Comp. vol. III. ch. VII., and Neander III. 123–140; 425–455 (Boston ed.).


 § 92. The Mass.

Comp. vol. III. § 96–101 and the liturgical Lit. there quoted; also the works on Christian and Ecclesiastical Antiquities, e.g. Siegel III. 361–411.


The public worship centered in the celebration of the mass as an actual, though unbloody, repetition of the sacrifice of Christ for the sins of the world. In this respect the Eastern and Western churches are fully agreed to this day. They surround this ordinance with all the solemnity of a mysterious symbolism. They differ only in minor details.

Pope Gregory I. improved the Latin liturgy, and gave it that shape which it substantially retains in the Roman church.421  He was filled with the idea that the eucharist embodies the reconciliation of heaven and earth, of eternity and time, and is fraught with spiritual benefit for the living and the pious dead in one unbroken communion. When the priest offers the unbloody sacrifice to God, the heavens are opened, the angel are present, and the visible and invisible worlds united.422

Gregory introduced masses for the dead,423 in connection with the doctrine of purgatory which he developed and popularized. They were based upon the older custom of praying for the departed, and were intended to alleviate and abridge the penal sufferings of those who died in the Catholic faith, but in need of purification from remaining infirmities. Very few Catholics are supposed to be prepared for heaven; and hence such masses were often ordered beforehand by the dying, or provided by friends.424  They furnished a large income to priests. The Oriental church has no clearly defined doctrine of purgatory, but likewise holds that the departed are benefited by prayers of the living, "especially such as are offered in union with the oblation of the bloodless sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ, and by works of mercy done in faith for their memory."425

The high estimate of the efficacy of the sacrament led also to the abuse of solitary masses, where the priest celebrates without attendants.426  This destroys the original character of the institution as a feast of communion with the Redeemer and the redeemed. Several synods in the age of Charlemagne protested against the practice. The Synod of Mainz in 813 decreed: "No presbyter, as it seems to us, can sing masses alone rightly, for how will he say sursum corda! or Dominus vobiscum! when there is no one with him?"  A reformatory Synod of Paris, 829, prohibits these masses, and calls them a "reprehensible practice," which has crept in "partly through neglect, partly through avarice."427

The mysterious character of the eucharist was changed into the miraculous and even the magical with the spread of the belief in the doctrine of transubstantiation. But the doctrine was contested in two controversies before it triumphed in the eleventh century.428

The language of the mass was Greek in the Eastern, Latin in the Western church. The Latin was an unknown tongue to the barbarian races of Europe. It gradually went out of use among the descendants of the Romans, and gave place to the Romanic languages. But the papal church, sacrificing the interests of the people to the priesthood, and rational or spiritual worship429 to external unity, retained the Latin language in the celebration of the mass to this day, as the sacred language of the church. The Council of Trent went so far as to put even the uninspired Latin Vulgate practically on an equality with the inspired Hebrew and Greek Scriptures.430


 § 93. The Sermon.

As the chief part of divine service was unintelligible to the people, it was all the more important to supplement it by preaching and catechetical instruction in the vernacular tongues. But this is the weak spot in the church of the middle ages.431

Pope Gregory I. preached occasionally with great earnestness, but few popes followed his example. It was the duty of bishops to preach, but they often neglected it. The Council of Clovesho, near London, which met in 747 under Cuthbert, archbishop of Canterbury, for the reformation of abuses, decreed that the bishops should annually visit their parishes, instruct and exhort the abbots and monks, and that all presbyters should be able to explain the Apostles’ Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, the mass, and the office of baptism to the people in the vernacular.432  A Synod of Tours, held in the year 813, and a Synod of Mainz, held under Rabanus Maurus in 847, decreed that every bishop should have a collection of homilies and translate them clearly "in rusticam Romanam linguam aut Theotiscam, i.e. into French (Romance) or German," "in order that all may understand them."433

The great majority of priests were too ignorant to prepare a sermon, and barely understood the Latin liturgical forms. A Synod of Aix, 802, prescribed that they should learn the Athanasian and Apostles’ Creed, the Lord’s Prayer with exposition, the Sacramentarium or canon of the mass, the formula of exorcism, the commendatio animae, the Penitential, the Calendar and the Roman cantus; they should learn to understand the homilies for Sundays and holy days as models of preaching, and read the pastoral theology of Pope Gregory. This was the sum and substance of clerical learning.434  The study of the Greek Testament and the Hebrew Scriptures was out of the question, and there was hardly a Western bishop or pope in the middle ages who was able to study the divine oracles in the original.

The best, therefore, that the priests and deacons, and even most of the bishops could do was to read the sermons of the fathers. Augustin had given this advice to those who were not skilled in composition. It became a recognized practice in France and England. Hence the collection of homilies, called Homiliaria, for the Gospels and Epistles of Sundays and holy days. They are mostly patristic compilations. Bede’s collection, called Homilice de Tempore, contains thirty-three homilies for the summer, fifteen for the winter, twenty-two for Lent, besides sermons on saints’ days. Charlemagne commissioned Paulus Diaconus or Paul Warnefrid (a monk of Monte Cassino and one of his chaplains, the historian of the Lombards, and writer of poems on saints) to prepare a Homiliarium (or Omiliarius) about a.d. 780, and recommended it for adoption in the churches of France. It follows the order of Sundays and festivals, is based on the text of the Vulgate, and continued in use more or less for several centuries.435  Other collections were made in later times, and even the Reformed church of England under Edward VI. and Queen Elizabeth found it necessary to provide ignorant clergymen with two Books of Homilies adapted to the doctrines of the Reformation.

In this connection we must allude again to the poetic reproductions of the Bible history, namely, the divine epos of Caedmon, the Northumbrian monk (680), the Saxon Heliand" (Heiland, i.e. Saviour, about 880), and the "Christ" or Gospel Harmony of Otfrid (a pupil of Rabanus Maurus, about 870). These works were effective popular sermons on the history of redemption, and are at the same time the most valuable remains of the Anglo-Saxon and old high German dialects of the Teutonic language.436

It was, however, not till the Reformation of the sixteenth century that the sermon and the didactic element were restored and fully recognized in their dignity and importance as regular and essential parts of public worship. I say, worship, for to expound the oracles of God, and devoutly to listen to such exposition is or ought to be worship both on the part of the preacher and on the part of the hearer, as well as praying and singing.


 § 94. Church Poetry. Greek Hymns and Hymnists.


See the Lit. in vol. III. § 113 (p. 575 sq.) and § 114 (p. 578), and add the following:

Cardinal Pitra: Hymnographie de l’église grecque. Rome 1867. By the same: Analecta Sacra Spicilegio Solesmensi parata, T. I. Par. 1876.

Wilhelm Christ et M. Paranikas: Anthologia Graeca carminum Christianorum. Lips. 1871. CXLIV and 268 pages. The Greek text with learned Prolegomena in Latin. Christ was aided by Paranikas, a member of the Greek church. Comp. Christ: Beiträge zur kirchlichen Literatur der Byzantiner. München 1870.

[?]. L. Jacobi (Prof. of Church Hist. in Halle): Zur Geschichte der griechischen Kirchenliedes (a review of Pitra’s Analecta), in Brieger’s "Zeitschrift für Kirchengesch., "vol. V. Heft 2, p. 177–250 (Gotha 1881).

For a small selection of Greek hymns in the original see the third volume of Daniel’s Thesaurus Hymnologicus (1855), and Bässler’s Auswahl altchristlicher Lieder (1858), p. 153–166.

For English versions see especially J. M. Neale: Hymns of the Eastern Church (Lond. 1862, third ed. 1866, 159 pages; new ed. 1876, in larger print 250 pages); also Schaff: Christ in Song (1869), which gives versions of 14 Greek (and 73 Latin) hymns. German translations in Bässler, l.c. p. 3–25.

[Syrian Hymnology. To the lit. mentioned vol. III. 580 add: Gust. Bickell: S. Ephraemi Syri Carmina Nisibena, additis prolegomenis et supplemento lexicorum syriacorum edidit, vertit, explicavit. Lips.] 1866. Carl Macke: Hymnen aus dem Zweiströmeland. Dichtungen des heil. Ephrem des Syrers aus dem syr. Urtext in’s Deutsche übertragen, etc. Mainz 1882. 270 pages. Macke is a pupil of Bickell and a successor of Zingerle as translator of Syrian church poetry.]

The general church histories mostly neglect or ignore hymnology, which is the best reflection of Christian life and worship.


The classical period of Greek church poetry extends from about 650 to 820, and nearly coincides with the iconoclastic controversy. The enthusiasm for the worship of saints and images kindled a poetic inspiration, and the chief advocates of that worship were also the chief hymnists.437  Their memory is kept sacred in the Eastern church. Their works are incorporated in the ritual books, especially the Menaea, which contain in twelve volumes (one for each month) the daily devotions and correspond to the Latin Breviary.438  Many are still unpublished and preserved in convent libraries. They celebrate the holy Trinity and the Incarnation, the great festivals, and especially also the Virgin Mary, the saints and martyrs, and sacred icons.

The Greek church poetry is not metrical and rhymed, but written in rhythmical prose for chanting, like the Psalms, the hymns of the New Testament, the Gloria in Excelsis and the Te Deum. The older hymnists were also melodists and composed the music.439  The stanzas are called troparia;440 the first troparion is named hirmos, because it strikes the tune and draws the others after it.441  Three or more stanzas form an ode; three little odes are a triodion; nine odes or three triodia form a canon. The odes usually end with a doxology (doxa) and a stanza in praise of Mary the Mother of God (theotokion).442  A hymn with a tune of its own is called an idiomelon.443

This poetry fills, according to Neale, more than nine tenths or four fifths of the Greek service books. It has been heretofore very little known and appreciated in the West, but is now made accessible.444  It contains some precious gems of genuine Christian hymns, buried in a vast mass of monotonous, bombastic and tasteless laudations of unknown confessors and martyrs, and wonder-working images.445

The Greek church poetry begins properly with the anonymous but universally accepted and truly immortal Gloria in Excelsis of the third century.446  The poems of Gregory of Nazianzus (d. 390), and Synesius of Cyrene (d. about 414), who used the ordinary classical measures, are not adapted and were not intended for public worship.447

The first hymnist of the Byzantine period, is Anatolius patriarch of Constantinople (d. about 458). He struck out the new path of harmonious prose, and may be compared to Venantius Fortunatus in the West.448

We now proceed to the classical period of Greek church poetry.

In the front rank of Greek hymnists stands St. John Of Damascus, surnamed Mansur (d. in extreme old age about 780). He is the greatest systematic theologian of the Eastern church and chief champion of image-worship against iconoclasm under the reigns of Leo the Isaurian (717–741), and Constantinus Copronymus (741–775). He spent a part of his life in the convent of Mar Sâba (or St. Sabas) in the desolate valley of the Kedron, between Jerusalem and the Dead Sea.449  He was thought to have been especially inspired by the Virgin Mary, the patron of that Convent, to consecrate his muse to the praise of Christ. He wrote a great part of the Octoechus, which contains the Sunday services of the Eastern church. His canon for Easter Day is called "the golden Canon" or "the queen of Canons," and is sung at midnight before Easter, beginning with the shout of joy, "Christ is risen," and the response, "Christ is risen indeed."  His memory is celebrated December 4.450

Next to him, and as melodist even above him in the estimation of the Byzantine writers, is St. Cosmas Of Jerusalem, called the Melodist. He is, as Neale says, "the most learned of the Greek poets, and the Oriental Adam of St. Victor."  Cosmas and John of Damascus were foster-brothers, friends and fellow-monks at Mar Sâba, and corrected each other’s compositions. Cosmas was against his will consecrated bishop of Maiuma near Gaza in Southern Palestine, by John, patriarch of Jerusalem. He died about 760 and is commemorated on the 14th of October. The stichos prefixed to his life says:


"Where perfect sweetness dwells, is Cosmas gone;

But his sweet lays to cheer the church live on."451


The third rank is occupied by St. Theophanes, surnamed the Branded,452 one of the most fruitful poets. He attended the second Council of Nicaea (787). During the reign of Leo the Arminian (813) he suffered imprisonment, banishment and mutilation for his devotion to the Icons, and died about 820. His "Chronography" is one of the chief sources for the history of the image-controversy.453

The following specimen from Adam’s lament of his fall is interesting:


"Adam sat right against the Eastern gate,

By many a storm of sad remembrance tost:

O me! so ruined by the serpent’s hate!

O me! so glorious once, and now so lost!

So mad that bitter lot to choose!

Beguil’d of all I had to lose!

Must I then, gladness of my eyes, —

Must I then leave thee, Paradise,

And as an exile go?

And must I never cease to grieve

How once my God, at cool of eve,

Came down to walk below?

O Merciful! on Thee I call:

O Pitiful! forgive my fall!"


The other Byzantine hymnists who preceded or succeeded those three masters, are the following. Their chronology is mostly uncertain or disputed.

Sergius, patriarch of Constantinople in the reign of Heracleus (610–641), figures in the beginning of the Monotheletic controversy, and probably suggested the union formula to that emperor. He is supposed by Christ to be the author of a famous and favorite hymn Akathistos, in praise of Mary as the deliverer of Constantinople from the siege of the Persians (630), but it is usually ascribed to Georgius Pisida.454

Sophronius, patriarch of Jerusalem (629), celebrated in Anacreontic metres the praises of Christ, the apostles, and martyrs, and wrote idiomela with music for the church service 455

Maximus The Confessor (580–662), the leader and martyr of the orthodox dyotheletic doctrine in the Monotheletic controversy, one of the profoundest divines and mystics of the Eastern Church, wrote a few hymns.456

Germanus (634–734), bishop of Cyzicus, then patriarch of Constantinople (715), was deposed, 730, for refusing to comply with the iconoclastic edicts of the Emperor Leo the Isaurian (717–741), and died in private life, aged about one hundred years. He is "regarded by the Greeks as one of their most glorious Confessors" (Neale). Among his few poetical compositions are stanzas on Symeon the Stylite, on the prophet Elijah, on the Decollation of John the Baptist, and a canon on the wonder-working Image in Edessa.457

Andrew Of Crete (660–732) was born at Damascus, became monk at Jerusalem, deacon at Constantinople, archbishop of Crete, took part in the Monotheletic Synod of 712, but afterwards returned to orthodoxy. In view of this change and his advocacy of the images, he was numbered among the saints. He is regarded as the inventor of the Canons. His "Great Canon" is sung right through on the Thursday of Mid-Lent week, which is called from that hymn. It is a confession of sin and an invocation of divine mercy. It contains no less than two hundred and fifty (Neale says, three hundred) stanzas.458

John of Damascus reduced the unreasonable length of the canons.

Another Andrew, called  jAndreva" Purov" or Purrov", is credited with eight idiomela in the Menaea, from which Christ has selected the praise of Peter and Paul as the best.459

Stephen The Sabaite (725–794) was a nephew of John of Damascus, and spent fifty-nine years in the convent of Mar Sâba, which is pitched, like an eagle’s nest, on the wild rocks of the Kedron valley. He is commemorated on the 13th of July. He struck the key-note of Neale’s exquisite hymn of comfort, "Art thou weary," which is found in some editions of the Octoechus. He is the inspirer rather than the author of that hymn, which is worthy of a place in every book of devotional poetry.460

Romanus, deacon in Berytus, afterwards priest in Constantinople, is one of the most original and fruitful among the older poets. Petra ascribes to him twenty-five hymns. He assigned him to the reign of Anastasius I. (491–518), but Christ to the reign of Anastasius II. (713–719), and Jacobi with greater probability to the time of Constantinus Pogonatus (681–685).461

Theodore Of The Studium (a celebrated convent near Constantinople) is distinguished for his sufferings in the iconoclastic controversy, and died in exile, 826, on the eleventh of November. He wrote canons for Lent and odes for the festivals of saints. The spirited canon on Sunday of Orthodoxy in celebration of the final triumph of image-worship in 842, is ascribed to him, but must be of later date as he died before that victory.462

Joseph Of The Studium, a brother of Theodore, and monk of that convent, afterwards Archbishop of Thessalonica (hence also called Thessalonicensis), died in prison in consequence of tortures inflicted on him by order of the Emperor Theophilus (829–842). He is sometimes confounded (even by Neale) with Joseph Hymnographus; but they are distinguished by Nicephorus and commemorated on different days.463

Theoctistus Of The Studium (about 890) is the author of a "Suppliant Canon to Jesus," the only thing known of him, but the sweetest Jesus-hymn of the Greek Church.464

Joseph, called Hymnographus (880), is the most prolific, most bombastic, and most tedious of Greek hymn-writers. He was a Sicilian by birth, at last superintendent of sacred vessels in a church at Constantinople. He was a friend of Photius, and followed him into exile. He is credited with a very large number of canons in the Mencaea and the Octoechus.465

Tarasius, patriarch of Constantinople (784), was the chief mover in the restoration of Icons and the second Council of Nicaea (787). He died Feb. 25, 806. His hymns are Unimportant.466

EUTHYMIUS, usually known as Syngelus or Syncellus (died about 910), is the author of a penitential canon to the Virgin Mary, which is much esteemed in the East.467

Elias, bishop of Jerusalem about 761, and Orestes, bishop of the same city, 996–1012, have been brought to light as poets by the researches of Pitra from the libraries of Grotta Ferrata, and other convents.

In addition to these may be mentioned Methodius (846)468 Photius, Patriarch of Constantinople (d. 891), Metrophanes of Smyrna (900), Leo VI., or the Philosopher, who troubled the Eastern Church by a fourth marriage (886–917), Symeon Metaphrastes (Secretary and Chancellor of the Imperial Court at Constantinople, about 900), Kasias, Nilus Xanthopulus, Joannes Geometra, and Mauropus (1060). With the last the Greek hymnody well nigh ceased. A considerable number of hymns cannot be traced to a known author.469

We give in conclusion the best specimens of Greek hymnody as reproduced and adapted to modern use by Dr. Neale.


’Tis the Day of Resurrection.
( jAnastavsew" hJmevra.)


By St. John of Damascus.


’Tis the Day of Resurrection,
Earth, tell it out abroad!

The Passover of gladness,
The Passover of God!

From death to life eternal,
From earth unto the sky,

Our Christ hath brought us over,
With hymns of victory.


Our hearts be pure from evil,
That we may see aright

The Lord in rays eternal
Of resurrection light:

And, listening to His accents,
May hear, so calm and plain,

His own "All hail!"—and hearing,
May raise the victor strain.


Now let the heavens be!
Let earth her song begin!

Let the round world keep triumph,
And all that is therein:

In grateful exultation
Their notes let all things blend,

For Christ the Lord hath risen,
Our joy that hath no end.




Jesu, name all names above.

(!Ihsou' glukuvtate.)


By St. Theoctistus of the Studium.


Jesu, name all names above,
Jesu, best and dearest,

Jesu, Fount of perfect love,
Holiest, tenderest, nearest!

Jesu, source of grace completest,

Jesu truest, Jesu sweetest,
Jesu, Well of power divine,
Make me, keep me, seal me Thine!

Jesu, open me the gate
Which the sinner entered,

Who in his last dying state
Wholly on Thee ventured.

Thou whose wounds are ever pleading,

And Thy passion interceding,
From my misery let me rise
To a home in Paradise!


Thou didst call the prodigal;
Thou didst pardon Mary:

Thou whose words can never fall
Love can never vary,

Lord, amidst my lost condition

Give—for Thou canst give—contrition!
Thou canst pardon all mine ill
If Thou wilt: O say, "I will!"


Woe, that I have turned aside
After fleshly pleasure!

Woe, that I have never tried
For the heavenly treasure!

Treasure, safe in homes supernal;

Incorruptible, eternal!
Treasure no less price hath won
Than the Passion of the Son!


Jesu, crowned with thorns for me,
Scourged for my transgression!

Witnessing, through agony,
That Thy good confession;

Jesu, clad in purple raiment,

For my evils making payment;
Let not all thy woe and pain,
Let not Calvary be in vain!


When I reach Death’s bitter sea,
And its waves roll higher,

Help the more forsaking me,
As the storm draws nigher:

Jesu, leave me not to languish,

Helpless, hopeless, full of anguish!
Tell me,—"Verily, I say,
Thou shalt be with me to-day!"



Art thou weary?

(Kovpon te kai; kavmaton.)


By St. Stephen The Sabaite.


Art thou weary, art thou languid,
Art thou sore distrest?

"Come to me"—saith One—"and coming
Be at rest!"


Hath He marks to lead me to Him,
If He be my Guide?

"In His feet and hands are wound-prints,
And His side."


Is there diadem, as Monarch,
That His brow adorns?

"Yea, a crown in very surety,
But of thorns!"


If I find Him, if I follow,
What His guerdon here?

"Many a sorrow, many a labor,
Many a tear."


If I still hold closely to Him,
What hath He at last?

Sorrow vanquished, labor ended,
Jordan past!"


If I ask Him to receive me,
Will He say me nay?

Not till earth, and not till heaven
Pass away!"


Finding, following, keeping, struggling
Is He sure to bless?

Angels, martyrs, prophets, virgins,
Answer, Yes!"



 § 95. Latin Hymnody. Literature.


See vol. III. 585 sqq. The following list covers the whole mediaeval period of Latin hymnody.


I. Latin Collections.

The Breviaries and Missals. The hymnological collections of Clichtovaeus (Paris 1515, Bas. 1517 and 1519.), Cassander (Col. 1556), Ellinger (Frankf. a. M. 1578), Georg Fabricius (Poetarum Veterum ecclesiasticorum Opera, Bas. 1564). See the full titles of Breviaries and these older collections in Daniel, vol. I. XIII-XXII. and vol. II. VIII-XIV.

Cardinal Jos. Maria Thomasius (Tomasi, 1649–1713, one of the chief expounders of the liturgy and ceremonies of the Roman church): Opera Omnia. Rom. 1741 sqq., 7 vols. The second volume, p. 351–403, contains the Hymnarium de anni circulo, etc., for which he compared the oldest Vatican and other Italian MSS. of hymns down to the eighth century. The same vol. includes the Breviarium Psalterii. The fourth (1749) contains the Responsorialia et antiphonaria Romanae ecclesia, and the sixth vol. (1751) a collection of Missals. Thomasius is still very valuable. Daniel calls his book "fons primarius."

Aug. Jak. Rambach (Luth. Pastor in Hamburg, b. 1777, d. 1851): Anthologie christlicher Gesänge aus alien Jahrh. der christl. Kirche. Altona and Leipzig 1817–1833, 6 vols. The first vol. contains Latin hymns with German translations and notes. The other volumes contain only German hymns, especially since the Reformation. Rambach was a pioneer in hymnology.

Job. Kehrein (R.C.): Lat. Anthologie aus den christl. Dichtern des Mittelalters. Frankfurt a. m. 1840. See his larger work below.

[John Henry Newman, Anglican, joined the Rom. Ch. 1845]: Hymni Ecclesiae. Lond. (Macmillan) 1838; new ed. 1865 (401 pages). Contains only hymns from the Paris, Roman, and Anglican Breviaries. The preface to the first part is signed "J. H. N." and dated Febr. 21, 1838, but no name appears on the title page. About the same time Card. N. made his translations of Breviary hymns, which are noticed below, sub. III.

H. A. Daniel (Lutheran, d. 1871): Thesaurus Hymnologicus. Lips. 1841–1856, 5 Tomi. The first, second, fourth and fifth vols. contain Lat. hymns, the fourth Greek and Syrian h. A rich standard collection, but in need of revision

P. J. Mone (R. Cath. d. 1871): Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters. Freiburg i. B. 1853–’55, 3 vols. From MSS with notes. Contains in all 1215 hymns divided into three divisions of almost equal size; (1) Hymns to God and the angels (461 pages); (2) Hymns to the Virgin Mary, (457 pages); (3) Hymns to saints (579 pages).

D. Ozanam: Documents inédits pour servir a l’histoire littéraire de l’Italie. Paris 1850. Contains a collection of old Latin hymns, reprinted in Migne’s "Patrol. Lat." vol. 151, fol. 813–824.

Joseph Stevenson: Latin Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon Church; with an Interlinear Anglo-Saxon Gloss, from a MS. of the eleventh century in Durham Library. 1851 (Surtees Soc.).

J. M. Neale (Warden of Sackville College, high Anglican, d. 1866): Sequentiae ex Missalibus Germanicis, Anglicis, Gallicis, aliisque medii aevi collectae. Lond. 1852. 284 pages. Contains 125 sequences.

Felix Clément: Carmina e Poetis Christianis excerpta. Parisiis (Gaume Fratres) 1854. 564 pages. The Latin texts of hymns from the 4th to the 14th century, with French notes.

R. Ch. Trench (Archbishop of Dublin): Sacred Latin Poetry, chiefly Lyrical. Lond. and Cambridge, 1849; 2d ed. 1864; 3rd ed. revised and improved, 1874. (342 pages). With an instructive Introduction and notes.

Ans. Schubiger: Die Sängerschule St. Gallens vom 8ten bis 12ten Jahrh. Einsiedeln 1858. Gives sixty texts with the old music and facsimiles.

P. Gall Morel (R.C.): Lat. Hymnen des Mittelalters, grösstentheils aus Handschriften schweizerischer Klöster. Einsiedeln (Benziger) 1868 (341 pages). Mostly Marienlieder and Heiligenlieder (p. 30–325). Supplementary to Daniel and Mone.

Phil. Wackernagel (Luth., d. 1877): Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der ältesten Zeit bis zum Anfang des XVII. Jahrh. Leipz. 1864–1877, 5 vols. (the last vol. ed. by his two sons). This is the largest monumental collection of older German hymns; but the first vol. contains Latin hymns and sequences from the fourth to the sixteenth century.

Karl Bartsch (Prof of Germ. and Romanic philology in Rostock): Die lateinischen Sequenzen des Mittelalters in musikalischer und rhythmischer Beziehung dargestellt. Rostock 1868.

Chs. Buchanan Pierson: Sequences from the Sarum Missal. London 1871.

Joseph Kehrein (R.C.): Lateinische Sequenzen des Mittelalters aus Handschriften und Drucken. Mainz 1873 (620 pages). The most complete collection of Sequences (over 800). He divides the sequences, like Mone the hymns, according to the subject (Lieder an Gott, Engellieder, Marienlieder, Heiligenlieder). Comp. also his earlier work noticed above.

Francis A. March: Latin Hymns, with English Notes. N. York, 1874.

W. McIlvaine: Lyra Sacra Hibernica. Belfast, 1879. (Contains hymns of St. Patrick, Columba, and Sedulius).

E. Dümmler: Poëtae Latini Aevi Carolini. Berol. 1880–’84, 2 vols. Contains also hymns, II. p. 244–258.

Special editions of Adam of St. Victor: L. Gautier: La aeuvres poétiques d’ Adam de S. Victor. Par. 1858 and 1859, 2 vols. Digby S. Wrangham (of St. John’s College, Oxford): The Liturgical Poetry of Adam of St. Victor. Lond. 1881, 3 vols. (The Latin text of Gautier with E. Version in the original metres and with short notes). On the Dies Irae see the monograph of Lisco (Berlin 1840). It has often been separately published, e.g. by Franklin Johnson, Cambridge, Mass. 1883. So also the Stabat Mater, and the hymn of Bernard of Cluny De Contemptu Mundi (which furnished the thoughts for Neale’s New Jerusalem hymns). The hymns of St. Bernard, Abelard, Thomas Aquinas, Bonaventura, are in the complete editions of their works. For St. Bernard see Migne’s "Patrol. Lat." vol. 184, fol. 1307–1330; for Abelard, vol. 178, fol. 1759–1824.


II. Historical and Critical.

Polyc. Leyser: Historia Poëtarum et Poëmatum Medii Aevi. Halae 1721.

Friedr. Münter: Ueber die älteste christl. Poesie. Kopenhagen 1806.

Edélstand Du Méril: Poésies populaires Latines anterieures au douzième siècle. Paris 1843. Poésies populaire’s Latines du moyen âge. Paris 1847.

Trench: Introd. to his S. Lat. Poetry. See above.

Baehr: Die christl. Dichter und Geschichtschreiber Roms. Karlsruhe 1836 , 2nd ed., revised, 1872 (with bibliography).

Edward Emil Koch: Geschichte des Kirchenlieds und Kirchengesangs in der christlichen, insbesondere der deutschen evangel. Kirche. Stuttgart, third ed. rev. and enlarged 1866–1876, 7 vols. This very instructive and valuable work treats of Latin hymnology, but rather superficially, in vol. I. 40–153.

Ad. Ebert: Allgem. Gesch. der Lit. des Mittelalters im Abendlande, vol. I. (Leipz. 1874), the third book (p. 516 sqq.), and vol. II. (1880) which embraces the age of Charlemagne and his successors.

Joh. Kayser (R.C.): Beiträge zur Geschichte und Erklärung der ältesten Kirchenhymnen. Paderborn, 2d ed. 1881. 477 pages, comes down only to the sixth century and closes with Fortunatus. See also his article Der Text des Hymnus Stabat Mater dolorosa, in the Tübingen "Theol. Quartalschrift" for 1884, No. I. p. 85–103.


III. English translations.

John Chandler (Anglican, d. July 1, 1876): The Hymns of the Primitive Church, now first collected, translated and arranged. London 1837. Contains 108 Latin hymns with Chandler’s translations.

Richard Mant (Lord Bishop of Down and Connor, d. Nov. 2, 1848): Ancient Hymns from the Roman Breviary. 1837. New ed. Lond. and Oxf. 1871. (272 pages)

John Henry Newman:] Verses on Various Occasions. London 1868 (reprinted in Boston, by Patrick Donahue). The Preface is dated Dec. 21, 1867, and signed J. H. N. The book contains the original poems of the Cardinal, and his translations of the Roman Breviary Hymns and two from the Parisian Breviary, which, as stated in a note on p. 186, were all made in 1836–38, i.e. eight years before he left the Church of England.

Isaac Williams (formerly of Trinity College, Oxford, d. 1865): Hymns translated from the Parisian Breviary. London 1839.

Edward Caswall (Anglican, joined the R.C. Church 1847, d. Jan. 2, 1878): Lyra Catholica. Containing all the Breviary and Missal Hymns together with some other hymns. Lond. 1849. (311 pages). Reprinted N. Y. 1851. Admirable translations. They are also included in his Hymns and Poems, original and translated. London 2d ed. 1873.

John David Chambers (Recorder of New Sarum): Lauda Syon. Ancient Latin Hymns in the English and other Churches, translated into corresponding metres. Lond. 1857 (116 pages.)

J. M. Neale: Mediaeval Hymns and Sequences. Lond. 1862; 3d ed. 1867. (224 pages). Neale is the greatest master of free reproduction of Latin as well as Greek hymns. He published also separately his translation of the new Jerusalem hymns: The Rhythm of Bernard de Morlaix, Monk of Cluny, on the Celestial Country. Lond. 1858, 7th ed. 1865, with the Latin text as far as translated (48 pages). Also Stabat Mater Speciosa, Full of Beauty stood the Mother (1866).

The Seven Great Hymns of the Mediaeval Church. N. York (A. D. F. Randolph & Co.) 1866; seventh ed. enlarged, 1883. 154 pages. This anonymous work (by Judge C. C. Nott, Washington) contains translations by various authors of Bernard’s Celestial Country, the Dies Irae, the Mater Dolorosa, the Mater Speciosa, the Veni Sancte Spiritus, the Veni Creator Spiritus, the Vexilla Regis, and the Alleluiatic Sequence of Godescalcus. The originals are also given.

Philip Schaff: Christ in Song. N. Y. 1868; Lond. 1869. Contains translations of seventy-three Latin hymns by various authors.

W. H. Odenheimer and Frederic M. Bird: Songs of the Spirit. N. York 1871. Contains translations of twenty-three Latin hymns on the Holy Spirit, with a much larger number of English hymns. Erastus C. Benedict (Judge in N. Y., d. 1878): The Hymn of Hildebert and other Mediaeval Hymns, with translations. N. York 1869.

Abraham Coles (M. D.): Latin Hymns, with Original Translations. N. York 1868. Contains 13 translations of the Dies Irae, which were also separately published in 1859.

Hamilton M. Macgill, D. D. (of the United Presb. Ch. of Scotland): Songs of the Christian Creed and Life selected from Eighteen Centuries. Lond. and  Edinb. 1879. Contains translations of a number of Latin and a few Greek hymns with the originals, also translations of English hymns into Latin.

The Roman Breviary. Transl. out of Latin into English by John Marquess of Bute, K. T. Edinb. and Lond. 1879, 2 vols. The best translations of the hymns scattered through this book are by the ex-Anglicans Caswall and Cardinal Newman. The Marquess of Bute is himself a convert to Rome from the Church of England.

D. F. Morgan: Hymns and other Poetry of the Latin Church. Oxf. 1880. 100 versions arranged according to the Anglican Calendar.

Edward A. Washburn (Rector of Calvary Church, N. Y. d. Feb. 2, 1881): Voices from a Busy Life. N. York 1883. Contains, besides original poems, felicitous versions of 32 Latin hymns, several of which had appeared before in Schaff’s Christ in Song.

Samuel W. Duffield: The Latin Hymn Writers and their Hymns (in course of preparation and to be published, New York 1885. This work will cover the entire range of Latin hymnology, and include translations of the more celebrated hymns).

IV. German translations of Latin hymns: (Mostly accompanied by the original text) are very numerous, e.g. by Rambach, 1817 sqq. (see above); C. Fortlage (Gesänge christl. Vorzeit, 1844); Karl Simrock (Lauda Sion, 1850); Ed. Kauffer (Jesus-Hymnen, Sammlung altkirchl. lat. Gesänge, etc. Leipz. 1854, 65 pages); H. Stadelmann (Altchristl. Hymnen und Lieder. Augsb. 1855); Bässler (1858); J. Fr. H. Schlosser (Die Kirche in ihren Liedern, Freiburg i. B. 1863, 2 vols); G. A. Königsfeld (Lat. Hymnen und Gesänge, Bonn 1847, new series, 1865, both with the original and notes).


 § 96. Latin Hymns and Hymnists.


The Latin church poetry of the middle ages is much better known than the Greek, and remains to this day a rich source of devotion in the Roman church and as far as poetic genius and religious fervor are appreciated. The best Latin hymns have passed into the Breviary and Missal (some with misimprovements), and have been often reproduced in modern languages. The number of truly classical hymns, however, which were inspired by pure love to Christ and can be used with profit by Christians of every name, is comparatively small. The poetry of the Latin church is as full of Mariolatry and hagiolatry as the poetry of the Greek church. It is astonishing what an amount of chivalrous and enthusiastic devotion the blessed Mother of our Lord absorbed in the middle ages. In Mone’s collection the hymns to the Virgin fill a whole volume of 457 pages, the hymns to saints another volume of 579 pages, while the first volume of only 461 pages is divided between hymns to God and to the angels. The poets intended to glorify Christ through his mother, but the mother overshadows the child, as in the pictures of the Madonna. She was made the mediatrix of all divine grace, and was almost substituted for Christ, who was thought to occupy a throne of majesty too high for sinful man to reach without the aid of his mother and her tender human sympathies. She is addressed with every epithet of praise, as Mater Dei, Dei Genitrix, Mater summi Domini, Mater misericordiae, Mater bonitatis, Mater dolorosa, Mater jucundosa, Mater speciosa, Maris Stella, Mundi domina, Mundi spes, Porta paradisi, Regina coeli, Radix gratiae, Virgo virginum, Virgo regia Dei. Even the Te Deum was adapted to her by the distinguished St. Bonaventura so as to read "Te Matrem laudamus, Te Virginem confitemur."470

The Latin, as the Greek, hymnists were nearly all monks; but an emperor (Charlemagne?) and a king (Robert of France) claim a place of honor among them.

The sacred poetry of the Latin church may be divided into three periods: 1, The patristic period from Hilary (d. 368) and Ambrose (d. 397) to Venantius Fortunatus (d. about 609) and Gregory I. (d. 604); 2, the early mediaeval period to Peter Damiani (d. 1072); 3, the classical period to the thirteenth century. The first period we have considered in a previous volume. Its most precious legacy to the church universal is the Te Deum laudamus. It is popularly ascribed to Ambrose of Milan (or Ambrose and Augustin jointly), but in its present completed form does not appear before the first half of the sixth century, although portions of it may be traced to earlier Greek origin; it is, like the Apostles’ Creed, and the Greek Gloria in Excelsis, a gradual growth of the church rather than the production of any individual.471 The third period embraces the greatest Latin hymnists, as Bernard of Morlaix (monk of Cluny about 1150), Bernard of Clairvaux (d. 1153), Adam of St. Victor (d. 1192), Bonaventura (d. 1274), Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274), Thomas a Celano (about 1250), Jacopone (d. 1306), and produced the last and the best Catholic hymns which can never die, as Hora Novisasima; Jesu dulcis memoria; Salve caput cruentatum; Stabat Mater; and Dies Irae. In this volume we are concerned with the second period.

Venantius Fortunatus, of Poitiers, and his cotemporary, Pope Gregory I., form the transition from the patristic poetry of Sedulius and Prudentius to the classic poetry of the middle ages.

Fortunatus (about 600)472 was the fashionable poet of his day. A native Italian, he emigrated to Gaul, travelled extensively, became intimate with St. Gregory of Tours, and the widowed queen Radegund when she lived in ascetic retirement, and died as bishop of Poitiers. He was the first master of the trochaic tetrameter, and author of three hundred poems, chief among which are the two famous passion hymns:


"Vexilla regis prodeunt,"

"The Royal Banners forward go;"




"Pange, lingua, gloriosi proelium certaminis,"

"Sing, my tongue, the glorious battle."


Both have a place in the Roman Breviary.473


Gregory I. (d. 604), though far inferior to Fortunatus in poetic genius, occupies a prominent rank both in church poetry and church music. He followed Ambrose in the metrical form, the prayer-like tone, and the churchly spirit, and wrote for practical use. He composed about a dozen hymns, several of which have found a place in the Roman Breviary.474  The best is his Sunday hymn:


"Primo dierum omnium,"

"On this first day when heaven on earth,"


or, as it has been changed in the Breviary,


"Primo die quo Trinitas,"

"To-day the Blessed Three in One
Began the earth and skies;

To-day a Conqueror, God the Son,
Did from the grave arise;

We too will wake, and, in despite

Of sloth and languor, all unite,

As Psalmists bid, through the dim night
Waiting with wistful eyes."


The Venerable Bede (d. 735) wrote a beautiful ascension hymn


"Hymnum canamus gloriae,"

"A hymn of glory let us sing;"


and a hymn for the Holy innocents,


"Hymnum canentes Martyrum,"

"The hymn of conquering martyrs raise."476


Rabanus Maurus, a native of Mainz (Mayence) on the Rhine, a pupil of Alcuin, monk and abbot in the convent of Fulda, archbishop of Mainz from 847 to 856, was the chief Poet of the Carolingian age, and the first German who wrote Latin hymns. Some of them have passed into the Breviary.477

He is probably the author of the pentecostal Veni, Creator Spiritus.478  It outweighs all his other poems. It is one of the classical Latin hymns, and still used in the Catholic church on the most solemn occasions, as the opening of Synods, the creating of popes and the crowning of kings. It was invested with a superstitious charm. It is the only Breviary hymn which passed into the Anglican liturgy as part of the office for ordaining priests and consecrating bishops.479  The authorship has been variously ascribed to Charlemagne,480 to Gregory the Great,481 also to Alcuin, and even to Ambrose, without any good reason. It appears first in 898, is found in the MS. containing the Poems of Rabanus Maurus, and in all the old German Breviaries; it was early and repeatedly translated into German482 and agrees very well in thought and expression with his treatise on the Holy Spirit.483


We give the original with two translations.484


Veni, Creator Spiritus,
Mentes tuorum visita.
 Imple superna gratia
 Quo tu creasti pectora.

Creator, Spirit, Lord of Grace,
O make our hearts Thy dwelling-place,
And with Thy might celestial aid
The souls of those whom Thou hast made.


Qui Paracletus diceris,
Donum Dei altissimi,
Fons vivus, ignis, charitas,
Et spiritalis unctio.

Come from the throne of God above,
O Paraclete, O Holy Dove,
Come, Oil of gladness, cleansing Fire,
And Living Spring of pure desire.


Tu septiformis munere,
Dextrae Dei tu digitus,
Tu rite Promissum Patris,
Sermone ditans guttura.

O Finger of the Hand Divine,
The sevenfold gifts of Grace are Thine,
And touched by Thee the lips proclaim
All praise to God’s most holy Name.


Accende lumen sensibus,
Infunde amorem cordibus;
Infirma nostri corporis,
Virtute firmans perpetim.

Then to our souls Thy light impart,
And give Thy Love to every heart
Turn all our weakness into might,
O Thou, the Source of Life and Light.


Hostem repellas longius,
Pacemque dones protinus.
Ductore sic te praevio,
Vitemus omne noxium.

Protect us from the assailing foe,
And Peace, the fruit of Love, bestow;
Upheld by Thee, our Strength and Guide,
No evil can our steps betide.


Per te sciamus, da Patrem,
Noscamus atque Filium,
Te utriusque Spiritum,
Credamus omni tempore.

Spirit of Faith, on us bestow
The Father and the Son to know;
And, of the Twain, the Spirit, Thee;
Eternal One, Eternal Three.


[Sit laus Patri cum Filio,
Sancto simul Paracleto,
Nobisque mittat Filius
Charisma Sancti Spiritus

To God the Father let us sing;
To God the Son, our risen King;
And equally with These adore
The Spirit, God for evermore.


[Praesta hoc Pater piissime,
Patrique compar unice,
Cum Spiritu Paracleto,
Regnans per omne saeculum
.] See note above.



O Holy Ghost, Creator come!
Thy people's minds pervade;

And fill, with Thy supernatural grace,
The souls which Thou hast made.


Kindle our senses to a flame,
And fill our hearts with love,

And, through our bdies' weakness,

Pour valor from above!


Thou who art called the Paraclete,
The gift of God most high–

Thou living fount, and fire and love,
Our spirit's pure ally;


Drive further off our enemy,
And straightway give us peace;

That with Thyself as such a guide,
We may from evil cease.


Thou sevenfold giver of all good;
Finger of God's right hand;

Thou promise of the Father, rich
In words for every land;


Through Thee may we the Father

And thus confess the Son;

For Thee, from both the Holy
We praise while time shall run.


In this connection we mention the Veni, Sancte Spiritus, the other great pentecostal hymn of the middle ages. It is generally ascribed to King Robert of France (970–1031), the son and success or of Hugh Capet.487  He was distinguished for piety and charity, like his more famous successor, St. Louis IX., and better fitted for the cloister than the throne. He was disciplined by the pope (998) for marrying a distant cousin, and obeyed by effecting a divorce. He loved music and poetry, founded convents and churches, and supported three hundred paupers. His hymn reveals in terse and musical language an experimental knowledge of the gifts and operations of the Holy Spirit upon the heart. It is superior to the companion hymn, Veni, Creator Spiritus. Trench calls it "the loveliest" of all the Latin hymns, but we would give this praise rather to St. Bernard’s Jesu dulcis memoria ("Jesus, the very thought of Thee"). The hymn contains ten half-stanzas of three lines each with a refrain in ium. Each line has seven syllables, and ends with a double or triple rhyme; the third line rhymes with the third line of the following half-stanza. Neale has reproduced the double ending of each third line (as "brilliancy"—"radiancy").


Veni, Sancte Spiritus,
Et emittee coelitus
Lucis tuae radium.

Holy Spirit, God of light!
Come, and on our inner sight
Pour Thy bright and heavenly ray!


Veni, Pater pauperum,
Veni, dator munerum,
Veni, lumen cordium.

Father of the lowly! come;
Here, Great Giver! be Thy home,
Sunshine of our hearts, for aye!


Consolator optime,
Dulcis hospes animae,
Dulce refrigerium:

Inmost Comforter and best!
Of our souls the dearest Guest,
Sweetly all their thirst allay;


In labore requies,
In aestu temperies,
In fletu solatium.

In our toils be our retreat,
Be our shadow in the heat,
Come and wipe our tears away.


O lux beatissima,
Reple cordis intima,
Tuorum fidelium.

O Thou Light, all pure and blest!
Fill with joy this weary breast,
Turning darkness into day.


Sine tuo numine
Nihil est in homine
Nihil est innoxium,

For without Thee nought we find,
Pure or strong in human kind,
Nought that has not gone astray.


Lava quod est sordidum,
Riga quod est aridum,
Sana quod est saucium.

Wash us from the stains of sin,
Gently soften all within,
Wounded spirits heal and stay.


Flecte quod est rigidum,
Fove quod est languidum,
Rege quod est devium.

What is hard and stubborn bend,
What is feeble soothe and tend,
What is erring gently sway.


Da tuis fidelibus,
In te confitentibus,
Sacrum septenarium;

To Thy faithful servants give,
Taught by Thee to trust and live,
Sevenfold blessing from this day;


Da virtutis meritum,
Da salutis exitum,
Da perenne gaudium

Make our title clear, we pray,
When we drop this mortal clay;
Then,—O give us joy for aye.489


The following is a felicitous version by an American divine.490


Come, O Spirit!  Fount of grace!
From thy heavenly dwelling-place
One bright morning beam impart:

Come, O Father of the poor;
Come, O Source of bounties sure;
Come, O Sunshine of the heart!


O! thrice blessed light divine!
Come, the spirit’s inmost shrine
With Thy holy presence fill;

Of Thy brooding love bereft,
Naught to hopeless man is left;
Naught is his but evil still.


Comforter of man the best!
Making the sad soul thy guest;
Sweet refreshing in our fears,

In our labor a retreat,
Cooling shadow in the heat,
Solace in our falling tears.


Wash away each earthly stain,
Flow o’er this parched waste again,
Real the wounds of conscience sore,

Bind the stubborn will within,
Thaw the icy chains of sin,
Guide us, that we stray no more.


Give to Thy believers, give,
In Thy holy hope who live,
All Thy sevenfold dower of love;
Give the sure reward of faith,

Give the love that conquers death,
Give unfailing joy above.


Notker, surnamed the Older, or Balbulus ("the little Stammerer, "from a slight lisp in his speech), was born about 850 of a noble family in Switzerland, educated in the convent of St. Gall, founded by Irish missionaries, and lived there as an humble monk. He died about 912, and was canonized in 1512.491

He is famous as the reputed author of the Sequences (Sequentiae), a class of hymns in rythmical prose, hence also called Proses (Prosae). They arose from the custom of prolonging the last syllable in singing the Allelu-ia of the Gradual, between the Epistle and the Gospel, while the deacon was ascending from the altar to the rood-loft (organ-loft), that he might thence sing the Gospel. This prolongation was called jubilatio or jubilus, or laudes, on account of its jubilant tone, and sometimes sequentia (Greek ajkolouqiva), because it followed the reading of the Epistle or the Alleluia. Mystical interpreters made this unmeaning prolongation of a mere sound the echo of the jubilant music of heaven. A further development was to set words to these notes in rythmical prose for chanting. The name sequence was then applied to the text and in a wider sense also to regular metrical and rhymed hymns. The book in which Sequences were collected was called Sequentiale.492

Notker marks the transition from the unmeaning musical sequence to the literary or poetic sequence. Over thirty poems bear his name. His first, attempt begins with the line


"Laudes Deo concinat orbis ubique totus."


More widely circulated is his Sequence of the Holy Spirit:


"Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia."

"The grace of the Holy Spirit be present with us."493


The best of all his compositions, which is said to have been inspired by the sight of the builders of a bridge over an abyss in the Martinstobe, is a meditation on death (Antiphona de morte):


"Media vita in morte sumus:

Quem quaerimus adiutorem nisi te, Domine,

Qui pro peccatis nostris juste irasceris?

Sancte Deus, sancte fortis,

Sancte et misericors Salvator:

Amarae morti ne tradas nos."494


This solemn prayer is incorporated in many burial services. In the Book of Common Prayer it is thus enlarged:


"In the midst of life we be in death:
Of whom may we seek for succour, but of Thee,

O Lord, which for our sins justly art moved?
Yet, O Lord God most holy, O Lord most mighty,

O holy and most merciful Saviour,
Deliver us not into the bitter pains of eternal death.

Thou knowest, Lord, the secrets of our hearts.
Shut not up thy merciful eyes to our prayers:

But spare us, Lord most holy,
O God most mighty,

O holy and merciful Saviour,
Thou most worthy Judge eternal,

Suffer us not, at our last hour,
For any pains of death,

To fall from Thee."495


Peter Damiani (d. 1072), a friend of Hildebrand and promoter of his hierarchical refrms, wrote a solemn hymn on the day of death:


"Gravi me terrore pulsas vitae dies ultima,"496
"With what heavy fear thou smitest."


He is perhaps also the author of the better known descriptive poem on the Glory and Delights of Paradise, which is usually assigned to St. Augustin:


"Ad perennis vitae fontem mens sitivit arida,

Claustra carnis praesto frangi clausa quaerit anima:

Gliscit, ambit, eluctatur exsul frui patria."497


The subordinate hymn-writers of our period are the following:498

Isidor of Seville (Isidoris Hispalensis, 560–636). A hymn on St. Agatha: "Festum insigne prodiit."

Cyxilla of Spain. Hymnus de S. Thurso et sociis: Exulta nimium turba fidelium."

Eugenius of Toledo. Oratio S. Eugenii Toletani Episcopi: "Rex Deus."

Paulus Diaconus (720–800), of Monte Casino, chaplain of Charlemagne, historian of the Lombards, and author of a famous collection of homilies. On John the Baptist ("Ut queant laxis),499 and on the Miracles of St. Benedict (Fratres alacri pectore).

Odo of Cluny (d. 941). A hymn on St. Mary Magdalene day, "Lauda, Mater Ecclesiae," translated by Neale: "Exalt, O mother Church, to-day, The clemency of Christ, thy Lord."  It found its way into the York Breviary.

Godescalcus (Gottschalk, d. about 950, not to be confounded with his predestinarian namesake, who lived in the ninth century), is next to Notker, the best writer of sequences or proses, as "Laus Tibi, Christe" ("Praise be to Thee, O Christ"), and Coeli enarrant ("The heavens declare the glory"), both translated by Neale.


Fulbert Of Chartres (died about 1029) wrote a paschal hymn adopted in several Breviaries: "Chorus novae Jerusalem" ("Ye choirs of New Jerusalem"), translated by Neale.

A few of the choicest hymns of our period, from the sixth to the twelfth century are anonymous.500  To these belong:

"Hymnum dicat turba fratrum."  A morning hymn mentioned by Bede as a fine specimen of the trochaic tetrameter.

"Sancti venite."  A communion hymn.

"Urbs beata Jerusalem."501  It is from the eighth century, and one of those touching New Jerusalem hymns which take their inspiration from the last chapter of St. John’s Apocalypse, and express the Christian’s home-sickness after heaven. The following is the first stanza (with Neale’s translation):


"Urbs beata Jerusalem,
Dicta pacis visio,

Quae construitur in coelo
Vivis ex lapidibus,

Et angelis coronata
Ut sponsata comite."


Blessed City, Heavenly Salem,
Vision dear of Peace and Love,

Who, of living stones upbuilded,
Art the joy of Heav'n above,

And, with angel cohorts circled,
As a bride to earth dost move!"


"Apparebit repentina."  An alphabetic and acrostic poem on the Day of Judgment, based on Matt. 25:31–36; from the seventh century; first mentioned by Bede, then long lost sight of; the forerunner of the Dies Irae, more narrative than lyrical, less sublime and terrific, but equally solemn. The following are the first lines in Neale’s admirable translation:502


"That great Day of wrath and terror,

That last Day of woe and doom,

Like a thief that comes at midnight,

On the sons of men shall come;

When the pride and pomp of ages

All shall utterly have passed,

And they stand in anguish, owning

That the end is here at last;

And the trumpet’s pealing clangor,

Through the earth’s four quarters spread,

Waxing loud and ever louder,

Shall convoke the quick and dead:

And the King of heavenly glory

Shall assume His throne on high,

And the cohorts of His angels

Shall be near Him in the sky:

And the sun shall turn to sackcloth,

And the moon be red as blood,

And the stars shall fall from heaven,

Whelm’d beneath destruction’s flood.

Flame and fire, and desolation

At the Judge’s feet shall go:

Earth and sea, and all abysses

Shall His mighty sentence know."


"Ave, Maris Stella." This is the favorite mediaeval Mary hymn, and perhaps the very best of the large number devoted to the worship of the "Queen of heaven," which entered so deeply into the piety and devotion of the Catholic church both in the East and the West. It is therefore given here in full with the version of Edward Caswall.503



"Ave, Maris Stella,504
Dei Mater alma
Atque semper Virgo,
Felix coeli porta

Hail, thou Star-of-Ocean,
Portal of the sky,
Ever-Virgin Mother
Of the Lord Most High!


Sumens illud Ave
Gabrielis ore,
Funda nos in pace,
Mutans nomen Evae

Oh, by Gabriel’s Ave
Uttered long ago
Eva’s name reversing,
’Stablish peace below!


Solve vincla reis
Profer lumen coecis,
Mala nostra pelle,
Bona cuncta posce

Break the captive’s fetters,
Light on blindness pour,
All our ills expelling,
Every bliss implore.


Monstra te esse matrem,506
Sumat per te precem,
Qui pro nobis natus
Tulit esse tuus.

Show thyself a mother,
Offer Him our sighs,
Who, for us Incarnate,
Did not thee despise.


Virgo singularis,
Inter omnes mitis,
Nos culpis solutos
Mites facet castos.

Virgin of all virgins!
To thy shelter take us—
Gentlest of the gentle!
Chaste and gentle make us.


Vitam praesta puram
Iter para tutum,
Ut videntes Iesum
Semper collaetemur.

Still as on we journey,
Help our weak endeavor,
Till with thee and Jesus,
We rejoice for ever.


Sit laus Deo Patri,
Summo Christo decus,
Spiritui Sancto
Honor trinus et unus.

Through the highest heaven
To the Almighty Three,
Father, Son, and Spirit,
One same glory be.



The Latin hymnody was only, for priests and monks, and those few who understood the Latin language. The people listened to it as they do to the mass, and responded with the Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison, which passed from the Greek church into the Western litanies. As the modern languages of Europe developed themselves out of the Latin, and out of the Teutonic, a popular poetry arose during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and afterwards received a powerful impulse from the Reformation. Since that time the Protestant churches, especially in Germany and England, have produced the richest hymnody, which speaks to the heart of the people in their own familiar tongue, and is, next to the Psalter, the chief feeder of public and private devotion. In this body of evangelical hymns the choicest Greek and Latin hymns in various translations, reproductions, and transformations occupy an honored place and serve as connecting links between past and modern times in the worship of the same God and Saviour.


 § 97. The Seven Sacraments.


Mediaeval Christianity was intensely sacramental, sacerdotal and hierarchical. The ideas of priest, sacrifice, and altar are closely connected. The sacraments were regarded as the channels of all grace and the chief food of the soul. They accompanied human life from the cradle to the grave. The child was saluted into this world by the sacrament of baptism; the old man was provided with the viaticum on his journey to the other world.

The chief sacraments were baptism and the eucharist. Baptism was regarded as the sacrament of the new birth which opens the door to the kingdom of heaven the eucharist as the sacrament of sanctification which maintains and nourishes the new life.

Beyond these two sacraments several other rites were dignified with that name, but there was no agreement as to the number before the scholastic period. The Latin sacramentum, like the Greek mystery (of which it is the translation in the Vulgate), was long used in a loose and indefinite way for sacred and mysterious doctrines and rites. Rabanus Maurus and Paschasius Radbertus count four sacraments, Dionysius Areopagita, six; Damiani, as many as twelve. By the authority chiefly of Peter the Lombard and Thomas Aquinas the sacred number seven was at last determined upon, and justified by various analogies with the number of virtues, and the number of sins, and the necessities of human life.507

But seven sacraments existed as sacred rites long before the church was agreed on the number. We find them with only slight variations independently among the Greeks under the name of "mysteries" as well as among the Latins. They are, besides baptism and the eucharist (which is a sacrifice as well as a sacrament): confirmation, penance (confession and absolution), marriage, ordination, and extreme unction.

Confirmation was closely connected with baptism as a sort of supplement. It assumed a more independent character in the case of baptized infants and took place later. It may be performed in the Greek church by any priest, in the Latin only by the bishop.508

Penance was deemed necessary for sins after baptism.509

Ordination is the sacrament of the hierarchy and indispensable for the government of the church.

Marriage lies at the basis of the family and society in church and state, and was most closely and jealously guarded by the church against facility of divorce, against mixed marriages, and marriages between near relatives.

Extreme unction with prayer (first mentioned among the sacraments by a synod of Pavia in 850, and by Damiani) was the viaticum for the departure into the other world, and based on the direction of St. James 5:14, 15 (Comp. Mark 6:13; 16:18). At first it was applied in every sickness, by layman as well as priest, as a medical cure and as a substitute for amulets and forms of incantation; but the Latin church afterwards confined it to of extreme danger.

The efficacy of the sacrament was defined by the scholastic term ex opere operato, that is, the sacrament has its intended effect by virtue of its institution and inherent power, independently of the moral character of the priest and of the recipient, provided only that it be performed in the prescribed manner and with the proper intention and provided that the recipient throw no obstacle in the way.510

Three of the Sacraments, namely baptism, confirmation, and ordination, have in addition the effect of conferring an indelible character.511  Once baptized always baptized, though the benefit may be forfeited for ever; once ordained always ordained, though a priest may be deposed and excommunicated.


 § 98. The Organ and the Bell.


To the external auxiliaries of worship were added the organ and the bell.

The Organ,512 in the sense of a particular instrument (which dates from the time of St. Augustin), is a development of the Syrinx or Pandean pipe, and in its earliest form consisted of a small box with a row of pipes in the top, which were inflated by the performer with the mouth through means of a tube at one end. It has in the course of time undergone considerable improvements. The use of organs in churches is ascribed to Pope Vitalian (657–672). Constantine Copronymos sent an organ with other presents to King Pepin of France in 767. Charlemagne received one as a present from the Caliph Haroun al Rashid, and had it put up in the cathedral of Aix-la-Chapelle. The art of organ-building was cultivated chiefly in Germany. Pope John VIII. (872–882) requested Bishop Anno of Freising to send him an organ and an organist.

The attitude of the churches towards the organ varies. It shared to some extent the fate of images, except that it never was an object of worship. The poetic legend which Raphael has immortalized by one of his master-pieces, ascribes its invention to St. Cecilia, the patron of sacred music. The Greek church disapproves the use of organs. The Latin church introduced it pretty generally, but not without the protest of eminent men, so that even in the Council of Trent a motion was made, though not carried, to prohibit the organ at least in the mass. The Lutheran church retained, the Calvinistic churches rejected it, especially in Switzerland and Scotland; but in recent times the opposition has largely ceased.513

The Bell is said to have been invented by Paulinus of Nola (d. 431) in Campania;514 but he never mentions it in his description of churches. Various sonorous instruments were used since the time of Constantine the Great for announcing the commencement of public worship. Gregory of Tours mentions a "signum" for calling monks to prayer. The Irish used chiefly hand-bells from the time of St. Patrick, who himself distributed them freely. St. Columba is reported to have gone to church when the bell rang (pulsante campana) at midnight. Bede mentions the bell for prayer at funerals. St. Sturm of Fulda ordered in his dying hours all the bells of the convent to be rung (779). In the reign of Charlemagne the use of bells was common in the empire. He encouraged the art of bel-founding, and entertained bell-founders at his court. Tancho, a monk of St. Gall, cast a fine bell, weighing from four hundred to five hundred pounds, for the cathedral at Aix-la-Chapelle. In the East, church bells are not mentioned before the end of the ninth century.

Bells, like other church-furniture, were consecrated for sacred use by liturgical forms of benediction. They were sometimes even baptized; but Charlemagne, in a capitulary of 789, forbids this abuse.515  The office of bell-ringers516 was so highly esteemed in that age that even abbots and bishops coveted it. Popular superstition ascribed to bells a magical effect in quieting storms and expelling pestilence. Special towers were built for them.517  The use of church bells is expressed in the old lines which are inscribed in many of them:


"Lauda Deum verum, plebem voco, congrego clerum,

Defunctos ploro, pestem fugo, festaque honoro."518


 § 99. The Worship of Saints.


Comp. vol. III. §§ 81–87 (p. 409–460).


The Worship of Saints, handed down from the Nicene age, was a Christian substitute for heathen idolatry and hero-worship, and well suited to the taste and antecedents of the barbarian races, but was equally popular among the cultivated Greeks. The scholastics made a distinction between three grades of worship: 1) adoration (latreiva), which belongs to God alone; 2) veneration (douleiva), which is due to the saints as those whom God himself has honored, and who reign with him in heaven; 3) special veneration (uJperdouleiva), which is due to the Virgin Mary as the mother of the Saviour and the queen of all saints. But the people did not always mind this distinction, and the priests rather encouraged the excesses of saint-worship. Prayers were freely addressed to the saints, though not as the givers of the blessings desired, but as intercessors and advocates. Hence the form "Pray for us" (Ora pro nobis).

The number of saints and their festivals multiplied very rapidly. Each nation, country, province or city chose its patron saint, as Peter and Paul in Rome, St. Ambrose in Milan, St. Martin, St. Denys (Dionysius) and St. Germain in France, St. George in England, St. Patrick in Ireland, St. Boniface in Germany, and especially the Virgin Mary, who has innumerable localities and churches under her care and protection. The fact of saintship was at first decided by the voice of the people, which was obeyed as the voice of God. Great and good men and women who lived in the odor of sanctity and did eminent service to the cause of religion as missionaries or martyrs or bishops or monks or nuns, were gratefully remembered after their death; they became patron saints of the country or province of their labors and sufferings, and their worship spread gradually over the entire church. Their relics were held sacred; their tombs were visited by pilgrims. The metropolitans usually decided on the claims of saintship for their province down to a.d. 1153.519  But to check the increase and to prevent mistakes, the popes, since Alexander III. a.d. 1170, claimed the exclusive right of declaring the fact, and prescribing the worship of a saint throughout the whole (Latin) Catholic church.520  This was done by a solemn act called canonization. From this was afterwards distinguished the act of beatification, which simply declares that a departed Catholic Christian is blessed (beatus) in heaven, and which within certain limits permits (but does not prescribe) his veneration.521

The first known example of a papal canonization is the canonization of Ulrich, bishop of Augsburg (d. 973), by John XV. who, at a Lateran synod composed of nineteen dignitaries, in 993, declared him a saint at the request of Luitolph (Leuthold), his successor in the see of Augsburg, after hearing his report in person on the life and miracles of Ulrich. His chief merit was the deliverance of Southern Germany from the invasion of the barbarous Magyars, and his devotion to the interests of his large diocese. He used to make tours of visitation on an ox-cart, surrounded by a crowd of beggars and cripples. He made two pilgrimages to Rome, the second in his eighty-first year, and died as an humble penitent on the bare floor. The bull puts the worship of the saints on the ground that it redounds to the glory of Christ who identifies himself with his saints, but it makes no clear distinction between the different degrees of worship. It threatens all who disregard this decree with the anathema of the apostolic see.522

A mild interpretation of the papal prerogative of canonization reduces it to a mere declaration of a fact preceded by a careful examination of the merits of a case before the Congregation of Rites. But nothing short of a divine revelation can make such a fact known to mortal man. The examination is conducted by a regular process of law in which one acts as Advocatus Diaboli or accuser of the candidate for canonization, and another as Advocatus Dei. Success depends on the proof that the candidate must have possessed the highest sanctity and the power of working miracles either during his life, or through his dead bones, or through invocation of his aid. A proverb says that it requires a miracle to prove a miracle. Nevertheless it is done by papal decree on such evidence as is satisfactory to Roman Catholic believers.523

The question, how the saints and the Virgin Mary can hear so many thousands of prayers addressed to them simultaneously in so many different places, without being clothed with the divine attributes of omniscience and omnipresence, did not disturb the faith of the people. The scholastic divines usually tried to solve it by the assumption that the saints read those prayers in the omniscient mind of God. Then why not address God directly?

In addition to the commemoration days of particular saints, two festivals were instituted for the commemoration of all the departed.

The Festival of All Saints524 was introduced in the West by Pope Boniface IV. on occasion of the dedication of the Pantheon in Rome, which was originally built by Agrippa in honor of the victory of Augustus at Actium, and dedicated to Jupiter Vindex; it survived the old heathen temples, and was presented to the pope by the Emperor Phocas, a.d. 607; whereupon it was cleansed, restored and dedicated to the service of God in the name of the ever-Virgin Mary and all martyrs. Baronius tells us that at the time of dedication on May 13 the bones of martyrs from the various cemeteries were in solemn procession transferred to the church in twenty-eight carriages.525  From Rome the festival spread during the ninth century over the West, and Gregory IV. induced Lewis the Pious in 835 to make it general in the Empire. The celebration was fixed on the first of November for the convenience of the people who after harvest had a time of leisure, and were disposed to give thanks to God for all his mercies.

The Festival of All Souls526 is a kind of supplement to that of All Saints, and is celebrated on the day following (Nov. 2). Its introduction is traced to Odilo, Abbot of Cluny, in the tenth century. It spread very soon without a special order, and appealed to the sympathies of that age for the sufferings of the souls in purgatory. The worshippers appear in mourning; the mass for the dead is celebrated with the "Dies irae, Dies illa," and the oft-repeated "Requiem aeternam dona eis, Domine."  In some places (e.g. in Munich) the custom prevails of covering the graves on that day with the last flowers of the season.

The festival of Michael the Archangel,527 the leader of the angelic host, was dedicated to the worship of angels,528 on the 29th of September.529  It rests on no doctrine and no fact, but on the sandy foundation of miraculous legends.530  We find it first in the East. Several churches in and near Constantinople were dedicated to St. Michael, and Justinian rebuilt two which had become dilapidated. In the West it is first mentioned by a Council of Mentz in 813, as the "dedicatio S. Michaelis," among the festivals to be observed; and from that time it spread throughout the Church in spite of the apostolic warning against angelolatry (Col. 2:18; Rev. 19:10; 22:8, 9).531


 § 100. The Worship of Images. Literature. Different Theories.


Comp. Vol. II., chs. vi. (p.266 sqq.) and vii. (p. 285); Vol. III. §§109–111 (p. 560 sqq.).

(I.) John of Damascus (chief defender of image-worship, about 750): Lovgoi ajpologhtikoi; pro;" tou;" diabavllonta" ta;" aJgiva" eijkovna" (ed. Le Quien I. 305). Nicephorus (Patriarch of Constantinople, d. 828): Breviarium Hist. (to a.d. 769), ed. Petavius, Paris, 1616. Theophanes (Confessor and almost martyr of image-worship, d. c. 820): Chronographia, cum notis Goari et Combefisii, Par., 1655, Ven. 1729, and in the Bonn ed. of the Byzant. historians, 1839, Tom. I. (reprinted in Migne’s "Patrol. Graeca," Tom. 108). The later Byzantine historians, who notice the controversy, draw chiefly from Theophanes; so also Anastasius (Historia Eccles.) and Paulus Diaconus (Historia miscella and Hist. Longobardorum).


The letters of the popes, and the acts of synods, especially the Acta Concilii Nicaeni II. (a.d. 787) in Mansi, Tom. XIII., and Harduin, Tom. IV.

M. H. Goldast: Imperialia Decreta de Cultu Imaginum in utroque imperio promulgata. Frankf., 1608.

The sources are nearly all on the orthodox side. The seventh oecumenical council (787) ordered in the fifth session that all the books against images should be destroyed.


(II.) J. Dalleus (Calvinist): De Imaginibus. Lugd. Bat., 1642.

L. Maimbourg (Jesuit): Histoire de l’hérésie des iconoclastes. Paris, 1679 and 1683, 2 vols. (Hefele, III. 371, calls this work "nicht ganz zuverlässig," not quite reliable).

Fr. Spanheim (Calvinist): Historia Imaginum restituta. Lugd. Bat. 1686 (in Opera, II. 707).

Chr. W. Fr. Walch (Lutheran): Ketzerhistorie. Leipz., 1762 sqq., vol. X. (1782) p. 65–828, and the whole of vol. XI. (ed. by Spittler, 1785). Very thorough, impartial, and tedious.

F. Ch. SchlosserGeschichte der bilderstürmenden Kaiser des oströmischen Reichs. Frankf. a. M., 1812.

J. Marx (R.C.): Der Bilderstreit der Byzant. Kaiser. Trier, 1839.

Bishop Hefele: Conciliengesch. vol III. 366–490; 694–716 (revised ed., Freib. i. B. 1877).

R. Schenk: Kaiser Leo III. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Bilderstreites. Halle, 1880.

General Church Histories: 1) R. Cath.: Baronius, Pagi, Natalis Alexander, Alzog, Hergenröther (I. 121–143; 152–168). 2) Protest.: Basnage, Gibbon (ch. 49), Schröckh (vol. XX.), Neander (III. 197–243; 532–553, Bost. ed.; fall and fair); Gieseler (II. 13–19, too short).

The literature on the image-controversy is much colored by the doctrinal stand-point of the writers. Gibbon treats it with cold philosophical indifference, and chiefly in its bearing on the political fortunes of the Byzantine empire.


With the worship of saints is closely, connected a subordinate worship of their images and relics. The latter is the legitimate application of the former. But while the mediaeval churches of the East and West—with the exception of a few protesting voices—were agreed on the worship of saints, there was a violent controversy about the images which kept the Eastern church in commotion for more than a century (a.d. 724–842), and hastened the decline of the Byzantine empire.

The abstract question of the use of images is connected with the general subject of the relation of art to worship. Christianity claims to be the perfect and universal religion; it pervades with its leavening power all the faculties of man and all departments of life. It is foreign to nothing which God has made. It is in harmony with all that is true, and beautiful, and good. It is friendly to philosophy, science, and art, and takes them into its service. Poetry, music, and architecture achieve their highest mission as handmaids of religion, and have derived the inspiration for their noblest works from the Bible. Why then should painting or sculpture or any other art which comes from God, be excluded from the use of the Church?  Why should not Bible history as well as all other history admit of pictorial and sculptured representation for the instruction and enjoyment of children and adults who have a taste for beauty?  Whatever proceeds from God must return to God and spread his glory.

But from the use of images for ornament, instruction and enjoyment there is a vast step to the worship of images, and experience proves that the former can exist without a trace of the latter. In the middle ages, however, owing to the prevailing saint-worship, the two were inseparable. The pictures were introduced into churches not as works of art, but as aids and objects of devotion. The image-controversy was therefore a, purely practical question of worship, and not a philosophical or artistic question. To a rude imagination an ugly and revolting picture served the devotional purpose even better than one of beauty and grace. It was only towards the close of the middle ages that the art of Christian painting began to produce works of high merit. Moreover the image-controversy was complicated with the second commandment of the decalogue which clearly and wisely forbids, if not all kinds of figurative representations of the Deity, at all events every idolatrous and superstitious use of pictures. It was also beset by the difficulty that we have no authentic pictures of Christ, the Madonna and the Apostles or any other biblical character.

We have traced in previous volumes the gradual introduction of sacred images from the Roman Catacombs to the close of the sixth century. The use of symbols and pictures was at first quite innocent and spread imperceptibly with the growth of the worship of saints. The East which inherited a love for art from the old Greeks, was chiefly devoted to images, the Western barbarians who could not appreciate works of art, cared more for relics.

We may distinguish three theories, of which two came into open conflict and disputed the ground till the year 842.

1. The theory of Image-Worship. It is the orthodox theory, denounced by the opponents as a species of idolatry,532 but strongly supported by the people, the monks, the poets, the women, the Empresses Irene and Theodora, sanctioned by the seventh oecumenical Council (787) and by the popes (Gregory II., Gregory III. and Hadrian I). It maintained the right and duty of using and worshipping images of Christ, the Virgin, and the saints, but indignantly rejected the charge of idolatry, and made a distinction (often disregarded in practice) between a limited worship due to pictures,533 and adoration proper due to God alone.534  Images are a pictorial Bible, and speak to the eye even more eloquently than the word speaks to the ear. They are of special value to the common people who cannot read the Holy Scriptures. The honors of the living originals in heaven were gradually transferred to their wooden pictures on earth; the pictures were reverently kissed and surrounded by the pagan rites of genuflexion, luminaries, and incense; and prayers were thought to be more effective if said before them. Enthusiasm for pictures went hand in hand with the worship of saints, and was almost inseparable from it. It kindled a poetic inspiration which enriched the service books of the Greek church. The chief hymnists, John of Damascus, Cosmas of Jerusalem, Germanus, Theophanes, Theodore of the Studium, were all patrons of images, and some of them suffered deposition, imprisonment, and mutilation for their zeal; but the Iconoclasts did not furnish a single poet.535

The chief argument against this theory was the second commandment. It was answered in various ways. The prohibition was understood to be merely temporary till the appearance of Christ, or to apply only to graven images, or to the making of images for idolatrous purposes.

On the other hand, the cherubim over the ark, and the brazen serpent in the wilderness were appealed to as examples of visible symbols in the Mosaic worship. The incarnation of the Son of God furnished the divine warrant for pictures of Christ. Since Christ revealed himself in human form it can be no sin to represent him in that form. The significant silence of the Gospels concerning his personal appearance was supplied by fictitious pictures ascribed to St. Luke, and St. Veronica, and that of Edessa. A superstitious fancy even invented stories of wonder-working pictures, and ascribed to them motion, speech, and action.

It should be added that the Eastern church confines images to colored representations on a plane surface, and mosaics, but excludes sculptures and statues from objects of worship. The Roman church makes no such restriction.

2. The Iconoclastic theory occupies the opposite extreme. Its advocates were called image-breakers.536  It was maintained by the energetic Greek emperors, Leo III. and his son Constantine, who saved the tottering empire against the invasion of the Saracens; it was popular in the army, and received the sanction of the Constantinopolitan Synod of 754. It appealed first and last to the second commandment in the decalogue in its strict sense as understood by the Jews and the primitive Christians. It was considerably strengthened by the successes of the Mohammedans who, like the Jews, charged the Christians with the great sin of idolatry, and conquered the cities of Syria, Palestine, and Egypt in spite of the sacred images which were relied on for protection and miraculous interposition. The iconoclastic Synod of 754 denounced image-worship as a relapse into heathen idolatry, which the devil had smuggled into the church in the place of the worship of God alone in spirit and in truth.

The iconoclastic party, however, was not consistent; for it adhered to saint-worship which is the root of image-worship, and instead of sweeping away all religious symbols, it retained the sign of the cross with all its superstitious uses, and justified this exception by the Scripture passages on the efficacy of the cross, though these refer to the sacrifice of the cross, and not to the sign.

The chief defect of iconoclasm and the cause of its failure was its negative character. It furnished no substitute for image-worship, and left nothing but empty walls which could not satisfy the religious wants of the Greek race. It was very different from the iconoclasm of the evangelical Reformation, which put in the place of images the richer intellectual and spiritual instruction from the Word of God.

3. The Moderate theory sought a via media between image-worship and image-hatred, by distinguishing between the sign and the thing, the use and the abuse. It allowed the representation of Christ and the saints as aids to devotion by calling to remembrance the persons and facts set forth to the eye. Pope Gregory I. presented to a hermit at his wish a picture of Christ, of Mary, and of St. Peter and St. Paul, with a letter in which he approves of the natural desire to have a visible reminder of an object of reverence and love, but at the same time warned him against superstitious use. "We do not," he says, "kneel down before the picture as a divinity, but we adore Him whose birth or passion or sitting on the throne of majesty is brought to our remembrance by the picture."  The same pope commended Serenus, bishop of Marseilles, for his zeal against the adoration of pictures, but disapproved of his excess in that direction, and reminded him of the usefulness of such aids for the people who had just emerged from pagan barbarism and could not instruct themselves out of the Holy Scriptures. The Frankish church in the eighth and ninth centuries took a more decided stand against the abuse, without, however, going to the extent of the iconoclasts in the East.

In the course of time the Latin church went just as far if not further in practical image-worship as the Eastern church after the seventh oecumenical council. Gregory II. stoutly resisted the iconoclastic decrees of the Emperor Leo, and made capital out of the controversy for the independence of the papal throne. Gregory III. followed in the same steps, and Hadrian sanctioned the decree of the second council of Nicaea. Image-worship cannot be consistently opposed without surrendering the worship of saints.

The same theories and parties reappeared again in the age of the Reformation: the Roman as well as the Greek church adhered to image-worship with an occasional feeble protest against its abuses, and encouraged the development of fine arts, especially in Italy; the radical Reformers (Carlstadt, Zwingli, Calvin, Knox) renewed the iconoclastic theory and removed, in an orderly way, the pictures from the churches, as favoring a refined species of idolatry and hindering a spiritual worship; the Lutheran church (after the example set by Luther and his friend Lucas Kranach), retained the old pictures, or replaced them by new and better ones, but freed from former superstition. The modern progress of art, and the increased mechanical facilities for the multiplication of pictures have produced a change in Protestant countries. Sunday School books and other works for old and young abound in pictorial illustrations from Bible history for instruction; and the masterpieces of the great religious painters have become household ornaments, but will never be again objects of worship, which is due to God alone.




The Council of Trent, Sess. XXV. held Dec. 1563, sanctions, together with the worship of saints and relics, also the "legitimate use of images" in the following terms: "Moreover, that the images of Christ, of the Virgin Mother of God, and of the other saints, are to be had and retained particularly in temples, and that due honor and veneration are to be given them; not that any divinity, or virtue, is believed to be in them, on account of which they are to be worshiped; or that anything is to be asked of them; or that trust is to be reposed in images, as was of old done by the Gentiles, who placed their hope in idols; but because the honor which is shown them is referred to the prototypes which those images represent; in such wise that by the images which we kiss, and before which we uncover the head, and prostrate ourselves, we adore Christ, and we venerate the saints, whose similitude they bear: as, by the decrees of Councils, and especially of the second Synod of Nicaea, has been defined against the opponents of images."  The Profession of the Tridentine Faith teaches the same in art. IX. (See Schaff, Creeds, II. p. 201, 209).

The modern standards of the Eastern Church reiterate the decision of the seventh (Ecumenical Council. The Synod of Jerusalem, or the Confession of Dositheus, includes pictures of Christ, the mother of God, the saints and the holy angels who appeared to some of the patriarchs and prophets, also the symbolic representation of the Holy Spirit under the form of a dove, among the objects of worship (proskunou'men kai; timw'men kai; ajspazovmeqa). See Schaff, l.c. II. 436. The Longer Russian Catechism, in the exposition of the second commandment (Schaff, II. 527), thus speaks of this subject:

"What is an icon (eijkwvn)?

"The word is Greek, and means an image or representation. In the Orthodox Church this name designates sacred representations of our Lord Jesus Christ, God incarnate, his immaculate Mother, and his saints.

"Is the use of holy icons agreeable to the second commandment?

It would then, and then only, be otherwise, if any one were to make gods of them; but it is not in the least contrary to this commandment to honor icons as sacred representations, and to use them for the religious remembrance of God’s works and of his saints; for when thus used icons are books, writen(sic) with the forms of persons and things instead of letters. (See Greg. Magn. lib. ix. Ep. 9, ad Seren. Epis.).

"What disposition of mind should we have when we reverence icons?

"While we look on them with our eyes, we should mentally look to God and to the saints, who are represented on them."


 § 101. The Iconoclastic War, and the Synod of 754.


The history of the image-controversy embraces three periods: 1) The war upon images and the abolition of image-worship by the Council of Constantinople, a.d. 726–754. 2) The reaction in favor of image-worship, and its solemn sanction by the second Council of Nicaea, a.d. 754–787. 3) The renewed conflict of the two parties and the final triumph of image-worship, a.d. 842.

Image-worship had spread with the worship of saints, and become a general habit among the people in the Eastern church to such an extent that the Christian apologists had great difficulty to maintain their ground against the charge of idolatry constantly raised against them, not only by the Jews, but also by the followers of Islam, who could point to their rapid successes in support of their abhorrence of every species of idolatry. Churches and church-books, palaces and private houses, dresses and articles of furniture were adorned with religious pictures. They took among the artistic Greeks the place of the relics among the rude Western nations. Images were made to do service as sponsors in the name of the saints whom they represented. Fabulous stories of their wonder-working power were circulated and readily believed. Such excesses naturally called forth a reaction.

Leo III., called the Isaurian (716–741), a sober and energetic, but illiterate and despotic emperor, who by his military talents and successes had risen from the condition of a peasant in the mountains of Isauria to the throne of the Caesars, and delivered his subjects from the fear of the Arabs by the new invention of the "Greek fire," felt himself called, as a second Josiah, to use his authority for the destruction of idolatry. The Byzantine emperors did not scruple to interfere with the internal affairs of the church, and to use their despotic power for the purpose. Leo was influenced by a certain bishop Constantinus537 of Nakolia in Phrygia, and by a desire to break the force of the Mohammedan charge against the Christians. In the sixth year of his reign he ordered the forcible baptism of Jews and Montanists (or Manichaeans); the former submitted hypocritically and mocked at the ceremony; the latter preferred to set fire to their meeting-houses and to perish in the flames. Then, in the tenth year (726),538 he began his war upon the images. At first he only prohibited their worship, and declared in the face of the rising opposition that he intended to protect the images against profanation by removing them beyond the reach of touch and kiss. But in a second edict (730), he commanded the removal or destruction of all the images. The pictured walls were to be whitewashed. He replaced the magnificent picture of Christ over the gate of the imperial palace by a plain cross. He removed the aged Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople, and put the iconoclastic Anastasius in his place.

These edicts roused the violent opposition of the clergy, the monks, and the people, who saw in it an attack upon religion itself. The servants who took down the picture from the palace gate were killed by the mob. John of Damascus and Germanus, already known to us as hymnists, were the chief opponents. The former was beyond the reach of Leo, and wrote three eloquent orations, one before, two after the forced resignation of Germanus, in defence of image-worship, and exhausted the argument.539  The islanders of the Archipelago under the control of monks rose in open rebellion, and set up a pretender to the throne; but they were defeated, and their leaders put to death. Leo enforced obedience within the limits of the Eastern empire, but had no power among the Christian subjects of the Saracens, nor in Rome and Ravenna, where his authority was openly set at defiance. Pope Gregory II. told him, in an insulting letter (about 729), that the children of the grammar-school would throw their tablets at his head if he avowed himself a destroyer of images, and the unwise would teach him what he refused to learn from the wise540. Seventy years afterwards the West set up an empire of its own in close connection with the bishop of Rome.

Constantine V., surnamed Copronymos,541 during his long reign of thirty-four years (741–775), kept up his father’s policy with great ability, vigor and cruelty, against popular clamor, sedition and conspiracy. His character is very differently judged according to the doctrinal views of the writers. His enemies charge him with monstrous vices, heretical opinions, and the practice of magical arts; while the iconoclasts praise him highly for his virtues, and forty years after his death still prayed at his tomb. His administrative and military talents and successes against the Saracens, Bulgarians, and other enemies, as well as his despotism and cruelty (which he shares with other Byzantine emperors) are beyond dispute.

He called an iconoclastic council in Constantinople in 754, which was to be the seventh oecumenical, but was afterwards disowned as a pseudo-synod of heretics. It numbered three hundred and thirty subservient bishops under the presidency of Archbishop Theodosius of Ephesus (the son of a former emperor), and lasted six months (from Feb. 10th to Aug. 27th); but the patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Alexandria, being under Moslem rule, could not attend, the see of Constantinople was vacant, and Pope Stephen III. disregarded the imperial summons. The council, appealing to the second commandment and other Scripture passages denouncing idolatry (Rom. 1:23, 25; John 4:24), and opinions of the Fathers (Epiphanius, Eusebius, Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, etc.), condemned and forbade the public and private worship of sacred images on pain of deposition and excommunication, but (inconsistently) ordered at the same time that no one should deface or meddle with sacred vessels or vestments ornamented with figures, and formally declared its agreement with the six oecumenical councils, and the lawfulness of invoking the blessed Virgin and saints. It denounced all religious representations by painter or sculptor as presumptuous, pagan and idolatrous. Those who make pictures of the Saviour, who is God as well as man in one inseparable person, either limit the incomprehensible Godhead to the bounds of created flesh, or confound his two natures, like Eutyches, or separate them, like Nestorius, or deny his Godhead, like Arius; and those who worship such a picture are guilty of the same heresy and blasphemy. The eucharist alone is the proper image of Christ. A three-fold anathema was pronounced on the advocates of image-worship, even the great John of Damascus under the name of Mansur, who is called a traitor of Christ, an enemy of the empire, a teacher of impiety, and a perverter of the Scriptures. The acts of the Synod were destroyed except the decision (o{ro") and a brief introduction, which are embodied and condemned in the acts of the second Nicene Council.542

The emperor carried out the decree with great rigor as far as his power extended. The sacred images were ruthlessly destroyed and replaced by white-wash or pictures of trees, birds, and animals. The bishops and clergy submitted; but the monks who manufactured the pictures, denounced the emperor as a second Mohammed and heresiarch, and all the iconoclasts as heretics, atheists and blasphemers, and were subjected to imprisonment, flagellation, mutilation, and all sorts of indignities, even death. The principal martyrs of images during this reign (from 761–775) are Petrus Kalabites (i.e. the inhabitant of a hut, kaluvbh), Johannes, Abbot of Monagria, and Stephanus, Abbot of Auxentius, opposite Constantinople (called "the new Stephanus," to distinguish him from the proto-martyr). The emperor made even an attempt to abolish the convents.543


 § 102. The Restoration of Image-Worship by the Seventh Oecumenical Council, 787.


Leo IV., called Chazarus (775–780), kept up the laws against images, though with more moderation. But his wife Irene of Athens distinguished for beauty, talent, ambition and intrigue, was at heart devoted to image-worship, and after his death and during the minority of her son Constantine VI. Porphyrogenitus, labored with shrewdness and perseverance for its restoration (780–802). At first she proclaimed toleration to both parties, which she afterwards denied to the iconoclasts. She raised the persecuted monks to the highest dignities, and her secretary, Tarasius, to the patriarchal throne of Constantinople, with the consent of Pope Hadrian, who was willing to overlook the irregularity of the sudden election of a layman in prospect of his services to orthodoxy. She removed the iconoclastic imperial guard, and replaced it by one friendly to her views.

But the crowning measure was an oecumenical council, which alone could set aside the authority of the iconoclastic council of 754. Her first attempt to hold such a council at Constantinople in 786 completely failed. The second attempt, owing to more careful preparations, succeeded.

Irene convened the seventh oecumenical council in the year 787, at Nicaea, which was less liable to iconoclastic disturbances than Constantinople, yet within easy reach of the court, and famous as the seat of the first and weightiest oecumenical council. It was attended by about three hundred and fifty bishops,544 under the presidency of Tarasius, and held only eight sessions from September 24 to October 23, the last in the imperial palace of Constantinople. Pope Hadrian I. sent two priests, both called Peter, whose names stand first in the Acts. The three Eastern patriarchs, who were subject to the despotic rule of the Saracens, could not safely leave their homes; but two Eastern monks, John, and Thomas, who professed to be syncelli of two of these patriarchs and to have an accurate knowledge of the prevailing orthodoxy of Egypt and Syria, were allowed to sit and vote in the place of those dignitaries, although they had no authority from them, and were sent simply by a number of their fellow-monks.545

The Nicene Council nullified the decrees of the iconoclastic Synod of Constantinople, and solemnly sanctioned a limited worship (proskynesis) of images.546

Under images were understood the sign of the cross, and pictures of Christ, of the Virgin Mary, of angels and saints. They may be drawn in color or composed of Mosaic or formed of other suitable materials, and placed in churches, in houses, and in the street, or made on walls and tables, sacred vessels and vestments. Homage may be paid to them by kissing, bowing, strewing of incense, burning of lights, saying prayers before them; such honor to be intended for the living objects in heaven which the images represented. The Gospel book and the relics of martyrs were also mentioned among the objects of veneration.

The decree was fortified by a few Scripture passages about the Cherubim (Ex. 25:17–22; Ezek. 41:1, 15, 19; Heb. 9:1–5), and a large number of patristic testimonies, genuine and forged, and alleged miracles performed by images.547  A presbyter testified that he was cured from a severe sickness by a picture of Christ. Bishop after bishop, even those who had been members of the Synod of 754, renounced his iconoclastic opinions, and large numbers exclaimed together: "We all have sinned, we all have erred, we all beg forgiveness."  Some professed conscientious scruples, but were quieted when the Synod resolved that the violation of an oath which was contrary to the law of God, was no perjury. At the request of one of the Roman delegates, an image was brought into the assembly, and reverently kissed by all. At the conclusion, the assembled bishops exclaimed unanimously: "Thus we believe. This is the doctrine of the apostles. Anathema upon all who do not adhere to it, who do not salute the images, who call them idols, and who charge the Christians with idolatry. Long life to the emperors!  Eternal memory to the new Constantine and the new Helena!  God protect their reign!  Anathema upon all heretics!  Anathema especially upon Theodosius, the false bishop of Ephesus, as also upon Sisinnius and Basilius!  The Holy Trinity has rejected their doctrines."  Then follows an anathema upon other distinguished iconoclasts, and all who do not confess that Christ’s humanity has a circumscribed form, who do not greet the images, who reject the ecclesiastical traditions, written or unwritten; while eternal memory is given to the chief champions of image-worship, Germanus of Constantinople, John of Damascus, and George of Cyprus, the heralds of truth. 548

The decrees of the Synod were publicly proclaimed in an eighth session at Constantinople in the presence of Irene and her son, and, signed by them; whereupon the bishops, with the people and soldiers, shouted in the usual form: "Long live the Orthodox queen-regent."  The empress sent the bishops home with rich presents.

The second Council of Nicaea stands far below the first in moral dignity and doctrinal importance, and occupies the lowest grade among the seven oecumenical synods; but it determined the character of worship in the oriental church for all time to come, and herein lies its significance. Its decision is binding also upon the Roman church, which took part in it by two papal legates, and defended it by a letter of Pope Hadrian to Charlemagne in answer to the Libri Carolini. Protestant churches disregard the council because they condemn image-worship as a refined form of idolatry and as a fruitful source of superstition; and this theory is supported by the plain sense of the second commandment, the views of the primitive Christians, and, negatively, by the superstitions which have accompanied the history of image-worship down to the miracle-working Madonnas of the nineteenth century. At the same time it may be readily conceded that the decree of Nicaea has furnished aid and comfort to a low and crude order of piety which needs visible supports, and has stimulated the development of Christian art. Iconoclasm would have killed it. It is, however, a remarkable fact that the Catholic Raphael and Michael Angelo, and the Protestant Lucas Kranach and Albrecht Dürer, were contemporaries of the Reformers, and that the art of painting reached its highest perfection at the period when image-worship for a great part of Christendom was superseded by the spiritual worship of God alone.

A few months after the Nicene Council, Irene dissolved the betrothal of her son, the Emperor Constantine, to Rotrude, a daughter of Charlemagne, which she herself had brought about, and forced him to marry an Armenian lady whom he afterward cast off and sent to a convent.549  From this time dates her rupture with Constantine. In her ambition for despotic power, she rendered him odious by encouraging his bad habits, and at last incapable of the throne by causing his eyes to be plucked out, while he was asleep, with such violence that he died of it (797). It is a humiliating fact that Constantine the Great, the convener of the first Nicene Council, and Irene, the convener of the second and last, are alike stained with the blood of their own offspring, and yet honored as saints in the Eastern church, in whose estimate orthodoxy covers a multitude of sins.550  She enjoyed for five years the fruit of unnatural cruelty to her only child. As she passed through the streets of Constantinople, four patricians marched on foot before her golden chariot, holding the reins of four milk-white steeds. But these patricians conspired against their queen and raised the treasurer Nicephorus to the throne, who was crowned at St. Sophia by the venal patriarch. Irene was sent into exile on the Isle of Lesbos, and had to earn her bread by the labors of her distaff as she had done in the days of her youth as an Athenian virgin. She died of grief in 803. With her perished the Isaurian dynasty. Startling changes of fortune were not uncommon among princes and patriarchs of the Byzantine empire.


 § 103. Iconoclastic Reaction, and Final Triumph of Image-Worship, a.d. 842.


Walch, X. 592–828. Hefele, IV. 1–6; 38–47; 104–109.


During the five reigns which succeeded that of Irene, a period of thirty-eight years, the image-war was continued with varying fortunes. The soldiers were largely iconoclastic, the monks and the people in favor of image-worship. Among these Theodore of the Studium was distinguished by his fearless advocacy and cruel sufferings under Leo V., the Armenian (813–820), who was slain at the foot of the altar. Theophilus (829–842) was the last and the most cruel of the iconoclastic emperors. He persecuted the monks by imprisonment, corporal punishment, and mutilation.551

But his widow, Theodora, a second Irene, without her vices,552 in the thirteenth year of her regency during the minority of Michael the Drunkard, achieved by prudent and decisive measures the final and permanent victory of image-worship. She secured absolution for her deceased husband by the fiction of a death-bed repentance, although she had promised him to make no change. The iconoclastic patriarch, John the Grammarian, was banished and condemned to two hundred lashes; the monk Methodius of opposite tendency (honored as a confessor and saint) was put in his place; the bishops trembled and changed or were deposed; the monks and the people were delighted. A Synod at Constantinople (the acts of it are lost) reënacted the decrees of the seven oecumenical Councils, restored the worship of images, pronounced the anathema upon all iconoclasts, and decided that the event should be hereafter commemorated on the first Sunday in Lent by a solemn procession and a renewal of the anathema on the iconoclastic heretics.

On the 19th of February, 842, the images were again introduced into the churches of Constantinople. It was the first celebration of the "Sunday of Orthodoxy,"553 which afterwards assumed a wider meaning, as a celebration of victory over all heresies. It is one of the most characteristic festivals of the Eastern church. The old oecumenical Councils are dramatically represented, and a threefold anathema is pronounced upon all sorts of heretics such as atheists, antitrinitarians, upon those who deny the virginity of Mary before or after the birth of Christ, the inspiration of the Scriptures, or the immortality of the soul, who reject the mysteries (sacraments), the traditions and councils, who deny that orthodox princes rule by divine appointment and receive at their unction the Holy Ghost, and upon all iconoclasts. After this anathema follows the grateful commemoration of the orthodox confessors and "all who have fought for the orthodox faith by their words, writings, teaching, sufferings, and godly example, as also of all the protectors and defenders of the Church of Christ."  In conclusion the bishops, archimandrites and priests kiss the sacred icons.554


 § 104. The Caroline Books and the Frankish Church on Image-Worship.


I. Libri Carolini, first ed. by Elias Philyra (i.e., Jean du Tillet, or Tilius, who was suspected of Calvinism, but afterwards became bishop of Meaux), from a French (Paris) MS., Paris, 1549; then by Melchior Goldast in his collection of imperial decrees on the image-controversy, Francof., 1608 (67 sqq.), and in the first vol. of his Collection of Constitutiones imperiales, with the addition of the last ch. (lib. IV., c. 29), which was omitted by Tilius; best ed. by Ch. A. Heumann, Hanover, 1731, under the title: Augusta Concilii Nicaeni II. Censura, h. e., Caroli Magni de impio imaginum cultu libri IV., with prolegomena and notes. The ed. of Abbé Migne, in his "Patrol. Lat.," Tom. 98, f. 990–1248 (in vol. II. of Opera Caroli M.), is a reprint of the ed. of Tilius, and inferior to Heumann’s ed. ("Es ist zu bedauern," says Hefele, III. 696, "dass Migne, statt Besseres, entschieden Geringeres geboten hat, als man bisher schon besass".)

II. Walch devotes the greater part of the eleventh vol. to the history of image-worship in the Frankish Church from Pepin to Louis the Pious. Neander, III. 233–243; Gieseler, II. 66–73; Hefele, III 694–716; Hergenröther, I. 553–557. Floss: De suspecta librorum Carolinorum fide. Bonn, 1860. Reifferscheid: Narratio de Vaticano librorum Carolinorum Codice. Breslau, 1873.


The church of Rome, under the lead of the popes, accepted and supported the seventh oecumenical council, and ultimately even went further than the Eastern church in allowing the worship of graven as well as painted images. But the church in the empire of Charlemagne, who was not on good terms with the Empress Irene, took a position between image-worship and iconoclasm.

The question of images was first discussed in France under Pepin in a synod at Gentilly near Paris, 767, but we do not know with what result.555  Pope Hadrian sent to Charlemagne a Latin version of the acts of the Nicene Council; but it was so incorrect and unintelligible that a few decades later the Roman librarian Anastasius charged the translator with ignorance of both Greek and Latin, and superseded it by a better one.

Charlemagne, with the aid of his chaplains, especially Alcuin, prepared and published, three years after the Nicene Council, an important work on image-worship under the title Quatuor Libri Carolini (790).556  He dissents both from the iconoclastic synod of 754 and the anti-iconoclastic synod of 787, but more from the latter, which he treats very disrespectfully.557  He decidedly rejects image-worship, but allows the use of images for ornament and devotion, and supports his view with Scripture passages and patristic quotations. The spirit and aim of the book is almost Protestant. The chief thoughts are these: God alone is the object of worship and adoration (colondus et adorandus). Saints are only to be revered (venerandi). Images can in no sense be worshipped. To bow or kneel before them, to salute or kiss them, to strew incense and to light candles before them, is idolatrous and superstitious. It is far better to search the Scriptures, which know nothing of such practices. The tales of miracles wrought by images are inventions of the imagination, or deceptions of the evil spirit. On the other hand, the iconoclasts, in their honest zeal against idolatry, went too far in rejecting the images altogether. The legitimate and proper use of images is to adorn the churches and to perpetuate and popularize the memory of the persons and events which they represent. Yet even this is not necessary; for a Christian should be able without sensual means to rise to the contemplation of the virtues of the saints and to ascend to the fountain of eternal light. Man is made in the image of God, and hence capable of receiving Christ into his soul. God should ever be present and adored in our hearts. O unfortunate memory, which can realize the presence of Christ only by means of a picture drawn in sensuous colors. The Council of Nicaea committed a great wrong in condemning those who do not worship images.

The author of the Caroline books, however, falls into the same inconsistency as the Eastern iconoclasts, by making an exception in favor of the sign of the cross and the relics of saints. The cross is called a banner which puts the enemy to flight, and the honoring of the relics is declared to be a great means of promoting piety, since the saints reign with Christ in heaven, and their bones will be raised to glory; while images are made by men’s hands and return to dust.

A Synod in Frankfort, a.d. 794, the most important held during the reign of Charlemagne, and representing the churches of France and Germany, in the presence of two papal legates (Theophylactus and Stephanus), endorsed the doctrine of the Libri Carolini, unanimously condemned the worship of images in any form, and rejected the seventh oecumenical council.558  According to an old tradition, the English church agreed with this decision.559

Charlemagne sent a copy of his book, or more probably an extract from it (85 Capitula or Capitulare de Imaginibus) through Angilbert, his son-in-law, to his friend Pope Hadrian, who in a long answer tried to defend the Eastern orthodoxy of Nicaea with due respect for his Western protector, but failed to satisfy the Frankish church, and died soon afterwards (Dec. 25, 795).560

A Synod of Paris, held under the reign of Charlemagne’s son and successor, Louis the Pious, in the year 825, renewed the protest of the Frankfort Synod against image-worship and the authority of the second council of Nicaea, in reply to an embassy of the Emperor Michael Balbus, and added a slight rebuke to the pope.561




The Caroline Books, if not written by Charlemagne, are at all events issued in his name; for the author repeatedly calls Pepin his father, and speaks of having undertaken the work with the consent of the priests in his dominion (conniventia sacerdotum in regno a Deo nobis concesso). The book is first mentioned by Archbishop Hincmar of Rheims in the ninth century as directed against the pseudo-Synodus Graecorum (the second Nicene Council), and he quotes a passage from a copy which he saw in the royal palace. The second mention and quotation was made by the papal librarian Augustin Steuchus (d. 1550) from a very old copy in the Bibliotheca Palatina. As soon as it appeared in print, Flavius and other Protestant polemics used it against Rome. Baronius, Bellarmin, and other Romanists denied the genuineness, and ascribed the book to certain heretics in the age of Charlemagne, who sent it to Rome to be condemned; some declared it even a fabrication of the radical reformer Carlstadt!  But Sirmond and Natalis Alexander convincingly proved the genuineness. More recently Dr. Floss (R.C.) of Bonn, revived the doubts (1860), but they are permanently removed since Professor Reifferscheid (1866) discovered a new MS. from the tenth century in the Vatican library which differs from the one of Steuchus, and was probably made in the Cistercian Convent at Marienfeld in Westphalia. "Therefore," writes Bishop Hefele in 1877 (III. 698), "the genuineness of the Libri Carolini is hereafter no longer to be questioned (nicht mehr zu beanstanden)."


 § 105. Evangelical Reformers. Agobardus of Lyons, and Claudius of Turin.


I. Agobardus: Contra eorum superstitionem qui picturis et imaginibus SS. adorationis obsequium deferendum putant. Opera ed. Baluzius Par. 1666, 2 vols., and Migne, "Patrol. Lat." vol. 104, fol. 29–351. Histoire litter. de la France, IV. 567 sqq. C. B. Hundeshagen: De Agobardi vita et scriptis. Pars I. Giessae 1831; and his article in Herzog2 I. 212 sq. Bähr: Gesch. der röm. Lit. in Karoliny. Zeitalter, p. 383–393. Bluegel: De Agobardi archiep. Lugd. vita et scriptis. Hal. 1865. Simson: Jahrbücher des fränkischen Reichs unter Ludwig dem Frommen. Leipz. 1874 and ’76. C. Deedes in Smith and Wace, I. 63–64. Lichtenberger, I. 119.

II. Claudius: Opera in Migne’s "Patrol. Lat." vol. 104, fol. 609–927. Commentaries on Kings, Gal., Ephes., etc., Eulogium Augustini, and Apologeticum. Some of his works are still unpublished. Rudelbach: Claudii Tur. Ep. ineditorum operum specimina, praemissa de ejus doctrina scriptisque dissert. Havniae 1824. C. Schmidt: Claudius v. Turin in Illgen’s "Zeitschrift f. die Hist. Theol."  1843. II. 39; and his art. in Herzog2, III. 243–245.

III. Neander, III. 428–439 (very full and discriminating on Claudius); Gieseler, II. 69–73 (with judicious extracts); Reuter: Geschichte der Aufklärung im Mittelalter, vol. I. (Berlin 1875), 16–20 and 24–41.


The opposition to image-worship and other superstitious practices continued in the Frankish church during the ninth century.

Two eminent bishops took the lead in the advocacy of a more spiritual and evangelical type of religion. In this they differed from the rationalistic and destructive iconoclasts of the East. They were influenced by the writings of Paul and Augustin, those inspirers of all evangelical movements in church history; with this difference, however, that Paul stands high above parties and schools, and that Augustin, with all his anti-Pelagian principles, was a strong advocate of the Catholic theory of the church and church-order.

Agobard (in Lyonese dialect Agobaud or Aguebaud), a native of Spain, but of Gallic parents, and archbishop of Lyons (816–841), figures prominently in the political and ecclesiastical history of France during the reign of Louis the Pious. He is known to us already as an opponent of the ordeal, the judicial duel and other heathen customs.562  His character presents singular contrasts. He was a rigid ecclesiastic and sacerdotalist, and thoroughly orthodox in dogma (except that he denied the verbal inspiration of the Scriptures); but, on the other hand, a sworn enemy of all superstition, and advocate of liberal views in matters of worship.563  He took part in the rebellion of Lothaire against his father Louis in 833, which deprived him of his bishopric and left a serious stain on his character, but he was afterwards reconciled to Louis and recovered the bishopric. He opposed Adoptionism as a milder form of the Nestorian heresy. He attacked the Jews, who flocked to Lyons in large numbers, and charges them with insolent conduct towards the Christians. In this he shared the intolerance of his age. But, on the other hand, he wrote a book against image-worship.564  He goes back to the root of the difficulty, the worship of saints. He can find no authority for such worship. The saints themselves decline it. It is a cunning device of Satan to smuggle heathen idolatry, into the church under pretext of showing honor to saints. He thus draws men away from a spiritual to a sensual worship. God alone should be adored; to him alone must we present the sacrifice of a broken and contrite heart. Angels and holy men who are crowned with victory, and help us by their intercessions, may be loved and honored, but not worshiped. "Cursed be the man that trusteth in man" (Jer. 17:5). We may look with pleasure on their pictures, but it is better to be satisfied with the simple symbol of the cross (as if this were not liable to the same abuse). Agobart approves the canon of Elvira, which forbade images altogether. He says in conclusion: "Since no man is essentially God, save Jesus our Saviour, so we, as the Scripture commands, shall bow our knees to his name alone, lest by giving this honor to another we may be estranged from God, and left to follow the doctrines and traditions of men according to the inclinations of our hearts."565

Agobard was not disturbed in his position, and even honored as a saint in Lyons after his death, though his saintship is disputed.566  His works were lost, until Papirius Masson discovered a MS. copy and rescued it from a bookbinder’s hands in Lyons (1605).

Claudius, bishop of Turin (814–839), was a native of Spain, but spent three years as chaplain at the court of Louis the Pious and was sent by him to the diocese of Turin. He wrote practical commentaries on nearly all the books of the Bible, at the request of the emperor, for the education of the clergy. They were mostly extracted from the writings of Augustin, Jerome, and other Latin fathers. Only fragments remain. He was a great admirer of Augustin, but destitute of his wisdom and moderation.567

He found the Italian churches full of pictures and picture-worshipers. He was told that the people did not mean to worship the images, but the saints. He replied that the heathen on the same ground defend the worship of their idols, and may become Christians by merely changing the name. He traced image-worship and saint-worship to a Pelagian tendency, and met it with the Augustinian view of the sovereignty of divine grace. Paul, he says, overthrows human merits, in which the monks now most glory, and exalts the grace of God. We are saved by grace, not by works. We must worship the Creator, not the creature. "Whoever seeks from any creature in heaven or on earth the salvation which he should seek from God alone, is an idolater."  The departed saints themselves do not wish to be worshipped by us, and cannot help us. While we live, we may aid each other by prayers, but not after death. He attacked also the superstitious use of the sign of the cross, going beyond Charlemagne and Agobard. He met the defence by carrying it to absurd conclusions. If we worship the cross, he says, because Christ suffered on it, we might also worship every virgin because he was born of a virgin, every manger because he was laid in a manger, every ship because he taught from a ship, yea, every ass because he rode on an ass into Jerusalem. We should bear the cross, not adore it. He banished the pictures, crosses and crucifixes from the churches, as the only way to kill superstition. He also strongly opposed the pilgrimages. He had no appreciation of religious symbolism, and went in his Puritanic zeal to a fanatical extreme.

Claudius was not disturbed in his seat; but, as he says himself, he found no sympathy with the people, and became "an object of scorn to his neighbors," who pointed at him as "a frightful spectre."  He was censured by Pope Paschalis I. (817–824), and opposed by his old friend, the Abbot Theodemir of the diocese of Nismes, to whom he had dedicated his lost commentary on Leviticus (823), by Dungal (of Scotland or Ireland, about 827), and by Bishop Jonas of Orleans (840), who unjustly charged him with the Adoptionist and even the Arian heresy. Some writers have endeavored, without proof, to trace a connection between him and the Waldenses in Piedmont, who are of much later date.568

Jonas of Orleans, Hincmar of Rheims, and Wallafrid Strabo still maintained substantially the moderate attitude of the Caroline books between the extremes of iconoclasm and image-worship. But the all-powerful influence of the popes, the sensuous tendency and credulity of the age, the ignorance of the clergy, and the grosser ignorance of the people combined to secure the ultimate triumph of image-worship even in France. The rising sun of the Carolingian age was obscured by the darkness of the tenth century.



* Schaff, Philip, History of the Christian Church, (Oak Harbor, WA: Logos Research Systems, Inc.) 1997. This material has been carefully compared, corrected¸ and emended (according to the 1910 edition of Charles Scribner's Sons) by The Electronic Bible Society, Dallas, TX, 1998.

421  See the Ordo Missae Romanae Gregorianus, compared with the Ordo Gelasianus, Ambrosianus, Gallicanus, Mozarabicus, etc., in Daniel’s Codex Liturg. vol. I. 3-168.

422  Dialog. 1. IV. c. 58 (in Migne’s ed. III. 425 sq.): "Quis fidelium habere dubium possit, in ipsa immolationis hora ad sacerdotis vocem coelis aperiri, in illo jesu Christi mysteria angelorum choros adesse, summis ima sociari, terrena coelestibus jungi, unumque ex visibilibus atque invisibilibus fieri?"

423  Misae pro Defunctis, Todtenmessen, Seelenmessen. Different from them are the Missae de Sanctis, celebrated on the anniversaries of the saints, and to their honor, though the sacrifice is always offered to God.

424  Even popes, though addressed by the title "Holiness," while living, have to pass through purgatory, and need the prayers of the faithful. On the marble sarcophagus of Pius IX., who reigned longer than any of his predecessors, and proclaimed his own infallibility in the Vatican Council (1870), are the words: "Orate pro eo." Prayers and masses are said only for the dead in purgatory, not for the saints in heaven who do not need them, nor for the damned in hell who would not profit by them.

425  Quoted from the Longer Catechism of the Eastern Church (Schaff, Creeds II. 504). The Greeks have in their ritual special strophes or antiphones for the departed, called nekrwvsima. Mone, Lat. Hymnen des Mittel alters, II. 400, gives some specimens from John of Damascus and others. He says, that the Greeks have more hymns for the departed than the Latins, but that the Latins have older hymni pro defunctis, beginning with Prudentius.

426  Missae solitariae or privatae.

427  Can. 48. Mansi XIV. 529 sqq. Hefele IV. 64.

428  See the next chapter, on Theological Controversies.

429  Comp. logikh; latreiva, Rom. 12:1.

430  Sess. IV. (April 8, 1546):"Sacrosancta Synodus … statuit et declarat, ut haec ipsa vetus et vulgata editio, quiae longo tot saeculorum usu in ipsa ecclesia probata est, in publicis lectionibus, disputationibus, praedicationibus et expositionibus pro authentica habeatur;. et ut nemo illam rejicere quovis praetextu audeat vel praesumat!" The Council made provision for an authoritative revision of the Vulgate (April 8, 1546); but when the edition of Pope Sixtus V. appeared in 1589 and was enjoined upon the church "by the fullness of apostolic power," it was found to be so full of errors and blunders that it had to be cancelled, and a new edition prepared under Clement VIII. in 1592, which remains the Roman standard edition to this day.

431  As it is to-day in strictly Roman Catholic countries; with this difference, that what was excusable in a period of heathen and semi-heathen ignorance and superstition, is inexcusable in an age of advanced civilization furnished with all kinds of educational institutions and facilities.

432  See the acts of this council in Haddan and Stubbs, Councils and Eccles. Doc. 360-376, and the letter of Boniface to Cuthbert, giving an account of a similar council in Germany, and recommending measures of reform in the English church, p. 376-382.

433  A similar canon was passed by other councils. See Hefele III. 758, 764, and IV. 89, 111, 126, 197, 513, 582; Mansi XIV. 82 sqq.

434  Hefele, III. 745.

435  F. Dahn, Des Paulus Diaconus Leben und Schriften, 1876; and Mon. Germ. Scriptores rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum saec. VI.-IX. 1878, p. 45-187, ed. by L. Bethmann and G. Waitz; Wattenbach, Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen, 4th ed. 1877, I. 134-140.

436  See above, p. 41, 105, 106. The paraphrase of Caedmon, the first Christian poet of England, is edited or discussed by Thorpe, Bouterweck, Grein, Wright, Ettmüller, Sandrar, Morley, Ten Brink, etc. (see Lit. in Schaff-Herzog sub Caedmon); the Saxon Heliand and Otfrid’s Krist by Sievers, Rettberg, Vilmar, Lechler, Graff, Kelle, Michelsen, etc. (see Herzog2 IV. 428-435).

437  Neale and Pitra point out this connection, and Jacobi (l.c. p. 210 sq.) remarks: "Im Kampfe für die Bilder steigerte sich die Glut der sinnlichen Frömmigkeit, und mit dem Siege der Bilderverehrung im neunten Jahrhundert ist eine innerliche und aeusserliche Zunahme des Heiligenkultus und namentlich ein Wachsthum der Marienvehrung unverkennbar."

438  The Mhnai'a (sc. bibliva, Monatsbücher) are published at Venice in the Tipografia Greca (hJ JEllhnikh; tupografiva tou' foivniko"). Each month has its separate title: Mhnai'on tou' !Ianouarivou  or Mh;n !Ianouavrio" , etc. January begins with the commemoration of the circumcision of our Lord and the commemoration of St. Basil the Great, and December ends with the mnhvmh th'" oJsiva" Mhtro;" hJmw'n Melavnh" th's JRwmaiva" . The copy before me (from the Harvard University Library) is dated 1852, and printed in beautiful Greek type, with the directions in red ink. On older editions see Mone, Lat. Hymnen, II. p. x. sqq. The other books of the Greek Ritual are the Paracletice (Paraklhtikhv, sc. bivblo") or great Octoechus (jOktwvhco", sc. bivblo"), which contains the Sunday services the Triodion (Triwv/dion, the Lent-volume), and the Pentecostarion (Penthkostavrion, the office for Easter-tide). " On a moderate computation," says Neale, " these volumes comprise 5,000 closely printed quarto pages, in double columns, of which at least 4,000 are poetry." See the large works of Leo Allatius, De libris eccles. Graecorum; Goar, Euchologion sive Rituale Graecorum, and especially the Second volume of Neale’s History of the Holy Eastern Church (1850), p. 819 sqq.

439  Hence they were called melwdoiv as well as poihtaiv in distinction from the mere uJmnovgrafoi.  The Greek service books are also music books. Christ discusses Byzantine music, and gives some specimens in Prol. p. CXI-CXLII.

440  Tropavrion, the diminutive of trovpo", as modulus is of modus, was originally a musical term.

441  Eijrmov", tractus, a train, series, was likewise originally a musical term like ajkolouqiva and the Latin jubilatio, sequentia. See § 96.

442  Qeotokivon, sc. tropavrion (more rarely, but more correctly, with the accent on the ante-penultima, qeotovkion), from qeotovko", Deipara. The stauro-theotokion celebrates Mary at the cross, and corresponds to the Stabat Mater dolorosa of the Latins.

443  !Idiovmelon. There are several other designations of various kinds of poems, as ajkolouqiva (the Latin sequentia), ajnabaqmoiv (tria antiphona), ajntivfwnon, ajpolutivkion (breve troparium sub finem officii vespertini), ajpovstica, auvtomelon, ejxaposteilavrion, ejwqinav, kavqisma, katabasiva, kontavria, makarismoiv, megalunavria, oi\koi, prosovmoia, stichrav, triwv/dia, tetrawv/da, diwv/dia, yalthvrion, tropolovgion. These terms and technical forms are fully discussed by Christ in the Prolegomena. Comp. also the Introduction of Neale

444  By Vormbaum (in the third volume of Daniel’s Thesaurus which needs reconstruction), Pitra, and Christ. The Continental writers seem to be ignorant of Dr. Neale, the best English connoisseur of the liturgical and poetic literature of the Greek church. His translations are, indeed, very free reproductions and transfusions, but for this very reason better adapted to Western taste than the originals. The hymn of Clement of Alexandria in praise of the Logos has undergone a similar transformation by Dr. Henry M. Dexter, and has been made useful for public worship. See vol. II. 231.

445  Even Neale, with all his admiration for the Greek Church, admits that the Menaea contain a "deluge of worthless compositions: tautology repeated till it becomes almost sickening; the merest commonplace, again and again decked in the tawdry shreds of tragic language, ind twenty or thirty times presenting the same thought in slightly varying terms." (Hymns E.Ch. p. 88 sq., 3d ed.)

446  See vol. II. 227, and add to the Lit. there quoted: Christ, p. 38-40, who gives from the Codex Alexandrinus and other MSS. the Greek text of the morning hymn (the expanded Angelic anthem Dovxa ejn uJyivstoi" qew'/) and two evening hymns Aijnei'te, pai'de" . kuvrion, and Fw'" iJlaro;n aJgiva" dovxh") of the Greek church.

447  See vol. III. 581 and 921. Christ begins his collection with the hymns of Synesius, p. 3-23, and of Gregory Nazianzen, 23-32.

448  See the specimens in vol. III. 583-585. Neale begins his translations with Anatolius. Christ treats of him p. XLI, and gives his stichra; ajnastavsima find three ijdiovmela (hymns with their own melody), 113-117. More than a hundred poems in the Menaea and the Octoechus bear the name of Anatolius, but Christ conjectures that stichra; ajnatolikav is a generic name, like katanuktikav and nekrwvsima.

449  See a description of this most curious structure in all Palestine, in my book Through Bible Lands (N. Y. 1879), p. 278 sqq.

450  The poetry of John of D. in his Opera ed. Le Quien (Par. 1712), Tom. I. 673-693; Poëtae Graeci veteres (Colon. 1614), Tom. II. 737 sqq.; Christ, Anthol. gr. Prol. XLIV. sqq., p. 117-121, and p. 205-236. Vormbaum, in Daniel, III. 80-97, gives six of his odes in Greek; Bässler, 162-164, two (and two in German, 21, 22); Neale nine English versions. The best of his hymns and canons are Eij" th;n cristou' gevnnhsin (or eij" th;n qeogonivan), Eij" ta; qeofavneia, Eij" th;n kuriakh;n tou' Pavsca, Eij" th;n pentekosthvn, Eij" th;n ajnavlhyin tou' Cristou',Eujchv, jIdiovmela ejn ajkolouqiva tou' ejxodiastikou', Eij" th;n koivmhsin th'" qeotovkou.. The last begins with this stanza (Christ, p. 229):

jAnoivxw to; stovma mou,

 kai; plhrwqhvsetai pneuvmato":

 kai; lovgou ejpeuvxomai th'/ basilivdi mhtriv:

 kai; ojfqhvsomai faidrw'"panhgurivzwn:

 kai; a[/sw ghqovmeno" tauvth" ta; qauvmata.

451  Gallandi, Bibl. Patrum, XIII. 234 sqq.; Christ, XLIX sq., 161-164. Christ calls him "princeps melodorum graecorum," and gives ten of his canons and several triodia; Daniel (III. 55-79) twelve odes. Among the best are Eij" th;n tou' Cristou' gevnnhsin, Eij" ta; qeofavneia, Eij" th;n penthkosthvn, Pro;" Cristovn, Ei" th;n u{ywsin tou' staurou', Eij" to; mevga savbbaton.  Neale has reproduced eight odes of Cosmas and a cento on the Transfiguration. The Nativity hymn begins (Christ p. 165):

 Cristo;" genna'tai: dovxasate:

 Cristo;" ejx oujranw'n: ajpanthvsate:

 Cristo;" ejpi; gh'" : uJywvqhte:

 a[/sate tw'/ kurivw/ pa'sa hJ gh',

 kai; ejn eujfrosuvnh/

 ajnumnhvsate, laoiv,

 o{ti dedoxastai.

452  @o Graptov", with reference to his sufferings.

453  According to Christ (Prol. XLIV), he was after the restoration of the images in the churches of Constantinople, 842, elected metropolitan of Nicaea and died in peace. But according to the Bollandists and other authorities, he died much earlier in exile at Samothrace about 818 or 820, in consequence of his sufferings for the Icons. Neale reports that Theophanes was betrothed in childhood to a lady named Megalis, but persuaded her, on their wedding day, to retire to a convent. Christ gives several of his idiomela and stichera necrosima, p. 121-130. See also Daniel, III. 110-112, and Neale’s translations of the idiomela on Friday of Cheese-Sunday (i.e. Quinquagesima), and the stichera at the first vespers of Cheese-Sunday (90-95). The last is entitled by Neale: "Adam’s Complaint," and he thinks that Milton, "as an universal scholar," must, in Eve’s lamentation, have had in his eye the last stanza which we give in the text. But this is very doubtful. The Chronographia of Theophanes is published in the Bonn. ed. of the Byzantine historians, 1839, and in Migne’s "Patrol. Graeca," Tom. 108 (1861). His biography see in the Acta Sanct. ed. Bolland. in XII. Martii.

454  Christ (p. LII sq., p. 140-147) reasons chiefly from chronological considerations. The poem is called ajkavqisto"(sc. u{mno") th'"qeotovkou, because it was chanted while priest and people were standing. During the singing of other hymns they were seated; hence the latter are called kaqivsmata, (from kaqivzesqai). See Christ, Prol. p. LXII and p. 54 sqq. Jacobi says of the Akathistos (l.c. p. 230): " Was Enthusiasmus für die heilige Jungfrau, was Kenntniss biblischer Typen, überhaupt religiöser Gegenstände und Gedanken zu leisten vermochten, was Schmuck der Sprache. Gewandtheit des Ausdrucks, Kunst der Rhythmen und der Reime hinzufügen komnten, das ist hier in unübertroffenem Masse bewirkt."

455  Christ, XXVII, XXXV, LIII, 43-47 (ajnakreovntika), and 96 (ijdiovmelatw'nQeofaneivwn). Daniel, III. 20-46, gives thirteen pieces of Sophronius from Pet. Metranga, Spicilegium  Romanum, 1840, Tom. IV.

456  Poetae Gr. vet. Tom. II. 192 sqq. Daniel, III. 97-103, gives three hymns, among them a beautiful u{mno"iJkethvrio"ei"Cristovn Christ omits Maximus.

457  See his Opera in Migne’s "Patrol. Graeca" Tom. 98 (1865); and his poems in Christ, XLIII. 98 (ijdiovmelon on the Nativity); Daniel, III. 79, a hymn in praise of Mary, beginning Salpivswmen ejn savlpiggi ajsmavtwn, and ending with ascribing to her almighty power of intercession:

Oujden ga;r ajduvnaton th'/ mesiteiva/ sou.


458  Fr. Combefisius first edited the works of Andreas Cretensis, Par. 1644. Christ, 147-161, gives the first part of "the great canon" (about one-fourth), and a new canon in praise of Peter. The last is not in the Menaea but has been brought to light from Paris and Vatican MSS. by Card. Pitra. Daniel, III. 47-54, has seven hymns of Andreas, of which the first is on the nativity, beginning:

Eujfraivnesqe divkaioi:

Oujranoi; ajgallia'sqe:

Skirthvsate ta; o{rh,

Tou' Cristou' gennhqevnto"./

Neale translated four: Stichera for Great Thursday; Troparia for Palm Sunday; a portion of the Great Canon; Stichera for the Second Week of the Great Fast. His Opera in Migne’s " Patrol. Gr." T. 97(1860), p. 1306sqq.

459  Christ, p. xlii. sq. and 83, aujtovmelonei"tou;"ajpost. Pevtronkai;Pau'lon. See Men., June 29.

460  Christ and Daniel ignore Stephen. Neale calls the one and only hymn which he translated, "Idiomela in the Week of the First Oblique Tone," and adds: "These stanzas, which strike me as very sweet, are not in all the editions of the Octoechus." He ascribes to him also a poetical composition on the Martyrs of the monastery of Mar Sâba (March 20), and one on the Circumcision. "His style," he says, "seems formed on that of S. Cosmas, rather than on that of his own uncle. He is not deficient in elegance and richness of typology, but exhibits something of sameness, and is occasionally guilty of very hard metaphors."

461  Christ, 131-140, gives his "Psalm of the Holy Apostles," and a Nativity hymn. Comp. p. li. sq. Jacobi (p. 203 sq.) discusses the data and traces in Romanus allusions to the Monotheletic controversy, which began about a.d. 630. He gives a German version in part of the beautiful description of the benefits of redemption, p. 221 sq.

462  Christ, p. 101 sq.; Daniel, III. 101-109. Neale has translated four odes of Theodorus Studita, one on the judgment-day (oJkuvrio"e[rcetai). Pitra has brought to light from MSS. eighteen of his poems on saints. See his Opera in Migne " Patr. Gr." 99.

463  Christ, p. xlvii.: "Nicephorus duos Iosephos hymnorum scriptores recenset, quorum alterum Studiorum monasterii socium, alterum peregrinum dicit. Priorem intelligo Iosephum fratrem minorem Theodori, Studiorum antistitis, cuius memoriae dies XIV. mensis Iulii consecratus est. Is ob morum integritatem et doctrina laudem Thessalonicensis ecclesiae archiepiscopus electus a Theophilo rege (829-842), qui in cultores imaginum saeviebat, in vincula coniectus et omni tormentorum genere adeo vexatus est, ut in carcere mortem occumberet. Alterius losephi, qui proprie uJmnovgrafo"audit, memoriam die III. mensis Aprilis ecclesia graeca concelebrat. Is peregrinus (xevno") ab Nicephoro dictus esse dicitur, quod ex Sicilia insula oriundus erat et patria ab Arabibus capta et vastata cum matre et fratribus primum in Peloponnesum, deinde Thessalonicem confugit, qua in urbe monarchorum disciplnae severissimae sese addixit."

464  English translation by Neale. See below, p. 473.

465  Christ, 242-253; Daniel, III. 112-114; Neale, p. 120-151; Bässler, p. 23, 165; Schaff, p. 240 sq. Joseph is also the author of hymns formerly ascribed to Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, during the Monotheletic controversy, as Paranikas has shown (Christ, Prol., p. liii.).

466  Neale notices him, but thinks it not worth while to translate his poetry.

467  Kanw;neij"th;nuJperagivanqeotovkon. See Daniel, III. 17-20.

468  Not to be confounded with Methodius Eubulius, of Patara, the martyr (d. 311), who is also counted among the poets for his psalm of the Virgins in praise of chastity (parqevnion); see vol. II. 811, and Christ, p. 33-37. Bässler (p.4 sq.) gives a German version of it by Fortlage.

469  Pitra concludes his collection with eighty-three anonymous hymns, thirty-two of which he assigns to the poets of the Studium. See also Daniel, III. 110-138, and the last hymns in Neale’s translations.

470  See the Marianic Te Deum in Daniel, II. 293; and in Mone, II. 229 sq.

471  A curious mediaeval legend makes the Te Deum the joint product of St. Ambrose and St. Augustin, which was alternately uttered by both, as by inspiration, while Augustin ascended from the baptismal font; Ambrose beginning: Te Deum laudamus, Augustin responding; "Te Dominum confitemur." But neither the writings of one or the other contain the slightest trace of the hymn and its origin. The first historic testimony of its existence and use is the eleventh rule of St. Benedict of Nursia, a.d. 529, which prescribes to the monks of Monte Casino: "Post guartum autem responsorium incipiat Abbas hymnum Te Deum laudamus." But five or eight lines of the hymn are found in Greek as a part of the Gloria in Excelsis (DoxaejnuJyivstoi", etc. ) in the Alexandrian Codex of the Bible which dates from the fifth century. See Daniel, II 289 sqq.;Christ p. 39 (from kaqjhJmevranto eij"tou;"aijw'na"), and Kayser, 437 sqq. Daniel traces the whole Te Deum to a lost Greek original (of which the lines in the Cod. Alex. are a fragment), Kayser to an unknown Latin author in the second half of the fifth century, i.e. about one hundred years after the death of St. Ambrose.

472  The dates of his birth and death are quite uncertain, and variously stated from 530 or 550 to 600 or 609.

473  See two Latin texts with critical notes in Daniel, I. 160 sqq., rhymed English Versions by Mant, Caswall, and Neale. The originals are not rhymed, but very melodious. See vol. III. 597. The Opera of Fortunatus were edited by Luchi, Rom. 1786, and Migne in "Patrol. Lat." vol. 88 (Paris 1850). Comp. Ampère, Hist. littér. II. 275 sqq.; Ebert, l.c. I. 494 sqq. Fortunatus is a very interesting character, and deserves a special monograph. Kayser devotes to him three chapters (p. 386-434).

474  Daniel, I. 175-183, gives ten hymns of Gregory, and an additional one (Laudes canamus) in vol. V. 248. Mone adds some more of doubtful authorship, I. 370, 376 sqq.; III. 325 sqq., and includes hymns in praise of Gregory, as "O decus sacerdotum, flosque sanctorum." English translations of his Breviary hymns in Mant, Chambers, Caswall, Newman. On his merits as a poet, see Ebert, I. 827 sqq. Luther, in his Tischreden (which are a strange mixture of truth and fiction), declared the passion hymn Rex Christe,factor omnium, to be the best of all hymns ("der allerbeste Hymnus"), but this extravagant praise is inconsistent with the poetic taste of Luther and the fact that he did not reproduce it in German.

475  From Newman’s free reproduction (in Verses on Various Occasions). See the Latin text in both recensions in Daniel, I. 175,

476  Daniel, I. 206 sq.; Mone, I.1 ("Primo Deus coeli globum") and 284 (Ave sacer Christi sanguis). The hymn for the infant martyrs at Bethlehem is far inferior to the Salvete flores martyrum of Prudentius. The first of the hymns quoted in the text is translated by Mrs. Charles and by Neale. German versions by Königsfeld (Ihr Siegeshymnen schallet laut, and Unschuld’ger Kinder Martyrschaar), Knapp, and others. Bede composed also a metrical history, of St. Cuthbert, which Newman has translated in part ("Between two comrades dear").

477  His carmina were edited from an old MS. found in the convent of Fulda by Christopher Brower, a Jesuit, in 1617 (as an appendix to the poems of Venantius Fortunatus), and reprinted in Migne’s Rab. Mauri Opera (1852) Vol. VI. f. 1583-1682. Comp. Kunstmann, Hrabamus Magnentius Maurus, Mainz 1841; Koch, I. 90-93; Ebert, II. 120-145; Hauck in Herzog2 XII. 459-465. Hauck refers to Dümmler on the MS. tradition of the poem, of R. M.

478  So Brower, and quite recently S. W. Duffield, in an article In Schaff’s "Rel. Encycl." III. 2608 sq. Also Clément, Carmina, etc., p. 379.

479  In the abridged and not very happy translation of Bishop Cosin (only four stanzas), beginning:


"Come, Holy Ghost, our souls inspire,

And lighten with celestial fire.

Thou the anointing Spirit art,

Who dost thy sevenfold gift, impart. "


It was introduced into the Prayer Book after the Restoration, 1662. The alternate ordination hymn, "Come, Holy Ghost, eternal God," appeared in 1549, and was altered in 1662.

480  By Tomasi (I. 375) and even Daniel (I. 213, sq.; IV. 125), apparently also by Trench (p. 167). Tomasi based his view on an impossible tradition reported by the Bollandists (Acta SS. Apr. 1, 587), that Notker sent to Charlemagne (who died a hundred years before) his sequence Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia, and received in response the Veni, Creator Spiritus from the emperor (whose Latin scholarship was not sufficient for poetic composition). The author of the article "Hymns" in the 9th ed. of the "Encycl. Brit." revives the legend, but removes the anachronism by substituting for Charlemagne his nephew, Charles the Bald (who was still less competent for the task).

481  By Mone (I. 242, note), Koch, Wackernagel. Mone’s reasons are "the classical metre with partial rhymes, and the prayer-like treatment."

482  In the twelfth and thirteenth century (Komm, Schöpfer, heiliger Geist), as also by Luther (Komm, Gott Schöpfer, heiliger Geist), by Königsfeld (Komm, Schöpfer, heil’ger Geist, erfreu), and others. The oldest German translator (as reported by Daniel, I. 214), says that he who recites this hymn by day or by night, is secure against all enemies visible or invisible.

483  As contained in his work De Universo 1. I. c.3 (in Migne’s edition of the Opera, V. 23-26). Here he calls the Holy Spirit digitus Dei (as in the hymn), and teaches the double procession which had come to be the prevailing doctrine in the West since the adoption of the Filioque at the Synod of Aix in Creed. The scanning of Paraclêtus with a long penultimate differs from that 809, though under protest of Leo III. against its insertion into the Nicene of other Latin poets (Paraecletos).

484  The Latin text is from Brower, as reprinted in Migne (VI. 1657), with the addition of the first doxology. The first translation is by Robert Campbell, 1850, the second by Rev. S. W. Duffield, made for this work, Feb. 1884. Other English versions by Wither (1623), Drummond (1616), Cosin (1627), Tate (1703), Dryden (1700), Isaac Williams (1839), Bishop Williams (1845), Mant ("Come, Holy Ghost, Creator blest"), Benedict ("Spirit, heavenly life bestowing"), MacGill ("Creator Holy Spirit! come"), Morgan ("Creator Spirit, come in love"), in the Marquess of Bute’s Breviary ("Come, Holy Ghost, Creator come"). See nine of these translations in Odenheimer and Bird, Songs of the Spirit, N. Y. 1871, p. 167-180. German versions are almost as numerous. Comp. Daniel, I. 213; IV. 124; Mone, I. 242; Koch, 1. 74 sq.

485  Perpetim, adv., perpetually, constantly. Some copies read perpeti (from perpes).

486  The concluding conventional benediction in both forms is a later addition. The first is given by Daniel (I. 214), and Mone (I. 242), the second in the text of Rabanus Maurus. The scanning of Paraecletos differs in both from that in the second stanza.

487  A few writers claim it for Pope Innocent III.

488  See the Latin text in Daniel II. 35; V. 69; Mone, I. 244. In ver. 8 line 2 Daniel reads frigidum for languidum.

490  Dr. E. A. Washburn, late rector of Calvary Church, New York, a highly accomplished scholar (d. 1881). The version was made in 1860 and published in "Voices from a Busy Life," N. Y. 1883, p. 142.

491  Comp. on Notker the biography of Ekkehard; Daniel V. 37 sqq.; Koch I. 94 sqq.; Meyer von Knonau,Lebensbild des heil. Notker von St. Gallen, and his article in Herzog2 X. 648 sqq. (abridged in Schaff-Herzog II. 1668); and Ans. Schubiger, Die Sängerschule St. Gallens vom 8ten his 12ten Jahrh. (Einsiedlen, 1858). Daniel II. 3-31 gives thirty-five pieces under the title Notker et Notkeriana. Neale (p. 32) gives a translation of one sequence: Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia.

492  For further information on Sequences see especially Neale’s Epistola Critica de Sequentiis at the beginning of the fifth vol. of Daniel’s Thes. (p. 3-36), followed by literary notices of Daniel; also the works of Bartsch and Kehrein (who gives the largest collection), and Duffield in Schaff’s Rel. Encyl. III. 161. Neale defines a sequentia: "prolongatio syllabae tou' Alleluia."

493  Translated by Neale, p. 32.

494  Daniel, II. 329; Mone, I. 397. Several German versions, one by Luther (1524): "Mitten wir im Leben sind mit dem Tod umfangen." This version is considerably enlarged and has been translated into English by Miss Winkworth in "Lyra Germanica" : "In the midst of life behold Death has girt us round. See notes in Schaff’s Deutsches Gesangbuch, No. 446.

495  The text is taken from The First Book of Edward VI., 1549 (as republished by Dr. Morgan Dix, N. Y. 1881, p. 268). In the revision of the Prayer Book the third line was thus improved:

O Lord, who for our sins art justly displeased (irasceris)."

496  Daniel, I. 224. English Versions by Neale, Benedict, and Washburn (l. c. p. 145). German translation by Königsfeld: "Wie du mich mit Schrecken schüttelst." Neale (p. 52) calls this "an awful hymn, the Dies Irae of individual life." His version begins:
"O what terror in thy forethought, Ending scene in mortal life!"

497  Daniel, I. 116-118 (Rhythmus de gloria et gaudiis Paradisi), under the name of St. Augustin. So also Clément, Carmina, p. 162-166, who says that it is, attributed to Augustin "per les melleurs critiques," and that it is "un reflet de la Cité de Dieu." But the great African father put his poetry into prose, and only furnished inspiring thoughts to poets. German translation by Königsfeld (who gives it likewise under the name of St. Augustin) "Nach des ew’gen Lebens Quellen."

498  See their hymns in Daniel, I. 183 sqq., and partly in Mone, and Clément.

499  From this poem (see Daniel I. 209 sq. ) Guido of Arezzo got names for the six notes Ut, Re, Mi, Fa, Sol, La:

"Ut queant laxis Re-sonare fibris

 Mi-ra gestorum Fa-muli tuorum,

 Sol ve polluti La-bii reatum,

 Sancte Joannes."

500  See Daniel, Hymni adespotoi circa sec. VI-IX. conscripti, I. 191 sqq. Mone gives a larger number.

501  In the Roman Breviary: "Coelestis urbs Jerusalem." Neale thinks that the changes in the revised Breviary of Urban VIII. have deprived "this grand hymn of half of its beauty."

502  See the original in Daniel, I. 194. Other English translations by Mrs. Charles, and E. C. Benedict. In German by Königsfeld: "Plötzlich wird der Tag erscheinen."

503  Daniel (I. 204) says of this hymn: "Hic hymnus Marianus, quem Catholica semper ingenti cum favore prosecuta est, in omnibus breviarriis, quae inspiciendi unquam mihi occasio data est, ad honorem beatissimae virginis cantandus praescribitur, inprimis in Annunciatione; apud permultos tamen aliis quoque diebus Festis Marianis adscriptus est. Quae hymni reverentia ad recentiora usque tempora permansit." It is one of the few hymns which Urban VIII. did not alter in his revision of the Breviary. Mone (II. 216, 218, 220, 228) gives four variations of Ave Maris Stella, which is used as the text.

504  This designation of Mary is supposed to be meant for a translation of the name; maria being taken for the plural of mare: see Gen. I: 10 (Vulgate) "congregationes aquarum appellavit maria. Et vidit Deus, quod esset bonum." (See the note in Daniel, I. 205). Surely a most extraordinary exposition, not to say imposition, yet not too far-fetched for the middle ages, when Greek and Hebrew were unknown, when the Scriptures were supposed to have four senses, and allegorical and mystical fancies took the place of grammatical and historical exegesis.

505  The comparison of Mary with Eve—the mother of obedience contrasted with the mother of disobedience, the first Eve bringing in guilt and ruin, the second, redemption and bliss—is as old as Irenaeus (about 180) and is the fruitful germ of Mariolatry. The mystical change of Eva and Ave is mediaeval—a sort of pious conundrum.

506  The words of our Lord to John: "Behold thy mother" (John 19:27), were supposed to be spoken to all Christians.

507  Otto, bishop of Bamberg (between 1139 and 1189), is usually reported to have introduced the seven sacraments among the Pomeranians whom he had converted to Christianity, but the discourse on which this tradition rests is of doubtful genuineness. The scholastic number seven was confirmed by the Council of Florence (the Greek delegates assenting), and by the Council of Trent which anathematizes all who teach more or less, Sess. VII. can. I. The Protestant churches admit only two sacraments, baptism and the Lord’s Supper, because these alone are especially commanded by Christ to be observed. Yet ordination and marriage, and in some churches confirmation also, are retained as solemn religious ceremonies.

508  The Lutheran church retains confirmation by the minister, the Anglican church by the bishop.

509  See above, § 87.

510  Here, too, the Protestant (at least the Reformed) confessions differ from the Roman Catholic by requiring faith in active exercise as a condition of receiving the benefit of the sacrament. In the case of infant baptism the faith of the parents or responsible guardians is taken into account. Without such faith the sacrament would be wasted and profaned.

511  Character indelebilis

512  Organum from the Greek o[rganon, which is used in the Septuagint for several musical terms in Hebrew, as cheli, chinor (cithara), nephel (nablium), yugab. See the passages in Trommius, Concord. Gr. V. LXX, II. 144.

513  See Hopkins and Rimbault: The Organ, its History and Construction, 1855; E. de Coussemakee: Histoire, des instruments de musique au moyen-age, Paris 1859; Heinrich Otte: Handbuch der Kirchl. Kunstarchäologie, Leipz. 4th ed. 1866, p. 225 sqq. O. Wangermann: Gesch. der Orgel und der Orgelbaukunst, second ed. 1881. Comp. also Bingham, Augusti, Binterim, Siegel, Alt, and the art. Organ in Smith and Cheetham, Wetzer and Welte, and in Herzog.

514  Hence the names campanum, or campana, nola (continued in the Italian language), but it is more probable that the name is derived from Campanian brass (aes campanum), which in early times furnished the material for bells. In later Latin it is called cloqua, cloccum, clocca, cloca, also tintinnabulum, English: clock; German: Glocke; French: cloche; Irish: clog (comp. the Latin clangere and the German klopfen).

515  "Ut cloccae non baptizentur." According to Baronius, Annal. ad a. 968, Pope John XIII. baptized the great bell of the Lateran church, and called it John. The reformers of the. sixteenth century renewed the protest of Charlemagne, and abolished the baptism of bells as a profanation of the sacrament, See Siegel, Handbuch der christl. kirchlichen Alterthümer, II. 243.

516  Campanarii, campanatores.

517  Called Campanile. The one on place of San Marco at Venice is especially celebrated.

518  The literature on bells is given by Siegel, II. 239, and Otte, p.2 and 102. We mention Nic. Eggers: de Origine et Nomine Campanarum, Jen., 1684; by the same: De Campanarum Materia et Forma 1685; Waller: De Campanis et praecipuis earum Usibus, Holm., 1694; Eschenwecker: Circa Campanas, Hal. ) 1708; J. B. Thiers. Traité des Cloches, Par., 1719; Montanus: Hist. Nachricht von den Glocken, etc., Chemnitz, 1726; Chrysander: Hist. Nachricht von Kirchen-Glocken, Rinteln, 1755; Heinrich Otte: Glockenkunde, Leipz., 1858; Comp. also his Handbuch der kirchlichen Kunst-Archäologie des deutschen Mittelalters, Leipz., 1868, 4th ed., p. 245-248 (with illustrations); and the articles Bells, Glocken, in the archaeological works of Smith and Cheetham, Wetzer and Welte, and Herzog. Schiller has made the bell the subject of his greatest lyric poem, which ends with this beautiful description of its symbolic meaning:

"Und diess sei fortan ihr Beruf,

 Wozu der Meister sie erschuf:

 Hoch über’m niedern Erdenleben

 Soll sie im blauen Himmelszelt,

Die Nachbarin des Donners, schweben

Und gränzen an die Sternenwelt;

Soll eine Stimme sein von oben,

Wie der Gestirne helle Shaar,

Die ihren Schöpfer wandelnd loben

Und führen das bekränzte Jahr.

Nur ewigen und ersten Dingen

Sei ihr metall’ner Mund geweiht,

Und stündlich mit den schnellen Schwinger

Berühr’ im Fluge sie die Zeit.

Dem Schicksal leihe sie die Zunge;

Selbst herzlos, ohne Mitgefühl,

Begleite sie mit ihrem Schwunge

Des Lebens wechselvolles Spiel.

Und wie der Klang im Ohr vergehet,

Der mächtig tönend ihr entschallt,

So lehre sie, dass nichts bestehet,

Dass alles Irdische verhallt."


519  Sometimes also bishops, synods, and, in cases of political importance, kings and emperors. The last case of a metropolitan canonization is ascribed to the archbishop of Rouen, a.d. 1153, in favor of St. Gaucher, or Gaultier, abbot of Pontoise (d. April 9, 1130). But Labbe and Alban Butler state that he was canonized by Celestine III. in 1194. It seems that even at a later date some bishops exercised a limited canonization; hence the prohibition of this practice as improper by Urban VIII. in 1625 and 1634.

520  The occasion of the papal decision in 1170 was the fact that the monks of a convent in the diocese of Lisieux worshiped as a saint their prefect, who had been killed in the refectory by two of their number in a state of intoxication.

521  Comp. on this subject Benedict XIV. (Lambertini): De Servorum Dei Beatificatione et Beatorum Canonisatione. Bononisae 1734-’38; ed. II. Venet. et Patav. 1743, 4 vol. fol. Ferraris: Bibliotheca Canonica, a. v. "Veneratio Sanctorum." Canonization includes seven privileges: 1) recognition as saint by the whole (Roman) church; 2) invocation in public and private prayers; 3) erection of churches and altars to the honor of the saints; 4) invocation at the celebration of the mass; 5) appointment of special days of commemoration; 6) exhibition of their images with a crown on their head; 7) exhibition of their bones and relics for veneration. The question whether the papal bulls of canonization are infallible and de fide, or only sententia communis et certa, seems to be still disputed among Roman Catholics.

522  See Mansi, XIX. f. 169-179. The bull is signed by, the pope, five bishops, nine cardinal priests, an archdeacon and four deacons. It decrees that the memory of Saint Udalricus be venerated "affectu piisimo et devotione fidelissima," and be dedicated to divine worship ("divino cultui dicata"). It justifies it by the reason "quoniam sic adoramus (!) et colimus reliquius m et confessorum, ut eum, Cuius martyres et confessores sunt, adoremus Honaramus servos ut honor redundet in Dominum, qui dixit: Qui vos recipit me recipit’: ac proinde nos, qui fiduciam nostrae justitiae non habemus, illorum precibus et meritis apud clementissimum Deum jugiter adiuvemur." The bull mentions many miracles of Ulrich, "quae sive in corpore, sive extra corpus gesta sunt, videlicet Caecos illuminasse, daemones ab obsessis effugasse, paralyticos curasse, et quam plurima alia signa gessisse." On the life of St. Ulrich see the biography by his friend and companion Gerhard (between 983 and 993), best edition by Wirtz in the Monum. G. Scriptores, IV. 377 sqq.; Acta Sanct., Bolland. ad 4 Jul.; Mabillon, Ada Ordinis S. B., V. 415-477; Braun, Gesch. der Bischöfe von Augsburg (Augsb. 1813), vol. I.; Schrödl, in Wetzer and Welte, vol. XI. 370-383, and Vogel in Herzog1 vol. XVI. 624-628. Ulrich cannot be the author of a tract against celibacy which was first published under his name by Flacius in his Catalogus Testium Veritatis, but dates from the year 1059 when Pope Nicolas II. issued a decree enforcing celibacy. See Vogel, l.c. p. 627.

523  The most recent acts of canonization occurred in our generation. Pope Pius IX. canonized in 1862 with great solemnity twenty-six Japanese missionaries and converts of the Franciscan order, who died in a persecution in 1597. Leo XIII. canonized, December 8, 1881, four comparatively obscure saints of ascetic habits and self-denying charity, namely, Giovanni Battista de Rossi, Lorenzo di Brindisi, Giuseppe Labre, and Clara di Montefalco. A Roman priest describes "the blessed Labre" as a saint who "never washed, never changed his linen, generally slept under the arches of the Colosseum and prayed for hours together in the Church of the Orphanage where there is a tablet to his memory." St. Labre evidently did not believe that "cleanliness is next to godliness"

524  Omnium Sanctorum Natalis, or Festivas, Solemnitas, Allerheiligenfest. The Greek church had long before a similar festival in commemoration of all martyrs on the first Sunday after Pentecost, called Kuriakh;tw'nJAgivwnpavntwn. Chrysostom, in a sermon for that day, says that on the Octave of Pentecost the Christians were surrounded by the host of martyrs. In the West the first Sunday after Pentecost was devoted to the Trinity, and closed the festival part of the church year. See vol. III. 408.

525  Martyrologio Romano, May 13 and Nov. 1. The Pantheon or Rotunda, like Westminster Abbey, and St. Paul’s Cathedral in London, contains the ashes of other distinguished men besides saints, and is the resting-place of Raphael, and since 1883 even of Victor Emanuel, the founder of the Kingdom of Italy, whom the pope regards as a robber of the patrimony of Peter.

526  Omnium Fidelium defunctorum Memoria orCommemoratio, Allerseelentag.

527  Festum S. Michaelis, or Michaelis Archangeli, Michaelmas.

528  Hence also called Festum omnium Angelorum, St. Michael and all Angels.

529  In the Eastern church on November 8. The origin of the Eastern celebration is obscure.

530  Namely, sundry apparitions of Michael, at Chonae, near Colossae, in Monte Gargano in the diocese of Sipontum in Apulia (variously assigned to a.d. 492, 520, and 536), in Monte Tumba in Normandy (about 710), and especially one to Pope Gregory I. in Rome, or his successor, Boniface III. (607-610), after a pestilence over the Moles Hadriani, which ever since has been called the Castello di St. Angelo, and is adorned by the statue of an angel.

531  See vol. III. 444 sq. Acta Sanct., Sept. 29; Siegel, Handbuch der christl. Kirchl. Alterthümer, III. 419-425; Smith & Cheetham, II. 1176-1180; also Augusti, Binterim, and the monographs mentioned by Siegel, p. 419. The angel-worship in Colossae was heretical and probably of Essenic origin. See the commentaries in loc., especially Lightfoot, p. 101 sqq. A council of Laodicea near Colossae, about 363, found it necessary strongly to forbid angelolatry as then still prevailing in Phrygia. St. Augustin repeatedly objects to it, De vera Rel. 110; Conf. X. 42; De Civ. D. X. 19, 25.

532  Its advocates were called eijkonolavtrai, xulolavtrai, eijdwdolavtrai.

533  timhtikh;proskuvnhsi". For this word the Latin has no precise equivalent. The English word " worship" is used in different senses.

534  latreiva. adoratio.

535  See § 94, p. 403 sqq.

536  Eijkonoklavstai (from klavw, to break), eijkonokauvstai, eijkonomavcoi, cristianokathvgoroi.

537  Not Theophilus, as Baronius and Schlosser erroneously call him. See Hefele, III. 372. Theophanes mentions also a renegade Beser, who had become a Mohammedan, and then probably returned to Christianity and stood in high honor at the court of Leo.

538  There is considerable confusion about the beginning of the conflict and the precise order of events. See Hefele, III. 376 sqq.

539  See summaries of his lovgoiajpologhtikoiv in Schrceckh and Neander.

540  According to older historians (Baronius), the pope even excommunicated the emperor, withdrew his Italian subjects from their allegiance, and forbade the payment of tribute. But this is an error. On the contrary, in a second letter, Gregory expressly disclaims the power of interfering with the sovereign, while he denies in the strongest terms the right of the emperor to interfere with the Church. See the two letters of Gregory to Leo (between 726 to 731) in Mansi, XII. 959 sqq., and the discussion in Hefele, III. 389-404.

541  The surname Koprwvnumo" (from kovpro", dung) was given him by his enemies on account of his having polluted the baptismal gont in hid infancy. Theophanes, Chronogr. ed. Bonn. I. 615 He was also called Cabellinus, from his love of horses.

542  Mansi, XIII. 205-363; Gieseler, II. 16; Hefele, III. 410-418.

543  On these persecutions see, besides Theophanes, the Acta Sanct. of the Bolland. for Oct., Tom. VIII. 124 sqq. (publ. Brussels, 1853), and Hefele, III. 421-428.

544  The accounts vary between 330 and 367. The Acts are signed by 308 bishops and episcopal representatives. Nicephorus, the almost contemporaneous patriarch of Constantinople, in a letter to Leo III., mentions only 150. See Hefele, III. 460.

545  Theodore of the Studium, himself a zealous advocate of image-worship, exposes this trick, and intimates that the council was not strictly oecumenical, although he sometimes gives it that name. The question connected with these two irresponsible monks is discussed with his usual minuteness and prolixity by Walch, X. 551-558. See also Neander, III. 228, and Hefele, III. 459.

546  The definition ( o]ro") sanctions the ajspasmo;" kai; timhtikh; proskuvnhsi", osculum (or salutatio) et honoraria adoratio, but not ajlhqinh; latreiva hJ prevpei movnh th'/ qeiva/ fuvsei, vera latria, quae solam divinam naturam decet. Mansi, XIII. 378 sq. The term Gr. ajpasmov" embraces salutation and kiss, the proskuvnhsi", bowing the knee, and other demonstrations of reverence, see p. 450.

547  Walch (X. 572) says of these proofs from tradition: "Die untergeschobenen Schriften, die in der Hauptsache nichts entscheidenden Stellen und die mit grosser Unwissenheit verdrehten Aussprüche sind so haeufig, dass man sich beides über die Unwissenheit und Unverschämtheit nicht genug verwundern kann, welche in diesen Sammlungen sichtbar sind." Even moderate Roman Catholic historians, as Alexander Natalia and Fleury, admit quietly the errors in some patristic quotations.

548  See the acts of the council in the twelfth and thirteenth vols. of Mansi, and a summary in Hefele, III. 460-482. On the different texts and defective Latin versions, see Walch, X. 420-422, and Hefele, III. 486. Gibbon calls the acts "a curious monument of superstition and ignorance, of falsehood and folly." This is too severe, but not without some foundation. The personal character of Irene cuts a deep shadow over the Council, and would have been condemned even by the Byzantine historians, if her devotion to images had not so blinded them and Roman historians, like Baronius and Maimbourg, that they excuse her darkest crimes and overwhelm her with praise.

549  Charlemagne afterwards offered Irene his hand with a view to unite the Eastern and Western empires, and she accepted the offer; but her prime-minister, Aëtius, who wished to raise his own brother, Leo, to the throne, prevented the marriage.

550  The memory of Irene is celebrated by the Greeks on the 15th of August. Her patriarch, Tarasius (d. 806), is canonized in the Roman as well as the Greek Church.

551  Hefele, IV. 105, says that under this reign the famous poets, Theophanes and his brother, Theodore of the Studium, were punished with two hundred lashes and the branding of Greek mock-verses on their forehead, whence they received the name "the Marked" (graptoiv). But, according to the Bollandists, Theophanes died in 820, and Hefele himself, III. 370, puts his death in 818, although in vol. IV. 108 be reports that Theophanes gravpto"was made bishop of Smyrna by Theodora, 842. See on this conflict in chronology above, p. 407.

552  The tongue of slander, however, raised the story of her criminal intimacy with the patriarch Methodius, whom she had appointed. The court instituted an investigation during which the patriarch by indecent exposure furnished the proof of the physical impossibility of sexual sin on his part; whereupon the accuser confessed that she had been bribed by his iconoclastic predecessor. Hefele, IV. 109.

553  hJkuriakh;th'"ojrqodoxiva".

554  See the description of Walch (X. 800-808) from the Byzantine historians and from Allacci, and King (on the Russian church).

555  See Walch, XI. 7-36; Hefele, III. 461-463. The sources are silent. Walch carefully gives the different conjectures of Baronius, Pagi, Daillé, Natalis, Alexander, Maimburg, Fleury, Sirmond, Spanheim, Basnage, Semler. Nothing new has been added since. But the preceding iconoclastic zeal of Bishop Serenus of Marseilles, and the succeeding position of Charlemagne and the Frankish church, rather favor the inference of Sirmond and Spanheim, that the synod rejected the worship of images.

556  Alcuin’s share in the composition appears from the similarity of thoughts in his Commentary on John, and the old English tradition that he wrote a book against the Council of Nicaea. See Walch, XI. 65 sqq.; Hefele, III. 697.

557  He calls it posterior tempore, non tamen posterior crimine, eloquentia, sensuque carens, synodus ineptissima, etc. He distrusted a Council in which the Church of his dominions was not represented. He also objected to a woman assuming the office of teacher in the church, as being contrary to the lex divina and lex naturae (III. 13, ed. Migne, fol. 1136). He had reason to be angry with Irene for dissolving the betrothal of her son with his daughter.

558  The Synod is often called universalis, and condemned Adoptionism (see Hefele, III. 678 sqq. ). The decision against images see in Mansi, xiii. 909. The chief passage is: "Sanctissimi Patres nostri omnimodis et adorationem et servitutem eis [sc. imaginibus Sanctorum] renuentes contemserunt atque, consentientes condemnaverunt." Einhard made the following entry in his Annals ad a.d. 794 (in Pertz, Monum. I. 181, and Gieseler II. 67): "Synodus etiam, quae ante paucos annos in Constantinopoli [where the Nicene Synod was closed] sub Herena [Irene,]et Constantino filio ejus congregata, et ab ipsis non solum septima, verum etiam universalis est appellata, ut nec septima nec universalis haberetur dicereturve, quasi supervacua in totum ab omnibus [the bishops assembled at Frankfort] abdicata est." Baronius, Bellarmin, and even Hefele (III. 689), charge this Synod with misrepresenting the Council of Nicaea, which sanctioned the worship (in a wider sense), but not the adoration, of images. But the Latin version, which the pope sent to Charlemagne, rendered proskuvnhsi" uniformly by adoratio, and Anastasius, the papal librarian, did the same in his improved translation, thus giving double sanction to the confusion.

559  This rests partly on the probable share which the Anglo-Saxon Alcuin had in the composition of the Caroline Books, partly on the testimony of Simeon of Durham (about 1100). See Twysden’s Hist. Angl. Scriptores decem I, III; Mon. Hist. Brit., p. 667; Wilkin’s Conc. Magn. Brit., I. 73; Gieseler, II. 67, note 6, and Hardwick’s Church Hist. of the Middle Age, p. 78, note 3.

560  There is a difference of opinion whether Charlemagne sent to the pope his whole book, or only an abridgement, and whether he sent Angilbert before or after the Frankfort synod to Rome. Hefele (III. 713) decides that the Capitula (85) were an extract of the Libri Carolini (121 chs.), and that Angilbert was twice in Rome, a.d. 792 and 794. Hadrian’s answer must have been written at all events before Dec. 25, 795. It is printed in Mansi, XIII. 759-810, and Migne, Opera Car. M. II. fol. 1247-1292. It is full of glaring blunders. Bishop Hefele (p. 716) divides the responsibility between the (fallible) pope, the emperor, and the copyists.

561  Mansi, XIV. 415 sqq.; Walch, XI. 95 sqq.; Gieseler, II. 68; Hefele, IV. 41 sqq. (second ed. 1879). Walch says (p. 98) that the Roman church played comedy with the acts of this Synod. Mansi was the first to publish them, but he did it with an excuse, and added as indispensable the refutation of Bellarmin in the appendix to his tract De Cultu Imaginum. Hefele and Hergenröther represent this synod as being guilty of the same injustice to the Nicene Council as the Synod of Frankfort; but this does not alter the fact.

562  See § 79.

563  Reuter (I. 24) calls him "the clearest head of the ninth century," and "the systematizer of the Aufklärung" (i.e. of Rationalism in the middle age).

564  De Imaginibus Sanctorum, in Migne, vol. 104, fol. 199-228.

565  Cap. 35 (in Migne, fol. 227): "Flectamus genu in nomine solius Jesu, quod est super omne nomen; ne si alteri hunc honorem tribuimus, alieni judicemur a Deo, et dimittamur secundum cordis nostri ire in adinventionibus nostris." Gieseler directs attention to the verbal agreement between Agobart and Claudius in several sentences.

566  See Acta SS. Jun. II. 748, and the Elogia de S. Agobardo in Migne, fol. 13-16. The Bollandists honor him with a place in their work, because Masson, the first editor, allows him the title saint, and because he is commonly called St. Aguebatud in the church of Lyons, and is included in the local martyrologies. A rite of nine lessons is assigned to him in the Breviarium Lugdunense.

567  In his comments on Paul’s Epistles (in Migne, 104 f. 927 sq. ), he eulogizes Augustin as "amantissimus Domini sanctissimus Augustinus. calamus Trinitatis lingua Spiritus Sancti, terrenus homo, sed coelestis angelus, in quaestionibus solvendis acutus, in revincendis haereticis circumspectus, in explicandis Scripturis canonicis cautus." In the same place, he says of Paul that his epistles are wholly given to destroy man’s merits and to exalt God’s grace ("ut merita hominum tollat, unde maxime nunc monachi gloriantur, et gratiam Dei commendet"). On his Augustinianism, see the judicious remarks of Neander. Reuter (I. 20) calls him both a biblical reformer and a critical rationalist.

568  C. Schmidt in Herzog2 III. 245 says of this view: "Deise, sehr spaet, in dogmatischem Interesse aufgenommene Ansicht, die sich bei Léger und andern ja selbst noch bei Hahn findet, hat keinen historischen Grund und ist von allen gründlichen Kennern der Waldensergeshichte längst aufgegeben. Dabei soll nicht geleugnet werden, dass die Tendenzen des Claudius sich noch eine zeitlang in Italien erhalten haben; es ist soeben bemerkt worden, dass, nach dem Zeugniss des Jonas von Orléans, man um 840 versuchte, sie von neuen zu verbreiten. Dass sie sich aber bis zum Auftreten des Peter Waldus und speciell in den piemontesischen Thälern fortgepflanzt, davon ist nicht die geringste Spur vorhanden."