and not the soul, I ask to which is repentance, which is commanded, vouchsafed.  If the soul is commanded to repent, sin is from the soul, and the soul has sinned voluntarily.  For if the soul is compelled to do evil, that which it does is not evil.  Is it not foolish and most absurd to say that the race of darkness has sinned and that I repent of the sins.  Is it not most absurd to say that the race of darkness has sinned and that forgiveness of sins is vouchsafed to me, who according to your faith may well say:  What have I done?  What have I committed?  I was with Thee, I was in a state of integrity, I was contaminated with no pollution.  Thou didst send me hither, Thou didst suffer necessity, Thou didst protect Thy domains when great pollution and desolation threatened them.  Since therefore Thou knowest the necessity by which I have been here oppressed, by reason of which I could not breathe, which I could not resist; why dost Thou accuse me as if sinning? or why dost Thou promise forgiveness of sins?  Reply to this without evasion, if you please, as I have replied to you.

Fortunatussaid:  We say this, that the soul is compelled by contrary nature to transgress, for which transgression you maintain there is no root save the evil that dwells in us; for it is certain that apart from our bodies evil things dwell in the whole world.  For not those things alone that we have in our bodies, dwell in the whole world, and are known by their names as good; an evil root also inheres.  For your dignity said that this covetousness that dwells in our bodies is the root of evils; since therefore there is no desire of evil out of our bodies, from that source contrary nature dwells in the whole world.  For the apostle designated that, namely covetousness, as the root of evils, not one evil which you have called the root of all evils.  But not in one manner is covetousness, which you have said is the root of all evils, understood, as if of that which dwells in our bodies alone; for it is certain that this evil which dwells in us descends from an evil author and that this root as you call it is a small portion of evil, so that it is not the root itself, but is a small portion of evil, of that evil which dwells everywhere.  Which root and tree our Lord called evil, as never bearing good fruit, which his Father did not plant, and which is deservedly rooted up and cast into the fire.244244     Matt. xv. 13, and iii. 10.   For as you say, that sin ought to be imputed to the contrary nature, that nature belongs to evil; and that this is sin of the soul, if after the warning of our Saviour and his wholesome instruction, the soul shall have segregated itself from its contrary and hostile race, adorning itself also 121with purer things; that otherwise it cannot be restored to its own substance.  For it is said:  "If I had not come and spoken unto them, they had not had sin.  But now that I have come and spoken, and they have refused to believe me, they shall have no excuse for their sin."245245     John xv. 22.  Whence it is perfectly plain, that repentance has been given after the Saviour’s advent, and after this knowledge of things, by which the soul can, as if washed in a divine fountain from the filth and vices as well of the whole world as of the bodies in which the same soul dwells, be restored to the kingdom of God whence it has gone forth.  For it is said by the apostle, that "the mind of the flesh is hostile to God; is not subject to the law of God, neither indeed can be."246246     Rom. viii. 7.   Therefore it is evident from these things that the good soul seems to sin not voluntarily, but by the doing of that which is not subject to the law of God.  For it likewise follows that "the flesh lusteth against the spirit and the spirit against the flesh; so that ye may not do the things that ye will."247247     Gal. v. 17.   Again:  "I see another law in my members, warring against the law of my mind and leading me captive in the law of sin and of death.  Therefore I am a miserable man; who shall deliver me from the body of this death, unless it be the grace of God through our Lord Jesus Christ,"248248     Rom. vii. 23-25. "through whom the world has been crucified to me and I to the world?"249249     Gal. v. 14.

22.  Augustin said:  I recognize and embrace the testimonies of the divine Scriptures, and I will show in a few words, as God may deign to grant, how they are consistent with my faith.  I say that there was free exercise of will in that man who was first formed.  He was so made that absolutely nothing could resist his will, if he had willed to keep the precepts of God.  But after he voluntarily sinned, we who have descended from his stock were plunged into necessity.  But each one of us can by a little consideration find that what I say is true.  For today in our actions before we are implicated by any habit, we have free choice of doing anything or not doing it.  But when by that liberty we have done something and the pernicious sweetness and pleasure of that deed has taken hold upon the mind, by its own habit the mind is so implicated that afterwards it cannot conquer what by sinning it has fashioned for itself.  We see many who do not wish to swear, but because the tongue has already become habituated, they are not able to prevent those things from going forth from the mouth which we cannot but ascribe to the root of evil.  For that I may discuss with you those words, which as they do not withdraw from your mouth so may they be understood by your heart:  you swear by the Paraclete.  If therefore you wish to find out experimentally whether what I say is true, determine not to swear.  You will see, that that habit is borne along as it has become accustomed to be.  And this is what wars against the soul, habit formed in the flesh.  This is indeed the mind of the flesh, which, as long as it cannot thus be subject to the law of God, so long is it the mind of the flesh; but when the soul has been illuminated it ceases to be the mind of the flesh.  For thus it is said the mind of the flesh cannot be subject to the law of God, just as if it were said, that snow cannot be warm.  For so long as it is snow, it can in no way be warm.  But as the snow is melted by heat, so that it may become warm, so the mind of the flesh, that is, habit formed with the flesh, when our mind has become illuminated, that is, when God has subjected for Himself the whole man to the choice of the divine law, instead of the evil habit of the soul, makes a good habit.  Accordingly it is most truly said by the Lord of the two trees, the one good and the other evil, which you have called to mind, that they have their own fruits; that is, neither can the good tree yield evil fruit, nor the evil tree good fruit, but so long as it is evil.  Let us take two men, a good and a bad.  As long as he is good he cannot yield evil fruit; as long as he is bad he cannot yield good fruit.  But that you may know that those two trees are so placed by the Lord, that free choice may be there signified, that these two trees are not natures but our wills, He Himself says in the gospel:  "Either make the tree good, or make the tree evil."250250     Matt. xii. 35.   Who is it that can make nature?  If therefore we are commanded to make a tree either good or evil, it is ours to choose what we will.  Therefore concerning that sin of man and concerning that habit of soul formed with the flesh the apostle says:  "Let no one seduce you;"251251     Eph. v. 6. "Every creature that has been made by God is good."252252     1 Tim. iv. 4.   The same apostle whom you also have cited says:  "As through the disobedience of the one the many were constituted sinners; so also through the obedience of the one the many are constituted righteous."253253     Rom. v. 19.   "Since through man is death, through man also is resurrection of the dead."  As long therefore as we bear the image of the earthly man,254254     1 Cor. xv. 21, 49. that is, as long as we live according to the flesh, which is also called the old man, we have the neces122sity of our habit, so that we may not do what we will.  But when the grace of God has breathed the divine love into us and has made us subject to His will, to us it is said:  "Ye are called for freedom,"255255     Gal. v. 13. and "the grace of God has made me free from the law of sin and of death."256256     Rom. viii. 2.   But the law of sin is that whoever has sinned shall die.  From this law we are freed when we have begun to be righteous.  The law of death is that by which it was said to man:  "Earth thou art and into earth thou shalt go."257257     Gen. iii. 19.   For from this very fact we are all so born, because we are earth, and from the fact that we are all so born because we are earth, we shall all go into earth on account of the desert of the sins of the first man.  But on account of the grace of God, which frees us from the law of sin and of death, having been converted to righteousness we are freed; so that afterwards this same flesh tortures us with its punishment so long as we remain in sins, is subjected to us in resurrection, and shakes us by no adversity from keeping the law of God and His precepts.  Whence, since I have replied to your questions, deign to reply as I desire, how it can happen, that if nature is contrary to God, sin should be imputed to us, who were sent into that nature not voluntarily, but by God Himself, whom nothing could injure?

Fortunatussaid:  Just as also the Lord said to His disciples:  "Behold I send you as sheep in the midst of wolves."258258     Matt. x. 16.   Hence it must be known that not with hostile intent did our Saviour send forth His lambs, that is His disciples, into the midst of wolves, unless there had been some contrariety, which He would indicate by the similitude of wolves, where also He had sent His disciples; that the souls which perchance might be deceived in the midst of wolves might be recalled to their proper substance.  Hence also may appear the antiquity of our times to which we return, and of our years, that before the foundation of the world souls were sent in this way against the contrary nature, that subjecting the same by their passion, victory might be restored to God.  For the same apostle said, that not only there should be a struggle against flesh and blood, but also against principalities and powers, and the spiritual things of wickedness, and the domination of darkness."259259     Eph. v. 12.   If therefore in both places evils dwell and are esteemed wickednesses, not only now is evil in our bodies, but in the whole world, where souls appear to dwell, which dwell beneath yonder heaven and are fettered.

23.  Augustin said:  The Lord sent His lambs into the midst of wolves, that is, just men into the midst of sinners for the preaching of the gospel received in the time of man from the inestimable divine Wisdom, that He might call us from sin to righteousness.  But what the apostle says, that our struggle is not against flesh and blood, but against principalities and powers, and the other things that have been quoted, this signifies that the devil and his angels, as also we, have fallen and lapsed by sin, and have secured possession of earthly things, that is, sinful men, who, as long as we are sinners, are under their yoke, just as when we shall be righteous, we shall be under the yoke of righteousness; and against them we have a struggle, that passing over to righteousness we may be freed from their dominion.  Do you also therefore deign to reply to the one question that I ask:  Could God suffer injury, or not?  But I ask you to reply:  He could not.

Fortunatus said:  He could not suffer injury.

24.  Augustin said:  Wherefore then did He send us hither, according to your faith?

Fortunatus said:  My profession is this, that God could not be injured, and that He directed us hither.  But since this is contrary to your view, do you tell how you account for the soul being here, which our God desires to liberate both by His commandments and by His own Son whom He has sent.

25.  Augustin said:  Since I see that you cannot answer my inquiries, and wish to ask me something, behold I satisfy you, provided only that you bear in mind that you have not replied to my question.  Why the soul is here in this world involved in miseries has been explained by me not just now, but again and again a little while ago.  The soul sinned, and therefore is miserable.  It accepted free choice, used free choice, as it willed; it fell, was cast out from blessedness, was implicated in miseries.  As bearing upon this I recited to you the testimony of the apostle who says:  "As through one man death, so also through one man came the resurrection of the dead."  What more do you ask?  Hence do you reply, wherefore did He, who could not suffer injury, send us hither?

Fortunatus said:  The cause must be sought, why the soul came hither, or wherefore God desires hence to liberate the soul that lives in the midst of evils?

26.  Augustin said:  This cause I ask of you, that is, if God could not suffer injury, wherefore He sent us hither?

Fortunatus said:  It is inquired of us, if evil cannot injure God, wherefore the soul was sent hither, or for what reason was it 123mingled with the world?  Which is manifest in what the apostle says:  "Shall the thing formed say to him that formed it, why hast thou formed me thus?"260260     Rom. ix. 20.   If therefore this cause must be pleaded, He must be asked, why He sent the soul, no necessity compelling Him.  But if there was necessity for sending the soul, of right is there also the will of liberating it.

27.  Augustin said:  Then God is pressed by necessity, is He?

Fortunatus said:  Now this is it.  Do not seek to bring odium upon what has been said because we do not make God subject to necessity, but to have voluntarily sent the soul.

28.  Augustin said:  Recall what was said above.  And it runs:  "But if there was necessity for sending the soul, of right is there also the will of liberating it.  Augustin said:  We have heard:  But if there was necessity for sending the soul, of right is there also the will of liberating it."  You, therefore, said that there was necessity for sending the soul.  But if you only wish to say "a will to send," I add this also:  He who could suffer no injury, had the cruel will to send the soul to so great miseries.  Because I speak for the sake of refuting this statement, I ask pardon from the mercy of that One in whom we have hope of liberation from all the errors of heretics.

Fortunatus said:  You asseverate that we say that God is cruel in sending the soul, but that God made man, breathed into him a soul which assuredly He foreknew to be involved in future misery, and not to be able by reason of evils to be restored to its inheritance.  This belongs either to one who is ignorant, or who gives the soul up to these aforesaid evils.  This I have cited because you said not long since, that God adopted the soul, not that it is from Him; for to adopt is a different matter.

29.  Augustin said:  Concerning adoption I remember that I spoke some days ago according to the testimony of the apostle, who says that we have been called into the adoption of sons.261261     Eph. i. 5.   This was not my reply, therefore, but the apostle’s, concerning which thing, that is, that adoption, we may inquire, if we please, in its own time; and concerning that I will reply without delay, when you shall have answered my objections.

Fortunatus said:  I say that there was a going forth of the soul against a contrary nature, which nature could not injure God.

30.  Augustin said:  What need was there for that going forth, when God whom nothing could injure had nothing to protect?

Fortunatus said:  Do you conscientiously hold that Christ came from God?

31.  Augustin said:  Again you are questioning me. Reply to my inquiries.

Fortunatus said:  So I have received in faith, that by the will of God He came hither.

32.  Augustin said:  And I say:  Why did God, omnipotent, inviolable, immutable, whom nothing could injure, send hither the soul, to miseries, to error, to those things that we suffer?

Fortunatussaid:  For it has been said:  "I have power to lay down my soul and I have power to take it again."262262     John x. 18.   Now He said that by the will of God the soul went forth.

33.  Augustin said:  I ask for the reason why God, when He can in no way suffer injury, sent the soul hither?

Fortunatus said:  We have already said that God can in no way suffer injury, and we have said that the soul is in a contrary nature, therefore that it imposes a limit on the contrary nature.  The restraint having been imposed on the contrary nature, God takes the same.  For He Himself said, "I have power to lay down my soul and power to take it."  The Father gave to me the power of laying down my soul, and of taking it.  To what soul, therefore, did God who spoke in the Son refer?  Evidently our soul, which is held in these bodies, which came of His will, and of His will is again taken up.

34.  Augustin said:  Why our Lord said:  "I have power to lay down my soul and power to take it," is known to all; because He was about to suffer and to rise again.  But I ask of you again and again, If God could in no way suffer injury, why did he send souls hither?

Fortunatus said:  To impose a limit on contrary nature.

35.  Augustin said:  And did God omnipotent, merciful and supreme, that He might impose a restraint on contrary nature, wish it to be limited so that He might make us unrestrained?

Fortunatus said:  But so He calls us back to Himself.

36.  Augustin said:  If He recalls to Himself from an unrestrained state, if from sin, from error, from misery, what need was there for the soul to suffer so great evils through so long a time till the world ends? since God by whom you say it was sent could in no way suffer injury.

Fortunatus said:  What then am I to say?

37.  Augustin said:  I know that you have nothing to say, and that I, when I was among 124you, never found anything to say on this question, and that I was thus admonished from on high to leave that error and to be converted to the Catholic faith or rather to recall it, by the indulgence of Him who did not permit me to inhere forever in this fallacy.  But if you confess that you have nothing to reply, I will expound the Catholic faith to all those hearing and investigating, seeing that they are believers, if they permit and wish.

Fortunatus said:  Without prejudice to my profession I might say:  when I shall have reconsidered with my superiors the things that have been opposed by you, if they fail to respond to this question of mine, which is now in like manner proposed to me by you, it will be in my contemplation (since I desire my soul to be liberated by an assured faith) to come to the investigation of this thing that you have proposed to me and that you promise you will show.

Augustin said:  Thanks be to God.

125

St. AUGUSTIN:

against

the epistle of manichæus,

called fundamental.

 [contra epistolam manichæi quam vocant fundamentum].

A.D. 397.

translated by

rev. richard stothert, m.a.,

bombay

129

Against the Epistle of Manichæus Called Fundamental.263263     Written about the year 397.  In his Retractations (ii. 2) Augustin says:  "The book against the Epistle of Manichæus, called Fundamental, refutes only its commencement; but on the other parts of the epistle I have made notes, as required, refuting the whole, and sufficient to recall the argument, had I ever had leisure to write against the whole."  [The Fundamental Epistle seems to have been a sort of hand-book for Manichæan catechumens or Auditors.  In making this document the basis of his attack, Augustin felt that he had selected the best-known and most generally accepted standard of the Manichæan faith.  The tone of the work is conciliatory, yet some very sharp thrusts are made at Manichæan error.  The claims of Mani to be the Paraclete are set aside, and the absurd cosmological fancies of Mani are ruthlessly exposed.  Dualism is combated with substantially the same weapons as in the treatise Concerning Two Souls.  We could wish that the author had found time to finish the treatise, and had thus preserved for us more of the Fundamental Epistle itself.  This work was written after the author had become Bishop of Hippo.—A.H.N.]

[Contra Epistolam Manichæi Quam Vocant Fundamentum.] a.d. 397.

Chapter 1.—To Heal Heretics is Better Than to Destroy Them.

1.  My prayer to the one true, almighty God, of whom, and through whom, and in whom are all things, has been, and is now, that in opposing and refuting the heresy of you Manichæans, as you may after all be heretics more from thoughtlessness than from malice, He would give me a mind calm and composed, and aiming at your recovery rather than at your discomfiture.  For while the Lord, by His servants, overthrows the kingdoms of error, His will concerning erring men, as far as they are men, is that they should be amended rather than destroyed.  And in every case where, previous to the final judgment, God inflicts punishment, whether through the wicked or the righteous, whether through the unintelligent or through the intelligent, whether in secret or openly, we must believe that the designed effect is the healing of men, and not their ruin; while there is a preparation for the final doom in the case of those who reject the means of recovery.  Thus, as the universe contains some things which serve for bodily punishment, as fire, poison, disease, and the rest, and other things, in which the mind is punished, not by bodily distress, but by the entanglements of its own passions, such as loss, exile, bereavement, reproach, and the like; while other things, again, without tormenting are fitted to comfort and soothe the languishing, as, for example, consolations, exhortations, discussions, and such things; in all these the supreme justice of God makes use sometimes even of wicked men, acting in ignorance, and sometimes of good men, acting intelligently.  It is ours, accordingly, to desire in preference the better part, that we might attain our end in your correction, not by contention, and strife, and persecutions, but by kindly consolation, by friendly exhortation, by quiet discussion; as it is written, "The servant of the Lord must not strive; but be gentle toward all men, apt to teach, patient; in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves."264264     2 Tim. ii. 24, 25.   It is ours, I say, to desire to obtain this part in the work; it belongs to God to give what is good to those who desire it and ask for it.

Chapter 2.—Why the Manichæans Should Be More Gently Dealt with.

2.  Let those rage against you who know not with what labor the truth is to be found and with what difficulty error is to be avoided.  Let those rage against you who know not how rare and hard it is to overcome the fancies of the flesh by the serenity of a pious disposition.  Let those rage against you who know not the difficulty of curing the eye of the inner man that he may gaze upon his Sun,—not that sun 130which you worship, and which shines with the brilliance of a heavenly body in the eyes of carnal men and of beasts,—but that of which it is written through the prophet, "The Sun of righteousness has arisen upon me;"265265     Mal. iv. 2. and of which it is said in the gospel, "That was the true Light, which lighteth every man that cometh into the world."266266     John i. 9.   Let those rage against you who know not with what sighs and groans the least particle of the knowledge of God is obtained.  And, last of all, let those rage against you who have never been led astray in the same way that they see that you are.

Chapter 3.—Augustin Once a Manichæan.

3.  For my part, I,—who, after much and long-continued bewilderment, attained at last, to the discovery of the simple truth, which is learned without being recorded in any fanciful legend; who, unhappy that I was, barely succeeded, by God’s help, in refuting the vain imaginations of my mind, gathered from theories and errors of various kinds; who so late sought the cure of my mental obscuration, in compliance with the call and the tender persuasion of the all-merciful Physician; who long wept that the immutable and inviolable Existence would vouchsafe to convince me inwardly of Himself, in harmony with the testimony of the sacred books; by whom, in fine, all those fictions which have such a firm hold on you, from your long familiarity with them, were diligently examined, and attentively heard, and too easily believed, and commended at every opportunity to the belief of others, and defended against opponents with determination and boldness,—I can on no account rage against you; for I must bear with you now as formerly I had to bear with myself, and I must be as patient towards you as my associates were with me, when I went madly and blindly astray in your beliefs.

4.  On the other hand, all must allow that you owe it to me, in return, to lay aside all arrogance on your part too, that so you may be the more disposed to gentleness, and may not oppose me in a hostile spirit, to your own hurt.  Let neither of us assert that he has found truth; let us seek it as if it were unknown to us both.  For truth can be sought with zeal and unanimity if by no rash presumption it is believed to have been already found and ascertained.  But if I cannot induce you to grant me this, at least allow me to suppose myself a stranger now for the first time hearing you, for the first time examining your doctrines.  I think my demand a just one.  And it must be laid down as an understood thing that I am not to join you in your prayers, or in holding conventicles, or in taking the name of Manichæus, unless you give me a clear explanation, without any obscurity, of all matters touching the salvation of the soul.

Chapter 4.—Proofs of the Catholic Faith.

 5.  For in the Catholic Church, not to speak of the purest wisdom, to the knowledge of which a few spiritual men attain in this life, so as to know it, in the scantiest measure, indeed, because they are but men, still without any uncertainty (since the rest of the multitude derive their entire security not from acuteness of intellect, but from simplicity of faith,)—not to speak of this wisdom, which you do not believe to be in the Catholic Church, there are many other things which most justly keep me in her bosom.  The consent of peoples and nations keeps me in the Church; so does her authority, inaugurated by miracles, nourished by hope, enlarged by love, established by age.  The succession of priests keeps me, beginning from the very seat of the Apostle Peter, to whom the Lord, after His resurrection, gave it in charge to feed His sheep, down to the present episcopate.  And so, lastly, does the name itself of Catholic, which, not without reason, amid so many heresies, the Church has thus retained; so that, though all heretics wish to be called Catholics, yet when a stranger asks where the Catholic Church meets, no heretic will venture to point to his own chapel or house.  Such then in number and importance are the precious ties belonging to the Christian name which keep a believer in the Catholic Church, as it is right they should, though from the slowness of our understanding, or the small attainment of our life, the truth may not yet fully disclose itself.  But with you, where there is none of these things to attract or keep me, the promise of truth is the only thing that comes into play.  Now if the truth is so clearly proved as to leave no possibility of doubt, it must be set before all the things that keep me in the Catholic Church; but if there is only a promise without any fulfillment, no one shall move me from the faith which binds my mind with ties so many and so strong to the Christian religion.

Chapter 5.—Against the Title of the Epistle of Manichæus.

6.  Let us see then what Manichæus teaches me; and particularly let us examine that treatise which he calls the Fundamental Epistle, 131in which almost all that you believe is contained.  For in that unhappy time when we read it we were in your opinion enlightened.  The epistle begins thus:—"Manichæus, an apostle of Jesus Christ, by the providence of God the Father.  These are wholesome words from the perennial and living fountain."  Now, if you please, patiently give heed to my inquiry.  I do not believe Manichæus to be an apostle of Christ.  Do not, I beg of you, be enraged and begin to curse.  For you know that it is my rule to believe none of your statements without consideration.  Therefore I ask, who is this Manichæus?  You will reply, An apostle of Christ.  I do not believe it.  Now you are at a loss what to say or do; for you promised to give knowledge of the truth, and here you are forcing me to believe what I have no knowledge of.  Perhaps you will read the gospel to me, and will attempt to find there a testimony to Manichæus.  But should you meet with a person not yet believing the gospel, how would you reply to him were he to say, I do not believe?  For my part, I should not believe the gospel except as moved by the authority of the Catholic Church.267267     [This is one of the earliest distinct assertions of the dependence of the Scriptures for authority on the Church.—A.H.N.]   So when those on whose authority I have consented to believe in the gospel tell me not to believe in Manichæus, how can I but consent?  Take your choice.  If you say, Believe the Catholics:  their advice to me is to put no faith in you; so that, believing them, I am precluded from believing you;—If you say, Do not believe the Catholics:  you cannot fairly use the gospel in bringing me to faith in Manichæus; for it was at the command of the Catholics that I believed the gospel;—Again, if you say, You were right in believing the Catholics when they praised the gospel, but wrong in believing their vituperation of Manichæus:  do you think me such a fool as to believe or not to believe as you like or dislike, without any reason?  It is therefore fairer and safer by far for me, having in one instance put faith in the Catholics, not to go over to you, till, instead of bidding me believe, you make me understand something in the clearest and most open manner.  To convince me, then, you must put aside the gospel.  If you keep to the gospel, I will keep to those who commanded me to believe the gospel; and, in obedience to them, I will not believe you at all.  But if haply you should succeed in finding in the gospel an incontrovertible testimony to the apostleship of Manichæus, you will weaken my regard for the authority of the Catholics who bid me not to believe you; and the effect of that will be, that I shall no longer be able to believe the gospel either, for it was through the Catholics that I got my faith in it; and so, whatever you bring from the gospel will no longer have any weight with me.  Wherefore, if no clear proof of the apostleship of Manichæus is found in the gospel, I will believe the Catholics rather than you.  But if you read thence some passage clearly in favor of Manichæus, I will believe neither them nor you:  not them, for they lied to me about you; nor you, for you quote to me that Scripture which I had believed on the authority of those liars.  But far be it that I should not believe the gospel; for believing it, I find no way of believing you too.  For the names of the apostles, as there recorded,268268     Matt. x. 2-4; Mark iii. 13-19; Luke vi. 13-18. do not include the name of Manichæus.  And who the successor of Christ’s betrayer was we read in the Acts of the Apostles;269269     Acts i. 26. which book I must needs believe if I believe the gospel, since both writings alike Catholic authority commends to me.  The same book contains the well-known narrative of the calling and apostleship of Paul.270270     Acts ix.   Read me now, if you can, in the gospel where Manichæus is called an apostle, or in any other book in which I have professed to believe.  Will you read the passage where the Lord promised the Holy Spirit as a Paraclete, to the apostles?  Concerning which passage, behold how many and how great are the things that restrain and deter me from believing in Manichæus.

Chapter 6.—Why Manichæus Called Himself an Apostle of Christ.

7.  For I am at a loss to see why this epistle begins, "Manichæus, an apostle of Jesus Christ," and not Paraclete, an apostle of Jesus Christ.  Or if the Paraclete sent by Christ sent Manichæus, why do we read, "Manichæus, an apostle of Jesus Christ," instead of Manichæus, an apostle of the Paraclete?  If you say that it is Christ Himself who is the Holy Spirit, you contradict the very Scripture, where the Lord says, "And I will send you another Paraclete." 271271     John xiv. 16.   Again, if you justify your putting of Christ’s name, not because it is Christ Himself who is also the Paraclete, but because they are both of the same substance,—that is, not because they are one person, but one existence [non quia unus est, sed quia unum sunt],—Paul too might have used the words, Paul, an apostle of God the Father; for the Lord said, "I and the Father are one."272272     John x. 30.   Paul nowhere uses these words; nor does any of the apos132tles write himself an apostle of the Father.  Why then this new fashion?  Does it not savor of trickery of some kind or other?  For if he thought it made no difference, why did he not for the sake of variety in some epistles call himself an apostle of Christ, and in others of the Paraclete?  But in every one that I know of, he writes, of Christ; and not once, of the Paraclete.  What do we suppose to be the reason of this, but that pride, the mother of all heretics, impelled the man to desire to seem to have been sent by the Paraclete, but to have been taken into so close a relation as to get the name of Paraclete himself?  As the man Jesus Christ was not sent by the Son of God, that is, the power and wisdom of God—by which all things were made, but, according to the Catholic faith, was taken into such a relation as to be Himself the Son of God—that is, that in Himself the wisdom of God was displayed in the healing of sinners,—so Manichæus wished it to be thought that he was so taken up by the Holy Spirit, whom Christ promised, that we are henceforth to understand that the names Manichæus and Holy Spirit alike signify the apostle of Jesus Christ,—that is, one sent by Jesus Christ, who promised to send him.  Singular audacity this! and unutterable sacrilege!

Chapter 7.—In What Sense the Followers of Manichæus Believe Him to Be the Holy Spirit.

8.  Besides, you should explain how it is that, while the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are united in equality of nature, as you also acknowledge, you are not ashamed to speak of Manichæus, a man taken into union with the Holy Spirit, as born of ordinary generation; and yet you shrink from believing that the man taken into union with the only-begotten Wisdom of God was born of a Virgin.  If human flesh, if generation [concubitus viri], if the womb of a woman could not contaminate the Holy Spirit, how could the Virgin’s womb contaminate the Wisdom of God?  This Manichæus, then, who boasts of a connection with the Holy Spirit, and of being spoken of in the gospel, must produce his claim to either of these two things,—that he was sent by the Spirit, or that he was taken into union with the Spirit.  If he was sent, let him call himself the apostle of the Paraclete; if taken into union, let him allow that He whom the only-begotten Son took upon Himself had a human mother, since he admits a human father as well as mother in the case of one taken up by the Holy Spirit.  Let him believe that the Word of God was not defiled by the virgin womb of Mary, since he exhorts us to believe that the Holy Spirit could not be defiled by the married life of his parents.  But if you say that Manichæus was united to the Spirit, not in the womb or before conception, but after his birth, still you must admit that he had a fleshly nature derived from man and woman.  And since you are not afraid to speak of the blood and the bodily substance of Manichæus as coming from ordinary generation, or of the internal impurities contained in his flesh, and hold that the Holy Spirit, who took on Himself, as you believe, this human being, was not contaminated by all those things, why should I shrink from speaking of the Virgin’s womb and body undefiled, and not rather believe that the Wisdom of God in union with the human being in his mother’s flesh still remained free from stain and pollution?  Wherefore, as, whether your Manichæus professes to be sent by or to be united with the Paraclete, neither statement can hold good, I am on my guard, and refuse to believe either in his mission or in his susception.

Chapter 8.—The Festival of the Birth-Day of Manichæus.

9.  In adding the words, "by the providence of God the Father," what else did Manichæus design but that, having got the name of Jesus Christ, whose apostle he calls himself, and of God the Father, by whose providence he says he was sent by the Son, we should believe himself, as the Holy Spirit, to be the third person?  His words are:  "Manichæus, an apostle of Jesus Christ, by the providence of God the Father."  The Holy Spirit is not named, though He ought specially to have been named by one who quotes to us in favor of his apostleship the promise of the Paraclete, that he may prevail upon ignorant people by the authority of the gospel.  In reply to this, you of course say that in the name of the Apostle Manichæus we have the name of the Holy Spirit, the Paraclete, because He condescended to come into Manichæus.  Why then, I ask again, should you cry out against the doctrine of the Catholic Church, that He in whom divine Wisdom came was born of a virgin, when you do not scruple to affirm the birth by ordinary generation of him in whom you say the Holy Spirit came?  I cannot but suspect that this Manichæus, who uses the name of Christ to gain access to the minds of the ignorant, wished to be worshipped instead of Christ Himself.  I will state briefly the reason of this conjecture.  At the time when I was a student of your doctrines, to my frequent inquiries why it was that the Paschal feast of the Lord was 133celebrated generally with no interest, though sometimes there were a few languid worshippers, but no watchings, no prescription of any unusual fast,—in a word, no special ceremony,—while great honor is paid to your Bema, that is, the day on which Manichæus was killed, when you have a platform with fine steps, covered with precious cloth, placed conspicuously so as to face the votaries,—the reply was, that the day to observe was the day of the passion of him who really suffered, and that Christ, who was not born, but appeared to human eyes in an unreal semblance of flesh, only feigned suffering, without really bearing it.  Is it not deplorable, that men who wish to be called Christians are afraid of a virgin’s womb as likely to defile the truth, and yet are not afraid of falsehood?  But to go back to the point, who that pays attention can help suspecting that the intention of Manichæus in denying Christ’s being born of a woman, and having a human body, was that His passion, the time of which is now a great festival all over the world, might not be observed by the believers in himself, so as to lessen the devotion of the solemn commemoration which he wished in honor of the day of his own death?  For to us it was a great attraction in the feast of the Bema that it was held during Pascha, since we used all the more earnestly to desire that festal day [the Bema], that the other which was formerly most sweet had been withdrawn.

Chapter 9.—When the Holy Spirit Was Sent.

10.  Perhaps you will say to me, When, then, did the Paraclete promised by the Lord come?  As regards this, had I nothing else to believe on the subject, I should rather look for the Paraclete as still to come, than allow that He came in Manichæus.  But seeing that the advent of the Holy Spirit is narrated with perfect clearness in the Acts of the Apostles, where is the necessity of my so gratuitously running the risk of believing heretics?  For in the Acts it is written as follows:  "The former treatise have we made, O Theophilus, of all that Jesus began both to do and teach, in the day in which He chose the apostles by the Holy Spirit, and commanded them to preach the gospel.  By those to whom He showed Himself alive after His passion by many proofs in the daytime, He was seen forty days, teaching concerning the kingdom of God.  And how He conversed with them, and commanded them that they should not depart from Jerusalem, but wait for the promise of the Father, which, saith He, ye have heard of me.  For John indeed baptized with water, but ye shall begin to be baptized with the Holy Spirit, whom also ye shall receive after not many days, that is, at Pentecost.  When they had come, they asked him, saying, Lord, wilt Thou at this time manifest Thyself?  And when will be the kingdom of Israel?  And He said unto them, No one can know the time which the Father hath put in His own power.  But ye shall receive the power of the Holy Ghost coming upon you, and ye shall be witnesses unto me both in Jerusalem, and in all Judæa, and in Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth."273273     Acts i. 1-8.   Behold you have here the Lord reminding His disciples of the promise of the Father, which they had heard from His mouth, of the coming of the Holy Spirit.  Let us now see when He was sent; for shortly after we read as follows:  "And when the day of Pentecost was fully come, they were all with one accord in one place.  And suddenly there came a sound from heaven, as of a rushing mighty wind, and it filled all the house where they were sitting.  And there appeared unto them cloven tongues, like as of fire, and it sat upon each of them.  And they were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and began to speak with other tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance.  And there were dwelling at Jerusalem Jews, devout men, out of every nation under heaven.  And when the sound was heard, the multitude came together, and were confounded, because every man heard them speak in his own language.  And they were all amazed, and marvelled, saying one to another, Are not all these which speak Galilæans? and how heard we every man in our own tongue, wherein we were born?  Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, and the dwellers in Mesopotamia, in Armenia, and in Cappadocia, in Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia, in Egypt, and in the regions of Africa about Cyrene, and strangers of Rome, Jews, natives, Cretes, and Arabians, they heard them speak in their own tongues the wonderful works of God.  And they were all amazed, and were in doubt on account of what had happened, saying, What meaneth this?  But others, mocking, said, These men are full of new wine."274274     Acts ii. 1-13.   You see when the Holy Spirit came.  What more do you wish?  If the Scriptures are credible, should not I believe most readily in these Acts, which have the strongest testimony in their support, and which have had the advantage of becoming generally known, and of being handed down and of being publicly taught along with the gospel itself, which contains the promise of the Holy Spirit, which also we believe?  On 134reading, then, these Acts of the Apostles, which stand, as regards authority, on a level with the gospel, I find that not only was the Holy Spirit promised to these true apostles, but that He was also sent so manifestly, that no room was left for errors on this subject.

Chapter 10.—The Holy Spirit Twice Given.

11.  For the glorification of our Lord among men is His resurrection from the dead and His ascension to heaven.  For it is written in the Gospel according to John:  "The Holy Ghost was not yet given, because that Jesus was not yet glorified."275275     John vii. 39.   Now if the reason why He was not given was that Jesus was not yet glorified, He was given immediately on the glorification of Jesus.  And since that glorification was twofold, as regards man and as regards God, twice also was the Holy Spirit given:  once, when, after His resurrection from the dead, He breathed on the face of His disciples, saying, "Receive ye the Holy Ghost;"276276     John xx. 22. and again, ten days after His ascension to heaven.  This number ten signifies perfection; for to the number seven which embraces all created things, is added the trinity of the Creator.277277     [This is, of course, fanciful; but is quite in accordance with the exegetical methods of the time.—A.H.N.]   On these things there is much pious and sober discourse among spiritual men.  But I must keep to my point; for my business at present is not to teach you, which you might think presumptuous, but to take the part of an inquirer, and learn from you, as I tried to do for nine years without success.  Now, therefore, I have a document to believe on the subject of the Holy Spirit’s advent; and if you bid me not to believe this document, as your usual advice is not to believe ignorantly, without consideration,278278     [The Manichæans assumed the role of rationalists, and scorned the credulity of ordinary believers.  Yet they required in their followers an amount of credulity which only persons of a peculiar turn of mind could furnish.  The same thing applies to modern rationalistic anti-Christian systems.  The fact is, that it requires infinitely less credulity to believe in historical Christianity than to disbelieve in it.—A.H.N.] much less will I believe your documents.  Away, then, with all books, and disclose the truth with logical clearness, so as to leave no doubt in my mind; or bring forward books where I shall find not an imperious demand for my belief, but a trustworthy statement of what I may learn.  Perhaps you say this epistle is also of this character.  Let me, then, no longer stop at the threshold:  let us see the contents.

Chapter 11.—Manichæus Promises Truth, But Does Not Make Good His Word.

12.  "These," he says, "are wholesome words from the perennial and living fountain; and whoever shall have heard them, and shall have first believed them, and then shall have observed the truths they set forth, shall never suffer death, but shall enjoy eternal life in glory.  For he is to be judged truly blessed who has been instructed in this divine knowledge, by which he is made free and shall abide in everlasting life."  And this, as you see, is a promise of truth, but not the bestowal of it.  And you yourselves can easily see that any errors whatever might be dressed up in this fashion, so as under cover of a showy exterior to steal in unawares into the minds of the ignorant.  Were he to say, These are pestiferous words from a poisonous fountain; and whoever shall have heard them, and shall have first believed them, and then have observed what they set forth, shall never be restored to life, but shall suffer a woful death as a criminal:  for assuredly he is to be pronounced miserable who falls into this infernal error, in which he will sink so as to abide in everlasting torments;—were he to say this, he would say the truth; but instead of gaining any readers for his book, he would excite the greatest aversion in the minds of all into whose hands the book might come.  Let us then pass on to what follows; nor let us be deceived by words which may be used alike by good and bad, by learned and unlearned.  What, then, comes next?

13.  "May the peace," he says, "of the invisible God, and the knowledge of the truth, be with the holy and beloved brethren who both believe and also yield obedience to the divine precepts."  Amen, say we.  For the prayer is a most amiable and commendable one.  Only we must bear in mind that these words might be used by false teachers as well as by good ones.  So, if he said nothing more than this, all might safely read and embrace it.  Nor should I disapprove of what follows:  "May also the right hand of light protect you, and deliver you from every hostile assault, and from the snares of the world."  In fact, I have no fault to find with the beginning of this epistle, till we come to the main subject of it.  For I wish not to spend time on minor points.  Now, then, for this writer’s plain statement of what is to be expected from him.

Chapter 12.—The Wild Fancies of Manichæus.  The Battle Before the Constitution of the World.

14.  "Of that matter," he says, "beloved brother of Patticus, of which you told me, saying that you desired to know the manner of the birth of Adam and Eve, whether they 135were produced by a word or sprung from matter, I will answer you as is fit.  For in various writings and narratives we find different assertions made and different descriptions given by many authors.  Now the real truth on the subject is unknown to all peoples, even to those who have long and frequently treated of it.  For had they arrived at a clear knowledge of the generation of Adam and Eve, they would not have remained liable to corruption and death."  Here, then, is a promise to us of clear knowledge of this matter, so that we shall not be liable to corruption and death.  And if this does not suffice, see what follows:  "Necessarily," he says, "many things have to be said by way of preface, before a discovery of this mystery free from all uncertainty can be made."  This is precisely what I asked for, to have such evidence of the truth as to free my knowledge of it from all uncertainty.  And even were the promise not made by this writer himself, it was proper for me to demand and to insist upon this, so that no opposition should make me ashamed of becoming a Manichæan from a Catholic Christian, in view of such a gain as that of perfectly clear and certain truth.  Now, then, let us hear what he has to state.

15.  "Accordingly," he says, "hear first, if you please, what happened before the constitution of the world, and how the battle was carried on, that you may be able to distinguish the nature of light from that of darkness."  Such are the utterly false and incredible statements which this writer makes.  Who can believe that any battle was fought before the constitution of the world?  And even supposing it credible, we wish now to get something to know, not to believe.  For to say that the Persians and Scythians long ago fought with one another is a credible statement; but while we believe it when we read or hear it, we cannot know it as a fact of experience or as a truth of the understanding.  So, then, as I would repudiate any such statement on the ground that I have been promised something, not that I must believe on authority, but that I shall understand without any ambiguity; still less will I receive statements which are not only uncertain, but incredible.  But what if he have some evidence to make these things clear and intelligible?  Let us hear, then, if we can, what follows with all possible patience and forbearance.

Chapter 13.—Two Opposite Substances.  The Kingdom of Light.  Manichæus Teaches Uncertainties Instead of Certainties.

16.  "In the beginning, then," he says, "these two substances were divided.  The empire of light was held by God the Father, who is perpetual in holy origin, magnificent in virtue, true in His very nature, ever rejoicing in His own eternity, possessing in Himself wisdom and the vital senses, by which He also includes the twelve members of His light, which are the plentiful resources of his kingdom.  Also in each of His members are stored thousands of untold and priceless treasures.  But the Father Himself, chief in praise, incomprehensible in greatness, has united to Himself happy and glorious worlds, incalculable in number and duration, along with which this holy and illustrious Father and Progenitor resides, no poverty or infirmity being admitted in His magnificent realms.  And these matchless realms are so founded on the region of light and bliss, that no one can ever move or disturb them."279279     [Compare the fuller account from the Fihrist in the Introduction.—A.H.N.]

17.  Where is the proof of all this?  And where did Manichæus learn it?  Do not frighten me with the name of the Paraclete.  For, in the first place, I have come not to put faith in unknown things, but to get the knowledge of undoubted truths, according to the caution enjoined on me by yourselves.  For you know how bitterly you taunt those who believe without consideration.  And what is more, this writer, who here begins to tell of very doubtful things, himself promised a little before to give complete and well-grounded knowledge.

Chapter 14.—Manichæus Promises the Knowledge of Undoubted Things, and Then Demands Faith in Doubtful Things.

In the next place, if faith is what is required of me, I should prefer to keep to the Scripture, which tells me that the Holy Spirit came and inspired the apostles, to whom the Lord had promised to send Him.  You must therefore prove, either that what Manichæus says is true, and so make clear to me what I am unable to believe; or that Manichæus is the Holy Spirit, and so lead me to believe in what you cannot make clear.  For I profess the Catholic faith, and by it I expect to attain certain knowledge.  Since, then, you try to overthrow my faith, you must supply me with certain knowledge, if you can, that you may convict me of having adopted my present belief without consideration.  You make two distinct propositions,—one when you say that the speaker is the Holy Spirit, and another when you say that what the speaker teaches is 136evidently true.  I might fairly ask undeniable proof for both propositions.  But I am not greedy and require to be convinced only of one.  Prove this person to be the Holy Spirit, and I will believe what he says to be true, even without understanding it; or prove that what he says is true, and I will believe him to be the Holy Spirit, even without evidence.  Could anything be fairer or kinder than this?  But you cannot prove either one or other of these propositions.  You can find nothing better than to praise your own faith and ridicule mine.  So, after having in my turn praised my belief and ridiculed yours, what result do you think we shall arrive at as regards our judgment and our conduct, but to part company with those who promise the knowledge of indubitable things, and then demand from us faith in doubtful things? while we shall follow those who invite us to begin with believing what we cannot yet fully perceive, that, strengthened by this very faith, we may come into a position to know what we believe by the inward illumination and confirmation of our minds, due no longer to men, but to God Himself.

18.  And as I have asked this writer to prove these things to me, I ask him now where he learned them himself.  If he replies that they were revealed to him by the Holy Spirit, and that his mind was divinely enlightened that he might know them to be certain and evident, he himself points to the distinction between knowing and believing.  The knowledge is his to whom these things are fully made known as proved; but in the case of those who only hear his account of these things, there is no knowledge imparted, but only a believing acquiescence required.  Whoever thoughtlessly yields this becomes a Manichæan, not by knowing undoubted truth, but by believing doubtful statements.  Such were we when in our inexperienced youth we were deceived.  Instead, therefore, of promising knowledge, or clear evidence, or the settlement of the question free from all uncertainty, Manichæus ought to have said that these things were clearly proved to him, but that those who hear his account of them must believe him without evidence.  But were he to say this, who would not reply to him, If I must believe without knowing, why should I not prefer to believe those things which have a widespread notoriety from the consent of learned and unlearned, and which among all nations are established by the weightiest authority?  From fear of having this said to him, Manichæus bewilders the inexperienced by first promising the knowledge of certain truths, and then demanding faith in doubtful things.  And then, if he is asked to make it plain that these things have been proved to himself, he fails again, and bids us believe this too.  Who can tolerate such imposture and arrogance?

Chapter 15.—The Doctrine of Manichæus Not Only Uncertain, But False.  His Absurd Fancy of a Land and Race of Darkness Bordering on the Holy Region and the Substance of God.  The Error, First of All, of Giving to the Nature of God Limits and Borders, as If God Were a Material Substance, Having Extension in Space.

19.  What if I shall have shown, with the help of God and of our Lord, that this writer’s statements are false as well as uncertain?  What more unfortunate thing can be found than that superstition which not only fails to impart the knowledge and the truth which it promises, but also teaches what is directly opposed to knowledge and truth?  This will appear more clearly from what follows:  "In one direction on the border of this bright and holy land there was a land of darkness deep and vast in extent, where abode fiery bodies, destructive races.  Here was boundless darkness, flowing from the same source in immeasurable abundance, with the productions properly belonging to it.  Beyond this were muddy turbid waters with their inhabitants; and inside of them winds terrible and violent with their prince and their progenitors.  Then again a fiery region of destruction, with its chiefs and peoples.  And similarly inside of this a race full of smoke and gloom, where abode the dreadful prince and chief of all, having around him innumerable princes, himself the mind and source of them all.  Such are the five natures of the pestiferous land."

20.  To speak of God as an aerial or even as an ethereal body is absurd in the view of all who, with a clear mind, possessing some measure of discernment, can perceive the nature of wisdom and truth as not extended or scattered in space, but as great, and imparting greatness without material size, nor confined more or less in any direction, but throughout co-extensive with the Father of all, nor having one thing here and another there, but everywhere perfect, everywhere present.280280     [This exalted view of God Augustin held in common with the Neo-Platonists.—A.H.N.]

Chapter 16.—The Soul, Though Mutable, Has No Material Form.  It is All Present in Every Part of the Body.

But why speak of truth and wisdom which 137surpass all the powers of the soul, when the nature of the soul itself, which is known to be mutable, still has no kind of material extension in space?  For whatever consists of any kind of gross matter must necessarily be divisible into parts, having one in one place, and another in another.  Thus, the finger is less than the whole hand, and one finger is less than two; and there is one place for this finger, and another for that, and another for the rest of the hand.  And this applies not to organized bodies only, but also to the earth, each part of which has its own place, so that one cannot be where the other is.  So in moisture, the smaller quantity occupies a smaller space, and the larger quantity a larger space; and one part is at the bottom of the cup, and another part near the mouth.  So in air, each part has its own place; and it is impossible for the air in this house to have along with itself, in the same house at the same moment, the air that the neighbors have.  And even as regards light itself, one part pours through one window, and another through another; and a greater through the larger, and a smaller through the smaller.  Nor, in fact, can there be any bodily substance, whether celestial or terrestrial, whether aerial or moist, which is not less in part than in whole, or which can possibly have one part in the place of another at the same time; but, having one thing in one place and another in another, its extension in space is a substance which has distinct limits and parts, or, so to speak, sections.  The nature of the soul, on the other hand, though we leave out of account its power of perceiving truth, and consider only its inferior power of giving unity to the body, and of sensation in the body, does not appear to have any material extension in space.  For it is all present in each separate part of its body when it is all present in any sensation.  There is not a smaller part in the finger, and a larger in the arm, as the bulk of the finger is less than that of the arm; but the quantity everywhere is the same, for the whole is present everywhere.  For when the finger is touched, the whole mind feels, though the sensation is not through the whole body.  No part of the mind is unconscious of the touch, which proves the presence of the whole.  And yet it is not so present in the finger or in the sensation as to abandon the rest of the body, or to gather itself up into the one place where the sensation occurs.  For when it is all present in the sensation in a finger, if another part, say the foot, be touched, it does not fail to be all present in this sensation too:  so that at the same moment it is all present in different places, without leaving one in order to be in the other, and without having one part in one, and another in the other; but by this power showing itself to be all present at the same moment in separate places.  Since it is all present in the sensations of these places, it proves that it is not bound by the conditions of space.281281     [Modern mental physiologists differ among themselves as regards the presence of the mind throughout the entire nervous system; some maintaining the view here presented, and others making the brain to be the seat of sensation, and the nerves telegraphic lines, so to speak, for the communication of impressions from the various parts of the body to the brain.  Compare CarpenterMental Physiology, and CalderwoodMind and Brain.—A.H.N.]

Chapter 17.—The Memory Contains the Ideas of Places of the Greatest Size.

Again, if we consider the mind’s power of remembering not the objects of the intellect, but material objects, such as we see brutes also remembering (for cattle find their way without mistake in familiar places, and animals return to their cribs, and dogs recognize the persons of their masters, and when asleep they often growl, or break out into a bark, which could not be unless their mind retained the images of things before seen or perceived by some bodily sense), who can conceive rightly where these images are contained, where they are kept, or where they are formed?  If, indeed, these images were no larger than the size of our body, it might be said that the mind shapes and retains them in the bodily space which contains itself.  But while the body occupies a small material space, the mind revolves images of vast extent, of heaven and earth, with no want of room, though they come and go in crowds; so that clearly, the mind is not diffused through space:  for instead of being contained in images of the largest spaces, it rather contains them; not, however, in any material receptacle, but by a mysterious faculty or power, by which it can increase or diminish them, can contract them within narrow limits, or expand them indefinitely, can arrange or disarrange them at pleasure, can multiply them or reduce them to a few or to one.

Chapter 18.—The Understanding Judges of the Truth of Things, and of Its Own Action.

What, then, must be said of the power of perceiving truth, and of making a vigorous resistance against these very images which take their shape from impressions on the bodily senses, when they are opposed to the truth?  This power discerns the difference between, to take a particular example, the true Carthage and its own imaginary one, which it changes as it pleases with perfect ease.  It 138shows that the countless worlds of Epicurus, in which his fancy roamed without restraint, are due to the same power of imagination, and, not to multiply examples, that we get from the same source that land of light, with its boundless extent, and the five dens of the race of darkness, with their inmates, in which the fancies of Manichæus have dared to usurp for themselves the name of truth.  What then is this power which discerns these things?  Clearly, whatever its extent may be, it is greater than all these things, and is conceived of without any such material images.  Find, if you can, space for this power; give it a material extension; provide it with a body of huge size.  Assuredly if you think well, you cannot.  For of everything of this corporeal nature your mind forms an opinion as to its divisibility, and you make of such things one part greater and another less, as much as you like; while that by which you form a judgment of these things you perceive to be above them, not in local loftiness of place, but in dignity of power.

Chapter 19.—If the Mind Has No Material Extension, Much Less Has God.

21.  So then, if the mind, so liable to change, whether from a multitude of dissimilar desires, or from feelings varying according to the abundance or the want of desirable things, or from these endless sports of the fancy, or from forgetfulness and remembrance, or from learning and ignorance; if the mind, I say, exposed to frequent change from these and the like causes, is perceived to be without any local or material extension, and to have a vigor of action which surmounts these material conditions, what must we think or conclude of God Himself, who remains superior to all intelligent beings in His freedom from perturbation and from change, giving to every one what is due?  Him the mind dares to express more easily than to see; and the clearer the sight, the less is the power of expression.  And yet this God, if, as the Manichæan fables are constantly asserting, He were limited in extension in one direction and unlimited in others, could be measured by so many subdivisions or fractions of greater or less size, as every one might fancy; so that, for example, a division of the extent of two feet would be less by eight parts than one of ten feet.  For this is the property of all natures which have extension in space, and therefore cannot be all in one place.  But even with the mind this is not the case; and this degrading and perverted idea of the mind is found among people who are unfit for such investigations.

Chapter 20.—Refutation of the Absurd Idea of Two Territories.

22.  But perhaps, instead of thus addressing carnal minds, we should rather descend to the views of those who either dare not or are as yet unfit to turn from the consideration of material things to the study of an immaterial and spiritual nature, and who thus are unable to reflect upon their own power of reflection, so as to see how it forms a judgment of material extension without itself possessing it.  Let us descend then to these material ideas, and let us ask in what direction, and on what border of the shining and sacred territory, to use the expressions of Manichæus, was the region of darkness?  For he speaks of one direction and border, without saying which, whether the right or the left.  In any case, it is clear that to speak of one side implies that there is another.  But where there are three or more sides, either the figure is bounded in all directions, or if it extends infinitely in one direction, still it must be limited in the directions where it has sides.  If, then, on one side of the region of light there was the race of darkness, what bounded it on the other side or sides?  The Manichæans say nothing in reply to this; but when pressed, they say that on the other sides the region of light, as they call it, is infinite, that is, extends throughout boundless space.  They do not see, what is plain to the dullest understanding, that in that case there could be no sides?  For the sides are where it is bounded.  What, then, he says, though there are no sides?  But what you said of one direction or side, implied of necessity the existence of another direction and side, or other directions and sides.  For if there was only one side, you should have said, on the side, not on one side; as in reference to our body we say properly, By one eye, because there is another; or on one breast, because there is another.  But if we spoke of a thing as being on one nose, or one navel, we should be ridiculed by learned and unlearned, since there is only one.  But I do not insist on words, for you may have used one in the sense of the only one.

Chapter 21.—This Region of Light Must Be Material If It is Joined to the Region of Darkness.  The Shape of the Region of Darkness Joined to the Region of Light.

What, then, bordered on the side of the region which you call shining and sacred?  The region, you reply, of darkness.  Do you then allow this latter region to have been material?  Of course you must, since you as139sert that all bodies derive their origin from it.  How then is it that, dull and carnal as you are, you do not see that unless both regions were material, they could not have their sides joined to one another?  How could you ever be so blinded in mind as to say that only the region of darkness was material, and that the so-called region of light was immaterial and spiritual?  My good friends, let us open our eyes for once, and see, now that we are told of it, what is most obvious, that two regions cannot be joined at their sides unless both are material.

23.  Or if we are too dull and stupid to see this, let us hear whether the region of darkness too has one side, and is boundless in the other directions, like the region of light.  They do not hold this from fear of making it seem equal to God.  Accordingly they make it boundless in depth and in length; but upwards, above it, they maintain that there is an infinity of empty space.  And lest this region should appear to be a fraction equal in amount to half of that representing the region of light, they narrow it also on two sides.  As if, to give the simplest illustration, a piece of bread were made into four squares, three white and one black; then suppose the three white pieces joined as one, and conceive them as infinite upwards and downwards, and backwards in all directions:  this represents the Manichæan region of light.  Then conceive the black square infinite downwards and backwards, but with infinite emptiness above it:  this is their region of darkness.  But these are secrets which they disclose to very eager and anxious inquirers.

Chapter 22.—The Form of the Region of Light the Worse of the Two.

Well, then, if this is so, the region of darkness is clearly touched on two sides by the region of light.  And if it is touched on two sides, it must touch on two.  So much for its being on one side, as we were told before.

24.  And what an unseemly appearance is this of the region of light!—like a cloven arch, with a black wedge inserted below, bounded only in the direction of the cleft, and having a void space interposed where the boundless emptiness stretches above the region of darkness.  Indeed, the form of the region of darkness is better than that of the region of light:  for the former cleaves, the latter is cloven; the former fills the gap which is made in the latter; the former has no void in it, while the latter is undefined in all directions, except that where it is filled up by the wedge of darkness.  In an ignorant and greedy notion of giving more honor to a number of pans than to a single one, so that the region of light should have six, three upwards and three downwards, they have made this region be split up, instead of sundering the other.  For, according to this figure, though there may be no commixture of darkness with light, there is certainly penetration.

Chapter 23.—The Anthropomorphites Not So Bad as the Manichæans.

25.  Compare, now, not spiritual men of the Catholic faith, whose mind, as far as is possible in this life, perceives that the divine substance and nature has no material extension, and has no shape bounded by lines, but the carnal and weak of our faith, who, when they hear the members of the body used figuratively, as, when God’s eyes or ears are spoken of, are accustomed, in the license of fancy, to picture God to themselves in a human form; compare these with the Manichæans, whose custom it is to make known their silly stories to anxious inquirers as if they were great mysteries:  and consider who have the most allowable and respectable ideas of God, —those who think of Him as having a human form which is the most excellent of its kind, or those who think of Him as having boundless material extension, yet not in all directions, but with three parts infinite and solid, while in one part He is cloven, with an empty void, and with undefined space above, while the region of darkness is inserted wedge-like below.  Or perhaps the proper expression is, that He is unconfined above in His own nature, but encroached on below by a hostile nature.  I join with you in laughing at the folly of carnal men, unable as yet to form spiritual conceptions, who think of God as having a human form.  Do you too join me, if you can, in laughing at those whose unhappy conceptions represent God as having a shape cloven or cut in such an unseemly and unbecoming way, with such an empty gap above, and such a dishonorable curtailment below.  Besides, there is this difference, that these carnal people, who think of God as having a human form, if they are content to be nourished with milk from the breast of the Catholic Church, and do not rush headlong into rash opinions, but cultivate in the Church the pious habit of inquiry, and there ask that they may receive, and knock that it may be opened to them, begin to understand spiritually the figures and parables of the Scriptures, and gradually to perceive that the divine energies are suitably set forth under the name, sometimes of ears, sometimes of eyes, sometimes of hands or feet, or 140even of wings and feathers a shield too, and sword, and helmet, and all the other innumerable things.  And the more progress they make in this understanding, the more are they confirmed as Catholics.  The Manichæans, on the other hand, when they abandon their material fancies, cease to be Manichæans.  For this is the chief and special point in their praises of Manichæus, that the divine mysteries which were taught figuratively in books from ancient times were kept for Manichæus, who was to come last, to solve and demonstrate; and so after him no other teacher will come from God, for he has said nothing in figures or parables, but has explained ancient sayings of that kind, and has himself taught in plain, simple terms.  Therefore, when the Manichæans hear these words of their founder, on one side and border of the shining and sacred region was the region of darkness, they have no interpretations to fall back on.  Wherever they turn, the wretched bondage of their own fancies brings them upon clefts or sudden stoppages and joinings or sunderings of the most unseemly kind, which it would be shocking to believe as true of any immaterial nature, even though mutable, like the mind, not to speak of the immutable nature of God.  And yet if I were unable to rise to higher things, and to bring my thoughts from the entanglement of false imaginations which are impressed on the memory by the bodily senses, into the freedom and purity of spiritual existence, how much better would it be to think of God as in the form of a man, than to fasten that wedge of darkness to His lower edge, and, for want of a covering for the boundless vacuity above to leave it void and unoccupied throughout infinite space!  What notion could be worse than this?  What darker error can be taught or imagined?

Chapter 24.—Of the Number of Natures in the Manichæan Fiction.

26.  Again, I wish to know, when I read of God the Father and His kingdoms founded on the shining and happy region, whether the Father and His kingdoms, and the region, are all of the same nature and substance.  If they are, then it is not another nature or sort of body of God which the wedge of the race of darkness cleaves and penetrates, which itself is an unspeakably revolting thing, but it is actually the very nature of God which undergoes this.  Think of this, I beseech you:  as you are men, think of it, and flee from it; and if by tearing open your breasts you can cast out by the roots such profane fancies from your faith, I pray you to do it.  Or will you say that these three are not of one and the same nature, but that the Father is of one, the kingdoms of another, and the region of another, so that each has a peculiar nature and substance, and that they are arranged according to their degree of excellence?  If this is true, Manichæus should have taught that there are four natures, not two; or if the Father and the kingdoms have one nature, and the region only one of its own, he should have made three.  Or if he made only two, because the region of darkness does not belong to God, in what sense does the region of light belong to God?  For if it has a nature of its own, and if God neither generated nor made it, it does not belong to Him, and the seat of His kingdom is in what belongs to another.  Or if it belongs to Him because of its vicinity, the region of darkness must do so too; for it not only borders on the region of light, but penetrates it so as to sever it in two.  Again, if God generated it, it cannot have a separate nature.  For what is generated by God must be what God is, as the Catholic Church believes of the only begotten Son.  So you are brought back of necessity to that shocking and detestable profanity, that the wedge of darkness sunders not a region distinct and separate from God, but the very nature of God.  Or if God did not generate, but make it, of what did He make it?  Or if of Himself, what is this but to generate?  If of some other nature, was this nature good or evil?  If good, there must have been some good nature not belonging to God; which you will scarcely have the boldness to assert.  If evil, the race of darkness cannot have been the only evil nature.  Or did God take a part of that region and turn it into a region of light, in order to found His kingdom upon it?  If He had, He would have taken the whole, and there would have been no evil nature left.  If God, then, did not make the region of light of a substance distinct from His own, He must have made it of nothing.282282     [There is sufficient reason to think that Mani identified God with the kingdom and the region of light.  See Introduction.—A.H.N.]

Chapter 25.—Omnipotence Creates Good Things Differing in Degree.  In Every Description Whatsoever of the Junction of the Two Regions There is Either Impropriety or Absurdity.

27.  If, then, you are now convinced that God is able to create some good thing out of nothing, come into the Catholic Church, and learn that all the natures which God has created and founded in their order of excel141lence from the highest to the lowest are good, and some better than others; and that they were made of nothing, though God, their Maker, made use of His own wisdom as an instrument, so to speak, to give being to what was not, and that as far as it had being it might be good, and that the limitation of its being might show that it was not begotten by God, but made out of nothing.  If you examine the matter, you will find nothing to keep you from agreeing to this.  For you cannot make your region of light to be what God is, without making the dark section an infringement on the very nature of God.  Nor can you say that it was generated by God, without being reduced to the same enormity, from the necessity of concluding that as begotten of God, it must be what God is.  Nor can you say that it was distinct from Him, lest you should be forced to admit that God placed His kingdom in what did not belong to Him, and that there are three natures.  Nor can you say that God made it of a substance distinct from His own, without making something good besides God, or something evil besides the race of darkness.  It remains, therefore that you must confess that God made the region of light out of nothing:  and you are unwilling to believe this; because if God could make out of nothing some great good which yet was inferior to Himself, He could also, since He is good, and grudges no good, make another good inferior to the former, and again a third inferior to the second, and so on, in order down to the lowest good of created natures, so that the whole aggregate, instead of extending indefinitely without number or measure should have a fixed and definite consistency.  Again, if you will not allow this either, that God made the region of light out of nothing, you will have no escape from the shocking profanities to which your opinions lead.

28.  Perhaps, since the carnal imagination can fancy any shapes it likes, you might be able to devise some other form for the junction of the two regions, instead of presenting to the mind such a disagreeable and painful description as this, that the region of God, whether it be of the same nature as God or not, where at least God’s kingdoms are founded, lies through immensity in such a huge mass that its members stretch loosely to an infinite extent, and that on their lower part that wedge of the region of darkness, itself of boundless size encroaches upon them.  But whatever other form you contrive for the junction of these two regions, you cannot erase what Manichæus has written.  I refer not to other treatises where a more particular description is given,—for perhaps, because they are in the hands of only a few, there might not be so much difficulty with them,—but to this Fundamental Epistle which we are now considering, with which all of you who are called enlightened are usually quite familiar.  Here the words are:  "On one side the border of the shining and sacred region was the region of darkness, deep and boundless in extent."

Chapter 26.—The Manichæans are Reduced to the Choice of a Tortuous, or Curved, or Straight Line of Junction.  The Third Kind of Line Would Give Symmetry and Beauty Suitable to Both Regions.

What more is to be got? we have now heard what is on the border.  Make what shape you please, draw any kind of lines you like, it is certain that the junction of this boundless mass of the region of darkness to the region of light must have been either by a straight line, or a curved, or a tortuous one.  If the line of junction is tortuous the side of the region of light must also be tortuous; otherwise its straight side joined to a tortuous one would leave gaps of infinite depth, instead of having vacuity only above the land of darkness, as we were told before.  And if there were such gaps, how much better it would have been for the region of light to have been still more distant, and to have had a greater vacuity between, so that the region of darkness might not touch it at all!  Then there might have been such a gap of bottomless depth, that, on the rise of any mischief in that race, although the chiefs of darkness might have the foolhardy wish to cross over, they would fall headlong into the gap (for bodies cannot fly without air to support them); and as there is infinite space downwards, they could do no more harm, though they might live for ever, for they would be for ever falling.  Again, if the line of junction was a curved one, the region of light must also have had the disfigurement of a curve to answer it.  Or if the land of darkness were curved inwards like a theatre, there would be as much disfigurement in the corresponding line in the region of light.  Or if the region of darkness had a curved line, and the region of light a straight one, they cannot have touched at all points.  And certainly, as I said before, it would have been better if they had not touched, and if there was such a gap between that the regions might be kept distinctly separate, and that rash evildoers might fall headlong so as to be harmless.  If, then, the line of junction was a straight one, there remain, of course, no more gaps or grooves, but, on the contrary, so perfect a junction as to make the greatest possible peace and harmony between the two regions.  What 142more beautiful or more suitable than that one side should meet the other in a straight line, without bends or breaks to disturb the natural and permanent connection throughout endless space and endless duration?  And even though there was a separation, the straight sides of both regions would be beautiful in themselves, as being straight; and besides, even in spite of an interval, their correspondence, as running parallel, though not meeting, would give a symmetry to both.  With the addition of the junction, both regions become perfectly regular and harmonious; for nothing can be devised more beautiful in description or in conception than this junction of two straight lines.283283     [This discussion of the lines bounding the Kingdom of Light and the Kingdom of Darkness seems very much like trifling, but Augustin’s aim was to bring the Manichæan representations into ridicule.—A.H.N.]

Chapter 27.—The Beauty of the Straight Line Might Be Taken from the Region of Darkness Without Taking Anything from Its Substance.  So Evil Neither Takes from Nor Adds to the Substance of the Soul.  The Straightness of Its Side Would Be So Far a Good Bestowed on the Region of Darkness by God the Creator.

29.  What is to be done with unhappy minds, perverse in error, and held fast by custom?  These men do not know what they say when they say those things; for they do not consider.  Listen to me; no one forces you, no one quarrels with you, no one taunts you with past errors, unless some one who has not experienced the divine mercy in deliverance from error:  all we desire is that the errors should some time or other be abandoned.  Think a little without animosity or bitterness.  We are all human beings:  let us hate, not one another, but errors and lies.  Think a little, I pray you.  God of mercy, help them to think, and kindle in the minds of inquirers the true light.  If anything is plain, is not this, that right is better than wrong?  Give me, then, a calm and quiet answer to this, whether making crooked the right line of the region of darkness which joins on to the right line of the region of light, would not detract from its beauty.  If you will not be dogged, you must confess that not only is beauty taken from it by its being made crooked, but also the beauty which it might have had from connection with the right line of the region of light.  Is it the case, then, that in this loss of beauty, in which right is made crooked, and harmony becomes discord, and agreement disagreement, there is any loss of substance?  Learn, then, from this that substance is not evil; but as in the body, by change of form for the worse, beauty is lost, or rather lessened, and what was called fair before is said to be ugly, and what was pleasing becomes displeasing, so in the mind the seemliness of a right will, which makes a just and pious life, is injured when the will changes for the worse; and by this sin the mind becomes miserable, instead of enjoying as before the happiness which comes from the ornament of a right will, without any gain or loss of substance.

30.  Consider, again, that though we admit that the border of the region of darkness was evil for other reasons, such as that it was dim and dark, or any other reason, still it was not evil in being straight.  So, if I admit that there was some evil in its color, you must admit that there was some good in its straightness.  Whatever the amount of this good, it is not allowable to attribute it to any other than God the Maker, from whom we must believe that all good in whatsoever nature comes, if we are to escape deadly error.  It is absurd, then, to say that this region is perfect evil, when in its straightness of border is found the good of not a little beauty of a material kind; and also to make this region to be altogether estranged, from the almighty and good God, when this good which we find in it can be attributed to no other but the author of all good things.  But this border, too, we are told, was evil.  Well, suppose it evil:  it would surely have been worse had it been crooked instead of straight.  And how can that be the perfection of evil than which something worse than itself can be thought of?  And to be worse implies that there is some good, the want of which makes the thing worse.  Here the want of straightness would make the line worse.  Therefore its straightness is something good.  And you will never answer the question whence this goodness comes, without reference to Him from whom we must acknowledge that all good things come, whether small or great.  But now we shall pass on from considering this border to something else.

Chapter 28.—Manichæus Places Five Natures in the Region of Darkness.

31.  "There dwelt," he says, "in that region fiery bodies, destructive races."  By speaking of dwelling, he must mean that those bodies were animated and in life.  But, not to appear to cavil at a word, let us see how he divides into five classes all these inhabitants of this region.  "Here," he says, "was boundless darkness, flowing from the same source in immeasurable abundance, with the productions properly belonging to it. 143Beyond this were muddy turbid waters, with their inhabitants; and inside of them winds terrible and violent, with their prince and their progenitors.  Then, again, a fiery region of destruction, with its chiefs and peoples.  And, similarly, inside of this a race full of smoke and gloom, where abode the dreadful prince and chief of all, having around him innumerable princes, himself the mind and source of them all.  Such are the five natures of the pestiferous region."  We find here five natures mentioned as part of one nature, which he calls the pestiferous region.  The natures are darkness, waters, winds, fire, smoke; which he so arranges as to make darkness first, beginning at the outside.  Inside of darkness he puts the waters; inside of the waters, the winds; inside of the winds, the fire; inside of the fire, the smoke.  And each of these natures had its peculiar kind of inhabitants, which were likewise five in number.  For to the question, Whether there was only one kind in all, or different kinds corresponding to the different natures; the reply is, that they were different:  as in other books we find it stated that the darkness had serpents; the waters swimming creatures, such as fish; the winds flying creatures, such as birds; the fire quadrupeds, such as horses, lions, and the like; the smoke bipeds, such as men.

Chapter 29.—The Refutation of This Absurdity.

32.  Whose arrangement, then, is this?  Who made the distinctions and the classification?  Who gave the number, the qualities, the forms, the life?  For all these things are in themselves good, nor could each of the natures have them except from the bestowal of God, the author of all good things.  For this is not like the descriptions or suppositions of poets about an imaginary chaos, as being a shapeless mass, without form, without quality, without measurement, without weight and number, without order and variety; a confused something, absolutely destitute of qualities, so that some Greek writers call it ἄποιον.  So far from being like this is the Manichæan description of the region of darkness, as they call it, that, in a directly contrary style, they add side to side, and join border to border; they number five natures; they separate, arrange, and assign to each its own qualities.  Nor do they leave the natures barren or waste, but people them with their proper inhabitants; and to these, again, they give suitable forms, and adapted to their place of habitation, besides giving the chief of all endowments, life.  To recount such good things as these, and to speak of them as having no connection with God, the author of all good things, is to lose sight of the excellence of the order in the things, and of the great evil of the error which leads to such a conclusion.

Chapter 30.—The Number of Good Things in Those Natures Which Manichæus Places in the Region of Darkness.

33.  "But," is the reply, "the orders of beings inhabiting those five natures were fierce and destructive."  As if I were praising their fierceness and destructiveness.  I, you see, join with you in condemning the evils you attribute to them; join you with me in praising the good things which you ascribe to them:  so it will appear that there is a mixture of good and evil in what you call the last extremity of evil.  If I join you in condemning what is mischievous in this region, you must join with me in praising what is beneficial.  For these beings could not have been produced, or nourished, or have continued to inhabit that region, without some salutary influence.  I join with you in condemning the darkness; join with me in praising the productiveness.  For while you call the darkness immeasurable, you speak of "suitable productions."  Darkness, indeed, is not a real substance, and means no more than the absence of light, as nakedness means the want of clothing, and emptiness the want of material contents:  so that darkness could produce nothing, although a region in darkness—that is, in the absence of light—might produce something.  But passing over this for the present, it is certain that where productions arise there must be a beneficent adaptation of substances, as well as a symmetrical arrangement and construction in unity of the members of the beings produced,—a wise adjustment making them agree with one another.  And who will deny that all these things are more to be praised than darkness is to be condemned?  If I join with you in condemning the muddiness of the waters, you must join with me in praising the waters as far as they possessed the form and quality of water, and also the agreement of the members of the inhabitants swimming in the waters, their life sustaining and directing their body, and every particular adaptation of substances for the benefit of health.  For though you find fault with the waters as turbid and muddy, still, in allowing them the quality of producing and maintaining their living inhabitants, you imply that there was some kind of bodily form, and similarity of parts, giving unity and congruity of character; otherwise there could be no body at all:  and, 144as a rational being, you must see that all these things are to be praised.  And however great you make the ferocity of these inhabitants, and their massacrings and devastations in their assaults, you still leave them the regular limits of form, by which the members of each body are made to agree together, and their beneficial adaptations, and the regulating power of the living principle binding together the parts of the body in a friendly and harmonious union.  And if all these are regarded with common sense it will be seen that they are more to be commended than the faults are to be condemned.  I join with you in condemning the frightfulness of the winds; join with me in praising their nature, as giving breath and nourishment, and their material form in its continuousness and diffusion by the connection of its parts:  for by these things these winds had the power of producing and nourishing, and sustaining in vigor these inhabitants you speak of; and also in these inhabitants—besides the other things which have already been commended in all animated creatures—this particular power of going quickly and easily whence and whither they please, and the harmonious stroke of their wings in flight, and their regular motion.  I join with you in condemning the destructiveness of fire; join with me in commending the productiveness of this fire, and the growth of these productions, and the adaptation of the fire to the beings produced, so that they had coherence, and came to perfection in measure and shape, and could live and have their abode there:  for you see that all these things deserve admiration and praise, not only in the fire which is thus habitable, but in the inhabitants too.  I join with you in condemning the denseness of smoke, and the savage character of the prince who, as you say, abode in it; join with me in praising the similarity of all the parts in this very smoke, by which it preserves the harmony and proportion of its parts among themselves, according to its own nature, and has an unity which makes it what it is:  for no one can calmly reflect on these things without wonder and praise.  Besides, even to the smoke you give the power and energy of production, for you say that princes inhabited it; so that in that region the smoke is productive, which never happens here, and, moreover, affords a wholesome dwelling place to its inhabitants.

Chapter 31.—The Same Subject Continued.

34.  And even in the prince of smoke himself, instead of mentioning only his ferocity as a bad quality, ought you not to have taken notice of the other things in his nature which you must allow to be commendable?  For he had a soul and a body; the soul life-giving, and the body endowed with life.  Since the soul governed and the body obeyed, the soul took the lead and the body followed; the soul gave consistency, the body was not dissolved; the soul gave harmonious motion, and the body was constructed of a well-proportioned framework of members.  In this single prince are you not induced to express approval of the orderly peace or the peaceful order?  And what applies to one applies to all the rest.  You say he was fierce and cruel to others.  This is not what I commend, but the other important things which you will not take notice of.  Those things, when perceived and considered,—after advice by any one who has without consideration put faith in Manichæus,—lead him to a clear conviction that, in speaking of those natures, he speaks of things good in a sense, not perfect and un-created, like God the one Trinity, nor of the higher rank of created things, like the holy angels and the ever-blessed powers; but of the lowest class, and ranked according to the small measure of their endowments.  These things are thought to be blameworthy by the uninstructed when they compare them with higher things; and in view of their want of some good, the good they have gets the name of evil, because it is defective.  My reason also for thus discussing the natures enumerated by Manichæus is that the things named are things familiar to us in this world.  We are familiar with darkness, waters, winds, fire, smoke; we are familiar, too, with animals, creeping, swimming, flying; with quadrupeds and biped.  With the exception of darkness (which, as I have said already, is nothing but the absence of light, and the perception of it is only the absence of sight, as the perception of silence is the absence of hearing; not that darkness is anything, but that light is not, as neither that silence is anything, but that sound is not), all the other things are natural qualities and are familiar to all; and the form of those natures, which is commendable and good as far as it exists, no wise man attributes to any other author than God, the author of all good things.284284     [This portion of the argument is conducted with great adroitness.  Augustin takes the inhabitants of the region of darkness, as Mani describes them, and proves that they possess so much of good that they can have no other author than God.—A.H.N.]

Chapter 32.—Manichæus Got the Arrangement of His Fanciful Notions from Visible Objects.

35.  For in giving to these natures which he has learned from visible things, an arrange145ment according to his fanciful ideas, to represent the race of darkness, Manichæus is clearly in error.  First of all, he makes darkness productive, which is impossible.  But, he replies, this darkness was unlike what you are familiar with.  How, then, can you make me understand about it?  After so many promises to give knowledge, will you force me to take your word for it?  Suppose I believe you, this at least is certain, that if the darkness had no form, as darkness usually has not, it could produce nothing; if it had form, it was better than ordinary darkness:  whereas, when you call it different from the ordinary kind, you wish us to believe that it is worse.  You might as well say that silence, which is the same to the ear as darkness to the eyes, produced some deaf or dumb animals in that region; and then, in reply to the objection that silence is not a nature, you might say that it was different silence from ordinary silence; in a word, you might say what you pleased to those whom you have once misled into believing you.  No doubt, the obvious facts relating to the origin of animal life led Manichæus to say that serpents were produced in darkness.  However, there are serpents which have such sharp sight, and such pleasure in light, that they seem to give evidence of the most weighty kind against this idea.  Then the idea of swimming things in the water might easily be got here, and applied to the fanciful objects in that region; and so of flying things in the winds, for the motion of the lower air in this world, where birds fly, is called wind.  Where he got the idea of the quadrupeds in fire, no one can tell.  Still he said this deliberately, though without sufficient thought, and from great misconception.  The reason usually given is, that quadrupeds are voracious and salacious.  But many men surpass any quadruped in voracity, though they are bipeds, and are called children of the smoke, and not of fire.  Geese, too, are as voracious as any animal; and though he might place them in fire as bipeds, or in the water because they love to swim, or in the winds because they have wings and sometimes fly, they certainly have nothing to do with fire in this classification.  As regards salaciousness, I suppose he was thinking of neighing horses, which sometimes bite through the bridle and rush at the mares; and writing hastily, with this in his mind, he forgot the common sparrow, in comparison of which the hottest stallion is cold.  The reason they give for assigning bipeds to the smoke is, that bipeds are conceited and proud, for men are derived from this class; and the idea, which is a plausible one, is that smoke resembles proud people in rising up into the air, round and swelling.  This idea might warrant a figurative description of proud men, or an allegorical expression or explanation, but not the belief that bipeds are born in smoke and of smoke.  They might with equal reason be said to be born in dust, for it often rises up to the heaven with a similar circling and lofty motion; or in the clouds, for they are often drawn up from the earth in such a way, that those looking from a distance are uncertain whether they are clouds or smoke.  Once more, why, in the case of the waters and the winds, does he suit the inhabitants to the character of the place, as we see swimming things in water, and flying things in the wind; whereas, in the face of fire and smoke, this bold liar is not ashamed to assign to these places the most unlikely inhabitants?  For fire burns quadrupeds, and consumes them, and smoke suffocates and kills bipeds.  At least he must acknowledge that he has made these natures better in the race of darkness than they are here, though he wishes us to think everything to be worse.  For, according to this, the fire there produced and nourished quadrupeds, and gave them a lodging not only harmless, but most convenient.  The smoke, too, provided room for the offspring of its own benign bosom, and cherished them up to the rank of prince.  Thus we see that these lies, which have added to the number of heretics, arose from the perception by carnal sense, only without care or discernment, of visible objects in this world, and when thus conceived, were brought forth by fancy, and then presumptuously written and published.

Chapter 33.—Every Nature, as Nature, is Good.

36.  But the consideration we wish most to urge is the truth of the Catholic doctrine, if they can understand it, that God is the author of all natures.  I urged this before when I said, I join with you in your condemnation of destructiveness, of blindness, of dense muddiness, of terrific violence, of perishableness, of the ferocity of the princes, and so on; join with me in commending form, classification, arrangement, harmony, unity of structure, symmetry and correspondence of members, provision for vital breath and nourishment, wholesome adaptation, regulation and control by the mind, and the subjection of the bodies, and the assimilation and agreement of parts in the natures, both those inhabiting and those inhabited, and all the other things of the same kind.  From this, if they would only think honestly, they would 146understand that it implies a mixture of good and evil, even in the region where they suppose evil to be alone and in perfection:  so that if the evils mentioned were taken away, the good things will remain, without anything to detract from the commendation given to them; whereas, if the good things are taken away, no nature is left.  From this every one sees, who can see, that every nature, as far as it is nature, is good; since in one and the same thing in which I found something to praise, and he found something to blame, if the good things are taken away, no nature will remain; but if the disagreeable things are taken away, the nature will remain unimpaired.  Take from waters their thickness and muddiness, and pure clear water remains; take from them the consistence of their parts, and no water will be left.  If then, after the evil is removed, the nature remains in a purer state, and does not remain at all when the good is taken away, it must be the good which makes the nature of the thing in which it is, while the evil is not nature, but contrary to nature.  Take from the winds their terribleness and excessive force, with which you find fault, you can conceive of winds as gentle and mild; take from them the similarity of their parts which gives them continuity of substance, and the unity essential to material existence, and no nature remains to be conceived of.  It would be tedious to go through all the cases; but all who consider the subject free from party spirit must see that in their list of natures the disagreeable things mentioned are additions to the nature; and when they are removed, the natures remain better than before.  This shows that the natures, as far as they are natures, are good; for when you take from them the good instead of the evil, no natures remain.  And attend, you who wish to arrive at a correct judgment, to what is said of the fierce prince himself.  If you take away his ferocity, see how many excellent things will remain; his material frame, the symmetry of the members on one side with those on the other, the unity of his form, the settled continuity of his parts, the orderly adjustment of the mind as ruling and animating, and the body as subject and animated.  The removal of these things, and of others I may have omitted to mention, will leave no nature remaining.

Chapter 34.—Nature Cannot Be Without Some Good.  The Manichæans Dwell Upon the Evils.

37.  But perhaps you will say that these evils cannot be removed from the natures, and must therefore be considered natural.  The question at present is not what can be taken away, and what cannot; but it certainly helps to a clear perception that these natures, as far as they are natures, are good, when we see that the good things can be thought of without these evil things, while without these good things no nature can be conceived of.  I can conceive of waters without muddy commotion; but without settled continuity of parts no material form is an object of thought or of sensation in any way.  Therefore even these muddy waters could not exist without the good which was the condition of their material existence.  As to the reply that these evil things cannot be taken from such natures, I rejoin that neither can the good things be taken away.  Why, then, should you call these things natural evils, on account of the evil things which you suppose cannot be taken away, and yet refuse to call them natural good things, on account of the good things which, as has been proved, cannot be taken away?

38.  You may next ask, as you usually do for a last resource, whence come these evils which I have said that I too disapprove of.  I shall perhaps tell you, if you first tell me whence are those good things which you too are obliged to commend, if you would not be altogether unreasonable.  But why should I ask this, when we both acknowledge that all good things whatever, and how great soever, are from the one God, who is supremely good?  You must therefore yourselves oppose Manichæus who has placed all these important good things which we have mentioned and justly commended,—the continuity and agreement of parts in each nature, the health and vigor of the animated creatures, and the other things which it would be wearisome to repeat,—(in an imaginary region of darkness, so as to separate them altogether from that God whom he allows to be the author of all good things.)  He lost sight of those good things, while taking notice only of what was disagreeable; as if one, frightened by a lion’s roaring, and seeing him dragging away and tearing the bodies of cattle or human beings which he had seized, should from childish pusillanimity be so overpowered with fear as to see nothing but the cruelty and ferocity of the lion; and overlooking or disregarding all the other qualities, should exclaim against the nature of this animal as not only evil, but a great evil, his fear adding to his vehemence.  But were he to see a tame lion, with its ferocity subdued, especially if he had never been frightened by a lion, he would have leisure, in the absence of danger and terror, to observe and admire the beauty of the animal.  My 147only remark on this is one closely connected with our subject:  that any nature may be in some case disagreeable, so as to excite hatred towards the whole nature; though it is clear that the form of a real living beast, even when it excites terror in the woods, is far better than that of the artificial imitation which is commended in a painting on the wall.  We must not then be misled into this error by Manichæus, or be hindered from observing the forms of the natures, by his finding fault with some things in them in such a way as to make us disapprove of them entirely, when it is impossible to show that they deserve entire disapproval.  And when our minds are thus composed and prepared to form a just judgment, we may ask whence come those evils which I have said that I condemn.  It will be easier to see this if we class them all under one name.

Chapter 35.—Evil Alone is Corruption.  Corruption is Not Nature, But Contrary to Nature.  Corruption Implies Previous Good.

39.  For who can doubt that the whole of that which is called evil is nothing else than corruption?  Different evils may, indeed, be called by different names; but that which is the evil of all things in which any evil is perceptible is corruption.  So the corruption of an educated mind is ignorance; the corruption of a prudent mind is imprudence; the corruption of a just mind, injustice; the corruption of a brave mind, cowardice; the corruption of a calm, peaceful mind, cupidity, fear, sorrow, pride.  Again, in a living body, the corruption of health is pain and disease; the corruption of strength is exhaustion; the corruption of rest is toil.  Again, in any corporeal thing, the corruption of beauty is ugliness; the corruption of straightness is crookedness; the corruption of order is confusion; the corruption of entireness is disseverance, or fracture, or diminution.  It would be long and laborious to mention by name all the corruptions of the things here mentioned, and of countless other things; for in many cases the words may apply to the mind as well as to the body, and in innumerable cases the corruption has a distinct name of its own.  But enough has been said to show that corruption does harm only as displacing the natural condition; and so, that corruption is not nature, but against nature.  And if corruption is the only evil to be found anywhere, and if corruption is not nature, no nature is evil.

40.  But if, perchance, you cannot follow this, consider again, that whatever is corrupted is deprived of some good:  for if it were not corrupted, it would be incorrupt; or if it could not in any way be corrupted, it would be incorruptible.  Now, if corruption is an evil, both incorruption and incorruptibility must be good things.  We are not, however, speaking at present of incorruptible nature, but of things which admit of corruption, and which, while not corrupted, may be called incorrupt, but not incorruptible.  That alone can be called incorruptible which not only is not corrupted, but also cannot in any part be corrupted.  Whatever things, then, being incorrupt, but liable to corruption, begin to be corrupted, are deprived of the good which they had as incorrupt.  Nor is this a slight good, for corruption is a great evil.  And the continued increase of corruption implies the continued presence of good, of which they may be deprived.  Accordingly, the natures supposed to exist in the region of darkness must have been either corruptible or incorruptible.  If they were incorruptible, they were in possession of a good than which nothing is higher.  If they were corruptible, they were either corrupted or not corrupted.  If they were not corrupted, they were incorrupt, to say which of anything is to give it great praise.  If they were corrupted, they were deprived of this great good of incorruption; but the deprivation implies the previous possession of the good they are deprived of; and if they possessed this good, they were not the perfection of evil, and consequently all the Manichæan story is a falsehood.

Chapter 36.—The Source of Evil or of Corruption of Good.

41.  After thus inquiring what evil is, and learning that it is not nature, but against nature, we must next inquire whence it is.  If Manichæus had done this, he might have escaped falling into the snare of these serious errors.  Out of time and out of order, he began with inquiring into the origin of evil, without first asking what evil was; and so his inquiry led him only to the reception of foolish fancies, of which the mind, much fed by the bodily senses, with difficulty rids itself.  Perhaps, then, some one, desiring no longer argument, but delivery from error, will ask, Whence is this corruption which we find to be the common evil of good things which are not incorruptible?  Such an inquirer will soon find the answer if he seeks for truth with great earnestness, and knocks reverently with sustained assiduity.  For while man can use words as a kind of sign for the expression of his thoughts, teaching is the work of the incorruptible Truth itself, who is the one true, the one internal Teacher.  He became ex148ternal also, that He might recall us from the external to the internal; and taking on Himself the form of a servant, that He might bring down His height to the knowledge of those rising up to Him, He condescended to appear in lowliness to the low.  In His name let us ask, and through Him let us seek mercy of the Father while making this inquiry.  For to answer in a word the question, Whence is corruption? it is hence, because these natures that are capable of corruption were not begotten by God, but made by Him out of nothing; and as we already proved that those natures are good, no one can say with propriety that they were not good as made by God.  If it is said that God made them perfectly good, it must be remembered that the only perfect good is God Himself, the maker of those good things.

Chapter 37.—God Alone Perfectly Good.

42.  What harm, you ask, would follow if those things too were perfectly good?  Still, should any one, who admits and believes the perfect goodness of God the Father, inquire what source we should reverently assign to any other perfectly good thing, supposing it to exist, our only correct reply would be, that it is of God the Father, who is perfectly good.  And we must bear in mind that what is of Him is born of Him, and not made by Him out of nothing, and that it is therefore perfectly, that is, incorruptibly, good like God Himself.  So we see that it is unreasonable to require that things made out of nothing should be as perfectly good as He who was begotten of God Himself, and who is one as God is one, otherwise God would have begotten something unlike Himself.  Hence it shows ignorance and impiety to seek for brethren for this only-begotten Son through whom all good things were made by the Father out of nothing, except in this, that He condescended to appear as man.  Accordingly in Scripture He is called both only-begotten and first-begotten; only-begotten of the Father, and first-begotten from the dead.  "And we beheld," says John, "His glory, the glory as of the only-begotten of the Father, full of grace and truth."285285     John i. 14.   And Paul says, "that He might be the first-born among many brethren."286286     Rom. viii. 29.

43.  But should we say, These things made out of nothing are not good things, but only God’s nature is good, we shall be unjust to good things of great value.  And there is impiety in calling it a defect in anything not to be what God is, and in denying a thing to be good because it is inferior to God.  Pray submit then, thou nature of the rational soul, to be somewhat less than God, but only so far less, that after Him nothing else is above thee.  Submit, I say, and yield to Him, lest He drive thee still lower into depths where the punishment inflicted will continually detract more and more from the good which thou hast.  Thou exaltest thyself against God, if thou art indignant at His preceding thee; and thou art very contumacious in thy thoughts of Him, if thou dost not rejoice unspeakably in the possession of this good, that He alone is above thee.  This being settled as certain, thou art not to say, God should have made me the only nature:  there should be no good thing after me.  It could not be that the next good thing to God should be the last.  And in this is seen most clearly how great dignity God conferred on thee, that He who in the order of nature alone rules over thee, made other good things for thee to rule over.  Nor be surprised that they are not now in all respects subject to thee, and that sometimes they pain thee; for thy Lord has greater authority over the things subject to thee than thou hast, as a master over the servants of his servants.  What wonder, then, if, when thou sinnest, that is, disobeyest thy Lord, the things thou before ruledst over are made instrumental in thy punishment?  For what is so just, or what is more just than God?  For this befell human nature in Adam, of whom this is not the place to speak.  Suffice it to say, the righteous Ruler acts in character both in just rewards and in just punishments, in the happiness of those who live rightly, and in the penalty inflicted on sinners.  Nor yet art thou287287     [Augustin still addresses himself to the "nature of the rational soul."—A.H.N.] left without mercy, since by an appointed distribution of things and times thou art called to return.  Thus the righteous control of the supreme Creator extends even to earthly good things, which are corrupted and restored, that thou mightest have consolations mingled with punishments; that thou mightest both praise God when delighted by the order of good things, and mightest take refuge in Him when tried by experience of evils.  So, as far as earthly things are subject to thee, they teach thee that thou art their ruler; as far as they distress thee, they teach thee to be subject to thy Lord.

Chapter 38.—Nature Made by God; Corruption Comes from Nothing.

44.  In this way, though corruption is an 149evil, and though it comes not from the Author of natures, but from their being made out of nothing, still, in God’s government and control over all that He has made, even corruption is so ordered that it hurts only the lowest natures, for the punishment of the condemned, and for the trial and instruction of the returning, that they may keep near to the incorruptible God, and remain incorrupt, which is our only good; as is said by the prophet, "But it is good for me that I keep near to God."288288     Ps. lxxiii. 28.   And you must not say, God did not make corruptible natures:  for, as far as they are natures, God made them; but as far as they are corruptible, God did not make them:  for corruption cannot come from Him who alone is incorruptible.  If you can receive this, give thanks to God; if you cannot, be quiet and do not condemn what you do not yet understand, but humbly wait on Him who is the light of the mind that thou mayest know.  For in the expression "corruptible nature" there are two words, and not one only.  So, in the expression, God made out of nothing, "God" and "nothing" are two separate words.  Render therefore to each of these words that which belongs to each, so that the word "nature" may go with the word "God,"and the word "corruptible" with the word "nothing."  And yet even the corruptions, though they have not their origin from God, are to be overruled by Him in accordance with the order of inanimate things and the deserts of His intelligent creatures.  Thus we say rightly that reward and punishment are both from God.  For God’s not making corruption is consistent with His giving over to corruption the man who deserves to be corrupted, that is, who has begun to corrupt himself by sinning, that he who has wilfully yielded to the allurements of corruption may, against his will, suffer its pains.

Chapter 39.—In What Sense Evils are from God.

45.  Not only is it written in the Old Testament, "I make good, and create evil;"289289     Ps. xlv. 7. but more clearly in the New Testament, where the Lord says, "Fear not them which kill the body, and have no more that they can do; but fear him who, after he has killed the body, has power to cast the soul into hell."290290     Matt. x. 28, and Luke xii. 4.   And that to voluntary corruption penal corruption is added in the divine judgment, is plainly declared by the Apostle Paul, when he says, "The temple of God is holy, which temple ye are; whoever corrupts the temple of God, him will God corrupt."291291     1 Cor. iii. 17.   If this had been said in the Old Law, how vehemently would the Manichæans have denounced it as making God a corrupter!  And from fear of the word, many Latin translators make it, "him shall God destroy," instead of corrupt, avoiding the offensive word without any change of meaning.  Although these would inveigh against any passage in the Old Law or the prophets if God was called in it a destroyer.  But the Greek original here shows that corrupt is the true word; for it is written distinctly, "Whoever corrupts the temple of God, him will God corrupt."  If the Manichæans are asked to explain the words, they will say, to escape making God a corrupter, that corrupt here means to give over to corruption, or some such explanation.  Did they read the Old Law in this spirit, they would both find many admirable things in it; and instead of spitefully attacking passages which they did not understand, they would reverently postpone the inquiry.

Chapter 40.—Corruption Tends to Non-Existence.

46.  But if any one does not believe that corruption comes from nothing, let him place before himself existence and non-existence—one, as it were, on one side, and the other on the other (to speak so as not to outstrip the slow to understand); then let him set something, say the body of an animal, between them, and let him ask himself whether, while the body is being formed and produced, while its size is increasing, while it gains nourishment, health, strength, beauty, stability, it is tending, as regards its duration and permanence, to this side or that, to existence or non-existence.  He will see without difficulty, that even in the rudimentary form there is an existence, and that the more the body is established and built up in form, and figure and strength, the more does it come to exist, and to tend to the side of existence.  Then, again, let the body begin to be corrupted; let its whole condition be enfeebled, let its vigor languish, its strength decay, its beauty be defaced, its framework be sundered, the consistency of its parts give way and go to pieces; and let him ask now where the body is tending in this corruption, whether to existence or non-existence:  he will not surely be so blind or stupid as to doubt how to answer himself, or as not to see that, in proportion as anything is corrupted, in that proportion it approaches decease.  But whatever tends to decease tends to non-existence.  Since, then, we must believe that God exists immutably and incorruptibly, while what is called nothing is clearly altogether non150existent; and since, after setting before yourself existence and non-existence, you have observed that the more a visible object increases the more it tends towards existence, while the more it is corrupted the more it tends towards non-existence, why are you at a loss to tell regarding any nature what in it is from God, and what from nothing; seeing that visible form is natural, and corruption against nature?  The increase of form leads to existence, and we acknowledge God as supreme existence; the increase of corruption leads to non-existence, and we know that what is non-existent is nothing.  Why then, I say, are you at a loss to tell regarding a corruptible nature, when you have both the words nature and corruptible, what is from God, and what from nothing?  And why do you inquire for a nature contrary to God, since, if you confess that He is the supreme existence, it follows that non-existence is contrary to Him?292292     [We have already encountered in the treatise Concerning two Souls, substantially the same course of argumentation here pursued.  The doctrine of the negativity of evil may be said to have been fundamental with Augustin, and he uses it very effectually against Manichæan dualism.—A.H.N.]

Chapter 41.—Corruption is by God’s Permission, and Comes from Us.

47.  You ask, Why does corruption take from nature what God has given to it?  It takes nothing but where God permits; and He permits in righteous and well-ordered judgment, according to the degrees of non-intelligent and the deserts of intelligent creatures.  The word uttered passes away as an object of sense, and perishes in silence; and yet the coming and going of these passing words make our speech, and the regular intervals of silence give pleasing and appropriate distinction; and so it is with temporal natures which have this lowest form of beauty, that transition gives them being, and the death of what they give birth to gives them individuality.  And if our sense and memory could rightly take in the order and proportions of this beauty, it would so please us, that we should not dare to give the name of corruptions to those imperfections which give rise to the distinction.  And when distress comes to us through their peculiar beauty, by the loss of beloved temporal things passing away, we both pay the penalty of our sins, and are exhorted to set our affection on eternal things.

Chapter 42.—Exhortation to the Chief Good.

48.  Let us, then, not seek in this beauty for what has not been given to it (and from not having what we seek for, this is the lowest form of beauty); and in that which has been given to it, let us praise God, because He has bestowed this great good of visible form even on the lowest degree of beauty.  And let us not cleave as lovers to this beauty, but as praisers of God let us rise above it; and from this superior position let us pronounce judgment on it, instead of so being bound up in it as to be judged along with it.  And let us hasten on to that good which has no motion in space or advancement in time, from which all natures in space and time receive their sensible being and their form.  To see this good let us purify our heart by faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, who says, "Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God."293293     Matt. v. 8.   For the eyes needed in order to see this good are not those with which we see the light spread through space, which has part in one place and part in another, instead of being all in every place.  The sight and the discernment we are to purify is that by which we see, as far as is allowed in this life, what is just, what is pious, what is the beauty of wisdom.  He who sees these things, values them far above the fullness of all regions in space, and finds that the vision of these things requires not the extension of his perception through distances in space, but its invigoration by an immaterial influence.294294     [The Neo-Platonic quality of this section cannot escape the attention of the philosophical student.—A.H.N.]

Chapter 43.—Conclusion.

49.  And as this vision is greatly hindered by those fancies which are originated by the carnal sense, and are retained and modified by the imagination, let us abhor this heresy which has been led by faith in its fancies to represent the divine substance as extended and diffused through space, even through infinite space, and to cut short one side so as to make room for evil,—not being able to perceive that evil is not nature, but against nature; and to beautify this very evil with such visible appearance, and forms, and consistency of parts prevailing in its several natures, not being able to conceive of any nature without those good things, that the evils found fault with in it are buried under a countless abundance of good things.

Here let us close this part of the treatise.  The other absurdities of Manichæus will be exposed in what follows, by the permission and help of God.295295     Vide Preface.

151

St. AUGUSTIN:

reply to

faustus the manichæan,

[contra faustum manichæum].

A.D. 400.

translated by

rev. richard stothert, m.a.,

bombay

155

Reply to Faustus the Manichæan.

[Contra Faustum Manichæum.] a.d. 400.

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Written about the year 400.  [Faustus was undoubtedly the acutest, most determined and most unscrupulous opponent of orthodox Christianity in the age of Augustin.  The occasion of Augustin’s great writing against him was the publication of Faustus’ attack on the Old Testament Scriptures, and on the New Testament so far as it was at variance with Manichæan error.  Faustus seems to have followed in the footsteps of Adimantus, against whom Augustin had written some years before, but to have gone considerably beyond Adimantus in the recklessness of his statements.  The incarnation of Christ, involving his birth from a woman, is one of the main points of attack.  He makes the variations in the genealogical records of the Gospels a ground for rejecting the whole as spurious.  He supposed the Gospels, in their present form, to be not the works of the Apostles, but rather of later Judaizing falsifiers.  The entire Old Testament system he treats with the utmost contempt, blaspheming the Patriarchs, Moses, the Prophets, etc., on the ground of their private lives and their teachings.  Most of the objections to the morality of the Old Testament that are now current were already familiarly used in the time of Augustin.  Augustin’s answers are only partially satisfactory, owing to his imperfect view of the relation of the old dispensation to the new; but in the age in which they were written they were doubtless very effective.  The writing is interesting from the point of view of Biblical criticism, as well as from that of polemics against Manichæism.—A.H.N.]

Book I.

Who Faustus was.  Faustus’s object in writing the polemical treatise that forms the basis of Augustin’s reply.  Augustin’s remarks thereon.

1.  Faustus was an African by race, a citizen of Mileum; he was eloquent and clever, but had adopted the shocking tenets of the Manichæan heresy.  He is mentioned in my Confessions,296296     Confessions, v. 3, 6. where there is an account of my acquaintance with him.  This man published a certain volume against the true Christian faith and the Catholic truth.  A copy reached us, and was read by the brethren, who called for an answer from me, as part of the service of love which I owe to them.  Now, therefore, in the name and with the help of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, I undertake the task, that all my readers may know that acuteness of mind and elegance of style are of no use to a man unless the Lord directs his steps.297297     Ps. xxxvii. 23.   In the mysterious equity of divine mercy, God often bestows His help on the slow and the feeble; while from the want of this help, the most acute and eloquent run into error only 156with greater rapidity and willfulness.  I will give the opinions of Faustus as if stated by himself, and mine as if in reply to him.

2.  Faustus said:  As the learned Adimantus, the only teacher since the sainted Manichæus deserving of our attention, has plentifully exposed and thoroughly refuted the errors of Judaism and of semi-Christianity, I think it not amiss that you should be supplied in writing with brief and pointed replies to the captious objections of our adversaries, that when, like children of the wily serpent, they try to bewilder you with their quibbles, you may be prepared to give intelligent answers.  In this way they will be kept to the subject, instead of wandering from one thing to another.  And I have placed our opinions and those of our opponent over against one another, as plainly and briefly as possible, so as not to perplex the reader with a long and intricate discourse.

3.  Augustin replies:  You warn against semi-Christians, which you say we are; but we warn against pseudo-Christians, which we have shown you to be.  Semi-Christianity may be imperfect without being false.  So, then, if the faith of those whom you try to mislead is imperfect, would it not be better to supply what is lacking than to rob them of what they have?  It was to imperfect Christians that the apostle wrote, "joying and beholding your conversation," and "the deficiency in your faith in Christ."298298     Col. ii. 5; cf. 1 Thess. iii. 10.   The apostle had in view a spiritual structure, as he says elsewhere, "Ye are God’s building;"299299     1 Cor. iii. 9. and in this structure he found both a reason for joy and a reason for exertion.  He rejoiced to see part already finished; and the necessity of bringing the edifice to perfection called for exertion.  Imperfect Christians as we are, you pursue us with the desire to pervert what you call our semi-Christianity by false doctrine; while even those who are so deficient in faith as to be unable to reply to all your sophisms, are wise enough at least to know that they must not have anything at all to do with you.  You look for semi-Christians to deceive:  we wish to prove you pseudo-Christians, that Christians may learn something from your refutation, and that the less advanced may learn to avoid you.  Do you call us children of the serpent?  You have surely forgotten how often you have found fault with the prohibition in Paradise, and have praised the serpent for opening Adam’s eyes.  You have the better claim to the title which you give us.  The serpent owns you as well when you blame him as when you praise him.

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Book II.

Faustus claims to believe the Gospel, yet refuses to accept the genealogical tables on various grounds which Augustin seeks to set aside.

1.  Faustus said:  Do I believe the gospel?  Certainly.  Do I therefore believe that Christ was born?  Certainly not.  It does not follow that because I believe the gospel, as I do, I must therefore believe that Christ was born.  This I do not believe; because Christ does not say that He was born of men, and the gospel, both in name and in fact, begins with Christ’s preaching.  As for the genealogy, the author himself does not venture to call it the gospel.  For what did he write?  "The book of the generation of Jesus Christ the Son of David."300300     Matt. i. 1.   The book of the generation is not the book of the gospel.  It is more like a birth-register, the star confirming the event.  Mark, on the other hand, who recorded the preaching of the Son of God, without any genealogy, begins most suitably with the words, "The gospel of Jesus Christ the Son of God."  It is plain that the genealogy is not the gospel.  Matthew himself says, that after John was put in prison, Jesus began to preach the gospel of the kingdom; so that what is mentioned before this is the genealogy, and not the gospel.  Why did not Matthew begin with, "The gospel of Jesus Christ the Son of God," but because he thought it sinful to call the genealogy the gospel?  Understand, then, what you have hitherto overlooked —the distinction between the genealogy and the gospel.  Do I then admit the truth of the gospel?  Yes; understanding by the gospel the preaching of Christ.  I have plenty to say about the generations too, if you wish.  But you seem to me now to wish to know not whether I accept the gospel, but whether I accept the generations.

2.  Augustin replied:  Well, in answer to your 157own questions, you tell us first that you believe the gospel, and next, that you do not believe in the birth of Christ; and your reason is, that the birth of Christ is not in the gospel.  What, then, will you answer the apostle when he says, "Remember that Christ Jesus rose from the dead, of the seed of David, according to my gospel?"301301     2 Tim. ii. 8.   You surely are ignorant, or pretend to be ignorant, what the gospel is.  You use the word, not as the apostle teaches, but as suits your own errors.  What the apostles call the gospel you depart from; for you do not believe that Christ was of the seed of David.  This was Paul’s gospel; and it was also the gospel of the other apostles, and of all faithful stewards of so great a mystery.  For Paul says elsewhere, "Whether, therefore, I or they, so we preach, and so ye believed."302302     1 Cor. xv. 11.   They did not all write the gospel, but they all preached it.  The name evangelist is properly given to the narrators of the birth, the actions, the words, the sufferings of our Lord Jesus Christ.  The word gospel means good news, and might be used of any good news, but is properly applied to the narrative of the Saviour.  If, then, you teach something different, you must have departed from the gospel.  Assuredly those babes whom you despise as semi-Christians will oppose you, when they hear their mother Charity declaring by the mouth of the apostle, "If any one preach another gospel than that which we have preached to you, let him be accursed."303303     Gal. i. 8, 9.   Since, then, Paul, according to his gospel, preached that Christ was of the seed of David, and you deny this and preach something else, may you be accursed!  And what can you mean by saying that Christ never declares Himself to have been born of men, when on every occasion He calls Himself the Son of man?

3.  You learned men, forsooth, dress up for our benefit some wonderful First Man, who came down from the race of light to war with the race of darkness, armed with his waters against the waters of the enemy, and with his fire against their fire, and with his winds against their winds.  And why not with his smoke against their smoke, and with his darkness against their darkness?  According to you, he was armed against smoke with air, and against darkness with light.  So it appears that smoke and darkness are bad, since they could not belong to his goodness.  The other three, again—water, wind, and fire—are good.  How, then, could these belong to the evil of the enemy?  You reply that the water of the race of darkness was evil, while that which the First Man brought was good; and so, too, his good wind and fire fought against the evil wind and fire of the adversary.  But why could he not bring good smoke against evil smoke?  Your falsehoods seem to vanish in smoke.  Well, your First Man warred against an opposite nature.  And yet only one of the five things he brought was the opposite of what the hostile race had.  The light was opposed to the darkness, but the four others are not opposed to one another.  Air is not the opposite of smoke, and still less is water the opposite of water, or wind of wind, or fire of fire.

4.  One is shocked at your wild fancies about this First Man changing the elements which he brought, that he might conquer his enemies by pleasing them.  So you make what you call the kingdom of falsehood keep honestly to its own nature, while truth is changeable in order to deceive.  Jesus Christ, according to you, is the son of this First Man.  Truth springs, forsooth, from your fiction.  You praise this First Man for using changeable and delusive forms in the contest.  If you, then, speak the truth, you do not imitate him.  If you imitate him, you deceive as he did.  But our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the true and truthful Son of God, the true and truthful Son of man, both of which He testifies of Himself, derived the eternity of His godhead from true God, and His incarnation from true man.  Your First Man is not the first man of the apostle.  "The first man," he says, "was of the earth, earthy; the second man is from heaven, heavenly.  As is the earthy, such are they also that are earthy; as is the heavenly, such are they also that are heavenly.  As we have borne the image of the earthy, let us also bear the image of the heavenly."304304     1 Cor. xv. 47-49.   The first man of the earth, earthy, is Adam, who was made of dust.  The second man from heaven, heavenly, is the Lord Jesus Christ; for, being the Son of God, He became flesh that He might be a man outwardly, while He remained God within; that He might be both the true Son of God, by whom we were made, and the true Son of man, by whom we are made anew.  Why do you conjure up this fabulous First Man of yours, and refuse to acknowledge the first man of the apostle?  Is this not a fulfillment of what the apostle says:  "Turning away their ears from the truth, they will give heed to fables?"305305     2 Tim. iv. 4.   According to Paul, the first man is of the earth, earthy; according to Manichæus, he is not earthy, and is equipped with five elements of some unreal, unintelligible kind.  Paul says:  "If any one should 158have announced to you differently from what we have announced let him be accursed."  Therefore lest Paul be a liar, let Manichæus be accursed.

5.  Again, you find fault with the star by which the Magi were led to worship the infant Christ, which you should be ashamed of doing, when you represent your fabulous Christ, the son of your fabulous First Man not as announced by a star, but as bound up in all the stars.306306     [This mixture of the substance of Primordial Man, with the kingdom of darkness, and the formation of stars out of portions thereof, was probably a part of primitive Manichæan teaching.—A.H.N.]   For you say that he mingled with the principles of darkness in his conflict with the race of darkness, that by capturing these principles the world might be made out of the mixture.  So that, by your profane fancies, Christ is not only mingled with heaven and all the stars, but conjoined and compounded with the earth and all its productions,307307     [Compare Book xx. 2, where Faustus states the Manichæan doctrine of the Jesus patabilis.  Beausobre, Mosheim and Baur agree in thinking that Augustin has not distinguished accurately in these two passages between names Christ and Jesus, as used by the Manichæans.  See BaurDas Manichäische Religionssystem, p. 72.—A.H.N.] —a Saviour no more, but needing to be saved by you, by your eating and disgorging Him.

This foolish custom of making your disciples bring you food, that your teeth and stomach may be the means of relieving Christ, who is bound up in it, is a consequence of your profane fancies.  You declare that Christ is liberated in this way—not, however, entirely; for you hold that some tiny particles of no value still remain in the excrement, to be mixed up and compounded again and again in various material forms, and to be released and purified at any rate by the fire in which the world will be burned up, if not before.  Nay, even then, you say, Christ is not entirely liberated; but some extreme particles of His good and divine nature, which have been so defiled that they cannot be cleansed, are condemned to stay for ever in the horrid mass of darkness.  And these people pretend to be offended with our saying that a star announced the birth of the Son of God, as if this were placing His birth under the influence of a constellation; while they subject Him not to stars only, but to such polluting contact with all material things, with the juices of all vegetables, and with the decay of all flesh, and with the decomposition of all food, in which He is bound up, that the only way of releasing Him, at least one great means, is that men, that is the Elect of the Manichæans, should succeed in digesting their dinner.

We, too, deny the influence of the stars upon the birth of any man; for we maintain that, by the just law of God, the free-will of man, which chooses good or evil, is under no constraint of necessity.  How much less do we subject to any constellation the incarnation of the eternal Creator and Lord of all!  When Christ was born after the flesh, the star which the Magi saw had no power as governing, but attended as a witness.  Instead of assuming control over Him, it acknowledged Him by the homage it did.  Besides, this star was not one of those which from the beginning of the world continue in the course ordained by the Creator.  Along with the new birth from the Virgin appeared a new star, which served as a guide to the Magi who were themselves seeking for Christ; for it went before them till they reached the place where they found the Word of God in the form of a child.  But what astrologer ever thought of making a star leave its course, and come down to the child that is born, as they imagine, under it?  They think that the stars affect the birth, not that the birth changes the course of the stars; so, if the star in the Gospel was one of those heavenly bodies, how could it determine Christ’s action, when it was compelled to change its own action at Christ’s birth?  But if, as is more likely, a star which did not exist before appeared to point out Christ, it was the effect of Christ’s birth, and not the cause of it.  Christ was not born because the star was there; but the star was there because Christ was born.  If there was any fate, it was in the birth, and not in the star.  The word fate is derived from a word which means to speak; and since Christ is the Word of God by which all things were spoken before they were, the conjunction of stars is not the fate of Christ, but Christ is the fate of the stars.  The same will that made the heavens took our earthly nature.  The same power that ruled the stars laid down His life and took it again.

6.  Why, then, should the narrative of the birth not be the gospel, since it conveys such good news as heals our malady?  Is it because Matthew begins, not like Mark, with the words, "The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ," but, "The book of the generation of Jesus Christ?"  In this way, John, too, might be said not to have written the gospel, for he has not the words, Beginning of the gospel, or Book of the gospel, but, "In the beginning was the Word."  Perhaps the clever word-maker Faustus will call the introduction in John a Verbidium, as he called that in Matthew a Genesidium.  The wonder is, that you are so impudent as to give the name of gospel to your silly stories.  What good 159news is there in telling us that, in the conflict against some strange hostile nation, God could protect His own kingdom only by sending part of His own nature into the greedy jaws of the former, and to be so defiled, that after all those toils and tortures it cannot all be purged?  Is this bad news the gospel?  Every one who has even a slender knowledge of Greek knows that gospel means good news.  But where is your good news, when your God himself is said to weep as under eclipse till the darkness and defilement are removed from his members?  And when he ceases to weep, it seems he becomes cruel.  For what has that part of him which is to be involved in the mass done to deserve this condemnation?  This part must go on weeping for ever.  But no; whoever examines this news will not weep because it is bad, but will laugh because it is not true.

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Book III.

Faustus objects to the incarnation of God on the ground that the evangelists are at variance with each other, and that incarnation is unsuitable to deity.  Augustin attempts to remove the critical and theological difficulties.

1.  Faustus said:  Do I believe in the incarnation?  For my part, this is the very thing I long tried to persuade myself of, that God was born; but the discrepancy in the genealogies of Luke and Matthew stumbled me, as I knew not which to follow.  For I thought it might happen that, from not being omniscient, I might take the true for false, and the false for true.  So, in despair of settling this dispute, I betook myself to Mark and John, two authorities still, and evangelists as much as the others.  I approved with good reason of the beginning of Mark and John, for they have nothing of David, or Mary, or Joseph.  John says, "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God," meaning Christ.  Mark says, "The gospel of Jesus Christ, the Son of God," as if correcting Matthew, who calls him the Son of David.  Perhaps, however, the Jesus of Matthew is a different person from the Jesus of Mark.  This is my reason for not believing in the birth of Christ.

Remove this difficulty, if you can, by harmonizing the accounts, and I am ready to yield.  In any case, however, it is hardly consistent to believe that God, the God of Christians, was born from the womb.

2.  Augustin replied:  Had you read the Gospel with care, and inquired into those places where you found opposition, instead of rashly condemning them, you would have seen that the recognition of the authority of the evangelists by so many learned men all over the world, in spite of this most obvious discrepancy, proves that there is more in it than appears at first sight.  Any one can see, as well as you, that the ancestors of Christ in Matthew and Luke are different; while Joseph appears in both, at the end in Matthew and at the beginning in Luke.  Joseph, it is plain, might be called the father of Christ, on account of his being in a certain sense the husband of the mother of Christ; and so his name, as the male representative, appears at the beginning or end of the genealogies.  Any one can see as well as you that Joseph has one father in Matthew and another in Luke, and so with the grandfather and with all the rest up to David.  Did all the able and learned men, not many Latin writers certainly, but innumerable Greek, who have examined most attentively the sacred Scriptures, overlook this manifest difference?  Of course they saw it.  No one can help seeing it.  But with a due regard to the high authority of Scripture, they believed that there was something here which would be given to those that ask, and denied to those that snarl; would be found by those that seek, and taken away from those that criticise; would be open to those that knock, and shut against those that contradict.  They asked, sought, and knocked; they received, found, and entered in.

3.  The whole question is how Joseph had two fathers.  Supposing this possible, both genealogies may be correct.  With two fathers, why not two grandfathers, and two great-grandfathers, and so on, up to David, who was the father both of Solomon, who is mentioned in Matthew’s list, and of Nathan, who occurs in Luke?  This is the difficulty with many people who think it impossible that two men should have one and the same son, forgetting the very obvious fact that a man may be called the son of the person who adopted him as well as of the person who begot him.

Adoption, we know, was familiar to the an160cients; for even women adopted the children of other women, as Sarah adopted Ishmael, and Leah her handmaid’s son, and Pharaoh’s daughter Moses.  Jacob, too, adopted his grandsons, the children of Joseph.  Moreover, the word adoption is of great importance in the system of our faith, as is seen from the apostolic writings.  For the Apostle Paul, speaking of the advantages of the Jews, says:  "Whose are the adoption, and the glory, and the covenants, and the giving of the law; whose are the fathers, and of whom, according to the flesh, Christ came, who is over all, God blessed for ever."308308     Rom. ix. 4, 5.   And again:  "We ourselves also groan within ourselves, waiting for the adoption of the sons of God, even the redemption of the body."309309     Rom. viii. 23.   Again, elsewhere:  "But in the fullness of time, God sent His Son, made of a woman, made under the law, that we might receive the adoption of sons."310310     Gal. iv. 4, 5.   These passages show clearly that adoption is a significant symbol.  God has an only Son, whom He begot from His own substance, of whom it is said, "Being in the form of God, He thought it not robbery to be equal to God."311311     Phil. ii. 6.   Us He begot not of His own substance, for we belong to the creation which is not begotten, but made; but that He might make us the brothers of Christ, He adopted us.  That act, then, by which God, when we were not born of Him, but created and formed, begot us by His word and grace, is called adoption.  So John says, "He gave them power to become the sons of God."312312     John i. 12.

Since, therefore; the practice of adoption is common among our fathers, and in Scripture, is there not irrational profanity in the hasty condemnation of the evangelists as false because the genealogies are different, as if both could not be true, instead of considering calmly the simple fact that frequently in human life one man may have two fathers, one of whose flesh he is born, and another of whose will he is afterwards made a son by adoption?  If the second is not rightly called father, neither are we right in saying, "Our Father which art in heaven," to Him of whose substance we were not born, but of whose grace and most merciful will we were adopted, according to apostolic doctrine, and truth most sure.  For one is to us God, and Lord, and Father:  God, for by Him we are created, though of human parents; Lord, for we are His subjects; Father, for by His adoption we are born again.  Careful students of sacred Scripture easily saw, from a little consideration, how, in the different genealogies of the two evangelists, Joseph had two fathers, and consequently two lists of ancestors.  You might have seen this too, if you had not been blinded by the love of contradiction.  Other things far beyond your understanding have been discovered in the careful investigation of all parts of these narratives.  The familiar occurrence of one man begetting a son and another adopting him, so that one man has two fathers, you might, in spite of Manichæan error, have thought of as an explanation, if you had not been reading in a hostile spirit.

4.  But why Matthew begins with Abraham and descends to Joseph, while Luke begins with Joseph and ascends, not to Abraham, but to God, who made man, and, by giving a commandment, gave him power to become, by believing, a son of God; and why Matthew records the generations at the commencement of his book, Luke after the baptism of the Saviour by John; and what is the meaning of the number of the generations in Matthew, who divides them into three sections of fourteen each, though in the whole sum there appears to be one wanting; while in Luke the number of generations recorded after the baptism amount to seventy-seven, which number the Lord Himself enjoins in connection with the forgiveness of sins, saying, "Not only seven times, but seventy-seven times;"—these things you will never understand, unless either you are taught by some Catholic of superior stamp, who has studied the sacred Scriptures, and has made all the progress possible, or you yourselves turn from your error, and in a Christian spirit ask that you may receive, seek that you may find, and knock that it may be opened to you.

5.  Since, then, this double fatherhood of nature and adoption removes the difficulty arising from the discrepancy of the genealogies, there is no occasion for Faustus to leave the two evangelists and betake himself to the other two, which would be a greater affront to those he betook himself to than to those he left.  For the sacred writers do not desire to be favored at the expense of their brethren.  For their joy is in union, and they are one in Christ; and if one says one thing, and another another, or one in one way and another in another, still they all speak truth, and in no way contradict one another; only let the reader be reverent and humble, not in an heretical spirit seeking occasion for strife, but with a believing heart desiring edification.  Now, in this opinion that the evangelists give the ancestors of different fathers, as it is quite possible for a man to have two fathers, there is nothing inconsistent with truth.  So the evangelists are harmonized, and you, by Faustus’s promise are bound to yield at once.

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6.  You may perhaps be troubled by that additional remark which he makes:  "In any case, however, it is hardly consistent to believe that God, the God of Christians, was born from the womb."  As if we believed that the divine nature came from the womb of a woman.  Have I not just quoted the testimony of the apostle, speaking of the Jews:  "Whose are the fathers, and of whom, according to the flesh, Christ came, who is God over all, blessed for ever?"  Christ, therefore, our Lord and Saviour, true Son of God in His divinity, and true son of man according to the flesh, not as He is God over all was born of a woman, but in that feeble nature which He took of us, that in it He might die for us, and heal it in us:  not as in the form of God, in which He thought it not robbery to be equal to God, was He born of a woman, but in the form of a servant, in taking which He emptied Himself.  He is therefore said to have emptied Himself because He took the form of a servant, not because He lost the form of God.  For in the unchangeable possession of that nature by which in the form of God He is equal to the Father, He took our changeable nature, by which He might be born of a virgin.  You, while you protest against putting the flesh of Christ in a virgin’s womb, place the very divinity of God in the womb not only of human beings, but of dogs and swine.  You refuse to believe that the flesh of Christ was conceived in the Virgin’s womb, in which God was not found nor even changed; while you assert that in all men and beasts, in the seed of male and in the womb of female, in all conceptions on land or in water, an actual part of God and the divine nature is continually bound, and shut up, and contaminated, never to be wholly set free.313313     [It cannot be said that Augustin adequately meets the difficulty that Faustus finds in the genealogies of our Lord.  Cf. HerveyThe Genealogies of Our Lord, and the recent commentaries, such as Meyer’s, Lange’s, The International Revision, and especially Broadus on Matthew.—A.H.N.]

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Book IV.

Faustus’s reasons for rejecting the Old Testament, and Augustin’s animadversions thereon.

1.  Faustus said:  Do I believe the Old Testament?  If it bequeaths anything to me, I believe it; if not, I reject it.  It would be an excess of forwardness to take the documents of others which pronounce me disinherited.  Remember that the promise of Canaan in the Old Testament is made to Jews, that is, to the circumcised, who offer sacrifice, and abstain from swine’s flesh, and from the other animals which Moses pronounces unclean, and observe Sabbaths, and the feast of unleavened bread, and other things of the same kind which the author of the Testament enjoined.  Christians have not adopted these observances, and no one keeps them; so that if we will not take the inheritance, we should surrender the documents.  This is my first reason for rejecting the Old Testament, unless you teach me better.  My second reason is, that this inheritance is such a poor fleshly thing, without any spiritual blessings, that after the New Testament, and its glorious promise of the kingdom of heaven and eternal life, I think it not worth the taking.

2.  Augustin replied:  No one doubts that promises of temporal things are contained in the Old Testament, for which reason it is called the Old Testament; or that the kingdom of heaven and the promise of eternal life belong to the New Testament.  But that in these temporal things were figures of future things which should be fulfilled in us upon whom the ends of the ages are come, is not my fancy, but the judgment of the apostle, when he says of such things, "These things were our examples;" and again, "These things happened to them for an example, and they are written for us on whom the ends of the ages are come."314314     1 Cor. x. 6, 11.   We receive the Old Testament, therefore, not in order to obtain the fulfillment of these promises, but to see in them predictions of the New Testament; for the Old bears witness to the New.  Whence the Lord, after He rose from the dead, and allowed His disciples not only to see but to handle Him, still, lest they should doubt their mortal and fleshly senses, gave them further confirmation from the testimony of the ancient books, saying, "It was necessary that all things should be fulfilled which were written in the law of Moses, and in the Prophets and Psalms, concerning me."315315     Luke xxiv. 44.  Our hope, therefore, rests not on the promise of temporal 162things.  Nor do we believe that the holy and spiritual men of these times—the patriarchs and prophets—were taken up with earthly things.  For they understood, by the revelation of the Spirit of God, what was suitable for that time, and how God appointed all these sayings and actions as types and predictions of the future.  Their great desire was for the New Testament; but they had a personal duty to perform in those predictions, by which the new things of the future were foretold.  So the life as well as the tongue of these men was prophetic.  The carnal people, indeed, thought only of present blessings, though even in connection with the people there were prophecies of the future.

These things you do not understand, because, as the prophet said, "Unless you believe, you shall not understand."316316     Isa. vii. 9.   For you are not instructed in the kingdom of heaven,—that is, in the true Catholic Church of Christ.  If you were, you would bring forth from the treasure of the sacred Scriptures things old as well as new.  For the Lord Himself says, "Therefore every scribe instructed in the kingdom of heaven is like an householder who brings forth from his treasure things new and old."317317     Matt. xiii. 52.   And so, while you profess to receive only the new promises of God, you have retained the oldness of the flesh, adding only the novelty of error; of which novelty the apostle says, "Shun profane novelties of words, for they increase unto more ungodliness, and their speech eats like a cancer.  Of whom is Hymenæus and Philetus, who concerning the faith have erred, saying that the resurrection is past already, and have overthrown the faith of some." 318318     2 Tim. ii. 16-18.   Here you see the source of your false doctrine, in teaching that the resurrection is only of souls by the preaching of the truth, and that there will be no resurrection of the body.  But how can you understand spiritual things of the inner man, who is renewed in the knowledge of God, when in the oldness of the flesh, if you do not possess temporal things, you concoct fanciful notions about them in those images of carnal things of which the whole of your false doctrine consists?  You boast of despising as worthless the land of Canaan, which was an actual thing, and actually given to the Jews; and yet you tell of a land of light cut asunder on one side, as by a narrow wedge, by the land of the race of darkness,—a thing which does not exist, and which you believe from the delusion of your minds; so that your life is not supported by having it, and your mind is wasted in desiring it.319319     [A good argumentum ad hominem, a species of argument which Augustin is fond of using.—A.H.N.]

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Book V.

Faustus claims that the Manichæans and not the Catholics are consistent believers in the Gospel, and seeks to establish this claim by comparing Manichæan and Catholic obedience to the precepts of the Gospel.  Augustin exposes the hypocrisy of the Manichæans and praises the asceticism of Catholics.

1.  Faustus said:  Do I believe the gospel?  You ask me if I believe it, though my obedience to its commands shows that I do.  I should rather ask you if you believe it, since you give no proof of your belief.  I have left my father, mother, wife, and children, and all else that the gospel requires;320320     Matt. xix. 29. and do you ask if I believe the gospel?  Perhaps you do not know what is called the gospel.  The gospel is nothing else than the preaching and the precept of Christ.  I have parted with all gold and silver, and have left off carrying money in my purse; content with daily food; without anxiety for tomorrow; and without solicitude about how I shall be fed, or where-withal I shall be clothed:  and do you ask if I believe the gospel?  You see in me the blessings of the gospel; 321321     Matt. v. 3-11. and do you ask if I believe the gospel?  You see me poor, meek, a peacemaker, pure in heart, mourning, hungering, thirsting, bearing persecutions and enmity for righteousness’ sake; and do you doubt my belief in the gospel?  One can understand now how John the Baptist, after seeing Jesus, and also hearing of His works, yet asked whether He was Christ.  Jesus properly and justly did not deign to reply that He was; but reminded him of the works of which he had already heard:  "The blind see, the deaf hear, the dead are raised."322322     Matt. xi. 2-6. 163In the same way, I might very well reply to your question whether I believe the gospel, by saying, I have left all, father, mother, wife, children, gold, silver, eating, drinking, luxuries, pleasures; take this as a sufficient answer to your questions, and believe that you will be blessed if you are not offended in me.323323     [This is a good description of ideal Manichæan religious life.  Whether Faustus lived up to the claims here set forth is another question.—A.H.N.]

2.  But, according to you, to believe the gospel is not only to obey its commands, but also to believe in all that is written in it; and, first of all, that God was born.  But neither is believing the gospel only to believe that Jesus was born, but also to do what He commands.  So, if you say that I do not believe the gospel because I disbelieve the incarnation, much more do you not believe because you disregard the commandments.  At any rate, we are on a par till these questions are settled.  If your disregard of the precepts does not prevent you from professing faith in the gospel, why should my rejection of the genealogy prevent me?  And if, as you say, to believe the gospel includes both faith in the genealogies and obedience to the precepts, why do you condemn me, since we both are imperfect?  What one wants the other has.  But if, as there can be no doubt, belief in the gospel consists solely in obedience to the commands of God, your sin is twofold.  As the proverb says, the deserter accuses the soldier.  But suppose, since you will have it so, that there are these two parts of perfect faith, one consisting in word, or the confession that Christ was born, the other in deed or the observance of the precepts; it is plain that my part is hard and painful, yours light and easy.  It is natural that the multitude should flock to you and away from me, for they know not that the kingdom of God is not in word, but in power.  Why, then, do you blame me for taking the harder part, and leaving to you, as to a weak brother, the easy part?  You have the idea that your part of faith, or confessing that Christ was born, has more power to save the soul than the other parts.

3.  Let us then ask Christ Himself, and learn from His own mouth, what is the chief means of our salvation.  Who shall enter, O Christ, into Thy kingdom?  He that doeth the will of my Father in heaven,324324     Matt. vii. 21. is His reply; not, "He that confesses that I was born."  And again, He says to His disciples, "Go, teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, teaching them to observe all things which I have commanded you."325325     Matt. xxviii. 19, 20.   It is not, "teaching them that I was born," but, "to observe my commandments."  Again, "Ye are my friends if ye do what I command you;"326326     John xv. 14. not, "if you believe that I was born."  Again, "If ye keep my commandments, ye shall abide in my love,"327327     John xv. 10. and in many other places.  Also in the sermon on the mount, when He taught, "Blessed are the poor, blessed are the meek, blessed are the peacemakers, blessed are the pure in heart, blessed are they that mourn, blessed are they that hunger, blessed are they that are persecuted for righteousness’ sake,"328328     Matt v. 3-10. He nowhere says, "Blessed are they that confess that I was born."  And in the separation of the sheep from the goats in the judgment, He says that He will say to them on the right hand, "I was hungry, and ye gave me meat; I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink,"329329     Matt. xxv. 35. and so on; therefore "inherit the kingdom."  Not, "Because ye believe that I was born, inherit the kingdom."  Again, to the rich man seeking for eternal life, He says, "Go, sell all that thou hast, and follow me;"330330     Matt. xix. 21. not, "Believe that I was born, that you may have eternal life."  You see, the kingdom, life, happiness, are everywhere promised to the part I have chosen of what you call the two parts of faith, and nowhere to your part.  Show, if you can, a place where it is written that whoso confesses that Christ was born of a woman is blessed, or shall inherit the kingdom, or have eternal life.  Even supposing, then, that there are two parts of faith, your part has no blessing.  But what if we prove that your part is not a part of faith at all?  It will follow that you are foolish, which indeed will be proved beyond a doubt.  At present, it is enough to have shown that our part is crowned with the beatitudes.  Besides, we have also a beatitude for a confession in words:  for we confess that Jesus Christ is the Son of the living God; and Jesus declares with His own lips that this confession has a benediction, when He says to Peter, "Blessed art thou, Simon Barjona; for flesh and blood hath not revealed this unto thee, but my Father which is in heaven."331331     Matt. xvi. 7.   So that we have not one, but both these parts of faith, and in both alike are we pronounced blessed by Christ; for in one we reduce faith to practice, while in the other our confession is unmixed with blasphemy.

4.  Augustin replied:  I have already said that the Lord Jesus Christ repeatedly calls Himself the Son of man, and that the Manichæans have contrived a silly story about some fabulous First Man, who figures in their impious heresy, not earthly, but combined 164with spurious elements, in opposition to the apostle, who says, "The first man is of the earth, earthy;"332332     1 Cor. xv. 47. and that the apostle carefully warns us, "If any one preaches to you differently from what we have preached, let him be accursed."333333     Gal. i. 8, 9.   So that we must believe Christ to be the Son of man according to apostolic truth, not according to Manichæan error.  And since the evangelists assert that Christ was born of a woman, of the seed of David, and Paul writing to Timothy says, "Remember that Jesus Christ, of the seed of David, was raised from the dead, according to my gospel,"334334     2 Tim. ii. 8. it is clear what sense we must believe Christ to be the Son of man; for being the Son of God by whom we were made, He also by His incarnation became the Son of man, that He might die for our sins, and rise again for our justification.335335     Rom. iv. 25.   Accordingly He calls Himself both Son of God and Son of man.  To take only one instance out of many, in the Gospel of John it is written, "Verily, verily, I say unto you, The hour cometh, and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of God; and they that hear shall live.  For as the Father hath life in Himself, so He hath given to the Son to have life in Himself; and hath given Him power to execute judgment also, because He is the Son of man." 336336     John v. 25-27.   He says, "They shall hear the voice of the Son of God;" and He says, "because He is the Son of man."  As the Son of man, He has received power to execute judgment, because He will come to judgment in human form, that He may be seen by the good and the wicked.  In this form He ascended into heaven, and that voice was heard by His disciples, "He shall so come as ye have seen Him go into heaven."337337     Acts. i. 14.   As the Son of God, as God equal to and one with the Father, He will not be seen by the wicked; for "blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God."  Since, then, He promises eternal life to those that believe in Him, and since to believe in Him is to believe in the true Christ, such as He declares Himself and His apostles declare Him to be, true Son of God and true Son of man; you, Manichæans, who believe on a false and spurious son of a false and spurious man, and teach that God Himself, from fear of the assault of the hostile race, gave up His own members to be tortured, and after all not to be wholly liberated, are plainly far from that eternal life which Christ promises to those who believe in Him.  It is true, He said to Peter when he confessed Him to be the Son of God, "Blessed art thou, Simon. Barjona."  But does He promise nothing to those who believe Him to be the Son of man, when the Son of God and the Son of man are the same?  Besides, eternal life is expressly promised to those who believe in the Son of man.  "As Moses," He says, "lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so must the Son of man be lifted up, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have eternal life."338338     John iii. 14, 15.   What more do you wish?  Believe then in the Son of man, that you may have eternal life; for He is also the Son of God, who can give eternal life:  for He is "the true God and eternal life," as the same John says in his epistle.  John also adds, that he is antichrist who denies that Christ has come in the flesh.339339     1 John v. 20, iv. 3.

5.  There is no need, then that you should extol so much the perfection of Christ’s commands, because you obey the precepts of the gospel.  For the precepts, supposing you really to fulfill them, would not profit you without true faith.  Do you not know that the apostle says, "If I distribute all my goods to the poor, and give my body to be burned, and have not charity, it profiteth me nothing?"340340     1 Cor. xiii. 3.   Why do you boast of having Christian poverty, when you are destitute of Christian charity?  Robbers have a kind of charity to one another, arising from a mutual consciousness of guilt and crime; but this is not the charity commended by the apostle.  In another passage he distinguishes true charity from all base and vicious affections, by saying, "Now the end of the commandment is charity out of a pure heart, and a good conscience, and faith unfeigned." 341341     1 Tim. i. 5.   How then can you have true charity from a fictitious faith?342342     [Augustin confounds saving faith with orthodox doctrine, as has been too commonly done since.—A.H.N.]   You persist in a faith corrupted by falsehood:  for your First Man, according to you, used deceit in the conflict by changing his form, while his enemies remained in their own nature; and, besides, you maintain that Christ, who says, "I am the truth," feigned His incarnation, His death on the cross, the wounds of His passion, the marks shown after His resurrection.  If you speak the truth, and your Christ speaks falsehood, you must be better than he.  But if you really follow your own Christ, your truthfulness may be doubted, and your obedience to the precepts you speak of may be only a pretence.  Is it true, as Faustus says, that you have no money in your purses?  He means, probably, that your money is in boxes and bags; nor would we blame you for this, if you did not profess one thing and practise 165another.  Constantius, who is still alive, and is now our brother in Catholic Christianity, once gathered many of your sect into his house at Rome, to keep these precepts of Manichæus, which you think so much of, though they are very silly and childish.  The precepts proved too much for your weakness, and the gathering was entirely broken up.  Those who persevered separated from your communion, and are called Mattarians, because they sleep on mats,—a very different bed from the feathers of Faustus and his goatskin coverlets, and all the grandeur that made him despise not only the Mattarians, but also the house of his poor father in Mileum.  Away, then, with this accursed hypocrisy from your writing, if not from your conduct; or else your language will conflict with your life by your deceitful words, as your First Man with the race of darkness by his deceitful elements.

6.  I am, however, addressing not merely men who fail to do what they are commanded, but the members of a deluded sect.  For the precepts of Manichæus are such that, if you do not keep them, you are deceivers; if you do keep them, you are deceived.  Christ never taught you that you should not pluck a vegetable for fear of committing homicide; for when His disciples were hungry when passing through a field of corn, He did not forbid them to pluck the ears on the Sabbath-day; which was a rebuke to the Jews of the time since the action was on Sabbath; and a rebuke in the action itself to the future Manichæans.  The precept of Manichæus, however, only requires you to do nothing while others commit homicide for you; though the real homicide is that of ruining miserable souls by such doctrines of devils.

7.  The language of Faustus has the typhus of heresy in it, and is the language of overweening arrogance.  "You see in me" he says, "the beatitudes of the gospel; and do you ask if I believe the gospel?  You see me poor, meek, a peacemaker, pure in heart, mourning, hungering, thirsting, bearing persecution and enmity for righteousness’ sake; and do you doubt my belief in the gospel?"  If to justify oneself were to be just, Faustus would have flown to heaven while uttering these words.  I say nothing of the luxurious habits of Faustus, known to all the followers of the Manichæans, and especially to those at Rome.  I shall suppose a Manichæan such as Constantius sought for, when he enforced the observance of these precepts with the sincere desire to see them observed.  How can I see him to be poor in spirit, when he is so proud as to believe that his own soul is God, and is not ashamed to speak of God as in bondage?  How can I see him meek, when he affronts all the authority of the evangelists rather than believe?  How a peacemaker, when he holds that the divine nature itself by which God is whatever is, and is the only true existence, could not remain in lasting peace?  How pure in heart, when his heart is filled with so many impious notions?  How mourning, unless it is for his God captive and bound till he be freed and escape, with the loss, however, of a part which is to be united by the Father to the mass of darkness, and is not to be mourned for?  How hungering and thirsting for righteousness, which Faustus omits in his writings lest, no doubt, he should be thought destitute of righteousness?  But how can they hunger and thirst after righteousness, whose perfect righteousness will consist in exulting over their brethren condemned to darkness, not for any fault of their own, but for being irremediably contaminated by the pollution against which they were sent by the Father to contend?

8.  How do you suffer persecution and enmity for righteousness’ sake, when, according to you, it is righteous to preach and teach these impieties?  The wonder is, that the gentleness of Christian times allows such perverse iniquity to pass wholly or almost unpunished.  And yet, as if we were blind or silly, you tell us that your suffering reproach and persecution is a great proof of your righteousness.  If people are just according to the amount of their suffering, atrocious criminals of all kinds suffer much more than you.  But, at any rate, if we are to grant that suffering endured on account of any sort of profession of Christianity proves the sufferer to be in possession of true faith and righteousness, you must admit that any case of greater suffering that we can show proves the possession of truer faith and greater righteousness.  Of such cases you know many among our martyrs, and chiefly Cyprian himself, whose writings also bear witness to his belief that Christ was born of the Virgin Mary.  For this faith, which you abhor, he suffered and died along with many Christian believers of that day, who suffered as much, or more.  Faustus, when shown to be a Manichæan by evidence, or by his own confession, on the intercession of the Christians themselves, who brought him before the proconsul, was, along with some others, only banished to an island, which can hardly be called a punishment at all, for it is what God’s servants do of their own accord every day when they wish to retire from the tumult of the world.  Besides, earthly sovereigns often by a public decree 166give release from this banishment as an act of mercy.  And in this way all were afterwards released at once.  Confess, then, that they were in possession of a truer faith and a more righteous life, who were accounted worthy to suffer for it much more than you ever suffered.  Or else, cease boasting of the abhorrence which many feel for you, and learn to distinguish between suffering for blasphemy and suffering for righteousness.  What it is you suffer for, your own books will show in a way that deserves your most particular attention.

9.  Those evangelical precepts of peculiar sublimity which you make people who know no better believe that you obey, are really obeyed by multitudes in our communion.  Are there not among us many of both sexes who have entirely refrained from sexual intercourse, and many formerly married who practise continence?  Are there not many others who give largely of their property, or give it up altogether, and many who keep the body in subjection by fasts, either frequent or daily, or protracted beyond belief?  Then there are fraternities whose members have no property of their own, but all things common, including only things necessary for food and clothing, living with one soul and one heart towards God, inflamed with a common feeling of charity.  In all such professions many turn out to be deceivers and reprobates, while many who are so are never discovered; many, too, who at first walk well, fall away rapidly from willfulness.  Many are found in times of trial to have adopted this kind of life with another intention than they professed; and again, many in humility and steadfastness persevere in their course to the end, and are saved.  There are apparent diversities in these societies; but one charity unites all who, from some necessity, in obedience to the apostle’s injunction, have their wives as if they had them not, and buy as if they bought not, and use this world as if they used it not.  With these are joined, in the abundant riches of God’s mercy, the inferior class of those to whom it is said, "Defraud not one another, except it be with consent for a time, that ye may give yourselves to prayer; and come together again, that Satan tempt you not for your incontinency.  But I speak this by permission, and not of commandment."343343     1 Cor. vii. 5, 6.   To such the same apostle also says, "Now therefore there is utterly a fault among you, that ye go to law one with another;" while, in consideration of their infirmity, he adds, "If ye have judgments of things pertaining to this life, set them to judge who are least esteemed in the Church."344344     1 Cor. vi. 7, 4.   For in the kingdom of heaven there are not only those who, that they may be perfect, sell or leave all they have and follow the Lord; but others in the partnership of charity are joined like a mercenary force to the Christian army, to whom it will be said at last, "I was hungry, and ye gave me meat," and so on.  Otherwise, there would be no salvation for those to whom the apostle gives so many anxious and particular directions about their families, telling the wives to be obedient to their husbands, and husbands to love their wives; children to obey their parents, and parents to bring up their children in the instruction and admonition of the Lord; servants to obey with fear their masters according to the flesh, and masters to render to their servants what is just and equal.  The apostle is far from condemning such people as regardless of gospel precepts, or unworthy of eternal life.  For where the Lord exhorts the strong to attain perfection, saying, "If any man take not up his cross and follow me, he cannot be my disciple," He immediately adds, for the consolation of the weak, "Whoso receiveth a just man in the name of a just man shall receive a just man’s reward; and whoso receiveth a prophet in the name of a prophet, shall receive a prophet’s reward."  So that not only he who gives Timothy a little wine for his stomach’s sake, and his frequent infirmities, but he who gives to a strong man a cup of cold water only in the name of a disciple, shall not lose his reward.345345     Matt. x. 38-42.

10.  If it is true that a man cannot receive the gospel without giving up everything, why do you delude your followers, by allowing them to keep in your service their wives, and children, and households, and houses, and fields?  Indeed, you may well allow them to disregard the precepts of the gospel:  for all you promise them is not a resurrection, but a change to another mortal existence, in which they shall live the silly, childish, impious life of those you call the Elect, the life you live yourself, and are so much praised for; or if they possess greater merit, they shall enter into melons or cucumbers, or some eatables which you will masticate, that they may be quickly purified by your digestion.  Least of all should you who teach such doctrines profess any regard for the gospel.  For if the faith of the gospel had any connection with such nonsense, the Lord should have said, not, "I was hungry, and ye gave me meat;" but, "Ye were hungry, and ye ate me," or, "I was hungry, and I ate you." 167For, by your absurdities, a man will not be received into the kingdom of God for the service of giving food to the saints, but, because he has eaten them and belched them out, or has himself been eaten and belched into heaven.  Instead of saying, "Lord, when saw we Thee hungry, and fed Thee?" the righteous must say, "When saw we Thee hungry, and were eaten by Thee?"  And He must answer, not, "When ye gave food to one of the least of these my brethren, you gave to me;" but, "When you were eaten by one of the least of these my brethren, you were eaten by me."

11.  Believing and teaching such monstrosities, and living accordingly, you yet have the boldness to say that you obey the precepts of the gospel, and to decry the Catholic Church, which includes many weak as well as strong, both of whom the Lord blesses, because both according to their measure obey the precepts of the gospel and hope in its promises.  The blindness of hostility makes you see only the tares in our harvest:  for you might easily see wheat too, if you were willing that there should be any.  But among you, those who are pretended Manichæans are wicked, and those who are really Manichæans are silly.  For where the faith itself is false, he who hypocritically professes it acts deceitfully, while he who truly believes is deceived.  Such a faith cannot produce a good life, for every man’s life is good or bad according as his heart is engaged.  If your affections were set upon spiritual and intellectual good, instead of material forms, you would not pay homage to the material sun as a divine substance, and as the light of wisdom, which every one knows you do, though I now only mention it in passing.

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Book VI.

Faustus avows his disbelief in the Old Testament and his disregard of its precepts, and accuses Catholics of inconsistency in neglecting its ordinances, while claiming to accept it as authoritative.  Augustin explains the Catholic view of the relation of the Old Testament to the New.

1.  Faustus said:  You ask if I believe the Old Testament.  Of course not, for I do not keep its precepts.  Neither, I imagine, do you.  I reject circumcision as disgusting; and if I mistake not, so do you.  I reject the observance of Sabbaths as superfluous:  I suppose you do the same.  I reject sacrifice as idolatry, as doubtless you also do.  Swine’s flesh is not the only flesh I abstain from; nor is it the only flesh you eat.  I think all flesh unclean:  you think none unclean.  Both alike, in these opinions, throw over the Old Testament.  We both look upon the weeks of unleavened bread and the feast of tabernacles as unnecessary and useless.  Not to patch linen garments with purple; to count it adultery to make a garment of linen and wool; to call it sacrilege to yoke together an ox and an ass when necessary; not to appoint as priest a bald man, or a man with red hair, or any similar peculiarity, as being unclean in the sight of God, are things which we both despise and laugh at, and rank as of neither first nor second importance; and yet they are all precepts and judgments of the Old Testament.  You cannot blame me for rejecting the Old Testament; for whether it is right or wrong to do so, you do it as much as I.  As for the difference between your faith and mine, it is this, that while you choose to act deceitfully, and meanly to praise in words what in your heart you hate, I, not having learned the art of deception, frankly declare that I hate both these abominable precepts and their authors.

2.  Augustin replied:  How and for what purpose the Old Testament is received by the heirs of the New Testament has been already explained.346346     Book iv.   But as the remarks of Faustus were then about the promises of the Old Testament, and now he speaks of the precepts, I reply that he displays ignorance of the difference between moral and symbolical precepts.  For example, "Thou shalt not covet" is a moral precept; "Thou shalt circumcise every male on the eighth day" is a symbolical precept.  From not making this distinction, the Manichæans, and all who find fault with the writings of the Old Testament, not seeing that whatever observance God appointed for the former dispensation was a shadow of future things, because these observances are now discontinued, condemn them, though no doubt what is unsuitable 168now was perfectly suitable then as prefiguring the things now revealed.  In this they contradict the apostle who says, "All these things happened to them for an example, and they were written for our learning, on whom the end of the world is come."347347     1 Cor. x. 6.   The apostle here explains why these writings are to be received, and why it is no longer necessary to continue the symbolical observances.  For when he says, "They were written for our learning," he clearly shows that we should be very diligent in reading and in discovering the meaning of the Old Testament Scriptures, and that we should have great veneration for them, since it was for us that they were written.  Again, when he says, "They are our examples," and "these things happened to them for an example," he shows that, now that the things themselves are clearly revealed, the observance of the actions by which these things were prefigured is no longer binding.  So he says elsewhere, "Let no man judge you in meat, or in drink, or in respect of an holy day, or of the new moon or of the sabbath-days, which are a shadow of things to come."348348     Col. ii. 16, 17.   Here also, when he says, "Let no one judge you" in these things, he shows that we are no longer bound to observe them.  And when he says, "which are a shadow of things to come," he explains how these observances were binding at the time when the things fully disclosed to us were symbolized by these shadows of future things.

3.  Assuredly, if the Manichæans were justified by the resurrection of the Lord,—the day of whose resurrection, the third after His passion, was the eighth day, coming after the Sabbath, that is, after the seventh day,—their carnal minds would be delivered from the darkness of earthly passions which rests on them; and rejoicing in the circumcision of the heart, they would not ridicule it as prefigured in the Old Testament by circumcision in the flesh, although they should not enforce this observance under the New Testament.  But, as the apostle says, "To the pure all things are pure.  But to the impure and unbelieving nothing is pure, but both their mind and conscience are defiled."349349     Tit. i. 15.   So these people, who are so pure in their own eyes, that they regard, or pretend to regard, as impure these members of their bodies, are so defiled with unbelief and error, that, while they abhor the circumcision of the flesh,—which the apostle calls a seal of the righteousness of faith,—they believe that the divine members of their God are subjected to restraint and contamination in these very carnal members of theirs.  For they say that flesh is unclean; and it follows that God, in the part which is detained by the flesh, is made unclean:  for they declare that He must be cleansed, and that till this is done, as far as it can be done, He undergoes all the passions to which flesh is subject, not only in suffering pain and distress, but also in sensual gratification.  For it is for His sake, they say, that they abstain from sexual intercourse, that He may not be bound more closely in the bondage of the flesh, nor suffer more defilement.  The apostle says, "To the pure all things are pure."  And if this is true of men, who may be led into evil by a perverse will, how much more must all things be pure to God, who remains for ever immutable and immaculate!  In those books which you defile with your violent reproaches, it is said of the divine wisdom, that "no defiled thing falleth into it, and it goeth everywhere by reason of its pureness."350350     Wisd. vii. 24, 25.   It is mere prurient absurdity to find fault with the sign of human regeneration appointed by that God, to whom all things are pure, to be put on the organ of human generation, while you hold that your God, to whom nothing is pure, is in a part of his nature subjected to taint and corruption by the vicious actions in which impure men employ the members of their body.  For if you think there is pollution in conjugal intercourse, what must there be in all the practices of the licentious?  If you ask, then, as you often do, whether God could not find some other way of sealing the righteousness of faith, the answer is, Why not this way, since all things are pure to the pure, much more to God?  And we have the authority of the apostle for saying that circumcision was the seal of the righteousness of the faith of Abraham.  As for you, you must try not to blush when you are asked whether your God had nothing better to do than to entangle part of his nature with these members that you revile so much.  These are delicate subjects to speak of, on account of the penal corruption attending the propagation of man.  They are things which call into exercise the modesty of the chaste, the passions of the impure, and the justice of God.

4.  The rest of the Sabbath we consider no longer binding as an observance, now that the hope of our eternal rest has been revealed.  But it is a very useful thing to read of, and to reflect on.  In prophetic times, when things now manifested were prefigured and predicted by actions as well as words, this 169sign of which we read was a presage of the reality which we possess.  But I wish to know why you observe a sort of partial rest.  The Jews, on their Sabbath, which they still keep in a carnal manner, neither gather any fruit in the field, nor dress and cook it at home.  But you, in your rest, wait till one of your followers takes his knife or hook to the garden, to get food for you by murdering the vegetables, and brings back, strange to say, living corpses.  For if cutting plants is not murder, why are you afraid to do it?  And yet, if the plants are murdered, what becomes of the life which is to obtain release and restoration from your mastication and digestion?  Well, you take the living vegetables, and certainly you ought, if it could be done to swallow them whole; so that after the one wound your follower has been guilty of inflicting in pulling them, of which you will no doubt consent to absolve him, they may reach without loss or injury your private laboratory, where your God may be healed of his wound.  Instead of this, you not only tear them with your teeth, but, if it pleases your taste, mince them, inflicting a multitude of wounds in the most criminal manner.  Plainly it would be a most advantageous thing if you would rest at home too, and not only once a week, like the Jews, but every day of the week.  The cucumbers suffer while you are cooking them, without any benefit to the life that is in them:  for a boiling pot cannot be compared to a saintly stomach.  And yet you ridicule as superfluous the rest of the Sabbath.  Would it not be better, not only to refrain from finding fault with the fathers for this observance, in whose case it was not superfluous, but, even now that it is superfluous, to observe this rest yourselves instead of your own, which has no symbolical use, and is condemned as grounded on falsehood?  According to your own foolish opinions, you are guilty of a defective observance of your own rest, though the observance itself is foolish in the judgment of truth.  You maintain that the fruit suffers when it is pulled from the tree, when it is cut and scraped, and cooked, and eaten.  So you are wrong in eating anything that can not be swallowed raw and unhurt, so that the wound inflicted might not be from you, but from your follower in pulling them.  You declare that you could not give release to so great a quantity of life, if you were to eat only things which could be swallowed without cooking or mastication.  But if this release compensates for all the pains you inflict, why is it unlawful for you to pull the fruit?  Fruit may be eaten raw, as some of your sect make a point of eating raw vegetables of all kinds.  But before it can be eaten at all, it must be pulled or fall off, or be taken in some way from the ground or from the tree.  You might well be pardoned for pulling it, since nothing can be done without that, but not for torturing the members of your God to the extent you do in dressing your food.  One of your silly notions is that the tree weeps when the fruit is pulled.  Doubtless the life in the tree knows all things, and perceives who it is that comes to it.  If the elect were to come and pull the fruit, would not the tree rejoice to escape the misery of having its fruit plucked by others, and to gain felicity by enduring a little momentary pain?  And yet, while you multiply the pains and troubles of the fruit after it is plucked, you will not pluck it.  Explain that, if you can!  Fasting itself is a mistake in your case.  There should be no intermission in the task of purging away the dross of the excrements from the spiritual gold, and of releasing the divine members from confinement.  The most merciful man among you is he who keeps himself always in good health, takes raw food, and eats a great deal.  But you are cruel when you eat, in making your food undergo so much suffering; and you are cruel when you fast, in desisting from the work of liberating the divine members.351351     [In bringing to notice the absurdities of the Manichæan moral system, Augustin may seem to be trifling, but he is in reality striking at the root of the heresy.—A.H.N.]

5.  With all this, you venture to denounce the sacrifices of the Old Testament, and to call them idolatry, and to attribute to us the same impious notion.  To answer for ourselves in the first place, while we consider it no longer a duty to offer sacrifices, we recognize sacrifices as part of the mysteries of Revelation, by which the things prophesied were foreshadowed.  For they were our examples, and in many and various ways they all pointed to the one sacrifice which we now commemorate.  Now that this sacrifice has been revealed, and has been offered in due time, sacrifice is no longer binding as an act of worship, while it retains its symbolical authority.  For these things "were written for our learning, upon whom the end of the world is come."352352     1 Cor. x. 11.   What you object to in sacrifice is the slaughter of animals, though the whole animal creation is intended conditionally in some way for the use of man.  You are merciful to beasts, believing them to contain the souls of human beings, while you refuse a piece of bread to a hungry beggar.  The Lord Jesus, on the other hand, was cruel to the swine when He granted the request of the devils to 170be allowed to enter into them. 353353     Matt. viii. 32.   The same Lord Jesus, before the sacrifice of His passion, said to a leper whom He had cured, "Go, show thyself to the priest, and give the offering, as Moses commanded, for a testimony unto them."354354     Luke v. 14.   When God, by the prophets, repeatedly declares that He needs no offering, as indeed reason teaches us that offerings cannot be needed by Him who stands in need of nothing, the human mind is led to inquire what God wished to teach us by these sacrifices.  For, assuredly, He would not have required offerings of which He had no need, except to teach us something that it would profit us to know, and which was suitably set forth by means of these symbols.  How much better and more honorable it would be for you to be still bound by these sacrifices, which have an instructive meaning, though they are not now necessary, than to require your followers to offer to you as food what you believe to be living victims.  The Apostle Paul says most appropriately of some who preached the gospel to gratify their appetite, that their "god was their belly."355355     Phil. iii. 19.   But the arrogance of your impiety goes much beyond this; for, instead of making your belly your god, you do what is far worse in making your belly the purifier of God.  Surely it is great madness to make a pretence of piety in not slaughtering animals, while you hold that the souls of animals inhabit all the food you eat, and yet make what you call living creatures suffer such torture from your hands and teeth.

6.  If you will not eat flesh why should you not slay animals in sacrifice to your God, in order that their souls, which you hold to be not only human, but so divine as to be members of God Himself, may be released from the confinement of flesh, and be saved from returning by the efficacy of your prayers?  Perhaps, however, your stomach gives more effectual aid than your intellect, and that part of divinity which has had the advantage of passing through your bowels is more likely to be saved than that which has only the benefit of your prayers.  Your objection to eating flesh will be that you cannot eat animals alive, and so the operation of your stomach will not avail for the liberation of their souls.  Happy vegetables, that, torn up with the hand, cut with knives, tortured in fire, ground by teeth, yet reach alive the altars of your intestines!  Unhappy sheep and oxen, that are not so tenacious of life, and therefore are refused entrance into your bodies!  Such is the absurdity of your notions.  And you persist in making out an opposition in us to the Old Testament, because we consider no flesh unclean:  according to the opinion of the apostle, "To the pure all things are pure;"356356     Tit. i. 15. and according to the saying of our Lord Himself, "Not that which goeth into your mouth defileth you, but that which cometh out."357357     Matt. xvi. 11.   This was not said to the crowd only, as your Adimantus, whom Faustus, in his attack on the Old Testament, praises as second only to Manichæus, wishes us to understand; but when retired from the crowd, the Lord repeated this still more plainly and pointedly to His disciples.  Adimantus quotes this saying of our Lord in opposition to the Old Testament, where the people are prohibited from eating some animals which are pronounced unclean; and doubtless he was afraid that he should be asked why, since he quotes a passage from the Gospel about man not being defiled by what enters into his mouth and passes into his belly, and out into the draft, he yet considers not some only, but all flesh unclean, and abstains from eating it.  It is in order to escape from this strait, when the plain truth is too much for his error, that he makes the Lord say this to the crowd; as if the Lord were in the habit of speaking the truth only in small companies, while He blurted out falsehoods in public.  To speak of the Lord in this way is blasphemy.  And all who read the passage can see that the Lord said the same thing more plainly to His disciples in private.  Since Faustus praises Adimantus so much at the beginning of this book of his, placing him next to Manichæus, let him say in a word whether it is true or false that a man is not defiled by what enters into his mouth.  If it is false, why does this great teacher Adimantus quote it against the Old Testament?  If it is true, why, in spite of this, do you believe that eating any flesh will defile you?  It is true, if you choose this explanation, that the apostle does not say that all things are pure to heretics, but, "to the pure all things are pure."  The apostle also goes on to explain why all things are not pure to heretics:  "To the impure and unbelieving nothing is pure, but both their mind and conscience are defiled."358358     Tit. i. 15.   So to the Manichæans there is absolutely nothing pure; for they hold that the very substance or nature of God not only may be, but has actually been defiled, and so defiled that it can never be wholly restored and purified.  What do they mean when they call animals unclean, and refrain from eating them, when it is impossible for them to think anything, whether food or whatever it may be, clean?  According to them, vegetables 171too, fruits, all kinds of crops, the earth and sky, are defiled by mixture with the race of darkness.  Why do they not act up to their opinions about other things as well as about animals?  Why do they not abstain altogether, and starve themselves to death, instead of persisting in their blasphemies?  If they will not repent and reform, this is evidently the best thing that they could do.

7.  The saying of the apostle, that "to the pure all things are pure," and that "every creature of God is good," is not opposed to the prohibitions of the Old Testament; and the explanation, if they can understand it, is this.  The apostle speaks of the natures of the things, while the Old Testament calls some animals unclean, not in their nature, but symbolically, on account of the prefigurative character of that dispensation.  For instance, a pig and a lamb are both clean in their nature, for every creature of God is good; but symbolically, a lamb is clean, and a pig unclean.  So the words wise and fool are both clean in their nature, as words composed of letters but fool may be called symbolically unclean, because it means an unclean thing.  Perhaps a pig is the same among symbols as a fool is among real things.  The animal, and the four letters which compose the word, may mean the same thing.  No doubt the animal is pronounced unclean by the law, because it does not chew the cud; which is not a fault but its nature.  But the men of whom this animal is a symbol are unclean, not by nature, but from their own fault; because, though they gladly hear the words of wisdom, they never reflect on them afterwards.  For to recall, in quiet repose, some useful instruction from the stomach of memory to the mouth of reflection, is a kind of spiritual rumination.  The animals above mentioned are a symbol of those people who do not do this.  And the prohibition of the flesh of these animals is a warning against this fault.  Another passage of Scripture speaks of the precious treasure of wisdom, and describes ruminating as clean, and not ruminating as unclean:  "A precious treasure resteth in the mouth of a wise man; but a foolish man swallows it up."359359     Prov. xxi. 20.   Symbols of this kind, either in words or in things, give useful and pleasant exercise to intelligent minds in the way of inquiry and comparison.  But formerly people were required not only to hear, but to practise many such things.  For at that time it was necessary that, by deeds as well as by words, those things should be foreshadowed which were in after times to be revealed.  After the revelation by Christ and in Christ, the community of believers is not burdened with the practice of the observances, but is admonished to give heed to the prophecy.  This is our reason for accounting no animals unclean, in accordance with the saying of the Lord and of the apostle, while we are not opposed to the Old Testament, where some animals are pronounced unclean.  Now let us hear why you consider all animal food unclean.

8.  One of your false doctrines is, that flesh is unclean on account of mixture with the race of darkness.  But this would make not only flesh unclean, but your God himself, in that part which he sent to become subject to absorption and contamination, in order that the enemy might be conquered and taken captive.  Besides, on account of this mixture, all that you eat must be unclean.  But you say flesh is especially unclean.  It requires patience to listen to all their absurd reasons for this peculiar impurity of flesh.  I will mention only what will suffice to show the inveterate folly of these critics of the Old Testament, who, while they denounce flesh, savor only fleshly things, and have no sort of spiritual perception.  And a lengthy discussion of this question may perhaps enable us to dispense with saying much on some other points.  The following, then, is an account of their vain delusions in this matter:—In that battle, when the First Man ensnared the race of darkness by deceitful elements, princes of both sexes belonging to this race were taken.  By means of these princes the world was constructed; and among those used in the formation of the heavenly bodies, were some pregnant females.  When the sky began to rotate, the rapid circular motion made these females give birth to abortions, which, being of both sexes, fell on the earth, and lived, and grew, and came together, and produced offspring.  Hence sprang all animal life in earth, air, and sea.360360     [Compare the Introduction, where an abstract is given of the Fihrist’s account of the creation.—A.H.N.]   Now if the origin of flesh is from heaven, that is no reason for thinking it especially unclean.  Indeed, in this construction of the world, they hold that these principles of darkness were arranged higher or lower, according to the greater or less amount of good mixed with them in the construction of the various parts of the world.  So flesh ought to be cleaner than vegetables which come out of the earth, for it comes from heaven.  And how irrational to suppose that the abortions, before becoming animate, were so lively, though in an abortive state, that after falling from the sky, they could live and multiply; whereas, after becoming animate, they die if brought 172forth prematurely, and a fall from a very moderate height is enough to kill them!  The kingdom of life in contest with the kingdom of death ought to have improved them, by giving them life instead of making them more perishable than before.  If the perishableness is a consequence of a change of nature, it is wrong to say that there is a bad nature.  The change is the only cause of the perishableness.  Both natures are good, though one is better than the other.  Whence then comes the peculiar impurity of flesh as it exists in this world, sprung, as they say, from heaven?  They tell us, indeed, of the first bodies of these principles of darkness being generated like worms from trees of darkness; and the trees, they say, are produced from the five elements.  But supposing that the bodies of animals come in the first place from trees, and afterwards from heaven, why should they be more unclean than the fruit of trees?  Perhaps it will be said that what remains after death is unclean, because the life is no longer there.  For the same reason fruits and vegetables must be unclean, for they die when they are pulled or cut.  As we saw before, the elect get others to bring their food to them, that they may not be guilty of murder.  Perhaps, since they say that every living being has two souls, one of the race of light, and the other of the race of darkness, the good soul leaves at death, and the bad soul remains.  But, in that case, the animal would be as much alive as it was in the kingdom of darkness, when it had only the soul of its own race, with which it had rebelled against the kingdom of God.  So, since both souls leave at death, why call the flesh unclean, as if only the good soul had left?  Any life that remains must be of both kinds; for some remains of the members of God are found, we are told, even in filth.  There is therefore no reason for making flesh more unclean than fruits.  The truth is, they pretend to great chastity in holding flesh unclean because it is generated.  But if the divine body is more grossly shut in by flesh, there is all the more reason that they should liberate it by eating.  And there are innumerable kinds of worms not produced from sexual intercourse; some in the neighborhood of Venice come from trees, which they should eat, since there is not the same reason for their being unclean.  Besides, there are the frogs produced by the earth after a shower of rain.361361     [These biological blunders belong to the age, and are not Augustin’s peculiar fancies.  Of course, the argumentative value of them depends on their general acceptance.—A.H.N.]   Let them liberate the members of their God from these.  Let them rebuke the mistake of mankind in preferring fowls and pigeons produced from males and females to the pure frogs, daughters of heaven and earth.  By this theory, the first principles of darkness produced from trees must be purer than Manichæus, who was produced by generation; and his followers, for the same reason, must be less pure than the lice which spring from the perspiration of their bodies.  But if everything that comes from flesh is unclean, because the origin of flesh itself is unclean, fruits and vegetables must also be unclean, because they are manured with dung.  After this, what becomes of the notion that fruits are cleaner than flesh?  Dung is the most unclean product of flesh, and also the most fertilizing manure.  Their doctrine is, that the life escapes in the mastication and digestion of the food, so that only a particle remains in the excrement.  How is it, then, that this particle of life has such an effect on the growth and the quality of your favorite food?  Flesh is nourished by the productions of the earth, not by its excrements; while the earth is nourished by the excrements of flesh, not by its productions.  Let them say which is the cleaner.  Or let them turn from being unbelieving and impure to whom nothing is clean, and join with us in embracing the doctrine of the apostle, that to the pure all things are pure; that the earth is the Lord’s, and the fullness thereof; that every creature of God is good.  All things in nature are good in their own order; and no one sins in using them, unless, by disobedience to God, he transgresses his own order, and disturbs their order by using them amiss.

9.  The elders who pleased God kept their own order by their obedience, in observing, according to God’s arrangement, what was appointed as suitable to certain times.  So, although all animals intended for food are by nature clean, they abstained from some which had then a symbolical uncleanness, in preparation for the future revelation of the things signified.  And so with regard to unleavened bread and all such things, in which the apostle says there was a shadow of future things, neglect of their observance under the old dispensation, when this observance was enjoined, and was employed to prefigure what was afterwards to be revealed, would have been as criminal, as it would now be foolish in us, after the light of the New Testament has arisen, to think that these predictive observances could be of any use to us.  On the other hand, since the Old Testament teaches us that the things now revealed were so long ago prefigured, that we may be firm and faithful in our adherence to them, it would be blasphemy and impiety to discard these 173books, simply because the Lord requires of us now not a literal, but a spiritual and intelligent regard to their contents.  They were written, as the apostle says, for our admonition, on whom the end of the world is come.362362     1 Cor. x. 11.   "For whatsoever things were written aforetime were written for our learning."363363     Rom. xv. 4.   Not to eat unleavened bread in the appointed seven days was a sin in the time of the Old Testament; in the time of the New Testament it is not a sin.  But having the hope of a future world through Christ, who makes us altogether new by clothing our souls with righteousness and our bodies with immortality, to believe that the bondage and infirmity of our original corruption will prevail over us or over our actions, must continue to be a sin, till the seven days of the course of time are accomplished.  In the time of the Old Testament, this, under the disguise of a type, was perceived by some saints.  In the time of the New Testament it is fully declared and publicly preached.364364     [It will be seen in subsequent portions of this treatise that Augustin carries the typological idea to an absurd extreme.—A.H.N.]

What was then a precept of Scripture is now a testimony.  Formerly, not to keep the feast of tabernacles was a sin, which is not the case now.  But not to form part of the building of God’s tabernacle, which is the Church, is always a sin.  Formerly this was acted in a figure; now the record serves as testimony.  The ancient tabernacle, indeed, would not have been called the tabernacle of the testimony, unless as an appropriate symbol it had borne testimony to some truth which was to be revealed in its own time.  To patch linen garments with purple, or to wear a garment of woollen and linen together, is not a sin now.  But to live intemperately, and to wish to combine opposite modes of life,—as when a woman devoted to religion wears the ornaments of married women, or when one who has not abstained from marriage dresses like a virgin,—is always sin.  So it is sin whenever inconsistent things are combined in any man’s life.  This, which is now a moral truth, was then symbolized in dress.  What was then a type is now revealed truth.  So the same Scripture which then required symbolical actions, now testifies to the things signified.  The prefigurative observance is now a record for the confirmation of our faith.  Formerly it was unlawful to plough with an ox and an ass together; now it is lawful.  The apostle explains this when he quotes the text about not muzzling the ox that is treading out the corn.  He says, "Does God care for oxen?"  What, then, have we to do with an obsolete prohibition?  The apostle teaches us in the following words, "For our sakes it is written."365365     1 Cor. ix. 9, 10.   It must be impiety in us not to read what was written for our sakes; for it is more for our sakes, to whom the revelation belongs, than for theirs who had only the figure.  There is no harm in joining an ox with an ass where it is required.  But to put a wise man and a fool together, not that one should teach and the other obey, but that both with equal authority should declare the word of God, cannot be done without causing offence.  So the same Scripture which was once a command enjoining the shadow in which future things were veiled, is now an authoritative witness to the unveiled truth.

In what he says of the uncleanness of a man that is bald or has red hair, Faustus is inaccurate, or the manuscript he has used is incorrect.366366     Cf. Lev. xxi. 18.   Would that Faustus were not ashamed to bear on his forehead the cross of Christ, the want of which is baldness, instead of maintaining that Christ, who says, "I am the truth," showed unreal marks, after His resurrection, of unreal wounds!  Faustus says he has not learned the art of deceiving, and speaks what he thinks.  He cannot therefore be a disciple of his Christ, whom he madly declares to have shown false marks of wounds to his disciples when they doubted.  Are we to believe Faustus, not only in his other absurdities, but also when he tells us that he does not deceive us in calling Christ a deceiver?  Is he better than Christ?  Is he not a deceiver, while Christ is?  Or does he prove himself to be a disciple not of the truthful Christ, but of the deceiver Manichæus, by this very falsehood, when he boasts that he has not learned the art of deceiving?

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174

Book VII.

The genealogical question is again taken up and argued on both sides.

1.  Faustus said:  You ask why I do not believe in the genealogy of Jesus.  There are many reasons; but the principal is, that He never declares with His own lips that He had an earthly father or descent, but on the contrary, that he is not of this world, that He came forth from God the Father, that He descended from heaven, that He has no mother or brethren except those who do the will of His Father in heaven.  Besides, the framers of these genealogies do not seem to have known Jesus before His birth or soon after it, so as to have the credibility of eye-witnesses of what they narrate.  They became acquainted with Jesus as a young man of about thirty years of age, if it is not blasphemy to speak of the age of a divine being.  Now the question regarding a witness is always whether he has seen or heard what he testifies to.  But the writers of these genealogies never assert that they heard the account from Jesus Himself, nor even the fact of His birth; nor did they see Him till they came to know Him after his baptism, many years after the time of His birth.  To me, therefore, and to every sensible man, it appears as foolish to believe this account, as it would be to call into court a blind and deaf witness.

2.  Augustin replied:  As regards what Faustus calls his principal reason for not receiving the genealogy of Jesus Christ, a complete refutation is found in the passages formerly quoted, where Christ declares Himself to be the Son of man, and in what we have said of the identity of the Son of man with the Son of God:  that in His Godhead He has no earthly descent, while after the flesh He is of the seed of David, as the apostle teaches.  We are to believe, therefore, that He came forth from the Father, that He descended from heaven, and also that the Word was made flesh and dwelt amongst men.  If the words, "Who is my mother, and who are my brethren?"367367     Matt. xii. 48. are quoted to show that Christ had no earthly mother or descent, it follows that we must believe that His disciples, whom He here teaches by His own example to set no value on earthly relationship, as compared with the kingdom of heaven, had no fathers, because Christ says to them, "Call no man father upon earth; for one is your Father, even God."368368     Matt. xxiii. 9.   What He taught them to do with reference to their fathers, He Himself first did in reference to His own mother and brethren; as in many other things He condescended to set us an example, and to go before that we might follow in His footsteps.  Faustus’ principal objection to the genealogy fails completely; and after the defeat of this invincible force, the rest is easily routed.  He says that the apostles who declared Christ to be the Son of man as well as the Son of God are not to be believed, because they were not present at the birth of Christ, whom they joined when He had reached manhood, nor heard of it from Christ Himself.  Why then do they believe John when he says, "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.  The same was in the beginning with God.  All things were made by Him, and without Him was not anything made,"369369     John i. 1-5. and such passages, which they agree to, without understanding them?  Where did John see this, or did he ever hear it from the Lord Himself?  In whatever way John learned this, those who narrate the nativity may have learned also.  Again, how do they know that the Lord said, "Who is my mother, and who are my brethren?"  If on the authority of the evangelist, why do they not also believe that the mother and the brethren of Christ were seeking for Him?  They believe that Christ said these words, which they misunderstand, while they deny a fact resting on the same authority.  Once more, if Matthew could not know that Christ was born, because he knew Him only in His manhood, how could Manichæus, who lived so long after, know that He was not born?  They will say that Manichæus knew this from the Holy Spirit which was in him.  Certainly the Holy Spirit would make him speak the truth.  But why not rather believe what Christ’s own disciples tell us, who were personally acquainted with Him, and who not only had the gift of inspiration to supply defects in their knowledge, but in a purely natural way obtained information of the birth of Christ, and of His descent, when the event was fresh in memory?  And yet he dares to call the apostles deaf and blind.  Why were you not deaf and blind, to prevent you from learning such profane nonsense, and dumb too, to prevent you from uttering it?

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Book VIII.

Faustus maintains that to hold to the Old Testament after the giving of the New is putting new cloth on an old garment.  Augustin further explains the relation of the Old Testament to the New, and reproaches the Manichæans with carnality.

1.  Faustus said:  Another reason for not receiving the Old Testament is, that I am provided with the New; and Scripture says that old and new do not agree.  For "no one putteth a piece of new cloth unto an old garment, otherwise the rent is made worse."370370     Matt. ix. 16.   To avoid making a worse rent, as you have done, I do not mix Christian newness with Hebrew oldness.  Every one accounts it mean, when a man has got a new dress, not to give the old one to his inferiors.  So, even if I were a Jew by birth, as the apostles were, it would be proper for me, on receiving the New Testament, to discard the Old, as the apostles did.  And having the advantage of being born free from the yoke of bondage, and being early introduced into the full liberty of Christ, what a foolish and ungrateful wretch I should be to put myself again under the yoke!  This is what Paul blames the Galatians for; because, going back to circumcision, they turned again to the weak and beggarly elements, whereunto they desired again to be in bondage.371371     Gal. iv. 9.   Why should I do what I see another blamed for doing?  My going into bondage would be worse than their returning to it.

2.  Augustin replied:  We have already shown sufficiently why and how we maintain the authority of the Old Testament, not for the imitation of Jewish bondage, but for the confirmation of Christian liberty.  It is not I, but the apostle, who says, "All these things happened to them as an example, and they were written for our admonition, on whom the ends of the world are come."372372     1 Cor. x. 11.  We do not therefore, as bondmen, observe what was enjoined as predictive of us; but as free, we read what was written to confirm us.  So any one may see that the apostle remonstrates with the Galatians not for devoutly reading what Scripture says of circumcision, but for superstitiously desiring to be circumcised.  We do not put a new cloth to an old garment, but we are instructed in the kingdom of heaven, like the householder, whom the Lord describes as bringing out of his treasure things new and old.373373     Matt. xiii. 52.   He who puts a new cloth to an old garment is the man who attempts spiritual self-denial before he has renounced fleshly hope.  Examine the passage, and you will see that, when the Lord was asked about fasting, He replied, "No man putteth a new cloth to an old garment."  The disciples had still a carnal affection for the Lord; for they were afraid that, if He died, they would lose Him.  So He calls Peter Satan for dissuading Him from suffering, because he understood not the things of God, but the things of men.374374     Matt. xvi. 23.   The fleshly character of your hope is evident from your fancies about the kingdom of God, and from your paying homage and devotion to the light of the sun, which the carnal eye perceives, as if it were an image of heaven.  So your carnal mind is the old garment to which you join your fasts.  Moreover, if a new cloth and an old garment do not agree, how do the members of your God come to be not only joined or fastened, but to be united far more intimately by mixture and coherence to the principles of darkness?  Perhaps both are old, because both are false, and both of the carnal mind.  Or perhaps you wish to prove that one was new and the other old, by the rent being made worse, in tearing away the unhappy piece of the kingdom of light, to be doomed to eternal imprisonment in the mass of darkness.  So this pretended artist in the fashions of the sacred Scriptures is found stitching together absurdities, and dressing himself in the rags of his own invention.

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Book IX.

Faustus argues that if the apostles born under the old covenant could lawfully depart from it, much more can he having been born a Gentile.  Augustin explains the relation of Jews and Gentiles alike to the Gospel.

1.  Faustus said:  Another reason for not receiving the Old Testament is, that if it was allowable for the apostles, who were born under it, to abandon it, much more may I, who was not born under it, be excused for not thrusting myself into it.  We Gentiles are 176not born Jews, nor Christians either.  Out of the same Gentile world some are induced by the Old Testament to become Jews, and some by the New Testament to become Christians.  It is as if two trees, a sweet and a bitter, drew from one soil the sap which each assimilates to its own nature.  The apostle passed from the bitter to the sweet; it would be madness in me to change from the sweet to the bitter.

2.  Augustin replied:  You say that the apostle, in leaving Judaism, passed from the bitter to the sweet.  But the apostle himself says that the Jews, who would not believe in Christ, were branches broken off, and that the Gentiles, a wild olive tree, were grafted into the good olive, that is, the holy stock of the Hebrews, that they might partake of the fatness of the olive.  For, in warning the Gentiles not to be proud on account of the fall of the Jews, he says:  "For I speak to you Gentiles, inasmuch as I am the apostle of the Gentiles.  I magnify my office; if by any means I may provoke to emulation them which are my flesh, and might save some of them.  For if the casting away of them be the reconciling of the world, what shall the receiving of them be, but life from the dead?  For if the first fruit be holy, the lump is also holy; and if the root be holy, so are the branches.  And if some of the branches are broken off, and thou, being a wild olive tree, were grafted in among them, and with them partakest of the root and fatness of the olive tree; boast not against the branches:  but if thou boast, thou bearest not the root, but the root thee.  Thou wilt say then, The branches were broken off, that I might be grafted in.  Well; because of unbelief they were broken off, and thou standest by faith.  Be not high-minded, but fear; for if God spared not the natural branches, take heed lest He also spare not thee.  Behold therefore the goodness and severity of God:  on them which fell, severity; but toward thee, goodness, if thou continue in His goodness; otherwise thou also shalt be cut off.  And they also, if they abide not still in unbelief, shall be grafted in; for God is able to graft them in again.  For if thou wert cut out of the olive tree, which is wild by nature, and wert grafted contrary to nature into a good olive tree; how much more shall these, which be the natural branches, be grafted into their own olive tree?  For I would not, brethren, that ye should be ignorant of this mystery (lest ye should be wise in your own conceits), that blindness in part is happened to Israel, until the fullness of the Gentiles be come in; and so all Israel shall be saved."375375     Rom. xi. 16-26.   It appears from this, that you, who do not wish to be graffed into this root, though you are not broken off, like the carnal unbelieving Jews, remain still in the bitterness of the wild olive.  Your worship of the sun and moon has the true Gentile flavor.  You are none the less in the wild olive of the Gentiles, because you have added thorns of a new kind, and worship along with the sun and moon a false Christ, the fabrication not of your hands, but of your perverse heart.  Come, then, and be grafted into the root of the olive tree, in his return to which the apostle rejoices, after by unbelief he had been among the broken branches.  He speaks of himself as set free, when he made the happy transition from Judaism to Christianity.  For Christ was always preached in the olive tree, and those who did not believe on Him when He came were broken off, while those who believed were grafted in.  These are thus warned against pride:  "Be not high-minded, but fear; for if God spared not the natural branches, neither will He spare thee."  And to prevent despair of those broken off, he adds:  "And they also, if they abide not still in unbelief, shall be grafted in; for God is able to graft them in again.  For if thou wert cut out of the olive tree, which is wild by nature, and wert grafted contrary to nature into a good olive tree, how much more shall these, which be the natural branches, be grafted into their own olive tree."  The apostle rejoices in being delivered from the condition of a broken branch, and in being restored to the fatness of the olive tree.  So you who have been broken off by error should return and be grafted in again.  Those who are still in the wild olive should separate themselves from its barrenness, and become partakers of fertility.

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Book X.

Faustus insists that the Old Testament promises are radically different from those of the New.  Augustin admits a difference, but maintains that the moral precepts are the same in both.

1.  Faustus said:  Another reason for not receiving the Old Testament is, that both the Old and the New teach us not to covet what belongs to others.  Everything in the Old Testament is of this kind.  It promises riches, and plenty, and children, and children’s children, 177and long life, and withal the land of Canaan; but only to the circumcised, the Sabbath observers, those offering sacrifices, and abstaining from swine’s flesh.  Now I, like every other Christian, pay no attention to these things, as being trifling and useless for the salvation of the soul.  I conclude, therefore, that the promises do not belong to me.  And mindful of the commandment, Thou shall not covet, I gladly leave to the Jews their own property, and content myself with the gospel, and with the bright inheritance of the kingdom of heaven.  If a Jew were to claim part in the gospel, I should justly reproach him with claiming what he had no right to, because he does not obey its precepts.  And a Jew might say the same to me if I professed to receive the Old Testament while I disregard its requirements.

2.  Augustin replied:  Faustus is not ashamed to repeat the same nonsense again and again.  But it is tiresome to repeat the same answers, though it is to repeat truth.  What Faustus says here has already been answered.376376     Book vi. 2.   But if a Jew asks me why I profess to believe the Old Testament while I do not observe its precepts, my reply is this:  The moral precepts of the law are observed by Christians; the symbolical precepts were properly observed during the time that the things now revealed were prefigured.  Accordingly, those observances, which I regard as no longer binding, I still look upon as a testimony, as I do also the carnal promises from which the Old Testament derives its name.  For although the gospel teaches me to hope for eternal blessings, I also find a confirmation of the gospel in those things which "happened to them for an example, and were written for our admonition, on whom the ends of the world are come."  So much for our answer to the Jews.  And now we have something to say to the Manichæans.

3.  By showing the way in which we regard the authority of the Old Testament we have answered the Jews, by whose question about our not observing the precepts Faustus thought we would be puzzled.  But what answer can you give to the question, why you deceive simple-minded people by professing to believe in the New Testament, while you not only do not believe it, but assail it with all your force?  It will be more difficult for you to answer this than it was for us to answer the Jews.  We hold all that is written in the Old Testament to be true, and enjoined by God for suitable times.  But in your inability to find a reason for not receiving what is written in the New Testament, you are obliged, as a last resource, to pretend that the passages are not genuine.  This is the last gasp of a heretic in the clutches of truth; or rather it is the breath of corruption itself.  Faustus, however, confesses that the Old Testament as well as the New teaches him not to covet.  His own God could never have taught him this.  For if this God did not covet what belonged to another, why did he construct new worlds in the region of darkness?  Perhaps the race of darkness first coveted his kingdom.  But this would be to imitate their bad example.  Perhaps the kingdom of light was previously of small extent, and war was desirable in order to enlarge it by conquest.  In that case, no doubt, there was covetousness, though the hostile race was allowed to begin the wars to justify the conquest.  If there had been no such desire, there was no necessity to extend the kingdom beyond its old limits into the region of the conquered foe.  If the Manichæans would only learn from these Scriptures the moral precepts, one of which is, Do not covet, instead of taking offence at the symbolical precept, they would acknowledge in meekness and candor that they suited the time then present.  We do not covet what belongs to another, when we read in the Old Testament what "happened to them for examples, and was written for our admonition, on whom the ends of the world are come."  It is surely not coveting when a man reads what is written for his benefit.

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Book XI.

Faustus quotes passages to show that the Apostle Paul abandoned belief in the incarnation, to which he earlier held.  Augustin shows that the apostle was consistent with himself in the utterances quoted.

1.  Faustus said:  Assuredly I believe the apostle.  And yet I do not believe that the Son of God was born of the seed of David according to the flesh,377377     Rom. i. 3. because I do not believe that God’s apostle could contradict himself, and have one opinion about our Lord at one time, and another at another.  But, granting that he wrote this,—since you will not hear of anything being spurious in his 178writings,—it is not against us.  For this seems to be Paul’s old belief about Jesus, when he thought, like everybody else, that Jesus was the son of David.  Afterwards, when he learned that this was false, he corrects himself; and in his Epistle to the Corinthians he says:  "We know no man after the flesh; yea, though we have known Christ after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we Him no more."378378     2 Cor. v. 16.   Observe the difference between these two verses.  In one he asserts that Jesus was the son of David after the flesh; in the other he says that now he knows no man after the flesh.  If Paul wrote both, it can only have been in the way I have stated.  In the next verse he adds:  "Therefore, if any man be in Christ, he is a new creature; old things are passed away; behold, all things are become new."  The belief that Jesus was born of the seed of David according to the flesh is of this old transitory kind; whereas the faith which knows no man after the flesh is new and permanent.  So, he says elsewhere:  "When I was a child, I spoke as a child, I understood as a child, I thought as a child; but when I became a man, I put away childish things."379379     1 Cor. xiii. 11.   We are thus warranted in preferring the new and amended confession of Paul to his old and faulty one.  And if you hold by what is said in the Epistle to the Romans, why should not we hold by what is said to the Corinthians?  But it is only by your insisting on the correctness of the text that we are made to represent Paul as building again the things which he destroyed, in spite of his own repudiation of such prevarication.  If the verse is Paul’s, he has corrected himself.  If Paul should not be supposed to have written anything requiring correction, the verse is not his.

2.  Augustin replied:  As I said a little ago, when these men are beset by clear testimonies of Scripture, and cannot escape from their grasp, they declare that the passage is spurious.  The declaration only shows their aversion to the truth, and their obstinacy in error.  Unable to answer these statements of Scripture, they deny their genuineness.  But if this answer is admitted, or allowed to have any weight, it will be useless to quote any book or any passage against your errors.  It is one thing to reject the books themselves, and to profess no regard for their authority, as the Pagans reject our Scriptures, and the Jews the New Testament, and as we reject any books peculiar to your sect, or any other heretical sect, and also the apocryphal books, which are so called, not because of any mysterious regard paid to them, but because they are mysterious in their origin, and in the absence of clear evidence, have only some obscure presumption to rest upon; and it is another thing to say, This holy man wrote only the truth, and this is his epistle, but some verses are his, and some are not.  And then, when you are asked for a proof, instead of referring to more correct or more ancient manuscripts, or to a greater number, or to the original text, your reply is, This verse is his, because it makes for me; and this is not his, because it is against me.  Are you, then, the rule of truth?  Can nothing be true that is against you?  But what answer could you give to an opponent as insane as yourself, if he confronts you by saying, The passage in your favor is spurious, and that against you is genuine?  Perhaps you will produce a book, all of which can be explained so as to support you.  Then, instead of rejecting a passage, he will reply by condemning the whole book as spurious.  You have no resource against such an opponent.  For all the testimony you can bring in favor of your book from antiquity or tradition will avail nothing.  In this respect the testimony of the Catholic Church is conspicuous, as supported by a succession of bishops from the original seats of the apostles up to the present time, and by the consent of so many nations.  Accordingly, should there be a question about the text of some passage, as there are a few passages with various readings well known to students of the sacred Scriptures, we should first consult the manuscripts of the country where the religion was first taught; and if these still varied, we should take the text of the greater number, or of the more ancient.  And if any uncertainty remained, we should consult the original text.  This is the method employed by those who, in any question about the Scriptures, do not lose sight of the regard due to their authority, and inquire with the view of gaining information, not of raising disputes.380380     [The extremely subjective method of dealing with Scripture which Augustin ascribes to Faustus, was characteristic of Manichæism in general.—A.H.N.]

3.  As regards the passage from Paul’s epistle which teaches, in opposition to your heresy, that the Son of God was born of the seed of David, it is found in all manuscripts both new and old of all Churches, and in all languages.  So the profession which Faustus makes of believing the apostle is hypocritical.  Instead of saying, "Assuredly I believe," he should have said, Assuredly I do not believe, as he would have said if he had not wished to deceive people.  What part of his belief does 179he get from the apostle?  Not the first man, of whom the apostle says that he is of the earth, earthy; and again, "The first man Adam was made a living soul."  Faustus’ First Man is neither of the earth, earthy, nor made a living soul, but of the substance of God, and the same in essence as God; and this being is said to have mixed up with the race of darkness his members, or vesture, or weapons, that is, the five elements, which also are part of the substance of God, so that they became subject to confinement and pollution.  Nor does Faustus get from Paul his Second Man, of whom Paul says that He is from heaven, and that He is the last Adam, and a quickening spirit; and also that He was born of the seed of David after the flesh, that He was made of a woman, made under the law, that He might redeem them that were under the law.381381     Gal. iv. 4, 5.   Of Him Paul says to Timothy:  "Remember that Jesus Christ, of the seed of David, was raised from the dead, according to my gospel."382382     2 Tim. ii. 8.   And this resurrection he quotes as an example of our resurrection:  "I delivered unto you first of all that which I also received, how that Christ died for our sins, according to the Scriptures; and that He was buried, and that He rose again the third day, according to the Scriptures."  And a little further on he draws an inference from this doctrine:  "Now, if Christ be preached that He rose from the dead, how say some among you that there is no resurrection of the dead?" 383383     1 Cor. xv. 3, 4, 12.   Our professed believer in Paul believes nothing of all this.  He denies that Jesus was born of the seed of David, that He was made of a woman (by the word woman is not meant a wife in the common sense of the word, but merely one of the female sex, as in the book of Genesis, where it is said that God made a woman before she was brought to Adam384384     Gen. ii. 22. ); he denies His death, His burial, and His resurrection.  He holds that Christ had not a mortal body, and therefore could not really die; and that the marks of His wounds which He showed to His disciples when He appeared to them alive after His resurrection, which Paul also mentions,385385     1 Cor. xi. 5. were not real.  He denies, too, that our mortal body will be raised again, changed into a spiritual body; as Paul teaches:  "It is sown a natural body, it is raised a spiritual body."  To illustrate this distinction between the natural and the spiritual body, the apostle adds what I have quoted already about the first and the last Adam.  Then he goes on:  "But this I say, brethren, that flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God."  And to explain what he means by flesh and blood, that it is not the bodily substance, but corruption, which will not enter into the resurrection of the just, he immediately says, "Neither shall corruption inherit incorruption."  And in case any one should still suppose that it is not what is buried that is to rise again, but that it is as if one garment were laid aside and a better taken instead, he proceeds to show distinctly that the same body will be changed for the better, as the garments of Christ on the mount were not displaced, but transfigured:  "Behold, I show you a mystery; we shall not all be changed, but we shall all rise."386386     Vulg.   Then he shows who are to be changed:  "In a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trumpet:  for the trumpet shall sound, and the dead shall rise incorruptible, and we shall be changed."  And if it should be said that it is not as regards our mortal and corruptible body, but as regards our soul, that we are to be changed, it should be observed that the apostle is not speaking of the soul, but of the body, as is evident from the question he starts with:  "But some one will say, How are the dead raised, and with what body do they come?"  So also, in the conclusion of his argument, he leaves no doubt of what he is speaking:  "This corruptible must put on incorruption, and this mortal must put on immortality."387387     1 Cor. xv. 35-53.   Faustus denies this; and the God whom Paul declares to be "immortal, incorruptible, to whom alone is glory and honor,"388388     1 Tim. i. 17. he makes corruptible.  For in this monstrous and horrible fiction of theirs, the substance and nature of God was in danger of being wholly corrupted by the race of darkness, and to save the rest part actually was corrupted.  And to crown all this, he tries to deceive the ignorant who are not learned in the sacred Scriptures, by making this profession:  I assuredly believe the Apostle Paul; when he ought to have said, I assuredly do not believe.

4.  But Faustus has a proof to show that Paul changed his mind, and, in writing to the Corinthians, corrected what he had written to the Romans; or else that he never wrote the passage which appears as his, about Jesus Christ being born of the seed of David according to the flesh.  And what is this proof?  If the passage, he says, in the Epistle to the Romans is true, "the Son of God, who was made of the seed of David according to the flesh," what he says to the Corinthians cannot be true, "Henceforth know we no man after the flesh; yea, though we have known Christ after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we 180Him no more."  We must therefore show that both these passages are true, and not opposed to one another.  The agreement of the manuscripts proves both to be genuine.  In some Latin versions the word "born"389389     Natus. is used instead of "made,"390390     Factus. which is not so literal a rendering, but gives the same meaning.  For both these translations, as well as the original, teach that Christ was of the seed of David after the flesh.  We must not for a moment suppose that Paul corrected himself on account of a change of opinion.  Faustus himself felt the impropriety and impiety of such an explanation, and preferred to say that the passage was spurious, instead of that Paul was mistaken.

5.  As regards our writings, which are not a rule of faith or practice, but only a help to edification, we may suppose that they contain some things falling short of the truth in obscure and recondite matters, and that these mistakes may or may not be corrected in subsequent treatises.  For we are of those of whom the apostle says:  "And if ye be otherwise minded, God shall reveal even this unto you."391391     Phil. iii. 15.   Such writings are read with the right of judgment, and without any obligation to believe.  In order to leave room for such profitable discussions of difficult questions, there is a distinct boundary line separating all productions subsequent to apostolic times from the authoritative canonical books of the Old and New Testaments.  The authority of these books has come down to us from the apostles through the successions of bishops and the extension of the Church, and, from a position of lofty supremacy, claims the submission of every faithful and pious mind.  If we are perplexed by an apparent contradiction in Scripture, it is not allowable to say, The author of this book is mistaken; but either the manuscript is faulty, or the translation is wrong, or you have not understood.  In the innumerable books that have been written latterly we may sometimes find the same truth as in Scripture, but there is not the same authority.  Scripture has a sacredness peculiar to itself.  In other books the reader may form his own opinion, and perhaps, from not understanding the writer, may differ from him, and may pronounce in favor of what pleases him, or against what he dislikes.  In such cases, a man is at liberty to withhold his belief, unless there is some clear demonstration or some canonical authority to show that the doctrine or statement either must or may be true.  But in consequence of the distinctive peculiarity of the sacred writings, we are bound to receive as true whatever the canon shows to have been said by even one prophet, or apostle, or evangelist.  Otherwise, not a single page will be left for the guidance of human fallibility, if contempt for the wholesome authority of the canonical books either puts an end to that authority altogether, or involves it in hopeless confusion.392392     [This is an excellent statement of the doctrine of Scriptural authority, that has been held to by Protestants with far more consistency than by Catholics.—A.H.N.]

6.  With regard, then, to this apparent contradiction between the passage which speaks of the Son of God being of the seed of David, to the words, "Though we have known Christ after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we Him no more," even though both quotations were not from the writings of one apostle,—though one were from Paul, and the other from Peter, or Isaiah, or any other apostle or prophet,—such is the equality of canonical authority, that it would not be allowable to doubt of either.  For the utterances of Scripture, harmonious as if from the mouth of one man, commend themselves to the belief of the most accurate and clear-sighted piety, and demand for their discovery and confirmation the calmest intelligence and the most ingenious research.  In the case before us both quotations are from the canonical, that is, the genuine epistles of Paul.  We cannot say that the manuscript is faulty, for the best Latin translations substantially agree; or that the translations are wrong, for the best texts have the same reading.  So that, if any one is perplexed by the apparent contradiction, the only conclusion is that he does not understand.  Accordingly it remains for me to explain how both passages, instead of being contradictory, may be harmonized by one rule of sound faith.  The pious inquirer will find all perplexity removed by a careful examination.

7.  That the Son of God was made man of the seed of David, is not only said in other places by Paul, but is taught elsewhere in sacred Scripture.  As regards the words, "Though we have known Christ after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we Him no more," the context shows what is the apostle’s meaning.  Here, or elsewhere, he views with an assured hope, as if it were already present and in actual possession, our future life, which is now fulfilled in our risen Head and Mediator, the man Christ Jesus.  This life will certainly not be after the flesh, even as Christ’s life is now not after the flesh.  For by flesh the apostle here means not the substance of our bodies, in which sense the Lord used the 181word when, after His resurrection, He said, "Handle me, and see, for a spirit hath not flesh and bones, as ye see me have,"393393     Luke xxiv. 39. but the corruption and mortality of flesh, which will then not be in us, as now it is not in Christ.  The apostle uses the word flesh in the sense of corruption in the passage about the resurrection quoted before:  "Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God, neither shall corruption inherit incorruption."  So, after the event described in the next verse, "Behold, I show you a mystery; we shall all rise, but we shall not all be changed.  In a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trump (for the trumpet shall sound); and the dead shall be raised incorruptible, and we shall be changed.  For this corruptible must put on incorruption, and this mortal must put on immortality,"394394     1 Cor. xv. 50-53. —then flesh, in the sense of the substance of the body, will, after this change, no longer have flesh, in the sense of the corruption of mortality; and yet, as regards its own nature, it will be the same flesh, the same which rises and which is changed.  What the Lord said after His resurrection is true, "Handle me, and see; for a spirit hath not flesh and bones, as ye see me have;" and what the apostle says is true, "Flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God."  The first is said of the bodily substance, which exists as the subject of the change:  the second is said of the corruption of the flesh, which will cease to exist, for, after its change, flesh will not be corrupted.  So, "we have known Christ after the flesh," that is, after the mortality of flesh, before His resurrection; "now henceforth we know Him no more," because, as the same apostle says, "Christ being risen from the dead, dieth no more, and death hath no more dominion over Him." 395395     Rom. vi. 9.   The words, "we have known Christ after the flesh," strictly speaking, imply that Christ was after the flesh, for what never was cannot be known.  And it is not "we have supposed," but "we have known."  But not to insist on a word, in case some one should say that known is used in the sense of supposed, it is astonishing, if one could be surprised at want of sight in a blind man, that these blind people do not perceive that if what the apostle says about not knowing Christ after the flesh proves that Christ had not flesh, then what he says in the same place of not knowing any one henceforth after the flesh proves that all those here referred to had not flesh.  For when he speaks of not knowing any one, he cannot intend to speak only of Christ; but in his realization of the future life with those who are to be changed at the resurrection, he says, "Henceforth we know no man after the flesh;" that is, we have such an assured hope of our future incorruption and immortality, that the thought of it makes us rejoice even now.  So he says elsewhere:  "If ye then be risen with Christ, seek those things that are above, where Christ sitteth at the right hand of God.  Set your affections upon things above, and not on things on the earth."396396     Col. iii. 1, 2.   It is true we have not yet risen as Christ has, but we are said to have risen with Him on account of the hope which we have in Him.  So again he says:  "According to His mercy He saved us, by the washing of regeneration."397397     Tit. iii. 5.   Evidently what we obtain in the washing of regeneration is not the salvation itself, but the hope of it.  And yet, because this hope is certain, we are said to be saved, as if the salvation were already bestowed.  Elsewhere it is said explicitly:  "We groan within ourselves, waiting for the adoption, even the redemption of our body.  For we are saved by hope.  But hope which is seen is not hope; for what a man seeth, why doth he yet hope for?  But if we hope for what we see not, then do we with patience wait for it."398398     Rom. viii. 23-25.   The apostle says not, "we are to be saved," but, "We are now saved," that is, in hope, though not yet in reality.  And in the same way it is in hope, though not yet in reality, that we now know no man after the flesh.  This hope is in Christ, in whom what we hope for as promised to us has already been fulfilled.  He is risen, and death has no more dominion over Him.  Though we have known Him after the flesh, before His death, when there was in His body that mortality which the apostle properly calls flesh, now henceforth know we Him no more; for that mortal of His has now put on immortality, and His flesh, in the sense of mortality, no longer exists.

8.  The context of the passage containing this clause of which our adversaries make such a bad use, brings out its real meaning.  "The love of Christ," we read, "constrains us, because we thus judge, that if one died for all, then all died; and He died for all, that they which live should not henceforth live unto themselves, but to Him who died for them, and rose again.  Therefore henceforth know we no man after the flesh; and though we have known Christ after the flesh, yet now henceforth know we Him no more."  The words, "that they which live should not henceforth live unto themselves, but unto 182Him who died for them, and rose again," show plainly that the resurrection of Christ is the ground of the apostle’s statement.  To live not to themselves, but to Him, must mean to live not after the flesh, in the hope of earthly and perishable goods, but after the spirit, in the hope of resurrection,—a resurrection already accomplished in Christ.  Of those, then, for whom Christ died and rose again, and who live henceforth not to themselves, but to Him, the Apostle says that he knows no one after the flesh, on account of the hope of future immortality to which they were looking forward,—a hope which in Christ was already a reality.  So, though he has known Christ after the flesh, before His death, now he knows Him no more; for he knows that He has risen, and that death has no more dominion over Him.  And because in Christ we all are even now in hope, though not in reality, what Christ is, he adds:  "Therefore if any man be in Christ, he is a new creature:  old things are passed away; behold, all things are become new.  And all things are of God, who has reconciled us to Himself by Christ."399399     2 Cor. v. 14-18.   What the new creature—that is, the people renewed by faith—hopes for regarding itself, it has already in Christ; and the hope will also hereafter be actually realized.  And, as regards this hope, old things have passed away, because we are no longer in the times of the Old Testament, expecting a temporal and carnal kingdom of God; and all things are become new, making the promise of the kingdom of heaven, where there shall be no death or corruption, the ground of our confidence.  But in the resurrection of the dead it will not be as a matter of hope, but in reality, that old things shall pass away, when the last enemy, death, shall be destroyed; and all things shall become new when this corruptible has put on incorruption, and this mortal has put on immortality.  This has already taken place in Christ, whom Paul accordingly, in reality, knew no longer after the flesh.  But not yet in reality, but only in hope, did he know no one after the flesh of those for whom Christ died and rose again.  For, as he says to the Ephesians, we are already saved by grace.  The whole passage is to the purpose:  "But God, who is rich in mercy, for His great love wherewith He loved us, even when we were dead in sins, hath quickened us together with Christ, by whose grace we have been saved."  The words, "hath quickened us together with Christ," correspond to what he said to the Corinthians, "that they which live should no longer live to themselves, but to Him that died for them and rose again."  And in the words, "by whose grace we have been saved," he speaks of the thing hoped for as already accomplished.  So, in the passage quoted above, he says explicitly, "We have been saved by hope."  And here he proceeds to specify future events as if already accomplished.  "And has raised us up together," he says, "and has made us sit together in heavenly places in Christ Jesus."  Christ is certainly already seated in heavenly places, but we not yet.  But as in an assured hope we already possess the future, he says that we sit in heavenly places, not in ourselves, but in Him.  And to show that it is still future, in case it should be thought that what is spoken of as accomplished in hope has been accomplished in reality, he adds, "that He might show in the ages to come the exceeding riches of His grace in His kindness towards us in Christ Jesus."400400     Eph. ii. 4-7.   So also we must understand the following passage:  "For when we were in the flesh, the motions of sins, which were by the law, did work in our members to bring forth fruit unto death."401401     Rom. vii. 5.   He says, "when we were in the flesh," as if they were no longer in the flesh.  He means to say, when we were in the hope of fleshly things, referring to the time when the law, which can be fulfilled only by spiritual love, was in force, in order that by transgression the offence might abound, that after the revelation of the New Testament, grace and the gift by grace might much more abound.  And to the same effect he says elsewhere, "They which are in the flesh cannot please God;" and then, to show that he does not mean those not yet dead, he adds, "But ye are not in the flesh, but in the Spirit."402402     Rom. viii. 8, 9.   The meaning is, those who are in the hope of fleshly good cannot please God; but you are not in the hope of fleshly things, but in the hope of spiritual things, that is, of the kingdom of heaven, where the body itself, which now is natural, will, by the change in the resurrection, be, according to the capacity of its nature, a spiritual body.  For "it is sown a natural body, it will be raised a spiritual body."  If, then, the apostle knew no one after the flesh of those who were said to be not in the flesh, because they were not in the hope of fleshly things, although they still were burdened with corruptible and mortal flesh; how much more significantly could he say of Christ that he no longer knew Him after the flesh, seeing that in the body of Christ what they hoped for had already been accomplished!  Surely it is better and more 183reverential to examine the passages of sacred Scripture so as to discover their agreement with one another, than to accept some as true, and condemn others as false, whenever any difficulty occurs beyond the power of our weak intellect to solve.  As to the apostle in his childhood understanding as a child, this is said merely as an illustration.403403     1 Cor. xiii. 11.   And when he was a child he was not a spiritual man, as he was when he produced for the edification of the churches those writings which are not, as other books, merely a profitable study, but which authoritatively claim our belief as part of the ecclesiastical canon.

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Book XII.

Faustus denies that the prophets predicted Christ.  Augustin proves such prediction from the New Testament, and expounds at length the principal types of Christ in the Old Testament.

1.  Faustus said:  Why do I not believe the prophets?  Rather why do you believe them?  On account, you will reply, of their prophecies about Christ.  For my part, I have read the prophets with the most eager attention, and have found no such prophecies.  And surely it shows a weak faith not to believe in Christ without proofs and testimonies.  Indeed, you yourselves are accustomed to teach that Christian faith is so simple and absolute as not to admit of laborious investigations.  Why, then, should you destroy the simplicity of faith by buttressing it with evidences, and Jewish evidences too?  Or if you are changing your opinion about evidences, what more trustworthy witness could you have than God Himself testifying to His own Son when He sent Him on earth,—not by a prophet or an interpreter,—by a voice immediately from heaven:  "This is my beloved Son, believe Him?"404404     Matt. iii. 17.   And again He testifies of Himself:  "I came forth from the Father, and am come into the world;"405405     John xvi. 28. and in many similar passages.  When the Jews quarrelled with this testimony, saying "Thou bearest witness of thyself, thy witness is not true," He replied:  "Although I bear witness of myself, my witness is true.  It is written in your law, The witness of two men is true.  I am one that bear witness of myself, and the Father who sent me beareth witness of me."406406     John viii. 13-18.   He does not mention the prophets.  Again He appeals to the testimony of His own works, saying, "If ye believe not me, believe the works;"407407     John x. 38. not, "If ye believe not me, believe the prophets."  Accordingly we require no testimonies concerning our Saviour.  All we look for in the prophets is prudence and virtue, and a good example, which, you are well aware, are not to be found in the Jewish prophets.  This, no doubt, explains your referring me at once to their predictions as a reason for believing them, without a word about their actions.  This may be good policy, but it is not in harmony with the declaration of Scripture, that it is impossible to gather grapes from thorns, or figs from thistles.  This may serve meanwhile as a brief and sufficient reply to the question, why we do not believe the prophets.  The fact that they did not prophesy of Christ is abundantly proved in the writings of our fathers.  I shall only add this, that if the Hebrew prophets knew and preached Christ, and yet lived such vicious lives, what Paul says of the wise men among the Gentiles might be applied to them:  "Though they knew God, they glorified Him not as God, nor were thankful; but they became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened."408408     Rom. i. 21.   You see the knowledge of great things is worth little, unless the life corresponds.

2.  Augustin replied:  The meaning of all this is, that the Hebrew prophets foretold nothing of Christ, and that, if they did, their predictions are of no use to us, and they themselves did not live suitably to the dignity of such prophecies.  We must therefore prove the fact of the prophecies; and their use for the truth and steadfastness of our faith; and that the lives of the prophets were in harmony with their words.  In this threefold discussion, it would take a long time under the first head to quote from all the books the passages in which Christ may be shown to have been predicted.  Faustus’ frivolity may be met effectually by the weight of one great authority.  Although Faustus does not believe the prophets, he professes to believe the apostles.  Above, as if to satisfy the doubts of some opponent, he declares that he assuredly believes the Apostle Paul.409409     Lib. xi.   Let us then hear what Paul says of the prophets.  His words are:  "Paul, a servant of Jesus Christ, 184called to be an apostle, separated unto the gospel of God, which He had promised before by His prophets in the holy Scriptures, concerning His Son, who was made of the seed of David according to the flesh."410410     Rom. i. 1-3.   What more does Faustus wish?  Will he maintain that the apostle is speaking of some other prophets, and not of the Hebrew prophets?  In any case, the gospel spoken of as promised was concerning the Son of God, who was made for Him of the seed of David according to the flesh:  and to this gospel the apostle says that he was separated.  So that the Manichæan heresy is opposed to faith in the gospel, which teaches that the Son of God was made of the seed of David according to the flesh.  Besides, there are many passages where the apostle plainly testifies in behalf of the Hebrew prophets, with an authority by which the necks of these proud Manichæans are broken.

3.  "I speak the truth in Christ," says the apostle, "I lie not, my conscience bearing me witness in the Holy Ghost, that I have great heaviness and continual sorrow of heart.  For I could wish that myself were accursed from Christ, for my brethren, my kinsmen according to the flesh:  who are Israelites; to whom pertaineth the adoption, and the glory, and the covenants, and the giving of the law, and the service and the promises; whose are the fathers, and of whom, as concerning the flesh, Christ came, who is over all, God blessed for ever."411411     Rom. ix. 1-5.   Here is the most abundant and express testimony and the most solemn commendation.  The adoption here spoken of is evidently through the Son of God; as the apostle says to the Galatians:  "In the fullness of time, God sent forth His Son, made of a woman, made under the law, that He might redeem them that were under the law, that we might receive the adoption of sons."412412     Gal. iv. 4, 5.   And the glory spoken of is chiefly that of which he says in the same Epistle to the Romans:  "What advantage hath the Jew? or what profit is there in circumcision?  Much every way:  chiefly, because unto them were committed the oracles of God."413413     Rom. iii. 1, 2.   Can the Manichæans tell us of any oracles of God committed to the Jews besides those of the Hebrew prophets?  And why are the covenants said to belong especially to the Israelites, but because not only was the Old Testament given to them, but also the New was prefigured in the Old?  Our opponents often display much ignorant ferocity in attacking the dispensation of the law given to the Israelites, not understanding that God wishes us to be not under the law, but under grace.  They are here answered by the apostle himself, who, in speaking of the advantages of the Jews, mentions this as one, that they had the giving of the law.  If the law had been bad, the apostle would not have referred to it in praise of the Jews.  And if Christ had not been preached by the law, the Lord Himself would not have said, "If ye believe Moses, ye would have believed me, for he wrote of me;"414414     John v. 46. nor would He have borne the testimony He did after His resurrection, saying, "All things must needs be fulfilled that were written in the law of Moses, and in the Prophets, and in the Psalms, concerning me."415415     Luke xxiv. 44.

4.  But because the Manichæans preach another Christ, and not Him whom the apostles preached, but a false Christ of their own false contrivance, in imitation of whose falsehood they themselves speak lies, though they may perhaps be believed when they are not ashamed to profess to be the followers of a deceiver, that has befallen them which the apostle asserts of the unbelieving Jews:  "When Moses is read, a veil is upon their heart."  Neither will this veil which keeps them from understanding Moses be taken away from them till they turn to Christ; not a Christ of their own making, but the Christ of the Hebrew prophets.  For, as the apostle says, "When thou shalt turn to the Lord, the veil shall be taken away."416416     2 Cor. iii. 15, 16.   We cannot wonder that they do not believe in the Christ who rose from the dead, and who said, "All things must needs be fulfilled which were written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the Psalms, concerning me;" for this Christ has Himself told us what Abraham said to a hard-hearted rich man when he was in torment in hell, and asked Abraham to send some one to his brothers to teach them, that they might not come too into that place of torment.  Abraham’s reply was:  "They have Moses and the prophets, let them hear them."  And when the rich man said that they would not believe unless some one rose from the dead, he received this most truthful answer:  "If they hear not Moses and the prophets, neither will they believe even though one rose from the dead."417417     Luke xvi. 27-31.   Wherefore, the Manichæans will not hear Moses and the prophets, and so they do not believe Christ, though He rose from the dead.  Indeed, they do not even believe that Christ rose from the dead.  For how can they believe that He rose, when they do not believe that He died?  For, again, how 185can they believe that He died, when they deny that He had a mortal body?

5.  But we reject those false teachers whose Christ is false, or rather, whose Christ never existed.  For we have a Christ true and truthful, foretold by the prophets, preached by the apostles, who in innumerable places refer to the testimonies of the law and the prophets in support of their preaching.  Paul, in one short sentence, gives the right view of this subject.  "Now," he says, "the righteousness of God without the law is manifested, being witnessed by the law and the prophets."418418     Rom. iii. 21.   What prophets, if not of Israel, to whom, as he expressly says, pertain the covenants, and the giving of the law, and the promises?  And what promises, but about Christ?  Elsewhere, speaking of Christ, he says concisely:  "All the promises of God are in Him yea."419419     2 Cor. i. 20.   Paul tells me that the giving of the law pertained to the Israelites.  He also tells me that Christ is the end of the law for righteousness to every one that believeth.  He also tells me that all the promises of God are in Christ yea.  And you tell me that the prophets of Israel foretold nothing of Christ.  Shall I believe the absurdities of Manichæus relating a vain and long fable in opposition to Paul? or shall I believe Paul when he forewarns us:  "If any man preach to you another gospel than that which we have preached, let him be accursed?"

6.  Our opponents may perhaps ask us to point out passages where Christ is predicted by the prophets of Israel.  One would think they might be satisfied with the authority of the apostles, who declare that what we read in the writings of the Hebrew prophets was fulfilled in Christ, or with that of Christ Himself, who says that these things were written of Him.  Whoever is unable to point out the passages should lay the blame on his own ignorance; for the apostles and Christ and the sacred Scriptures are not chargeable with falsehood.  However, one instance out of many may be adduced.  The apostle, in the verses following the passage quoted above, says:  "The word of God cannot fail.  For they are not all Israel which are of Israel; neither, because they are the seed of Abraham, are they all children:  but, In Isaac shall thy seed be called:  that is, they which are the children of the flesh, these are not the children of God; but the children of promise are counted for the seed."420420     Rom. ix. 6-8.   What can our opponent say against this, in view of the declaration made to Abraham:  "In thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed?"  At the time when the apostle gave the following exposition of this promise, "To Abraham and to his seed were the promises made.  He saith not, To seed, as of many, but as of one, To thy seed, which is Christ,"421421     Gal. iii. 16. a doubt on this point might then have been less inexcusable, for at that time all nations had not yet believed on Christ, who is preached as of the seed of Abraham.  But now that we see the fulfillment of what we read in the ancient prophecy,—now that all nations are actually blessed in the seed of Abraham, to whom it was said thousands of years ago, "In thy seed shall all nations be blessed,"—it is mere obstinate folly to try to bring in another Christ, not of the seed of Abraham, or to hold that there are no predictions of Christ in the prophetical books of the children of Abraham.

7.  To enumerate all the passages in the Hebrew prophets referring to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, would exceed the limits of a volume, not to speak of the brief replies of which this treatise consists.  The whole contents of these Scriptures are either directly or indirectly about Christ.  Often the reference is allegorical or enigmatical, perhaps in a verbal allusion, or in a historical narrative, requiring diligence in the student, and rewarding him with the pleasure of discovery.  Other passages, again, are plain; for, without the help of what is clear, we could not understand what is obscure.  And even the figurative passages, when brought together, will be found so harmonious in their testimony to Christ as to put to shame the obtuseness of the sceptic.

8.  In the creation God finished His works in six days, and rested on the seventh.  The history of the world contains six periods marked by the dealings of God with men.  The first period is from Adam to Noah; the second, from Noah to Abraham; the third, from Abraham to David; the fourth, from David to the captivity in Babylon; the fifth, from the captivity to the advent of lowliness of our Lord Jesus Christ; the sixth is now in progress, and will end in the coming of the exalted Saviour to judgment.  What answers to the seventh day is the rest of the saints,—not in this life, but in another, where the rich man saw Lazarus at rest while he was tormented in hell; where there is no evening, because there is no decay.  On the sixth day, in Genesis, man is formed after the image of God; in the sixth period of the world there is the clear discovery of our transformation in the renewing of our mind, according to the 186image of Him who created us, as the apostle says.422422     Col. iii. 10.   As a wife was made for Adam from his side while he slept, the Church becomes the property of her dying Saviour, by the sacrament of the blood which flowed from His side after His death.  The woman made out of her husband’s side is called Eve, or Life, and the mother of living beings; and the Lord says in the Gospel:  "Except a man eat my flesh and drink my blood, he has no life in him."423423     John vi. 53.   The whole narrative of Genesis, in the most minute details, is a prophecy of Christ and of the Church with reference either to the good Christians or to the bad.  There is a significance in the words of the apostle when he calls Adam "the figure of Him that was to come;"424424     Rom. v. 14. and when he says, "A man shall leave his father and mother, and shall cleave to his wife, and they two shall be one flesh.  This is a great mystery; but I speak concerning Christ and the Church."425425     Eph. v. 31, 32.   This points most obviously to the way in which Christ left His Father; for "though He was in the form of God, and thought it not robbery to be equal with God, He emptied Himself, and took upon Him the form of a servant."426426     Phil. ii. 6, 7.   And so, too, He left His mother, the synagogue of the Jews which cleaved to the carnality of the Old Testament, and was united to the Church His holy bride, that in the peace of the New Testament they two might be one flesh.  For though with the Father He was God, by whom we were made, He became in the flesh partaker of our nature, that we might become the body of which He is the head.

9.  As Cain’s sacrifice of the fruit of the ground is rejected, while Abel’s sacrifice of his sheep and the fat thereof is accepted, so the faith of the New Testament praising God in the harmless service of grace is preferred to the earthly observances of the Old Testament.  For though the Jews were right in practising these things, they were guilty of unbelief in not distinguishing the time of the New Testament when Christ came, from the time of the Old Testament.  God said to Cain, "If thou offerest well, yet if thou dividest not well, thou hast sinned."427427     Vulg.   If Cain had obeyed God when He said, "Be content, for to thee shall be its reference, and thou shalt rule over it," he would have referred his sin to himself, by taking the blame of it, and confessing it to God; and so assisted by supplies of grace, he would have ruled over his sin, instead of acting as the servant of sin in killing his innocent brother.  So also the Jews, of whom all these things are a figure, if they had been content, instead of being turbulent, and had acknowledged the time of salvation through the pardon of sins by grace, and heard Christ saying, "They that are whole need not a physician, but they that are sick; I came not to call the righteous, but sinners to repentance;"428428     Matt. ix. 12, 13. and, "Every one that committeth sin is the servant of sin;" and, "If the Son make you free, ye shall be free indeed,"429429     John viii. 34, 36. —they would in confession have referred their sin to themselves, saying to the Physician, as it is written in the Psalm, "I said, Lord, be merciful to me; heal my soul, for I have sinned against Thee."430430     Ps. xli. 4.   And being made free by the hope of grace, they would have ruled over sin as long as it continued in their mortal body.  But now, being ignorant of God’s righteousness, and wishing to establish a righteousness of their own, proud of the works of the law, instead of being humbled on account of their sins, they have not been content; and in subjection to sin reigning in their mortal body, so as to make them obey it in the lusts thereof, they have stumbled on the stone of stumbling, and have been inflamed with hatred against him whose works they grieved to see accepted by God.  The man who was born blind, and had been made to see, said to them, "We know that God heareth not sinners; but if any man serve Him,