"1	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Ordeal
hus, pp. 95‑96, London, 1900). In Ceram food on which a sword has been laid serves the same purpose; and in Tenimber the suspect sips of his own blood in which a sword has been dipped (J. G. F. Riedel, De Sluik en Kroes‑harige raasen tusschen Selebes en. Papua, pp. 129, 284, The Hague, 1886). A Samoyed drinks water to which gunpowder and earth have been added and in which a sword has been dipped, and invokes sickness, powder, and sword on himself if he be guilty (J. Georgi, Les Nations Samoyeds, p. 48, St. Petersburg, 1776); and Malays have a custom exactly parallel (W. W. Skeat, Malay Magic, p. 528, London, 1900). The Balinese use a bowl of pure water (A. Featherman, Social Hist. of the Races of Mankind, ii. 408, London, 1885). It is not unlikely that the element of the ordeal is to be traced in the initiation into the mysteries of savage tribes, the purport being to discover the acceptability of the candidates to the spirits which are patrons of the mysteries (cf. A. Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion, i. 281 aqq., London, 1887; R. H. Codrington, Melanesian Studies, chap. v., ib. 1891; J. G. Frazer, Golden Bough, iii. 204 sqq., 422 aqq., ib. 1900; and the work of Decle cited above, p. 78).
The native conservatism of man would justify the expectation that a custom so universal among primitive peoples would perpetuate itself among those more advanced and become parts of recognized judicial procedure. This is found to be the case. In Babylonia, in the code of
6. In Non‑ Hammurabi (see HAMMURABI AND His Christian CODE) §§ 2 and 132 provide for the
	Codes.	ordeal of water by casting into " the
		holy river " a suspected sorcerer or
adulteress, the floating of the suspect proving in
nocence (contrary to the usual judgment, see be
low). In Zoroastrianism the Vendidad (iv. 54‑55)
notes an ordeal of " brimstone, golden, truth
knowing water," but the context throws no light
upon the method of employing it. In iv. 44‑46
(128) boiling water appears as the means. The
Shayast la‑Shayast (xv. 14‑17) notes the unique
ordeal of molten metal which, poured over the body
or breast of the believer, is harmless or even pleas
ant; but on sinners, eats the very flesh; the same
source (xiii. 17) refers to the six hot ordeals of the
Husparam (Sakadun) Nask. The Dadistani Dinik
(xxxvii. 74) refers to an ordeal of poison which ap
parently the litigant seeks to evade. The Dinkart
(iv. 33) refers to fire and melted iron. In India the
Institutes of Vishnu (chaps. ix.‑xiv.; Eng. transl.,
SBE, Am. ed., viii. 1, pp. 52‑61) regulate the
use of ordeals and name those which involve hold
ing, while taking the oath, a blade of grass, or of
sesamum, or of silver or gold, or of the lump of
earth from the furrow; the sacred libation of three
handfuls of water in which an image has been
washed, the balance, fire, water, and poisons, are
also named and treated. In an Indian fire ordeal
in the code of Yajnavalkya, the subject bathed,
rubbed his hands with rice bran, with a series of
seven vegetable objects, and with barley moistened
with curds, and then invoked the fire: " Thou, 0
fire, pervadest all things; 0 cause of purity, who
givest evidence of virtue and of sin, declare the
truth in my hand." He then carried the hot iron the stipulated distance.
In the Old Testament is given a typical case of the ordeal, the entire process being expressly under the protection and direction of religious authorities (Num. v. 11‑31). An offering of distinctive character, one‑tenth of an ephah of barley meal without oil and frankincense, is brought to the priest and held during the trial by the woman suspected of wrongdoing. Into water
7. In the that has been consecrated by the priest Old he puts dust from the floor of the
Testament. tabernacle, and this mixture is held by the woman while the priest utters over her a promise of immunity from harm in case of her innocence, which, however, becomes a terrible imprecation if she be guilty, to which the woman gives assent. The promise or imprecation is written in a book and then blotted out with part of the water of ordeal. Next the offering is taken from the woman's hand, waved toward the altar and a handful of it burned; then the woman drinks the rest of the potion and goes free if she is innocent; or, in case of guilt, she is supposed to suffer death in a horrible form through the disruptive action of the otherwise harmless potion. There is no necessity in this case to fall back upon the explanation offered of infection by plague through water or dust in cases in which death followed the ordeal; a much closer and more effective explanation lies ready to hand in the operation of auto‑suggestion‑a principle abundantly in evidence among both primitive and advanced peoples. The essential of the ordeal is employed in the use of the lot, as when Achan's offense was discovered (Josh. vii. 13‑26) and in the case of Jonathan's breach of taboo (I Sam. xiv. 3645). The combat of David with Goliath is an instance of the wager of battle. It is noteworthy that David speaks again and again of the Philistine defying "the armies of the living God," and in his answer to the taunt of Goliath says: " I come to thee in the name of the Lord of hosts, the God . . . whom thou halt defied " (I Sam. xvii). It is held by rabbinic interpreters of Ex. xxxii. 30 that the drinking of the water in which the gold dust from the calf of Sinai was mixed was an ordeal, the gold making red the beards of those who had worshiped the idol. AS exegesis this is, of course, unscientific; but it is interesting as marking the continuance of the superstition among the Jews. In effect, but not in purpose, the episode of the three children in the fiery furnace (Dan. iii.) was an ordeal.
The peoples who were converted to Christianity brought with them this institution, and here, too, for a time the sanction of religion was given to its employment. Moreover, the legal status of the process is exhibited in the phrase used in documents of the form judicium ferre, " judgment by iron," in the fact that the weight of 8. In Chris‑ the iron was in some parts fixed by tianity. law and the method of use was determined in the same manner, while the hand, after bandaging, was sealed by the judge's signet. The process as a judicial means is embodied in a number of European codes from the

OrderTHE Salvation	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	262
eighth to the twelfth centuries, such as the Salic, Visigothic, Anglo‑Saxon, and Lombardic, ranging from England to Hungary and from Norway to Spain and Italy (cf. MGH, Leges, v. 599 aqq., and translations in Thatcher and McNeal, Source. Book, pp. 400 sqq.). The relation to the Church is shown by the fact that the ordeal was often preceded by a two days' fast on bread and water in the case of the iron ordeal, three days if water was used, and the test took place after reception of the sacrament, that (as in Spain) the bishop blessed the iron, that often the abbeys were the custodians of the implements used, that the inquisition had recourse to it, that such adjurations were used at the sacrament preceding as: " This body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ be to thee this day a manifestation " (E. Baluze, Miacellanea, ed. J. D. Mansi, ii. 575 etc., 4 vols., Paris, 1761‑64), and that exorcism of water was carried out with the use of a number of formulae still preserved in Baluze. There was in many cases a solemn ceremony in the church, while the water, iron, or plowshare was placed in the church porch and sprinkled with holy water. The Slavs of Mecklenburg (to cite only one example out of many) when converted were directed to refrain from taking oaths at sacred trees, fountains, and the like, to bring criminals to be tried by the hot iron or plowshare (E. Lindenborg, Scnptores rerum Gertnanarum, p. 215, Frankfort, 1609). Hincmar of Reims defended on symbolic grounds the ordeal of boiling water, since it combined the elements of fire and water, and thus represented the final judgment and the deluge (De divortio Lotharii, vi. in MPL, cxxv.). The ordeal of cold water he defended on the same ground as did non‑Christians: " The pure nature of water recognizes as impure and rejects as incompatible human nature which has become infected with guilt."
Yet the official attitude of the Church was not consistent. Synods in numbers directed, approved, or commended its use (so Salzburg, 799; Mainz, 848; Soiesons, 853; Worms, 868, of. Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, iv. 370; Tribur, 895; Tours, 925; Seligenetadt, 1023; Mainz, 1028; Auch, 1068; Gran, 1099;
and Reims, 1157, against the Catha,ri). g. Official Gregory VII. (1073,85) approved and Ecclesiasti‑ used it; Calixtus II. approved it at cal Position. Reims (1119). Other ecclesiastics than
Hincmar (ut sup.) defended it, such as Guibert of Nogent (q.v.) and John, bishop of Avranches (1061); No of .Chartrea (q.v.) pronounced its decisions indisputable, while Honorius of Autun (q.v.) claimed it as a prerogative of his order (the Benedictine). In 1182 the abbey of La Sesuve received the right to enjoy the revenues proceeding from the fees charged for the process. Yet there was an intermittent undercurrent of protest beginning early. Avitus of Vienne (see Avrrus, ALcrmus ECDICIUBy‑n the sixth century objected to the use of the wager of battle; Agobard of Lyons (q.v.) wrote two works against the ordeal; Pope Leo IV. (847‑,855) condemned it, as did Stephen V. (885‑891), Sylvester TT. (999‑1003), Alexander II. (at the Fourth Lateran Synod, 1215, which forbade ecclesiastical ceremonies at ordeals), and Honorius
III. (1216‑27). The civil power shows the same
wavering. Charlemagne sanctioned the ordeal of
the cross among his descendants in cases of dispute
regarding territory; Louis le‑Dtbonnaire prohibited
it (816); his son, Lothair, first followed Louis, and
then sanctioned it; Henry IV. in 1219 directed
judicial officers to employ other methods, this being
prohibited by the Church; Alexander Il. of Scot
land (thirteenth century) forbade it, as did the
Neapolitan code of 1231. While then the ordeal was
used under Christian auspices at least as early as
the sixth century it was still alive at the end of the
thirteenth century in Germany, in the sixteenth it
survived in Spain. During the sixteenth century
the cold‑water ordeal was revived in Germany for
the trial of witches, and in the seventeenth was a
recognized judicial procedure in France. James I.
of England defended the ordeal, and in his times
it was employed in Scotland, and in the nineteenth
century in Belgium; while upon the basis of a con
fession procured by the use of the bier‑right a
conviction was obtained in New York State in
1824 and is recorded in the law books. On Nov.
17, 1908, it is reported from Monticello, Ark., that
an odd ordeal was proposed at a coroner's inquest,
viz., that the suspect's gun be fired, it being claimed
that if he were guilty, blood stains would show on
the barrel. After the test, the negro who proposed
it pointed out a red stain on the barrel (which
proved to be a rust stain), and the accused at once
cut his throat. 	GEo. W. GILMORE.
BIHLIOoEAPH7: Numerous German liturgical formulas for the ordeal are collected and edited by K. Zeumer in MGH, Leg., seetio V., i (1886). 599 sqq.; material is collected in Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources, vol. iv., Philadelphia, 1897. The chief work on the ordeal as employed by Christendom is F. Patetta, Le Ordalie, Turin, 1890; the best work in English is H. C. Lea, Superstition and Force, Philadelphia, 1893 (very full and satisfactory). Consult J. L. C. Grimm, Deutsche RechtB‑Alterthi2mer, PP. 908 sqq., GBttingen, 1828; H. T. Buckle, Hist. of Civilis4tion, London, 1887; H. Brunner, Deutsche Rechtapewhichte, 2 vole., l;.eipsic, 1892; K. Lehmann, Das BaArpericht, in Germanietischa Abhandlunpen sum 70 Geburtstag A. von Maurers, GSttingen, 1893; J. B. Thayer, Preliminary Treatise on Evidence, vol. i., Boston, 1898. On the practise among orientale consult: E. 3chlagintweit, Die Gotteaurtheile der Inder, Munich, 1866; 3. Des, Journey to Lhasa, pp. 188 eqq., Calcutta, 1893; L. Deele, Three gears in Savage Africa, p. 76, London, 1898• Miss M. H. Kings. leg. West African Studies, pp. 162‑166, London, 1899; J. G. Fraser, The Golden Bough, 3 vols., ib. 1900; C. Keller, Madagascar, pp. 95‑96, ib. 1900; E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture, ib. 1903. The best sources for a study of the ethnic phase of the subject are the books of travel among primitive peoples.

	ORDER OF SALVATION (Ordo salutis): A
technical term of Protestant dogmatics to desig
nate the consecutive steps in the work of the Holy
Spirit in the appropriation of salvation. The phrase
seems to occur for the first time in Buddeus (In8ti
		tutione8 theologise dogmatica, p. 40,
	History Leipsic, 1723), but the idea is an inher
	of the ent constituent of the older Protes
	Term. tant dogmatics. In medieval theology
		no definite analogue appears. As Prot
estantism proceeded from thi criticism and displace
ment of the Roman Catholic conceptions of repent
ance, faith, and works, and as it recognized in faith
the form of the religious conviction, its interest

253	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Ordeal
		Order	Salvation
from the beginning was turned toward the origin and development of religious acts in man. It was Calvin who ,grouped the conceptions of the order of salvation in a systematic way, by treating first of faith, then of repentance as regeneration and conversion which comprise the whole life of the Christian, then of justification, and finally of election. The Protestant confessions do not advance beyond this circle. Repentance, which comprises contrition and faith, is effected by the Law and the Gospel. The believer receives justification and forgiveness of sins as, on the other hand, his faith ‑the beginning of a new life effected by the Holy Spirit‑shows itself in good works (Augs. Con., art. xii.; Formula of Concord, Solida declaratio, art. xi., §§ 17 sqq.). Among the older Lutheran dogmaticians.and among the Reformed essentially the same order is found, but the division of the Reformed was superior to that of the Lutherans in its simplicity and its conspicuous subordination of religious conditions to divine effects. The modern development of the doctrine begins with Schleiermacher. He interpreted the different parts of.the order of salvation as proceeding from Christian consciousness. Regeneration, as the fact of being received into life communion with Christ, comprises within itself the entrance into a new relation of man to God as well as the bags of a new form of life. The former is justification, the latter conversion; conversion includes penitence or repentance, which is effected by the view of the perfection of Christ, and faith as " the desire to accept the impulses of Christ." Justification consists in the experience of the forgiveness of sins and adoption, and is therefore a subjective condition mediated by conversion. The division of Schleiermacher has found followers here and there in modern dogmatics, but, on the whole, the conceptions of the old dogmaticians have b:en retained.
In spite of the fact that the earlier conceptions are still in force, there exist considerable variations concerning their explanation and connection. In the Bible there is set forth no order of salvation in the sense of later dogmatics. The Biblical concep‑
tions may be arranged in the follow‑
Biblical ing manner: (1) Christ calls sinners to
Teaching. repentance and saves them (Matt. ix.
13, xi. 28 aqq.). By his work Christ effects repentance (Gk. metanoia) as well as faith. Faith is an effect and gift of God (John vi. 29). It is active in love (Gal. v. 6). (2) AS faith seizes the revelation of God in Christ, God declares the believer just (Rom. iv. 11, iii. 28). By the obedience of Christ, in his blood, the believers have forgiveness of sins (Rom. v. 9), reconciliation with God, etc. It is therefore God who effects faith. Faith seizes justification and is at the same time the principle of the new life of repentance. (3) The Christian is a new creature (kainl3, ktisis, II Cor. v. 17); for God has regenerated him by his Spirit, the Word, and baptism (John iii. 3). Christ is the sanctification of the Christian (I Cor. i. 30). (4) The new life, as it consists in faith, love, repentance, and works, and is realized by God through regeneration, justification, and sanctification, rests simply upon the grace of God in Christ (Gal. ii. 21). (5)
Since now the Spirit of God as the Spirit of Jesus Christ, who is active and present in the congregation of believers in Christ, continues and makes effective the word and work of Jesus (John vii. 39), the new life of the Christian may be traced also to the efficacy of the Spirit (of. Matt. iii. 11). The word of God comes " in demonstration of the Spirit and of power " (I Cor. ii. 4). It is the Spirit that effects and guides the new moral life of the Christian (Rom. viii. 4 sqq.), that brings him regeneration, renovation, and the like (Titus iii. 2 sqq.). It is therefore justifiable according to Holy Scripture also, to trace regeneration, faith, experience of justification, repentance and the new life of sanctification to the Holy Spirit as the moving cause in the congregation of the faithful.
From what has been said it is clear that the traditional scheme of the order of salvation is not found in Scripture and thus has no absolute authority. Some of its conceptions are duplicated and may be eliminated without loss; the conception of illumination, for instance, is entirely covered by that of calling (or regeneration). Moreover, the dissection of the divine activity in the soul can neither be traced to actual observation nor is it logically necessary. In an attempt at a positive construction of an order of salvation there is to be presupposed the knowledge of the work of Christ. Redemption is realized in the con‑
The True gregation of the faithful. There the Order. Spirit of Jesus Christ is active and present to give redemption to individuals and preserve them in it. This takes place by special means, i.e., the means of grace, primarily the Word. The question is, therefore, how the Spirit of God generates and preserves the new life in the heart. The answer can be gained only by the observation of the inner processes of Christian life as effects of God in which the Holy Spirit is manifest as the moving cause. Only in this connection can the activities of the divine Spirit in the soul be spoken of. The content may be grouped according to the following points of view: distinction must be made (1) between the religious and moral conditions of the soul, and the divine moving cause that manifests itself in them; (2) between the beginning, the content, and the continuation of the new life, and the divine effects which correspond to it. These effects, as being mediated by the Word, are in this connection always to be understood from the point of view of effectual calling. Thus there results the following scheme: (1, a) Conversion: faith, repentance, love; (b) calling as regeneration; (2, a) calling as justification, and (b) as renovation; (3) as sanctification. It is evident that (1) and (2) entirely coincide as to time, while (3) follows them; likewise, that the elaboration of (2, b) and (3) belongs to the sphere of ethics. (R. SEEBERd.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: E. Wacker, Die Heaaordnunp, Gqtersloh, 1898; W. Gass, Geachichte der proteetantiecAen Dogmatist, i. 382 sqq., 447 aqq., Berlin, 1854; Schrtider, in TS%, 1857, part 3; H. Heppe, Die Dopmatik der eaanpeliachreformierten Ruche, pp. 387 sqq., Elberfeld, 1881; Gennrich, in TSB, 1898. part 3; H. Schultz. in THS, 1899. part 3, pp. 350 eqq. Where the subject is treated at all in English or American theology, it appears in the works on dogma or systematic theology under " Salvation."
8 7,T:~ ‑	.,7 7

Orderious VitaUs Ordination
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
254
ORDERICUS VITALIS: Monk and historian; b. at Atcham (4 m. s.e. of Shrewsbury), England, Feb. 16, 1075; d. probably on Feb. 3 of some year later than 1141. He was the son of a NormanEnglish priest named Odelerius; was sent when thirteen years of age to be trained for the monastic life at the monastery of St. Evroult in Normandy; he was ordained subdeacon 1091, deacon 1093, and priest 1107; attended possibly the Synod of Reims, 1119, and an assemblage of monks at Cluny, 1132. His significance depends upon his Historia steles'adica, in thirteen books, completed in 1141, and reaching from the first preaching of the Gospel to 1141. For the earlier parts the work has no independent value, the substance being derived from other authors. It is of value chiefly for the period following the Norman conquest. The style is somewhat florid and pedantic; but for his own period has interest for its detail and its first‑hand views of things. A manuscript which is very possibly the autograph is preserved in the BibliotUque Nar tionale, Paris. The original edition was in A. Duchesne's Historim Norraannorum Scriptorea, pp. 319‑925 (Paris, 1619), reproduced in MPL, clxxxviii.; other editions are: Bouquet, Recueil, vols. ix.‑xi.; A. le Provost, 5 vols., Paris, 18381855. A French trend. by L. Dubois (4 vols., Paris, 1825‑27) and an Eng. transl. (in Bohn's Antiquarian Library, 4 vols., London, 1853‑54) are accessible.
BIBwooHAPHY: The chief source is his own work, principally (Prevost's ed.), ii. 300‑302, 418‑422, v. 133‑138. Consult the Notice prefixed to vol. v. of Prevoet's ed.; Bibliothdque de rtcole des chartes, xxaiv. 267‑282, xxxvii. 491194; T. Wright, Biopraphia Britannica Werana, ii. 111‑118, London, 1846; T. D. Hardy, Descriptive Catalogue, in Roux Series, No. 28, ii. 211‑223, ib. 1882‑71; R. W. Church, Life of St. Anedm, chap. vi., ib. 1870; J. Tessier, De Orderico Vitati, Paris, 1872; F. A. Wiehert, in Forschunpen zu deutachen Geachichte, rii (1872), 57112; Rioult de Neuville, in Revue des questions historiques, xai (1877), 173‑184; E. A. Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv. 495‑500, Oxford, 1879; Schaff, Christian Church, v. 1, pp. 94, 838 et passim; DNB, xlii. 241‑242.
ORDERS, HOLY: The usual term for the distinctions in rank and office among the clergy, also applied in the prelatical churches to the office and functions of the ministry. The term ordo was very early employed in the first sense; it occurs more than once in Tertullian, and was probably part of the recognized terminology before his time. For discussion of the separate orders see ACOLYTE; BISHOP; DEACON; ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY CHURCH; OSTIARIUs; POLITY; and PRESBYTER; and for the " sacrament of orders " see ORDiNATIoN. This article deals with the history and origin of the classification in general. A(, first no special stress was laid on an exact number or on a division into major and minor orders. Tertullian certainly knew other offices besides those of bishop, priest, and deacon, but it is impossible to determine exactly which they were. In the letters of Cornelius of Rome to Fabius the functionaries of the Roman Church include presbyters, deacons, subdear cons, acolytes, exorcists, readers, and doorkeepers; and there is evidence of the existence of all these but the last about the same time in Africa. The eighth book of the Apostolic Constitutions treats
of the setting apart of bishops, presbyters, deacons, and readers only, although another part shows that the compiler was familiar with exorcists and singers as distinct official classes. But for a long time there was no settled number of orders; the functions which developed out of the necessities of church life took different forms in different places. Scholasticism undertook to systematize the matter. Peter Lombard regards the number seven and the division into two classes as settled, naming the presbyterate and diaconate as the only ones which existed in the primitive Church under explicit apostolic authority; according to him the episcopate is not a distinct order but " the name of a dignity and an office," subdivided into patriarchs, archbishops, metropolitans, and bishops. Thomas Aquinas agrees with him in substance, except that he numbers the subdiaconate among holy orders. The Council of Trent made the echolastic systematization a matter of faith, although some of the orders were no longer more than nominal, and nothing more than mere steps to the priesthood. In the Eastern Church (q.v.) the gradation of offices was not so systematically developed; the only ones to which significance is attached are the episcopate, priesthood, and diaconate.
(A. HAUcx.)
In the Roman Catholic Church the orders are distinguished into major (priests, deacons, and subdeacons) and minor (acolytes, exorcists, readers, and doorkeepers). Some difference of opinion seems to exist as to whether bishops constitute a separate order, in which case bishops, priests, deacons, and subdeacons are the major orders (see DEACON, II., § 1). Admission to these orders is governed in each church by canonical regulations.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, Origines, II., i. 1, III., i. 1‑2; A. J. Binterim, Denkwurdipkeiten, i. 1, pp. 281 sqq., Mains, 1825; J. C. W. Augusti, DenkuHbrdfpkeiten, xi. 75 sqq., Leipeic, 1830; P. Hinschius, Rirchenrecht, i. 5 eqq., Berlin, 1869; G. Phillips, Rirchenrecht, i. 297‑298, Regensburg, 1881; E. Friedberg, %irchenrecht, pp. 25 sqq.. Leipsic, 1903.
ORDINAL: " A form and manner of making, ordaining, and consecrating of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons " added to the Book of Common Prayer of the Anglican and Protestant Episcopal churches, not being, strictly speaking, a part thereof. It is translated and adapted from what among preReformation books was called the Pontifical, a book containing services performed by a bishop. The first English ordinal was put forth in 1550, following the Prayer Book of 1549. It was somewhat revised in 1552, and again in 1662. The American ordinal dates from 1792. The Preface to the ordinal of 1550 (somewhat enlarged and strengthened in 1662 in view of the Presbyterian domination during the Commonwealth) declares that it is the intention of the Church of England to continue the orders of bishops, priests, and dear cons maintained in the Church from the apostles' time (see SUCCESSION, APOSTOLIC).
It was plainly the object of the compilers of the Anglican ordinal to retain all that was essential, according to Scriptural and primitive use, in the older offices, while aiming at greater simplicity (the Latin rites had become not only complicated but

255	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Ordeneus oitalis
		Ordination
confused), and discarding several symbolical ceremonies which had gathered around and sometimes obscured the earlier and necessary forms. In all the early rites, according to L. Duchesne (Christian Worship, p. 377, London, 1904), " the ceremony of ordination consists especially of a prayer recited over the candidate in a public and solemn assembly. This prayer is accompanied by the imposition of hands." This solemn prayer is preceded in the English ordinal by an examination of the candidate in the presence of the people, with a challenge to any to object to the ordination of an unworthy man, by a bidding to prayer and the saying of the litany with special suffrages, by the invocation, in the case of the ordination of a priest or a bishop, of the Holy Spirit in the ancient hymn Veni Creator Spiritus. The imposition of hands by the bishop is accompanied by an imperative formula: (1) " Take thou Authority to execute the Office of a Deacon in the Church of God committed unto thee; in the Name," etc. (2) " Receive the Holy Ghost for the Office and Work of a Priest in the Church of God, now committed unto thee by the imposition of our hands. Whose sins thou dost forgive, they are forgiven, and whose sins thou dost retain, they are retained. And be thou a faithful Dispenser of the Word of God, and of his holy Sacra, menu; in the Name," etc. (The American Book has an alternative formula: " Take thou Authority to execute the Office of a Priest in the Church of God, now committed to thee by the imposition of our hands. And be thou a faithful Dispenser, etc."). (3) " Receive the Holy Ghost for the Office and Work of a Bishop in the Church of God, now committed unto thee," etc.
In the ordination of a priest, the attending priests unite with the bishop in the laying on of hands; in the consecration of a bishop three bishops concur. This is followed by the delivery of the New Testament to a deacon, of a Bible to a priest and to a bishop with an appropriate commission or charge. In the ordinal of 1550 the priest received with the Bible a chalice and bread, and the bishop with the Bible a pastoral staff. These relics of the porrectio instrumentarum (a comparatively late feature in the conferring of the holy‑as distinct from the minor‑orders) were dropped in 1552. The idea undoubtedly was to emphasize the supreme importance of the teaching office of the ministry, its prophetic and pastoral aspects having been overshadowed by an exaggerated stress laid on the sacerdotal side. But authority to minister the sac, raments was explicitly conferred along with the preaching of the Word. For all these changes from the more elaborate rites ample sanction will be found in the earlier forms of ordination, such as those given in the Canons of Hippolytus, the Apostolical Constitutions, and the Prayer Book of Serapion, Bishop of Thmuis in Egypt (q.v.).
The whole rite of ordination is interwoven, as of old, with the service of the holy communion, deacons being ordained between the Epistle and the Gospel (that one of them may exercise his prerogative of reading the appointed Gospel in its proper place), priests after the Gospel and bishops after
the Creed,	A. C. A. H4T•T•
BIBLIOGRAPHY: L. Duchesne, Christian Worship: its Origin
	and Evolution, chap. x., London, 1904; F. Proctor end w.
	H. Frere, A New Hist. of the Book o/ Common Prayer, pp.
	84"73 et passim, ib. 1905; J. H. Blunt, Annotated Book
	of Common Prayer, pp. 32, 480, 857 sqq., New York, 1908.
	ORDINARY: In canon law this expression de
notes the bishop of the diocese as the ordinary
judge, that is, the regular and customary possessor
of jurisdiction within his diocese.	In contradis
tinction to the ordinary are all those churchmen
who are regularly in possession of jurisdiction, but
only through a delegation of the power from the
ordinary, such as the vicars‑general and officials,
also those who for especial reasons have been ex
ceptionally summoned by the pope to the direction
of the ecclesiastical affairs of a diocese, such as the
coadjutors. All bishops are not ordinaries; for in
stance, the suffragan bishops, and especially all the
so‑called titular bishops. See BlsHor; BmHOP,
Trra1.AR. 	E. SUHrnNa.

ORDINATION: The solemn act by which men are set apart for the Christian ministry. The ordinance is differently understood in different branches of the Church and the manner of its administration varies. The Greek and Roman Catholic Churches hold ordination one of the seven sacraments (see SACRAMENT). The Council of Trent declared that by it " a character is imprinted which can neither be effaced nor taken away "; the words of the bishop, " Receive ye the Holy Ghost," impart this character; hence those who have once been duly ordained can never again become lay‑
men (session xxiii., Doctrine de aacraThe Greek memo ordinis). The " character " is and Roman independent of the person or life of
Catholic either ordinant or candidate, and, like Churches. baptism, ordination may not be repeated. To ordain belongs to the bishop and every bishop has the power; but in certain cases presbyters may ordain to the four minor orders (e.g., an abbot may ordain one already subject to him in his monastery). Every ordination by a properly ordained bishop is " valid " (valida), but that it be also " lawful " (licita) certain provisions of canon law must be complied with, e.g., the bishop must not be a heretic, a schismatic, or suspended, and must act within his competency. Hence ordination by Swedish, Danish, and Anglican bishops is not recognized by Rome. As to competency, the principle is that the candidate must be under the jurisdiction of the ordinant according to canon law. The bishop is bound to exclude the incompetent and unfit (see IRREGULARITY), and to observe the rules as to rite, place, and time.
In the Church of England and the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States, ordination has not the significance of a sacrament; the view of the English Reformers was not that the laying on
of hands conferred any grace. Bishops The alone have the right to ordain; and
	Anglican	the generally accredited view is, that
	Churches.	ordination not performed by episcopal
		hands is invalid. Presbyterial ordina
tion, however, was acknowledged by the Re
formers of the Elizabethan period. The custom now
prevails universally, of reordaining clergymen

Ordination Organ
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
288
from other Protestant denominations applying for orders, though it is dispensed with in the case of priests from the Roman Catholic and Greek Churches.
The Lutheran and Reformed Churches have always acknowledged and practised ordination; but their confessions and theologians have justly laid stress upon the necessity of the divine
Other Prot‑ call or vocation to the ministry. The estant Augsburg Confession says (art. xiv.), Churches. " N‑ one may teach publicly in the Church, or administer the sacraments, except he be rightly called " (rite vocatus). Ordination is regarded as the Church's solemn approval and public attestation of this inward call. Besides the laying on of hands it includes the Scripture lesson from I Tim, ii. and Acts xx., the pledge to evangelical ministration and conduct, and closes with the Eucharist. In the churches of the Reformed communion (Presbyterian, etc.) the rite is administered by presbyters, who combine in laying their hands upon the head of the candidate while prayer is offered, and thus setting him apart for the ministry. The Moravians confine the right to ordain to their bishops, but recognize the ordination of other Protestant bodies as valid. The Disciples of Christ, Quakers, and Plymouth Brethren do not recognize any human rite of ordination. They hold all Christians to be equal, and, while they fully accept the doctrine of a divine and inward call to preach, refuse to grant any efficacy to the human ordinance of setting apart for ministerial functions. See also CLERGY; LAYING ON OF HANDS; ORDERS, HOLY; also BISHOP; DEACON; EPISCOPACY; PRESBYTER; PRIEST; etc.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The best single article is in DCA, ii. 15011520 (exhaustive); L. Thomassin, Ancienne d nouvelle discipline de Uplise, 3 vols., Paris, 1725; E. Martkne, De antiquis ecdeaim rittZus, 3 vols., Antwerp. 1738‑37; Bingham, Oripines, book iv.; T. Kliefoth, Liturgische Abhandlungen, vol. i., Schwerin, 1854; C. Hodge, Discussions in Church Polity, New York, 1878; G. Rietschel, Luther and die Ordination, Wittenberg, 1889; KL, ix. 1026‑27; T. Kolde, in TSK, 1894.
ORDINATION CONTROVERSY. See KNiPSTRo, JOHANNES.
ORDINGG, JOHANNES: Norwegian theologian; b. at Drammen (22 m. s.w. of Christiania) Jan. 19, 1869. He was educated at the University of Christiania (B.A., 1886; candidate in theology, 1893); became chaplain at the Johannnes‑Kirke, Christiania (1893); resigned to pursue studies in systematic theology (1900); competed in 1903 for the chair of systematic theology in the University of Christiania, but was rejected as being anticonfessional in his view of the sacraments, though his scholarship was regarded as superior; in a new competition he was successful because of the yielding of government and faculty (1906) in the " professor controversy " which raged over the appointment of men holding " anticonfessional " views to chairs in the university. The result was the retirement of Sigurd Vilhelm Odland (q.v.), with the formation of a new independent faculty. Ording is a conservative Ritschlian. His writings are contained in current theological journals.
JOHN O. EVJEN.
	ORDO ROMANUS: In the ecclesiastical lan
guage of the Middle Ages, a directory of church
rites, giving the order and arrangement of the dif
ferent ceremonies, but not the liturgical text. By
the twelfth or thirteenth century, the name Ordo
began to be replaced in current usage by the term
Ceremonials, and is now applied only to a small
book published each year for the clergy and others
who recite the daily office, specifying the exact
service for each day in the year. The ancient or
dines extant are all of a more or less Roman charac
ter. The matter contained in them is now divided
between the Ceremoniale Romanum and the Cere
moniale episcoporum. The former was drawn up in
1488 by Augustinus Patricius Piccolomini, but first
printed at Venice in 1516; the latter was published
in 1600 by Clement VIII., and enlarged later by
Innocent X. and Benedict XIII. and XIV. The
following is a list of the more important ordines
Romani. (1) The So‑called Ordo Roman= vulgaris,
first published by G. Cassander (Cologne, 1559 and
1561); it contains the entire liturgy, and can hardly
be older than the tenth century. (2) The fifteen
ordines published by Mabillon in his Museum Bali
cum (vol. ii., Paris, 1689), and usually quoted by
his numbers. The first six contain the pontifical
mass, and are of different dates. Grisax and Probst
ascribe no. i to the time of Gregory the Great,
Duchesne to the ninth century; Amalarius of Metz
comments on it about 830. The next five are de
cidedly later. No. 7 deals with baptism, nos. 8 and
9 with ordination; no. 10 combines a variety of
different rites, such as the liturgy for the last three
days of Holy Week, confession, visitation and com
munion of the sick, and extreme unction. No. 11
contains the papal liturgy for the whole year; it
was drawn up before 1143 by Benedict, canon of St.
Peter's, and adopted by Guido of Castello, later
Celestine II. No. 12 was complied by Cardinal
Cencio de' Sabelli, later Honoring III., and con
tains the papal rites from Advent to Holy Cross
Day, besides various papal functions, and the rites
for the election and consecration of a pope and the
coronation of an emperor. No. 13 was compiled by
order of Gregory X. (1272); it deals with the election
and with the functions of the pope, as does no. 14 in
more detail; according to Mabillon this latter is to be
ascribed to Cardinal James Cajetan (first half of the
fourteenth century). No. 15, covering the cere
monies of the entire ecclesiastical year, was compiled
by Peter Amelius, bishop of Sinigaglia (d. 1398).
(3) Besides these, Duchesne has published a number
of other important ordinee, including nine out of a
Parisian manuscript of about 800 (Originea du cults
chr6tien, 2d ed., Paris, 1898, pp. 439‑471); and others
are found. in M. Gerbert, MGonumenta veteris Murgite
Alemanniw (4 parts, St. Blaise, 1777‑79), and E.
Marthne, De antiquis eccleaite rittbua (3 vols., Rouen,
1700‑02) and Thesaurus novas anwdolorum (5 vols.,
Paris, 1717). 	(P. DREws.)
BIBLIooRAPHY: V. Thalhofer, HanAuch der katholischen Liturgih, i. 41‑44, Freiburg, 1883; F. Probst, Die dltesten rt'misohen Sakramentarien and Ordines, pp. 388‑422. Monster, 1892; L. Duchesne, Orioines du cults cht*ien, pp. 148‑150, Paris, 1903; G. Rietsehel, Lehrbueh der Liturpik, i. 348‑347, Berlin, 1900; Meckel, in 1 Gbinger Zeitschrift. 1862, pp. 50‑83; Grisar, in ZKT, ix (1885), 409‑421 x (1886). 727 aqq.; KL, ia. 1027‑42.

257	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
OREGLIA, o‑Wglf‑d, DI SANTO STEFANO, LUIGI: Cardinal; b. at Bene Vagienna (55 m. n.w. of Genoa), Piedmont, July 9, 1828. He was educated at the Jesuit college in Turin and at the Accademia dei nobili ecclesiastici, Rome, and, after being canon in the Lateran and domestic prelate, was appointed referendary of the Segnatura in 1858. Later sent to Holland as intemuncio, he was consecrated titular archbishop of Damiathis in 1866, and was papal nuncio at Brussels and Lisbon successively. In 1873 he was created cardinal priest of Santa Anastasia, and after being prefect of the Congregation of Indulgences for several years, became chamberlain of the Holy Roman Church in 1885. In 1884 he became cardinal bishop of the suburbicary see of Palaestrina, and is also commendatory abbot of Santi Vincenzo ed Anastasio. From 1889 to 1896 he was subdean of the College of Cardinals and suburbicary bishop of Porto and Santa Rufina, which he exchanged in 1896 for Ostia and Velletri, when he was promoted to be dean of the College of Cardinals. As chamberlain of the Holy Roman Church, he is also archchancellor of the Roman University and presides over the Congregar tion of Rites.
ORELLI, HANS CONRAD VON: Swiss Protestant; b. at Zurich Jan. 25, 1846. He was educated at the universities of Lausanne, Zurich, Erlangen, T(ibingen, and Leipsic; was chaplain at the Zurich orphan asylum for two years (1869‑71); became privat‑docent at the University of Basel (1871); associate professor of Old Testament, the history of religion, and Arabic (1873), and full professor (1881). He served as president of the international congress of religions at Basel, 1907. He has written Die hebrdischen Synonyma. der 7.eit and Ewigkeit (Leipsic, 1871); Durchs heilige Laced, Tagebuchbldftter (Basel, 1878); Die alttestamentliche Weissagung von der Vollendung des Gottesreiches (Vienna, 1882; Eng. transl. under the title of The Old Testament Prophecy of the Consummation of God's Kingdom traced in its Historical Development, Edinburgh, 1885); Die Propheten Jesaja and Jeremia (N6rdlingen, 1887; Eng. transl., 2 vole., Edinburgh, 1889); Das Buch Ezechiel and die zwdlf kleinen Propheten (1888); contributed the part on Theologie des Alten Testaments to Handbush der theologischen Wisaenschaften, 3d ed., Munich, 1889; Chrietva and andere Meister (Basel, 1893); Handbuch der allgemeinen Religionsgeschichte (Bonn, 1899); La Valeur religieuse de l'Ancien Testament (Paris, 1905) ; Die Eigenart der bibliachen Religion (Gross‑Liehterfelde, 1906); and Der Knecht Jahve's im Jesajabuche (1908); and translated into German J. Robertson's Early Religion of Israel as Die alte Religion Israela (Stuttgart, 1896). He has likewise contributed a large number of articles to the Hauck‑Herzog RE, and since 1881 has been the editor of the conservative Kirchenfreund.
ORGAN. Early History (4 1). The organ in Roman Catholic Churches (f 2). The Organ in Protestant Churches (§ 3). Organists and Composers (¢ 4). The Modernizing of Organ‑Style (; 5).
The organ, as treated in this article, is a musical wind instrument used in religious worship. The VIII.‑17
term organ, from the Greek organon, was at first applied to instruments of all kinds, then was restricted to musical instruments, and finally came to apply (according to the description
:. Early of Casaiodorus, 489‑570) to an instru‑
	History.	ment of at most ten pipes pitched
		according to the tones of the diatonic
scale. The inventor is given by Tertullian (De
anima, xiv.; Eng. transl., ANF, iii. 193‑194) as
Archimedes (d. 212 B.c:), but by Vitrnvius end
Pliny as Ctesibius (d. 170 sx.). Because the organ
was a means of enjoyment by society in general, its
use was rejected in early Christian circles. Smaller
organs were at first employed before singing classes,
especially in cloisters, to fix the correct tone, and
the first large organ of which there is certain knowl
edge was that erected under Charlemagne in the
cathedral at Aix‑la‑Chapelle. The first organ en
larged to eight chromatic keys, besides fourteen
diatonic, belongs probably to the thirteenth cen
tury, and the addition of the pedal, about 1426,
marked an important advance. It was used in the
churches, first, to give the key‑tone, then to accom
pany vocal music alternatively, and finally, also to
prefix a prelude to the hymn. The accompaniment
of the organ contributed especially, in great songs
of thanksgiving, to the festal effect.
At the Councils of Constance (1414) and Basel (1431) the Te Deum was sung with organ aoeompaniment. It was an abuse when whole passages of the mass were taken from the singers and assigned to the organ, whether to relieve the
s. The former or to supply their place when
Organ in absent; or when the organ interrupted
Roman	the chanting priest, in order to shorten
Catholic	the mass, and thus deprived it of long
	Churches.	passages, such as the Credo, Prafatio,
		and the Pater Noster. (For examples
and citations cf. G. Rietschel, Die Aufgabe der
Orgel, pp. 11 sqq., Leipsic, 1893). Sebaldus Grave
of Ndrdlingen, in 1474, was required " to play the
organ at St. JOrgen with godly zeal at all weddings
and feasts, and, when ordered, at mass and vespers
and at other times." To arrest its excessive use, a
series of synods were forced to take steps against
the undue preponderance of the organ (Treves,1549;
Augsburg, 1567; Roermund, 1570; Thorn, 1600;
and others). The directions of the Cmenwniale of
1600 must be taken as concessions to the use of the
organ, which had indeed become widely established.
These regulations permitted the employment of the
organ in the rendition of various chants of the mass
(e.g., in the litany, the Christe Eleison, the Gloria
in excelais, and others). In a strict sense of the
term, the organ neither was nor is now regarded as a
necessary liturgical instrument; but as an auxiliary
of liturgical song it has its place in public worship
just so far as this requires. As an instrument for
artistic music, whether alone or in combination
with technical choral music, it is subject to the
same restrictions as the music of the Mass (q.v.).
Accordiag to the Evangelical view also, the organ is not a strictly liturgical instrument, and is not essential. As artistic culture, organ music is for the Evangelical conception on the same plane as technical church music or indeed as art in general;

Ossgananisatioa	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	258
it is to be admitted as a welcome addition to divine service just so far as it does not displace the preaching of the Gospel from the central place in the divine service, and does not divert
3. The the attention from the worship but
Organ in rather stimulates attention to it.
Protestant Hence the opposition of the Reformers,
Churches. even of Luther himself in the beginning, because the danger of abuse outweighed the advantages (of. G. Rietschel, ut sup., pp. 17, 18). The organ first came into close connection with the worship of the Evangelical Church as the leader of congregational singing, musically styled as the choral devotions. However, this connection also is an actual not an essential or necessary one, being due to practical needs and resulting from expediency. In fact, the Evangelical, service was .long carried on without the organ, not only in the Reformed Church but for more than a century in the Lutheran Church. Congregational singing was under the direction of the choirmaster and his pupils without the accompaniment of the organ. The custom of organ accompaniment did not become general until the eighteenth century (for instances, cf. G. Rietschel, ut sup., pp. 46 aqq.).
This use of the organ became a necessity only when the number of melodies increased to such an extent that the congregation could not know them all familiarly,, and when the first enthusiasm of the earliest Evangelical singing had abated, so that it required more aid than was afforded by the choir. The first organ choir‑book for choir accompaniment to congregational singing, or organ alone, is the Tabulaturbuch of Samuel Scheidt (Halls, 1650), which does not indeed presuppose congregational singing with an organ accompaniment, but prepares the way. At first the organ only accompanied the singing of the congregation for a few lines and then stopped when the song was under way. Later, on account of confusion, the organ was allowed to accompany the whole hymn, and finally, the instrument completely overshadowed the congregational song. The latter was robbed of its original rhythm; the continuity of the melody was broken by interludes between the verses, and congregational singing was, so to speak, absorbed in the organ music. These abuses rather than the employment of art and musical instruments in public worship must be regarded as the occasion for the opposition from influential sources. Its misuse, however, is not a necessary corollary of organ accompaniment. The organ is not only an auxiliary to congregational singing, but also the normally evolved means for shaping and reinforcing the devotions. It gathers the voices of the multitudes into unison, harmonizes the music with environment and season, and by modulation of pause and cadence, it sways the waves of devotion so as to be deeply impressive. It must prepare the congregation for the hymn that is to be sung and incline it to devotion by the overture or prelude; it must integrate the choral prayer of the congregation with the rest of the service by the interlude, and bring the awakened spirit of worship to a fitting cadence by the postlude. A multiplicity of artistic forms are at the disposal of the
instrument; such as prelude, motet, figuration, fantasia, and fugue.
	The adaptation of the organ to sacred music,
which may be regarded as at once the supreme
spiritualization and idealization of organ‑music, is
		the work and also the characteristic
4. Organ‑ distinction of the classical German
ists and organ‑masters, whose great teacher Composers, was Jan Pieterszon Sweelinck (15621621), while the greatest classic composer is Johann Sebastian Bach (q.v.). Mention may be made of Sweelinck's pupils, Jacob PrAtoriua of Hamburg (d. 1651), Heinrich Scheidemann in Hamburg (d. 1663), Samuel Scheidt in Halle (15871654), the author of the Tabvlaturbuch of 1650 (ut sup.), who was the pioneer in the adaptation of choral music to the organ. He was followed in this direction by Strunck, Theile, Alberti, Jan Reinken (1623‑1722), Dietrich Buxtehude (1637‑1707), and, lastly, Johann Pachelbel (1653‑1706), who combined the inclination to grace and smoothness inherited from the South Germans with the stricter forms of the North Germans. Bach made the choral with all its liturgical bearings the subject of a pure, artistic transfiguration; he looked upon the song.of the congregation as a fair gift of nature for his art. This itself was art for the organ in the highest sense of the word; he thought and composed, moved by the very soul of the organ which lent speech to his creative fancy. He possessed an easy command of all its forms and filled them with his individuality. His style, though firmly founded on tradition, bears everywhere the stamp of his personality; it is his own style throughout, truly and genuinely Protestant.
The succeeding age has softened and modernized this style in connection with the technical development of organ‑building, which has made the instrument more flexible and so has with‑
5. The drawn it from its narrow isolation. In Modernizing the eighteenth century the organ
	Of	learned to speak the language of Mo
Organ zart, in the nineteenth that of Mendels‑
	Style.	sohn, and in the twentieth, it even be
		gins to assimilate the elaborate coloring
of the music of Wagner and Liszt. The moderniza
tion of organ‑style is involved with the question of
music in general and esthetics, and no objection can
be raised so long as the demands made on religious
music by the Church are duly regarded. Congre
gational adaptability, as it increases in apprecia
tion, will appropriate every advance that makes
for edification. However, organ style must con
tinue consistent with the essential quality of the
instrument itself. Organ music must observe the
limits set by the nature of the instrument; it
should not, for example, invade the domain of the
voice, the piano, or orchestra. In such case it
would always be inferior to the instrument which
it imitates; and, at the same time, sacrifice its own
peculiar power and artistic value. It would be artis
tically false, and what is false in art is not permis
sible in liturgy. On the other hand, not everything
artistically true is at the same time suitable for
public worship, so that organ music may be correct
in style and adapted to the instrument, yet not be

269	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
8rg~°'aaniutioa
liturgical in the proper sense. In addition, therefore, the organ style must bear the stamp of church music and clearly ‑show its relation to the congregational hymn, to the reinforcement of which it owes its place in worship. To the extent that it is based on this and inspired by it, and recognizes its function of artistic exposition and glorification, organ music proves itself indeed a homogeneous element of Evangelical worship.
(H. A. KBsTraNt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. G. Ritter, Zur Geachidte tea Orpet4pids, Leipaie, 1884; J. W. Warman, The Organ, London, 1884; E. J. Hopkins, The Organ, its History and Construction, London, 1887; U. Kommiiller, Die alien Mus"eoretiker, Regensburg, 1887; J. H. Seidel, Die Orged and ihr Bau, Dresden, 1887; H. V. Couwenbergh, L'Orpue ancien d moderns, Lierre, 1888; G. Rietschel, Die Aujgabe der Orgel im euangelischen GottesdieasE, Leipsic, 1894; Frenzel, Die Orpel and ihre Meister, Dresden, 1899; A. Pirm, J. S. Bach and his Works for the Organ, New York, 1902; H. C. Lahee, The Organ and its Masters, Boston, 1903; C. F. A. William, The Story of the Organ, 1903; idem, The Story of Organ Music, London, 1905.
ORGANIZATION OF THE EARLY CHURCH.
I. Jewish Christianity. Ecclesiastical and New‑Testament Conceptions (1 1). Classes of Believers; the Titles Used (§ 2). The Term Church and its Implicates (§ 3). Officers and their Functions (§ 4). The Mother Church; the Deacons (¢ 5). Monarchical Episcopate Foreshadowed (5 8). II. Gentile Christianity. Factors Influencing Organization (§ 1). Independence of Local Communities (J 2). New‑Testament Indications, 09‑138 A.D. (f 3). Clement, Hermes, the Didache, and Polycarp (¢ 4). The Monarchical Episcopate and Other Offices (5 5). Causes of the Episcopate ($ 8). Distinction Between Clergy and Laity (5 7). Distinctions Within the Clergy (¢ 8). Development of Ecclesiastical Law (¢ 9). Ecclesiastical Provinces (5 10).

	I. Jewish Christianity: In no other field of
Church history is the contrast between the confes
sional and the historical view so great as in all that
relates to the constitution of the ancient Church.
According to Roman Catholic teaching, while Christ
founded the Church, Peter was placed at the head
		of it. Depending on Peter was the
	r. Ecclesi‑ ruling apostolate, which was continued
	astical and in the episcopate, just as the primacy
	New‑ was continued in the successors of
	Testament Peter. In both Calvinism and Luther
Conceptions. anism the position was held that the
		Church was the intentional and direct
foundation of Christ. These conceptions are op
posed to the entire historic development of the
Apostolic and sub‑Apostolic age. They stand or
fall with the historicity of certain passages in the
New Testament, notably some in the Gospel of St.
Matthew, which historical criticism compels to re
gard as later additions. The fact remains that the
disciples and the faithful founded the Church and
that the Twelve were appointed by Jesus to spread
his teachings and to act as the future judges of the
twelve tribes of Israel. But nothing was due to a
preconsidered plan. What took place was the out
growth of temporal conditions and proceeded from
the fraternal community of men who, through Jesus,
had found God. In this brotherhood with its be‑
lief in God and with its tradition of a Jewish theocracy is found the seed from which the Church developed.
As to the point of departure for the development of Christian institutional life, the situation is as follows: After Jesus had drawn to him the original four disciples, there assembled about him a larger and a narrower circle of adher‑
a. Classes ents, vii., disciples and the twelve of Believers; apostles. This last class, perhaps also
the Titles the Seventy, during his lifetime he
	Used.	sent abroad to teach and to heal in
		his name. At the time of receiving
this mission they had not, perhaps, the name of
apostle. They realized that they were apostles first
when Peter and they along with him recognized
their teacher as their heavenly Lord and were con
scious of receiving from him, through the Holy
Ghost, the direction to preach his word. When
Jesus' adherents had assembled in Jerusalem after
hiss passion there were three distinct classes men
tioned in the early records of the Church. (1) The
Twelve; or rather the Eleven, increased by election
to Twelve (Acts 1‑15), who were regarded as the
foundation of his followers because they had been
selected by Jesus himself to be the future rulers of
the kingdom of the Messiah (Matt. xix. 28; Luke
xxii. 28‑30). (2) The apostles, or the missionaries,
to which general class also the Twelve belonged.
(3) The other disciples of both sexes (Acts ix. 36).
Most prominent among these were the original dis
ciples (Acts xxi. 16) and especially the brothers of
Jesus at whose head stood James (Acts i. 14). The
Twelve were rulers in the Messianic kingdom and
at the same time missionaries. The term " disci
ple " did not last long, for personal discipleship de
pended on the actual presence of Jesus. Converts
from paganism hardly use the term at all and Paul
never employed it as a designation of Christians in
general. " Disciple " gradually became limited to
the Twelve and to those who had personally seen
the Lord. The Twelve, the Apostles, and the rest
formed in Jerusalem the Messianic community of
Jesus. They were a band of Jews, distinguished
from their fellow countrymen only by their recog
nition of the fact that they already knew the Mes
siah and were expecting his future coming after a
short interval. The followers of Christ tended to
separate themselves from the Jews by their insist
ence on the teaching and commandments of Jesus,
and by their confidence that they were sharers in
the gift of the Holy Spirit. While they were called
in acorn, " Galileans," "Nazarenes," and "the
poor," they called themselves the " people of God,"
" the seed of Abraham," " the elect people," " the
twelve tribes." In place of the term disciple, the
words believer, saints, the brethren, the Church,
came into use. All of these can be shown to be
Jewish in origin. Believers in Christ called them
selves saints, because they had been made holy by
baptism in the Holy Ghost. They had practical
attestation of this in the charisms (see CHARasMATA),
wonders, and signs accomplished through them.
The epistle to the Ephesians (iii. 5) speaks of " holy
apostles." The name brother goes back to the
teaching of Jesus (Matt. xxiii. 8). It is found also

Organization	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	260
in connection with the words " in the Lord," and Jesus desired to include himself among the brethren (Matt. xii. 48; Rom. viii. 29). In the third century the general use of the term fell gradually into abeyance. It no longer described actual conditions, and was finally reserved for special classes of Christians, particularly for the clergy.
The term " Church " was in existence at the time of Paul's conversion, though it probably does not go back to Jesus, notwithstanding Matt. xvi. 18, xviii. 17; it is found in the early chapters of the Acts (v. 11, viii. 1). The Jewish equivalent is kahal,
	" assembly," translated in the Sep
3. The	tuagint by the Greek word ekklfsia
Term	(see CHURCH, THE CHRISTIAN, I.). In
Church	daily use the Jews, at the time of
and its	Christ, employed the word " syna‑
	Implicates. gogue " more often than ecclesia. The
		employment of this word by the Chris
tians made it unnecessary for them to take over the
term synagogue. The term ecclesia put the brand
of newness upon the community and at the same
time gave it significance as a realization of an old
ideal. It indicated, too, a practical separation from
Judaism. It helped the spread of the Church among
the heathen Christians, enabling them to distinguish
by the existence of this terminology their teaching
from the Law of Moses. An authoritative element
did not originally inhere in the word " Church ";
indeed, as a spiritual fact, representing an ideal
actual community, it concealed it. The Church
took preeminence over the individual, it had its
own ordinances, its particular powers and organ
ization. How early judicial authority was asso
ciated with the individual community is shown by
Matt. xviii. 17, and in I Tim. iii. 15 occurs the clas
sical passage " the house of God which is the church
of the living God, the pillar and ground of the
truth." As early as Tertullian occurs the expres
sion " mother Church " (Ad martyras, i.). Mdst
important in this connection were St. Paul's spec
ulations connecting the Church with Christ. The
conception is well summed up by Tertullian in the
following words:‑ " In a company of two is the
Church; but the Church is truly Christ. When,
then, you cast yourself at the brethren's knees, you
are handling Christ, you are entreating Christ "
(De pcmitentia, x.; ANF, iii. 664). The concrete
nature of the community is found in the idea of
fellowship (Acts ii. 42; Gal. ii. 9) expressed in a
common meal. Decisions on important questions
lay with the ecclesia (of. Acts xv., an assembly
which is very wrongly called " The Council of the
Apostles "). The records do not show whether
there was a regular meeting of this body; what
was the exact position of the apostles in it, or how
their functions as members were differentiated from
those of the " elders." The formula used by Luke
(Acts xv. 22, 28) implies that the assemblage re
garded itself as the organ of the Holy Spirit. The
ordinary method of procedure was that the Apostles
and elders proposed measures and the community
either accepted or rejected them (Acts iv. 32 vi. 2,
5, xv. 12, 30, xxi. 22). At first Christian teachers
and disciples living in the community were organ
ized almost like a family, the true Israel in the
midst of whom the Lord was soon to appear. This
community accepted originally the obligations of
the Jewish law; but when a conflict arose they
had to reject the authority of the spiritual court
at Jerusalem (Acts v. 29). The commandments of
Jesus held the first place along with the directions
of the Holy Spirit. In addition to these two
authorities and that of the Old Testament there was
the authority of the Twelve under the leadership
of Peter. This showed itself chiefly in the forgive
ness of sins, and to it was joined judicial powers of
punishment, the classical example being Ananias
and Sapphira (Acts v. 1. sqq.). But the community
might use disciplinary measures as well as the Apos
tles (Matt. xviii. 15). The transformation of the
Jewish synagogue into the ecclesia of God directed
its policy and laid the foundation of its specific
rules and laws. How far a new construction was
organized appears from the account in Acts of the
life of the early Christian community which ex
tended the principles of brotherhood even to an
economic conclusion. But it is a mistake to picture
the Christian community of this period as a union
of communistic Quakers. The possession of the
Judaic law, the ideals of the Messianic kingdom, the
prerogatives of the Twelve, and the power of the in
fallible community placed strict limitations on the
free activity of the individual, on his independence
and equality.
In addition to the Twelve and the Apostolate, there were associated with the last from early times professional prophets and teachers. " God hath set some in the Church, first, apostles; secondarily, prophets; thirdly, teachers " (I Cor. xii. 28; cf. Eph. iv. 11). These three constituted a unity be‑
cause they all were entrusted with 4. Officers speaking the Word of God. Along with and their the Apostles, who were in the habit of
Functions. doing their missionary work two by two
(Peter and John, Barnabas and Paul, Barnabas and Mark, Paul and Silas, Timothy and Silas, Timothy and Erastus, Mark vi. 7; Luke x. 1; Acts xix. 22) , were the prophets, whose work was sometimes given to particular communities, sometimes more general (Matt. x. 41; Acts xi. 27, xxi. 10). The teachers seem to have been connected with special communities (Acts xiii. 1; Didache xi.). All of these were charismatic, their call rested on an impartation of the Spirit; but it also depended on the recognition of the community. The Apostles seem to have depended for each missionary journey on ‑a special commission. When the commission was fulfilled, the Apostle might become again a teacher or a prophet. Taken strictly, he is an Apostle only to those for whom he has received a commission; " apostle of the circumcision," " apostle of the Gentiles" (I Cor. ix. 2; Gal. ii.; Rom. xi. 13). The classical passage is Acts ‑mi. 1‑2. The appointment for services in the community followed after prayer and fasting by the laying on of hands (Acts vi. 6, xiii. 3; I Tim. iv. 14; II Tim. i. 6). The laying on of hands was not simply a symbolical act; it was the imparting of the charisma necessary for the office. The function of laying on of hands was undertaken not only by the Twelve (Acts vi. 6), but also by individual communities (I Tim. iv.

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
14), by Apostles and missionaries (I Tim. v. 22; II Tim. i. 6), or Apostles and communities sooperated together.
As to the position of the Mother Church in Jerusalem toward the Judaistic daughter churches, the records are too meager to admit of a definite conclusion. It is as often associated with as distin‑
guished from subordinate communi‑
s. The ties (Gal. i. 22; I Thess. ii. 14; Acts
Mother xi. 1, 29, xv. 1). Jerusalem was re‑
Church; garded as the central point. It was the Deacons. called by Palestinian Christians " the
holy city " (Matt. iv. 5, xxvii. 53). It is significant that the Church at Jerusalem sent Barnabas to control the heathen Christian organization at Antioch (Acts xi. 22), that Silas and Judas were sent there (Acts xv. 22‑32), that Peter proseeds there (Gal. ii. 11), as well as messengers from James (Gal. ii. 12), that the diaspora was controlled by Jerusalem Christians, and finally that the socalled Council of the Apostles‑in reality the community of Jerusalem‑took action for all the Jewish communities. Paul's relation to it must also be taken into account; not only his care for sending collections to it, but also his desire to have its recognition. It is remarkable how the Galilean Christians fall into the background. The transition from Capernaum, Chorazin, and Bethsaida to Jerusalem marks a new evolution in the ancient history of the Church, and is undoubtedly connected with the birth of legend, the rise of the Infancy Gospels, and the transference of the appearances of the risen Lord from Galilee to Jerusalem. As to the appointment of the seven deacons and causes given for it in Acts vi., a number of ambiguities arise. The Seven, as their names indicate, were probably Hellenists; but were they appointed solely for the Hellenist widows, or for other widows? Were their economic occupations a novelty? Besides, they disappear from view in a curious way; that is, all with the exception of Stephen, the " miracle worker," and the first martyr. A diaconate, in the later sense, their office was not, for the deacon's was no independent position; they rather resembled bishops than deacons. It is possible to see in them Hellenist rivals of the Twelve. It is remarkable that the persecution directed against Stephen did not involve the Twelve (Acts viii. 1).
According to an old tradition the Twelve remained twelve years in Jerusalem. They scattered on aocount of the persecution of Herod to which James,
the son of Zebedee, fell a victim. This
6. Monar‑ led to a total change in the Jerusalem
chical Epis‑ community. In place of a government copate Fore‑ through the Twelve, there came into
shadowed. prominence James, the brother of the
Lord. Acts does not mark the steps in this development; but it gives him preeminence (xii. 17, xv. 13, xxi. 18). This marks the decline of the pneumatic, Messianic conception; yet during the presence of members of the Twelve at Jerusalem their authority was not impaired (Gal. ii.; Acts xv., xxi.). The new order has three significant characteristics: (1) The relatives of Jesus came into prominence. After the death of James a cousin of Jesus, Symeon, was chosen his successor (Euse‑
Organimtion
bins, Hist. eccl., III., xi.; ANF, 2 ser. i. 146). The early lists of the bishops at Jerusalem are probably lists of the relatives of Jesus. (2) The disappearance of the pneumatic, Messianic element. (3) The influence of distinctly Jewish precedents. The original Twelve may have died, or they may have been engaged in missionary activity, or the relatives of Jesus may have been regarded as their rivals. The prominence of the relatives of Jesus would naturally be due to their position as members of the house of David. The new constitution there with James at its head and twelve (?) presbyters under him seems to give James the position of high priest and to put elders in the place of a sanhedrin. The position of James was peculiar. Heathen Christian tradition names him as the first bishop of Jerusalem, appointed by Christ and by the Apostles. Undoubtedly he and his followers exercised a monarchical power. It is not likely, however, that James used the title of bishop, for it has not a Judaistic origin. In the Clementines the exalted position of James is a later exaggeration. The idea and realization of a monarchical episcopate under the Jewish Christians first comes into existence, then, in the person of James. Perhaps Matt. xvi. 18 is the protest of Palestinian Christians, who did not accept him. The original persecutions allowed the Church to continue in existence at Jerusalem. The first sharp persecution was under Herod, in 42 A.D. No great agitation against Jerusalem Christians took place until the execution of James and the great uprising against Rome. This last changed the situation. The Jewish communities became active against the whole Christian diaspora. Symeon, the successor of James, was a martyr. In the second century, by the second destruction of Jerusalem under Hadrian, Jewish Christianity lost its position of centrality, and existed only as single communities and groups of communities.
II. Gentile Christianity: Turning the attention now to the position of Christianity under the heathen, the complexity of the situation is increased by
the tendency to bring in, in connection r. Factors with church organization and consti‑
Influencing tion, family customs, the social and Organize‑ religious clubs, and school, city and tion. provincial organizations. All of these
elements must have influenced the development of Christian institutions. The Christian community was built out of elements with definite, previously existing social characteristics. Considerable tension between the parts was to be expected. Thus one might have looked for antagonism between a central and local authority, between spirit and office, between charisma and canon, among individuals, among those claiming spiritual gifts, among those occupying ecclesiastical position, and finally, between the lay and the clerical elements, between an ecclesiastical democracy and an ecclesiastical aristocracy. As initial factors in early organization must be considered, first, the authority of those speaking the Word of God, apostles, prophets, teachers; the authority of the elders over against younger members; the distinction between officials appointed with administrative and with executive

Organization	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	262
power. The Christian communities of the Diaspora developed, either as offshoots from synagogues, or from being founded by Jewish proselytes. They follow the order of synagogue usages. The reading of the Old Testament was not the only reminiscence of the synagogue. The Acts in many passages shows how, at the beginning, women such as Priscilla, Lydia, and Phoebe were important in the life of the Church.
The impressions derived from the epistles of Paul suggest the independence of each community. In them individuals either with local honorary titles or with official positions were subor‑
s. Inde‑ dinate. The communities were directly pendence of under the apostles who founded them.
Local Com‑ The whole Christian community was ‑unities. pictured in each of its parts. The ideal unity lies in the work of the Holy Spirit (Acts xv.). The way the disciplinary case at Corinth was handled by Paul is a crucial example. He and the community acted together, there is no question of special officials. Early terminology shows the same result‑" the Church of God abiding in the city " (cf. I Clement i.; and the salutations with which Polycarp begins his epistle). Each community is part of an organism belonging to heaven, for the time being dwelling on earth: " The Churches of God, when carefully contrasted with the assemblies of the districts in which they are situated, are as beacons in the world " (Origen, Contra Celsum, iii. 29; ANF, iv. 476). The importance of the spiritual democracy is seen in Paul's epistles. The part represents the whole. What concerns one community concerns all. The identity of the local with the universal was encouraged by the preeminence given to the apostle who belonged to the whole church. Paul is to the several communities their teacher and father (T Cor. iv. 17, vii. 17, xiv. 37). But I Cor. xii.‑xiv. is the clearest proof that the charismata are the decisive factors. What is reported of local authorities is different in different places. According to Acts presbyters were ordained by Paul and Barnabas (xiv. 23), and called together and warned to shepherd the Church of God. In T Thess. v. 12, Paul asks the community " to know them that labor among you, and are over you in the Lord and admonish you," and the following verses seem to be directed to these persons. In Galatians a local office is not mentioned, and the same holds good of Corinthians where, from the contents of the letter, mention of such an office seems to be expected. Along with apostles, prophets, and teachers are mentioned certain charisms and after them helps and governments. The same is true of Romans where organization comes into being through the charismata‑gong them are named prophecy, ministry, teaching, showing mercy, and ruling (xii. 6 sqq.). A certain Ph®be is mentioned as deaconess (xvi.), and different house communities are mentioned (xvi. 3 sqq.). In Colossians the community is directed to say to Arehippus, " take heed to the ministry which thou halt received in the Lord, that thou fulfil it " (iv. 17). The word ministry may signify a part in the worship of the community. In Ephesiane, a circular letter, the whole community
is spoken of as being built on the foundation of the apostles wud prophets (ii. 20, iii. 5) and a local office is mentioned and connected with apostles, prophets, and teachers‑pastors and evangelists find a place in this list (iv. 11.; cf. Acts. xi. 8; II Tim. iv. 5; )iausebius, Hilt. cool., III., XRYVII.), the last being missionaries whose activity is purely local and who therefore can not claim the name of Apostle. Philippians is remarkable because its address contains the words bishops and deacons as the letter returns thanks for an offering (i. •1). Their office was probably connected with this act; the deacons have no accompanying genitive and there is no article, facts which point to an administrative position (see DEACON). The same must be said of the word " bishop " (see EriacorecY; Porrry). Its significance is as ambiguous as that of presbyter, which may distinguish the elder from the younger, may be a title of honor signifying some special authority, personal or otherwise, or may indicate membership of a council, and be either of Jewish or autonomous origin (see PRESBYTER). The word bishop may be due to the usage of the Septuagint. It Signifies overseer or superintendent. The object of oversight is uncertain, it may be souls (I Pet. ii. 25), or the church (Acts xx. 28). It may mean oversight of economic or natural objects. The troubles related in IT Corinthians do not indicate any tension between a local and the universal apostolic organization. It refers only to the operation of a clique grouping itself around different apostles.
The records extending from the time of Veapaaian to that of Hadrian begin with I Pet. iv. 10‑i1: "As every man hath received the gift, even so minister the same one to another as good stewards of the manifold grace of God. If any man speak, let him
speak as the oracles of God; if any 3. New‑ man minister, let him do it as of the Testament ability which God giveth." Here Indications, organization is founded on the charfig‑i38 A.D. iama, which itself constitutes a min‑
istry. Later the author addresses the presbyters, calling himself a fellow presbyter (v. 1‑2), who are opposed to the " younger " (v. 5), but the presbyters do not include all of those over a certain age, they are officials limited in number with the functions of pastors and duty of being examples to the flock (v. 2‑3). This indicates a local office and in this light the stress laid on charismata in chap. iv. is remarkable. In James v. 14 presbyters of the Church are mentioned in connection with praying over and anointing the sick, while chap. iii. warns against multiplicity of masters. In the Epistle to the Hebrews presbyters are not mentioned but officers are, the general term used being hegoumenoi, which also occurs in Acts (xv. 22) as a designation of prophets (Heb. xiii. 17); possibly Heb. xiii. 7 refers to the apostles Peter and Paul. In the Apocalypse twenty‑four presbyters are mentioned (chap. iv.) and a prophetess is named in Thyatira (ii. 20) but no local officer. The angels of the communities are not to be explained as bishops. The writer of the work appears as a superintendent of the communities. Twelve apostles are mentioned, also false apostles (ii. 2), and a reader in each community (i. 3). The author of the three Johan‑

263	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	or$anINAttOn
nine letters appears as a superintendent calling himself in II and III John presbyteros. He administers by letters and emissaries many communities as their head. He is strongly opposed and some of his adherents are excommunicated. The opposition comes from a man who loveth to have the proeminence, in other words, a local pastor. Demetrius seems to be a colleague of the person addressed in the letter. There is obviously a conflict here between the spiritual universal missionary organization and the local one (of. Clement of Alexandria, Quis dives, xlii., for an account of John's activity in appointing bishops, pacifying churches, and founding a ministry on his missionary journeys). In the Gospel apostles are warned against ambition (xiii. 13 sqq.) and there is a passage mentioning the bestowal on Peter of a universal pastoral office (xxi. 15 sqq.). The Pastoral Epistles show Titus and Timothy as representatives of the Apostles, they guard the teaching, they appoint officers and shepherd the communities. In Titus, the elders, both men and women, seem to have an official position (ii. 2 sqq.), presbyters are mentioned and their qualifications, and then follow at length the qualifications of a bishop (i. 5 sqq.); probably this is an interpolation, if so it refers to a monarchical bishop. In I Tim. v. elders, both men and women, young men and women, and widows in two classes, are carefully distinguished. Mention is made of presbyters; there is a long passage (iii. 1‑13) discussing the qualifications of bishops and deacons introduced by the words " if any one desire the office of a bishop he desires a good work." The similarity with the passages in Titus suggests doubts as to the genuineness of both passages.
The First Epistle of Clement gives detailed references to the organization of the Church at the period it was composed. It is all the more valuable because it comes from Rome and be4. Clement, cause it can be certainly dated. The Hermas, the occasion of the letter was trouble in Didache and the Corinthian community, a revolt
	Polycarp.	of the younger elements against the
		older. The facts are as follows: The
community is divided into presbyters and the
younger element; those who lead are taken from
the presbyters, hegoumenoi, prohegoumenoi (i. 3,
iii. 3, xxi. 6) under these leaders. The letter from
chap. xl. on is specially directed to those who con
duct worship. These the author calls three times
bishops and deacons. Their office is called epis
kopo. They are appointed officials, admitted with
the approval of the whole community. The func
tion of the episkopo is primarily and essentially di
vine worship; to offer the gifts, to read the liturgies
(xl. 2, xliv. 4). These officials also have the title of
presbyter. Despite the significance of their position,
the power belongs finally to the community (" to
do whatever the majority commands," liv.). The
author of the letter writes in the name of the Ro
man community. Those whom it sends to Corinth
are not mentioned as clerical personages. From
this it follows that the bishops and deacons, who are
constantly named together and who have the com
mon functions of the episkope or liturgy, belong,
probably as appointed presbyters, to those who are
called " leaders." It does not follow, however, that the ministers of public worship are alone the " leaders." In addition to these facts Clement's Epistle adds theories and historical statements in relation to public worship. It connects Christian usages with the Old‑Testament regulation of worship. The letter states that the appointment of bishops and deacons is prophesied in the Old Testament. It declares that the Apostles are sent from Christ, just as Christ was sent from God. It also asserts that bur Apostles (i.e., Peter and Paul) had revealed to them that there would arise a difficulty over the episkope and for that reason they provided after their death that other approved men should undertake their services. The Epistle of Clement leaves the question of a monarchical episcopate at Rome open, but this possibility is excluded by Hermas, who also wrote in Rome and whose work must be dated in the course of the third decade of the second century. Hermas keeps in view not a local community, but the whole community of Christians. In his foreground stand apostles and teachers, belonging to a preceding generation, some of whom, however, are still alive. In the universal organization of the Church his order gives apostles, bishops, teachers, deacons. Bishops and deacons are associated together and their chief duty is caring for widows and orphans and the poor. Their service is called daakonia and leitourgia. Vision II., ii. 6 speaks of those who preside over the Church, who are also called " those who occupy the first seats," which means, all of those, whether they are prophets or teachers, to whom the community stands in the relation of receiving instruction. Precedence, as such, the author does not disapprove, his frown is only for those who are emulous concerning the first places and concerning fame and as fools indulge in rivalry (Similitude VIII., vii. 4; ANF, ii. 42). This throws an important light on the organization of a monarchical episcopate. Hermas mentions presbyters in two places (Vision II., iv. 2, III., i.)‑presbyters who rule over the Church, and he asserts that there are worthier persons in the Church than presbyters, namely, martyrs. The relation of these two groups remains uncertain. Perhaps " presbyters " in his mind were associated entirely with the local community. The existence of a monarchical episcopate can not be made to harmonize with the use of presbyters in the plural, or with bishops in the plural. The Didache in this respect resembles Hernias; it concerns itself with the whole community, and with local communities only as developments of it. It discusses the activities of apostles, prophets, and teachers. Those who speak the Word are to be honored as the Lord. Prophets are highly reverenced; criticizing them is an unforgivable sin. Prophets, it says (xiii. 3), are your high priests. In chap. xiv. services on Sunday and the solemn sacrifice are mentioned. Chap. xv. contains the following: " Elect therefore for yourselves bishops and deacons worthy of the Lord, men meek and not lovers of money, and truthful, and approved; for they, too, minister to you the ministry of the prophets and teachers; they are honored along with prophets and teachers" (P. Schaff, Teaching of the Twelve Apostles, pp. 211‑

Organisation	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	1484
212, New York, 1890). These words are notable. They closely associate bishops and deacons. Their functions are primarily concerned with public worship, are personal in character, and deal also with financial administration. Unlike Apostles, prophets, and teachers, they are appointed by the community. They show that speaking the Word does not belong naturally to their functions, but that this service in the lack of prophets and teachers is already in process of transference to them. A great distinction seems to prevail between prophets and teachers on the one side and bishops and deacons on the other, which the author says must be avoided, because the last class are now performing the services of the first. The letter of Polycarp is addressed to the community at Philippi. It appears that at Philippi there was no monarchical episcopate, but a collegial administration. First are mentioned men, then widows, then deacons, then the younger element, then virgins, then presbyters; presbyters and deacons are to be reverenced by the younger element as God and Christ. The title bishop is not found in the letter; directions and warnings as to administration and pastoral care are directed to the presbyters. Valens, an individual who seems to be entrusted with the economic administration of the community, is mentioned as a presbyter.
Immediately after the time to which these various records belong, a monarchical episcopate along with its special organization is found everywhere in the Church. In Antioch and in Asia the letters of Ignatius show that it existed about 115. [It is to be noted that the authenticity and early date of these writings are still questioned by many scholars. s. H. x.] At the head of each community stands a bishop by this name, and no other (the
g.	Monar‑ Roman community is an exception).
	chical He is the real monarch of the communi‑
Episcopate, ty. He takes the lead in divine worship and Other and in their meetings: " nothing against
	Offices.	the bishop; nothing without the bish
		op." This is the tenor of all these
letters. Under him there is a college of presbyters,
acting not individually, but as a whole as counsel
of the bishop. The deacons are not organized in a
college, but are looked upon as individuals. They
act as administrative organs of the bishop in divine
worship and in ministering to the community and
so are especially near to him. The bishop, in Ignar
tius' eyes, stands in the position of God; the pres
byters in the position of the Apostles. How far
this theory was realized in Asia is uncertain. Later
records show that monarchical bishops were still
called presbyters. Ignatius' warnings and specu
lations certainly produced one effect; to give the
bishop preeminence in conducting public worship.
The episcopal lists of the second century show that
in Rome the monarchical episcopate did not orig
inate until 150. Anicetus is mentioned as a bishop
in an almost contemporary document. At the same
time Primus is called bishop in Corinth by Hegesip
pus (in Eusebius, Hiet. ecd., IV., xxiii. sqq.). There
are records by various authorities of monarchical
bishops in Greek and Asiatic cities; still a Christian
regarded himself as belonging to the whole Church
rather than simply to a local community. The gov‑
ernment was regarded as a spiritual government; charismata were given preeminence. The whole community was ruled in strict monarchical form; Christ was its shepherd, leader, and bishop; it is built upon the infallible Word of God, and this was present in a living form as the teaching of the Apostles in those who witnessed to it and declared it. The influence of profane organizations for worship probably was small. The internal life of the local community, the natural distinction between presbyter and the younger element, was of the utmost importance. To the presbyter belonged all of those whose merits and services deserved honor and recognition. Where the conditions did not permit the missionaries to hand over the care and supervision of the whole to the father of a family, or to the most prominent first converts, or to the elders, there were officers appointed, probably always by laying on of hands. The appointment may have been due to the missionary apostles, or to the influence of the prophets, or the community could request the appointment of an individual. The officials had not everywhere the same name. The name presbyter was suggested naturally by the distinction between the old and the young. By the laying on of hands this particular type of elder was sometimes distinguished from the whole mass of elders though they sometimes disappeared again in it. " Shepherds and overseers " indicates not an office but a function. The function of these presbyters was, so long as edification by the free activity of the Spirit was the rule, of a diaconal nature. Here distinction must be made between a diaconia in a narrower and in a broader sense. Broadly it signifies any kind of service which is not the service of the Word. In a narrower sense it indicates care for the poor and the service during the congregational gathering. From this point of view the presbyters received the appellations bishop and deacon. In the broader use of the word they were called bishops only in the beginning, and even then rarely. As a rule, the terminology was applied to presbyters engaged in the diaconate in the narrower sense; that is, it was given to those who were engaged in looking after the poor and in services performed in the congregational gathering. The practise became usual then of not reckoning these officials among the presbyters, but of giving them the title " deacon." The word deacon, used of one who now really became a server, was no longer looked upon as a title of honor. Originally it must have stood higher.
In the earliest times, here and there, the presbyter and the bishop are assimilated, so that every "appointed" presbyter was also called bishop. But soon the terminology changed. The custom arose that only those officials employed in active and leading duties concerned with the care of the poor and with the conduct of congregational meetings were called bishops, without, however, losing the title of presbyter or their places in the college of preshyters. The victory of the epiacopos is plainly an indication of the increased importance of the care for the poor and of the services undertaken in congregational gatherings, which more and more took the form of established public worship.
The disappearance of prophets and teachers con‑

266	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Ortunization
tributed to give importance to the functions of
bishops and deacons, although I Timothy shows
that at that time there were presbyters capable of
teaching; but both the Didache and Hermas prove
that the service of prophets, teachers, and apostles
was performed by bishops and deacons. Neither of
		these authorities mentions presbyters
	6. Causes in this connection. Clement is the first
	of the to connect this local organization with
	Episcopate. the Old Testament and apostolic foun
		dation. He mentions the connection
between the office and divine worship and also the
permanence of the ministers. Their election was
limited to a certain class; the community gave its
approval or withheld it as the case might be. This
system was not peculiar to Rome, it also existed in
Corinth. This letter of Clement is important as
exhibiting the decline of the pneumatic factor and
in showing how the conception of the universal
Church lost its importance and was superseded by
the view which exalted the local community and
made it the foundation of apostolicity and legality.
That bishops and deacons had some relation as offi
cials to divine worship is proved by Paul. Clement
carries their institution back to the time of the
apostles. Virtually a similar position is taken by
the Didache and Herman. There must have been
some factor in the original constitution of the
Church tending to the development of a mon
archical episcopate. Probably the monarchy of
a leading apostle in certain places became after
his death changed to the leadership of a pres
byter who, taking precedence in his college, be
came a presbyter‑bishop. It was natural in public
worship for the lead to be taken by one individ
ual. Justin (i. 67) speaks of one proestos and sev
eral diakonoi. Intercourse with other churches
suggested the need of a representative, as, for exam
ple, when Clement composed a letter to Corinth in
the name of the Roman community. The struggle
with the Gnostic sects suggested the necessity of
some one authoritative teacher. Division of re
sponsibility would have also had a bad effect in
time of persecution. The drawing up of episcopal
lists indicates that in many communities from early
times the college of presbyters must have had a
primes inter pares. The development of the mo
narebioal episcopate appeared as no break with the
past because the bishop still continued to perform
many functions along with the college of presby
ters. For example, Marcion appeared before the
Roman presbyters (Epiphanies, Hcer., xlii. 2),
Noetus was tried by the presbyters in Smyrna (Hip
polytus, Contra Noeturn,J.). The presence of the
college of presbyters in some cases delayed for dec
ades the final stage of this development. The earliest
organization of the community must also have had
its influence. What had been arranged by the first
missionary was of great importance: " As in any
city where Christians have not been converted
(natz), if some one comes and begins to teach, work,
and instruct there and draws them to the faith, he
himself becomes afterward for them whom he has
taught a leader and bishop " (Origen on Numbers,
Hom. xi. 4). The final sovereignty of the local com
munity could not be attained as long as a represen‑
tative man of apostolic character existed. The struggle between the smaller and the larger conception of the Church must have gone on in an accentuated form (of. III John). The theory of Jerome of an original identity between presbyters and bishops is not entirely correct, since there were communities where this could not be true. Also the explanation Theodore of Mopsuestia gives of the origin of the episcopate, associating it with a provincial organization going back to apostolic times, can hardly be accepted. He lays far too much stress on the ordination rights of a bishop when he declares that after the death of the apostle who presided over a province the term presbyter was generally retained, while the word bishop was reserved for those who had the right of ordination. The term apostle, he says, was given up because of the cessation of miracles and because also their representatives were too modest to claim the title after the apostolic period. With the monarchical episcopate came the tendency of Christians to unite in one community in any particular place; the house communities ceased to exist. Occasionally in episcopal lists two bishops appear as existing together in one place. This indicates more than one congregation. There is also evidence in early writers of the establishment of Christian schools for purposes apologetic and polemic, e.g., the catechetical school in Alexandria, the schools of Justin, Tatian, Theodotus and others in Rome, while Marcion's church was a " school," so Lucian's " school " is spoken of. These schools may have constituted a danger to the unity of the bishop's church. Any community existing outside the bishop's community was looked upon as a hwreais. It was the rule that no matter how small the place or how few the number of converts an episcopal community could be founded; even twelve were sufficient (TL7, ii. 5, pp. 7 sqq., 1889). There had to be at least two presbyters and three deacons to work with the bishop. As early as the first and the second century Christians are known who lived in the country, but they had to come to the city for worship on Sunday. Only in the third and fourth centuries does there appear a separate organization for the country.
The distinction between clergy and laity arose gradually in the second century. It shows an influence of the Jewish differentiation between priesthood and people. Traces of it are seen in the first
epistle of Clement and in the apostolic q. Dis‑ church order. Clement of Alexandria tinction uses the three terms, presbyters, dear Between cons, and laymen (Strom, III., xii.), Clergy and this usage is frequent in Tertuland Laity. lian: "when the authorities themselves, that is, deacons and presbyters and bishops, flee" (De fugd, xi.). The origin of the word " clergy " is seen in the Acts of the Apostles. The first election in a community took place by klkrm, °° lot," but this word is usually found in early Christian literature in a general sense. An example of the technical use is to be seen in places like Acts i. 17; its limitation to church officers is first to be observed in Clement of Alexandria, Irenmus, Tertullian, and Hippolytus. The Latin term answer‑

Organization	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	288
ing to kltros is ordo, which is frequently used by Tertullian also in a wider sense, but he expressly states that the distinction between clergy and laity is of postapostolic and ecclesiastical origin. Tertullian makes ordo include not only bishops, presbyters and deacons, but all who have received ordination. The clergy are called by him ductores. Even in Tertullian's day, the conception of the universal priesthood still endured: " Are not we laymen priests?" he says. A special priesthood need not be considered a derivation from Jewish custom, and heathen precedent is irrelevant. The origin of a specific priesthood is to be sought in the idea of a specific offering developing out of the conception of the communion (see EUCHARIST; LoRD's SUPPER; Mass). This development took place at an early period, as we see from such ancient authorities as I Clement xliv. and Didache, xiv. The word priest in an ecclesiastical sense first appears in Tertullian. He calls the bishop a high priest, but presbyters were also recognized by him as priests. He speaks of a sacerdotal order (De exhortations, vii.), of sacerdotal gifts (De prmscriptione, xxix., x1i.), of a sacerdotal office (" On the Veiling of Virgins," ix.). Deacons were not given sacerdotal character because they did not take a principal part in the offering. This brought the presbyters into close relation with the bishops and separated them from deacons with whom there were special reasons that they should be assimilated. A power of absolution associated with the priesthood is first found in the third century, in its strict form in Cyprian. The rise of the monarchical episcopate fixed the various stages of the clergy and their duties. The bishop represents the community in public worship and in administration. The idea of an apostolic succession first appears at the close of the second century, its foundation lies in the conception of an office or calling handing down a system of teaaching that is regarded as a deposit. A guaranty seemed to be given in this way through a chain of legitimate succession that no alteration could be made in the teaching. This idea was common to Roman constitutional law and to the schools of ancient philosophy. Before the episcopate, there was a recognized succession of teachers and prophets. The thought appears strongly expressed in II Tim. ii. 2: " And the things that thou hast heard of me among many witnesses, the same commit thou to faithful men, who shall be able to teach others also." It is easy to see how, as a matter of fact, such a succession came to be limited to bishops alone. The basis of the whole process comes from the fact that the twelve apostles were recognized as a form of apostleship. When the universal apostoIate died out, the struggle with the Gnostic sects forced the Church back on eye witnesses and so brought forward the existence of an apostolic form of proof. The bishops were regarded as having by succession evangelical truth as a charism received from the apostles. This conception was first found in Irenmus and Tertullian. Pure apostolic teaching was associated not so much R1th an apostolic see as from the fact that the men who held it taught in harmony with the rest of the episcopate. Preliminary stages of this development are seen in the
earliest Christian literature. The prominence of certain bishops gave them weight as representing the apostolic character. An example of this is the community at Smyrna describing their Bishop Polycarp: " Poiycarp being in our days an apostolic and prophetical teacher, bishop of the Catholic Church in Smyrna " (the letter of the church of Smyrna is quite fully transcribed in Eusebius, Hist. ecd., IV., xv., and is given in Lightfoot, Apostolic Fathers, part ii., pp. 947‑948, London, 1885). The prominent position of such men was recognized by the heathen community as is seen from Lucian's writing on Peregrinus (De morte Peregrini), where he speaks of extraordinary honors given by Christians to those who preside over them. There soon arose a tradition that the apostles themselves had appointed bishops in several communities and hence came the custom of drawing up episcopal lists in Asia, Rome, and Lyons. But it was not before the year 220 that apostles themselves were set down in these lists as bishops of a community. In this elevation of a bishop of a community to equality with an apostle the presbyters still retained relative equality with them. Exactly what were the functions of a college of presbyters is uncertain. Where there was only one meeting for worship they probably had little significance; where there were many, a good deal.
Deacons originally were only slightly distinguished from bishops. They were occupied in the service during worship and in looking after the poor and in pastoral cares. Their close association with the episcopate made their elevation to it
8. Dis‑ easy. In Rome the archdeacon was
tinctions regularly advanced to the episcopate.
within the There were, however, orders below Clergy. the stage of deacons, although in the second century there was no regularly systematized minor order of clergy. At this date there are on record orders of widows, virgins, and deacons, and lectors and exorcists are added. All of these were regarded as charismatic positions. Finally, confessors themselves were given special position in the ordo. As Tertullian says: " One of lower rank may attain to a higher if, in enduring persecution, he shall have taken an upward step " (De fuga, xi.). The distinctions of apostle and teacher gradually disappeared. Prophets ceased to exist last of all; their extinction was due to the Montanistic crisis. They are still found in the beginning of the third century teaching communities in Phrygia and in Egypt. The qualities demanded from the clergy after they had been tested and elected by the community were that they should have orderly households, should abstain from second marriages, should not engage in trade. As to the service of women in the Christian community they were kept strictly apart from the men (L. Zscharnaek, Der Dienst der Frau in den eraten Jdhhrhunr derten der christliehen Kirche, GSttingen, 1902; L. Stoecker, Die Frau in der alien Kirche, Tiibingen, 1907.) The rights of the clergy as an order implied particular honor and obedience, the right of receiving support from the community, especial places of honor in divine service, and exemption from accusations except under particular conditions. But

287	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Organisation
Hippolytus makes it a serious charge against the schismatic church of Theodotus that they pay their bishop a monthly salary (cf. Hippolytus, Hier., vii. 23 24, x. 19, in ANF, v. 114‑115, 147, with the full references there to passages in other writers).
The development of a system of church law was due to the concern of the Church for the whole life and thought of the faithful; besides the Church was placed in relations and even in g. Develop‑ antagonistic relations with a highly
meat of developed State, and so the need for
Ecclesias‑	law arose. Its relation to the State
	tical Law.	was a complicated one; it was subordi
		nate yet opposed to it. Christians ac
cepted the material rights of their position and their
civic relations. There was an inclination to substi
tute or to improve upon rights or legal relations
existing in the State, and Paul himself was active in
this direction when he forbade Christians to have
recourse to secular tribunals. As time went on a
local organization with its bishop, its clergy of pres
byters, and its deacons became consciously or un
consciously rivals of the municipal administration.
From this came the regular development into
provinces which finally led to an imperial organ
ization. The Church system partly accepted and
partly rejected the usages of the State. In many
respects as to slavery, marriage, attitude to cer
tain classes of crime, support of the poor, and class
equality, the Church showed itself more progressive
than the State. Hippolytus (Philosophumena, IX.,
xii.) gives an instance where a Roman bishop
Calixtus recognized as legal a kind of marriage
which was prohibited by Roman law when he gave
his consent to a union of a Christian maiden with
a slave. [Secret concubinage rather than marriage,
connived at rather than actually permitted, seems
to be the object of the stricture of Hippolytus.
A. H. N.] Church law in the narrow sense also goes
back to the second century. It is applied chiefly
to the power of the keys and to the development of
penance. Tertullian applies the word jua to bap
tism, teaching, and the Scriptures. As to the or
ganization of the early heretical sects, it received
much criticism from orthodox teachers, although
they had martyrs, churches, bishops, and presby
ters. The following passage from Tertullian about
the Marcionites is instructive:
" For I must not omit a description of the conduct also of the heretics‑how frivolous, how worldly, how merely human, without seriousness, without authority, without discipline, as befits their faith. To begin with, it is doubtful who is a catechumen, and who a believer; they have all access alike, they hear alike, they pray alike‑‑even heathens, if any such happen to oorde among them. . . Simplicity they will have to consist in the overthrow of discipline, attention to which on our part they call bawdry . . . . The very women of these heretics, how wanton they are. They are bold enough to teach, to d:spute, to enact exorcisms, to undertake cures, it may be even to baptize. Their ordinations are carelessly administered. capricious, changeable. At one time they put novices in office; at another time men who are bound to some secular employment, at another time men who have apostatized from us . . . . So it comes to pass that to‑day one man is their bishop, to‑morrow another. Today he is a deacon who to‑morrow is a reader; to‑day he is a presbyter who to‑morrow is a layman, for even on laymen do they impose the functions of priesthood " (De proscriptions, x1i.; ANB, iii. 263).
The most prominent feature of the Montanistic
communities was the position they accorded to women (Epiphanius, liar., xlix. 2) : " Women are bishops among them, presbyters are women and so on." Mention has been made of the distinction between the universal and the local organization of the Church, also of the conflict between these two factors.
A third factor soon appeared, the grouping of
several churches together in a province. Paul or
ganized his missions according to provinces. Au
thorities in the second century followed the same
precedent.	Cities Eke Jerusalem, Antioch, and
Rome became centers of Christian activity for the
		regions extending about them. As
	Io. Eccle‑ time went on the provincial system
	siastical	was fully developed, and the limit of
	Provinces. this development was not bounded by
		the frontiers of a province. The metro
politan constitution, the superior position accorded
to one bishop over others in his neighborhood, is
first to be seen in the second century. The road is
already opened up for a universal bishop, the
bishop of bishops, as Tertullian calls the Roman
bishop. The metropolitan system was furthered
by the practise of turning over to bishops of pro
vincial chief cities epistolary communications with
other communities and also by the custom of call
ing synods. These last were regarded as represen
tative and had great influence, as is shown in Ter
tullian's words: " That representation of the whole
Christian name is greeted with great veneration "
(" On Fasting," xiii.). Their organization was influ
enced by local secular assemblies, but they were re
garded as being under the direction of the whole
spirit and dealt with the weightiest questions of
church life. All the elements of the later constitu
tional history of the Church are found in the first
two centuries, even the de facto primacy of Rome.
As time went on it can hardly be said that the
church system became more complicated; as a
matter of fact, in the earliest ages the organiza
tion of the Church was extremely complicated. If
there was any change, it was in the direction of
simplification. The first real break came in with
the period of the Reformation.	That not only
destroyed the medieval organization of the Church,
but it broke entirely with the church,system of the
first and second centuries. All that the Reforma
tion insisted on was the preaching of the Word of
God and that some office must be found for this
preaching. See CLERGY; CHURCH, THE CHRISTIAN,
TT.‑IIT.; ELDERS; EPISCOPATE; PARISH AND PAS
TOR; PRESBYTER. 	(A. HARNAe&.)
BIHm00$APHY: Much pertinent literature will be found named in and under the articles Arosxowc COUNCIL; CHURCH, Tan CHnisTTAN; CLERGY; DcnscHn; also in the articles on the Fathers and patristic works named in the text; consult as well the books on the history of the Ante‑Nicene Church, e.g., Sohaff, Christian Church, vol. i.. chap. x., vol. ii., chap. iv. The three books of first importance here are the essay of J. B. Lightfoot on The Christian Ministry in his commentary on the Epistle to the Philippians, 6th ed., London, 1881; E. Hatch, Organization of as Early Christian Churches, bth ed., ib. 1895; and A. Hamaek, Die Mission and Auebreitunp lea Christentwna, 2d ed., Leipsie, 1906, Eng. tranal., The Expansion of Christianity, 2d ed., 2 vols., New York, 1909; of. also his ArWAnnp and Eruwicklunp der %ircheacerfossunp and des K*dWwwAtes in den zwei era<en Jahrhunderten, Leip‑

Orignnina
Orit;en	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG 	288
sic, 1910. Other special works to be consulted are G. J. Planok, Gewhachte der chrutlioh‑kirehlwAen Gesellsehaftsoerfaesunp, 5 vole., Hanover, 1803 eqq.; R. Rothe, Die Anfanps der rhristlichen %irde, Wittenberg, 1837; A. Harnaok, Die Lehre der awolf Apoatd, in T U, ii. 1‑2 (1884) ; E. LSning, Die Gemeindeserfaasunp den Urchridentuma, Halle, 1888; C. Weisaaoker, Apostoliachea Zeitalter, Freiburg, 1892, Eng. tranal., London, 1894‑95; J. R€ville, Les Oripinea de 1'epiacopat, Paris, 1894; A. C. McGiffert, The Apostolic Age, New York, 1897; 8. von Dunin‑Borkoweki, Die neueren Forachungen itber die Anfdngs des Epiakopata, Freiburg, 1900 (reviews the later literature); K. LQbeck, Reichseinteilunp and kirchiiche Hierarchic den Orients, MOneter, 1901; H. Bruders, Die Verfassung der %irche bin . 175, Mains, 1904• R. Knopf, Doe nachapostolische Zeitalter, Tdbingen, 1905; P. A. Leder, Die Diakonen, die Bisch0fe and Presbyter, Stuttgart, 1905; K. Kautsky, Der Urapruttg des Christentuma, Stuttgart, 1908; C. Bigg, The Origins of Christianity, Oxford, 1909; F. C. Conybeare, Myth, Magic, and Morals: a Study of Christian Origins, London, 1909; O. Pileiderer, The Development of Christianity, ib. 1909.
ORIENTIUS: The received name of the author of Commonitorium, a Christian didactic poem of the first part of the fifth century. He is probably identical with Bishop Orientius of Auch, envoy from
I. Life.
Early Training (¢ 1).
Teacher and Writer (§ 2).
Conflict with Demetrius and Removal to Cmares (§ 3). II. Works.
Exegetical Writings (¢ 1).
the Gothic King Tbeodoric I. to the Roman generals Etius and Litorius, in the year 439. His poem describes the way to blessedness, and urgently admonishes against various byways of sin, especially against carnal temptation. The poem has for its constructive background the devastation of Gaul by the Alans, Suevi, Burgundians, and Vandals, 406 A.D. Classic poets are consulted; in particular, Catullus, Ovid, and Virgil. Whether there is also some reference to Christian poets (Prudentius7) is doubtful. In the extant manuscript, codex Ashburnham, tenth chapter, the Commonitorium is followed by five lesser poems and several poetical prayers of uncertain origin.
The best edition is that of R. Ellis in CISEL, xvi. 191‑261 and in MPL, lxi. 977‑1006.
G. KRfAtiER.
BrHwoaBAPHY: An early Vita is in ASS, May, i. 61‑44. Consult further: A. Ebert, Allyemeine Geschidde der Litteratur des Mittelalters, i. 410‑414, Leipaic, 1889; M. Manitius, Gesehichte der shristlich‑lateiniachen Poesie, pp. 192‑201, Stuttgart, 1891; %L, ix, 1052‑53; DCB, iv. 96.
ORIGEft.
Extant Commentaries of Origen
(¢ 2).
Dogmatic, Practical, and Apologetic Writings (§ 3). III. views.
Philosophical (§ 1).
I. Life: Origen, one of the moat distinguished of the Fathers of the early Church, was born, probably at Alexandria, about 182; and died at Caesarea not later than 251. His full name was apparently Origenea Adamantiua; and he received from his father, Leonides, thorough instruction in the Bible and in elementary studies. But in
r. Early 202 the outbreak of the persecution
	Training.	of Septimius Severus robbed Origen of
		his father, whom he sought to follow
in martyrdom, being prevented only by a rues of
his mother. The death of Leonides left the family
of nine impoverished, their property being confis
cated. Origen, however, was taken under the pro
tection of a woman of wealth and standing; but as
her household already included a heretic named
Paul, the strictly orthodox Origen seems to have
remained with her but a short time. Since his
father's teaching enabled him also to give elemen
tary instruction, he revived, in 203, the catechetical
school at Alexandria (see ALEXANDRU, SCHOOL OF),
whose last teacher, Clement, was apparently driven
out by the persecution. But the persecution still
raged, and the young teacher unceasingly visited
the prisoners, attended the courts, and comforted
the condemned, himself preserved from harm as if
by a miracle. His fame and the number of his
pupils increased rapidly, so that Demetrius, bishop
of Alexandria, made him restrict himself to instruc
tion in Christian doctrine alone. Origen, to be en
tirely independent, sold his library for a sum which
netted him a daily income of 4 obols (about twelve
cents) on which he lived by exercising the utmost
frugality. Teaching throughout the day, he de
voted the greater part of the night to the study of
and	Religious
Theological and Dogmatic (¢ 2),
The Logos Doctrine and Cosmology (§ 3).
Chriatology (¢ 4).
Eschatology (§ b). IV. Character.
the Bible and lived a life of rigid asceticism. This he carried to such an extent that, fearing that his position as a teacher of women as well as men might give ground for scandal to the heathen, he followed literally Matt. six. 12, partly influenced, too, by his belief that the Christian must follow the words of his Master without reserve. Later in life, however, he saw reason to judge differently concerning his extreme act.
During the reign of Caracalla, about 211‑212, Origen paid a brief visit to Rome, but the relative laxity under the pontificate of Zephylinus seems to have disillusioned him, and on his return to Alexandria he resumed his teaching with s. Teacher zeal increased by the contrast. But and Writer. the school had far outgrown the strength of a single man; the catechumens pressed eagerly for elementary instruction, and the baptized sought for interpretation of the Bible. Under these circumstances, Origen entrusted the teaching of the catechumens to Heraclas (q.v.), the brother of the martyr Plutarch, his first pupil. His own interests became more and more centered in exegesis, and he accordingly studied Hebrew, though there is no certain knowledge concerning his instructor in that language. From about this period (212‑213) dates Origen's acquaintance with Ambrose of Alexandria (q.v.), whom he was instrumental in converting from Valentianism td orthodoxy. Later (about 218) Ambrose, a man of wealth, made a formal agreement with Origen to promulgate his writings, and all the subsequent works of Origen (except his sermons, which were not expressly prepared for publication) were dedicated to Ambrose. In 213 or 214, Origen visited Arabia

tea
RELIGIOUS
ENCYCLOPEDIA
Orientiue Origea
at the request of the prefect, who wished to have an interview with him; and Origen accordingly spent a brief time in Petra, after which he returned to Alexandria. In the following year (215), a popular uprising at Alexandria caused Caracalla to let his soldiers plunder the city, shut the schools, and expel all foreigners. The latter measure caused Ambrose to take refuge in Ca‑sarea, where he seems to have made his permanent home; and Origen, who felt that the turmoil hindered his activity as a teacher and imperilled his safety, left Egypt, apparently going with Ambrose to Caesarea, where he spent some time. Here, in conformity with local usage based on Jewish custom, Origen, though not in orders, preached and interpreted the Scriptures at the request of the bishops Alexander of Jerusalem and Theoctistus of C:esarea. When, however, the confusion in Alexandria subsided, Demetrius recalled Origen, probably in 216. Of Origen's activity during the next decade little is known, but it was obviously devoted to teaching and writing. The latter was rendered the more easy for him by Ambrose, who provided him with more than seven stenographers to take dictation in relays, as many scribes to prepare long‑hand copies, and a number of girls to multiply the copies. At the request of Ambrose, he now began a huge commentary on the Bible, beginning with John, and continuing with Genesis, Ps. i.‑xxv., and Lamentations, besides brief exegeses of selected texts (forming the ten books of his Stromateia), two books on the resurrection, and the work " On First Principles."
About 230, Origen entered on the fateful journey which was to compel him to give up his work at Alexandria and embittered the next years of his life. Sent to Greece on some ecclesiastical mission, he paid a visit to Ca'sarea, where he was heartily welcomed and was ordained presby‑
3. Con‑ ter, that no further cause for criticism flict with might be given Demetrius, who had Demetrius strongly disapproved his preaching and Re‑ before ordination while at Ciesarea. moval to But Demetrius, taking this well‑meant Ceesarea. act as an infringement of his rights, was furious, for not only was Origen under his jurisdiction, but, if Eastern sources may be believed, Demetrius had been the first to introduce episcopal ordination in Egypt. The metropolitan accordingly convened a synod of bishops and presbyters which banished Origen from Alexandria, while a second synod declared his ordination invalid. Origen accordingly fled from Alexandria in 231, and made his permanent home in Caesarea. A series of attacks on him seems to have emanated from Alexandria, whether for his self‑castration (a capital crime in Roman law) or for alleged heterodoxy is unknown; but at all events these fulminations were heeded only at Rome, while Palestine, Phenicia, Arabia, and Achaia paid no attention to them. At Alexandria Heraclas became head of Origen's school, and shortly afterward, on the death of Demetrius, was consecrated bishop. At Cmsarea Origen was joyfully received, and was also the guest of Firmilian, bishop of CaPsarea in Cappadocia, and of the empress‑dowager, Julia Mammaea, at Antioch.
The former also visited him at Ciesarea, where Origen, deeply loved by his pupils, preached and taught dialectics, physics, ethics, and metaphysics; thus laying his foundation for the crowning theme of theology. He accordingly sought to set forth all the science of the time from the Christian point of view, and to elevate Christianity to a theory of the universe compatible with Hellenism. In 235, with the accession of Maximinus, a persecution raged; and for two years Origen is said, though on somewhat doubtful authority, to have remained concealed in the house of a certain Juliana in Casarea of Cappadocia. Little is known of the last twenty years of Origen's life. He preached regularly on Wednesdays and Fridays, and later daily. He evidently, however, developed an extraordinary literary productivity, broken by occasional journeys; one of which, to Athens during some unknown year, was of sufficient length to allow him time for research. After his return from Athens, he succeeded in converting Beryllus, bishop of Bostra, from his adoptianistic views to the orthodox faith; yet in these very years (about 240) probably occurred the attacks on Origen's own orthodoxy which compelled him to defend himself in writing to the Roman pontiff Fabian (236‑250) and many bishops. Neither the source nor the object of these attacks is known, though the latter may have been connected with Novatianism (see NovATmrr, NOVATIANISM). After his conversion of Beryllus, however, his aid was frequently invoked against heresies. Thus, when the doctrine was promulgated in Arabia that the soul died and decayed with the body, being restored to life only at the resurrection, appeal was made to Origen, who journeyed to Arabia, and by his preaching reclaimed the erring. In 250 persecutions of the Church broke out anew, and this time Origen did not escape. He was tortured, pilloried, and bound hand and foot to the block for days without yielding. These tortures seem to have resulted in his death. A later legend, recounted by Jerome (De vir. ill., liv.; Eng. transi. in NPNP, 2 ser., iii. 373‑374) and numerous itineraries place his death and burial at Tyre, but to this little value can be attached.
II. Works: According to Epiphanius (Her., lxiv. 63) Origen wrote about 6,000 works (i.e., rolls or chapters). A list was given by Eusebius in his lost life of Pamphilus (Hilt. eccl., VI., xxxii. 3; Eng. trand., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 277), which was apparently known to Jerome (Epist. :. Exe‑ ad Paulam, NPNP, vi. 46). These getical fall into four classes: text criti‑
	Writings.	cism; exegesis; systematic, practical,
		and apologetic theology; and letters;
besides certain spurious works. By far the most
important work of Origen on textual criticism was
the Hexapla (see BIBLE VEnsioxs, A, L, 1, 1 4).
With Origen's great text‑critical work a closer
acquaintance is afforded by the discovery of an
original fragment. By this work be thought to
establish a basis for the study of the Old Testa
ment, that should be adequate to scientific de
mands. As a sample of the execution of the work,
a page is offered.

THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
270
Hebrew.	Hebrew	Aquila.	8ymmachue.	LXx.	Theodotion.	Variants.
	Transliterated.
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~TOtf V10if)
	yD~‑~ 	aA' ahap*8	iri wavtor4TUV	bvrip rirv auariur	$rip ‑ruv xpvfieav	inrip riiv KpV#irov
	11It~ 	olp	lolls	liidlj •	~a~pos	qiaq	~aap~s
	7~ wii4	ii.. darov	<0 6aas wliv>	o Bans ilpir	a debt JIQr	o 644 qpav
	171 1yD~fl	paCwa' 0VOC	jAflf Cat Kpirqf	Wr0(6W&S Kai	KKTa#VA Kai a11YQ‑	KKTab‑A KC1 "w‑
ioxw	pls	pls
	,iiy•	~P	So$6ala	a	~o~ar	Soll6af
	711111?	prop"	it 6Air(aolr	it 6Af*raelr	iY 6.U#fol	iv 6AL*aolr
	HD, ~x~;i 	wpoa' pud	a'vpa~ais o46dpa	oopwK6pevos	rail a'vp"oalsfipds	avpi67 "6apa
0 	(Taif"paVOmfipaf)
~ 
(f4ty~vq‑ 111ALY)
1~‑~IL 	CLA • xav	irl rodrlir	alb rovro	alb room	alb 796670
	H~1; H~	ar • vlpa	05 #0P0W6pa#a	05 ¢o~w6lloltpa6~	0$	ob #oPn6qo6pf6a
					4opono6pe6a
	11n~ 	~aaplp	ivT awahlfiaoar‑ 	iv ry avy~air~al	iv Ti rapAwwecr6" 	iv 74 vapdooa#al
	M	lalapo	Yip	Ar	lip AV	AV ‑,iv
	VID24	ov Papur	am irv Ty r ao‑ 	Kai K.Vrao#al	941 parari6ao#at	Kai oaaadar6m 
~	(pararl#ao6au)
	01,111	ap.p	aM	ap,,	app	apA
	A3	AAMS	iY KOP84	iY Kapa4	it xapai¢	it xapu¢
	:010! 	taplp	61kwrav	SWlvqprr	6"awarar	6W.4O0dr
Of the fate of the Hexapla nothing is known. The Milan discovery (see for this BiHLE Vaxsioxs, A, L, 1, 4) proves that at least some individual parts existed much longer than was supposed up to that time. The references to the Hexapla by later manuscripts and authors obtain therefore a greater significance than hitherto. The Tetrapla was an abbreviation of the former in which Origen placed only the translations (Aquila, Symmachds, Theodotion, and the Septuagint) in parallels. He was likewise keenly conscious of the textual difficulties in the manuscripts of the New Testament, although he never wrote definitely on this subject. In his exegetical writings he frequently alludes to the variant readings, but his habit of making rough citations in his dictation, the verification being left to the scribes, renders it impossible to deduce his text from his commentaries. The exegetical writings of Origen fall into three classes: acholia, or brief summaries of the meaning of difficult passages; homilies; and " books," or commentaries in the strict sense of the term. Jerome (ut sup.) states that there were scholia on Leviticus, Psalms i.‑xv., Ecclesiastes, Isaiah, and part of John. The Stromnteia were of a similar character, and the margin of Codex Athous, Laura, 184, contains citations from this work on Rom. ix. 23; I Cor. vi. 14, vii. 31, 34, ix. 2f>‑21, x. 9, besides a few other fragments. Homilies on almost the entire Bible were prepared by Origen, these being taken down after his sixtieth year as he preached. It is not improbable that Origen gave no attention to supervising the publication of his homilies, for only by such a hypothesis can the numerous evidences of carelessness in diction be explained. The exegesis
of the homilies was simpler than that of the scientific commentaries, but nevertheless demanded no mean degree of intelligence from the auditor. Origen's chief aim was the practical exposition of the text, verse by verse; and while in such barren books as Leviticus and Numbers he sought to allegorize, the wealth of material in the prophets seldom rendered it necessary for him to seek meanings deeper than the surface afforded. Whether the sermons were delivered in series, or the homilies on a single book were collected from various series, is unknown. The homilies preserved are on Genesis (17), Exodus (13), Leviticus (18), Numbers (28), Joshua (16), Judges (9), I Sam. (2), Psalms xxxvi.‑
xiii
xxvi ‑ (9), Canticles (2), Isaiah (9), Jeremiah (7 Greek, 2 Latin, 12 Greek and Latin), Ezekiel (14), and Luke (39).
The object of Origen's commentaries was to give an exegesis that discriminated strictly against the incidental, unimportant historical significance, in favor of the deeper, hidden, spiritual truth. At the
same time, he neglected neither philoa. Extant logical nor geographical, historical Commen‑ nor antiquarian material, to all of tides of which he devoted numerous excursuses.
Origen. In his commentary on John he con‑
stantly considered the exegesis of the Valentinian Heracleon (probably at the instance of Ambrose), and in many other places he implied or expressly cited Gnostic views and refuted them. Unfortunately, only meager fragments of the commentaries have survived. Besides the citations in the Philocalid, which include fragments of the third book of the commentary on Genesis, Ps. i., iv. 1, the small commentary on Canticles, and the second

271	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Origen
book of the large commentary on the same, the twentieth book of the commentary on Ezekiel, and the commentary on Hosea, and of the commentary on John, only books i., ii., x., xiii., xx., xxviii., xxxii., and a fragment of xix. have been preserved. The commentary on Romans is extant only in the abbreviated version of Rufinus, and the eight books preserved of the commentary on Matthew likewise seem to be either a brief reworking or a rough outline. Codex Vaticanus, 1215, gives the division of the twenty‑five books of the commentary on Ezekiel, and part of the arrangement of the commentary on Isaiah (beginnings of books VT., VIII., XVI.; book X. extends from Isa. viii. 1 to ix. 7; XT. from ix. 8, to x. 11; XII., from x. 12 to x. 23; XIII. from x. 24 to xi. 9; XIV. from xi. 10 to xii. 6; XV. from xiii. 1 to xiii. 16; XXI. from xix. 1 to xix. 17; XXII. from xix. 18 to xx. 6; XXIII. from xxi. 1 to xxi. 17; XXIV. from xxii. 1 to xxii. 25; XXV. from xxiii. 1 to xxiii. 18; XXVI. from xxiv. 1 to xxv. 1.2; XXVII. from xxvi. 1 to xxvi. 15; XXVIII. from xxvi. 16 to xxvii. lla; XXIX. from xxvii. llb to xxviii. 29; and XXX. treats of xxix. 1 sqq.). The Codex Athous Laura, 184, in like manner, gives the division of the fifteen books of the commentary on Romans (except XI. and XII.) and of the five books on Galatians, as well as the extent of the commentaries on Philippians and Corinthians (Romans: I. from i. 1 to i. 7; II. from i. 8 to i. 25; III. from i. 26 to ii. 11; IV. from ii. 12 to iii. 15; V. from iii. 16 to iii. 31; VT. from iv. 1 to v. 7; VII. from v. 8 to v. 16; VIII. from v. 17 to vi. 15; IX. from vi. 16 to viii. 8; X. from viii. 9 to viii. 39; XIII. from xi. 13 to xii. 15; XIV. from xii. 16 to xiv. 10; XV. from xiv. il to the end; Galatians: I. from i. 1 to ii. 2; IT. from ii. 3 to iii. 4; III. from iii. 5 to iv. 5; IV. from iv. 6 to v. 5; and V. from v. 6 to vi. 18; the commentary on Philippians extended to iv. 1; and on Ephesians to iv. 13).
Among the systematic, practical, and apologetic writings of Origen, mention should first be made of his work " On First Principles," perhaps written
for his more advanced pupils at Alex3. Dog‑ andria and probably composed be‑
	matic,	tween 212 and 215. It is extant only
Practical, in the free translation of Rufinus, ex‑
	and	cept for fragments of the third and
Apologetic fourth books preserved in the Philo‑
Writings. calm, and smaller citations in Justin‑
ian's letter to Mennas. In the first book the author considers God, the Logos, the Holy Ghost, reason, and the angels; in the second the world and man (including the incarnation of the Logos, the soul, free will, and eschatology); in the third, the doctrine of sin and redemption; and in the fourth, the Scriptures; the whole being concluded with a rtisumd of the entire system. The work is noteworthy as the first endeavor to present Christianity as a complete theory of the universe, and was designed to remove the difficulties felt by many Christians concerning the essential bases of their faith. Earlier in date than this treatise were the two books on the resurrection (now lost, a fate which has also befallen two dialogues on the same theme) dedicated to Ambrose. After his removal
to Cwsarea, Origen wrote the works, still extant, " On Prayer," " On Martyrdom," and " Against Celsus." The first of these was written shortly before 235 (or possibly before 230), and, after an introduction on the object, necessity, and advantage of prayer, ends with an exegesis of the Lord's Prayer, concluding with remarks on the position, place, and attitude to be assumed during prayer, as well as on the classes of prayer. The persecution of Maeximinus was the occasion of the composition of the " On Martyrdom," which is preserved in the " Exhortation to Martyrdom." In it, Origen warns against any trifling with idolatry and emphasizes the duty of suffering martyrdom manfully; while in the second part he explains the meaning of martyrdom. The eight books against Celsus (q.v.) were written in 248 in reply to the polemic of that pagan philosopher against Christianity. Eusebius had a collection of more than one hundred letters of Origen (Hid. eccl., VT., xxxvi. 3; Eng. transl. NPNF, 2 ser. i. 278‑279), and the list of Jerome speaks of several books of his epistles. Except for a few fragments, only a short letter to Gregory Thaumaturgus and the epistle to Julius Africanus (defending the authenticity of the Greek additions to Daniel) have been preserved. For forgeries of the writings of Origen made in his lifetime cf. Rufinus, De adulterations librorum Origeni& The Dialogue de recta in Deum fide (q.v.), the Philosophumena of Hippolytus (q.v.), and the Commentary on Job by Julian of Halicarnassus (q.v.) have also been ascribed to him.
III. Views: Origen, trained in the school of Clement and by his father, was essentially a Plar tonist with occasional traces of Stoic philosophy.
He was thus a pronounced idealist,
t. Philo‑ regarding all things temporal and mar sophical and terial as insignificant and indifferent,
Religious. the only real and eternal things being
comprised in the idea. He therefore regards as the purely ideal center of this spiritual and eternal world, God, the pure reason, whose creative powers call into being the world with matter as the necessary substratum. Likewise Platonic is the doctrine that those spirits capable of knowing supreme reason, but imprisoned in the body in this world, will rise after death to divinity, being purified by fire. In his attempt to amalgamate the system evolved by Greek thought with Christianity, Origen found his predecessors in the Platonizing Philo and even in the Gnostics. His exegesis does not differ generally from that of Heraeleon, but in the canon of the New Testament and in the tradition of the Church, Origen possessed a check which kept him from the excesses of Gnostic exegesis. He was, indeed, a rigid adherent of the Bible, making no statement without adducing some Scriptural basis. To him the Bible was divinely inspired, as was proved both by the fulfilment of prophecy and by the immediate impression which the Scriptures made on him who read them. Since the divine Logos spoke in the Scriptures, they were an organic whole and on every occasion he combatted the Gnostic tenet of the inferiority of the Old Testament. He was aware of the discrepancies between the Old and New Testaments and the contradictory

Orlsen	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	272
accounts, of the Gospels; but he considered these only as inconsistencies that lend themselves to an unspirituel historical exegesis according to the letter. In his exegesis, Origen sought to discover the deeper meaning implied in the Scriptures. One of his chief methods was the translation of proper names, which enabled him, like Philo, to find a deep meaning even in every event of history (see ExE(3EBIs OR HERMENEUTICS, III., 1 2); but at the same time he insisted on an exact grammatical interpretation of the text as the basis of all exegesis. A strict adherent of the Church, Origen yet distinguished sharply between the ideal and the empirical Church, representing " a double church of men and angels," or, in Platonic phraseology, the lower church and its celestial ideal. The ideal Church alone was the Church of Christ, scattered over all the earth; the other provided also a shelter for sinners. Holding that the Church, as being in possession of the mysteries, affords the only means of salvation, he was indifferent to her external organization, although he spoke sometimes of the office‑bearers as the pillars of the Church, and of their heavy duties and responsibilities. More important to him was the idea borrowed from Plato of the grand division between the great human multitude, capable of sensual vision only, and those who know bow to comprehend the hidden meaning of Scripture and the diverse mysteries; church organization being for the former only. It is doubtful whether Origen possessed an obligatory creed; at any rate, such a confession of faith was not a norm like the inspired word of Scripture. The reason, illumined by the divine Logos, which is able to search the secret depths of the divine nature, remains as the only source of knowledge.
Origen's conception of God is entirely abstract ‑‑God is a perfect unity, invisible and incorporeal,
transcending all things material, and
s. Theo‑ therefore inconceivable and incomlogical and prehensible. He is likewise unchange‑
Dogmatic. able, and transcends space and time.
But his power is limited by his goodness, justice, and wisdom; and, though entirely free from necessity, his goodness and omnipotence constrained him to reveal himself. This revelation, the external self‑emanation of God, is expressed by Origen in various ways, the Logos being only one of many. Revelation was the first creation of God (cf. Prov. viii. 22), in order to afford creative mediation between God and the world, such mediation being necessary, because God, as changeless unity, could not he the source of a multitudinous creation. The Logos is the rational creative principle that permeates the universe. Since God eternally manifests himself, the Logos is likewise eternal. He forms a bridge between the created and uncreated, and only through him, as the visible representative of divine wisdom, can the inconceivable and incorporeal God be known. Creation came into existence only through the Logos, and God's nearest approach to the world is the command to create. While the Logos is substantially a unity, he comprehends a multiplicity of concepts, so that Origen terms him, in Platonic fashion, "essence of essences" and "idea of ideas." The defense of the unity of
God against the Gnostics led Origen to maintain the subordination of the Logos to God, and the doctrine of the eternal generation is later. Origen distinctly emphasised the independence of the Logos ha well as the distinction from the being and substance of God. The term "of the same substance with the Father "wasnot employed. He is merely an image, a reflex not to be compared with God; as one among other "gods," of course first in rank.
The activity of the Logos was conceived by Origen in Platonic fashion, as the world soul, wherein God manifested his omnipotence. His first
3. The creative act was the divine spirit, as Logos an independent existence; and parDoctrine tial reflexes of the Logos were the and Cos‑ created rational beings, who, as they mology. had to revert to the perfect God as their background, must likewise be perfect; yet their perfection, unlike in kind with that of God, the Logos, and the. divine spirit, had to be attained. The freedom of the will is an essential fact of the reason, notwithstanding the foreknowledge of God. The Logos, eternally creative, forms an endless series of finite, comprehensible worlds, which are mutually alternative. Combining the Stoic doctrine of a universe without beginning with the Biblical doctrine of the beginning and the end of the world, he conceived of the visible world as the stages of an eternal cosmic process, affording also an explanation of the diversity of human fortunes, rewards, and punishments. The material world, which at first had no place in this eternal spiritual progression, was due to the fall of the spirits from God, the first being the serpent, who was imprisoned in matter and body. The ultimate aim of God in the creatiqn of matter out of nothing was not punishment, but the upraising of the fallen spirits. Man's accidental being is rooted in transitory matter, but his higher nature is formed in the image of the Creator. The soul is divided into thq rational and the irrational, the latter being material and transitory, while the former, incorporeal and immaterial, possesses freedom of the will and the power to reascend to purer life. The strong ethical import of this cosmic process can not remain unnoticed. The return to original being through divine reason is the object of the entire cosmic process. Through the worlds which follow each other in eternal succession, the spirits are able to return to Paradise. God so ordered the universe that all individual acts work together toward one cosmic end which culminates in himself. Likewise as to Origen's anthropology, man conceived in the image of God is able by imitating God in good works to become like God, if he first recognizes his own weakness and trusts all to the divine goodness. He is aided by guardian angels, but more especially by the Logos who operates through saints and prophets in proportion to the constitution of these and man's capacity.
The culmination of this gradual revelation is the universal revelation of Christ. In Christ, God, hitherto manifest only as the Lord, appeared as the Father. The incarnation of the Logos, moreover, was necessary since otherwise he would not be

973	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	0aicaa
intelligible to sensual man; but the indwelling of the Logos remained a mystery, which could be represented only by the analogy of his indwelling in the saints; nor could Origen fully explain it. He speaks of a " remarkable body," and in his
.E. Chris‑ opinion that the mortal body of Jesus tology. was transformed by God 'into an ethereal and divine body, Origen approximated the Docetism (q.v.) that he otherwise abhorred. His concept of the soul of Jesus is likewise uncertain and wavering. He proposes the question whether it was not originally perfect with God but, emanating from him, at his command assumed a material body. As he conceived matter as merely the universal limit of created spirits, so would it be impossible to state in what form the two were combined. He dismissed the solution by referring it to the mystery of the divine governance of the universe. More logically did he declare the material nature of the world to be merely an episode in the spiritual process of development, whose end should be the annihilation of all matter and return to God, who should again be all in all. The doctrine of the resurrection of the body he upholds by the explanation that the Logos maintains the unity of man's existence by ever changing his body into new forms, thus preserving the unity and identity of personality in harmony with the tenet bf an endless cosmic process. Origen's concept of the Logos allowed him to make no definite statement on the redemptive work of Jesus. Since sin was ultimately only negative as a lack of pure knowledge, the activity of Jesus was essentially example and instruction, and his human life was only incidental as contrasted with the immanent cosmic activity of the Logos. Origen regarded the death of Jesus as a sacrifice, paralleling it with other cases of selfsacrifice for the general good. On this, Origen's accord with the teachings of the Church was merely superficial.
His idealizing tendency to consider the spiritual alone as real, fundamental to his entire system, led him to combat the rude Chiliasm (see
S. Esch8‑ MILLENNIUM, MILLENARIANISM) Of a tology. sensual beyond; yet he constrained himself from breaking entirely with the distinct celestial hopes and representations of Paradise prevalent in the Church. He represents a progressive purification of souls, until, cleansed of all clouds of evil, they should know the truth and God as the Son knew him, see God face to face, and attain a full possession of the Holy Spirit and union with God. The means of attainment of this end were described by Origen in different ways, the most important of which was his Platonic concept of a purifying fire which should cleanse the world of evil and thus lead to cosmic renovation. By a further spiritualization Origen could call God himself this consuming fire. In proportion as the souls were freed from sin and ignorance, the material world was to pass away, until, after endless eons, at the final end, God should be all in all, and the worlds and spitits should return to a knowledge of cod.
IV. Character: In Origen the Christian Church had its first theologian in the highest sense of the VIII.‑18
term, nor has the Greek Church ever had his superior. Attaining the pinnacle of human speculation, his teaching was not merely theoretical, like that of his antagonists, the Gnostics, but was also imbued with an intense ethical power. To the multitude to whom his instruction was beyond grasp, he left mediating images and symbols, as well as the final goal of attainment. In Origen Christianity blended with the paganism in which lived the desire for truth and the longing after God. When he died, however, he left no pupil who could succeed him, nor was the church of his period able to become his heir, and thus, his knowledge was buried. Three centuries later his very name was stricken from the books of the Church; yet in the monasteries of the Greeks his influence still lived on, and the spiritual father of Greek monasticism was that same Origen at whose name the monks had shuddered. See ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES.
(ERwIN PREuscIIEN.)
BIsmoaasrax: For the earlier literature on Origen consult ANF, Bibliography, pp. 50‑55; U. Chevalier, R6pertoire des sources hidorkuea du moyen dpe, pp. 1883 sqq., 2758 eqq., Paris, 1904; A. Ehrhard. Die altchriagiche LitUerntta, in TSR,1880‑84, and the supplement for 1885‑1900. The one complete edition of the Opera is that by C. and V. de la Rue, 4 vols., Paris, 1733‑59 (but cf. the ed. Of LOmmatssch, 25 vols., Berlin, 1831‑48). reproduced in MPO, a.‑zvu.; a new edition, which will supersede the earlier editions, is in process under the auspices of the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences, vols. i.‑iv., Leipsie, 18991903. The exegetical writings, ed. P. D. Huet, with learned dissertations. Oriveniana, appeared, 2 vole., Rouen, 1888, Paris, 1879, Cologne, 1885. The commentary on John, ed. A. E. Brooke, appeared 2 vols., Cambridge, 1891; and individual works or excerpts in TU, ii. 4, vi. 1, xii. 3, xvi. 3. Several of his works (' On First Principles," •' To Africanus," •• To Gregory," and " Against Coleus ") are in Eng. trannl., with an introduction, in ANF, iv. 221 eqq. For the English reader of first importance is Westcott's fine article in DCB, iv. 98‑142. Consult further: G. Thomasius, Oripen, Nuremberg, 1837; E. R. Rudepenning, Oripenee, Bonn. 1843 18; C. Rsmere, Oripens Lehre von der Auferdekunp des Pleisches, Troves, 1851; A. Fournier, Exposition critique des idges d'Oripme aw la rldemption, Strasburg. 1881; G. Contestin, Or;pMe atdpde, Arras, 1887; F. BBhringer, Die %irche Chridi and ihre Zeupen, Hlemens and Oripenes, Zurich, 1889; C. E. Freppel. Oripkne, Paris, 1875; A. H. Charteris, Canonicily, Edinburgh, 1880; J. Denis. La Philosophic d'Oripane, Paris, 1884; C. Bigg, Christian Platonisls of Alexandria, pp. 115‑288, Oxford, 1888; C. Boyer, La R6demption daps Oripdne. Montauban, 1888; F. W. Farrar, Hidory of Interpretation, pp. 187‑203, New York, 1888; !dam, Lines of the Fathers, f. 291‑323, ib. 1889; J. Patrick, The Apology of Oripen in Reply to Cola‑, London. 1892; F. Kattenbusch, Do& apostolssche Symbol, Leipelo, 1894: C. Mein, Die Freiheitelehre doe Oripenes, Strasburg, 1894; Mostermsnn, in TU, xvi. 3 (1897); G. Capitaine, De Origenis eWiica, MBneter. 1898; W. Fairweather, Oripen and Greek Patridic Theology. Edinburgh, 1901; A. Zd111g, Die lnapirationdehre doe Or;pense, Freiburg, 1902; G. Anrieh, Clemens and Oripines ale Bqgrtlnder der Lehre room Pqgfeuer, TObingen 1902; O. Bardenhewer, Oewhichte der altkirchdichen Litternlur, ii. 88‑158, Freiburg, 1903; A. Z51fg, Die Inepira6onalekre des Origenes, Freiburg. 1903; E. C. Dargan, Hid. of Preaching, pp. 49 sqq., New York, 1905; F. Prat, Origins, Is Wolopien d rerigNe, Paris, 1907: Vigouroux Dietiormairs, faeo. xxiu., cola. 1870‑1889 (a worthy dfaoussion); Krager, History, 173 eqq.; Harnack. Dogma (consult index); idem, Litteratur, i. 332‑405 et passim; Schaff, Christian Church, iii. 785 ,qq., et passim; and fn general the works on the church history of the period; Ceillier, Auteura sacr&, ii. 130‑440; %L, ix. 1053‑73; and in general works on the history of doctrine. For soma new fragments of the Hes<ap>s of. Cairo Genisoh Palsmpseds, London, 1901.

Origenistie Controversies Orleans
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
ORIGENIISTIC CONTROVERSIES.

Among the Church Fathers (§ 1). Among the Monastic Orders (§ 2). Points of Antagonism (§ 3).
	The Origenistic controversies were a series of con
troversies in the Greek Church concerning the doc
trines of Origen (q.v.), extending from the fourth to
		the siPth century. Though Origen
	r. Among himself had been obliged to defend his
the Church orthodoxy, he nevertheless controlled
	Fathers. the theology of the third century.
		Peter of Alexandria and Methodius of
Olympus (qq.v.) were decided opponents of his
views, the latter attacking Origen's teaching of the
eternity of the world, the preexistence of souls, and
the resurrection of the " form " only. Eustathius
of Antioch, in his De engostromytho, likewise sharply
opposed Origen, who found defenders not only in
Gregory Thaumaturgus, Dionysius of Alexandria
(qq.v.), Theognostus, and Pierius, but also in Pam
philus and Eusebius (qq.v.). Next the controversy
over Arianism superseded the questions on which
the followers and opponents of Origen were divided.
In his doctrine of ‑the Trinity Alexander of Alexan
dria professes to be a pupil of Origen, and Athar
nasius is not willing to concede to the Arians Origen
whose doctrine stood as a simple basis preceding
the antagonistic views and afforded a powerful sup
port to Athanasius' formula of the eternal genera
tion. Even the appeal of the Arians to Origen, and
even if the middle party represented by Eusebius of
Caesarea must be recognized as the closest followers
of Origen, yet the decided advance of the three
Cappadocians in the Nicene doctrine did not hinder
them from maintaining their respect for Origen to
whom they ascribed their learning, and from intro
ducing Hellenistic science into orthodox circles.
Such orthodox Latin ecclesiastics as Victorinus of
Pettau, Hilary, Eusebius of Vercelli, Ambrose, and
Jerome began to make the treasures of Origen's
theology accessible to the West. In the rising power
of monasticism passionate hatred of Origen and
enthusiastic reverence for him stood side by side.
Thus Epiphanius, who united zeal for orthodoxy
with monastic interests, saw in Origen the father of
all heresy, not only opposing his influence over the
Church in the Ancyrotus and Panardon, but also
occasioning, while at Jerusalem (392 or 393), the
controversies in the monastic colony in Palestine.
Here a band of learned and ascetic students attached
to Bishop John of Jerusalem found in Origen the
main treasury of their studies. This band was joined
by Rufinus (378) and Jerome (386). In the Church
of the Resurrection Epiphanius preached ener
getically, only to be answered by John of Jerusa
lem in a sermon directed against anthropomorphism.
Epiphanius (who had become an opponent of Origen)
fled to the monks of Jerome at Bethlehem and urged
them to break with John. The latter appealed to
Egypt and P.ome, but the strife was ended through
the mediation of Theophilus of Alexandria. In the
mean time a bitter strife arose between Rufinus
(q.v.), as a friend of Origen, and Jerome, which was
much lamented by Augustine. Pope Anastasius,
in approval of the condemnation of Origen at Alex
andria, summoned Rufinus from his retirement at
274
Aquileia, to justify himself, but the latter, protected by John of Jerusalem, evaded the mandate, and Anastasius left him to his own conscience.
The turn of events at Alexandria had contributed decisively to the hostilities against Rufinus. The Bishop Theophilus, in his Easter letter of 399, opposed the anthropomorphic views wide‑spread among the monks of Egypt, who at‑
e. Among tributed body and human form to God
	the	since man was made in the image of
Monastic God, and Theophilus affirmed in Ori‑
	Orders.	genistic fashion that God and God only
		must be regarded as non‑material.
But the monks of the Scetic desert burried to Alex
andria and so intimidated Theophilus that he ac
quiesced in the condemnation of the works of Origen,
and took occasion to proceed against the Origen
istic monks of the Nitrian mountains named " the
four long brothers " who had roused his anger by
joining his opponent, the presbyter Isidore. A
synod at Alexandria. in 399 or 400 and a stormy
assembly in the Nitrian mountains had to condemn
Origen. The stern measures of Theophilus against
the monks and his declaration against Origen even
as far as Jerusalem won approval from Anastasius,
Jerome, and Epiphanius; and in Constantinople,
whither "the four long brothers," Isidore, and fifty
monks had fled, began the repulsive proceedings
that were to end with the banishment of Chrysostom
(q.v.). Nevertheless, the partizans of Origen did
not disappear. Conspicuous among them were Evag
rius, Ponticus, Palladius, and Socrates. Even The
odoret, who differed from him in hermeneutics, did
not rank him as a heretic. Origen likewise found
supporters in southern France, as in Vincent of
Lerins. On the other hand, Leo the Great approved
the condemnation of Origen, and Antipater of
Bostra wrote an answer to the apology for Origen
by Eusebius. After the middle of the fifth century
the Palestinian Abbot Euthimius expelled monks
from the vicinity of Caesarea for Origenistic errors
as to preexistence. In 514, however, four Origen
istic monks led by Nonnus were received in the
laura. They were driven out by the new abbot,
but readmitted by his successor. They kept their
views quiet until 531, when one of their number,
Leontius of Byzantium, expressed Origenistic the
ories at a colloquy with the Monophysites. After
the death of Sabas (q.v.), Nonnus (q.v.) is said to
have won over all the more learned monks of the
new ]aura., over which Nonnus and Leontis held
sway, extending their influence to neighboring
monasteries. On the other hand, their adherents,
numbering forty, were driven from the old laura.
An assault by the new party failed, as also further
efforts for readmission. Both parties now sought
support from without. Through Eusebius the. Origenistic faction succeeded in having their most bitter opponents removed from the old laura about 542. The latter, in their turn, not only induced Ephraim, patriarch of Antioch, to condemn Origenism, but secured also the support of the papal apocrisary Pelagius and Mennas, patriarch of Constantinople. Under their influence Justinian wrote his famous letter to Mennas, calling for a synod for the condemnation of Origen's doctrines and for re‑

275	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	OOrlriCnieticneControversies
~a
quiring every bishop and abbot to anathematize Origen and his heresies before consecration. Justinian's plans were frustrated, however, by Theodorus Ascidas, who had risen from the new laura to episcopal dignity, and who by a counterstroke not only induced the emperor not to proceed further in the matter, but also moved him to condemn the dogmas of the Antiochians, which conjured up the " Three‑Chapter Controversy " (q.v.). Ascidas also enforced the readmission of the Origenistic monks to the new laura, from which they had been expelled for refusing to obey the edict against Origen's teachings. After the death of Nonnus in 547, a schism arose among the Origenistic monks themselves, the one faction being branded by their opponents as Isochristoi (because of the perfect equality with Christ which was to be attained at the final restoration), while the other was called protoktistai and Tetraditm (on account of their views concerning the doctrine of the preexistence of the soul of Christ). The superior numbers of the ISOchristoi obliged their antagonists to become formally reconciled with the orthodox; and when (probably in 552) the Isochristoi succeeded in having one of themselves chosen patriarch of Jerusalem, the orthodox in Constantinople were able not only to remove him, but even to secure the condemnation of Origenism together with Antiochian theology at the fifth ecumenical council in 553. The neolaurites, who refused to recognize the council, were expelled from the new laum and replaced by orthodox monks. There remains no doubt of the condemnation of Origen by the said council.
The special points regarded as offensive in Origen's teaching are given in the " Apology" of Pamphilus and by Methodius, De resurrections and De
ereatis; Epiphanius, Hwr., lxiv.; Je3. Points rome, Contra Johannem Hierosody‑
of An‑ mitanum (Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2 ser.,
tagonism. vi. 185‑18fi); Orosius, Commonitorium,
and Augustine's reply; Theophilus (Mansi, Coneilia, iii. 979‑980); the anonymous writer in Photius, Bibliotheca, 117; and Justinian, Ad Menndm; and the anathemas. In contrast with later writers, Pamphilus defended Origen's doctrine of the Trinity against subordinationism as well as against Sabellianism and Gnostic theories of emanation; but from the first Origen caused offense by his restriction of the resurrection of the body to its mere " form " in unison with his doctrines of the incarnation of spirits fallen from a pretemporal state, the preexistence of souls, the eternal creation of the world, his idealized restatement of the Biblical construction of the creation and paradise, and the restoration of all, even the devil. Though there was no lack of partizans of Origen's peculiar doctrines, yet those who were later antagonized as apologists of Origen acknowledged his views only to a limited extent. By one witness only of the sixth century are the doctrines of the preexistence and restoration attributed to these later Origenists. Even the Isochristoi, against whom the resolutions of the council of 553 were directed, dared to teach only a union of pretemporal spirits in the Logos and a future translation of deified souls in him, to be considered Origenists‑a term which came to
include any who held the doctrine of preexistence and restoration to be Adiaphora (q.v.). See CHRYs‑
OSTOM; EPIPHANIUs oFCONSTANTIA; and LEONTIUS
of BYZANTIUM. 	(N. BONWET9CH.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. W. F. Waleh, Historic der %etzereien, vii. 382‑780, Leipsie, 178285; B. Eberhard, Die Betheiligung des Epiphanius am Streite itber Oripines, Treves, 1859; A. Vincenzi, In sancti Gregori Nyawni et Oripenis acripta et doctrinam nova defensio, Rome, 18&5; F. W. Farrar, Mercy and Judgment, London, 1881; H. N. Oxenbam, What is the Truth with Regard to Eternal Punishment? London, 1876; F. Loofs, in TU, iii. 1‑2 (1887); W. Rilga. mer, Leontius roan Byzanz, Warzburg, 1894; F. Diekamp, Die origenistischen Streitipkeiten im B. Jahrhundert, Munster, 1899; N. Bonwetseh, in Abhandlungen der Gcttinger Gesellachaft vii. 1 (1903); G. Grtitemacher, Hieronymus, ii. 1‑94, Berlin, 1908; L. B. Radford, Three Teachers of Alexandria, Theognostus, Pierius and Peter, London, 1908; Hefele, ConciZiengeschichte, ii. 89 sqq., 788 sqq., 859 sqq., Eng. transl., ii. 430 aqq., iii. 217 sqq., 289 sqq., Fr. transl., ii. 1, pp. 137 sqq. (where excellent notes and references to literature are provided), ii. 2, pp. 1182 sqq., iii. 1, pp. 73 aqq. (wherever possible, the Fr. transl. should be used for the valuable notes and literature); Schaff, Christian Church, iii. 698 sqq.; DCB, iv. 142‑156; HL, ix. 1073 78; and the literature under the articles named in the text:
ORIGINAL ANTIBURGHERS. See PRESBYTERIANS.
ORIGINAL FREE‑WILL BAPTISTS. See BAPTISTS, 11., 4 (d).
ORLEANS, FIRST SYNOD OF: A synod called by Clovis, king of the Franks, after his conquest of the West Gothic kingdom in Gaul. It met July 10, 511, and consisted of thirty‑two bishops, including five metropolitans, viz., those of Bordeaux, Bourges, Tours, Elusa, and Rouen. Its principal concern was with matters of Asylum (q.v.), relations of the bishops to monks, the discipline of monks and the lower clergy, sexual relations and marriage, and matters of church property, and these are discussed in thirty‑one canons. The inviolability of churches as places of asylum is reasserted, though not against the ravisher of a woman or against a fugitive slave; provision is made for the application of income from church property to certain definite uses, and protection is afforded against episcopal aggression upon one who has claims on church property; the rights of ordination are carefully guarded‑‑‑a slave should not be ordained without his master's consent, and care in other matters was enjoined; abbots and monks are not to go over the heads of the bishop to the prince; the rights of bishops to certain parts of offerings and income, together with obligations to certain duties, are established; remarriage of widows of priests or deacons is forbidden; the discipline of the monasteries is regulated; a forty days' fast (not fifty days) before Easter is prescribed, and the Rogation Days are to be observed; divination is forbidden. The evident purpose of the synod was to organize the work of the church of the region after the mode deemed more orthodox than under the Goths. Other synods were held at Orl6ans in 533 (21 canons), 538 (33 canons), 541 (38 canons), 549 (24 canons), and 1022.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources are: Mansi, Concilia, viii. 350 aqq.; Harduin, Concilia, ii. 1008 sqq.; J. 8irmondi, Concilia antiqua Gallia, i. 177 sqq. Paris, 1629; Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, ii. 661 sqq., Eng. tranal., iv. 87 sqq., and especially Fr. tranal., ii. 2, pp. 1005‑15 (valuable for the

Orme	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	276
Orthodoxy and Heterodoxy
	notes and literature which are given); MGH, Conoilia,
	i (1893), 1‑14. Consult: Bouquet, Recueil, iv. 103‑104;
	D. Lobineau, Les Saints de Bretagne, i. 131‑134, Paris,
	1838; E. Bimbenet, Les Coneiles d'OrUans eonaidiris
	comme sources de droit eoutoumier, pp 743‑744, fb. 1884;
	'G. Kurth, Clovis, ii. 131‑154, ib. 1901.
	ORME, WILLILM: Scotch Congregationalist;
b. at Falkirk (25 m. n.w. by w. of Edinburgh) Feb.
3, 1787; d. at London (?) May 8, 1830. He entered
upon the study of theology in 1805; became Con
gregational minister of Perth, 1807; and, removing
to London, was appointed pastor at Camberwell
Green, and foreign secretary to the London Mis
sionary Society. He wrote An Historical Sketch of
the Translation and Circulation of the Scriptures
from the Earliest Period to the Present Time (Perth,
1815); Memoirs of John Owen (London, 1820);
Life of William Kif fin (1823); Memoirs, . . Let
ters, and . . . Remains of J. Urquhart (2 vols.,
1827); Life of Richard Baxter, prefixed to his Works
(1830); and especially, Bibliotheca Biblica: A Se
lect Last of Books on Sacred Literature, with Notices,
Biographical, Critical, and Bibliographical (Edin
burgh, 1824).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Evangelical Magazine, 1830, pp. 253 sqq.,
	289 eqq.; DNB, xlii. 257‑258.
	ORMUZD AHD AHRIMAN. See ZoROASTER,
ZOROASTRLNISM.
	ORNAMENTS: An ecclesiastical term which
comprehends the articles actually used in the church
service, especially of the Anglican Church. The
usual sense involving something decorative is here
entirely absent, and the term is technical, covering
vestments (see VESTMENTS AND INs1GNIA, ECCLE
s1AsTICAL), books (as the Homilies, q.v.), cloths,
chalices, patens, communion tables, and the like.
The question of what are legal ornaments has led to
much litigation in England, with the result that the
demarcation between those permitted and those
forbidden is practically settled (See RrruALIsM).
BauooaAra:: J. H. Blunt, Annotated Book of Common
	Prayer, pp. 87‑74, 86, New York, 1908; C. H. H. Wright
	and C. Neil, Protestant Dictionary, pp. 482‑491, London,
	1904; F. Procter and W. H. Frere, A Now Hist. of the
	Book of Common Prayer, pp. 300‑387 et passim, London,
	1905.
	OROSIUS, o‑r3'si‑us, PAULUS: Patristic writer;
b. at an uncertain date in Galicia, probably at Bran
cars, the modern Braga (35 m. n.e. of Oporto), in
Portugal; d. after 418. The forename Paul is not
evident before the eighth century. In 414 he is
mentioned as presbyter in Africa, where he pre
sented to Augustine a Commonitorinm de errors
Prisctllianidarum et Origenistarum; which Augus
tine answered with the tract, Ad Oroaium contra Pria
cillianistaa et Origenietaa. During a journey to the
East, in 415, he appeared before Bishop John of
Jerusalem as accuser of Pelagius (see PELAGIUB,
PELAGIAm CONTROYERsmB), and defended his own
position in the Liber apologeticus, addressed to
the presbyters of Jerusalem. On his homeward
journey, he took with him a portion of the first
martyr Stephen's relics, just then discovered; but
left them on the Island of Minorca, and returned to
Africa. While in Africa he wrote, probably before
418, the historical work which made his name
famous: Hiatoriarum adveraua paganos. This was
written at the request of Augustine, who was pre
paring his great work De civitate Dei and de
sired historical proof from Orosius to the effect that
humanity had been worse beset with war, sickness,
and other natural calamities before the Christian
era than at that time. By this means it was pur
posed to confute the pagans' reproach that Chris
tianity was the cause of the contemporary wos.
This book, which covered a vast field of original
sources (Caesar, Livy, Suetonius, Florus, Justin,
Eutropius, Eusebius, Jerome, and others), was
widely used during the Middle Ages as a guide to
universal history. Even to‑day, the same is ex
tant in nearly 200 manuscripts. The best edition
is that of Zangemeister, in CSEL, vol. v. (Vienna,
1882; smaller edition, Leipsic, 1889); it is also in
MPL, xxxi. 663, 1216. The Commonitorium is in
MPL, xlii. 665‑670, and, ed. G. Schepss, in CSEL,
voI. xviii. (Vienna, 1889). 	G. KRf)GER.
BIHuo68AF8T: For editions and literature cf. Potthast,
	Wepweiaer, pp. 882883. An Anglo‑Saxon translation of
	the Hietoriarum was made by King Alfred, ed. with Eng.
	tranel. by D. Barrington, London, 1773; B. Thorpe. ib.
	1854; and J. Bosworth, ib. 1856; and in Bohn's Antiqua
	rian Library. Consult: T. de MSmer, De Grosiua vita
	ejusque hidoriarum libris vii., Berlin, 1844; P. B. Game,
	Kirchenyeaehichte von Spanien, ii. 1, pp. 398‑411, Regens‑
burg, 1804; C. Paucker, Die Latinift des Oroaius, Berlin,
1883; A. Ebert, GeachicAte der Litteratur dea Mittekdtera,
i. 337‑344, Leipaie, 1889; W. S. Teuflel, GeschicAte der
r6miachen Litteratur, ed. L. Schwabe, pp.1186‑88, ib. 1890;
Ceillier, Auteura sacra, ix. 358‑357, x. 1‑6; DCB, iv. 157159.
ORPEft, RAYMOND D'AUDEMER: Church of Ireland; b. at Dublin Aug. 31, 1837. He was educated at Trinity College, Dublin (B.A., 1859; M.A., 1864; D.D., 1907); was made deacon in 1860 and priest in 1861; was curate of Rathronan, 1860‑02, of Holy Trinity, Limerick, 1862‑63, of Tralee, 1863‑67, and of Adare, 1867‑69; rector of Tralee, 1869‑1907; precentor of Ardfert, 1878,85, also rural dean of Tralee; archdeacon of Arfert, 1885‑1907; chaplain to the bishop of Limerick, 1894‑1907; canon of Taney at St. Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, 1905‑07; canon of Efiin in St. Mary's Cathedral, Limerick, 1906‑07; and was consecrated lord bishop of Limerick, Ardfert, and Aghadoe, 1907.
ORR, JAMES: United Free Church of Scotland; b. at Glasgow Apr. 11, 1844. He was graduated from the university of his native city (M. A., 1870) and the Theological Hall of the United Presbyterian Church (1872). He was minister of East Bank United Presbyterian Church, Hawick (18741891); professor of church history in the Theological College of the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland (1874‑1901). Since 1901 he has been professor of apologetics and theology in Glasgow College of the United Free Church. He has lectured repeatedly in the United States under the auspices of various theological seminaries, at Chicago in 1895, at Alleghany and Auburn in 1897, at Princeton in 1903, and in Toronto in 1909, and was also one of the chief promoters of the union between the Free and United Presbyterian Churches in Scotland. Among his numerous writings, special mention may be made of his preparation of homilies on Exodus, Deuteronomy, 11 Kings, and Hosea for The Pulpit

1377	RELTGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Orme
		Orthodoxy and Heterodoxy
Commentary (London, 1881‑89); The Christian View
of God and the World (Kerr lectures for 1891; Edin
burgh, 1893, 3d ed., 1897); The Ritsehlian Theology
and the Evangelical Faith (London, 1897); Neglected
Factors in the Study of the Early Progress of Chris
tianity (1899); The Early Church: Its History and
Literature (1901); The Progress of Dogma (Elliot
lectures; 1901); David Hume and his Influence on
Philosophy and Theology (Edinburgh, 1903); Ritseh
lianiam; Expository and Critical Essays (London,
	1903); God's Image in Man. and its Defacement
in Light of Modern Denials (1905); Problem of the
Old Testament Considered with Reference to Recent
Criticism (Bross prize; 1906, 5th impression, 1908);
The Bible under Trial. Apologetic Papers in View
of Present Day Assaults on Holy Scripture (1907);
The Virgin Birth of Christ (1907); and The Resur
rection of Jesus (1908).
			ORTHODOXY AND HETERODOXY
		Definition and Derivation (4 1).
		Historical Unfolding (¢ 2).
		The Modern Antithesis (f 3).
		Conflicts in America and Great Britain (§ 4).
Orthodoxy refers to a conscientious adherence
to the Christian faith as taught in the Bible [or
rather in the ecumenical creeds], and heterodoxy
to a divergence from such teachings. The con
cepts do not occur in the Bible, for such phrases
as those in Titus i. 9, 13; I Tim. i. 3; II Tim.
				i. 13, do not correspond to the antith
:. Defini‑ esis expressed by these terms. Yet the
tion and passages just cited furnish the basis
	Derivation. for the concept of orthodoxy, since
				Paul required that Christian teaching
be in conformity with the words uttered by Christ
and his disciples, equal authority being claimed for
both because of such passages as Matt. x. 20, 40;
Luke x. 16; John xiv. 12, which place the testi
mony of the apostles under the direct inspiration
of the Holy Ghost. While the Church, in her estab
lishment of the canon of Scripture, definitely recog
	nized this norm of doctrine, she did not proceed
	immediately from the Bible, since there always in
	tervened the general interpretation of the Word
and the general belief of Christendom. Both these
factors progressed, though by no means simultane
	ously and directly; but in . such a way that the
	present time, with all its historical and philological
	skill in exegesis, falls far short of the living faith of
	the patristic or of the Reformation period, while
the teaching of the Church then made a progress
	which can no longer be equaled. If orthodoxy
	be taken to mean, in its most general sense,
	conformity with the prevailing doctrines of the
	Church, it	follows that such orthodoxy is
no constant quantity, so that, in the course
	of evolution, a belief may be orthodox at one
	time and heterodox at another. This purely
	historical evolution is further complicated by sec
	tarian divisions of the Church, thus giving rise to
	Lutheran orthodoxy and Reformed orthodoxy,
	Roman Catholic orthodoxy and Greek Catholic
	.orthodoxy, and the orthodoxy of the most varied
sects. This leads to the widest application of the
	terms, but a narrower sense is approached in con
	sidering in what measure the conformity of church
members with Church doctrine may be expected. While the terms are seldom used with reference to laymen and non‑theologians, all should be so instructed as to be able to give a reason for the faith that is in them (of. I Pet. iii. 15). Those who give religious instruction, on the other hand, must be known to be in strict conformity with the teaching of the Church; and orthodoxy becomes of decisive importance for the clergy and scientific theologians, for they expressly take upon themselves the obligation to defend and to present the teachings of the Church whose service they have entered. The clergy not only should give orthodox sermons and instructions, but should be orthodox themselves. Even granting that the academic teacher and the theological writer should have wider scope than the general clergy, nevertheless no church can disassociate its theology from connection with the creed which it professes so as to allow the theologian to exchange the banner of the Church for liberal science. At the same time, the question arises as to where orthodoxy ceases and heterodoxy begins, and as to how far heterodoxy is to be tolerated before it evolves into actual error.
In answering this problem, Marheineke, in Daub and Creutzer's Studien (1807), shows for the first three centuries the gradual unfolding of a fixed and authoritative norm of doctrine
s. His‑ by the development of the rule of
torical faith, the labors of the Church Fathers,
	Unfolding.	and the Catholic episcopate. The
		crystallization of doctrine involved
two elements. the divine, which assured the abi
ding foundation of the Christian faith (i.e., the right
understanding of the Scriptures); and the human,
which made the development the transition to a
stereotyped orthodoxy which sapped the spiritual
life of the Greek Church more and more since the
time of John of Damascus. In the western Church,
on the other hand, the popes, rather by neglect than
intention, gave ample scope throughout the Mid
dle Ages to individual concepts and presentations
of the doctrines of the Church. A great change was
ushered in by the Reformation; for the Protes
tants not only made for themselves formal creeds,
but forced others to do the same. The sixteenth
century, therefore, was the period of creeds, and
the seventeenth that of orthodoxy. Not only was
this true of Protestantism, especially in Germany;
but in France, during the same period, Roman
Catholic orthodoxy, more especially Jesuitism,
fought its great battle with Jansenism; and the Greek
Church, roused from her apathy by Cyril Lucar,
again formulated her doctrines in the " Confession "
of Petrue Mogilas. When orthodoxy became idolized
and attempted to assert its exclusive despotism
over the Church, it led to its own downfall. Yet
the very flood of heterodoxy in the eighteenth cen
tury soon revealed what a dam had been removed;
nor could either Pietism or supernaturalism with
stand the onslaughts of rationalism, the Enlighten
ment, skepticism, and speculation. Despite all this,
faith gradually found a firmer basis, even though
there was, in the very nature of things, no return
to the seventeenth century. The orthodoxy of the

Orthodoxy and Heterodoxy Osborne
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
278
present must and will endure an entirely different measure of heterodoxy within the Church; and the reigning spirit is one of liberalism.
	There is,	however, another struggle pending,
which may lead to the last schism in Christianity.
		This does not concern deviating con‑
3. The cepts and presentations of individual Modern doctrines, or the acceptance or rejecAntithesis. tion of this or that ecclesiastical position, but in it two views of the universe‑practically, two religions‑stand opposed to one another. For if, ostensibly to ethicize Christianity, its nerve of faith be severed, if the essential divinity of Christ be replaced by his human uniqueness, if the Bible be dethroned for the consciousness of the community, then there is no longer a mere conflict between orthodoxy and heterodoxy; but the existence of the confessional churches is imperiled, and the way is opened for the formation of entirely new types of religious organization. Protestantism is evidently destined to surrender to this new development. The antithesis is no longer between conservative and liberal theology, but between Church and modern theology. The question is whether Christianity is to maintain itself as the religion of revelation, or is to lapse to a mere phase of the general evolution of religious history.
(KARL BURGERt.)
	Orthodoxy and heterodoxy receive a different
application according as there is an established
Church, or a binding creed to be interpreted by a
constituted authority, or a body of churches more
or less loosely connected with a declaration of faith
subject to revision or susceptible of a considerable
		margin of explanation. In America
4. Con‑ and Great Britain this subject has
flicts in come up under a variety of conditions.
America In America, e.g., about the middle of and Great the eighteenth century, the Arminian
	Britain.	position concerning free will and orig
		inal sin (see ARMmIAm6IYI) as repre
sented by Daniel Whitby (1726) and John Taylor
(1761) was branded by Jonathan Edwards and
others as heterodox and fought as the most deadly
enemy of religion in New England. Later, at the
rise of Unitarianism (see UmTARIANs), in the Con
gregational Churches of New England the line be
tween orthodoxy and heterodoxy was sharply
drawn by Noah Worcester and Moses Stuart on
one side, and on the other by Henry Ware, Sr.,
W. E. Charming, and Andrews Norton (qq.v.).
The next controversy emerged nearly simultane
ously in the Presbyterian and Congregational
Churches. In the Presbyterian Church, in connec
tion with the movement which resulted in the or
ganization of the New School branch, Albert Barnes
(q.v.) was first tried and condemned by his presby
tery and afterward acquitted by the General As
sembly, and Lyman Beecher (q.v.) was tried but
acquitted for advocacy of the universality of the
Atonement (q.v.). A few years later Horace
Bushnell (q.v.) was repeatedly threatened with
prosecution by some of his ministerial brethren in
Connecticut for alleged heretical writings on Chris
tian nurture, the Trinity, and the atonement.
These movements were ultimately abortive and the
suspected teachings have long since taken their place by the side of other accredited doctrines of the respective churches. Near the close of the last century two other movements appeared in the same religious bodies. Professor C. A. Briggs (q.v.) of Union Theological Seminary (Presbyterian), tried for heresy by the New York Presbytery and acquitted, was the following year suspended by the General Assembly for heterodox teaching with reference to historical criticism of the Old Testament. The same ,year a similar fate and for a like reason befell Professor Henry Preserved Smith (q.v.) of Lane Theological Seminary. In the Congregational denomination (1882‑93) the so‑called Andover hypothesis of probation after death (see PROBATION) became the subject of heated controversy, in which not only Andover Seminary, but all who sympar thized with the larger hope were charged with defection from the orthodox faith. This controversy was resolved by appointment of men as missionaries who were in sympathy with Andover, by a declaration by the National Council of Congregational Churches at Minneapolis in 1892 that creeds were to be used "not as tests, but as testimony," and finally (1908) by the affiliation of Andover Seminary with the Divinity School of Harvard University‑an event of extraordinary significance in the light of the early history of both institutions. In the Protestant Episcopal Church the opposition to teaching rebarded by many as heretical, for a long time smoldering, here and there breaking out, overtook the Rev. T. H. MacQueary, charged with the denial of miracles and suspended for six months (1891), and the Rev. A. S. Crapsey, deposed from the ministry (1908) on the ground of rejecting the birth‑stories of Jesus in the first and third Gospels. Other denominations have experienced similar conflicts between orthodoxy and heterodoxy, e.g., the Baptists in the agitation which resulted in the retirement of Professor C. H. Toy from the chair of Hebrew in the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, Louisville, Ky., in 1879, and is more recently convulsing the Northern Baptists on the subject of baptism (immersion) as a sine qua non of admission to the sacrament of the Lord's Supper.
In Great Britain in the Church of England (see ENGLAND, CHURCH OF), at one time the Evangelical, at another time the High‑church, party, professing the orthodox faith, has stamped as heterodox the Broad‑church or liberal party as heretical, without, however, being able to excommunicate their leaders. Scotland was the scene of a fierce battle when William Robertson Smith (q.v.), professor of Hebrew in the Free Church College of Aberdeen, was in 1881 removed from his chair by the extraordinary act of the General Assembly, on account of his articles in the Encyclopadia Britannica, in which he had advocated the views of Wellhausen and his school respecting the religion of Israel and the canon of the Old Testament.
C. A. BECKwrTH.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. H. Blunt, Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, Ecclesiastical Parties and Schools of Religious Thought, Philadelphia, 1874; J. H. Allen, Ten Discourses on Orthodoxy, Boston, 1849; J. F. Clarke, Orthodoxy, its Truths and Errors, ib. 1866; J. J. Overbeck, Catholic Orthodoxy and Anplo‑Catholicism. London, 1866; E. C. Towne, The

Question of Hell: Essay on New Orthodoxy, New Haven, 1873; J. T. Sunderland. Orthodoxy and Reoivwlism, New York, 1877; D. Dorchester, Concessions of "Liberalises" to Orthodoxy, Boston, 1878; J. Cook. Orthodoxy, ib. 1879; E. H. Hall, Orthodoxy and Heresy in the Christian Church, ib. 1883; S. E. Herrick, Some Heretics of Yesterday, ib. 1885; R. Balmforth, The New Reformation, London, 1893; W. G. T. Shedd, Orthodoxy and Heterodoxy, Drew York, 1893; G. K. Chesterton, Orthodoxy, ib., 1908.
ORTLIBENSES, ORTLIBIABS. See ORTLIEB of STRASBURG.
ORTLIEB OF STRASBURG AND THE ORTLIBIANS: A sect mentioned in the writings of the heresy hunters of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Concerning Ortlieb himself (who lived c. 1200) there is extant only one sentence (best given by Haupt in ZKG, vii. 1886, 503, 559, from a Mainz manuscript): " To say that man must abstain from outward things and follow the answers of the spirit within himself is the heresy of a certain Ortlieb of Strasburg, which Innocent III. condemned." But notices of the sect are found in the So‑called Passau Anonymus (BiUiotheca maxima Lugdunensig, xxv., quoted below). They are Said to assert the eternity of the world (267, C). To the church doctrine of the Trinity and Christology they give an entirely new interpretation, affirming (266, H) : whoever has joined the sect, is the Father; he who is converted by him, the Son; he who aids and confirms the convert, the Holy Ghost. Adam was the first man who was created anew by the word of God and fulfilled God's commandments (267, C). Adam and Christ, however, are to them not historical persons but Symbols of the perfect man, hence they also affirmed " that there was no Trinity before the birth of Christ" (267, A). Jesus they assert to be the son of the carpenter Joseph and not free from sin (266, G). As they rejected the fundamental doctrines of the Church, so also they rejected the sacraments; infant baptism is useless unless the baptized is afterward made perfect in the sect. What the Church calls the body of Christ, is only bread; the true body of Christ is the body of the believers. They reject the hierarchy and oppose to it the perfect ones of the sect; such a one binds and looses and can do everything. In the papacy they saw the root of all evil; the Church of the pope they consider the harlot of the Apocalypse. Only when all shall be converted to their sect, will it be possible to five quietly in eternity, but even then men will be born and die. They deny the resurrection, but believe that the spirit continues to live. Of their institutions it is known only that they generally prayed by threes. Their life is said to have been austere, and some fasted every other day (267, E). They also rejected sexual intercourse in marriage (267, F). The Ortlibians have been differently classified; some have connected them with the Amahicians (see AMA1r RIC OF BENA), others with the Cathari (see NEw MANICHEANs, IL). K. Miiller, finding that in the notices of the Waldensians by Stephen of Bourbon
(De septem dtneis spiritus sane)) many things coin‑
cide strikingly with what the Passau Anonymus says concerning the Ortlibians, has drawn the conclusion that the latter were originally Waldensfans, but adopted some things from the Amahiciane and
RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA 	p hgey and Heterodoxy
from the Brethren of the Free Spirit (see FREE SPIRIT, BRETHREN OF THE). But all tha. is justified by the fact is the inference that Stephen had questioned Ortlibians. That he considered them Waldensians loses much of its importance because, according to his own statement, the declarations of the heretics whom he examined contained much that was contradictory. Besides, as Haupt has shown, he proves himself not well informed concerning the relations of the heretics to each other. Against Milller's view speaks the fact that nothing specifically Wald*nsian appears among the utterances of the Ortliaians, but only similarities, and such similarities they have in common with other heretics. On the other hand, the whole spirit of their teaching is bluntly opposed to the Walden, sians. Some of the opinions quoted above come nearer to the Cathari, though they contain very little specifically Catharistic. They show a certain rationalistic, as it were enlightening, trait, which seems to point to a relationship with the Brethren of the Free Spirit. From the records now extant, a positive decision is hardly to be reached.
S. M. DEUTscHt.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources are: Stephan de Borbone, Tractatus de diaersis materiis pra'dicalibus, ed. A. Leeoy de la Marche, in Anecdotes, legendes et apolopuea, Paris, 1877; and " The Anonymus of Passau," partly given in Bibliotheca patrum maxima Lugdunensis, xxv. 262‑277, Leyden, 1677. Consult: C. Schmidt, Die Sekten su Stmsburg im Mittelalter, in ZHT, x (1840), 46 sqq.; A. Jundt, Hilt. du panthkisme populaire au moyen dge, pp. 31 eqq., Strasburg, 1875; W. Preger, Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter, i. 191 sqq., Leipsic, 1877; H. F. Reuter, Geschichte der religi6sen Aufkldrung im Mittelolter, ii. 237 Sqq., 375 sqq., Berlin, 1877; M. K. Mi51ler, Die Waldenaer, pp. 130 sqq.,169 sqq., Goths, 1886; H. Haupt, Waldmaia, in ZKG, x (1889), 316 sqq.; Hauck, KD, iv. 872; Schaff, Christian Church, v. 1, p. 488. Allusions will be found in the literature on the Waldenses.
ORTON, JOB: Dissenting minister; b. at Shrewsbury (43 m. s.s.e. of Liverpool) Sept. 4, 1717; d. at Kidderminster (16 m. s.w. of Birmingham) July 19, 1783. Being inclined toward the ministry, he prepared privately and at an academy at Northampton, of which he became assistant tutor in 1739, and in the same year was licensed. He assumed charge of the Presbyterian congregation of High Street Chapel, Shrewsbury, in 1741, where he received ordination in 1745. Owing to impaired health, the work devolved mainly on his assistants after 1741, and in 1766 he resigned and retired to Kidderminster. His period of greatest influence (1766,83) was that of retirement when he corresponded with dissenting ministers of all sections. A few of his numerous writings were: Religious Exercises Recommended (Shrewsbury, 1769); Discourses to the Aged (1771); 'and Letters to Dissenting Ministers, with Memoir by Palmer (London, 1806). His Practical Works with letters and memoir was published (2 vols., 1842).
BIHLJOGRAFBY: Besides the Memoirs noted above, consult DNB, x1ii. 271‑272, where references to scattering literature are given.
OSBORNE, EDWARD WILLIAM: Protestant Episcopal bishop of Springfield, Ill.; b. at Calcutta, India, Jan. 5, 1845. He was educated at Gloucester College, England, became curate of Highworth in 1869 and of Kenn, Devonshire, in 1872; member

OmFood	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	280
Osiander
of the Society of St. John the Evangelist (the Cow
ley Fathers), 1875; member of the staff of St. John
the Evangelist, Boston, 1877; curate of St. Philip's,
Capetown, 1890; was priest in charge of the same
church, as well as chaplain of St. George's Home,
Capetown (1891‑96); superior of the mission church
of St. John the Evangelist, Boston (1898‑1904);
and in 1904 was consecrated bishop coadjutor of
Springfield, becoming full diocesan on the death of
Bishop G. F. Seymour in. 1906. He has written
The Children's Saviour (New York, 1879); The
Saviour King (1888); and The Children's Faith
(1889).
	OSGOOD, HOWARD: Baptist; b. on Magnolia
Plantation, Plaquemine Parish, La., Jan. 4, 1831.
He was educated at Harvard College (A.B., 1850).
In 1856 he was ordained, and held pastorates at
Flushing, L. I. (1856‑58), and New York City
(1858‑66). From 1868 to 1874 he was professor of
Hebrew at Crozer Theological Seminary, Chester,
Pa., and held a similar position in Rochester Theo
logical Seminary (1874‑1901). He was a member
of the American Company of Old‑Testament Re
visers from 1874 to 1901, and in theology is an ad
herent of the orthodox school. He translated J. P.
Lange's general and special introductions to Ex
odus, Leviticus, and Numbers in the American
Lange series (New York, 1876).
	OSGOOD, SAMUEL: American clergyman and
writer; b. at Charlestown, Mass., Aug. 30, 1812;
d. at New York City Apr. 14, 1880. Graduating at
Harvard College in 1832, he studied theology at the
Harvard Divinity School. Charming and Ware were
then exercising their extensive influence, and Mr.
Osgood entered the Unitarian ministry in 1835.
After editing The Western Messenger at Louisville,
Ky., for two years he assumed charge, in 1837, of
the Unitarian Church, Nashua, N. H. In 1841 he
became pastor at Providence, R. I., and, in 1840,
of the Church of the Messiah, New York. In 1869
he changed his theological views, and, after a year
of travel in Europe, entered the ministry of the
Protestant Episcopal Church. Not caring to reenter
parochial work, he spent the remaining ten years of
his life in writing for periodicals and lecturing. He
was regarded as a leading man of letters, and was
especially noted for the deep interest he took in the
New York Historical Society and other public liter
ary institutions. Among his writings are: Studies
of Christian Biography (New York, 1851); God with
Men (1853); Milestones in our Life‑Journey (1855);
Student Life (1860); American Leaves (1867).
	OSIANDDER, 8"zf‑dn'der: The name of a family
of German Lutheran scholars and theologians.
	1. Andreas Osiander L : German Reformer; b. at
Gunzenhausen (37 m. s.s.w. of Nuremberg) Dec.
19, 1498; d. at KBnigsberg Oct. 17, 1552. He
studied Hebrew at the University of Ingolatadt,
was ordained a priest in 1520, and became teacher
of Hebrew at the Augustinian cloister in Nurem
berg. In 1522 he issued a Latin version of the
Bible, improved by means of the original text and
supplied with marginal annotations, and in the
same year was called as preacher to St. Lorenz,
where he soon took a leading position in the Prot‑
estant Reformation. Even while the papal legate Campegius was present in the city, Osiander offered both elements of the communion to Queen Isabella of Denmark, sister of Charles V. and of Ferdinand, and, during passion‑week, thundered against the Roman antichrist. He wrote a severe polemic in 1525 against the Franciscan Kaspar Schatzgeier, attacking the doctrine of the sacrifice of the mass. In the controversy between the Saxon and Swiss Reformers, Osiander took part with the former and placed himself in opposition to Zwingli. At the conference at Marburg called by Philip of Hesse, Osiander again sided with the representatives of Wittenberg against the Swiss. Osiander's popularity in Nuremberg was considerably impaired by his incessant and bitter disputes *vith his colleagues. Nevertheless, Melanchthon, in 1537, urged the council to send Osiander to the assembly at Schmalkald, where in a sermon he asserted his own opinions against Luther. He was also present at the important meetings of 1540 at Hagenau and Worms. At Worms he became acquainted with Calvin, who was offended by his indecorous table‑talk. In 1542, Count Ottheinrich of Palatinate Neuburg invited him to introduce the Reformation in his territory.
Osiander's literary activity never paused. In 1537, he produced a harmony of the Gospels. To polemics he contributed: " The Remarkable Prophecy " (1527); a keen reply to the attacks of Eck; and his Conjectures de ultimis temporibua, against the papacy. His mathematical and astronomical interest was such that he was invited by Copernicus to make corrections of his work, De revolutionibus orbium cwlestium (1543), and unknown to the author prefixed a preface. At variance with the Zwinglians on the one hand, and, on the other, menaced with other Protestants by the approach of the Smaldkald War and the downfall of the Protestant cause, Osiander's position in Nuremberg became ever more uncomfortable. After the victorious advance of the imperial army, he was not in accord with the succeeding interim and left the city, to reappear soon after in Breslau. Osiander then wrote to Duke Albert of Prussia (q.v.), who had been won to the Protestant cause by his preaching at Nuremberg, with whom he had remained in continuous correspondence. Not waiting for a reply he arrived at K6nigaberg (1549) and although he had no academic degree received a pastorate and a head professorship in the theological faculty He was soon engaged in disputes with his colleagues and the supporters of the Interim. In the remarkable tract, Yon derv neuen Abgott and Antichrist zu Babel, both his wrath against Rome and his opposition to the Interim appear. On Oct. 24, 1550, occurred the momentous disputation on the question of justification by faith, which gave Osiander's enemies occasion for attack.
Osiander opposed the Roman doctrine of justification by works, and was in accord with Luther in emphasizing salvation only by the grace of Christ and justification by faith. He remained steadfast, however, in the mystical conception of the same, namely, by the real indwelling of God induced by faith. Duke Albert assembled a conference, Feb., 1851, for the purpose of conciliation.

981
RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
Osiander's doctrines were with difficulty under
stood. He claimed to have Luther on his side. His
opponents presented an array of Luther's sayings
to prove the opposite, and Osiander replied in simi
lar form with his Excerpts quadam. The outcome
of the disputation was an absolute breach between
Osiander and his opponents. Osiander was then
appointed superintendent with spiritual functions,
but Mtirlin, his arch‑opponent, denied him the sac
rament and his colleagues withdrew their recogni
tion. On Oct. 5, 1551, the duke sent Osiander's
statement of his opinions together with an account
of the dispute so far to the Evangelical princes and
cities of Germany with the request that the matter
be regularly discussed in synods. All Evangelical
Germany began to be stirred. In Nuremberg es
pecially the debate waxed warm. In Stettin, Peter
Artoprius and the physician G. Curio supported
Osiander's views; but, outside of Prussia, there was
almost unanimous opposition. There was objection
to the dangerous mysticism of the divine indwell
ing; to the one‑sided emphasis of the divine nature
of Christ, which, in connection with the separation
of forgiveness of sin from justification, seemed to
depreciate the humanity of Christ and to diminish
his merit; and, finally, to the identification of jus
tification with regeneration. Osiander replied to
the presentation of the moderate opinion of Me
lanchthon with an intemperate tract, Widerlegung
der ungegrundeten undienstlichen Antwort Philippi
Melanchthoni (1552). He answered a number of
assailants together in the coarse but keen Schmeck
bier (1552). Osiander died in the midst of the strife,
which continued for several years after his death,
despite the duke's efforts to restore peace. See
BRIEBBMANN, JOHANN; FUNCx, JOHANN; and
MOERLIN, JOACHIM. 	(P. T8CHAc%ERT.)
2. Lucas Osiander the Elder: Pastor and theologian; son of Andreas by his first marriage; b. at Nuremberg Dec. 15, 1534; d. at Stuttgart Sept. 17, 1604. He moved with his father to K6nigsberg in 1549, and after the father's death entered the University of Tabingen. When but twenty‑three years old he became superintendent at Blaubeuren and the same at St. Leonhard's in Stuttgart, in 1562. He was created doctor of theology in 1564; court preacher and consistorial councilor, in 1567; and gained commanding influence under Duke Ludwig (1568‑93). The opinionated new Duke Friedrich, made restless by the harsh tone of his sermons, transferred him, in 1593, to the cathedral pulpit; and, in 1596, to the Abbey of Adelberg. As abbot of this former cloister, Osiander became a member of the diet, and thus ventured to remonstrate with the duke for patronizing the Jews. He was now deposed, and banished from the country. Retreating no farther than Esslingen, he there caused much disturbance by his sermons, but was soon permitted to return to Stuttgart. His wife was Margareta Entringer, widow of Caspar Lyser, and mother of the renowned Lutheran Polycarp Lyser. She was, furthermore, a sister of the wife of Jacob Andreas, with whom Osiander made common cause in establishing for the Church of Wilrttemberg the " Brans " Lutheran type.
Osiander's activity in Church and State was
many‑sided; as in the conflict with Calvinism (conference at Maulbronn, 1564; Zweibraoken, 1579; MBmpelgard, 1586); in behalf of Lutheran union by means of the Formula of Concord (at Maulbronn, q.v., Jan. 19, 1576; pronouncement on the " Torgau Book "; first Latin translation of the Formula of Concord Sept. 6, 1576); in behalf of inaugurating the Reformation of Cologne under Archbishop Gebhard, 1583; and in the direction of an understanding with the Greek Church, as well as in opposition to the papacy. A declaration against the Gregorian calendar, 1583, may be noted; and his polemical tracts against the Jesuits. As preacher, he disdained all rhetorical ornament, avoided useless controversy, spoke simply and colloquially, with Biblical edification (Bauernpostilde, 5 parts, 1597‑1600). Of great importance proved his Quinque libri Moyais [and the other books of the Bible] iuxta mterem seu vulgatam trdnalationem, ad Hebrwam veritatem (ad Grwcum textum) emendati, et brevi . . . explicatione illustrati, inaertio edam praxipuis loeis communibus in lectione sacra obseruandis (9 vols., Titbingen, 1573‑86), forming a paraphrase of the entire Bible; Institukio Christianm religionis (1576‑.86), an exhibition of the Evangelical Lutheran doctrinal system, in opposition to Calvin's " Institutes," commended to the Gallic and Belgian Churches for proselyting " foreign Christendom"; Epitomes historia; ecclesiaaticte cen. Curia i.‑xvi. (1592‑1604), at the same time a digest and a continuation of the " Magdeburg Centuries " (1597‑1600), a very useful work for its day.
Osiander rendered a great service to "hymnology; first, by publishing, conjointly with B. Bidembach, in 1569, the Choral Book of Sigmund Hemmel, Der ganz Psalter Davida, and by issuing, in 1586, his Futfzig geidliche L$eder and Psalmen mit 4 Stimmen.
S. Andreas Osiander IL: Eldest son of Lucas I.; b. at Blaubeuren (10 m. w.n.w. of Uhn) May 26, 1562; d. at Tiibingen Apr. 21, 1617. He served as pastor at Gaglingen, 1587; was associated with his father as court preacher, 1590; became abbot at Adelberg, 1598, and professor of theology and chancellor of the university at Tiibingen, 1605. He took part in the religious colloquy at Baden, 1589, and at Regensburg, 1601. He wrote sundry zealous tracts in defense of the Formula of Concord, and in antagonism to the papacy, e.g., Papa non papa (Ttlbingen, 1599; Frankfort, 1610). Of great and lasting importance was his brief manual for communicants (Tfbingen, 1590).
4. Lucas Osiander, the Younger: Son of Lucas I.; b. at Stuttgart May 6, 1571; d. at Ttlbingen Aug. 10, 1638. He was superintendent at Leonberg, 1601; at Schoradorf, 1606; abbot at Bebenhausen, 1612; at Maulbronn, 1616; professor of theology at Ttlbingen, 1619; provost and chancellor of the university, 1620. Like his father and brother, he was one of the most orthodox Lutherans and a most vehement controversialist. His four EnchirMia conlroroeraiarum comprise: (1) Cum Calvinistis, 1605; (2) Cum Anabaptietiia, 1605; (3) Cum Bchwenkfeldianis, 1607; (4) Cum Pontificiia, 1602; besides various polemical tracts against Jesuits and Calvinists (e.g., against a Reformed preacher, Soul‑

Colander	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	sag
tetus atheua, in 1620). Osiander became known by his contest with the Giessen Kenotists (see KENosis), and his theological denunciation of Johann Arndt's Wahres Christentum, 1623, which he termed a " book of hell," because he found in it papiatical, monastical, ecstatic, Flacian, Calvinistic, Schwenkfelder, and Weigelian heresies; at the same time pronouncing all subjective oracles and revelations to be mere delusion. His sweeping judgment of Arndt is unfair and was not approved either by the Lutherans of his own province or those of others. Meldenius rightly observes that Christ himself stands on Arndt's side, not on the side of Osiander's scholastic theology.
6. Johann Adam Osiander: Nephew of the two next preceding; b. at Vaihingen (15 m. n.w. of Stuttgart) Dec. 3, 1622; d. at Tijbingen Oct. 26, 1697. In 1656 he became extraordinary professor of theology, and professor of the Greek language at Tiibingen; ordinary professor in 1660; and chancellor of the university in 1680. Esteemed by his contemporaries as the "eye of the Lutheran Church," he was on friendly terms with Spener, and an opponent of Cartesianism, syncretism, and unionism.
6. Johannes Osiander: Son of the preceding; b. at Tiibingen Apr. 22, 1657; d. there Oct. 18, 1724. His theological course at Tabingen was supplemented by extensive journeys abroad, and a sojourn of two years in Paris. In 1686 he was appointed professor of the Hebrew language and geography at Tubingen; professor of the Greek Language and philosophy, 1688; ephorus of the theological scholarships, 1692; abbot of Kcmigsbronn, 1697; of Hirsau, 1699; and director of the consistorium, 1708. He introduced confirmation, 17211723. Being a man of large attainments in languages and possessing a wide knowledge of the world, he was often entrusted with diplomatic missions, and in 1688 managed to prevent both Tabingen and Stuttgart from being plundered by the French.
7. Johann Rudolf Osiander: Son of the preceding; b. at Tiibingen May 21, 1689; d. Oct. 25, 1725. He was professor of theology at Tiibingen, 1720, and was known as an opponent of Christian Wolf.
8. Johann Ernst Osiander: Biblical scholar; b. at Stuttgart June 23, 1792; d. at GSppingen Apr. 3, 1870. He became professor at the theological seminary in Maulbronn, 1824; dean at G6ppingen, 1840. He was a profound Swabian Biblical theologian, well versed in the Scriptural theology of Menken, and his commentaries on I‑IT Corinthians (1849‑58) belong to the best of their time.
G. BossERT.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The earlier literature on Andrew is given
in Wilken, Andreas Osiandera Leben, Lehre and Schriften, Stralsund, 1844, and in A. M51ler, Andreas Osianders Leben and auapewdhlte Schriftea,Elberfeld, 1870. Consult further: J. A. Osiander, Gene 0siandrina, Tiibmgen. 1820; O. Menberg, Geschichte der tutheriaehen Refornatoren M. Luthera . . . and A. Osianders, vol. ii., Mainz. 1837; Schmidt, Johanna Oswnder, Tiibingen, 1843; Heberle. in TSK, 1844, pp. 371 sqq.; F. C. Baur, Chriatliche Lehre son der Versbhnung, pp. 316 sqq.. Ttibingen, 1838; A. Riteehl, Rechtfertipung and Versbhnung, i. 723 sqq., 1882, Eng. transl., Edinburgh, 1872; idem, Geschichte des Pietixmus, ii. 325 eqq., 3 vols., Bonn, 1880‑86; R. F. Gxau, De A. Osandrs doctrina commentatio, Marburg, 1860; Lehmann, Stammtafel der Familie Osianders, Konigsberg, 1980: ADS, aid. 473 aqq.
OSMUNDD (OSMOND, OSMER), SAINT: Bishop of Salisbury; b. in Normandy; d. Dec. 3, 1099. He went to Englana with his uncle, William the Conqueror, and was by him made bishop of Salisbury in 1078. His Liber ordinalis, or Liber consuetudinarium wc1esite, concerning the forms and ceremonies of divine worship, known as the "Sarum Use," was very widely adopted in Great Britain and Ireland, and was continued in use down to the time of Henry VIII. He was canonized by Calixtus III. in 1457.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Register of St. Osmund was edited by
W. H. R. Jones in Rolls Series, no. 78, 2 vols., 1883‑84.
For his life consult: ASB, Jan., i. 77; DNB, xlii. 313‑315;
S. H. Cassan, Lives and Memoirs of as Bishops of Sher‑
borne and Salisbury, ‑pp. 109‑120, Salisbury, 1824.

OSNAABRUECg, os'nd‑bra", BISHOPRIC OF:
An ancient bishopric in the present kingdom of
Prussia. This part of the early Saxon territory was
converted apparently by the missionary work of
the monasteries of Meppen and Visbeck, founded
in the reign of Charlemagne, while the origin of the
bishopric probably falls in that of Louis the Pious
‑possibly in the third decade of the ninth century,
if the Bishop Geboinus who took part in a synod
at Mainnz in 829 is identical with Gefwin of Osna
briick, the first in the list of incumbents of the see.
The northern districts of Westphalia formed the
jurisdiction of the diocese. 	(A. HAUCg.)
The best‑known of the bishops of the period prior to the Reformation was Benno II. (1068,88), a zealous supporter of Henry IV. and his companion in the journey to Canossa. The fifty‑fourth bishop, Francis von Waldeck (1532‑53) accepted the Reformation. His successor, John IV. von Hoya (15531574), held to the old faith, but was able to do little for it, and the see was occupied by Protestant incumbents from 1574 to 1624. Francis von Wartenburg, however (1624‑61), supported by the troops of Tilly, carried out the principles of the Counter‑Reformation with a strong hand until a Swedish army appeared before the gates in 1633. The town was under Swedish government until the Peace of Westphalia (q.v.), by which it was provided that thenceforth there should be alternately a Roman Catholic bishop and one of the Augsburg Confession. The latter was to be taken always from the house of Brunswick‑Liineburg, and during his administration the Roman Catholic population was to be subject in spirituals to the archbishop of Cologne. By the settlement of 1803 it passed to Hanover, in 1806 to Prussia, the next year to the new kingdom of Westphalia, in 1810 to France, and in 1814 back to Hanover. As for the ecclesiastical relations, the ancient Roman Catholic diocese was reerected in 1857, and made immediately subject to the pope, the bishop being ex ofoio apostolic provicar of the northern missions.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. Much of the literature under MUENSTER,
	BISHOPRIC or, is pertinent. Consult further' C. Solve,
	Geachichte des Hochatos Oanabriick, Jena, 1853; J. C.
	Moller. Geachichte der Weihbischdfe von 0snabrack, Lingen,
1887; F. Philippi, Oanabrgcker Urkundenbuch, Osnabruck,
1892 eqq.; F. Jostes, Kaiser and KBnigsurkunden des
Osnabrgeker Landes, Miinater, 1899; A. Wurm, Osna
briicl, seine Geschichte, . . . Bau‑ ttnd Kunsedenkmo1er,
Osnabrilck, 1901.

283	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Onlander
	OSSAT, ARNAUD D': French cardinal of the
sixteenth century; b. probably at Laroque‑en
magnoac (Bagn6res Bigorre, department of Hautes
Pyr6ndes) Aug. 23, 1536; d. at Rome Mar. 13, 1604.
He resided at Rome after 1574, where he finally
served as ambassador; hence the collection of his
correspondence furnished abundant material on his
ecclesiastical and political contemporaries. He ob
tained the papal absolution for Henry IV., and was
made a cardinal in 1599 by Clement VIII. His cor
respondence has been repeatedly published since
1624; the best edition is that by A. de la Houssaye
(2 vols., Paris, 1697).	K. BENRATH.
BIBLI00RAPHY: Mme. Thiroux d'Arconville, Vie du Cardinal d'Ossat, 2 vols., Paris, 1771.
OSTERWALD, osier‑vslt", JEAN FREDERIC: Preacher of NeUCbAtel; b. at Neuchhtel Nov. 16, 1663; d. there Apr. 14, 1747. He pursued his preparatory studies in his native city and in Zurich, and in 1678 entered the academy of Saumur, and subsequently studied at Orl€ans and Paris under Claude Pajon, Pierre Allix, and Jean Claude. In 1686 he was appointed deacon in his native city. His methods of instructing children attracted general attention and his sermons met with such favor that a new church was built for him, of which he became pastor in 1699. In 1700 he became a member of the English Society for the Propagation of the Gospel and during his whole life he was on intimate terms with English and Dutch clergymen. In 1702 he began to gather students, and his activity as teacher, pastor, and writer exerted so lasting an influence upon the church of NeuchAtel that he was called its second reformer. He was no creative theologian, and did not essentially advance the development of theology. Influenced by the theologians of Saumur, he represented, with Turretin of Geneva and Werenfels of Basel, the opposition to orthodoxy, and strove to make his opposition effective by silently passing over in his practical activity the dogmas which seemed to him superfluous and by trying to preserve for his church dogmatic freedom. He was neither a rationalist nor a moralist, but might be called a Pietist in so far as he tried to replace dogmatics by the Bible and doctrinal disputes by the cultivation of personal piety and a genuine preaching of the Gospel. He opened his effective activity in the practical service of the Church by a treatise, Des sources de la corruption, qui rOgne auyour d'hui parmi les ChrEtiens (Neuchhtel, 1700; Eng. transl., London, 1700, and in Bishop Watson's Collection of Theological Tracts, vi., Cambridge, 1785). It was a work parallel to Spener's Pid dzsideria and similar in its effects. Osterwald demanded the continuation of the reformatory work in the direction of the reformation of morals. He devoted great energy to the moral elevation of his hearers and of the children to be confirmed, also to the elevation and reform of worship and to the revision of the liturgy. In 1702 appeared his catechism, which found a large circulation. It was immediately introduced in NeuchAtel, took the place of Calvin's catechism in Geneva, and was accepted even in England, Holland, and Germany (Erg. transl. by H. Wauley and G. Stanhope, The Grounds and Principles of the
Christian Religion, London, 1704). The ignorance
and indifferenge which he found on his pastoral
visits led him to prepare Arguments et rgfiexions Sur
lkcriture sainte (1709‑15), from which proceeded the
"Osterwald Bible‑version" (see BIBLE VERsIONs,B,
VI., § 3). An Eng. transl., in 2 vols., appeared in
London, 1716‑18. 	(W. HADORN.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources are: Museum Helrodicum, part v. and vi., Zurich, 1747; Journal hdv&1que, April, 1.747, pp. 369‑416. Modern biographies are by L. Henriod, NeuchAtel, 1868; R. Gretillat, ib. 1904. Consult also J. F. Osterwald, in L'teliae nationals, 1891, nos. 42‑50; Lichtenberger, ESR, x. 98‑104.
	OSTIARIUS: Primarily a porter and later one
of the minor orders of the clergy. Originally the
porter was a slave (cf. Mark xiii. 34; John x. 3,
xviii. 17; Acts xii. 13); but when the Christians
came to possess their own churches, they were com
pelled to have porters, who, after the second half
of the third century, were reckoned among the
minor clergy. From Rome the employment of
porters (Lest. ostiarius, rarely tpdituus and many
sionaraus; Greek, pyloros, thuroros, or ostiarios)
spread, so that most Western and some Eastern
communities possessed them in the fourth century.
Since the office was entrusted only to persons of
settled age, and since frequent changes were undo
sirable, the ostiarius was debarred from ecclesias
tical advancement. An ordination rite, with the
giving of the keys of the church as its central
feature, is given in the Statutes eccleaice antiques, ix.,
and, more fully, in the Sacramentary of Gregory
(MPL, Ixxviii. 218). In the East the order declined
earlier than in the West, though ostiarii are men
tioned as late as the Trullan Council of 692. Also
in the Roman Church sacristans are no longer
clergy, though the ostiarius ordination is still con
ferred, as a matter of form, at the beginning of the
clerical career. 	(H. ACHELIB.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, Origines, III., vi.; J. G. Gelet, De ecorciatis d ostiariis, Ansbacb, 1747.
OSTORODT, CHRISTOPH. See SocINus, FAusTUB, SOCINIANB, I., § 2.
OSWALD, SAINT: King of Northumbria, 634642; b. about 605; slain in battle with Penda, the heathen king of Mereia, at Maserfield (probably Oswestry, 16 m. n.w. of Shrewsbury, Shropshire), Aug. 5, 642. His father, Ethelfrid, fell in battle (617) with Edwin, the great king of Northumbria, who afterward became its first Christian ruler (see EDWIN; PAuLINus). Oswald and his brothers, being forced to flee, took refuge in Tons, where he was converted and baptized. He recovered his kingdom in 634, defeating the British King Cadwallon at Heavenfield (near Hexham), and at once introduced Christianity (see AmAN). Although he was a great king and ruled over wider dominions than any of his ancestors, he was devout, humble, gracious, and charitable to the poor, " always wont, while ruling a temporal kingdom, to labor and pray for an eternal one " (Beds, Hist., iii. 12). A mass of legend gathered about hiss name and miracles were attributed to his relics, which were kept at Gloucester, Bamborough, Lindisfarne, Durham, and other places.

0XwY	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	284
BIBLJOGRAPHY: Sources ate: Bede, Hiat. ecd., ii. 5, 14, 20, iii. 1‑8, 5‑7, 9‑14, 23‑24, iv. 14, v. 24; Vita, by Drogo, a monk, in ASS, Aug., ii. 94‑103; Vita, by Reginald of Durham, ed. J. Rains for the Surtees Society. 1838, and in Simeon of Durham's historical works, ad. T. Arnold, in Rolls Series, no. 75, i. 328388, London, 1882. Consult: T. Wright, Biopraphia Britannica literaria. pp.482‑466. London, 1842‑48; J. R. Green, Making of England, pp. 274‑278, 290‑294, ib. 1897; W. Bright, Early English Chwch History, pp. 149‑159, 175‑179, O3dord, 1897; DNB, mill. 321‑323; DCB, iv. 183‑184.
OSWY: King of Northumbria, 843‑871, important in the history of the Christianization of the English; b. about 812; d. Feb. 15, 871. He was a younger son of the Northumbrian King Ethelfrid, and, by his mother, a nephew of Edwin. On the overthrow of his father in 817 (see EDWIN), with his brother Oswald (q.v.), he found refuge in Iona, and was baptized and educated there. He succeeded Oswald as king in 843. For several years he was menaced by the alliance between the heathen Saxons and the British, which had overthrow Edwin and Oswald, but in 855 he defeated and slew Penda of Mercia, the great heathen champion, and all except one of the British leaders. A rival king, Oswin, also established himself in Deira; he was murdered in 851 at Oswy's instigation, and the latter afterward gave his queen, Eanfled (daughter of Edwin), land for the foundation of a monastery at the place of the foul deed that prayers might be offered there for both the slayer and the slain. The dispute between the adherents of Roman and Celtic usages in the Church came to a crisis under Oswy, being by him decided against the latter at the Synod of Whitby in 884 (see WHITBY, SYNOD oh). His conduct leaves little doubt that he was anxious both to consolidate his kingdom and to bring his church and people into closer connection with Rome and the continent. Another indication of sound political judgment on Oswy's part, as well as of an intelligent desire to promote the best interests of his church and realm was his consultation with Egbert of Kent about 867 with regard to filling the vacant see of Canterbury (see DEUSDEDIT). Finan, Colman, Ceadda, and Wilfrid of York (qq.v.) were all active during Oswy's reign.
BIHL2oGRAPH7: Sources are: Bede, Hiet. sect., 15, iii. 14‑15, 21‑25, 29, iv. 1, 3, 5; the Vita by Reginald of Durham fn Simeon of Durham's Historical Works, ed. T. Arnold for Rolls Series, no. 75, 2 vole., 1882‑85; Anglo‑Saxon Chroniak, ed. with Eng. trsnsl., B. Thorpe, in Rolls Series, no. 23, 1881; Henry of Huntington, Hidoria Anplorum, ed. T. Arnold for Rolle Series, no. 72,1870. Consult: J. R. Green, Making of England, pp. 295‑309, 319‑325, London, 1897; J. H. Overton, The Church in England, f. 45, 47, 53‑58, 59‑83, 70, London, 1897; W. Hunt, The English Church, 697‑I 0Be, ib. 1899; DNB, a1ii. 333‑337; DCB, iv.188‑187.

OTFRID OF WEISSENBURG: German poet of the ninth century. There were two monks of this name in the monastery at Weissenburg in Speyergau during the abbotahip of Grimald, but it is entirely doubtful which of them wrote the original of two documents preserved in the Weiseenburg copybook, one undated and the other in 851. Both Otfrids, however, must be distinguished from the Otfridus mentioned in a fragmentary Latin poem of Weissenburg dating from the beginning of the tenth century. Knowledge concerning the first High‑German poet Otfrid is restricted to the scanty
information afforded in the 7,418 lines of his Ltber Eroangeliorum and his Latin dedication to Archbishop Liutbert. The South Frankish dialect in which the poem is written was doubtless Otfrid's mother tongue. He accordingly seems to have been born near Weissenburg, but apparently studied for a time at Fulda under Rabanus Maurus and Solomon. This was before 838, for in that year Solomon became bishop of Constance. Otfrid was probably ordained priest after returning to Weissenburg, where he conceived the plan of writing his poem; partly to counteract the influence of secular and pagan hymns which were displeasing to certain approved men, obviously of spiritual rank, and partly because he was urged by his brethren and an aged matron named Judith to make a partial translation of the Gospels. This was designed primarily for his fellow monks, being adapted for the laity only in so far as they could have it read to them. From the narrative portions of the Gospel Otfrid chose those passages appointed as lessons by the Church, though in his arrangement he by no means followed the order of the church year. He likewise incorporated material from the Apocrypha, the Church Fathers, and the early medieval theologians, the latter especially in the " mystical," " spiritual," and " moral" interpretations of events recounted in the Bible. He was influenced chiefly by the homilies of Gregory the Great, certain writings of Augustine, the commentaries of Rabanus Maurus, and Paschasius Radbertus on Matthew, of Alcuin on John, and of Bede on Matthew, Luke, and John; drawing this material, in all probability, principally from some compendium of all these sources.
The poem is divided into five books; professedly, for the purification of the five senses. The first book is devoted to the birth and baptism of Christ; the second to his life from the temptation to the healing of the leper after the sermon on the mount; the third to selected miracles until the decision of the high priest to put Christ to death; the fourth to the passion; and the fifth to the resurrection, ascension, and last judgment. All the books are divided into chapters which were not invariably written in their present order. While the work is the earliest extant Old High‑German composition in rime, this form of poetry was clearly no innovation. Otfrid's earlier models had derived their riming verse from France; and not only did this system of rimes stand in sharp antithesis to the Germanic alliteration, but the verses had four accents instead of two. Nevertheless, in the older portions of the poem there are clear traces of the old Germanic poetry of two accents with alliteration. The system of four accents doubtless had arisen in Germany, as also Otfrid's strophe, which consists of two lines; each composed of two half‑lines corresponding in rime, and with four accents. This structure may be illustrated by the following example (i. 19)
Ibeeph io the@ sfathee	or hdatts thee kfndes
	(uuw thionoetman gdater), 		biedorgats oub this mdater.
After years of toil on the Liber etungeliorum, Otfrid had a clean copy of the poem prepared by two scribes, which he then revised with his own hand and provided at the same time each half‑

286	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	O'T~o7ls
verse with its accents. This autograph is preserved in the Codex V(indobonenais), the parent of P(alatinua) and of the fragmentary D(iscisms). The manuscript F(risingensis) does not contribute to the textual determination, and this together with the few other codices still await investigation. Copies of the poem were sent by Otfrid to King Louis the German, Archbishop Liutbert of Mainz, Bishop Solomon of Constance, and the monks Hartmuat and Werinbraht of St. Gall, as is clear from the prefatory epistles in V and P. These epistles, moreover, serve to date the Liber ewngeliorum between 863 and 871, for Liutbert became archbishop in 863, Solomon died in 871, and in the following year Hartmuat was made abbot of St. Gall. The text has been edited by J. Kelle (3 vols., Regensburg, 1856‑81), P. Piper (2 vols., Paderborn and Freiburg (1878,84), and O. Erdmann (Halls, 1882).
There is no demonstrable trace of Otfrid's influence upon later writers, and his work remained unknown until about 1495, when Trithemius repeatedly alluded to him. The manuscript F was discovered by Beatus Rhenanus in 1531, and forty years later Flacius Illyricus and Pirminiu4 Gasser edited P, which was then owned by Ulrich Fugger. Nor is it difficult to explain the small popularity of the Liber evangeliorum. Otfrid attached less interest to the acts of Christ than to their symbolic interpretation and the dogmatic questions derived from them. Concerned about orthodoxy and heavily equipped with theological science, he writes on the whole for the learned. His national enthusiasm and his pure human interest which finds expression in occasional touching similes can not hide his melancholy, his barren prolixity, and his jejune allegorizing. Esthetically, the work is a hybrid theology in clumsy verse, neither an epic nor a series of pious hymns; but historically it is an index of the clerical training of the Carolingian period, and linguistically it is almost the only source for a certain knowledge of Old High‑German metrics, syntax, and orthography. (E. STEINMETER.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. T. Horning, Conjadures sw la vie d
Ceducation d0efrid, Strasburg, 1833; F. Rechenberg,
O0rids Evanpdienbuch, Chemnits, 1862; K. Lachmann,
Hleinere $chriften, i. 358 eqq., Berlin, 1876; P. Sehtftse,
Beitrnpe zur Podik 0tfrids, Kiel, 1887; W. Wilmanne, Der
alldndwhe Reimvers, Bonn, 1887; F. Saran, Ueber Vor
trapsweise and Zweck des Evanpdienbuehea Otfrids, Halle,
1896; A. L. Plumboff, Beardge zu den Qudlsn Okfrid's,
Kiel, 1898; A. Schftbach, in Zrift f6r deutachea Al‑' vole. xxxviii‑id.; Hauck, %D, ii. 768 eqq.

OTHRIIEL: A Kenizzite prominent in the Israelitic conquest of Palestine. According to Judges i. 11‑16 (cf. Josh. xv. 15‑19), he took the city of Kirjath‑sepher (the later Debir), and received from his elder brother Caleb the hand of his daughter Achsah, the reward promised by Caleb to him who should reduce the place. Achsah, moreover, when leaving her father, secured from him the gift of certain wells. Since Caleb appears as the son of jephunneh the Kenizzite (Num. xxxii. 12; Josh. XIV. 6, 14), while Othniel is termed the son of Kenaz, he was probably merely a clan‑brother of Caleb, both being sons of Kenaz in the sense that they were Kenizzites, these being originally Edomites (Gen. xxxvi. 9‑11, 15, 42) who were later incorpo‑
rated with Judah. The entire account of the taking of Kirjath‑sepher is now frequently explained as a union of the Kenizzite clans Caleb, Othniel, and Acheah, made for the reduction of the city, or for its occupation by Caleb's daughter after being captured.
Othniel is again mentioned in Judges iii. 7‑11, which states that after Joshua's death the Israelites were punished for their idolatry by bondage to Chushan‑rishathaim, king of Mesopotamia. Thereupon God caused Othniel to conquer the oppressor, after which Israel had peace for forty years, That this Othmel is identical with the one mentioned above is evident. Soon after the conquest of the mountains of Judah, he must have been involved in fresh and greater wars. Little can be said concerning the historical character of this passage; but most likely the connection here is with a generally accepted but entirely faded tradition of a participation on his part in the wars between the Syrian dynasties and the Mesopotamian despots; and a liberation of Israel as a nation from a foreign yoke is out of the question. The hypothesis that the redactor makes Othniel a judge in his effort to assign a judge also to Judah (Wellhausen) can scarcely be entertained. Also, the inference that at the time of the conquests of the tribe of Kenaa or its clan, Othniel did not yet belong to Israel (W. Nowack, Harul‑%Ommentar, Richter‑Ruth, p. 23, Gottingen, 1900) can scarcely be received as a basis of the foregoing assumption. Nothing can be asserted of the time of the confederation of Kenat; and if Othniel conquered Debir for Israel, he must at least have belonged to Israel from that time. Rather may it be assumed that a tradition was extant concerning further wars after the deliverance of Debir; of which the later redactor of judges knew little more than the fact. The schematic reference in Judges iii. 7‑11 thus explains itself. The name of his adversary Chushan‑rishathaim (" twice malignant villain ") explains itself on the Same grounds as an artful construction; yet what name this construction, which need not be a pure invention, conceals is not known; and there is also a possibility of wars with Edom (Schrader, KAY, p. 219).
(R. Krtmar,.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Consult the relevant sections in the works on the history of Israel (under ARAB; 1aRALL, HIercsT oil), especially R. Kittel, Oexhiehte dee Volkea Israel, ii. 81‑82, Goths, 1909; and the a0etlOna in the oommentaAse on Joshua and Judges dealing with the passage, cited, particularly the works of Moose and Budd. on Judges.
OTHO (OTTO), ANTON. See ANTINOMIANISM, IL, 1, ~ b.
WTOOLE, LAURENCE, SAINT (LORCA UA TUATHAIL) : Archbishop of Dublin; b. in Leinster, Ireland, e. 1130; d. at Eu (Latin, Augium, 17 m. n.n.e. of Dieppe on the English Channel) Nov. 14, 1180. He was brought up and educated to the monastic life in the monastery of Glendalough, of which he became abbot at the age of twenty‑five. In 1162 he was consecrated archbishop of Dublin. He was canonized by Honorius III. in 1226; and was the first Irishman to labor in his native land and receive canonization.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Vita by an anonymous author is in M, Flan7Viun imutw aandorum, pp. 379‑M,

OtteOtto of ssmbere	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	286
Paris, 1624. Consult: J. Lanigan, Red. Hiat. of Ireland, iv. 228‑244, Dublin, 1829; DNB, xlu. 339‑340.

OTTE, CHRISTOPH HEINRICH: German archeologist; b. in Berlin Mar. 24, 1808; d. at Mer9eburg (56 m. s.s.e. of Magdeburg) Aug. 12, 1890. He received his theological education at Berlin and Halle, and passed his second examination in 1832; he was then pastor at Fr6hden near Jiiterbog in Saxony, 1832‑78, and retired for his last years to Merseburg. His great interest in archeology was not gained from his university course, but rather from observation of the monuments and from the cathedral at Merseburg; he was stimulated also by association with Puttrich and K. E. Foratemann, and in this way became the leading authority in German ecclesiastical archeology of the Middle Ages. His first book, Kurzer Abriss einer kirchlichen Kunst‑Archdologie des devtachen Mittelalters (Nordhausen, 1842) grew from thirty‑two pages in its first to 1,462 in its fifth edition (1883‑85), an illustration of the development in the science under the man who was really the pioneer in this particular field. Indeed, all of his books passed through several editions, and remain useful in their departments. Among these may be named Archdologir aches Worterbuch zur Erklarung der in Schriften uber mideWterliche Kunst vorkommender Kun8tausdrueke (Leipsie, 1857); Archdologischer Katechismus: kurzer Unterricht in der kirchlichen Kunstarchdologie des deutaehen MiVelalters (1859). He also edited the brief‑lived but worthy Zeitschrift fur chrlstliche Archdologie and Kunst (1856‑58). It is noteworthy that these works were accomplished by a man engaged in the absorbing cares of the
pastorate. 	(VICTOR SCHULTZE.)
OTTER, JAKOB: Reformer; b. at Lauterburg (34 m. n.e. of Strasburg) c. 1485; d. at Esslingen (7 m. e.s.e. of Stuttgart) Mar., 1547. In 1507 he came as baccalaureus to Strasburg, and became a priest of the cloister of the Penitents, and secretary to Johann Geiler of Kaisersberg (q.v.). He then edited some of his master's works, and Gerson's Sermo de paasione. Upon Geiler's death, 1510, Otter went to Freiburg, obtaining the master's dogree in 1515, and was qualified as licentiate in 1517. He continued issuing Geiler's works until 1513. In 1518 Otter became pastor at Wolfenweiler, near Freiburg, and labored there as an adherent of Luther even as early as 1520. In 1522 he removed to the Austrian village of Kenzingen. There he pursued his calling as a Reformer with quiet moderation and much success. He defended himself from the reproach of heresy and insurrection by publishing his sermons on the epistle to Titus (Strasburg, 1524). The sovereign, Archduke Ferdinand, demanded his removal, and the diet threatened him with forcible procedure. To spare his congregar tion, Otter withdrew, on June 24, 1524, escorted by 150 citizens; turning first into the district of Margrave Ernst of Baden, then to Strasburg. From Strasburg Otto was recommended to the Knight Hans Landschad, a zealous adherent of Luther, who granted him the pastorate of Neckarsteinach, near Heidelberg. He won the whole congregation to the new faith, soon abolished the mass, procured by
sale of church properties a regular administration of church charities, and maintained peace and quiet at Neckarsteinach during the excesses of the Peasants' War. Otter dedicated to his patron, 1528, the beautiful tract, Chrlstlich Leben and Sterben (Strasburg, 1528). King Ferdinand and his counselors viewed Otter solely as an agitator and seducer of Kenzingen, and the king more than once demanded his dismissal. Hans Landschad valiantly defended his pastor, who, in turn, justified himself against the calumniations of his adversaries, by means of his sermons on " The First Book of Moses" (Hagenau, 1528). Ferdinand persisted in urging Elector Ludwig of the Palatinate to proceed against Otter; and finally, in Feb., 1529, succeeded in having Landschad summoned before the high court of justice at Heidelberg. Otter's dismissal was demanded under threat of the emperor's disfavor. Landschad refused, and the elector now forcibly expelled Otter, who then went to Strasburg. Capito commended him to Zwingli, through whose mediation he was called as pastor to Soleure by a minority of the council. Provoking only unrest by his preachipg, he relinquished the position, and went to Bern, *hence, at the end of Aug., 1529, he went to Aarau. Here he married; wrote a catechism, Bin kurz Yn"ung (1530), which was but little adapted for children; and was recording chairman of the conference with the Anabaptists at Bern in 1531. He was also an eager mediator in the negotiations between Zurich and the original cantons, Sept., 1531.
On Apr. 2, 1532, Blaurer (q.v.) called him to take charge of the church at Esslingen, where the former had labored as Reformer, and where Luther's cause had early found friends. At first Otter's efficiency was impeded by jealousy on the part of Chaplain Martin Fuchs, and Otter even thought of resigning, but Fuchs was dismissed. Otter labored very faithfully in propagating the Reformation. He created an order of worship in 1533; a form of order and discipline 1534, and lay ministration for the sick. He provided for the improvement of juvenile instruction, issuing his revised catechism in 1532 and a brief summary of the faith, 1534, with succinct directions concerning spiritual attention to the sick and dying. He mitigated Blaurer's form of expulsion with deference to those infirm. He antagonized both Roman Catholics and Anabaptists, and also Schwenkfeld, who had made some advances toward him. When Duke Ulrich of Wiirttemberg recovered his domains in May, 1534, Otter was called, in July, to preach at Stuttgart as colleague of Alber; but the Lutherans about the duke received him distrustfully, because Otter held Zwingli's view and that of the South Germans regarding the Eucharist. Strife ensued, until Otter, with Butzer and the South Germans, went to Wittenberg in May, 1536, and ratified the peace with Luther in terms of the Wittenberg Concord; to which conclusion Otter in vain sought to win Blaurer. Otter rendered service to the entire Evangelical church by means of his excellent Betbiichlein fiir allerley gemein Anliegen der Kirchen (Strasburg, 1537‑41). The " little man " gradually gained a firm position at Esslingen, but collapsed

287
under the horrors of the Schmalkald War and the emperor's Spaniards, in Mar., 1547. Nevertheless he was spared from the bitterest anguish for South German Protestantism during the Interim.
Well did Butzer describe his friend Otter as " a man distinguished not by sound learning alone, but also by Christian virtues, and especially by modesty, forbearance, charity; a man of innocent life, pure doctrine, averse to all manner of pompous pride, one of consummate skill in dealing with all the various concerns of our Church."
G. BossERT.
BIBLJO(iRAPBY: H. 8ueann, Jakob Otter, CaAeruhe, 1893; Brieatoechael der Brader . . . Blaurer, ed. 8chiesa, 2 vols., Freiburg, 1908‑10; and the literature under Br.AuRa$, AmBaosIOs.
OTTERBEIN, otter‑bain, PHILIP WILLIAM: Founder of the United Brethren in Christ (q.v.); b. at Dillenburg (40 m. n.e. of Coblenz), Prussia, June 3, 1726; d. in Baltimore Nov. 17, 1813. He belonged to a family of ministers of the German Reformed Church, entered the school of Herborn in 1742 and completed the course there, including three years in theology, and in 1749 was ordained and became vicar at Ockersdorf. In 1752 he accompanied the Rev. Michael Schlatter (q.v.) to America and was settled over the German Reformed Church in Lancaster, Penn., till 1758, then labored successively in Tulpehocken, Penn., Frederick, Md. (1760‑65), and York, Penn. (1765‑74), after which he organized and had charge of the Evangelical Reformed Church of Baltimore. At Lancaster he instituted prayer‑meetings, trained laymen as leaders, held evangelistic services in the open air, and was in close fellowship with ministers of other denominations, especially Martin B6hm, a Mennonite, and Francis Asbury and Richard Wright, Methodists. In 1784 he assisted Dr. Coke in consecrating Asbury bishop. On Sept. 25, 1800, in conjunction with B6hm, he convened a conference of thirteen ministers near Frederick, which resulted in the organization of the Church of the United Brethren in Christ. He never left the German Reformed communion, and only desired to secure a reorganization of the methods in vogue within the Church. Otterbein University, at Westerville, 0., under the control of the United Brethren, preserves his name.
BIBLIO(3aAPHY: A Life was written by A. W. Drury, Dayton, Ohio, 1884. Consult: H. Harbaugh, Fathers of the German Reformed Church, 5 vols., Lancaster, Pa., 1857 sqq.; F. Piper and H. M. MacCracken. Lives of the Leaders of our Church Universal, Bethlehem, Pa., 1879; J. H. Dobbs, in American Church History Series, viii. 305313, New York, 1895; D. Berger, in the same, Ini. 317 sqq., ib. 1897. OTTLEY, EDWARD BICKERSTETH : Church of England; b. at Richmond (40 m. n.w. of York), Yorkshire, Jan. 18, 1853. He received his education at Merchant Tailors' School, London, and Keble College, Oxford (B.A. 1876; M.A., 1879); was made deacon in 1876 and priest in 1878; was curate at Hawarden, 1876‑80, and at St. Saviour, Hoxton, 1880; principal of Sarum Theological College, 1880‑83; vicar of the Church of the Annunciation (formerly Quebec Chapel), St. Marylebone, 1883‑1908; Prebendary of Caddington Major in St. Paul's Cathedral, 1905‑07; residentiary canon
RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
Otte
Otto of Bombers
of Rochester, since 1907. He has written Rational Aspects of Some Revealed Truths (London, 1887).
OTTLEY, HENRY BICKERSTETH : Church of England, brother of the preceding; b. at Richmond (40 m. n.w. of York), Yorkshire, Nov. 3, 1850. He received his education at St. John's College, Oxford (B.A., 1874; M.A., 1876); was made deacon in 1874 and priest in 1876; was curate of All Souls, Langham Place, London, 18741876; vicar of Newton‑on‑Trent, 1876‑79; of St. Margaret's, Ilkley, 1879‑83; and of Horsham, 1884‑57; rector of West Hackney, 1887‑90; vicar of Eastbourne, 1890‑‑9$; and of South Norwood, 1898‑1907; and honorary canon of Canterbury, 1907. He also served as commissary to the bishop of Jerusalem, 1887‑96; special missioner for the Armenian relief fund, 1896; and as Golden lecturer at St. Margaret's, Lothbury, 1898‑99. He is the author of: The Great Dilemma: Christ his own Witness or his own Accuser (London, 1881); The Challenge to the Church of God: " Give us a Reason of your Hope " (1882); Modern Egypt; its Witness to Christ (1884); The Seven Voices of the Cross (1886); Christ and Modern Life (1894); Map of the Armenian Massacres (1896); Christ in the City: some Elements of Religion in Common Life (1899); Great Solemnity: Lessons from the Sacring of the King (1902); Baptism and National Life (1904); The Christian Sunday: a Manual of Prayer and Instruction (1907).
OTTLEY, ROBERT LAWRENCE: Church of England; b. at Richmond (22 m. n.w: of Ripon), Yorkshire, Sept. 2, 1856. He was educated at Pembroke College, Oxford (B.A., 1878), and Christ Church, Oxford (M.A., 1881), where he was student in 1879‑86 and tutor in 188386. He was ordered deacon in 1881 and ordained priest two years later. He was vice‑principal of Cuddesdon College (1886‑90), after which he was dean of divinity in Magdalen College, Oxford (1890‑93), fellow and tutor of Magdalen, as well as principal of Pusey House, Oxford (189397), rector of Winterbourne Bassett (1897‑1903), was appointed canon of Christ Church, Oxford, and regius professor of pastoral theology in the University of Oxford (1903), both which dignities he still retains. He was also examining chaplain to the bishops of Durham (1884‑87) and Oxford (1890‑93), select preacher at the University of Oxford (1889‑90), and Bampton lecturer in 1897. Since 1904 he has been examining chaplain in England to the bishop of St. John's, Kaffraria. Besides contributing the essay on Christian Ethics to Lux mundi (London, 1889), he has written Lancelot Andrewea (London, 1894); The Doctrine of the Incarnation (2 vols., 1896); Aspects of the Old Testament (1897); The Hebrew Prophets (1898); Short History of the Hebrews (Cambridge, 1902); The Religion of Israel (1905); and Christian Ideas and Ideals. An Outline of Christian Ethical Theory (1909).
OTTO OF BAMBERG: Apostle of Pomerania; b. in Swabia about 1060; d. at Bamberg (33 m. n. of Nuremberg) June 30, 1139. Destined for the Church in early life, he came while still a young man to the court of the Polish Duke Ladislaus,

Otto of eamberT	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	288
Otto
whose service he exchanged before 1090 for that of
the Emperor Henry IV. He seems to have become
chancellor in 1101, and in the following year bishop
of Bamberg. Though receiving his investiture
from Henry IV., it proved impossible for him to
secure consecration until 1105, when he went over
to Henry V., and was consecrated at Rome in the
following year. Nevertheless, Otto was never a
political partizan; arid not only did he gratefully
acknowledge his indebtedness to Henry IV., but he
also remained faithful to Henry V. despite suspen
sion by the Synod of Fritzlar in 1118. Three years
later, however, he was an earnest advocate of peace
at the conference held at Wtirzburg. During the
period of religious struggle Otto was employed
chiefly in administering his diocese and increasing
its territories, churches, castles, and especially its
monasteries, of which he built or restored more
than twenty. In his old age, moreover, he was
called to aid in the reestablishment of religious
peace; for in 1120 the treaty with Poland opened
Pomerania to Christianity. After his successive
efforts to establish Polish and Italian clergy in
Pomerania failed, Boleslaus III. of Poland invoked
German aid, and in agreement with the pope, Henry
V., and the German princes, the choice fell upon
Otto. In May, 1124, the bishop left Bamberg for
Pomerania, and after baptizing several thousand
converts near Pyritz, he reached the Pomeranian
capital, Cammin, where the duchess welcomed him
as cordially as the duke had done. After days of
peril in the rich commercial city of Julin, Christian
ity found entrance there, and Otto then pressed
on to Kolberg and Belgard. During his tour, he
established eleven churches in nine cities, and bap
tized 22,165 persons, returning in Feb., 1125, from
Pomerania to Bamberg. Nevertheless, paganism
lingered on, and in Stettin the ancestral deities
were still reverenced beside the German God. Three
years later, therefore, Otto returned to Pomerania,
ransoming a number of captives at Demmin on the
Mecklenburg boundary, and converting all the
nobles of the land by a powerful sermon at Usedom.
Founding new churches at Wolgast and GUtzkow,
and strengthening the faith at Stettin and Julin,
he returned to Bamberg about Christmas, where he
discharged his duties as bishop and prince until his
death.	(A. HAucg.)
Brnwoaasray: Sources are: Eocebard. Chronicon, in MGH.
	Script., vi (1884), 263; Rdotio de piis openbus Ottonis, in
	MGH, Script., zv (1888), 1151‑8. Vita and. other docu
	ments are collected in MGH, Script., ni (1856), 721‑919
	and in ASS, July, i. 349‑18b. Consult: J. Zimmerman,
	Der Wipe Otto, BiscAofoon Bamberp and Aposkt der Pom
	mern, Freiburg, 1875; J. Looeborn, Der heilipe Ono, Mu
	nich, 1880; M. J. HSfner, Otto 1. Bischo) von Bamberg in
	winem Verhdltniese su Heinrich Y. and Loaar Ill., Giee
	sen. 1868; L. Hofman, Otto 1. episcopua Bamberpsnsis,
	Halle, 1869; J. N. Seefried, Otto des Herlipen, Bischo)s
	con Bamberg and Apostels der Posemern, Herkunft and
	Seimat, Augsburg, 1886; G. F. Maclear, Apostles of Me
	dimml Europe, London, 1888; G. Juritsch, Oeschichte des
	Bischo)s Otto 1. von Bamberg, des Pommern Apostels (1101
	1189). Gotha, 1889; A. Ulmer, Die demdipe Bened"ner
	AbW Michdabem Au Bamberg, pp. 38‑122, Bamberg, 1889;
	W. Wig, GesehicW der chr"Wm $irehe in Pom
	mwn sur Wendenceit, Berlin, 1889.
	OTTO OF FREISING: Bishop of that city; b.
between 1111 and 1115; d. at the monastery of
Morimund (at Morimont, diocese of Langres, Burgundy) Sept. 22, 1158. Of noble lineage on both sides, he was destiaedwhile still a child for the Church and was appointed abbot of Mosterneuburg near Vienna. The income thus obtained enabled him to study for several years in Paris and to acquire all the knowledge of the time; though it is not known who his teachers were, despite the evident influence exercised on him by Gilbert de la Porr6e, whom he must have visited at Chartres. He was also acquainted with the writings of Hugo of St. Victor, whom he may have heard at Paris. On his return from France, Otto with fifteen noteworthy clericals visited the Cistercian monastery of Morimund and there, early in 1134, all entered the order. Within a short time, though not before the latter half of 1136, Otto was chosen abbot; but on the death of Henry, bishop of Freising, Oct. 9, 1137, the canons of Freising elected Otto to be his successor. In the following year he went to Freising and was consecrated. In 1143‑46, during the troubled reign of Conrad III., Otto wrote his eight books of chronicles, which he entitled De duabua civitatibua (ed. R. Wilmans, MGH, Script., xx., 1868, pp. 83 sqq.), implying the conflict of the city of God against the city of the devil. Herein Otto followed Augustine, and his second model was Orosius. The chronicle runs from the creation to 1146 in seven books, the chief sources being Orosius, the church history of Eusebius (as translated by Rufinus), and the chronicle of Frutolf‑Ekkehard to the year 1106. The unique feature of the work was the search for the cause and effect as contrasted with the mere series of events set forth by other chroniclers. An eighth book on antichrist. and the last judgment is appended.
In 1147‑48, Otto took part in the disastrous crusade of Conrad III., commanding a division which separated from the main army and marched through the coast countries of Asia Minor, where it was annihilated. Impoverished and undergoing the extremest hardships, the bishop escaped to a maritime town, whence he sailed to Palestine, visited Jerusalem and other sacred places, and apparently returned to France with Louis VII. It is certain, at all events, that he was with Bernard of Clairvaux in 1150, from whom he carried a letter to Conrad. After Otto 's return to Germany, war with the Guelphs broke out anew, but with the accession of Frederick I., in 1152, the long struggle was ended; and Otto, who had worked zealously for peace, was employed in the cares of state even more frequently than in the preceding reign. From 1157 until his death Otto wrote the two books of the history of his nephew, the Emperor Frederick I.; the first book narrating the events from the beginning of the struggle between emperor and pope under Henry IV. to the death of Conrad III., and the second extending from 1152 to the autumn of 1156; the whole forming a work of distinct value.
When, in the summer of 1158, the emperor went with a great army through Italy, he detached Otto, who went to France to attend the general council of the Cistercians. On the way he visited his old monastery of morimund, where he fell sick and died. His Geata Friderici 1. (ed. G, Waitz in Scriptores

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
289
rerum Germanicarum, Hanover, 1884) was given for
continuation to his chaplain, the Freising Canon
Rahewin; and the last two books of this history,
therefore, received from Otto, at most, only Pre
liminary collections of material. Otto was of an
amiable character and his position on all questions
was one of mediation. It was fortunate for him
that he was never called upon to choose between
Frederick 1. and Alexander III., as would have
been the case had he lived until the schism of 1159.
Strict Cistercian though he was, he established in
his diocese one Premonatratensian and two Bene
dictine monasteries; and to him is also due the
honor of having introduced the study of philosophy
into Freising. 	(O. HOLDER‑EGGER.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: A rich list of MSS., editions, and literature is given in Potthast, Wegweieer, pp. 887. The beat source for a life is MGH, Script., ix (1851), 610‑611. Consult: R. Wilman's introduction to the edition in MGH, ut sup.; idem, in Archiv far dltere deutsche Liftenttur, x. 131‑173, zi. 18‑76; B. Huber, Otto von Preiain®: rein Charakter, aein Verhdltniaa zu seiner Zeit and ae%nen ZeiVenoasen alt ihr Geschichtachreiber, Munich, 1847; L. Lang, Paychotopiache Charakteriatik Otto# von PreiaiM, Augsburg, 1852; H. Grotefend, Der Werth der Gesta Friderici des Bischofa Otto von Preiainp far die Geschichte des Reicha unter Priedrich 1., Hanover, 1870; T. Soreenfrey, Zur Charakteristik des Otto von Freising als Geschichtachre0er, Greis, 1873; W. v. Giesebrecht, Geschichte der deutachen %aiserzeit, iv. 394‑399, Brunswick, 1877; W. Lildeeke, Der hiatorasche Wert des erden Buchea von Ottoa von Preising Gesta Priderici, Halls, 1884; E. Vacandard, in Revue des questions historiquea, xxxv (1884), 52‑114; E. Bernheim, Mittheaunpen des Institute fiir 6aterreichiache Geschichtefor'schunp, vi (1885), 1‑51; J. Schmidlin, Die geschichtaphilosophische and kirrhenpolitische Weltanschauung Ottoa von Preising, Freiburg, 1906; Hauck, HD, iv. 476 eqq.
	OTTO OF PASSAU: Franciscan; d. not before
1386. He is noteworthy for his book entitled Die
vierundzwanzig Ablksee, one of the popular devo
tional anthologies of the last centuries Of the Middle
Ages (cf. W. Wackernagel, Deutsche Litteraturge
schichte, pp. 334, 353, Basel, 1848). Of Otto himself
is known only what he tells in his preface, where he
styles himself a humble brother, Otto of Passau, of
the order of St. Francis, sometime lector at Basel,
who completed his book on the Purification of the
Virgin Mary, 1386. He was probably a teacher in
the Franciscan school at Basel and wrote his work
at Passau. He calls the readers for whom he wrote
" friends of God," and it may be remembered that
Basel was then the headquarters of the pious who
were wont so to name themselves. In the preface he
takes credit for his diligence, not without reason,
for, as concerns richness of contents, his book takes
the first place among the anthologies of his time.
He mentions 104 authors whom he had used, and
his list is not complete‑including, of the Greeks,
Origen, Eusebius, Basil, Gregory of Nazianzus,
Chrysostom, Epiphanius, the Pseudo‑Dionysius,
and others; the latest is John of Damascus. Much
larger, of course, is the number of Western teachers
from Cyprian to Nicholas of Lyra (1340). The wri
tings of the so‑called German mystics, however, are
not used, probably because they were not consid
ered as belonging to theology. To make the read
ing of the passages quoted pleasant, the author has
used the device of putting them into the mouths
of the twenty‑four elders of the Apocalypse in such
		VIII.‑I9
Otto of Dambert Otto
a way that they quote them with the name of the author. This was in accord with the prevailing taste of the time, and in the following century the Dominican Johann Nider, in his book on the twentyfour harps, imitated Otto. The different sections treat of God and how to find him, of repentance, confession and penitence, of the conscience, grace, faith, Holy Scripture, of the active and contemplative life, of prayer, etc. Very full are the sections on the Virgin Mary and the sacrament of the altar, where transubstantiation is fully treated. Where the author speaks of the contemplative life, he touches upon mysticism, but the book belongs rather to devotional than to mystical literature. It met a general need, as may be seen from the many manuscripts (twenty‑eight) still extant. It was often printed in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and as late as 1836 Johann Manz published at Regensburg, under the title Die Krone der Aeltesten, a new edition in High German with changes answering to the prevailing taste. The book has historical interest, as it shows how at that time the older literature was used and read for its devotional merit and how Christian life was presented and brought home to larger circles. Books of its class mediated between theology, whose learned works were unintelligible to the laity, and the Christian life of the people; for the knowledge of the religious life in the Middle Ages they are more important than all dogmatical works of the schoolmen.
S. M. DEUTBcHt.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Waekernagel, %ieinere Sehriften, ii. 189 sqq., Leipsic, 1873; ADB, xxiv. 741 eqq.; %L, u. 1185
sqq.
OTTO, JOHANN KARL THEODOR VON: German Protestant; b. at Jena Oct. 4, ,1816; d. at Dresden Jan. 11, 1897. Educated at the university of his native city, his prize essay De Justini Martyris scriptis et doctrina (Jena, 1841) prepared the way for his life‑work, the Corpus apologetarum Christianorum scecudi secundi (9 vols., Jena, 18471872), a critical and exegetical edition of Justin Martyr, Tatian, Athanagoras, Theophilus, Hermias, Quadratus, Aristides, Aristo, Miltiades, Melito, and Apollinaxis. From 1848 to 1851, Otto, as extraordinary professor, lectured at Jena on church history and New‑Testament exegesis; but in the latter year he was called to the Protestant faculty of Vienna as professor of church history. There he remained until his retirement from active life in 1887, being a member of the educational council in 186367 as well as royal councilor, and receiving knighthood with the conferring of the order of the Iron Crown. Besides the publication of the Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft fur die Geschichte des Protestantismus in Oesterreich (Vienna and Leipsic, 1880 to 1893), to which he contributed Die Anfdnge der Reformation im Erzherzogtum Omterreich (vol. i., 1522‑64) and Geachichte der Reformation im Erzherzogtum Oesterre%ch unter Maximilian 11. (vol. x., 1564‑76); he wrote De Victorsno Stngelio, liberioria mentu in eccleaia Lutheria vindice (Jena, 1843), and Die Konfession lea Patriarchen Gennadioa won Konatantinopel (Vienna, 1864); and edited BaumgartenCrusius' commentaries on Matthew (Jena, 1844),
and Mark and Luke (1845).	(G. FRAlvat.)

Otto	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	290
Overbere
	OTTO, RUDOLF: German Protestant; b. at
Peine (20 m. s.e. of Hanover) Sept. 25, 1869. He
was educated at the universities of Erlangen and
GSttingen (Th.Lic.,1898); became privat‑docent for
systematic theology at the latter institution, 1898,
and extraordinary professor, 1906. In theology he
belongs to the historical and critical school, and
has written Die Anachauung vom heiligen Geiate bei
Luther (GSttingen, 1898); Das Leben and Wirken
Jesu nach hiatorisch‑kritischer Aufassung (1901, 2d
ed., 1902); Naturalistische and religi6se Weltansicht
(TObingen, 1904, 2d ed., 1909; Eng. tranal., Science
of Religion, London, 1906); %antiwh‑Fries'che Re
lVionsphilo8ophie and ihre Anwendung auf die
Theologie (1909); and Goethe and Darwin. Dar
wini8mu8 and Religion (G6ttingen, 1909); besides
editing Sehleiermacher's Ueber die Religion (Gottin
gen, 1899).
	OUDIIY, fl"dan', REMI‑CASIIIIQR: French Re
formed theologian; b. at M6zi&es (28 m. n.e.
of Reims) in 1638; d. at Leyden in 1719. He en
tered the order of the Premonstrants in 1656, stud
ied theology and church history at Verdun and
Bucilly. He attracted attention to himself by a
graceful extemporaneous compliment to Louis
XIV. The general of his order saw in him the
qualities necessary to fit him for a commission to
gather all important data pertaining to history
which existed in their cloisters, which commission
he undertook in 1681, bringing him to the archives
of eighty different monasteries in the Netherlands,
Lorraine, Burgundy, and Alsace. In 1683 he came
into touch with the Reformed theologian Jiirieu and
others, with the result that he wavered in his Roman
Catholic faith. Accused of heresy, he fled to Holland
in 1692, where he became a Protestant. Two years
later he was made assistant librarian at the library
of Leyden.
	His principal work was Commentarvus de acripto
ribua ecclesia antiquis, illorumque acriptis adhuc
exstanttbua in celebri'ortbus Europw btbliothecis (pub
lished posthumously, Leipsic, 1722). Besides this
he wrote Supplementum de scriptonbua vel scriptis
eccdesiastieia a Bellarmino omissia (Paris, 1686);
Le Pr&twntr,6 d6froqud (Leyden, 1692); Gallite et
Belgice scriptorum opuscula (1692); and Trios dis
sertationum criticarum (1717).
		(G. BONE'1‑MAURY.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Nlceron, WIROires, vols. i. and x.; Lleb
	tenberger, ESR, x. 112‑113.
	OUEft (Audwnus), SAINT: Roman Catholic
archbishop; b. at Sancy (near Soissons), in the de
partment of Aisne, in 609; d. Aug. 24, 689. He
was chancellor of Dagobert I., and founded, in
634, the abbey of Rhbais, but entered afterward the
service of the Church, and was in 640 appointed
archbishop of Rouen. He wrote a Vita Blegii, which
is found in L. d'Archery's Spicilegium, new edition,
ii. 76‑122 (Paris, 1723), and in MPL, lmtxvii. 479
594. This work is of great interest for the history
of the seventh century.
BIBLIoaRAPHY: Early Vito and lbgmdary materials are col
	lected in ASB, Aug., iv. 794‑840. Consult: Petit, Hiat.
	de S. Ouen, Rouen, 1880; J. Engling, Der heaipe Audoen,
	Luxemburg, 1887; E. Vaesadard, Vie de Saint Ouen,
	Euufue de Rouen, Paris, 1902.
OVENDEft, CHARLES THOMAS: Church of England; b. at Enniskillen (72 m. s.w. of Belfast), Ireland, Sept. 11, 1846. He received his education at the Portora Royal School, Enniskillen, Mannheim, Germany, and Trinity College, Dublin (B.A., 1869; M.A., 1874; B.D., 1882; D.D., 1891); was made deacon in 1870, and priest the same year; was curate of St. Anne's, Belfast, 1870‑72; rector of Dunluce, County Antrim, 1872‑79; suceentor of St. Patrick's, Dublin, and warden of the grammarechool, 1879‑84; rector of Ballywillan, Portrush, 1884,86; precentor of Clogher, 1886‑1903; chaplain to the lord lieutenant of Ireland, 1889‑1903; dean of Clogher since 1903; also rural dean of Enniskillen since 1887. He has written: In the Day of Trouble (London, 1901); Enthusiasm of Christianity (1902); The Face of Nature; popular Readings in elementary Science (1902); " To Whom shall we go ? " an Examination of some Difrultiea presented by Unbelief (1902); The Church Narnty; Thoughts on the pioneer Work of the Church (1903); Foundation of a Happy Life (1905); Deep Queationa (1907); and Popular Science for Parochial Evenings (1909).
OVERBERG, BERNEL46RD HEINRICH: The theological head of a group of devout Roman Catholics usually known as the Gallitzin circle from Amalie, Princess Gallitzin; b. at H6ckel (near Bersenbrock, 80 m. w.n.w. of Hanover) May 1, 1754; d. at Monster Nov. 9, 1826. Educated at the
Early	Franciscan gymnasium at Rheine‑on‑
Career as the‑Ems (1770‑74) and the theologScholar and ical seminary at Munster (1774‑80),
	Teacher.	and at the same time being a private
		tutor in Monster and giving religious
instruction at his home in the vacations, he
was ordained priest in 1780. After three years
as curate at Ewerswirkel, he was called to
Monster as an instructor in the new normal
school. Before entering upon his duties he made
a tour of inspection of the schools of the diocese
(1783‑84), and then opened the normal school,
which gave an autumn vacation course of two
or three months, giving teachers the correct
method of imparting instruction in religion and
other subjects. Many teachers also took advantage
of his lectures during vacations. At the same
time, he conducted free catechizing throughout
the year in the French cloister, summarizing each
Sunday in his sermons the lectures he had given
during the week.
In 1789 Overberg entered new surroundings which were to extend his influence not only through Roman Catholic circles in Germany, but also spread his fame among Protestants. His appointment as private chaplain to Princess Adelheid
The	Amalie Gallitzin brought about this
Princess	change. This lady (b. at Berlin Aug.
	Gallitzin.	28, 1748; d. at Angelmodde, near
		Monster, Apr. 27, 1806), though edu
cated a Roman Catholic, had become, partly through
her Berlin associations as maid of honor to the
Princess Ferdinand, practically a rationalistic Prot
estant. At the age of twenty she had married the
Russian Prince Dmitri Alexeyevich Gallitzin (b.
1735; d. 1803), a friend of Voltaire, Helvetius, and

291	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sroberr
Diderot. After residing at the courts of Vienna, St. Petersburg, Paris, and The Hague, the Princess Amalie withdrew from society to devote herself entirely to the education of her two children, Dmitri (see GAL"TZIN, DEMETRIus AuGUsTINE) and Marianne, at the same time studying mathematics, classics, and philosophy with the non‑Christian Franz Hematerhuis. Even after her return to the Roman Catholic Church, Amalie continued her literary and scientific correspondence with Hemsterhuis, who, under the pseudonym of Diodes, addressed to her, as Diotima, his celebrated Lettres sur l'ath6ame (1785). In 1799 she removed to Monster, where for four years she resisted all attempts of Von FUratenberg, whom she highly esteemed, to convert her. In 1784, however, she fell seriously ill, and though she declined the services of the confessor whom Von Fiirstenberg sent her, she promised that, if she recovered, she would at least make a serious theoretical study of Christianity. This was the more imperative since she had resolved to give her children a purely historical presentation of religion, that they might freely choose their faith; and to this end she devoted herself to the study of the Bible. She gradually became convinced of the power of Chriatianity, and on her thirty‑eighth birthday received the communion. Her conversion was promoted also by reading the lectures of Hamann on Socratic memoirs and other subjects. After visiting Herder and Goethe she was easily overcome with the temptation to prefer esthetic philosophical attainments to the humble deeds of Christian service, but was again reclaimed by association with Hamann, whom, as also Hemsterhuis, she attended in his last illness (1788). After the death of these, the princess felt the need of some man to be her spiritual guide, and, having become acquainted with Overberg through Von Furstenberg, she invited him (Jan. 10, 1789) to become her father confessor. Overberg accepted the invitation and removed from the episcopal seminary to the home of the princess. Here he took a prominent part in Amalie's literary and personal association with such men as Jacobi, Lavater, and Goethe, and also exercised a weighty influence in the conversion to Roman Catholicism of Count Friedrich Leopold von Stolberg (q.v.), which was finally realized on July 1, 1800.
The next three years after the death of the princess Overberg remained in the house as confessor and guardian of her daughter. In 1809
Overberg he was appointed regent of the episcoafter the pal seminary, where he henceforth Death resided. He was at the same time of the synodical examiner, a member of the
	Princess.	school commission, and director of
		the normal school in the autumn va
cation. In 1816 he was created consistorial coun
selor and member of the royal administration of ed
ucation, and shortly before his death was made
supreme consistorial counselor. He was likewise
honorary canon of Munster. Among his works
special mention may be made of the Biblische Ge
schickte des Alten and Neuen Testaments (1799);
Christkatholisches Religionahandbuek (1804); %ate
ehismua der chrrozt‑katholi"en Lehre (1804); Haus‑
w4en, oiler gemeinwJWtliche HausandacU (1807); and the posthumous Sechs Buclter vom Preesterstande (Miinater, 1858).
Besides Overberg, Von Fiiratenberg, and the Princess Amalie, the Gallitzin circle was represented not only by Friedrich Leopold von Stolberg and Johann Theodor Hermann Katerkamp (qq.v.), but also by the three brothers Von Drosts‑Vischering: namely,
Caspar Maximilian, bishop of Milnster Other (1825‑16); Franz Otto, canon of MunMembers ster (d. 1826); and Clemens August
of the (seetDROsTE‑VIsc11ERINa). Here, too, Gallitzin belongs Amalie's only son (see GAI_
Circle. 1.1Tz1N, DEMETRIUs AuauaTINE). Next
to Katerkamp the most learned and prolific theologian of the circle was Johannes Hyacinth Kistemaker (b. 1754; d. 1884), professor at Munster, and the author, among other works, of the Commentatw de nova ezegesi praxipuue Veteris Testaments ex couatis scriptoribua Graxis et Romania (1806), the Canticum canticorum illustratum ex hiemgraphia orientalium (1818), and a translation of and commentary on the entire New Testament (7 vols., 1818‑25). He likewise published an edition of the Vulgate in 1824 in an unsuccessful attempt to counteract the work of Leander van Ess (q.v.). Others of the Gallitzin coterie were Anton Maria Sprickmann, professor at Munster after 1780; Johann Heinrich Brockmann (b. at Liesbom, near Beckum, which is 23 m. s.e. of Munster, 1767; d. at Munster 1847), professor of moral and pastoral theology at Munster after 1800, and the author of a life of St. Aloysius (1820) and other works; and Georg Kellermann (b. at Freckenhorst, near Munster, 1776; d. at Munster Mar. 29, 1847), chaplain and tutor to Count von Stolberg (1801‑17), dean of St. Ludger's at Munster (1817‑26), professor of New‑Testament exegesis at Munster (1826‑47), bishop‑elect at his death (1847), and the author of pedagogical or edifying works, such as the prayer book, Gott meine Zuversfcht (1845). More transitory relations to the Gallitzin circle were sustained by Georg Hermes (q.v.), Clemens von Brentano, Johannes Michael Sailer (q.v.); such Protestants as Thomas Wizenmann, Johann Friedrich Kleuker (q.v.); and the historian Franz Bernhard von Bucholtz (b. 1790; d. at Vienna 1838), the author of a history of Ferdinand T. (9 vols., Vienna, 1831‑38). (0. MCBLER t.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On Ovmberg consult: C. F. Krabbe, Leben B. Oroerberpe. Monster, 1831, Eng. tr=W., Derby, 1843; (J. Reinermann), B. Overberp in seinem Leben and Wirken, Monster, 1829; H. Harold, Prans von POratenberp and Bernhard Overbem in Arem pemeinsamen Wirken frir die Volksechule, Monster, 1893; A. Kn6ppel, Bernhard over. berg. Mains, 1898; ADB, xzv. 14 sqq.
On the circle consult: The correspondence and diary of the princess, published MOneter, 1874‑78; J. T. H. Katerkamp, Denkwttrdipke4en Bus dens Leben der Pfretin A. von GalUitzin. Monster, 1828; W. Esser, Franz won Par. atenberp, MVneter, 1842; C. F. Krabbe, OeschicMiche Naehrichten aber die haheren Lehranatauen in Mianater, Mfineter, 1852; J. (lalland, Die POratin Amalie con GalliArin and Are Preunde, Cologne, 1880; J. Janssen, Priedricb Leopold Grraf sa Stolberp, Fmburg, 1882; F. Nielsen, Ass dam inneren Leben der katholischen Ruche im 19. Jahrhundert, i. 221‑243, Carlsrube, 1882; F. Nippold. Kleine Schriften. i. 209‑258. Jens, 1899; ADB, viii. 232244; %L, iv. 2087‑91, vii. 388‑387, 735 sqq.

OwOveerton	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG 	292
OVERTON, JOHN HENRY: Church of England historian; b. at Louth (24 m. n.e. of Lincoln), England, Jan. 4, 1835; d. at Market Harborough (12 m. s.e. of Leicester), England, Sept. 15, 1903. He studied at Rugby, and at Lincoln College, oxford (B.A., 1858; M.A., 1860); was ordained deacon in 1858, and priest 1859; was curate of Quedgeley, Gloucestershire, 1858‑60; vicar of Legbourne, Lincolnshire, 1860‑83; became canon of Stow Longs, in Lincoln Csthedral,1879; was rector of Epworth, diocese of Lincoln, 1883‑98; rural dean of Axholme, 1883‑98; select preacher at Oxford University, 1901; and Birkbeck lecturer in ecclesiastical history at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1902‑03. He was the author of The English Church in the Eighteenth Century (in collaboration with C. J. Abbey, 2 vols., London, 1878); William Law, Nonjuror and Mystic: A Sketch of his Life, Character and Opinions (1881); Life in the English Church (1660‑1714) (1885); Evangelical Revival in the Eighteenth Century (1886); Christopher Wordsworth, Bishop of Lincoln (in collaboration with Miss E. Wordsworth, 1888); The English Church in the Nineteenth Century (1894); John Wesley (1895); The Church in England (2 vols., 1897); The Anglican Revival (1897); The Nonjurors, their Lives, Principles and Writings (1902); The English Church: From Accession of George 1. to End of Eighteenth Century (171/,1800) (in collaboration with F. Relton, 1906).

OWEN, JOHN: The name of two prominent English theologians.
1. Independent scholar and Reformer; b. at Stadham or Stadhampton (5 m. s.s.e. of Oxford) in 1616; d. at Ealing (9 m. w. of St. Paul's Cathedral, London) Aug. 24, 1683. His father was a clergyman of Welsh extraction, tracing a descent from Gwegan ap Ithel, Prince of Glamorgan. The son was sent to Oxford when only twelve years of age, and studied classics, mathematics, philosophy, theology, Hebrew, and rabbinical lore (B.A., 1632; M.A., 1635); leaving Oxford in 1637. Laud was then powerful in the university, and endeavored to carry out his High‑church (see CHURCH of ENaLAND, II., § 8) plans, and Owen refused to submit to the Laudian discipline; and being both in spiritual and temporal difficulties, he sunk into a state of deep melancholy. Before he left college he took orders, and became chaplain to Lord Lovelace, one of the Royalist party. From him Owen separated, on account of his own sympathy with the patriots, as the Parliamentarians were called. Retiring to London, a sermon on the words " Why are ye fearful, 0 ye of little faith? " led to a spiritual decision. Soon after, Owen published a decidedly Calvinistic book, entitled Display of Arminianism (London, 1643), by which he identified himself with the AntiHigh‑church party, and was presented to the living of Fordham, Essex. There he preached with success, delivering a sermon before Parliament in 1646, and, rising in reputation, was promoted to the important incumbency of Coggeshall, near Fordham.
He then adopted the principles of Independency; and while parish pastor, and preaching from the parish pulpit, he gathered an Independent Church. Here also he published an exposition of Congrega‑
tional church principles entitled, Eschol; or Rules of Direction for the Walking of the Saints in Fellowship (1648). During his residence at Coggeshall he further engaged in the Calvinistic controversy, and wrote his Salus electorum, sanguis Jesu (1648), a polemic against Arminianism. The antinomian tendency of this work elicited protests from Richard Baxter and John Home. He also preached and published sermons to the Parliamentarians at Colchester and Rumford, entitled, A Memorial of the Deliverance of Essex County and Committee (1648). Thoroughly identified with the Parliamentarians, he was invited to preach before parliament on the day after King Charles' execution, when he acquitted himself with great prudence. Soon afterward he met with Cromwell, whom he attended in his expedition to Ireland. His sermons before parliament previous to his embarkation, and again on his return, on the spiritual state of Ireland, resulted in the reendowment of Trinity College, Dublin. He accompanied Cromwell to Scotland, and occupied Presbyterian pulpits there while the conflict was going on between parliament and the Scotch Loyalists. Owen returned to Coggeshall in 1651, and the House of Commons voted that he should be appointed dean of Christ Church, Oxford, in the place of Dr. Reynolds, the Presbyterian.
His career at Oxford was remarkable. The university had fallen into great disorder during the civil wars, and the new dean acted as a vigorous and successful reformer. The heads of houses during Owen's administration were men of eminent learning: they promoted education, as well as religion, and many distinguished persons in Church and State passed through a successful training. Owen was made vice‑chancellor in 1652, and preached before parliament the next year, at the thanksgiving for a naval victory over the Dutch. After the dissolution of the Long Parliament, in 1653, the university chose Owen as its representative in the House of Commons; but he was unseated on account of his orders. In the same year, he was one of the commissioners for ejecting and settling ministers, and in 1654 one of the Tryers, a body of Independents, Presbyterians, and Baptists, thirtyeight in number, authorized to inquire into the fitness of incumbents for the posts they held. Owen behaved with wisdom and moderation, and saved the celebrated Edward Pocock (q.v.), Arabic professor, from harsh and unrighteous treatment. When a conspiracy against Cromwell's government broke out in the West, in 1655, the vice‑chancellor exerted himself to preserve the public peace, and raised a troop of sixty horse; and the same year attended a conference at Whitehall touching the treatment of Jews. The next year he preached a well‑known sermon at Westminster Abbey entitled, God's Work in founding Zion, and his People's Duty thereupon (Oxford, 1656). Owen was replaced as vice‑chancellor, in 1658, by John Conant. During this period he produced several theological treatises. He opposed the Socinians by deducing the absolute necessity of satisfaction for sin from the constitution of divine nature, in Diatriba de Dlvina Justitla seu Justitim Vindicatrlcis Vindicim (1658). The Arminians were again attacked in Doctrine of

the Saints' Poraeveranoa Explained and Confirmed
(1654). Some of his best shorter treatises of this period were: Of the Mortifwation of Sin in Believers (1656); Of Communion with God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, each Person distinctly in Love, Grace, and Consolation (1657), apiece of wire‑drawn mysticism; Of Schism (1657), an ingenious attempt to exonerate the non‑conformists from schism; Temptation (1658); and Of the Divine Original Authority, Self‑evidencing Light and Power of the Scriptures (1659). Owen was unfriendly to Cromwell's assumption of the protectorship, and he took no part in his installation in that office. A meeting of the Independents, by Cromwell's permission, was held at the Savoy in 1658, when a declaration of faith was drawn up, for which Owen wrote the preface. While the Savoy meetings were going on, Cromwell died and his death made a great change in Owen's fortunes. The dean preached before the first parliament of the new protector. Owen was mixed up with consultations at Wallingford House, which ended in the fall of Richard, and the recalling of the Long Parliament. Owen preached before the members for the last time in May, 1659; and in Mar., 1660, the House of Commons discharged him from his deanery, and replaced Reynolds.
He now retired to his estate at Stadham and devoted himself to compiling Theologoumena pantodapa (1661), an encyclopedic Latin treatise on the history of religion and theology, from the Creation to the Reformation. While the Bill of Uniformity (see UNIFORMITY, ACT OF) was pending, he tendered a temperate protest, A Discourse concerning Liturgies and their Imposition (London, 1662); and on the Conventicle Bill (see CONvENmCLE ACT) he presented a minute to Parliament in 1671. By the former together with Animadversions (1662) and the Vindication of it (1664) he was thought to have rendered such a service to Protestant religion that Lord Clarendon offered him high preferment if he would conform to the Church of England. After being indicted for holding religious services in his house, and escaping imprisonment in 1664‑65, he removed to London. He had powerful friends at court. The duke of York discussed the rights. and wrongs of non‑conformity with him, and Charles II. gave him private audience and a thousand guineas for the sufferers by the penal laws. Notwithstanding the Conventicle Act he was suffered to preach, and, after dallying with Baxter's project for a union of Presbyterians and Independents, he accepted, in 1673, a pastorate on Leadenhall Street. In his Pneumatologia; or Discourse on the Holy Spirit (1674); Doctrine of Justification by Faith through the Imputation of the Righteousness of Christ (1677); Christologia (1679); Church of Rome no Safe Guide (1679) and Union among Protestants (1680) he bent his whole strength to the task of arresting the movement toward Rome on the one hand and rationalism on the other. He replied to an attack by stillingfleet on dissenters by Brief Vindication of North conformists from the charge of Schism (1681) and an Inquiry into the Original Nature, Institution, Power, Order, and Communion of Evangelical Churches (1681), wherein he endeavored to prove that the
RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
ovarton Owen
ecclesiastical polity of the first two centuries was congregational. He published Phronema pneumatos; or the Grace of Being Spiritually‑Minded (1681), Of the Work of the Holy Spirit in Prayer (1682), and at his death, Meditations and Discourses on the Glory of Christ (1696), a refreshing devotional book.
Owen remonstrated with the Congregationalists of New England for their intolerance and declined the presidency of Harvard College. In appearance he was tall and strong, and in disposition amiable. He was one of the most eminent of Protestant divines. He was a trenchant controversialist, and his learning was vast, varied, and profound; his mastery of Calvinism was complete. Other works should be noted: Exercitations on the Epistle to the Hebrews (1668‑84); A Brief Instruction in the Worship of God and Discipline of the Churches of the New Testament (1669); and also A Complete Collection of Sermons (1721). Works of John Owen have been edited by T. Russell, with best biography by W. Orme (28 vols., London, 1826); and by W. H. Goold, with Life by A. Thomson (24 vols., London, 1850‑55; American edition by C. W. Quick, 17 vols., Philadelphia, 1865‑69).
2. Church of England bishop of St. David's; b. at Llanegau (26 m. s.s.w. of Carnarvon), Carnarvonshire, Wales, Aug. 24, 1854. He was educated at Jesus College, Oxford (B.A., 1876; M.A., 1879), and was ordered deacon in 1879 and advanced to the priesthood in 1880. He was tutor, Welsh professor, and classical lecturer in St. David's College, Lampeter, Wales (1879‑85); warden' and head master of Llandovery College (1885,89); principal of St. David's College, sinecure rector of Llangeler, Carmarthenshire, and canon of Llanfair (first comportation) in St. Alban's Cathedral (1889‑97); and in 1897 was consecrated bishop of St. David's. He was also dean of St. Asaph in 1890‑92 and prebendary of Johannes Griffith in 1892‑96.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: On 1 consult, besides the lives in the Works, ut sup.; A. il Wood, Athena Ozonienaea, ed. P. Bliss, 4 vole., London, 1813‑20; T. Wright, Biopraphia Britannica liter aria, London, 1846; DNB, alii. 424‑428 (where scattering notices ere indicated).
OWEN, ROBERT: English socialist and philanthropist; . b. at Newtown (8 m. a.w. of Montgomery), Montgomeryshire, North Wales, May 14, 1771; d. there Nov. 19, 1858. The son of poor parents, he procured a situation in London at the age of fourteen, and subsequently had charge of the Chorlton Mills, near Manchester, and a cotton‑spinning manufactory at New Lanark, Scotland. His benevolent schemes secured a radical change in the morals of the operatives of New Lanark, and accomplished the education of their children. The reputation of his success spread rapidly, and attracted the attention of many philanthropists and distinguished men. Owen published New View of Socijy, or Essays on the Formation of Human Character (London, 1813), in which he developed a theory of modified communism. In 1824 he visited the United States, where he purchased a tract of land on the Wabash in Indiana, and founded New Harmony
(see COMMUNISM, II., 6). This communistic enterprise was a complete failure. Returning to England

Owen	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	294
ozanam
in 1827, Owen founded societies at Orbiston, Lan
arkshire, and Tytherley, Hampshire, in which the
principle of cooperation was put in practise. The
founder's ample means enabled him to make these
experiments on a liberal scale, but all resulted in
failure. In 1828 he visited Mexico at the invitation
of the government, with the view of establishing a
communistic society, but returned to Europe with
out accomplishing anything. He continued to ad
vocate his peculiar views to the day of his death.
In 1829 he held a famous debate with Alexander
Campbell .at Cincinnati on the evidences of Chris
tianity (he himself being an unbeliever). In the
latter years of his life (and probably under the in
fluence of his son, Robert Dale Owen) he was a be
liever in Spiritualism, having become convinced of
the immortality of the soul. Owen was a man of
remarkable energy and decided ability, but vision
ary. He and his followers, called " Owenists," be
came, in 1827, active in the establishment of the
labor leagues, in which the Chartist movement
largely had its origin. Among Owen's writings
are: Discourses on a New System of Society, with an
Account of the Society at New Lanark (Louisville,
1825); The Debate on the Evidences of Christianity
		. between R. Owen and A. Campbell (Bethany,
Va., 1829); and The Revolution in the Mired and
Practice of the Human Race (London, 1849).
BiBUoaa&rar: W. L. Sargent, Robert Owen and Isis Social
	Philosophy, London, 1860; G. J. Holyoake, Life . of
	Robert Owen, ib. 1868; F. A. Packard, Life of Robert Owen,
	Philadelphia, 1888; A. J. Booth, Robert Owen, the Founder
	of Socialism in England, London, 1889; L. Jones, Life,
	Times, and Labows of Robert Owen, ib. 1889; F. Podmore,
	Robert Owen, 2 vole., London, 1906; R. E. Davies, The
	Life of Robert Owen, Philanthropist and Social Reformer,
	London, 1907; W. A. Hinds, American Communities,
	Chicago, 1908.
	OBENDEIi, ASHTON: Church of England
bishop; b. at Broome Park, Canterbury, Sept. 20,
1808; d. at Biarritz (100 m. s.a.w. of Bordeaux),
France, Feb. 22, 1892. He studied at University
College, Oxford (B.A., 1831; M.A., 1859); was or
dained deacon 1833, and priest 1834; was curate of
Barham, Kent, 1833‑38; from 1838‑45 he retired
from active work on account of ill‑health; was rec
tor of Pluckley, Kent, 1849‑69; became honorary
canon of Canterbury Cathedral, 1864; was bishop
of Montreal and metropolitan of Canada, 1869‑78;
vicar of St. Stephen's, near Canterbury, 1879,84;
and rural dean of Canterbury, 1879,84. He was
the author of The Cottage Library: (1) Baptism, (2)
The Lord's Supper, (3) Hist. of the Christian Church,
(4) Fervent Prayer, (5) God's Message to the Poor,
(6) Story of Ruth (6 vols., London, 1847‑62); Cot
tage Sermons: or, Plain Words to the Poor (2 series,
1853‑54); The Pathway of Safety; or, Counsel to
the Awakened (1856); Cottage Readings. The Bar
ham Tracts Complete (1859); Sermons on the Chris
tian Life (1862); Portraits from the Bible (2 vols.,
1863); The Parables of our Lord Explained (1864);
Our Church and her Senrices (1866); A Simple Ex
position of the Psalms (2 vols., 1872‑73); The
Earnest Churchman (1878); Short Comments on the
Gospels (1885); The History of My Life: an Auto
biography (1891); Plain Sermons, With a Memoir
and Portrait of the Author (London and New York,
1893).
BIBLIOa8AF87: Consult, besides the Autobiography, and the Memoir in Plain Sermons, ut sup., DNB. z1iii. 9.
OBERHAM, HENRY RUTCOMBE: Roman Catholic; b. at Harrow (5 m. n.w. of London), England, Nov. 15, 1829; d. at Kensington, London, Mar. 23, 1888. He studied at Balliol College, Oxford (B.A., 1850; M.A., 1854); became curate at Worminghall, Buckinghamshire (1854), and later of St. Bartholomew's, Cripplegate, till 1857, when he joined the Roman Catholic Church; he was in the London Oratory, 1859‑60; became professor at St. Edmund's College, Ware, 1860; and master at the Oratory School, Birmingham, 1861. Among his works may be named: The Sentence of Kaires and other Poems (Oxford, 1854); The Catholic Doctrine of the Atonement: an historical Inquiry into its Development in the Church (London, 1865) ; Catholic Eschatology and Universalism. An Essay on the Doctrine of Future Retribution (1876); Short Studies in Ecclesiastical History and Biography and Short Studies Ethical and Religious (both reprinted from The Saturday Review, 1884,85). He was the translator of J. J. I. von Dcllinger's The First Age of Christianity and the Church (1886); The Pope and the Council, by Janus (1869); and Lectures on the Reunion of the Churches (1872). He was translator and editor of vol. ii. of C. J. von Hefele's A Hieory of Christian Councils (Edinburgh, 1876). Among his important contributions to The Saturday Review was a series of papers that appeared in 1870 on the proceedings at the Vatican council.
BIBLTOoBAP$Y: Manchester Guardian, Mar. 31, 1888; DNB, hiii. 13‑15; J. Gillow, Bibliographical Dictionary of English Catholics, v. 228‑231, London, n.d.
OXFORD: The county town of Oxfordshire, Eng., a cathedral city, the seat of a famous university and of a bishopric; situated at the junction of the Isis (Thames) and Cherwell (52 m. w.n.w of London); population 49,413 (1901). The university, though not founded by Alfred the Great, is a very old institution, and achieved very early a great fame. It probably originated from independent colleges founded in the place. Mention is made of what became the nuclei of the later university as early as the beginning of the twelfth century. The earliest charter recognizing it as a single organization dates from Henry III. (thirteenth century): the statutes date from 1629. At present the university comprises twenty‑one colleges, some of which are very richly endowed, and there are also one college and three halls for women in the town, the students of which have the privileges of lectures, library, and examinations, though not of degrees and honors. The university library is the Bodleian, founded by Sir Thomas Bodley in 1602. The University of Oxford has been closely identified with the religious life of England. From the Restoration down to 1854, dissenters (see NoNCONFORMISTS) were debarred from the honors of the university. Now, however, all persons can receive its degrees, since subscription to the Thirtynine Articles (q.v.) is no longer required. John Wyclif was professor at oxford, and in 1555 Latimer and Ridley, and in 1556 Cranmer, were burnt at Oxford. In 1606. James 1. prohibited Roman Catholics from " nominating to any free school."

99(;	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Owen
ozaaan
In the civil war the University of Oxford melted its plate to help the Stuarts. Laud was chancellor and Charles I. held co,Irt at Oxford. Consequently the parliamentary party was indignant; and, when it took the city (1646), ejected all those who favored the king. Chief among these was John Fell (q.v.), dean of Christ Church and vice‑chancellor. To him succeeded Edward Reynolds the Presbyterian (q.v.); and then John Owen the Independent (q.v.) 1652, until 1660, when Reynolds was restored. In 1651 Cromwell was elected chancellor. During the Commonwealth, instruction was given as usual, although there was some confusion; and among the students were John Locke, Robert South, Philip Henry, Daniel Whitby, and Matthew Poole (qq.v.). Walton's Polyglot (see BIBLES, POLYGLOT, IV.) was carried through the press during this period (1654‑58), and in it Oxford scholars took a principal part. With the Restoration (1660) the university became as pronouncedly loyal to the monarchy as it had been to the Commonwealth and those who had been ejected were restored. It was insulted by James II. because it refused to countenance his Roman Catholic schemes; yet, under Queen Anne, strong Jacobite sentiment prevailed. In the eighteenth century, Oxford became the starting‑point for the most remarkable religious movement in the annals of 'England: namely, Methodism (see METHODISTS); for John Wesley (q.v.) was student and fellow there, and " father " of the famous Holy Club, and there also George Whitefield (q.v.) studied. In the nineteenth century Oxford was also a religious center. It will be necessary to name only Edward Pusey, John Henry Newman, and John Keble (qq.v.) to call to mind the Tractarian movement (see TRACTAmANIBM) which stirred England so profoundly. A leader in quite a different school of religious thought was Benjamin Jewett (q.v.), master of Balliol, who headed, in a Scholarly way, the Broad‑church party (see ENGLAND, CHURCH Oh, IT., § 8).
Several councils or synods have been held at Oxford. Two are of especial interest; one on Nov. 18, 1382, before which Wyclif was summoned to answer for his attack on the doctrine of transubstantiation. The council passed no condemnatory sentence, yet he was debarred from lecturing in the university. The second synod to be mentioned was presided over by Thomas Arundel (q.v.) and was held in 1408. It passed thirteen decrees against the Lollards (q.v.), the followers of Wyclif; of which the third, sixth, and seventh may thus be summarized: Every preacher must adapt his discourse to
the class immediately addressed, so that he may to the clergy speak of the faults of the clergy, and to the laity of the faults of the laity, but not vice versa. No book of Wyclif's may be read anywhere, unless it has been previously approved. The Bible must no longer appear in an English translation, and the Wyclifite translation must no longer be used.
The see of Oxford (embracing the three counties, Berkshire, Buckingham, and Oxfordshire) was es. tablished by Henry VIII. in 1542; and the cathedral was first the church of St. Frideswide which became Christ Church, Oxford, in 1546. Among the eminent bishops of Oxford may be mentioned Henry Compton, John Fell, Thomas Seeker, and Samuel Wilberforce (qq.v.).
BIHL206RAPHY: Illustrated History of the University of Osford, its Colleges, Halls, and Public Buildings, 2 vole., London, 1814; V. A. Huber, Die englischm Universiddten, vols. i‑ii., Cased, 183910, abridged Eng. traml., 2 vole., The English Universities, London, 1843; G. Smith, A Plea for the Abolition of Tests in the University of Oxford, London, 1883; idem, The Re‑organization of the University of Oxford. ib. 1888; J. Parker, Early History of Oxford, 727‑1100, Oxford, 1885; . G. C. Broderick, History of (Oxford) University, London, 1886; A. Clarke, The Collapse of Oxford: their Hid. and Traditions, London, 1891; P. Dearmer, The Cathedral Church of Oxford, London, 1897; J. Wells. Oxford and its Colleges, London, 1904; G. F. Bridges, The Oxford Reformers and English Church Principles. Their Rise, Trial and Triumph, London, 1908.
OXFORD TRACTS. See TRAcTARIANIBM.
OZANAM, ANTOINE FREDERIC: Roman Catholic scholar; b. at Milan Apr. 23, 1813; d. at Marseilles Sept. 8, 1853. He studied at Lyons and Paris, and was, in 1841, appointed professor of foreign literature at the Sorbonne. He was a man of piety, learning, and great literary powers. His great aim was to write a counterpart of Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, and to vindicate the Roman Catholic Church by means of a history of the Christian civilization; but he succeeded in realizing it only in a fragmentary manner: Dante et la philoaophie eatholique au treizi&ne sii'cle (Paris, 1839); Hiatoire de la civilisation. (1845; tranal., Hint. of Civilization in. the 6th Century, by A. C. Glyn, 2 vols., London, 1868); Audes germaniquea (Paris, 1847‑19); and Les Pates franciscains en Italie (1852). A collected edition of his works in 11 vols. appeared (Paris, 1855‑65).
BIRLIOORAPRY: His life was written by U. Legeay, Paris, 1854; J. B. H. D. de Lacordaire, ib. 1856; F. %. Harker, Paderborn, 1867; M. de Montrond, 1870; Kathleen O'Meara, Edinburgh, 1876; E. Hardy, Mainz, 1878; A. Ozaaam, Paris, 1878; Mme. E. Humbert~ ib.1886; C. Huit, ib. 1888; and J. Laur, ib.1895.

Paces
Paahomins shusenus
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
P: The symbol employed to designate the Priestly document which, according to the critical school, is one of the components of the Hexateuch (q.v.). See HEBREW LANGUAGE AND LiTERATuxE, II., § 4.

PACCA, piled, BARTOLOMMEO: Cardinal; b. at Benevento Dec. 15, 1756; d. at Rome Apr. 19, 1844. At the Congress of Ems (see Ems, CONGRESS OF), in 1786, when certain princes of the Church in western Germany endeavored to secure for themselves a last vestige of ecclesiastical independence, Rome's answer was already framed in the founding of a papal nunciature at Munich, together with, the despatch of the young diplomat, Pacca, to Cologne as nuncio. Thus every attempt in the Febronian direction (see HONTHElbl, JOHANN NICOLAUs vON) was nullified by Rome. And though the Rhenish prelates refused to receive the new nuncio, he nevertheless exercised an unrestricted authority of jurisdiction at Cologne, where he took skilful advantage of the discord between the citizens and the archbishop. In the Prussian districts on the left bank of the Rhine, he gained no less prompt recognition than in the dioceses of Hildesheim, Paderborn, Speyer, Li6ge, and the Bavarian domains. The Prussian diplomacy, then as afterward, proved all too accommodating in relation to the Curia. Indeed, Frederick William II. thereby reaped the advantage of having recognized by the Curia the royal title which the Prussian monarchs had borne since 1701.
	The clever diplomatist Pacca was already in a
very fair way to stifle all impulses of ecclesiastical
independence. in western Germany, when the French
Revolution (q.v.) broke out. Its army, invading
the German border in 1794, interrupted further pro
ceedings. His experiences acquired at Cologne
availed Pacca, in the next place, as nuncio at Lis
bon, 1795‑1800. His method was to assume the
appearance of concession, yet prosecute his demands
to their utmost limits by presenting them repeatedly
in diversified form. His " Memoirs," which belong
to the most interesting state papers of his time,
cover his sojourn in both Germany and Portugal,
and have appeared in various languages and edi
tions (Pesaro, 1830, Orvieto, 1843, Paris, 1883,
1884, etc.). Returning to Rome in 1801, Paces,
took his place at the front of the radical party, and,
in 1808, thrust out the temporizing Consalvi (q.v.)
from the leadership of affairs of State. On July 6,
1809, he was abducted in the same carriage with
Pope Pius VII. (q.v.) and continued in French cus
tody until 1813. In 1814 he accompanied the pope
in his triumphal entry into Rome. Though the sub
sequent course of events restored his opponent
Consalvi to the leading place, Paces nevertheless
remained the effective influence to which the
papacy owed its restoration. 	K. BENRATH.
BIBL20aHAP87: Consult Pacca's Memorse Stonkhe del Minidero . . . dd Card. B. Paeca, 2 vole., Orvieto, 1843, Eng.
trand., Notes on the Ministry of Cardinal B. Paua, Dublin,
1843; and his Historical Memoirs, 2 vole., London, 1850;
M. Broseh. Gesch0ts des Kirehenetaatea, vol. u., Goths, 1882; F. Nippold, The Papacy in the 18th Centun , pp. 22, 26, 38, New York, 1900.
PACCANARI, ftICOLO: Roman Catholic, founder of the Society of the Faith of Jesus (Baccanarists, Paccanarists); b. at Val Sugana (near Trent, 80 m. s.w. of Innsbruck) about the middle of the eighteenth century; d. after 1809. Originally a merchant, he came under the influence of the Jesuit Gravita at Rome and was inspired, though a layman, to attempt the restoration of the Society of Jesus (see JEsUITs), which had been dissolved by Clement XIV. With a few companions Paccanari accordingly founded his society in 1797, imitating the Jesuit organization in detail, and himself being chosen superior. The society was confirmed by Pius VI. in 1798, and the fathers, originally twelve in number, at first resided near Spoleta. By letters. to various ecclesiastical princes of Italy, and by entrusting to the society the education of the students of the propaganda driven from Rome by the French republicans, Pius VI. aided in the rapid growth of the organization. In 1799 the organization was united with the French society of the Holy Heart of Jesus which had taken refuge in Austria, and Paccanari became general superior of the united body, and in 1800 was ordained priest. Though the order spread rapidly from Austria. and Italy to France, Belgium, Holland, and England, it soon began to decline. Paccanari lacked administrative ability, and his imperious temper opposed union with the Russian branch of the Jesuits. In 1804, therefore, a number of Italian members went over .to the Jesuits who had been restored in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. At the same time the fathers of the society in Holland and England began to migrate to Russia to become Jesuit novices; while the French members of the order fell away from their incapable founder and chose Varin, the second superior of the old Society of the Holy Heart of Jesus, as their head. In 1808 Paccanari was deposed by the holy office from the general superiorship and condemned to ten years in prison. He gained his liberty in the following year, when the French again invaded Rome, but he had lost his importance and henceforth remained unknown.
(O. ZOCgaEat.)
BIBiA06RAPHY: F. Sped, Leonor Prams roan Tournely and
die Gesellachaft des heilipen Herzem Jesu, pp. 269 sqq., 313 sqq., Breslau, 1874; A. Guide, Vie du . . . Joseph Varin, pp. 72 sqq., 169 sqq., Paris, 1860; Heimbucher, Orden and %ongrepationen, iii. 88 sqq.
PACE, RICHARD: English ecclesiastic, diplomatist, and man of letters; b. at or near Winchester, about 1482; d. at Stepney, in the east of London, 1536. His studies were principally conducted at Padua; and although, on his return, he entered Queen's College, Oxford, he very soon left it for the service of Cardinal Bainbridge, whom he accompanied to Rome at the end of 1509. In May, 1510, he became prebendary of South Muskham, Southwell. In 1514 he became archdeacon of Dorset, in 1519 dean of St. Paul's, and in 1522 dean of

297	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Paooa
		Paohomium $hnwnus
Exeter. Meanwhile he had attracted the notice of
Henry VIII. and Wolsey. In 1521 he was sent to
the strong republic of Venice and again in 1523 to
promote Wolsey's election to the papacy. Wolsey
was believed to be jealous of his influence; more
probably his health, both physical and mental, was
failing, and upon the doge's request, he was recalled
in 1525. In 1527 he retired from St. Paul's to Sion
near Twickenham. Pace was an amiable and ac
complished man, the friend of More, Erasmus, and
Colet. He had the courage to publish a book against
Henry VIII.'s marriage with Catharine of Aragon
(1527); but his most important work is De fructu
qui ex doctrina percipitur (Basel, 1517).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. H. Milman, Annals of St. Paul s, pp.
	179 sqq., London, 1869; J. S. Brewer, Reign of Henry
	VIII., i. 112 sqq., ib. 1884; DNB, aliii. 22‑24.
	PACHOMIUS, pa‑ca'mios: Egyptian monk and
founder of monasteries; b. near Esneh (25 m. s. of
Thebes) about 292; d. probably at Peboou, north
of Tabenn8ee (the latter 35 m. n.w. of Thebes), May
9, 346 (ASB, May 14, 348). The son of heathen par
ents, he was a recruit in one of the Egyptian wars
of Constantine (probably 314), and was converted
to Christianity at Esneh. Free to return to his
home after Constantine's victory, he was baptized
at Chenoboscion (Shenesit). After dwelling for a
short time in a little chapel at Chenoboscion, he
resided for a considerable period in the hermit
colony of Palmmon. He then built at Tabennw,
on the east bank of the Nile, the first monastery,
replacing the scattered cells of the hermits by a
house with many cells, the structure being sur
rounded by a wall. This proving too small, a sec,
and monastery was built at Peboou, which, in
Pachomius' lifetime,, became the center of nine
monasteries and two nunneries. Accused of hav
ing visions by the bishops at a synod held at Esneh,
he hardly escaped with his life from the bloody tur
moil between priests and monks. He early enjoyed
the favor of Athanasius, who visited his monas
teries in 330, and whose orthodox teachings he zeal
ously upheld. Pachomius was a skilful organizer.
The entire group of monasteries because, a great
productive society under his administration, buy
ing the raw materials and selling the finished prod
ucts. A general reckoning was held semiannually
at Easter and on Aug. 13. In 351, five years after
the death of Pachomius, an attempt was made by
Apollonius, abbot of Temoushons, to break up this
closely organized system; but the threatened schism
of the monastic union subsided when Theodore be
came the coadjutor of Horaiisi, who had succeeded
Patronius, Pachomius' Ahort‑lived successor, in 346.
Theodore built three new monasteries and one new
nunnery; and the number of Greek monks in
creased rapidly, Pachomius having admitted for
eigners and built a special house for Greek monks.
In 404 Jerome reckoned the monks who attended
the general accountings at the exaggerated num
ber of 50,000; Cassian estimated them at only 5,000;
while Palladius and Sozomen speak of only 7,000
monks of Tabennae. About 460 a church was
erected in honor of Pachomius by Martyrius, ab
bot of Peboou.
	In his establishment of monastic life, Pachomius
prepared a rule which required absolute obedience, checked individual caprice, and prescribed certain exercises and abstinences binding on all members of the community. According to the oldest form of the rule, which apparently goes back to Pachomius himself and which is preserved by Palladius (Hilt. Lausiaca, xxxviii.) and other sources, each of the numerous cells in a monastery was to accommodate three monks. All the monks were to wear a linen undergarment, a leather girdle, and a white sheep akin or goat skin; the akin and the girdle being laid aside only when the monks received the Eucharist on Saturday and Sunday. Their headdress was the cucullus. By night the skins were to serve to cover the monks, who slept on low, sloping benches of masonry. The common meals were to be taken with covered head and in absolute silence. A three‑years' novitiate was required before admission to the monastery. The earliest traces of the hours are found in this first of monastic rules; twelve prayers were to be recited by day, three at nones, twelve at twilight, and twelve at the midnight vigils, each prayer being preceded by the singing of a psalm. The monks were divided into twenty‑four divisions according to the letters of the alphabet, the classification being based on the correspondence of the character of each monk to the mystical signification attached to the individual letters of the alphabet. This latter classification was soon replaced by a division according to the manual duties of the monks; and the requirement of the three‑years' novitiate was abolished.
The rules of Pachomius, which have passed through many recensions in Coptic, Ethiopic, Greek, and Latin, exercised a powerful influence in the later development of monasticism. The Ethiopic monasteries were modeled after them; Athanasius brought them to the west during his exile in 340346; Jerome translated them in 404 for his monastery at Bethlehem; and Benedict of Aniane (q.v.) selected them in his reform of Frankish monasticism. Anselm of Havelberg (q.v.) in the twelfth century found more than 500 monks living in a monastery at Constantinople according to the rules of Pachomius. Coptic fragments of sermons of Pachomius and Theodore and of four letters of Horsiisi have also survived, as well as the latter's Doctrina de institutions nwnachorum; also probably translated by Jerome. (G. GROTZMACBER.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The Vita, by an unknown Greek author, in Lat. tranal. by Dionysius Eriguus, is in MPL, badii. 227272, and in ASB, May, iii. 295‑334. Fragments of other lives in Coptic and Arabic are given in Annales du Musje Guimet, avii (1889), 1 sqq., 295 sqq., 337 sqq., and Mkmoires de la mission arch&lo*ue frarvaise au Cairo, iv. 2‑3, 521 sqq.; one in Syriac is in Bedian, Acta martbrura d sauctorum, v. 121 sqq., Paris, 1895. Other sources are Palladius, Histora Lausiaca, chaps. vii., a., zuviii.a1ii., alviii.; Gennadius, De vir. Q., viii.‑‑ia. Consult: E. Am€lineau, Etude hiatoriqm our S. Pach6me, Cairo, 1887; G. Gratzmaeher, Pachomius uad dae tUeste KMate~ leben, Freiburg, 1896; P. Ladeum nude aw Is c6rwbitisme Pakhornien, Louvain, 1898: 8. $ohiwietz, in Archiv far katholiwhes $irchmr®cht, 1901•03; DOB, iv. 170‑171.
PACHOMIUS RHUSANUUS: Greek theol; b. in Zante, One of the Ionian islands, 1510; d. about 1553. He was a monk first in his native

	"S
p		THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	298
island and then on Mt. Athos, and in his numerous writings, mostly practical in tendency, he touched upon many problems of theology. He was a bitter opponent of Joannikios Kartanos (q.v.), and assailed the lifeless ceremonialism of his church in his work " Against the Hellenizers." He also sought to reform the monasticism of his time in a series of writings; especially, " On the Advantage from the Sacred Writings "; and he was likewise the author of the first Greek polemic against Luther. Besides these, he wrote a series of dogmatic and practical treatises. A partial collection of his works may be found in MPG, xcviii. 1333‑60.
(PHILIPP MEYER.)
Brsaroossra:: E. Legrand, BiViopraphis hdNniqw, i. 231 sqq., Paris, 1885; P. Mayer. Die theoWisehs Liueratur der priecAisehen %ircAe in 16. Jahrhundat, pp. 38 sqq., Leipsic, 1899; gnrmbaeher, GsechieAfe, p. 593.

PACIANUS: Spanish theologian of the fourth century; d. about 390. The chief source for a knowledge of his life is Jerome (De vir. t71., cvi., cxxxii.; Contra Rufinum, i. 24). He was the father of the Flavius Lucius Dexter to whom Jerome dedicated his Catalogua virorum ilhtatrium in 392, who in later life became bishop of Barcelona. Besides a lost work Cerwa (apparently a penitential sermon or an admonition against a public amusement by that name then popular in Gaul and probably also in Spain), Pacianus wrote a Contra Novatianos, of which three letters have been preserved (ed. Tilius, Paris, 1537; Gallandi, Biblaotheca patrum, vii. 257267; MPL, xiii. 1051,82; H. Hurter, Innsbruck, 1878; and P. H. Peyrot, Zwolle, 1896). These are addressed to a certain Sympronianus or Sempronianus, who was in danger of adopting Novatianism. The first letter, " On the Catholic Name," defends the Catholic position; the second " On the Letters of Sympronianus," answers certain questions and objections; the third, " Against the Tractates of the Novatians," refutes the erroneous doctrines and abuses of the sect (MPL, xiii. 1051‑52). Pacianus was likewise the author of a Parmnesis ad panitentiam (ib., p. 1081) and of a Sermo de bagr tismo (ib., p. 1089). These works are more distinguished for correct Latinity and clear and pleasing presentation than for originality, representing the essential practical point of view of traditional orthodoxy. According to Jerome, Dexter, the son of Pacianus, wrote a history which has never been published, the Chronicon Dextri, alleged to have been discovered by the Jesuit Hieronymus Romanus de la Higuera (ed. Saragossa, 1619; MPL, xxxi. 55‑572), being a forgery. (O. Zbcal.RRt.)
Brarrooswrar: ABB, March, ii. 44; Tillernonk M6rnoirea, viii. 539; P. B. Gun, Hirchenpesckiekte Spaniens, ii. 1, pp. 318‑324, 334‑336, Regensburg, 1884; W. $. Teuffel, Geach0te der rnmiscken Liftemtur, p. 1074, Leipsio, 1890; DCB, iv. 171.

PACIFICATION, EDICTS OF: The name generally given to those edicts which from time to time the French kings issued in order to pacify the Huguenots. The first of the kind was that issued by Charles IX. in 1562, which guaranteed the Reformed religion toleration within certain limits; the last was the famous Edict of Nantes. (See NANTES, EDICT or.)
PACIFIC ISLANDS: See SOUTH SEA ISLANDS.
PADDOCK, ROBERT LEWIS‑ Protestant Episcopal missionary bishop of Eastern Oregon; b. in Brooklyn, N. Y., Dec. 24, 1869. He was educated at Trinity College, Hartford, Conn. (B.A., 1894), and Berkeley Divinity School, Middletown, Conn. (from which he was graduated in 1897), and was ordered deacon in 1897 and ordained priest in the following year. He was in charge of St. Paul's Mission, Southington, Conn. (1897,), and secretary of the Church Students' Missionary Association and assistant minister of St. Paul's, Cleveland, O. (18971898). As vicar of the pro‑cathedral, New York City (1898‑1901), and rector of Holy Apostles', New York (1902‑07), he distinguished himself by his fight against the immorality flagrant in his parish. In 1907 he was consecrated missionary bishop of the newly erected see of Eastern Oregon.

	PADERBORN, BISHOPRIC OF:		An ancient
bishopric in the present kingdom of Prussia. In the
assignment of the Saxon mission field to various
Frankish dioceses, the district around Paderborn
was designated as belonging to the bishopric of
Wiircburg, probably at the diet held in Paderborn
itself in 777. At the conclusion of the Saxon war,
Charlemagne made it an independent diocese, ap
pointing to it Hathumar, a Saxon by birth and a
priest of the Wilrzburg diocese. This was probably
in the first decade of the ninth century. The new
see was subject to the metropolitan jurisdiction of
Mainz. 	(A. HAucg.)
The second bishop, Badurad (815‑852), was influential in public affairs, and as envoy of Louis the Pious persuaded Lothair to submit to his father. Among the best known is Thomas Oliver (1223‑25), crusader and historian, later cardinal‑bishop of Sabina. Under Eric of Brunswick (1508‑32) the doctrines of the Reformation made headway in the diocese, and the see was next held by Hermann von Wied, the reforming archbishop of Cologne. In 1802 the bishopric was secularized, and the temporal jurisdiction assigned to Prussia, to which, after a short period as part of the kingdom of Westphalia, it returned in 1814. By the bull De salute animarum of 1821 the diocese was not only maintained as a spiritual entity, but enlarged by the jurisdiction of the former bishoprics of Corvey, Magdeburg, Halberstadt, Merseburg, and Naumburg, as well as portions of some others, thus becoming the second largest in Germany.
Br8iA008APH1: The literature under MuzxeTSS, Brssorarc or; Rettberg, %D, ii. 438 sqq.; Hauck, KD, vol. ii. passim; M. Gorges, Beitrdye cur Geschichte des Hochatiftes Paderborn im 17. Jahrhundert, Monster, 1892; F. Philippi, Zur Verfasaunpspewhichte der weatJUliachen Biacholsstndte, G.nabrOck, 1894; F. X. Schrader, Leben and Wirken Meinwerks Biw*oJ's con Paderborn, 1009‑38, Paderborn, 1895; J. Falter, Der yreussische KuiturkampJ 187, mit BerneksieMipunp der Diacese Padaborn, ib. 1900.

PADOBAPTISM (Gk. paidos, "of a child," and baptismos, "baptism"): The baptism of little children, commonly called baptism of infants (see BAPTISM).
PAGAN, PAGANISM. See HzATH&NIsM, 1 I.

299
RELIGIOUS
PAGE, HARLAN: American philanthropist; b. at Coventry, Conn., July 28, 1791; d. in New York Sept. 23, 1834. From 1825 to his death he was New York agent of the general depository of the American Tract Society. He was a most devoted Christian, and employed every agency to do good.
BiBUoaasra:: His Memoir wse by W. A. Heliook, New
York, 1835.

PAGET, FRANCIS: Church of England bishop of Oxford; b. at London, Mar. 20, 1851. He was educated at Christ Church, Oxford (B.A., 1873), where he was senior student (1873‑83) and tutor (1876‑83). He was vicar of Bromsgrove (1883‑85); regius professor of pastoral theology at Oxford and canon of Christ Church (1885‑92); dean of Christ Church (1892‑1901); and was consecrated bishop of Oxford (1901). He was also Oxford preacher at Whitehall in 1881‑83, examining chaplain to the bishop of Ely in 1878‑91, and chaplain to the bishop of Oxford in 1899‑1901. He has written Concerning Spiritual (rifts (London, 1881); The Redemption of Work (1882); Faculties and Difficulties for Belief and Disbelief (1887); The Hallowing of Work (1888); the essay on the sacraments in Lux Mundi (1889); The Spirit of Discipline (1891); Studies in the Christian Character (1895); Introduction to the Pifth Book of Hooker's Treatise of Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity (1899); The Redemption of War (1900); Christ the Way (1902); and The Recommendations of the Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Discipline (1906).

PAGI, ANTOINE: Roman Catholic Church historian; b. at Roques in Provence (southeastern France) in 1624; d. at Aix (17 m. n. of Marseilles) in 1699. He entered the order of the Cordeliers, 1641; was four times elected provincial; distinguished himself as a preacher; and published Critica historico‑chronologica in Annalea Baronii (4 vols., Paris, 1689‑1705). In the execution of that work he was helped by his nephew, Fransois Pagi (16541721), who was also a Cordelier, and who wrote Pontificum Romanorum fiesta (4 vols., Antwerp, 1717‑53) in a strongly marked ultramontane spirit.

PAINE, LEVI LEONARD: Congregationalist; b. at Holbrook (formerly East Randolph), Mass., Oct. 10, 1832; d. at Bangor, Me., May 10, 1902. He received his education at Yale College (B.A., 1856), and at the divinity, school of that institution (graduated 1861); was tutor in the college, 18591861; pastor at Farmington, Conn., 1861‑70; and professor of ecclesiastical history at Bangor Theological Seminary from 1871 till his death. He was an example of a devoted teacher whose concentration of energies upon the work of teaching was so complete that he found little time for literary work. Accordingly it was not till near the close of his life that he published more than occasional addresses and sermons. He then issued Critical History of the Evolution of Trinitarianism (Boston, 1900); and The Ethnic Trinities and their Relation to the Christian Trinity (1901).
PAINE, THOMAS: Political and deistic writer; b. at Thetford (28 m. w.s.w. of Norwich), England,
ENCYCLOPEDIA
Paelanus Pine
Jan. 29, 1736‑37; d. in New York City June 8, 1809. His parents were Quakers. He left school at thirteen and tall eighteen worked at his father's trade of stay‑making, when he went to sea in a privateer. In Apr., 1759, he settled at Sandwich as a master stay‑maker, and in September of that year married. Not prospering he removed to Margate the next year and there soon after his wife died. In 1761 he entered the excise branch of the government service and remained there till 1774, with the exception of a couple of years when, probably owing to his lax conduct, he was out of the service. He was restored but again dismissed, and finally, on the charge of smuggling. In 1771 he married Elizabeth Ollive, daughter of his landlord. In 1772 he wrote a small pamphlet, The Case of the Ofmrs of Excise; with Remarks on the Qualifications of Officers, and on the numerous Evils arising to the Reu, enue, from the Insufuwe»cy of the present Salary: humbly addressed to the Members of both Houses of Parliament. It was the first public exhibition of his power as a writer, but it gave offense to the upper officials and probably was the occasion of his dismissal on a trumped‑up charge. Shortly after this he and his wife were formally separated.
By advice of Benjamin Franklin, whom he met in London, he came to America and at once found employment for his pen. He was a contributor to the first issue of the Pennsylvania Magazine, published in Philadelphia in Jan., 1775, and soon after its editor and so continued for eighteen months. From Aug., 1776, to Jan., 1777, he was a soldier in Washington's army, and it was while at the front that he wrote the first number of The Crisis which so powerfully heartened the country for the struggle. Thus introduced to the notice of the patriots he had employment as opportunity offered and was considered as a person worthy of substantial rewards. In 1777 he became secretary to the Congressional Committee of Foreign Affairs, but was obliged to resign on Jan. 7, 1779, because in the heat of a newspaper controversy with Silos Deane he divulged state secrets. In Nov., 1779, he was clerk to the general assembly of Pennsylvania. In 1781, in association with Col. John Laurens he negotiated in France a loan of 6,000,000 livres. He returned on Aug. 25. In Feb., 1782, he was engaged by the secretary of foreign affairs at what was then called the handsome salary of =800 per annum. In 1784 the state of New York gave him a house and 277 acres of land at New Rochelle, in 1785 Pennsylvania 500 pounds sterling, and in Oct., 1785, Congress gave him =3,000. The several amounts were sufficient to make him financially independent. From 1787 to 1802 he was in Europe, most of the time in France. His Rights of Man, Published in London in 1791, attracted the attention of the French liberal party, and he was made a citizen of France and elected to the National Assembly. He had the courage to vote against the execution of Louis XVL, and thus incurred the anger of Robespierre, who threw him into the prison of the Luxembourg on Dec. 28, 1793, and there he remained until Nov. 4, 1794, when, on the solicitation of James Monroe, minister to France, he was released. He tells himself of his marvelous escape

pains
Psiati2iff
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
300
from the guillotine, which was solely due to the fact that his door in the prison opened outward. It had been marked in token that the occupant of the room was to be executed, but his door being closed for the night the mark was of course not seen by those going through the prison in the early morning to drag out their victims.
On Oct. 30, 1802, he landed once more in America. He found that his friends had so managed his property that it would yield him an income of 400 pounds sterling. So he felt quite rich. But what cut him deeply was to find that the reputation he had made as a patriot had been almost forgotten and at was as the author of The Age of Reason he was known. So great was the popular execration of that book that many who would gladly have shown their appreciation of his great services to the country refused to countenance him on account of it. Hooted upon the streets, lampooned in the newspapers, deserted by his political associates, he lived a wretched existence. He was buried on his farm in New Rochelle, but his remains were removed to England in 1819 by William Cobbett. What became of them is unknown.
If Paine's writings had been only political, he would have been held in honor as a bold and vigorous friend of human liberty. He was extraordinarily fertile in ideas, and broad‑minded and progressive. He was in fact a. great genius. His power of speech has always been admired. To him is to be traced the common saying, " These are the times that try men's souls," which is the opening sentence of the first number of The Crisis (which was printed in the Pennsylvania Journal, Dec. 19, 1776). His pamphlet, Common Sense (Jan., 1776), was one of the memorable writings of the day, and helped the cause of Independence. His Rights of Man; being an Answer to Mr. Burke's Attack on the French Revolution is a complete statement of republican principles. But it is as the author of The Age of Reason, an uncompromising, keen, and audar cious attack on the Bible; that be is most widely known, indeed notorious. The first part of this work was handed by him, while on his way to prison in the Luxembourg, to his friend Joel Barlow, and appeared, London and Paris, Mar., 1794; the second part, composed while in prison, Dm, 1795; the third was left in manuscript.' "His ignorance," says Leslie Stephen, " was vast, and his language brutal; but he had the gift of a true demagogue,the power of wielding a fine vigorous English, a fit vehicle for fanatical passion." Pains was not an atheist, but a deist. In his will he speaks of his " reposing confidence in my Creator‑God and in no other being; for I know no other, nor believe in any other." He voiced current doubt, and is still formidable; because, although he attacks a gross misconception of Christianity, he does it in such a manner as to turn his reader, in many cases, away from any serious consideration of the claim of Christianity. His Age of Reason is still circulated and read. The replies written at the time are not. Of

I It was never published in.its entirety, but out of it was made two separate publications, Answer to the Bishop of Lfauda9,, and ,Examination of Prophecies (in Conway's ed., iv. 258‑289, 368‑420),.
these replies the most famous is Bishop Watson's (1796).
The personal character of Paine has been very severely judged. Nothing too bad about him could be said by those who hated him for his opinions, and even his friends are compelled to admit that there was foundation for the damaging charges. Comparison of the contemporary biographies, both of friends and foes, seems to show these facts: Paine was through life a harsh, unfeeling, vain, conceited, and disagreeable man. He was wanting in a sense of honor, and therefore could not be trusted. But it was not until after his return from France, when he was sixty‑five years old, very much broken by his long sufferings and the strain of the great excitement in which he had lived for years, and for the first time in his life above want, that he developed those traits which rendered him in his last days such a miserable object. The charges of matrimonial infidelity and of seduction are doubtless unfounded; but that he was in his old age penurious, uncleanly, and drunken, may be accepted as true. He did a great service for the United States in her hour of peril; but he lived to forfeit the respect of the Christian world.
His complete Works have been several times published, e.g., 3 vols., Boston, 1856; New York, 1860; London, 1861. But the edition which supersedes all others and is really exhaustive and satisfactorily edited is The Writings of Thomas Paine, collected and edited by Moncure Daniel Conway (4 vols., New York and London, 1894‑96). His Age of Reason has been repeatedly published, e.g., New York, 1876; and his Theological Works (complete), New York, 1860.
BIBLroaRAPH7: His Life has been written by F. Oldye (pseudonym for George Chalmers), London, 1791, continued by W. Cobbett, 1796 (abusive); J. Cheetham, New York, 1809 (written by one who knew him in his last days; this is the source of all the damaging stories about Paine; Cheetham meant to be fair, yet was prejudiced); T. C. Rickman, London, 1814 (apologetic, but honest, a good corrective of Chedtham's exaggerations. Rickman speaks with propriety and moderation, was friendly to Paine, but is compelled to give him, on the whole, a bad character); W. T. Sherwin, London, 1819 (apologetic); J. S. Harford, Bristol, 1820; G. Vale, New York, 1841 (apologetic); Chary Blanchard, New York, 1860 (a thoroughgoing defense of Paine, written in a careless style, and interlarded with irrelevant and questionable matter; it is prefixed to the edition of Paine's Theological Works mentioned above). But the definitive life is by Moncure Daniel Conway, 2 vols., New York and London, 1892, Fr. trawl., which supplies some additional information, Paris, 1900. It is the work of a historian, who greatly admired Paine, but is not blind to his faults in later years. In it is printed the sketch of Paine found among the papers of William Cobbett which corrects that noticed above and is laudatory. Consult also: G. J. Holyoake: Essay on the Chaff and Services of Paine, New York, 1878; L. Stephen, History of English Thought, i. 458‑464, ii. 260264, 2 vols., London, 1881; J. B. Daly, Radical Pioneers of the 18th Century, ib. 1886; Life and Writings of Thomas Paine, Containing a Biography by T. C. Rickman, and Appredatiom by Leslie Stephen, Lord Erskine, Paul Desjardins, R. (t. Ingersoll, MM Hubbard, and Manila M. Riaker. Ed. D. E. Wheeler, New York, 1909.
PAIIRE, TIMOTHY OTIS: Theologian; b. at Winslow, Me., Oct. 13, 1824; d. at Boston Dec. 6, 1895. He was graduated from Waterville College (now Colby University), in 1847. After 1856 he was pastor of the Swedenborgian Church at Elm‑

801	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
wood, Mass.; and in 1866 became teacher of Hebrew in the theological school of the General Convention of the New Jerusalem Church in the United States, now located at Boston, Mass. He applied himself closely to the study of Scripture, in the attempt to reproduce the allegorical forms or types. He is the author of Solomon's Temple, or the Tabernacle; The First Temple; House of the King, or House of the Forest of Lebanon; Idolatrous High Places; The City on the Mountain. (Rev. xxi.); The Oblation of the Holy Portion; and The Last Temple (Boston, 1861); and Solomon's Temple and Capitol, Ark of the Flood and Tabernacle, or The Holy Houses of the Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, Samaritan, Septuagint, Coptic, and Itala Scriptures (Boston and New York, 1885). Selections from Poems was published posthumously (New York, 1897).
PAINTING, DECORATIVE AND ILLUSTRA‑
TIVE ART, CHRISTIAN.
I. Early Christian. Catacombs and Manuscripts (§ 1). Mural Mosaic (§ 2).
II. The Carolingian and Othonian Period III. Byzantine.
IV. The Middle Ages. Miniatures and Books G 1). Mural Decoration (§ 2). Glass (¢ 3).
V. The Modern Period. The Renaissance; Florence and Rome 0 1). The Netherlands (§ 2). Germany; Darer (13). Germany; Sixteenth Century and After (§ 4). Other Countries (§ 5).
Painting has ever formed the favorite form of art in Christianity. Both in the early and in the medieval church sculpture was subordinate, and though the Renaissance broke through this principle, its most important contribution to religion was its paintings, even architecture occupying a secondary place. In the Middle Ages painting was practically confined to frescoes and the adornment of manuscripts, but in the course of the Renaissance it was applied to large canvases.
I. Early Christian: Christian painting previous to Constantine is known only from its connection with places of burial. This sepulchral art begins late in the first or early in the second century (catacombs of San Gennaro in Naples), and
I. Cata‑ is contained in the catacombs of Rome,
combs	Naples, and Syracuse, as well as else‑
	and	where, until these catacombs ceased
Manuscripts. to be used in the fourth or fifth cen
		tury. The art here preserved was an
increasingly Christian adaptation of pagan mate
rials, with slight claim to merit, and aiming merely
at simple illustration of definite ideas of practical
religion. The sources were the Old and the New
Testament, sometimes in symbolic form, religious
and secular life, and reproduction of classic con
cepts and legends either directly or in Christianized
adaptations (see MITHRA, MITHRAISM). In nearly
every instance there is allusion to death and resur
rection. Even Biblical material is chosen with
reference to its adaptability to the resurrection, as
in the favorite theme of the good shepherd as the
lord and protector of the dead. Early Christian
painting was not, however, restricted to the cata‑
combs, for not only allusions in literature but also the discovery of a Christian private house on the Caelian Hill show that it was employed both in private life and in divine worship. Early Christian miniatures were equally dependent on classic ideals. The use of miniatures to adorn Biblical manuscripts seems to have arisen in the third century and was practised skilfully by the beginning of the fourth, as is shown by the miniatures of the Quedlinburg fragments of the Itala. About a century later come the charming miniatures of the Vienna Genesis, but with the fifth century distinctly Christian motifs tend to displace the pagan elements, the oldest representative of the transition apparently being the Rossano Codex purpureus of the Gospels. Here artistic freshness is killed by conventionality, and the same general tendency, though in less exaggerated form, is seen in the Syriac manuscript of the Gospels of Rabbula (end of the sixth century). The last phase of the struggle between old and new may be traced in the miniatures of a Comas Indicopleustes of the Justinian period, where classic influences are seen in complete subjugation to ecclesiastical art; while the final echoes of early Christian miniature painting are to be found in a Cambridge Latin evangelary . of the seventh century and in the almost contemporary Ashburnham Pentateuch.
A far greater task than in miniatures was demanded of painting in the adornment of the churches built during and after the reign of Constantine.
Painting had long been used in emz. Mural bellishing these edifices, as is shown
Mosaic. by canon xxxvi. of the Synod of EI‑
vira (Hefele, Conciliengewhichte, i. 170, Eng. transl., i. 151, and Fr. transl., i. 1, p. 240, the bibliographical notes to which are very useful), but now the necessity arose of rivaling the richly adorned temples of the conquered faith. The special form of art here adopted was the mosaic, now first widely employed for mural decoration in contradistinction to its classic use mainly for pavements. The earliest specimen, the fragments of the mausoleum of Constantine's daughter, Constantina, on the Via Nomentana before Rome, still is prevailingly pagan in motif, though, as in sepulchral art, Christian elements steadily gain the upper hand. Pagan elements are still essential, even though only as a framework, in the fifth‑century baptistry of Naples and the oratory of San Giovanni Evangelists near the Lateran, as well as in the slightly later baptistry of the Lateran, the mausoleum of Galls Placidia, and the orthodox baptistry of Ravenna; but in the great mosaics of the basilicas the classical elements almost entirely disappear. The glorified Savior, surrounded by apostles and saints amid the wonders of Paradise, with the holy city in the background, and angels or the symbolic figures of the four apostles as a frame, filled the vaulted apse. On the walls of the arcades were scenes from the Bible, or solemn processions of the sanctified toward the apse. Only seldom are scenes from the present world portrayed, as in the Church of San Vitale at Rome. Mosaics are preserved in the churches of San Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna, and Santa Maria Maggiore and Santa Costanza at Rome, and reach

THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
their culmination in Justinian's great structure of St. Sophia at Constantinople. Closely akin to mosaic was mural painting proper. This was probably used in the more humble churches, and the few scanty specimens extant are chiefly from Egypt, some of them showing a curious similarity to the miniatures on Egyptian papyri.
II. The Carolingian and Othonian Period: The western peoples that came into contact with Roman culture possessed a distinct type of art which consisted in developments of the spiral, the use of animal figures belonging to a later period. This art was exemplified chiefly in miniatures, shown in such Irish manuscripts as the Lindisfarne Evangelary, the Book of Dells, and the Cathach Psalter. The object was purely calligraphic, and the artistic significance lies in the fantastic development of the ornamentation and the delicate sense of color. Anglo‑Saxon miniature painting is almost identical in spirit with Irish, while the Frankish miniatures show a certain approximation to early Christian art. This influence is first perceptible in the reign of Charlemagne, as in the Evangelary of Godescalc at Paris, the Ada manuscript at Triives, and the Evangelary of Charlemagne at Vienna; it first becomes potent in the reign of Louis the Pious, enriched by Syriac influence and typified in the Bibles of Alcuin; and it reaches its acme in the Bible of Charles the Bald at Paris. The school is characterized by a happy blending of the national and the classical, by originality and imagination, and by admirable coloring and fantasy in combination of picture and ornamentation. Tours, Metz, and Reims were the chief centers, and the court itself took part. The general effect is one of uniformity, though in more remote places, as St. Gall, Fulda, and Corvey, a certain degree of independence and naturalism is perceptible. The fall of the Carolingian power rendered it possible for painting. to develop freely, and under the German Othos it trahacended its former development, reaching its pinnacle in the reigns of Otho III. and Henry II. The chief centers, with their principal productions, were not only Treves (where Archbishop Egbert fostered artistic life), Cologne (the Aachen Otho manuscript), and Echternach (the Echternach Evangelary at Gotha), but especially the Reichenau (the Codex Egberti at Treves and the Psalterium Egberti at Cividale) and Regensburg (Evangeiary of Abbess Uota at Munich). The technic is early Christian, and delicate shading is rare. Literary sources show that mural painting was also employed with great frequency, though no specimens from the Carolingian period have been preserved, and but few from the succeeding period. To the latter belong, however, the mural paintings of the Church of St. George at Oberzell in the Reichenau, apparently dating from the late sixth century and unmistakably influenced strongly by primitive Christian art. At the same time there is here a directness and truth, combined with a breadth of concept, which make these mural paintings second to no others of the early Middle Ages in importance for the history of art.
III. Byzantine: Unlike the West, with. its political vicissitudes, the eastern empire maintained a
continuity with classic culture; and in this very fact lies the distinction between the medieval art of Byzantium and of the Latin and Teutonic lands. Even the storms of the iconoclastic controversy (see IMAGES AND IMAGE WoRSair, IL, §§ 2‑3) could not destroy the artistic spirit, typically pan‑Hellenic and uniting classical and Christian motifs, which had grown up from the very foundation of Constantinople, and especially after the reign of Justinian. The exact reverse was the case, for at the very time when the West saw the triumph of national over classical art, the East, under the Macedonian dynasty (beginning with 867) witnessed a wonderful renaissance of classicism. Evidence of all this is furnished by the miniatures, especially those of a Psalter, probably of the tenth century, and a still earlier manuscript of the homilies of Gregory Nazianzen, written for Basil, the first of the Macedonian dynasty (867‑886)‑both in the Biblioth8que Nationals, Paris (Gr. nos. 139 and 510). Here the characteristics are fresh grasp of theme, careful execution of detail, magnificent coloring, and classical influence, only the conventionality in drapery betraying the copyist. Toward the end of the eleventh century a decline in artistic creativeness set in, conventionality in figure and theme appeared, and naturalism gave place to lofty pomp; but even so, classical art remained potent down to the capture of Constantinople by the crusaders, and Byzantine art came to an end without breaking with the past. Mural paintings of the Byzantine period are no longer extant, though a surrogate is furnished by the paintings on Mt. Athos after the sixteenth century. Mosaics are rare. Almost all those of St. Sophia, now hidden under the later wall covering, seem to belong to the early Macedonian period, while mosaics from the twelfth and thirteenth century respectively are preserved in the monastery churches of Daphni near Athens and Chora in Constantinople. The last phase of Byzantine art is closely connected with the " Painter's Book " of Mount Athos, the author of which, the monk I)ionysius (flourished after 1500), doubtless used older materials, although chance elements and personal preferences may be perceived. Byzantine art exercised scant influence on the Went, even though exceptional instances may be traced, especially in Italy, as in the Capella Palatina and cathedral of Palermo, the cathedral of Cefald, and St. Mark's in Venice.
IV. The Middle Ages: Until long after the zenith of the Middle Ages art was courtly and clerical. Secular themes were deemed of secondary importance and were comparatively rare. Under Henry
IT. miniature painting was in full
:. Minis‑ bloom, but about the middle of the
tares and eleventh century a tendency to mere
Books. imitation, devoid of real sympathy
with its models and their spirit, led to a sudden decline. Technic deteriorated and coloring became coarse, while body colorings were often neglected entirely, and pen drawings were deemed sufficient, specimens of this decay being the Wyschehrad Evangelary in Prague and the Antiphonary in the abbey of St. Peter at Salzburg (first half of the twelfth century). About the middle of

303	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Painting
the eleventh century, however, the change set in which was to dominate the Middle Ages until their end‑the rise of the knights and burgers, with a resultant increasing tendency to secularize and popularize art. The figuration now became more slender and delicate and in better proportion; psychological processes were more clearly expressed; and pen drawings were found to be better adapted to the new style of art than body coloring. This transformation, with its commingling of lay and clerical art, was best exemplified in the Hortus deliciarum, completed about 1175 (destroyed in the siege of Strasburg in 1870). Non‑religious manuscripts were now also illuminated, the result operating to the advantage of religious art; and the whole was fostered and promoted by the rise of Gothic art. The favorite subjects of the new popular art were chronicles and devotional works which directly touched the interests of the people, as well as the Biblia pauperum (see Brsr.Es, ILLUSTRATED, 1 4). Side by side with this popular art went the courtly art which, inspired by the French illuminations which had come into vogue with Louis IX., fostered the spiritual interests of more cultured circles. Here pen drawings were discarded in favor of the French plastic modeling, while in the school founded by Charles IV. at Prague and extending to Vienna, Treves, and elsewhere, there was a characteristic framing of initial letters or miniatures by rich and involved tracery. With the beginning of the fifteenth century, however, German illumination entered upon a decline which soon ended in utter extinction. See DANCE oip DEATH.
The rise of Romanesque architecture afforded a welcome opportunity for mural painting. The scanty specimens now extant show, on the one hand, a break with Carolingian and Othonian con‑
ventionality with a consequent uncer2. Mural tainty, and, on the other hand, an inDecoration. creasing individualism of treatment
and keenness of insight. The most conspicuous examples of this style are the mural paintings in the Unterkirche of Schwarzrheindorf near Bonn, (1151‑56), the frescoes of the chapterhall of Brauweiler (a few decades later), the mural decorations of the cathedral at Brunswick, and the paintings of the nuns' choir of the cathedral of Gurk in Carinthia. Gothic architecture checked this development, however, by cutting up the mural spaces and the vaultings, so that in the Gothic period mural paintings are the exception, though specimens may be seen in the apse of the church at Brauweiler, the church of Ramersdorf, now translated to Bonn, and the crypt of the minster of Basel. A new element, moreover, was introduced in this cycle by the dance of death, inspired by the terrible pestilences of the fourteenth century; and here the theme afforded the artist, as at Basel, Berlin, and Labeck, full scope for the exercise of unrestricted individuality. In France illumination and mural painting were inferior to German productions during the Romanesque period, but in the second half of the fourteenth century the Latin country reached a high degree of true artistic merit, as in the two Psalters of the duke of Berri.
Though prevented by Gothic architecture from
attaining full development, painting was still able to manifest itself in works on canvas and glass. The former occurs sporadically in the Romanesque period, as in antependiums, but its
	3. Glass	real existence begins only toward the
		close of the Middle Ages. The German
centers were Prague (established, as already noted,
by Charles IV.), Nuremberg (fourteenth and fif
teenth centuries), Soest (Master Conrad, first half
of the fifteenth century), and especially Cologne
(Master Wilhelm and Stephan Lochner, fourteenth
and fifteenth century respectively). Stained glass
was used almost contemporaneously in the second
half of the tenth century at Tegernsee in Germany
and St. Remy in France, serving originally as a
substitute for the tapestries formerly adorning the
walls and curtaining the windows, so that the tap
estry designs are still preserved. The oldest speci
mens of glass paintings, or rather of glass mosaics,
of this type are five individual figures in the cathe
dral of Augsburg, dating from about 1000, each
bit of colored glass being joined by lead and having
a simple outline and modeling of black lead. While
at first the figure alone was considered, a wealth of
ornamental detail was soon introduced, as in the
twelfth‑century Cistercian monastery of Krems
mOnater. The large windows demanded by the
Gothic style, moreover, gave a new impulse to
stained glass both in the thirteenth century (Stras
burg and Freiburg) and in the fourteenth (Regens
burg, Oppenheim, and Cologne cathedral), especially
as the technic had been improved, particularly
by the discovery of overlaying of glass and the
extension of the color scale. Toward the end of
the fourteenth century, however, rivalry with paint
ing caused the glass mosaic to be superseded by
stained glass, and in the fifteenth century the orig
inal form had been entirely given up. The finest
examples of this latter phase are the glasses in St.
Sebald and St. Lorenz in Nuremberg, while France
(Chartres, Le Mans, and Bourges) also contains
excellent specimens. Italy, on the other hand, here
presents little of interest. In the latter country
mosaic painting attained modest proportions, and
in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries enjoyed a
marked development, as shown by the Roman
churches of San Clemente and Santa Maria in Tras
tevere. The sources for the themes of medieval
painting were primarily Biblical, with a marked
influence of the traditions of the Church and the
metaphorical exegesis of medieval theologians.
The cult of the Virgin likewise gave scope for alle
gory and typology, while legend, liturgy, folk‑be
liefs, and scholarly subtleties combined to give
richness and diversity to the painter's art.
V. The Modern Period: Medieval art was essentially based upon tradition, but with the fourteenth century came, especially in Italy, a veritable revolution in the rise of individualism not less in art than in the spheres of politics and learning. The leader here was the brilliant republic of Florence. The beginning is marked by Giotto (b. about 1266; mural paintings in Assisi and Padua), and a distinct advance is seen in Masaccio (d. 1428) and Masolino (d. about 1447). The ex‑monk Filippo Lippi (d. 1469), a master of coloring, represented

Painting	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	304
eacred history on a secular plane, though without losing the magic of religious feeling, and his example was followed by his son, Filippino Lippi (d.
1504), and Sandro Botticelli (d. 1510). i. The Re‑ The early Renaissance in Florence
	naiseance;	closed with Domenico Ghirlandajo (d.
	Florence	1494), though tradition again found at
	and Rome.	least a partial defender in Giovanni da
		Fiesole, or Fra Angelico (d. 1455).
Umbria also followed, though with more adherence
to medieval ideals. Here the great names are Piero
dei Franceschi (d. 1492) and his pupil, the drama
tist Luca Signorelli (d. 1523; eschatological paint
ings at Orvieto), and the more independent Pietro
Peragino (d. 1524), the teacher of Raphael. In
upper Italy, finally, mention must be made of the
Milanese Andrea Mantegna (d. 1506) and the Vene
tian Giovanni Bellini (d. 1516). The way was now
prepared for the High Renaissance, wherein Flor
ence gave place to Rome, while an art was devel
oped which aimed at the monumental and massive,
in which composition and modeling were deemed
more important than coloring. Artists thought
themselves the leaders of mankind, and princes and
prelates were rivals. The High Renaissance, which,
though exalting the present over the past, yet rec
ognized its kinship with the antique, finds its cul
mination in three artists: Leonardo da Vinci (d.
1519), Raphael Santi (d. 1520), and Michelangelo
Buonarrotti (d. 1564), whose influence was felt
throughout Italy, with the exception of Venice,
where Bellini still remained supreme. Venice, in
deed, was realistic rather than classical, but its fine
coloring attained a higher perfection through this
very limitation, as is shown by the productions of
the masters of the Venetian school, Giorgione (d.
1510), Palma Vecchio (d. 1528), Titian (d. 1576),
and Paolo Veronese (d. 1588). Apart from the
Venetians stood the great Correggio (d. 1534), be
longing to the school of Ferrara and Bologna. The
Renaissance presented to its artists enormous tasks
in fresco painting, and in this branch the greatest
results were achieved. But at the same time can
vases now became widely popular, and herein the
Renaissance marks the beginning of a new epoch.
In the course of the fifteenth century the Netherlands developed, independent of Italy, a genre which, though inferior to Italian art in modeling,
was superior both in realism and in 2. The Neth‑ coloring, exceptionally aided by high
	erlands.	technic in the use of oils. The initial
		stages are unknown, but the painting
of the Netherlands appears in fine development in
the work of the brothers Hubert (d. 1426) and Jan
van Eyck of Maaseyck (d. 1440), exemplified in the
Ghent altar, completed in 1432 and preserved in
Ghent, Brussels, and Berlin. This Flanders school
was surpassed by the Brabant school, highly de
veloped by Roger van der Weiden (d. 1464), who
influenced the German Hans Memling (d. 1495),
the painter of the dramatic Last Judgment at
Danzig. Together with paintings on canvas, minia
ture painting reached a high degree of perfection
in the Netherlands, and though in the sixteenth
century Italian influence became increasingly
powerful, the old traditions were worthily main‑
tained by a native school which included Quinten Massys, Pieter Brueghel the elder, and Lucas van Leyden. The influence of the Netherlands spread to Germany, Cologne first of all. It was also potent in the Upper Rhine school centered in Kolmar, though the leader here, Martin Schongauer (d. 1491), proved his independence by a charming devotion to nature. The Swabian school reached its climax in Bartholome Zeitblom of Ulm (d. after 1517), the elder Hans Holbein of Augsburg (d. 1524), and Hans Burgkmair (d. ‑1531); but the Frankish school, with Nuremberg as a center, took only mediocre rank in painting with Michel Wolgemut (d. 1519), though in sculpture it stood preeminent.
In the first half of the sixteenth century German painting reached its zenith, not only in the German invention of copper‑plate and in wood‑cuts, but in painting proper. Here an epoch was marked by Albrecht Darer (b. at Nuremberg May 3. Germany; 21, 1471; d. there Apr. 6, 1528), whose
	Dfrer.	wide travels gave him the inspiration
		that made him the real creator of the
landscape, which had hitherto been a mere acces
sory. His first great work, fifteen wood‑cuts in the
HeiWiche ofenbarung Johannis (in 1498), revealed
him already a master, while his artistic perception
was further evinced by his twenty pictures of the
life of the Virgin, which he began to issue in 1504.
For a long time he was also engaged on the Passion.
The " Great Passion " (12 wood‑cuts completed in
1511) is prevented from attaining full dignity by
the coarseness of popular taste, and the artist is
frequently balked by the wood‑cutter, although the
dramatic force is still powerful. The " Little Pas
sion " (37 small cuts completed in 1511) aims at
simplicity, as the "copper‑plate Passion " (16 small
plates, 1507‑13) and the " Green Passion " (12
drawings in chiaroscuro on a green ground, done in
1504 and now in Vienna) successfully attain a mild
and harmonious tone. Darer attained his highest
effect by a union of shading and realism. Among
his best works are The Prodigal Son, The Madonna
with the Ape, St. Eustache, Adam and Eve, Christ
on the Cross, The Knight with Death and the Devil,
Jerome in his Cell, Melancholy, and The Meditation
of St. Anthony. He was also the founder of the
copper‑plate portrait (Melanchthon, Pirkheimer,
Frederick the Wise, etc.); and the truth and care
here displayed also characterize his paintings of
Adam and Eve (at Madrid), The Adoration of the
Trinity by all the Saints (in Vienna), The Adora
tion of the Three Kings (at Florence), and the
greatest of all, The Four Temperaments.
Darer inspired the far coarser painters Georg Pencz, Hans Sebald Beham, Barthel Beham, as well as such representatives of the Upper Rhein school as Matthias Grilnewald (d. about 1529). The latter, an uncompromising realist, found a follower in Hans Baldung, commonly called Grien (d. 1545), while both Darer and Grunewald influenced Albrecht Altdorfer (d. 1538), the head of the Regensburg school and the representative of a romantic movement. The bond between the Swabian school and the Italian Renaissance and the creation of a German Renaissance were effected by Hans Holbein

806	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	8sintias
the younger (b. at Augsburg, 1497; d. at London, 1543). An intense realist and devoid of ethics, he excelled as a portrait painter, as of Erasmus,
Amerbach, Archbishop Warham, and 4. Germany; Georg Gisze, yet he was unrivaled
Sixteenth among his compatriots as a colorist, Century and as is shown by his Madonna bf Burgo‑
After.	master Meyer. In his passion pictures
he lacked sympathy with his theme and is repellantly naturalistic, as in the Basel Christ in the Tomb, but in his ninety‑four pictures to the Old Testament he reproduces the epic tone with admirable simplicity. As an ardent Protestant he furthered the cause of his doctrines not only by his Indulgence‑Vender and Christ the True Light, but also by his satirical passion pictures in which monks and priests figure as judges and executioners of Christ, and here too belong, in a sense, his Dance of Death (forty‑five plates executed about 1525). He broke entirely with tradition, but though surpassing Diirer in color and modeling, he is inferior in depth and nationality. Lucas Cranach the elder (d. 1553) formed a link between the art of Upper Germany and Saxony. Firmly Protestant, he painted portraits of Reformers and princes of his own type of mind, and also aided the Protestant cause by such paintings as the Crucifixion (at Weimar), Law and Gospel (at Schneeberg), and Paadonale of Christ and Antichrist. His earlier works are rich in color and often sympathetic, but in his latter years he plied his art as a mere trade, an example in which he was followed by his son, Lucas Cranach the younger (d. 1586). Economic conditions in Germany were reflected in a decline in painting from the seventeenth to the middle of the eighteenth century. The best work even of Daniel Chodowiecki (1726‑1801) was in the minor genre of middle‑class life. The classicism of the second half of the eighteenth century persisted in art until late in the nineteenth century, achieving its best results in landscape, as exemplified by Joseph Koch (d. 1839), Karl Rottmann (d. 1850), and Friedrich Preller (d.1878), but it met a deadly opponent in the romantic school, which drew from medieval and Preraphaelite material. These "Nazarenes" (Friedrich Overbeck [d. 1869], Philipp Veit [d. 1878], Joseph Fithrich [d.1876], and Eduard Steinle [d.1886P also influenced the Protestants Karl Gottfried Pfannschmidt (d. 1887), Bernhard Plockhorst (b. 1825), and Heinrich Hofmann (b. 1824), and in less degree Peter Cornelius (d. 1867) and Juliuo Schnorr von Carolsfeld (d. 1872). While their work is deeply religious, their grasp is often weak, sentimental, and untrue. A sound principle, though often carried to extremes, is represented, on the other hand, by Eduard von Gebhardt and especially by Fritz von Uhde.
Unlike Germany, Italy maintained a degree of art in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when the idealism of Guido Reni (d. 1642; Aurora in the. Palazzo Rospigliosi in Rome and Ecce Homo in Dresden) and of Carlo Dolci (d. 1686; St. Cecilia in Dresden) went parallel to or in union with the realism of Caravaggio (d. 1609) and Spagnoletto (d. 1656). In Spain painting first attained its full classical development in the seventeenth century, VIII.‑20
characterized by amazing technic and extraordinary sense of coloring. Side by side with the great realist Velasquez (d.1660), preeminent as a portraitpainter, stands. his younger contem‑
5. Other porary, Murillo, whose visions, concep‑
	Countries.	tions, saints, and Madonnas reveal the
		true Spanish Roman Catholic warmth
of religious feeling. France likewise found its first
great painter in the seventeenth century in Nicholas
Poussin (d. 1665), who drew from classic models
and inspired the landscape school which reached
its zenith in Claude Lorrain (d. 1682), while Antoine
Watteau adopted the rococo style both in form and
theme. In this same century the Netherlands not
only surpassed their own past, but attained a high
place in art as a whole. The Flemish school, with its
foundation of mingled Teutonic and Romance ele
ments blended with the display of Spanish Jesuitism,
is represented in the magnificent coloring and the
keen sense of beauty of form, composition, and
dramatic power of Peter Paul Rubens (b. probably
at Siegen in Westphalia June 29,1577; d. at Antwerp
May 30,1640). He is not, however, without a strain
of the sensual, and his numerous religious canvases,
the best known of which is the Descent from the
Cross in the cathedral at Antwerp, are essentially
secular in type. His best pupil was Antonius van
Dyck (d. at London 1641), who excels in portraits
but is weak in his religious paintings. The natural
ism of Dutch painting adapted it particularly for
portraiture, landscapes, and genre work. Religious
themes were modernized and lost their loftiness,
though these defects were veiled by the perfection
of the Dutch development of chiaroscuro. Prao
tically the sole religious painter of Protestant Hol
land was Rembrandt Harmensz van Reijn (b. at
Leyden 1606; d. at Amsterdam 1669), in which
Dutch art reached its zenith. His numerous Bibli
cal pictures are simple in their naturalism and are
the more intelligible by the modernization of their
figures and setting, even though the result sometimes
involves the commonplace. Generally, however, as
may be seen from his Christ at Emmaus (at Paris)
and his Return of the Prodigal Son (at St. Peters
burg), he remained true to the loftiness of his theme
and achieved admirable artistic effects. Rembrandt
was equally admirable in portrait‑painting and
etching, and the passing of years served only to
increase the perfection of his art. His influence,
powerful in the eighteenth century, was followed,
early in the last century, by French classicism, which
has recently been superseded in Holland, as else
where, by the historical school. In England it
was not until toward the end of the eighteenth
century that the first real attempts at native paint
ing were begun by William Hogarth (d. 1764) and
Joshua Reynolds (d. 1851). A school closely akin
to the "Nazarenes" was founded by the Prera
phaelites Rosetti, Millais, and Burns‑Jones, who sur
passed their German counterparts in depth, truth,
and simplicity.
The intercommunication of modern times has tended to efface national peculiarities and sharply defined schools in painting, replacing them with eclecticism. The present condition is one of Inchoateness, being restless and drawn hither and thither

Painting	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	308
Paleario
by the most diverse tendencies.	The result has
already been certain gains which can not be lost,
but the ultimate outcome is still problematical.
This entire process involves religious painting in its
fortunes, and every attempt to separate this type
of art from the rest, and to treat it as a distinct
entity, has injured it instead of being to its advan
tage.	(VICTOR SCHULTZE.)
B1HLIOGRAPHY: Besides the literature under ART, CH8I8
	TiAN, consult on the general subject: F. X. Kraus, Spln
	chroniatische Tabellen zur christlichen Kunstgeschichte,
	Freiburg, 1880; idem, Geschichte der chriatlichen Kunst,
	3 vols., Freiburg, 1896‑1900; J. O. Westwood, Palogogra
	phia sacra pictoria, London, 1845; R. Garrucci, Storia
	della arts cristiana, 6 vols., Prato, 1881; J. P. Lundy,
	Monumental Christianity, New York, 1882; E. Ollier,
	A Popular History of Sacred Art, London, 1882; C. Atz,
	Die chridliche Kunst, Bosco, 1884; A. W. C. Lindsay,
	Sketches of the History of Christian Art, 2 vols., London.
	1885; E. Frantz, Geschichte der christlichen Malerei, 2
	parts, Freiburg, 1887‑94; A. de Champeaux, Histoire de
	la peinture dfcorative, Paris, 1890; F. Bournand, Hist. de
	fart chrfien, 2 vols., Paris, 1891; A. Conti, Religions ad
	arte, Florence, 1891; F. Buettgenbach, Die kirchlichs Kunst
	in Monographien, 2 vols., Aachen, 1899; W. Lowrie,
	Christian Art and Archaology, London, 1901; N. Bell,
	The Saints in Christian Art, 3 vols., London, 1901‑04;
	J. Picker, Studien vber christliche Benkmrller, Leipsic,
	1902; E. Gradmann, Geachichte der christlichen Kunst,
	Calw, 1902; A. Lecoy de la Marche, La Peinture religieuse,
	Paris, 1902; R. Buerkner, Geschichte der kirchlichen Kunst,
	Freiburg, 1903; E. Cabrol, Dictionnaire, Paris, 1903 sqq.;
	J. P. Richter and A. C. Taylor, The Golden Ape of Classic
	Christian Art, London, 1904; A. Michel, Histoire de fart
	depuis lea premiers temps chritiens jusqu'h nos fours, Paris,
1905.
	On early Christian art consult: J. N. Diepolder, The
	ologie and Kunst im Urchristentum, Augsburg, 1882; F. R.
	Salmon, Histoire de I'art chretien aux dix premiers si0clea,
	Lille, 1891; J. Wilpert, Die Katakombengemdlde and ihre
	allen Copien, Freiburg, 1891; E. L. Cutts, History of Early
	Christian Art, London, 1893; F. Wickhoff, Roman Art.
	Some of its Principles and their Application to early Chris
	tian Painting, London, 1900; J. R. Allen, Celtic Art in
	Pagan and Christian Times, 1904; V. Schultze, Die Kata
	komben von S. Gennaro dei Poveri in Neapel, Jena, 1877;
	idem, Die altchristlichen Grabstatten Sicilians, Berlin, 1907;
	L. von Sybel, Chrisaiche Antike Einfahrung in die aIt
christliche Kunst.	Vol. ii., Plaatik, Architektur, and
Malerei, Marburg, 1909.	For Byzantine art consult:
	N. Kondakoff, Hist. de Cart byzantin, 2 vols., Paris,
	1886‑91; J. Strzygowski, Der Bilderkreis des griechis
	chen Physiologus. des Koamaa Indikopleustea and Okta
	teuch, Leipsic, 1899; idem, Orient oder Rom, ib. 1901;
	H. Brockhaus, Die Kunst in den Athoakl6atern, Leipsic,
	1891; W. R. Lethaby and H. Swainson, The Church
of Sancta Sophia, London, 1894.	On manuscripts
	and mural decorations consult: J. O. Westwood, The
	Miniatures of Anglo‑Saxon and Irish Manuscripts, Lon
	don, 1869; F. X. Kraus, Die Wandgemdlde der St. George
	Kirche zu Oberzell auf der Reichenau, Freiburg, 1884;
	idem, Die Wandgemdlde von S. Angelo in Formis, Berlin,
	1893; G. Clausse, Les Monuments du christianisme au
	moyen dge. Basiliques et mosafquea chretiennes, 2 vols.,
	Paris, 1893; E. Male, L'Art religieux du xii. silcle en
	France, Paris, 1898; L. von Kobell. Kunstvoll Miniaturen
	and Initialen aus Mandsehriften, .¢.‑IB. Jahrhunderten,
	Munich, 1890; A. Labitte, Les Manuacrits et fart de lea
	orner, Paris, 1893; H. V. Sauerland and A. Haseloff, Der
	Psalter Erzbisehof Egberts von Trier in Cividale, Treves,
	1901; W. R. Lethaby, Mediaval Art, London, 1904; G. von
	Kaleken, Peintures ecclOsiastiques do moyen dge, Haarlem,
	1910. For Italy consult: W. Liibke, Geschichte der Italien
	ischen Malerei, 2 vols., Stuttgart, 1878; E. Montegut, Artis
	tes de l'Italie, Paris, 1881; L. Scott, The Renaissance of Art
	in Italy, London, 18&3; J. Burekhardt, Der Cicerone, 2
	vols., Leipsic, 1884; idem, Die Kultur der Renaissance in
	Italien, 2 vols., ib. 1885; B. Riehl, Deutsche und italieni
	ache Kunstcharaktere, Frankfort, 1893; G. Gruyer, L'Art
	ferrariaa A I'tpcque des princes d'Este, 2 vols., Paris, 1897;
	J. Burekhardt, Beitrdge zur Kunatgeschichte von Italians,
Basel, 1898; H. W51ffhn, Die klassimhe Kunst, Munich, 1899; idem, The Art of the Italian Renaissance, London, 1903; A. Philippi, Die Kunst der Renaissance in Italien, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1905; S. Brinton, The Renaissance in Italian Art, 9 vols., London, 1907. For Germany consult: W. Waekernagel, Die deutsche Glasmale'ei, Lelpsie, 1855; A. Woltmann, Holbein and seine Zeit, 2 vols., Leipsie, 1873‑76; L. Grote, Lukas Cranach, der Maler der Reformation, Dresden, 1883; H. Otte, Handbuch der kirchlichen Kunatarchd'wlogie des deutwhen Mittelallera, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1883‑85; E. Paulus, Bilder aua Kunst in Deutschland, Stuttgart, 1883; R. Springer, Kunathandbuch fur Deutschland, Berlin, 1883; M. Thausmg, Dflrer, Leipsic, 1884; H. Thode, Die Malerachule von Narnberg im 1/,. and 16. Jahrhundert, Frankfort, 1891; A. Springer, Albrecht Darer, Berlin, 1892; H. Janltsehek, Geschichte der deutschen Malerei, Berlin, 1890; L. H. Cost, The Paintings and Draurings of A. Diirer, London, 1897; R. Borrmann, Aufnahme mittelalterlicher Wand‑ and Deckenmalereien in Deutschland, Berlin, 1897 sqq.; O. Doering and G. Voss, Meistemerke der Kunst aus Sachsen and Tharingen, Magdeburg, 1905; M. Zucker, Direr, in Schriften des Vereins fur Reformationsgeschichte, vol. xv11 (contains further literature). For . France consult: F. Bournand, Hist. de fart en France, Paris, 1891; L. Horsin‑D6on, Hist. de fart en France, Paris, 1891; P. G6lisDidot, La Peinture dlcorative en France du xvi. au xviii. side, Paris. 1896‑99. For other countries and special phases consult: H. Riegel, Beitrdge zur niederldndischen Kunstgeschiehte, 2 vols., Berlin, 1882; F. Ewerbeek, Die Renaissance in Belgian and Holland, Leipsic, 1883‑89; F. M. Tubino, Estudioa sobre at Arts en Eaparla, Seville, 1886; P. Flat, L'Art en Espagne, Paris, 1891; P. Paris, Essai sur fart de I'Espagme primitive, 2 vols., Paris, 19031904; C. von Ultzow, Geschichte des deutschen Kupferstichea and Holzachnittes, Berlin, 1891; F. Lippmann, Der Kupferat%ch, Berlin, 1893; R. Muther, Geschichte der Malerei im 19. Jahrhundert, 3 vols., Munich, 1893‑94; E. S. Prior, A History of Gothic Art in England, London, 1900; A. Venturi, The Madonna. A pictorial Repre8entation by Painters and Sculptors, London, 1902; J. MeierGraefe, Entvrickelungsgeschichte der modernen Kunst, 3 vols., Stuttgart, 1904.
PAJOft, p8"jon', CLAUDE: French Protestant; b. at Romorantin (25 m. s.e. of Blois) in 1626; d. at Orl6ans Sept. 27, 1685. He was educated at Saumur under Amyraut, and at the age of twentyfour was appointed pastor at Machenoir. In 1666 he was called to Saumur as professor of theology, but his views that the presence of Christ and of his spirit in the faithful implied simply the presence of Christ's image and a corresponding frame of mind and that sins were due to ignorance, roused such controversy that, though supported by the verdict of the provincial synod in 1667, he resigned in 1668 to become pastor at Orl6ans. Though he disseminated his theories only in his correspondence and by word of mouth, his pupils did not observe an equal reserve. The rumor of Pelagio‑Arminian heterodoxy at a time of dogmatic sensitiveness occasioned his examination in 1676 by Jean Claude, the Reformed preacher of Paris. This led to no mutual understanding, but in the following year a second conference resulted in the adoption of measures by the academies of Sedan and Saumur and the provincial synods against theological candidates who had adopted Pajon's tenets, in spite of the disavowal of Pelagianism by Pajon and his pupils. Throughout this period Pajon published nothing bearing on his special views; his two books‑Examcen du livre qui Ports pour titre Prejugez Uyitimes eontre les Calvinistes (Bionne, 1673), and Rentarquea sur PAvertis8ement Pastoral (Amsterdam, 1685)‑being in defense of the French Reformed Church. His last months were embittered by the destruction of his

807	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	PslearPt;lntlagio
church at Orl&ns, the conversion of his colleagues
to Roman Catholicism, and the loss of his property.
	In the main, Pajon's views were not different from
the orthodox Reformed System. Pajon continually
denied the charge of Pelagianism or Arminianism,
and declared his allegiance to the tenets of Dort.
The discussion with Claude first sought agreement
on the questions of total depravity and irresistible
grace, but passed over the main contention on the
mode of operation of grace and the divine spirit.
Presupposing the historical operation of universal
grace on the individual, Pajon attempted to adapt
the doctrine of divine operation to the moral sense
of the time, not opposing the doctrine of the work
of grace itself. The divine spirit never operates
immediately, but always through the Word and
human reason; this was the only escape from the
Pietistic ecstasy. This theory aims entirely to de
clare the divine work of conversion in terms of
morals rather than of mysticism. Furthermore,
the powers of man are regarded as oppressed by
ignorance rather than lost; but if the divine Word
comes to men under proper and favorable circum
stances, it is accepted by the reason, which, in its
turn, is followed by the will. The doctrine of sal
vation exclusively by grace alone is avoided by the
assumption that God has so ordered all things that
in the elect illumination through the Word must
necessarily occur. This God, however, is not present
and living, but the remote Creator whose world
moves in its appointed path. Pajon's views, per
meated with a deistic spirit, thus lack the orthodox
Calvinistic sense of personal contact with God; and
his pupils, soon passing beyond their teacher's
position, turned to Arminianism or even to Roman
Catholicism. 	(E. F. KARL MITLLER.)
BIHLaOGBAPH:Y: S. Laeheret, Claude Pajon, as vie d as doctrine, Geneva, 1883; E. A. Mailhet, Claude Pajon, ea vie, son systt»re relipieux, sea controverses, Paris, 1883. A list of the principal works called out by his teaching is given in Hauck‑Herzog, RE, xiv. 553.
PALAMAS, GREGORIUS: Greek mystic; b. at Constantinople in 1296; d. at Thessalonica Nov. 15, 1359. Brought up in a fervent religious atmosphere and thoroughly educated, he retired to a monastic life at the age of twenty‑one, deeply influenced by the Hagiorite monks, one of whom, Macarius Chrysocephalus (later bishop of Philadelphia), had introduced him to mysticism. In 1318 Palamas joined the monks of Athos, was a cenobite in the monastery of Laura from 1321 to 1324, and the community of Glossia from 1324 to 1326, when he entered the community near Bercea, where he remained, with ten companions, until 1331, in which year he returned to Athos. Here he began his literary career in 1333, commencing with a biography of the Hagiorite Peter. He was later chosen protos of Athos, but soon after resigned. His peace was early broken, however, by the controversies with Barlaam (see HEsycHAsTs, 1 1), against whom he was chosen by his fellow monks as protagonist. Palamas accordingly resided for three years in Thessalonica. Suspicions of partizanship with Cantacuzenus against the Palaeologi (possibly complicated by the temporary suppression of the Hesychasts in 1345) caused Palamas to be imprisoned for either two or four years. Nevertheless, in 1347 he was appointed
archbishop of Thessalonica, a dignity which he held until his death. Though at first driven from the city by the opponents of Cantacuzenus and directed by the patriarch to discharge ecclesiastical functions in Lemnos, Palamas was soon enabled to enter upon his archiepiscopal duties at Thessalonica, where he was cordially welcomed. In 1351 he attended the last decisive synod at Constantinople. A year later he was seriously ill, and almost before he had recovered was called by the emperor to Constantinople on affairs of state, only to be captured by pirates on the coast of Asia Minor and held prisoner for a year (probably 1353‑54). After his ransom he remained for a time in Constantinople, where he wrote against the Latins; and three years after his return home was again in controversy with Gregoras.
Palamas, who incorporated quietistic mysticism in the Greek theological system and repulsed Latin scholasticism, is, next to Marcus Eugenicus, the most influential figure in the later history of the Greek church, though viewed with extreme disfavor by the Roman Catholic Church. He was led by visions throughout his life and is said to have wrought miracles both before and after his death. He was regarded as a saint (though his day, Nov. 14, was never received in the calendar) as early as the patriarchate of Philotheus. The majority of Palamas' very numerous writings are still unprinted, those which have appeared being collected most conveniently in MPG,c 1. 771 sqq., cli.1 aqq., clxi. 244 sqq. Against the Western doctrine of the Holy Ghost are directed the two books of " Demonstrations " and the A ntepigraphai. More is known of his Hesychastic writings, which include the dialogue of Theophanes and the treatises " On Sufferings and Virtues," " On Those who Dwell in Saintly Solitude," " Three Chapters on Prayer and Purity of Heart," and "One Hundred and Fifty Physical, Theological, Ethical, and Practical Chapters." Special stress should also be laid on his practical writings, particularly his forty‑three homilies, in which the author's simplicity and earnestness are clearly manifest.
(PHILIPP MEYER.)
BIBLIOO$APHY: Srumbaeher, Geschichte, pp. 103‑105, 485‑
486 et passim; Fabricius‑Harles, Bibliotheca Graca, xi. 494‑b08, Hamburg, 1808; A. C. Demetracopulus, Gro;cia orthodoxa, Leipeie, 1872; F. J. Stein, in Oesterreichi8che
Vierteliahrsechrift far katholische Theologie, 1873; and the literature under HESYCHAST9.
PALATINATE, REFORMATION IN. See HEIDELBERl3 CATECHISM.
PALEARIO, AONIO: Italian humanist and martyr; b. at Veroli (50 m. s.e. of Rome) c. 1500; burned at the stake at Rome July 3, 1570. He studied at Rome 1520 and after. At the storming of Rome in 1527 he forsook the city and the lasting associations which he had formed, particularly with Sadoleto (q.v.), Calcagnini, and Bernardo Maffei. His correspondence locates him at Siena after Oct., 1530, where for many years he displayed an eminent activity as teacher at the university. During that time he published a didactic poem, De immortalitate animarum (Lyons, 1536). About 1540 a reaction occurred in his religious views, and in 1542 a charge of heresy was lodged against him. Before the tribunal his enemies referred to his Libeddm de morte

Paleatin
Palestine	THE NEW ',HAFF‑HERZOG	808
Christi, more exactly entitled: Delta pienezza, suffi~ cienxa a satiafattione delta paasione di Chriato. In a masterly oration Paleario refuted the accusations, but his enemies conspired to prevent his permanent appointment at Siena. In 1546 he obtained a professorship at Lucca. It may have been here that he completed a second tract against Rome:. Adio in pontifices Romanm et eorum asseclas (Amsterdam, 1696; Jena, 1728) a caustic polemic on ecclesiasticism and dogmatics. Threatened at Lucca by the readiness of the Senate to gratify the demands of the Curia, he withdrew in 1555, finding a position at Milan. Although again accused by the inquisition (1559) he vindicated himself in a tract, Pro ae ipso, and was acquitted. For the third time (1567), however, the Milanese inquisitor, Fri1 Angelo di Cremona, subjected him to prosecution; the points of accusation being, that he had taught justification by faith, denied the doctrine of purgatory, disparaged monasticism, and censured the practise of burying the dead within the churches. In 1568, by imperial mandate in response to the requisition of Pope Pius V., he was conveyed to Rome for judgment. For three years Paleario languished in the prison of Tor di Nona. The extract from his Roman trial Proceedings (published by Fontana, in Arch. atorico della Societa Romans di Storia patria, Rome, 1896) gives detailed information concerning this period of torture. In April, 1570, the man appears" mellowed," so that he professes to believe whatever the church believes. Then he was compelled to make a formal abjuration, the literal terms of which were first published by P.C. F. Daunou (Esaai historique sur la puissance temporelle des papea, ii. 278, Paris, 1810). He addressed some touching letters to his wife and child on the day of his execution, which are preserved
1. Names and Boundaries. Palestine and Can‑ G I). Other Names ($ 2). II. Topography. In General (¢ 1). The Negeb (¢ 2). The Southern Mountain District(§ 3). The Middle Mountain District (§ 4). The Plain of Jezreel (¢ 5). The Northern Mountain DistrictO 8).
L Names and Boundaries: In general the name Palestine connotes the scene of Biblical, particularly of Iaraelitic, history, though it also includes the Mediterranean coast and the district east of the Jordan. It thus extends from the desert on the east and south to the Mediterranean on the west and Hermon and Lebanon on the north. To the south and east the boundaries vary with the vicissitudes of civilization. On the north Carmel (q.v.) might be regarded as a natural boundary, at least on the coast. Some thirteen miles north of Acre, however, the coast plain is cut off by the Jabal al‑Musha, marking the beginning of the " Tyrian stairs." This mountain runs eastward to the western range of hills of Upper Galilee, which, in its turn, rune first north, and then northeast, to the Wadi al‑$ajeir north of Tibnin. From this point a series of hills extends to the Jabal Hunin, which
in the library at Siena, and are the last authentic witnesses on the subject of his religious attitude. They contain not one word in warrant of the aaeumption that he denied his convictions in the presence of death. His constancy is also corroborated by the sentence of June 30, declaring him " impenitent." In the journal of the Roman Brotherhood of S. Giovanni Decollato, whose members attended those who.. were condemned by the Holy Office, and were present during the last hours of one delivered for execution, taking special pains to draw some last word of repentance from the unfortunate victim, it is recorded that this devout humanist said he wished to die as a good Christian, which is not to be construed to mesa in the Roman faith. An alleged portrait of this martyr came to light about 1870, an oil painting, in the municipal library at Veroli. Closer scrutiny revealed the fact that this portrait, even if genuine, had been so retouched that the original features are no longer recognizable.
K. BENRATH.

Bazsoaaera:: There are editions of his works at Leyden,
	1552; Bremen, 1819; Amsterdam. 1898, and Jena, 1728.
	For his life consult: The sketch by Hellbauer premed to
	the Jane edition of the works; Mrs. M. Young, Life and
	Times of Aonio Paleario, 2 vols., London, 1880; T. Mo
	Crie, Propreaa and Suppression of the Reformation in Italy,
	Philadelphia, 1858: J. Bonnet, AoW o Paleario, Paris,
	1882, Eng. txsnsl., London, 1884; W. M. Blackburn, Aonio
	Palaario and his Friends. Philadelphia, 1888: J. 6tough
	ton, Footprints of the Italian Reformers, London, a. d.;
	Des Marais, Aonio Pakario, Rome. 1885. On the ques
	tion of the authorship of the Benefisio di Cristo consult:
	C. Babington, The BencfU of Christ's Death, probably writ
	ten by Aonio Paleario. London, 1855; K. Benrath, in ZHII,
	i (I878). b78‑698: ides in Riroista eriatiana, 1878, pp.
	3‑10; F. H. Reusch, India der roerbotenen Bitcher, i. 383
	384. Bonn. 1883. There is s translation in Blackburn's
	book mentioned shove.
PALESTINE.
The Plains between Mountain and Coast (4 7>.
The Upper Jordan Valley; the Sea of Galilee ($ 8).
The Lower Jordan Valley ($ 9).
The Dead Sea ($ 1W.
Eastern Palestine North of the Yarmuk 0 11).
Eastern Palestine South of the Ysrmuk
III. Minerals and Soil.
IV. Climate.
Heat and Winds (¢ 1).
Rain and Moisture (¢ 2). V. Irrigation and Fertility.
VI. Flora.
VII. Fauna. VIII. Roads.
IX. Political Divisions and Statistics.
merges on the north in the Jabal al‑Dahr. This forms the watershed between the Litany and the Jordan; and thus leads to the foot of Hermon, which ends this natural boundary of Palestine on the north.
The name Palestine is a Hellenization of Peleahdh (" Philistia ") (Ira,. xiv. 29, 31), and thus connotes " land of the Philistines." It is clear from Herodotus (cf. ii. 104, iii. 5 with i. 105) that the name of the Philistines on the coast r. Palestine was extended to the inhabitants of the and Canaan. interior. Philo, on the other hand, applies " Palestine " to Canaan; but Josephus generally restricts it to the Philistines, applying it but seldom to the land of the Israelites or of the Jews (Ant. T., vi. 4, XX., xii. 12). The Christian use of the term is shown by Jerome, who speaks, commenting on Ezek. xxvii., of " the land of Judea, which is now called Palestine." This implies the

809	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	paleario
		Palestine
land inhabited in general by the Israelites or Jews,
obviously with special reference to the land west of
the Jordan. In the Old Testament the land is
called Canaan (see CANAAN, CANAANITE6). The
northern boundaries of this region were left unde
fined (Gen. x. 15‑19), or were extended td the
Euphrates (Gen. xv. 18; Ex. xxiii. 31; Deut. xi. 24);
while a distinction was drawn between the districts
of Canaan conquered by the Israelites (Josh. xl. 17,
xii. 7) and the land which they had not yet subdued
(Josh. xiii. 2‑6). The formula "from Dan to Beer
sheba" (11 Sam. xxiv. 2,15; 1 Kings iv. 25), there
fore, implies simply the northern and southern limits
of the region actually occupied by Israel. Attempts
at more exact delimitation are found in Num. xxxiv.
1‑12 and Ezek. xlvii. 15‑20, x1viii. 1 sqq. (cf. Josh.
xv. 2‑4). In Ezek. xlvii. 19, xlviii. 28 the southern
boundaries are given as Tamar, Meribath‑kadesh
(see NEGEB), and the "brook of Egypt." The
" brook of Egypt " (cf. I Kings viii. 65; II Kings
xxiv. 7; 11 Chron. vii. 8) is doubtless identical
with the modern Wadi al‑`Arish. The same bound
ary, partly under other names, is implied by
Num. xxxiv. 3‑5 and Josh. xv. 2f1. The western
boundary is given as the Mediterranean, " unto the
entering in of Hamath " (Num. xiii. 21, xxxiv. 6‑8;
Josh. xiii. 5; I Kings viii. 65; Ezek. xlvii. 20; Amos
vi. 14). The northern boundary of Canaan, accord
ingly, is to be sought near the plain of Emesa, either
in the Nahr al‑Kabir (between Lebanon and the
Nusairi mountains) or in the district of al‑Rastun,
the classical Arethusa (ten hours north of Riblah
and four hours from Hamath). , The determination
of all the individual sites mentioned in the passages
giving this western boundary is no longer possible.
The northern boundary is given as running from
Hamath to the east of Baal‑gad at the foot of Mount
Hermon (Josh. xiii. 5), thus comprising " all Leb
anon " (cf. Num. xxxiv. 8‑9; Judges iii. 3; 11 Kings
xiv. 25; Ezek. xlvii. 15‑17; Amos vi. 14). Hazar
enan, mentioned as the eastern extremity of the
northern boundary in Num. xxxiv. 9‑10 and Ezek.
x1vii. 16, can not have been far from the Orontes,
especially as the eastern boundary described
in Num. xxxiv. 10‑12 and Ezek. xlvii. 18,
excludes the territory west of the Jordan. It is a
problem whether these boundaries were based upon
topographical conditions or on ethnographical dis
tinctions. At all events, it is noteworthy that the
land east of the Jordan was evidently no part of
Canaan, although large portions of it were Israelitic
before the Exile.
	Besides the name Judea (q.v.), the land was also
called Idumaea, especially by Roman poets, who.
extended the term to the entire country, though
primarily it was restricted to Hebron and its vicin
ity. Greek writers, on the other hand, extended
		the name Phenicia to the more south
	s. Other em land. The oldest Aasyro‑Baby
	Names.	Ionian designation of Palestine is
		A‑mur‑ru, which comprised Palestine
and Phenicia (see PBENICIA, PHENICIANa) with
parts of Ccele~Syria. In the time of the Amarna
Tablets (q.v.) A‑mur‑ru was restricted to the dis
trict of the Lebanon and northern Phenicia, the
southern portion of the country, as in the Egyptian
inscriptions, being called Cancan. The inroads of the Hittites led the Assyrians, beginning with Tiglath‑Pileaer III., to term Syria and Palestine the " land of the Hittites." Another general designation arose later, `Ebhir nari, " (the land) beyond (i. e., west of) the river (Euphrates), and this name was applied to the Syrian satrapy of Persia from the reign of Darius I. (cf. Ezra viii. 36 and often). Other appellations of Palestine have a more restricted connotation. Here belong " land of Israel " (I 'Sam. xiii. 19), " land of the Hebrews " (Gen. xl. 15; Joeephus and Pausanias), "the land of Yahweh" (Hos. ix. 3), "the house of Yahweh " (Jer. xii. 7), " the holy mountain of Yahweh " (Ira. xi. 9, Lyv. 25), " the holy land " (Zach. ii. 16; II Mace. i. 7), and " the land of promise " (Heb. xi. 9). The Israelites were also held to dwell in the center of the nations and in the navel of the earth (Ezek. v. 5, xxxvie. 12). This was due, in part at least, to the position of Palestine between the lands of the Tigris and Euphrates to the north and Egypt to the south, as well as between the desert on the east and the sea on the west; also, in some measure, to the high table‑land possessed by Israel, as well as to the fact that the nation was to be a center for the dissemination of true religion to the Gentiles (cf. Ira. ii. 1‑4).
II. Topography: The topography of Palestine is conditioned by a gigantic geological rift, running from the Bay of Elath apparently to Hermon, though it really continues to the valley of the Orontes sad
finally disappears north of the ancient
z. In Antiochia. This rift, which reaches General. its greatest breadth and depth in the
Dead Sep,, divides the chalk plateau between the Syrian desert and the sea into two parts, designated as the districts east and west of the Jordan. As far north as the promontory of Ras al‑Na$urah the recession of the Mediterranean has left the present coast plain; while from this promontory in the north to the desert in the south there extends, between the mountains and the sea, a plain of varying breadth increasing southward and broken only by the range of Mt. Carmel. Between this plain, however, and the mountains proper comes a low hill country which frequently breaks the level stretches of the region. The mountain system east of the Jordan falls abruptly to the valley of the river, but the western elopes are more gentle. The watershed is thus of great importance, especially for southern Palestine, furnishing the natural means of communication for the inhabitants of the mountain region, and also affording numbers of small plateaus valuable for cultivation. This mountain district can be reached from the east and west only by narrow valleys hemmed in by precipices. On the south, on the other hand, it is more easy of access. To the north the mountain region spreads to the foothills of the ranges of Gilboa and Carmel, then gradually sinks to the triangular plain of Jezreel, and finally rises to the plateau of Galilee, which forms the approach to Lebanon and Antilebanon. Here again access to the mountain district is relay tively easy in at least two places. The land east of the Jordan rises in terraces from the valley of the river and reaches a general level higher than that

Palestine	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	810
of the mountains west of the Jordan. The highest point (c. 3,990 feet) is near Hermon, and to the east the slope merges imperceptibly into the SyroArabian desert.
The ridge of the western mountain district proceeds in the south from a plateau which rises to the west above the Wadi al‑'Arabah, south of the Dead
Sea. This arid and barren plateau is z. The about 70 miles in length and between Negeb. 37 and 50 in width. The southern
portion, or Jabal al‑Ma$rah, reaches an elevation of c. 3,240 feet. Its chief wadis, or beds for the winter rains to the east, are, from south to north, as follows: Ghamr, al‑Jirafah, Raman, Abu Taraimah, al‑Fi$ra (in its upper course called Wadi Marrah), and al‑Muhauwat. As to the west and northwest, into the Wadi al‑Shara'if (apparently the middle portion of the Wadi al‑'Arlsh) empties the Wadi al‑$uraiyah, which, with its supposed tributaries the Wadi al‑Muzairi'ah and Wadi al‑Mayin, drains the southern side of the plateau. The Wadi Jarur (the " valley of Gerar " of Gen. xxvi. 17) and the valleys of 'Ain Vadis, 'Ain alVadirat,'Ain al‑lTaselmah, and'Ain al‑Muwileih also empty westward into the Wadi al‑Shara'if. It is possible, however, that the more northerly of these wadis empty into the Wadi al‑Saram, and thus, through the Wadi al‑Abyad, into the Wadi al‑'Arish. From the north of the highland proper comes the Wadi Rakhamah, which, as the Wadi Sal* unites with the Wadi Ghazzah. The sources of Wadi alMl% lie in the Pas al‑Zuweirah and it receives the 'Ar'arah from the south, the Varyatein from the north, and the al‑Khahl from Hebron. Passing to the west under the name of Wadi al‑Saba' (and probably also of Wadi Farah), it curves into the Wadi Ghazzah south of Gaza. The plateau divides into two parts, that to the south of the Wadi Marrah being called Jabal al‑Ma*rah, and that to the north Jabal Hadhira (probably the Hezron of Josh. xv. 25). The Wadi Rakhamah is conjectured to be the early home of the Jerahmeelites. The eastern declivities are barren and composed chiefly of white limestone, nor does reddish sandstone appear until the 'Arabah. On the plateau, between the " ascent of Akrabbim " and Kadesh lay the Zin of Numbers xxxiv. 4 and Josh. xv. 3 (cf. Num. xx. 1, xxvii. 14, xxxiii. 36; Dent. xxxii. 51). The boundary between Israel and Edom accordingly traversed the southern portion of the plateau (cf. Num. xiii. 21, xxxiv. 3; Josh. xv. 1). South of the Wadi Marrah rises the Jabal Madarah, often identified with Mount Hor, where Aaron died (Num. xx. 22 sqq.). The Mount Halak of Josh. xi. 17 is newly discovered on the northern slope above the Wadi al‑Marrah. A portion of the region to the south of the plateau, draining into the Wadi al‑'Arish, anciently belonged to the desert of Paran (q.v.). The upper southern portion of this wadi cut sharply to the south into the peninsula of Sinai, this barren region being called the Badiyat al‑Tih, " desert of the wandering." The region becomes less monotonous as one passes northward to the mountainous district already mentioned. On its southwest corner between the Wadi al‑]~uraiyah and the Wadi al‑Mayln, arises the Jabal 'Aralf, and the first signs of early permanent settlement appear.
To the west of this mountain are the Jabal Ibrimm, the Jabal Yala$, and the Jabal Maghamh, and to the northwest the Jabal‑ Hilal. To the west and the northwest, however, the mountains are replaced by barren plains extending to the Mediterranean and to the delta of the Nile. See NEGEB.
Forming the connection between the mountain district of the Negeb and that of Palestine, the watershed runs parallel with the coast of the Dead Sea northward from Tell 'Arad (16 m. s. of Hebron).
Crossing or joining this watershed in a 3. The northeasterly direction from the plains Southern of Tell al‑Milh and Beersheba are three
Mountain parallel lines of hills. The first of these
District. begins near Tell al‑Milh, crosses the wa‑
tershed at Khirbat bir al‑'Add, and runs along the Wadi al‑Wa'ar or Wadi al‑Malalp. The second begins at Khirbat Salanyah and joins the watershed at Tell Zif. The third rises north of Beersheba, and, forming the watershed between the Wadi alShari'a and the Wadi al‑Khalil, changes its northern direction to the west and meets the main watershed in the 7rimt al‑Balls'. This main watershed, encircling Hebron to the east, bends sharply to the north (w. of Z, irat al‑Balls') and keeps this direction to al‑Khadr, east of Bethlehem. From Khirbat beit 'Ainun, between Bani Na'im and 7,,iratal‑Balls', runs the lofty range of Kanan al‑Za'faran to Tatu'ah. The southernmost of the fertile plateaus formed by these three ranges of hills is that of Hebron (Gen. xxxvii. 14), which slopes to the south and early became a natural point of crossing for the highways of the country. The more northern plateau is the wellwatered plain of the Wadi al‑'Arrub, which, as the Wadi al‑'Areijah, empties into the Dead Sea south of Engedi. The second division of the southern mountain district, that of Jerusalem, begins at the al‑IOsadrmentioned above. Here a range fromthe west, between the Wadi al‑7rarar and the Wadi alSanl, meets the watershed, which it diverts to the east for a short distance, after which it turns toward the north. The region is characterized by hills and smaller plateaus, the latter stretching from alBirah and Ramallah to Jerusalem and Bethlehem. Southwest of Jerusalem it is called al‑Ba$'a or alBu$i‑'ah, and has been identified since the sixteenth century with the valley of the giants of Josh. xv. 8 and other passages. All these plains drain into the Wadi al‑Zarar. From the plateau of the Wadi Bet Vaninah several ranges of hills run to the west which have long been used for communicating with the coast, such as from al‑Jib (Gibeon) and Nab! Samwil (apparently the Ephron of Josh. xv. 9). About 13 miles west of the watershed the plain of Ajalon, now called Marj ibn `Umer, stretches southwest of Beth Horon along the Wadi Salman. The third division, the mountain district of Bethel, is a narrow broken district. The " Mount of Beth‑el " (I Sam. xiii. 2) is apparently the ridge stretching north from Beitin to Tell `Azur. The northern boundaries ate the Wadi deir Ballut (emptying into the sea) and the Wadi al‑'Aujah (flowing into the Jordan). West of the watershed certain valleys running north and south have long been the road from Sichem to Jerusalem. The Wadi al‑Jib is flanked on the south by the Burj Bardawii, and on the east by the

all	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Palestias
Burj al‑Lisanah. Still farther to the west are a number of isolated peaks between the wadis running to the coast; while from `Ain Sinya and Jifna is a range whose summit formed the Roman road from Jerusalem to Cesarea, passing Tibnah, apparently the Timnah of the Old Testament. The entire southern mountain district falls away to the east to the Dead Sea and the Jordan Valley, the first and second group in three terraces and the third (at Beitin) in two, practically parallel with the watershed between the Jordan and the Mediterranean. Since the crest of the range is from 2,775 to 3,100 feet above the Mediterranean, and the basin of the Dead Sea over 1,200 feet below the Mediterranean, while the air‑line distance from the crest of the Dead Sea is only fifteen miles, there is a slope of extreme abruptness. The water flowing over such a surface can only denude it, not irrigate it. On the western slope of the watershed the first and second groups are remarkable for having, toward the west, a very clear boundary in a series of side valleys running almost vertically north or south, parallel with the great geological fault which determines the present. topography of Palestine. This system of side valleys begins at the southern edge of the Wadi Mala$ah, about five miles northwest of Beit `Ur al‑Tahta, continues southward in the Wadi al‑Mi$tali, and at the Wadi Salman broadens out into the plain of Ajalon. In the south of this valley the Wadi al‑Najil forms the boundary between the plateau proper and the western foothills, as does the Wadi al‑Zur south of the Wadi al=Sant. Even farther south there are traces of an elevated edge of the foothills running toward the coast, as Idna, Bet `Auwa, Khirbat Jeima,r, and Tell Khuwileifah. At the latter hill the border is reached between the Wadi al‑Shari'a and the Wadi al‑Khalil; and the low hill country formed by this intersection is the Shephelah, or " plain," of the Old Testament.
The middle mountain district, bounded on the north by the plain of Jezreel, falls into two groups. The southern of these extends from the Wadi deir Ballut in the west and the Wadi al‑`Aujah in the
east to the Wadi al‑Sha'ir in the west 4. The and the Wadi al‑Humr in the east.
Middle Here again the declivity to the bed of
Mountain the Jordan is very steep and precipi‑
District. tous. The numerous side valleys (run‑
ning north and south) of the first terrace are markedly fertile. Some three mules north of Tell A~ur, the great watershed bends to the east, but resumes its northern course after three mules to the peak of al‑Tuwanik, whence it runs westward to the Jabal al‑Tor, the Gerizim of the Old Testament. Again running to the north, it passes the site of the ancient Sichem and includes the Jabal Aslamiyah, the Old‑Testament Ebal. The aridity of Ebal together with its northern position explain why the curses were given from Ebal and the blessings were pronounced from the relatively fertile Gerizim (cf. Deut. xi. 29; Josh. viii. 33). The northern group of the middle mountain district runs from al‑Tuwanik and the Wadi al‑Sha'ir to the plain of Jezreel. The watershed approaches the valley of the Jordan, being within ten miles of it at the Ras Ibzi$ and the Jabal Fu$u'ah (the Gilboa of T Sam. xxxi. i and
TI Sam. i. 21). First running north, it bends northwest and falls away steeply to the plain of Jezreel. The eastern terrace system stops at al‑Tuwanik, its place being taken by four parallel ridges running southeast, enclosing beautiful open valleys. The largest of these valleys is the Wadi Far`ah, which includes the fertile plain of al‑Makhnah, probably the Michmethah of Josh. xvii. 7. But with Jabal FuIFu'ah these valleys stop, and the region between the watershed of the Jordan becomes traversed by short valleys cutting through the plain of Beisan, the Beth‑shean of Josh. xvii. 11 and Judges i. 27. West of the watershed fertile plains are scattered among the hills, especially along the upper and middle Wadi Salbab south of Janin. The latter plain is called Sahil 'Arrabah and contains the Tell Dotan, the Dothan of Gen. xxxvii. 17. The heights at Kafr Kud and the hill country of Bilad al‑Rubah loosely connect the middle mountain district with Carmel (q.v.).
The plain of Jezreel is a right‑angled triangle, its hypotenuse running from Janin to the southeastern foot of Carmel, its eastern side defined
by Jabal Fu$u'ah and Tabor, and 5. The the north by Tabor and Carmel. Plain of The plain lies 185‑230 feet above the
jezreeL Mediterranean, into which it drains
through the Nahr al‑Mu$e(a#', the Kishon of Judges v. 21 and I Kings xviii. 40. The edges of the plain being higher than its center, the middle is often marshy, so that only the edges of the plain are habitable. The soil is extraordinarily fertile on account of early volcanic deposits; the watershed is in the east, in the deep valleys which open the way to the valley of the Jordan on either side of the Jabal al‑Doi. In the south the valley is traversed by the Nahr Jalud, which runs beside an important ancient route Mm Zar'in to the Jordan. The much narrower valley of the north is drained by the Wadi al‑Sharrar or the Wadi alBirah.
The northern mountain region is divided into the districts of Lower and Upper Galilee. The former extends from the Jordan and the Sea of Galilee in the east to the plain of Acre in the west, and from the plain of Jezreel in the south to the heights of alRamah and the Wadi al‑'Amud on the Sea of Galilee in the north. It falls into several ranges of hills
running parallel from west to east and 6. The divided by small plains. The southern Northern group, commonlynamedafterNazareth,
Mountain begins with wooded hills, and northeast
District of Nazareth Tabor reaches an elevation
of 1,730 feet. The second range of hills includes the Jabal Tur'an, the lKarn $altin, and the so‑called Manarah (" watch tower ") on the Sea of Galilee. The southern plain, or Wadi Rummanah, is small; but the northern, or Sahal Battof, is larger, and may correspond to the valley of Jiphthah~l on the boundary between Zebulun and Asher (Josh. xix. 14, 27). The third range of hills is the al‑Shaghur, which begins in the west at the village of Shafa `Amr and rises with ever‑increasing breadth toward the northeast and east until it ends in the precipitous heights (especially the Jabal al‑Daidabah, the Jabal Vanzirah, and the Ras

Palestine
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
Kruman) between the Wadi al‑Hammam and the
Wadi al‑Rabadiyah on the lake of Gennesaret.
From the western foot of Tabor the watershed pro
ceeds west until near Nazareth, when it turns north
east to the volcanic peak of Yarn Vattin. It then
resumes its western direction to the center of the
district, when it again turns to the east, and joins
the Jabalat al‑`Arus, the southern boundary of
the mountain district of Upper Galilee. It then
stretches north to the vicinity of Marun al‑Rase
when it turns to the east, unites with the northerly
range on the eastern border of Upper Galilee, and
ends in the Jabal al‑Dahr, which separates the Nahr
al‑Vasimiyah from the Nahr al‑Ha7pbani. The range
which forms the southern boundary of the plateau of
Upper Galilee begins near `Akka and runs eastward
via the Nabi Haidar, the Jabalat al‑`Arus, Zafad
and the Jabal Kan'an to the Jordan below the Jisr
Banat Ya'$ub. The eastern range is rather wide
in the south, including the Jabal Zafad (which in
cludes Mairon, the " waters of Merom " of Josh.
xi. 5, 7), and the Jabal Jarma$, the highest mountain
of Galilee (nearly 3,700 feet.) From the Jabal
Wad several roads run to important points. Near
the ancient city of Kadesh the line of hills divides
into several parallel chains, but near Mais it unites
with the watershed and thus reaches the plateau
of Marj `Ayun and the Jabal al‑Dahr. The western
border of Upper Galilee begins in the south at the vil
lage Kisra and runs parallel to the coast to Khirbat
Salam on the Wadi al‑Hajair. This range is pierced
by certain valleys which afford communication be
tween the plateau and the coast. The northern
boundary is formed by the heights between Khirbat
Salam and Hunin. Within the irregular quadrangle
of the plateau of Upper Galilee two ranges of hills
run northwest, the one from Jabal Jarma$ to Khir
bat Balal, and the other from Jabal al‑Ghabiyah
(s.w. of Kadesh) to Khirbat al‑Yacjun near Tibnin.
Between the two ranges are fertile wooded plateails.
	The plains between the mountains and the coast
begin immediately south of Ras al‑Na$urah or Jabal
al‑Musha$1Fah. The first is the plain of Acre stretch
ing to the northern foot of Carmel, the northern
		portion being fertile; the center a
	q. The marshy district between Acre and
	Plains be‑ Shafa `Amr watered by the Nahr
tween Moun‑ Na'aman (the classical Belus); and the
	tain and southern part constituting the vicinity
	Coast of the Lower Kishon. The plain to the
		west of Carmel is narrow, though fer
tile. Near the ruins of Tanturah were the heights
of Dor (Josh. xi. 2; I Kings iv. 11). South of the
Nahr al‑ZarVa begins the plain of Sharon distin
guished for its vegetation (Cant. ii. 1; Ira. xxxv. 2).
It extends southward to the mouth of the Nahr
Rubin and westward to the foot of the mountain
district, its length being about forty‑three miles and
its width reaching twelve miles at Jaffa. It is, in
general, level, though small groups of hills are not
infrequent. In the north considerable portions are
used only for pasturage, but between Jaffa and al
Ramlah the plain is well settled. Near the coast
runs a range of sandy hills which holds the water,
that collects in the plain, thus forming numerous
marshes. South of the plain of Sharon stretches
the Shephelah, or " plain." Between this and the plain of the Philistines there is no natural boundary, and it is evident that the Shephelah was extended far westward (cf. Josh. xv. 33 sqq.). Nor is there any strict delimitation of this region even to the west. On its eastern edge, on the other hand, various ranges of hills run west and northwest, forming the watershed between the numerous valleys of the irregular country. Large plains are found near `A&ir (Ekron), Jabna (Jabneh), Asdud (Ashdod), and `Ara$ al‑Manschiyah. Near Asdud begins a range of hills gradually increasing in height to the east and southeast, dividing the region of the Nahr Sukrair from the Wadi al‑Hasi, while farther south they turn to the west for some twelve miles. Another range runs from Asdud pardllel with the coast south to Sumsum and Dair Asnaid; but at the Wadi al‑Shari'a this hill country ends, and farther south the Negeb begins. A shephelah of the northern mountain district of Israel is mentioned once in Josh. xi. 16, but this district is not noted elsewhere. Of the coast little need be said. It runs fairly straight from Tell Rafah to Carmel, in places rising
abruptly from the sea, as at Ascalon, Jaffa, Tanturah `Atlit, and Acre. The sole natural harbor of Palestine is the bay between Acre and Haifa; but this harbor is now so choked with sand as to be practically useless.
The name of the river Jordan (Heb. Yarden; Arab. Urdun, more commonly Shari'at al‑kabirah, "Great Watering‑place ") is of uncertain etymology and meaning. It arises at the foot of Hermon from
three springs: the Nahr al‑Ha*bani, & The Upper the Nahr al‑Laddan, and the Nahr Jordan Val‑ Baniyas, the first rising half an hour ley; the Sea north of Hazbaiya, the second on Tell of Galilee. al‑'$adi, and the third at Baniyas.
These three sources unite five miles s. of Tell al‑]adi c. 130 feet above the sea. The river then flows rapidly through a small plain, the Ard al‑Hulah, fifteen miles long by six wide, fertile and richly watered both by the Jordan and by many small streams from the east and west, but very unhealthy. The end of this swampy district is formed by the pear‑shaped Bahrat al‑Hulah, which has evidently decreased greatly in size since the days of Josephus (cf. War, IV., i. 1). The river is here some six feet above the level of the Mediterranean. Issuing from the Bahrat al‑Hulah, the. Jordan flows south over a rocky bed hemmed in by high cliffs of
basalt. A little over a mile south of the lake is the ford of the old "way of the sea" (Ira. ix. 1) from Damascus, and the river is here forty feet below the surface of the Mediterranean. The Sea of Galilee (Lake of Gennesaret) is the most beautiful part of the Jordan valley, except the sources at Mount Hermon. It is twelve miles long: and five wide at Tiberias; its waters are sweet, fairly clear, and extremely rich in fish. It is, however, exposed to violent wind storms from north, northwest, and southeast (cf. Mark iv. 351). It seems always to have been named after some neighboring locality.
In the Old Testament it is called the " sea of Chinneroth " or " Chinnereth " (Num. xxxiv. 11; Josh. xfi. 3, xiii. 27), this being the name of a city north of Rakkath (Josh. xix. 35; of. I Kings xv. 20); and

818	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Palestine
in the New Testament, the " lake of Gennesaret " (Luke v. 1; cf. Matt. xiv. 34; Mark vi. 53) from a small district on its northwest shore (Matt. xiv. 34; Mark vi. 53); the " sea of Galilee " (Matt. iv. 18, xv. 29; Mark i. 16, vii. 31); and the " sea of Tiberias " (John vi. 1, xxi. 1), the latter giving rise to its modern Arab name, Bahr Tabariyah.
From the southwestern corner of the Sea of Galilee the Jordan flows west, then turns southward and preserves this general course to the Dead Sea,
receiving, among other streams, the
g. The Nahr Yarmuk, and the Nahr al‑Zarka Lower Jor‑ (the Jabbok of the Old Testament). din Valley. From the Sea of Galilee to the Dead
Sea the distance is nearly seventy miles, and the fall of the Jordan between these points is 570 feet. The bed of the river becomes a loose marl and loam, and the water changes to a dirty yellow. The region along the banks is divided into two parts, the general district being called al‑Ghor (" depression "), this including the entire basin, while the riverbed itself and the rich vegetation near its shores are comprised under the name al‑Zor. Generally the water of the river is hidden under a mass of vegetation, but after the rainy season it frequently covers the trees on its usual bank (cf. I Chron. xii. 15; Ecclus. xxiv. 26). The western bank, which alone is thus far well known, varies greatly in breadth. South of the Sea of Galilee a plain begins with a breadth of one and a half to three miles, widening out near the old Beth‑shear, where the Nahr Jalud discharges. It thus presents the form of a triangle, its northern side measuring from thirteen to fifteen miles and its eastern side, to the mouth of the Wadi Malih, eleven miles. The entire region is rich in water and shows numerous traces of ancient canals. The plain east of the Jordan is here about two miles broad. Between the Wadi alMao and the Wadi Abu Sidrah the last foothills of the western mountain district confine the river to its bed. South of the Wadi Abu Sidrah the plain again reaches a breadth of five to seven miles. In the vicinity of the Kam Sarlabah the Ghor penetrates deeply into the open valley of the mountain district. The heights on the western bank are so firm that frequently the Jordan tributaries are obliged to run parallel to the main stream for a considerable distance, this being the case especially with the lower course of the Wadi Far'ah. In winter, moreover, the entire vicinity to the east becomes a large lake, called Wai~at al‑Khatalin. In the immediate neighborhood of Jericho, beginning with the Wadi al‑Nuwai'imah, is a level plain sloping to the Jordan, its lower part traversed by the Wadi alUt. From this point, however, to the Dead Sea the soil becomes barren; and this region, " the valley of Achor," is in the Old Testament an example of a desolate wilderness (Isa. L‑v. 10; Hos. ii. 17; cf. Josh. xv. 7). At lTasr al‑Yahud the marl hills bend back from the Jordan and are lost in the hill country. At several places, as near Jericho, a second shore, about fifty feet above the present bank of the river, rises at a distance from the stream. On this elevation spreads the arid region sometimes called `Ambhah in the Old Testament (Deut. iii: 17; II Sam. ii. 29; cf. Deut. xxxiv. 3; Josh. xiii. 27),
though this generally connotes the district north and south of the Dead. Sea. The topography east and west of the Jordan above the Dead Sea is practically the same. The oasis of Jericho, with the wells `Air al‑Sultan and `Air Duk, on the east corresponds to the Abel‑shittim of Num. xxxiii. 49 (cf. Num. xxv. i; Mic. vi. 5); while the western district was called the plains of Jericho (Josh. v. 10; II Kings xxv. 5), and the eastern the plains of Moab (e.g., Num. xxii. 1). The land immediately surrounding the Jordan, perhaps from the Jabbok to the sites of Sodom and Gomorrah, was termed the "plain of Jordan" (I Kings vii. 46; cf. Dent. xxxiv. 3), though elsewhere the name is restricted to the vicinity of Jericho (Neh. iii. 22, xii. 28).
In summer the Jordan can be crossed in a number of places, there being five fords between the Bahrat al‑Hulah and the Sea of Galilee, and fiftyfour between the latter and the Dead Sea. These are very unequal in their distribution. On extremely rare occasions, as in 1267, the river bed becomes dry through land‑slides, thus explaining the event recorded in Josh. iii. 13‑17.
The Dead Sea is generally termed in the Old Testament the " salt sea" (cf. Num. xxxiv. 3, 12; Josh. xv. 2, 5), a phrase used to explain the older name, " sea of the plain " (Deut. iii. 17; Josh. iii.
i6). It is likewise known as the " east
:o. The sea " (e.g., Ezek. xlvii. 18) in contra‑
	Dead Sea.	distinction from the western sea, or
		Mediterranean. Called the Salt Sea or
the Sea of Sodom in the Talmud, and the Sea of
Asphalt by Josephus and Pliny, its designation of
Dead Sea is found in Pausanias and Justin, and
especially in Jerome. The Arabs term it Bahr Lut,
or " Sea of Lot." Its surface is about 1,290 feet
below that of the Mediterranean, its length is about
forty‑six miles, and its maximum breadth (from
'Air Jidi, or Engedi, to the mouth of the Amon) is
about eleven miles. Its depth varies from 1,310
feet in the north to eighteen feet in the south. The
northern and southern shores are fiat, the latter
being practically a salt marsh and receiving the
water of several wadis, among them the Wadi al
Vurabi, which apparently corresponds to the
" brook Zered " of Num. mi. 12; Deut. ii. 13‑14.
The " brook of the willows " (Isa. xv. 7) may be
the lower part of this same wadi. The western and
eastern shores of the Dead Sea are bounded by
steep hills, the peak north of the Wadi al‑Sayal
being 2,295 feet above the Dead Sea. These moun
tains do not, as a rule, fall away abruptly to the
water on the western coast, but on the east, where
some of the hills are over 4,300 feet in height, the
coast is extremely precipitous, especially north of
al‑Lisan. The water of the Dead Sea is a concen
trated lye, its salts including chlorid, bromid,
natrium, magnesium, kalium, and calcium. The
salinity varies in parts of the surface and also in
proportion to depth. This lye of the sea is due to
two causes: the minerals carried down by the rivers
flowing into the sea; and the constant evapora
tion in the hot, dry air which hovers over the deep
basin of the Dead Sea. The high specific gravity of
the water, which is six times more salt than the
ocean, both prevents organic bodies from sinking

Palestine
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
in it, and also renders animal life impossible in its waters. Nevertheless, on its surface and in the slime of the northern shore pathogenic bacteria have recently been found; and in less salty portions, as at Engedi and the mouths of the eastern wadis, even fish may survive. The shores are barren, except in the fresher districts just mentioned. In Gen. xiii. 10, and xix. 25, the origin of the Dead Sea is connected with the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah; while in Gen. xiv. 3 the name of the plain now covered by its waters is given as Biddim. The geological view is that the Dead Sea is a continuation of the fault of the Jordan valley, this rift dating from the end of the tertiary period. The sea was then more shallow than at present, but already strongly impregnated with mineral salts; and is conjectured to have extended from the present peak of al‑Rishah in the Wadi al‑'Arabah to the vicinity of the Sea of Galilee. Six periods are distinguished by geologists in the history of the Dead Sea, the last, accompanied by an earthquake and occurring early in the historical alluvial period, being held to include the destruction of the " cities of the plain." These cities, which comprised, besides Sodom and Gomorrah, Admah, Zeboiim, and Zoar (Gen. xiv. 2, 8; cf. Deut. xxix. 22; Ho'. xi. 8), were "overthrown" by God (Deut. xix. 22; Isa. xiii. 19; Jer. xlix. 18; Amos iv. 11). Zoar, which escaped destruction, was situated on the southeast shore of the sea in the vicinity of the Khirbat al‑Zafiyah, and in its neighborhood (cf. Gen. xix. 20 aqq.) lay Sodom and Gomorrah. The allusions to brimstone, fire, and smoke (Gen. xix. 24, 28; cf. Wisd. x. 6, 7) doubtless refer to the spontaneous combustion of the masses of asphalt and petroleum, mingled with inflammable gases, emitted by the earthquake.
The land east of the Jordan is essentially a continuous plateau, merging on the east into the desert and on the west into wadis, and rising in the center into long ranges of bills. The region falls into four
chief divisions. The first is the district ::. Eastern north of Yarmuk, including the Jaulan,
Palestine the Nulpra, the Lejah, and the Jabal North of the Ijauran; the second is the `Ajlun be‑
Yarmuk. tween the Yarmuk and the Nahr al‑
Zarl~a; the third the Balks between the Nahr al‑Zarlfa and the Wadi al‑Mojib; and the fourth al‑Karak between the Wadi al‑Mojib and the Wadi al‑Hasa. The first division extends much farther toward the east than do the others. The most northern division has never had a uniform name, a fact readily explicable from the varying conformation of the districts belonging to it. These, proceeding from west to east, are as follows. Above the upper course of the Jordan and the Sea of Galilee rises the plateau of the Jaulan, so‑called from the Golan of Deut. iv. 43, etc. (see GAULANITI9). It begins at the southeastern foot of Hermon and slopes to the south and southwest. Its average height is 2,275 feet; and in the northeast are a series of extinct volcanoes along the west bank of the Wadi al‑Ru". The northern and middle portions of the Jaulan are stony and barren, but the southern part, covered with dark brown earth of volcanic origin, is extraordinarily fertile. While
814
the stony region is rich in springs, the remainder is not well watered, its springs being mostly on the declivitiea, where the villages are situated. The slope to the Jordan, as far as the Bahrat al‑Hulah, is quite steep. The valleys opening on the Lake of Tiberias are relatively short, and some of them are extremely deep and steep. The general slope of the plateau to this lake and to the Yarmuk is steep at first, but later becomes more gentle. East of the upper Wadi al‑Rukl~ad stretches the plateau of al‑Jaidur, which forms the watershed between the region around Damascus and the Jordan. Bashan (q.v.) is doubtless the region called Nukra by the Bedouins (see BessHAx). The Nukra is joined on the east by the Lejah, a rough and almost inaccessible region (see Z'RACHONITI6). The lava which abounds in it comes from the Jabal Hauran or the Jabal al‑Druz (the " mountain of Bashan " of Ps. lxviii. 15), which farther south forms the eastern boundary of the Nukra. The name Hauran is also applied to the fertile plain to the west, so that the Hauran and the Nu$ra coincide. The 13auran of Ezekiel xlvii. 16, 18, however, is not to be sought in this region, but in the northeastern corner of the boundary of Canaan as delimited by the prophet. South of the Jabal Hauran and the Nukra stretches the steppe of al‑13amad, clearly distinguished by its yellow soil from the volcanic land of the Nul~ra. Much of its soil, however, consists of pulverized silicate, and running water and springs are entirely lacking, the very vegetation showing that here the desert begins. Farther to the west rises a group of hills, called al‑Zumal, about 300 feet above the plain of Dar'a or Dar'at (the Edrei of Num. xxi. 33) and 2,150 feet above the Mediterranean. The northern portion of the Hamad lies between Turrah, Dar'&, and al‑Ramtah; and the southern stretches beyond al‑Afdain. The greatest breadth is about even miles and the length thirty‑five miles. Only the northern edges are cultivated, for the soil is arid and barren. Except for the shorter valleys of the Jaulan which empty into the Jordan or the Sea of Galilee, all the streams of this northernmost portion of the East Jordan district flow into the Yarmuk or Shari'at al‑Manadirah.
The `Ajlun, the second district of the land east of the Jordan, extends from the Jarmuk southward to the Nahr al‑Zarta, or Jabbok. Along the lower course of the Yarmuk, 540 feet below the Mediterranean, a small kettle‑shaped plain contains six hot springs, five on the right bank and one on the left.
The highland of the `Ajlun forms the ra. Eastern watershed between the Jordan on the
Palestine west, the Yarmuk on the north and South of the northeast, and the Nahr al‑Zar$a on
Yarmtsk. the south; and is called in the north
Jabal `Ajlun and in the south Jabal Mi'racj. From al‑H#n the ridge bends southward, the peaks Ras Hara$la, Ras Imnif, Umm alDaraj, Ras al‑Fanadik, and al‑Manarah marking the watershed between the Jordan wadis and the tributaries of the Wadi Warren, which, under the name of Wadi al‑Shallalah, drains into the Yarmuk from the south. The range is densely wooded, and is continued from near Sakib by the Jabal Mi'racj to the southwest, ending near the Tului al‑

815	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Palestine
Dahab, whose two peaks fall away abruptly to the Nahr al‑Zar$a. Toward the east the Jabal 'Ajlun changes into a rolling hill country which finally reaches the Nahr al‑Zar$a. Its breadth from east to west varies from seven to ten miles, and at Tell al‑Hanaorah and the more southern Pihab it merges with the Hamad. The southern portion has a number of wells, but the northern is waterless. The declivities toward the Nahr al‑Zar$a are in part wooded and watered, but are often bald; and the middle portions are less steep than either the uppermost or the lowest parts. West of the Jabal 'Ajlun and the Jabal Mi'ra4 stretches a highland pierced by numerous wadis and with many springs, still bearing remnants of once rich forests. The closer the Jordan is approached, the balder are the declivities, and the steeper, stonier, and deeper the valleys. The chief tributaries of the Jordan, from north to south, are the Wadi al`Arab, Wadi Yabis, Wadi Kafrinji (or Wadi 'Ajlun), and Wadi Rajib. The district of al‑Bal$a lies between the Nahr al‑Zar$a and the Wadi alMojib. Stretching south from the former, the land rises with considerable steepness to the Jabal Jil'ad (evidently the Gilead of the Old Testament; see PERMA). This range reaches its highest point in the western Jabal Oaha' (3,380 feet), from the summit of which a panorama of Palestine may be obtained from the Dead Sea to Hermon. In the east the range sinks to the plateau of al‑Bukai'ah, sloping away north and east, and on the south merging in the watershed which separates the sources of the Nahr al‑Zar$a from the wadis which empty into the Jordan. From this watershed a ridge extends southward to Ma'in. The southern part of the plateau is traversed by the Wadi Haidan, or Wadi al‑Walah, and falls away to the bed of the Wadi Mojib, which at 'Ar`air is 300 feet below the level of the Mediterranean.
III. Minerals and Soil: Palestine is mostly calcareous in formation; though Nubian sandstone occurs in the faults near the Jordan valley east of the Dead Sea. Beneath this sandstone lie permocarboniferous limestone and sandstone, resting on an old volcanic crystalline formation with veins of porphyry and diorite. Several varieties of marble are found, as well as basalt (from the tertiary period) and lava (from the later diluvial age). Though there is no evidence of volcanic action since the age of man, the Tell al‑'Ajjul on the Jabal al‑Datd is an old crater, and tufa and other volcanic products are found northeast of Tabor, between Nazareth and the Sea of Galilee and as far as the plain of Jezreel. Volcanic basalt likewise occurs in Moab (as at Diban and Jabal Shiban); while flint is seen in the desert of Judah, near Jerusalem, and in 'Ajlun. The hills both east and west of the Jordan abound in caves, as in the vicinity of Bit Jibrin and in Mount Carmel (cf. Amos ix. 3). Earthquakes are not uncommon in Palestine, but are non‑volcanic (I Sam. xiv. 15; Amos i. 1; Zech. xiv. 5; and Matt. xxvii. 51); prophets and poets often picture the terrors of earthquake to heighten the appearance of God in judgment (Pa. xix. 8, 16, cxiv. 4, 6‑7; Isa. xiii. 13; Ezek. xxxviii. 19 sqq.; Mic. i. 3‑1). Two earthquake zones may be dis‑
tinguished: one from Diarbakr on the upper Tigris, running, by way of Edessa, Mambij on the Euphrates, and Aleppo, to Antioch, where it turns south and parallels the Syrian coast to Ascalon and Gaza; and the other from 'Ain Tab in northern Syria, crossing the first zone at Aleppo, and coinciding with the Bi$a' between Lebanon, Antilebanon, and the rift of the Jordan. The remains of ancient iron mines have been discovered in the district east of the Jordan; and the minerals of the Dead Sea and its vicinity are of distinct commercial value. On its shores are found petroleum, pure asphalt, and cretaceous asphalt. The latter is found in large quantities in the desert of Judah, together with cretaceous phosphates containing remains of fossil fish. The water of the Dead Sea, moreover, occasionally casts up masses of asphalt. Phosphates of high percentage are found east of the Jordan; and in the so‑called lower terraces are rock salt, chromoxid, and sulfur. The " slime pits " of Gen. xiv. 10 probably imply the emergence of masses of petroleum and asphalt through the diluvial formations of the higher and lower terraces. The arable soil of Palestine varies greatly in formation. Present conditions west of the Jordan are unfavorable to the production of humus; but east of the Jordan, where the arborage is more abundant and the rocks consequently more covered, circumstances are far better. Here, when the upper surface of the rock breaks up under the influence of air and moisture, a red, loamy earth is left which, when properly irrigated, well repays agriculture. Still more fruitful is the soil produced by decomposition of lava. In many places, however, as on the coast plain and in the Jordan Valley, the soil is composed of a marl or sand which defies all attempts at irrigation.
IV. Climate: The land west of the Jordan, lying between 31° and 32° north latitude, belongs to the northern subtropical region and agrees generally in climate with the Mediterranean countries. The year thus falls into a hot, rainless period, and a cool, rainy season. On the coast the climate is mild and even; in the mountains it is :. Heat and more inclement and variable; the Jor‑
	Winds.	dan valley approximates tropical con
		ditions; and east of the river the vi
cinity of the desert is not without influence. The
mean temperature on the coast is 20.5° C., but at
Jerusalem 17.1°. In the mountains the heat in
creases rapidly from April to May from 14.7° to
20.7°, reaching 24.5° in August, falling to 15.50 in
November, and being at the minimum, 8.8° C., in
February. The hottest days (generally in May, June,
and September) range from 37° to 44° C. in the
shade; the coldest (in January) sink to ‑4° C. The
temperature frequently varies greatly during the
day, ranging from 7.4° to 7.7° C. in December, Janu
ary, and February, and from 12.8° to 13.1° C. from
May to October. This variability is due to the sud
den cooling of the air by the strong radiation from
the surface of the ground. The unh~althful conse
quences of this variability are lessened by the low
humidity, even in the hot months. East of the
Jordan the contrast between the temperature of
day and night seems to be still greater than west
of the river. The winds of Palestine are closely

THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
Palestine
connected with those of other Mediterranean countries. From May to October dry winds from the northwest, west, and north prevail at Jerusalem and in the western mountain district; but in September and October frequent east and southeast winds increase the heat. In winter west and southwest winds prevail and bring rain (cf. Luke xii. 54‑55). Except for these phenomena, the land west of the Jordan has a tolerably regular alternation of land and sea breezes, divided partly into annual and partly into daily interchanges. In the hot season the Syrian mountains are heated much more rapidly than the Mediterranean. The hot sir consequently rises to the upper atmosphere and passes to the sea, while the cooler layers from the water go toward the land. In the winter the reverse is the case; and these alternations are repeated daily on a small scale. At times, however, the meeting of the air currents produces severe whirlwinds which last an hour, or even longer. The north wind is cold (Job xxxvii. 9); the west wind moist; the east wind dry; and the comparatively rare south wind warm. The east wind is refreshing in winter, but in summer its heat, dryness, and dust are distressing. The most destructive and unhealthful wind, however, is the sirocco from the southeast, especially as it is often violent and productive of severe whirlwinds (cf. Job i. 19; Jer. xviii. 17; Ezek. xvii. 10; Jonah iv. 8).
The rainy season, from October to May, falls into three divisions. The first of these is the early rains (James v. 7), which extend from October or November to the middle of December and prepare the parched ground for plowing. The second division, from the middle of December to the 2. Rain and middle or end of March, saturates the
	Moisture.	ground and fills the wells, pools, and
		cisterns. The third division, or late
rains of April and May, permits the wheat to ear.
These divisions are separated by a series of rainless
days; and the description of spring in Cant. ii. 11
12, refers to the time after the close of the winter
rain. The annual precipitation is very uneven,
67.5 per cent falling in December and January.
From May to September there is scarcely any rain,
but the place of rain is taken, to some extent, by
the dew brought by the sea breezes, especially in
the spring, though rain falls in abundance in
September and October (cf. Job xxix. 19; Cant. v.
2). There is frequently a heavy mist at dawn,
which is gradually dissipated by the sun. But
with the hot sirocco, all moisture, and even the
dew, vanishes. In summer there are no storms,
so that the thunder and rain in the wheat harvest,
mentioned in I Sam. xii. 17‑18, produced terror.
Storms are frequent, however, in the other months,
especially in April and May. Snow falls almost
every winter, but seldom remains more than a few
days. Hail likewise falls in winter (cf. Job xxxviii.
22; Isa. xxx. 30; Hag. ii. 17). The climatic con
ditions of the Jordan valley are little known. The
temperature, however, seems to be high, and the
precipitation relatively alight. Snow is apparently
unknown in Jericho, though it occasionally falls at
Tiberias. In the Jordan valley south winds blow
in summer, and north winds in winter, these phe‑
nomena seemingly being due to barometric conditions over the Dead Sea. There is no reason to suppose that the climate of Palestine has changed in the historic period, though the heavy woods mentioned in the Bible (cf. Josh. xvii. 15; Isa. ix. 18; Jer. iv. 7, 29) have greatly diminished. It is probable that the mountains west of the Jordan were once densely wooded, and it is not impossible that deforestation has caused a diminution of the rainfall, though with little general effect on the climate. It may also be conjectured that the opposition of the seasons has been intensified; though here, again, no alteration of the mean annual temperature can be assumed.
	V. Irrigation and Fertility: The few permanent
rivers of Palestine are not of a character available
for irrigation, even the Jordan having too deep a
bed for a source of a system of canals. The other
rivers, such as Kishon and the Nahr al‑`Aujah,
run in low‑lying plains near the coast, so that their
waters are not available for the mountain districts,
where the only sources of water supply are the wells
and the rain. Some portions of Palestine are by
no means lacking in springs, which appear mostly
in the valleys or at the foot of the mountains. They
are most frequent in eastern Galilee, tolerably nu
merous on the southern and southeastern borders
of the plain of Jezreel, and not rare in the vi
cinity of Nablus (Sichem). From the latter point
to the south, except in the neighborhood of Hebron,
the wells are scarcer and scantier. Though they
have been of the utmost economic and strategic
importance in the history of Palestine, they are sel
dom cared for, as at Nazareth, though the remains
of ancient structures attest the protection formerly
afforded them. Little attention is given to col
lecting the rain water in pools, though more care is
taken of the cisterns in the mountain district. The
greater part of the rain water is thus wasted, and
flows either into the Jordan and the Dead Sea, or
forms marshes (as in the plain of Sharon) or under
ground waters in the coast plains, where it can be
utilized by trenches (cf. II Kings iii. 16) or wells. It
thus becomes evident that the prosperity of the land
is conditioned by the yearly rainfall, the ultimate
source of the wells. If the rain fails, the wells dry
up; man and beast suffer from thirst (Ps. xlii. 1);
the parched land can not be plowed; and general
famine is the sequence of the failure of the crops
(cf. II Sam. xxi. 1; I Kings xvii: xviii.; Jer. xiv.
2‑6; Amos iv. 7‑8). The wells include a number
of hot springs, especially south of Tiberias, where
there is a temperature of 63° C. In the valley of
the Wadi Zar$a Ma'in in Moab there is a number
of hot springs, one with a temperature of 62.8° C.
and others occur at the entrance of the same wadi
into the Dead Sea. These hot springs may date
from the end of the diluvial period, and it is prob
able that many springs now cold were originally
hot, the transition being shown by numerous warm
springs near the Jordan valley. For the fertility
of Palestine see AoRICULTUHE, HEBREW. The
phrase " flowing with milk and honey " (Ex. iii.
8, 17, xiii. 5; Num. xiii. 27; etc.), applied also to
Egypt (Num. xvi. 13), does not refer to agricul
tural fertility, but to adaptability for pasturage,

817	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Palestine
and to abundance of wild honey (cf. Deut. xxxii. 13 and often).
VL Flora: The Palestinian flora ranges from tropical vegetation in the Jordan valley to flora of the steppes and desert. Many varieties of the present flora have been introduced in historic times. The original forest trees of the cretaceous plateau can not be determined until the forestry of the east Jordan district is more fully known. West of the Jordan small woods are found on Carmel and to the southeast, as well as on Tabor and in upper Galilee. These trees are mostly oaks (quercm coccifero and quercus Q;gilops), though they also include the turpentine tree (pistacia terebinthus), the cypress (cupressua sempertrirem), the fir east of the Jordan, and the Aleppo pine (pinus halepenaia). Mention should also be made of the poplar (populua alba), mastic (pistaciia Lentiscua), arbutus (arbutus unedo and arbutus Andrachne), carob (ceratoria Wiqua), tamarisk, and white poplar (populus euphratica) in the vicinity of the Dead Sea. The majority of these trees grow in dense thickets, as on the upper Wadi al‑`Arrub north of Hebron, on Carmel, and on the southern and western declivities of Tabor. Here, too, are found the Phillyrea media, storax (styraz ofvinalia), hawthorn and blackthorn, Judas‑tree (cercis siliqtiostrum), rock‑rose (ciatm), furze (genista), laurel, wild olive, myrtle, caper‑bush (capParis spinosa), and many varieties of willow. The swamps along the coast, like the Bal~rat al‑Vulah and the region of the wells near the Jordan, are filled with reeds and papyrus, while along the brooks grow oleanders and Abraham‑trees (vitex agnus cactus). There are no meadows, in the strict sense of the term, in Palestine, nor is it customary to cut grass for hay. At the same time, large stretches of land are covered with perennial grasses, and diversified with flowers and herbs. Among these flowers are many representatives of the liliacei., leguminosi, umbelliferi, and labiati; while meadow‑saffron, hyacinths, buttercups, tulips, anemones, adonises, irises, chrysanthemums, geraniums, and orchids commingle their colors. Gardens of varying size are found almost everywhere. For the trees most frequent see FRUIT TREES IN THE OLD TESTAMENT. Under fruit trees may be comprised the Christ'sthorn (zizyphus spins Christi) with its small applelike fruits, the zizyphus lotus with its plum‑shaped fruit, and the crataxgm monogyrua with pulpy, deepred fruit. The region of the vegetation of the steppes and desert is the Jordan valley with the neighborhood of the Dead Sea, the Negeb, and the desert edge of the district east of the Jordan. Here trees are almost wholly lacking, their place being taken by small thorny bushes, including the poterium spinosum, and several varieties of aatragalus. The broom abounds, like varieties of artemisia and such acacias as acacia tortilis and acacia Seyal; while the juniperus phanicea and juniperua ozycedrus also occur.
VII. Fauna: The fauna of Palestine is as diverse as the flora, the mammals of northern Palestine belonging to the palaearetic region, and those of the southern part to the Ethiopic region. The boundary between the two runs approximately from the southern end of Carmel to the southern end of the
Sea of Galilee. The paltearetic mammals of Palestine included the roe, fallow deer, arvicola, dwarf marmot, dormouse, squirrel, ground squirrel, mole, ermine, stone marten, swamp lynx, badger, and bear. To the Ethiopian fauna belong various rodents, the porcupine, rock rabbit, steinbock, gazel, wild cat, the desert cat (fells maniculata), caracal, panther, Nile fog, shrew mouse, hedgehog, ichneumon, genet, and wild boar. Rats are very numerous. Many of the birds of Palestine are migratory, though some of them breed in the warmer parts of the country. Thrushes and nightingales are found in many varieties, as well as grass warblers, titmouses, nuthatches, wrens, wagtails, pipits, orioles, shrikes, swallows, finch, sparrows, buntings, starlings, ravens, larks, goat‑suckers, kingfishers, hoopoes, and cuckoos. The birds of prey and carrion include owls, vultures, eagles, falcons, sparrow‑hawks, and kites; while among the aquatic birds mention must be made of herons, storks, pelicans, flamingoes, wild geese, swans, coots, snipes, lapwings, cranes, bustards, gulls, petrels, and grebes. On the eastern border of Palestine the ostrich is occasionally found. Thirty‑three varieties of serpents are found in Palestine, including the cobra and other venomous snakes; and there are forty‑four varieties of lizards, including psammosaurus scincus and monitor n"wus. The crocodile is found in the swamp of the western Nahr al‑Zar$a. There are tortoises both on land and in the water, as well as frogs and toads. The waters of Palestine are rich in fish, these comprising forty‑three varieties, especially carp, tench, barbel, silure, and blenny. Insects are abundant, as in all warm countries, and include spiders, scorpions, wasps, bees, flies, gnats, and fleas. While many of the varieties of locust, which number more than forty, are harmless, the migratory locust (adipodm migratoria), which comes chiefly from Arabia, works fearful devastation in the fields and gardens (cf. Joel i.‑ii.). The varieties of locust enumerated in Lev. xi. 22 can no longer be identified.
VIII. Roads: The modern roads of Palestine generally follow the old highways, some of which may be traced to the Roman period. For earlier times only general statements are available. The Hebrew word for " highway " does not imply a paved street, but rather the formation of a road by embankments. A road was prepared for a personage of importance by leveling the path, filling depressions, and removing elevations (Isa. xl. 34, lvii. 14, lxii. 10; Jer. xxxi. 9). Such roads, however, were only temporary, and were soon destroyed by the torrents of the rainy season. There is no evidence of the existence of bridges in antiquity. Nevertheless, it is clear that well‑known means of communication were maintained in Palestine (cf. Pa. evii. 4, 7; Jer. ii. 6), this being confirmed by the building of the cities of refuge, the way to which must have been indicated in some manner (cf. Deut. xix. 13). The road was generally marked by atones set up as guide posts (Jer. xxxi. 21). The roads themselves were of great antiquity, and led, according to the conformation of the land, along the ridge of the watershed, past good springs, and through easy passes, open valleys, and firm

Palestine
Palestine Exploration Fund
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
lowland. Rocky declivities were ascended by steps, such as the " Tyrian Stairs," the stairs of the city of David in Jerusalem (Neh. iii. 15), and the stairs of the coast road at Carmel and of the descent to Engedi. In the Persian period a toll of some sort was levied (Ezra iv. 13, 20, vii. 24). Beggars and courtezans sat beside the roads (Luke xviii. 35; Gen. xxxviii. 14, 16). Cross‑roads were in ancient times, as now, held to be the lurking‑place of spirits, and were accordingly the scene of superstitious ceremonies. The road along the coast passed over the " Tyrian Stairs " from the domain of the Phenicians into the plain of Acre, running along the Mediterranean to Jaffa, where it seems to have turned into the interior to avoid the sand dunes. It then went, by way of Ascalon, to Gaza, whence it continued through Raphia and the narrow tongue of land between the Mediterranean and the Egyptian lake of Sirbonis. Its antiquity is proved by the inscriptions of Egyptian and Assyrian kings in the cliffs above the mouth of the Wadi al‑Kalb north of Beirut. A second road from the north apparently ran through the Orontes valley by way of Hamath and Riblah, passing through the depression between Lebanon and Antilebanon, and reaching the " gates of the land " by way of the Jabal al‑Dahr. Several roads ran from Damascus to Israel. Besides the road to Tyre, which passed through the sources of the Jordan at Hermon, an important highway led thence through the Arama;an district of Beth Maacha, crossing the Jordan south of lake Huleh, and then descending into the plain of Gennesaret. Leaving the shore of the lake at the Wadi al‑Hamman, it gained the watershed at ]Tarn Haytin, and through the plain of al‑Bauof (or via Tur'an) reached Acre, thus being the " way of the sea " of Ira. ix. 1. At ]Tarn Vallin this road branched off in several directions inland. One branch ran south to Tabor, then turned west, traversed or skirted the plain of Jezreel, and passed through al‑Lajjun to the plain of Sharon to Lydda, whence it reached the main road to Egypt. The second branch passed south from Tabor over the Jabal al‑Dahi, reaching the plain of Sharon, where it reunited with the first branch, at Caparcotia (now Kafr Kud). These branches formed the bond uniting Damascus and Egypt. Still another road ran south from Damascus through the ancient Bashan, continuing along the ridge of the 'Ajlun, crossing the Nahr al‑Zarlpa south of Burmah, and branching at al‑Salt west to the Jordan valley, and east to Rabbath Ammon, the later Philadelphia. From this road a branch apparently ran from alRamtah and reached the watershed at Ajbaihat (cf. Judges viii. 11) where it seems to have divided, one road passing through Ma'an to South Arabia, and the other by way of Heshbon, Baal Meon, Rabbath Moab, and Kir Moab to the later Petra and to Elath. The former of these branches apparently coincides in its southern portion with the Roman boundary, as well as with the present route of the pilgrims to Mecca. Access to Palestine from the south was through the Negeb, the road from Elath running through the city of Salt to Hebron. From the Egyptian frontier fortress on the east of the delta a road led to Gerar and the vicinity of
Kadesh, where it turned to the north and reached the watershed at Hebron by way of Beersheba. This is the " way to Shur " of Gen. xvi. 7. From Hebron the road followed the watershed through Bethlehem, Jerusalem, and Bethel to Sichem. From the east two approaches must be considered. The first, from the ancient Duma (now the oasis alJauf), passing through Salcah and Bozrah, traversed southern Bashan, crossed the Damascus road near Edrei and the Jordan near the present Jisr alMajami', and then turned south to Beth‑Shean. Thence it went partly westward over the modern Janin to the plain of Sharon, partly southwest to Sichem and partly south to Jericho. The other road from the eastern desert branched off from the one just described at al‑Kaf, and reached the Israelitic region at the wells of Arnon in Moab.
M Political Divisions and Statistics: The divisions of Palestine and their history to the first centUry A.D. are discussed in GALILEE; GAULANITIS; JUDEA; NEGEB; PEB&A; PHILISTINES; SAMARIA; TRACHONITI8. After the suppression of the revolt of 66‑70, Vespasian placed the Roman province of Judea under a praetorian legate. With Hadrian's crushing of the last Jewish uprising in 132‑135, the province, now called Syria Palaestina, received a legate of consular rank. After Trajan had incorporated the Nabateean kingdom with the Roman province of Arabia, the boundaries between the two frequently varied. Either Diocletian (285‑305) or Septimius Severus (193‑211) added to Arabia the cities of Philadelphia, Gerasa, Dium, Canatha, Philippopolis, and Phena; but, on the other hand, the district of Petra was united with Palestine either by Diocletian or shortly after his abdication. In 358, however, Petra, the Negeb, and the southern vicinity of the Dead Sea, were made a separate province, called Pala;stina Salutaris (also termed Palaestina Tertia in the beginning of the fifth century). In 395‑399 the remainder of Palestine was divided into Palaestina Prima and Secunda, the former embracing the districts of Judea and Samaria as far as Carmel with Casarea; and the latter comprising the plain of Jezreel, Galilee (except the coast, which belonged to Phenicia), Gaulanitis, and the land south of the Yarmuk (except in so far as it belonged to Arabia), with Scythopolis as the capital. When the Khalif Omar conquered Syria in 636, Palestine was divided into the Jund (" military district ") Filastin and Jund al‑Urdunn. The first of these comprised the Negeb, Judea, and Samaria west of the Jordan as far as the great plain, with Lydda, and later al‑Ramlah, as the capital; and the second Jund embraced Galilee and the Jordan valley to the Dead Sea, with Tiberias as the chief city. In the tenth century there were ten districts in Syria, but this division was ended when the crusaders founded the kingdom of Jerusalem (1099‑1187). After the restoration of the Mohammedan power, Syria nominally belonged to Egypt, though actually it was more or less in the possession of the descendants of Saladin and his brothers. About 1300 Palestine belonged to the kings of Damascus, Gaza, Kerak, and Safed; but about 1351 there were the districts of Filaslin with Jerusalem as the capital, and of Hauran with Tl‑

819	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Palestine
		Palestine 33zploratioa Puna
	berias as the capital. In 1517 the Turkish sultan
	Selim I. ended the rule of the Egyptian Mamelukes,
	and Syria and Palestine were governed from Con
	stantinople under local Turkish pashas. Their rule
	was marked by many uprisings, such as the
	reign of the Druse Far al‑Din (1595‑1634; see
	DBUsEs) and of the Bedouin Zahir al‑'Amr (about
	1750‑75). From 1832 to 1840 Palestine and Syria
	were ruled by the Egyptian Mohammad Ali, until
	England and Austria restored the land to the Turk
	ish sultan. The present political division of Pales
	tine is as follows. The southern portion of the West
	Jordan district, as far north as Sinjil near the Wadi
	Dair Ballut, fortes the mutessarifat of Jerusalem;
	while the remainder of the west Jordan district,
	constituting the Sanjaks of Nabulus and Akko, be
	longs to the vilayet of Beirut (founded in 1888).
	The east Jordan district belongs to the vilayet of
Damascus.	Its northern portion, the Sanjak of
	Hauran, extends to the Nahr al‑Zar$a, with its
	capital at Shaikh Miskin; while the southern portion,
	or Sanjak Ma'an, formed in 1894 from the district
of al‑Salt and the northern part of the vilayet Va, jaz, has for its capital al‑Karak.	The present
	area of Palestine, as considered in this article, is
	estimated at over 9,000 square miles, with an ap
	proximate population of 559,127. This population
	was doubtless larger during the centuries of Roman
	control and the early period of Arab dominion,
probably the happiest ages of Palestine.	In still
	earlier ages, however, it is improbable that the pop
ulation was much greater than at present.	See
CITIES Ix PALESTINE.	(H. GUTllE.)
	BiBLIOaaAPBY: The most important books and guides on
	the bibliography and geography of Palestine are noted in
	this work, vol. i., p. xvii. In addition there should be
	consulted the lists of literature under the articles in this
	work dealing with the separate divisions and regions of
	Palestine, such as those noted in the text above, I%.;
	and under such articles as DAMAsous; EDoM; JEausA
	Lzac; LZBANON; MoAB, MoABrrms; especially PAias
	mrNE ExPLOaATiON FUND; and K. Baedeker's Palestine
	and Syria, Leipsic, 1906. A bibliography of works in
	English on the subject is given in J. F. Hurst, Literature
	of Theology, pp. 119‑130, New York, 1896. More general
	lists in such journals as PEE, Quarterly Statements; Revue
	bZlique; Revue 3e l'orient latin; and ZDPV; while a
	survey of recent literature is given in P. P. Thomson,
	Sydematische Bibliographic der Palltetina‑Mtteratur, Leip.
sac, 1908.
	For the story of excavation in Palestine consult: F. J.
	Bliss and R. A. Macalister, Excavations in Palestine,
	1898‑1900, London, 1902; F. J. Bliss, Development of
	Palestine Exploration, New York, 1906; H. V. Hilpreeht,
	Explorations in Bible Lands during the 18th Century, New
	York, 1903; P. H. Vincent, Canaan d'aprls 1'exploration
	rbeente, Paris, 1907 (excellent account); Bericht fiber die
	1908 bis 1906 . . . cerarptaltden Auegrabunpen, i. Band:
	Fundbericht, exstattet von G. Schumacher, ed. Prof. C.
	Steuemagel, A. Text, B. Tafeln, Leipsic, 1908; H. Greee
	mann, Die Ausprabunpen in Palutina and das Alts Teda
ment, Tilbingen, 1908.
	The following is a selected list of works dealing with
	topography, geography, ate.: E. G. Rey, Voyage dons to
	Haouran, Paris, 1860; J. G. Wetastein, Reisebericht 9ber
	den Hauran and die Trachonen, Berlin, 1860; idem, Das
	batansisehe Giebelpebirpe, Leipsie, 1884; A. Neubauer, La
	G6ographie du Talmud, Paris, 1868; V. Gubrin, Descrip
	tion o6ographique, historique, d arehiolopique de la Pales
	tine, 7 vols., Paris, 186980; H. T. P. J. d'A. Due de
	Luynes, Voyage d'exploration d la Mer Morte, h P6tra d
	our la rime gauche du Jourdain, 3 vole., Paris, 1871‑76;
	L. Oliphant, The Land of Gilead, New York, 1881; T.
	Saunders, 1ntrodudwn to the Survey of Western. Palestine;
its Waterways, Plains and Highlands London 1881; G. Ebers and H. Guthe, Pa)BsNna in Bild and Wort, 2 vole., Stuttgart, 1880‑84; A. Henderson, Palestine, its Histor ieal Geography, Edinburgh, 1884; W. M. Thomson, The Land and the Book, 3 vols., London, 1888; O. Ankel, Orundaqlpe der Landaanatur des WoWordantandes, Frankfort, 1887; G. Schumacher, Across the Jordan, London, 1886; idem, The Jaulan, ib. 1888; C. R. Condor, Survey of Eastern Palestine, London, 1889; idem, Hdh and Moab, ib. 1889; E. Hull, Mount Seir, Sinai, and Western Palestine. London, 1889; F. Buhl, aeopraphie des allm Palddina, Freiburg, 1898; D. Zaneechis, La Palestine daujourd'hui, 2 vdls., Paris, 1899 W. Sandsy and P. Water house, Sacred Sites of the Gospels, Oxford, 1903; G. A. Barton, Year's Wanderings in Bible Lands, Philadelphia, 1905; W. Libbey and F. E. Hoskins, Jordan Valley and Petra, New York, 1905; C. T. Wilson, Peasant Life in the Holy Land, London, 1908; Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudda, ed. M. N. Adler, London, 1907; H. W. Dunning, To‑day in Palestine, New York, 1907; E. Grant, The Peasantry of Palestine; the Life, Manners and Customs of the Village, Boston, 1907; H. Guthe, Paladins, Bielefeld, 1907; A. C. Inehbold, Under the Syrian Sun; the Lebanon, Baalbek, Oatiles, and Judesa, 2 vole., Pbiladelphia, 1907; P. Thomsen, Loca Sancta. Verxeiehnis der in 1 bis B Jahrhundart Brmdhnten Odachaftm PaUatinas. vol. i., Halls, 1907; idem, Pal"na and seine Kultur in ffinf Jahrtauaenden, Leipeic. 1909; G. HSlsoher, 1 andes and Volkskunde Paldetinae, ib. 1907; G. Cormack, Egypt in Asia. A Plain Account of Pre‑Biblical Syria and Palestine, London, 1908; L. B. Paton, Descriptive Geography q/ Palestine, Chicago, 1908; S. A. Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, ib. 1909. Of cyclopedia articles especially worthy of mention is that in Vigouroux, Didionnaim parts xxiv.‑x:. But none can afford to overlook the constant contributions in the journals noted above, and the Palaadna Jahrbuch, Berlin, 1907 aqq.
On the Dead Sea, consult: F. de Bartley, Voyage autour de la Mer Morts, 2 vole., Paris, 1853; U. J. Seetsen. Reisen durch Syrien, ii. 217‑384, Berlin, 1854; F. Lynch. Narrative of the U. S. Expedition to the . . . Dead Sea, London, 1849; Official Report (of the same), Baltimore, 1852; O. Frans, Dos todte Meer, Stuttgart, 1887; L. Vignee, Eztrait des rotes dun voyage . . . d la Mar Morte, Paris, 1871; M. Blanekenhorn, in ZDPV, xix (1890), 1‑64, xxi. (1898), 65‑83; L. Gautier, Autow de la Mer Mork, Geneva, 1901.
For the literature on fauna and Hers, see under Faorr TRLas IN Taz ODD MeorASsioNT; GASDmma, HzBSnw; and the articles on the different animals of the Bible; and especially Lortet and A. Locard, budge soolopiyues cur la fauns du lac de Tiaeriade, Lyons, 1883; H. B. Trlstram, Fauna and Flora of Palsetine, London, 1884; idem, Natural History of the Bible, ib. 1889; G. E. Post, Flora of Syria, Paledina and Sinai, Beirut, 1896; V. Robu, Hulturpftanzen and Haudhiersn, Berlin, 1902; C. Hart, Fauna and Flora of Palestine, London, PEE, 1904; F. Lundgreen, Div BOnuteung der PSansenwelt in der altte4tamentlichen Religion, Giessen, 1908.
For the political conditions consult: J. Marquardt, R6mische Staatroerraaitunp, i. 419 sqq., Leipsic, 1881; T. Mommeen, R6misehe Gasehiehte, v. 446‑552, Berlin, 1885; P. de Robden, De Palwstina at Arabia provinciis Romaine, Berlin, 1885; G. Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, London, 1890; V. Cuinet, Syria, Liba», d Palestine, p4opraphie administrative, 2 vole.. Paris, 1896‑1900.
On the climate use: J. Glaieher, Meteorological Observations at Jerusalem, London, 1903; E. Huntington, in Bulletin of the American Geographical Society, xl (1908), 513‑521.

PALESTINE EXPLORATION FUND: A society founded on June 22, 1865, on strictly scientific principles, having as its purpose " To help every one who cares to read the Bible intelligently, to lead those who care for it little to care for it much, to give light to dark places, and to narrow the bounds of controversy." Its aim is the accurate and systematic investigation of the archeology, topography, geology and physical geography, manners and customs of the Holy Land. The filet im‑

Palestine Exploration fund palimpsest
THE NEi SCHAFF‑HERZOG
pulse toward a scientific examination of the Holy Land is due to Edward Robinson, who still holds first rank among the scientific travelers in Palestine. Through the organization of this society, Dean Stanley being one of its founders, the work begun by Robinson‑the identification of Bible sites‑was continued by such men as Sir Charles Warren, Sir Charles Wilson, and Colonel Charles Reignier Condor of the Royal Society of Engineers, whose names alone are a guaranty of the accuracy of their work. By them a careful survey of Palestine was made and in 1867 the first excavations were begun in and near Jerusalem, showing that in some places the ancient city was buried to the depth of 100 feet in the dibris of its own ruins. Since then valuable work has been done. At the present time important excavations are being made at Geaer (q.v.) under the charge of Robert Alexander Stuart Macalister.
Although the society has had limited funds at its disposed, it has done an immense work, and published the results in books, papers, maps, plans, photographs, and lantern slides for the benefit of all students of the Scriptures. The Raised Map of Palestine constructed from the surveys of the fund by George Armstrong should have special mention.
The society depends upon annual subscriptions and special donations to carry on its work. Those who subscribe not less than half a guinea or 162.50 annually receive the Quarterly Statement published by the funs free. This statement has been published from the beginning of the survey to the present time and has been the means of communicating to the world hundreds of discoveries . and observations. In 1897 Rev. Theodore Francis Wright was appointed honorary general secretary and lecturer for the fund in the United States, and continued to hold these offices until his death in Nov., 1907. Through his efforts greater interest was taken in the work and many new subscribers secured.
MARY A. WRIGHT.
The following is a list of the publications of the fund.
Ancient Cubit. by Sir Charles Warren; XXX. Painted
Tombs of Mariesa, by J. P. Peters; XXXI. Excavations in
Palestine, 1898‑1800, by F. J. Bliss; XXXII. Me
toorolopicai ObaervatW sa at Jerusalem, by James Glais6er:
XXXIII. Golgotha and the Holy Sepulchre, by Sir C. W.
Wilson; XXXIV. Table of Christian and Mohammedan
Eras from July 16, (t,R8‑1900.
MAPS.
I. Old and New Testament Maps of Palestine in 20 sheets or mounted. II. Modern Map of Palestine in 20 sheets, with modern names only. III. Old and New Testament Map of Palestine in 12 sheets or mounted. IV. Modern Map of Palestine in 12 sheets; modern names. V. The Great Map of Western Palestine; scale one inch to the mile. VI. .The Reduced Map of Western Palestine, showing water basins. VII. Plan of Jerusalem, showing the latest discoveries. VIII. Plan of Jerusalem, according to Joaepbua. IX. The Sections of the Country, North and South. East and West. X. The Raised Map of Palestine, 71 feet by 4. XI. The Smaller Raised Map is half the size of the larger. XII. The Photo‑Relief Map from the Large Raised Map.
Vonmrss.

I. The Survey of Western Palestine, II. Excavations at Jerusalem, by F. J. Bliss and A. C. Diekie; III. Tent Work %n Palestine, by C. R. Condor; IV. Heth and Moab, by C. R. Condor; V. Across the Jordan, by Gottlieb 3chdmacher; VI. The Survey of the Jaulan, by G. Schumacher; VII. Mount Seir, by E. Hull; VIII. Syrian Stone Lore, by C. R. Condor; IX. Thirty Years' Work, by Sir Walter Beeant; X. Altaic Hieroglyphs and Hittite Inscriptions, by C. R. Condor; XI. The Geology of Palestine and Arabia Pdrasz, by E. Hull; Names and Places, with Identifications, by G. Armstrong; XIII. History of Jerusalem, by Sir W. Besant and Prof. E. H. Palmer; XIV. The Bible and Modern D%seoverEea by Henry A. Harper; XV. Palestine under the MoaEema, by Guy Is Strange; XVI. Lachiah, by W. M. Flinders Petrie; XVII. Introduction to the Survey, by Ttelawney Saunders; XVIII. The City and the Land. Seven Lectures; XIX. The Tell Arnutrna Tablets, including the one found at Laehish; XX. Abila, PeZia, and Northern 'Ajlun, by G. Schumacher; XXI. A Mound of Many Cities (Tell‑el‑Hesy excavated), by F. J. Bliss; XRII. Judea Maccaborua,. by C. R. Condor; XXIII. The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, by C. R. Condor; XXIV. Index to the Quarterly statements, 1888‑1881 inclusive; XXV. The Survey of Eastern Palestine, by C. R. Condor; RXVI. The Fauna and Flora of Sinai and Pdra, by H. C. Hart; XXVII. Archeological Researches, by C. Clermont‑Gsnnesu; XXVIII. The Life of .9aladin, ed. C. R. Condor and C. W. Wilson; RXIX. The
PHOTOGRAPHS.
Photos of Inscription from Herod's Temple and Moabite Stone, with translations; also of Jar found at corner of Temple Area. 80 feet below the surface, sad of the Siloam Inscription with translation. Lantern Slides, a list of 200 special slides showing excavations, etc.
CASTS.
Seal of " Haggai, the Son of Shebaniah." Inscribed Table, found at Lachish. Ancient Hebrew Weight, from Samaria. Inscribed Weight or Bead, from Palestine. Seal found on Ophel. The Siloam Inscription. Mount Sinai (large and small). Tablets from Gezer.
PALESTRILYA, GIOVANNI PIERLUIGI DA: Founder of the modern style of church music; b. at Palestrina (22 m. e.s.e. of Rome) in 1526; d. at Rome Feb. 2, 1594. He went to Rome at the age o£ fourteen to sixteen and is supposed to have studied under Claude Goudimel. In 1544‑51 he was organist of the principal church of his native city, and in the latter year became magiater puertmtm at St. Peter's, Rome. By his first compositions‑three masses dedicated to Julius TIT.‑he made so favorable an impression that he was appointed musical director of the Julian chapel. He held similar positions at various chapels and churches in Rome until his death; and by his compositions, which are very numerous‑masses, motets, hymns, and others, of which only one‑half have been published‑he produced a complete revolution in the history of church music. As his masterpiece is generally mentioned, Misaa Paper Marcelli. See SACRED MUSIC.
Brairoaaerar: Selections from the Works of Paleatrina, Transcribed by E. C. Gregory, were published, 4 parts, Oxford, 1903‑05. His life was written by G. Baini, Rome, 1828; T. Nisard. Le Mans. 1888; and M. J. A. Lens, Leyden, 1882.

PALEY, WILLIAM: English theologian; b. at Peterborough (37 m. n.e. of Northampton) July, 1743; d: at Lincoln May 25, 1805. His mother was a keen, thrifty woman of much intelligence, and his father was a minor canon at Peterborough and a pedagogue. In 1758 Palsy entered, as sizar, Christ College, Cambridge. He had been a fair scholar at his father's school, specially interested in mathematics. After taking his degree in 1783, he became usher at an academy in Greenwich and, in 1766, was elected fellow of Christ College, where he became an intimate friend of John Law and lectured

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Palestine Exploration Fund
	Palimpsest
successfully on metaphysics, morals, and the Greek Testament. He offered lectures on Locke, Clark's Attributes, and Butler's Analogy; and in his lectures on divinity took the ground maintained in his Moral Philosophy that the Thirty‑nine Articles were merely articles of peace, inasmuch as they contained about 240 distinct propositions, many of them inconsistent with each other. He had been ordained a priest in 1767, and was appointed to the rectory of Musgrave in Cumberland, which he resigned in 1776, to take the vicarage of the two parishes, Appleby and Dalston. In 1780 he was installed prebendary at Carlisle, and resigned Appleby on becoming archdeacon in 1782. At the close of 1785, he becam(; chancellor of the diocese and (1789‑92) figured as an active opponent of the slave‑trade. Presented to the vicarage of Aldingham in 1792, he vacated Dalston for Stanwix in 1793. In recognition of his apologetic writings he was given the prebend of St. Pancras in St: Paul's Cathedral; the subdeanery of Lincoln, in 1795; and the rectory of Bishop Warmouth in 1795; and transferred his residence to Lincoln shortly before his death.
Paley seems to have excelled as a writer of textbooks. He is an unrivaled expositor of plain arguments but without much originality. His moral system, in which he is said to have anticipated Bentham, is the best statement of the utilitarianism of the eighteenth century. In theology and philosophy his common‑sense method, which showed his limitations of intellect, by ignoring commonly perceived difficulties and by easily accepting conclusions, has been discarded. In the former he seems to have followed a liberal construction of orthodox views, sincerely convinced that his doctrines could be logically proved by rationalistic argument. His alleged plagiarism, even as to the classical illustration of the universe by a watch, must be understood in the light of his purpose in compiling text‑books. Upon being urged by Law to expand his lectures he published The Moral and Political Philosophy (London, 1786). His most original work was Horte Paulinte; or the Truth of the Scripture History of St. Paul evinced, by a Comparison of the Epistles which bear his Name faith the Acts of the Apostles and with one another (London, 1790; subsequent editions are by J. Tate, 1840; T. R. Birks, 1850; J. S. Howson, 1877; German ed. with annotations, H. P. C. Henke, Helmstadt, 1797). His prominent apologetic works are, A View of the Evidences of Christianity (London, 1794) and Natural History: or, Evidences of the Existence and Attributes of the Deity, Collected from the Appearances of Nature (1802): the first a compendium of the arguments against the eighteenthcentury deists, and the second a clear account of the a posteriori argument from the facts of early Christianity. The Natural Theology, used for many years as a foremost text‑book classic, has been superseded on account of the shifting of ground from the mechanical objective to the immanent subjective theory of the universe. Paley advances the teleological argument from design founded on the unity and adaptability of created things. This argument was based on rationalistic grounds; yet VIIL‑21
did not ultimately prove conclusive to rationalists themselves, and has not been able to survive criticism. His analogical method has run its course; the idea of a complex, perfected organism dropping suddenly amidst foreign surroundings, as illustrated by the finding of a watch, was the dogmatic externalism the rebound from which gave birth to the subsequent hypotheses of natural selection and adaptation to environment and the theory of evolution as a whole. In the Evidences, Paley proceeds along historical lines to affirm the truth of Christianity by two propositions; namely, that " there is clear proof that the apostles and their successors underwent the greatest hardships rather than give up the Gospel and cease to obey its precepts " and that " other miracles than those of the Gospel are not satisfactorily attested." To these be appends " auxiliary " arguments drawn from the " morality of the Gospel," " originality of Christ's character," and others. The argument is one‑sided on account of its disregard of the field of Christian consciousness.
Paley published also Reasons for Contentment; addressed to the Laboring Part of the British Public (1793). Individual sermons which may be mentioned are: Dangers Incidental to the Clerical Character (1795); Assize Sermon at Durham (1795); as well as the compilations Sermons on Several Subjects and Sermons and Tracts (1808). The first collected edition of the works of William Paley appeared in 1805‑08; one by A. Chalmers with biography (5 vols., London, 1819); one by E. Lynam (1825); and one by his son, E. Paley (1825).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The two principal accounts of Paley's life are by his son in his edition of his father's Works, and by G. W. Meadley. London, 1810; the latter is the usual source of the sketches presented in the various editions of Paley's books. Consult further: S. A. Allibone, Critical Dictionary of English Literature, ii. 1486‑‑90, Philadelphia, 1891; DNB, x1iii. 101‑107.
PALIMPSEST: A manuscript which has been written over (hence frequently called codex rescriptus), the original writing usually having been expunged by rubbing, whence the name (Gk. palin, " again," and psaein, " to rub "). The reason for the existence of this class of manuscripts was the scarcity in the Middle Ages of writing‑materials, and the consequent desire to make use of material already at hand by obliterating existing writing and so making papyrus or parchment available for the then present need. But the porous nature of the parchment or papyrus made it impossible to eradicate completely the earlier writing. As a result, it is often feasible to recover the original writing by the use of chemical reagents, among the best of these being hydrosulfureted ammonia. In some cases the agent used was corrosive, and the result was the destruction or further defacement of the manuscript. In some palimpsests the original writing was not erased, but the newer writing was inserted between the lines of the old or was written across.
This work of effacing the older text and using the manuscript again was often done in the monasteries, the purpose.being to employ the material for some patristic work or some writing of more present interest than the original text. While palimp‑

Rio ipmwt	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	822
lest manuscripts are not confined to Biblical texts, those of concern in this work are manuscripts which carry in the earlier writing some portion of the text of the Bible. Illustrations of manuscripts of this kind employed as noted above are Codex Ephraem (C), which contains as the earlier or lower writing parts of the Septuagint and also parts of the New Testament, and as the upper or later writing parts of the works of Ephraem Syrus; and Codex Nitriensis (R), in which the lower writing is a portion of Luke's Gospel, over which is written in Syriac a comparatively unimportant work by Severus of Antioch.
The most important palimpsests are, for the Greek of the Old Testament: Codex Ephraem (C), at Paris; Petropolitanus (H), at St. Petersburg; a Leipsic set of fragments (K), in the university library of that place; the Dublin codex (O), fragments at Trinity College; some fragments found by Tischendorf, known as Z; Codex Cryptoferratensis (r). Besides these there are some fragments of the version of Aquila, part of these from the Cairo genizah. Of the Greek New Testament the more important palimpsests are: Codex Ephraem (C), ut sup.; Petropolitanus (1), at St. Petersburg; Guelferbytanus, I. and II. (P„ Qt), at Wolfenbtittel; Nitriensis (R,), in the British Museum; Neapolitanus (Wb), at Naples; Dublinensis (Z), at Trinity College, Dublin; Porphyrianus (P9), at St. Petersburg; Codex Zacynthus (7.), with the British and Foreign Bible Society, London; and Patiriensis (3s), in the Vatican Library at Rome.. These New‑Testament manuscripts are more closely described under BIBLE TExT (vol. ii., pp. 103‑106 of this work). Of the Syriac New Testament there are the important Sinaitic Syriac (described in BIBLE VERsiorrs, A, III., 1, 1 3); and some important fragments from the genizah at Cairo. Several palimpsests contain fragments of the early Latin (Itala) version, including: Bernensia fragmenta (t), 'at Berne; Fleury Palimpsest (h) at Paris; Bobiensis (s) at Vienna; Guelferbytanus (gue), at WolfenbUttel; and two other fragments, one at Wikrzburg and the other at Munich. One palimpsest of the Vulgate in the Escurial in Spain contains part of Numbers and of Judges; and there is also a fragment containing a part of the Acts of the Apostles.

BIHuoaaAPHY: P. Schaff, Companion to the Greek Testament, p. 100, New York, 18&3; F. H. A. Scrivener, Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the Nom Testament, i. 25, 141, London, 1894; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, faec. xxx., cola. 2053‑57.

PALLADIUS: Bishop of Helenopolis and Aspona, b. in Galatia about 368; d. at Aspona, Galatia, about 430. About the age of twenty he went to Egypt because of his admiration of the ascetic life, and after sojourning with various monks in the vicinity of Alexandria, he resided about nine years in the Nitrian desert, forming a lasting friendship with Evagrius Ponticus (q.v.), who increased his attachment to the teachings of Origen. Palladius also seems to have visited the Scetic desert and the Thebaid, but ill‑health compelled him, probably in 400, to return to Alexandria, and thence, by way of Palestine, to Asia Minor. Soon afterward he was consecrated bishop of Helenopolis in Bithynia by
John Chrysostom, then patriarch of Constantinople, but was involved, after 403, in the anti‑Origenistic attacks on his patron. He probably visited Rome about 405 to gain the support of the Emperor Honorius for Chrysostom and himself; but after his return to Asia Minor (about 408) he was exiled by Arcadius to Syene in Upper Egypt, where he was subjected to ill‑treatment and deprivation. At last, however, he was released, and (date unknown) exchanged his see of Helenopolis for that of Aspona.
To Palladius are ascribed two works: the Historic Lauaiaca (so called because dedicated to a certain Lausus), a collection of instructive histories of monks; and the Dialogus de vita Sancti Johannig Chrysoatomi. The Hi8toria Lausiaca (ed. in Latin by G. Hervetus, Paris, 1555; and by H. RoNweyde in his Vitte Patrum, Antwerp, 1628) exists in two Greek recensions; the shorter and more original called Paltadii Helenopolitani Historrea Lauaiaca (ed. J. Meursius, Leyden, 1616; also several recensions of the same text, known elsewhere as the Paraditrus Heractidm), and the more comprehensive (ed. with omissions by F. Ducaeus, in Auotaraum bdbliothects patrum, vol. iv., Paris, 1624; emended by J. Cotelerius, in Monumenta ectaeaim Grmcm, vol. iii., Paris, 1686; reprinted, MPG, xxxiv. 995‑1260), interpolated with a Hietoria monachorum in Xgypto. The history is further interpolated in the Syriac recension (ed. P. Bedjan, in his Atta martyrum et ganctorum, vol. vii., Paris, 1897), and the textual problems are still more complicated by fragments of Armenian and Coptic versions. Nevertheless, the Hiatoria Lauaiaca is of great value as history, for in spite of all its coloring and its exaggerations for purposes of edification, and overwhelming admiration of the ascetic fathers, there is no evidence of wilful or legendary invention, especially in view of the accurate and concrete accounts of the lives, words, and deeds of the saints described.
The " Apothegms of the Fathers," appended by Rosweyd to the Hiatoria as an alphabetic monastic lexicon, are of later date and contain many apocryphal additions side by side with much genuine and ancient material. Whether the " Dialogue " (ed. E. Bigot, Paris, 1680; conveniently reprinted in MPG, xlvii. 5‑82) was written by the Galatian Palladius who wrote the Lausiaca (who may not have been the same as the Helenopolitan Bishop Palladius) has been questioned. At the same time, the similarity of style and the warm admiration of the author of the Lauaiaca for Chrysostom and Olympias are in favor of the identity of authorship, though no certain external evidence can be adduced to determine the problem. It is clear, however, that there is no basis for the hypothesis which identifies the author of the " Diar logue " with the deacon Palladius sent by Celestine 1. to Ireland about 430 (see CELTIC CHURCH, 1., 2, f 3).
A small treatise, De gentibus Indite et de Brachmania (ed. Camerarius, in his Liber gnomologicm, Leipsic, n.d.; Bissmus, London, 1665), also ascribed to Palladius, was probably written by a later author, though the grounds for this assumption are not
decisive.	(O. ZISCHLERt.)

SOS	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	p~ ‑t
BiamoaRsra:: A worthy addition to the literature of the Lausiac History is The Paradise or Garden of Vie Holy Fathers, Eng. trawl. from the Syriac with notes and Introduction by E. A. W. Budge, London, 1907. Consult: E. Preuschen, Palladius and Rufinus, Giessen, 1897; F. Lucius, in Z%G, vii (1885), 183 eqq.; E. Am6lineau, De hietoria Laueiaea, Paris, 1887; O. Zbekler, Askese and MBnchtum, pp. 217‑220, Frankfort, 1897; C. Butler, The Lausiac History of Palladiw, Cambridge, 1898; J. O. Hannay, The Spirit and Origin of Christian Monasticism, pp. 277 eqq., London, 1903; DCB, iv. 173‑178.
PALLADIUS THE DEACON: Alleged first missionary to Ireland. See CELTIC CBURCH IN BRrrAIN AND IRELAND, I. 2, § 3.
PALLAVICINO, pd19e'‑vf‑chffn8 (PALLAVICINI), SFORZA: Italian cardinal; b. at Rome Nov. 20, 1607; d. at the same place June 5, 1667. He was ordained priest in 1630, entered the Society of Jesus in 1637, and two years later was made professor of philosophy at the Jesuit College at Rome, and in 1643 became professor of theology. He took part in the congregation convened by Innocent X. to examine Jansenism, and in 1659 was created cardinal by Alexander VIL, whose life he wrote. The most important of his works was the Istoria del concilio di Trento (2 vols., Rome, 1656‑57; best later edition by F. A. Zaccaria, 6 vols., Faenza, 1792‑99; Lat. transl. by G. B. Giattini, 2 vols., Antwerp, 1670). This work was inspired by Cardinal Bernardino Spada between 1651 and 1653, in part to refute the history of the same council by the Venetian Servite monk, Paolo Sarpi; and it is naturally strongly colored in the papal interest.
(PAUL TsCHACKERT.)
BIHwOGRAPHY: For his other writings, cf. %L, ix. 1310‑12.
	Interesting details are given in Ranks, Popes, i. 88 et
	passim, ii. 331, 334, 374, iii. non. 22, 130, 185. Consult
	further: The New Politick Lights of Modern Romeo Church
	Government, or the New Gospel according to Cardinal
	Palavicini Revealed . . . in his Hist. of the Council of
	Trent, London, 1678, another version of which is The
	Policy of Rome; or, the true Sentiments of the Court and
	Cardinals there concerning Religion and the Gospel, ib. 1681.
PALLIUM: An ecclesiastical vestment, consisting of a white woolen scarf, a handbreadth wide, hearing six black crosses, either embroidered or superposed in silk. It is draped over the breast and shoulders, and is worn when the possessor is officiating pontifically. Both its origin and its significance are disputed. Some derive it from the highpriest's frontlet, or his mantle; others from the official scarf of secular dignitaries; others from the mantle of the Greeks. The mystical interpretation is most in favor, that the gallium denotes the successors of the Lord who seeks the lost sheep, and when he has found it, bears it on his shoulders. The pallium passed over from the East to the West, where the bishop of Rome bestows it on his associated metropolitans. The independent exercise of pontifical acts in his archdiocese is not lawful for the metropolitan before obtaining the pallium; though none of his rights of jurisdiction are thus forbidden, save the convening of a synod. When the pallium is conferred, the archbishop who receives it must render the usual oath of obedience to the pope. The pallium designates the supremely personal relationship of the archbishop as head of a definite ecclesiastical province; hence when a
new province is acquired, a new gallium must be
requested. It is not transferable and is buried with
the possessor. In the papal documentary acts of
bestowal, the days are indicated on which the gal
lium may be worn, though the pope himself wears
it on all due occasions. The archbishop may wear
the gallium only within his ecclesiastical province,
and even there only in the churches. See AGNzs,
SAINT; and VEsTMENTs AND INgmNu, ECCLE6I
ASTICAL. 	E. SEHLINQ.
BraLIOa$APBT: Mann, Popes, i. 413‑419; I. O. Pertssh, De origins, usu, et auctoritate pallii arehiepiseopali, Leipsio,
1754; T. H. Paesmore, Sacred Vestments, chap. xvii.,
London, 1899; L. Ducheene, Christian Worship, passim,
London, 1904; and the literature under VZWr1Ir8MTB AND
INSIGNIA, ECCLESIASTICAL.
PALLOTTI, VINCENZO, PALLOTTINIARS: P.O. man Catholic priest and the order which he founded for the maintenance, extension, and promotion of Christian piety and Christian belief. Vincenzo Pallotti was born at Rome Apr. 21, 1795; d. Jan. 22, 1850, buried at Onda (10 m. w.s.w. of Castellbn de la Plana), Spain. He distinguished himself early by his humility, self‑abnegation, and exercise of charity, and was ordained priest in 1818. Though a secular priest, he followed the discipline and fasting of the Capuchins. After a vision in 1835, he determined, in view of the decline of the devotion to God among Christians and the enormous multitude of heathen, to found a communion which, under the guardianship of Mary, should promote the salvation of mankind to the utmost. Gregory XVI. approved the society in 1835 and granted special privileges which Pius IX. in 1847 indorsed and extended. In 1904, Pius X. approved the statutes for a period of six years.
The society comprises three classes. The first class includes common priests subject to the statutes of Pallotti, secular priests not under a vow, and lay‑brethren. The members retain their private property which is administered for sacred objects. The novice pledges himself (each year temporarily until the third, and then permanently) to live in community; to poverty, celibacy, and obedience; and to remain in the communion. The object is, above all, self‑sanctification, and then the dissemination of the sacraments, preaching, catechizing of boys, the conduct of public missions and exercises, the conduct of houses of discipline and retirement, and finally foreign missions. The habit is a black robe with attached mantle, to which is added, for outside use, a black outer garment and a Roman hat. The lay‑brethren render a vow of celibacy to their confessor for a certain time, perform domestic tasks, attend to the instruction of boys, and render assistance in the foreign mission. At the head of the first class stands the rector‑general elected for a term of three years, with reelection permissible.
The second class consists of the sisters of the apostolate who live so far as possible according to the statutes of the Pallottinians, but particularly according to the third rule of St. Francis. Their duties are the instruction of youth in schools and assistance in the foreign mission. Their number is more than 200. The third class, the so‑called " Ag‑

Palm Sunday
Palmer	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	824
gregated," constitute a brotherhood which any one may join who will support the order by an annual gift, or, if too poor, by his prayer for the work. Particular obligations are the special observance of the feast and octave of Epiphany in Saint Andrea della Valle in Rome; the conduct of worship and preaching in different languages; the distribution of books; the establishment of asylums for the poor and sick and the support of dependents; the provision of mission stations with tracts, devotional books, and the like; the erection and maintenance of free schools; the care of the imprisoned; and the conduct of public missions and discipline, especially for first communicants.
The Pallottinians first spread in Italy, eventually they extended to foreign fields. In 1904 there labored a total of 103 priests, 16 alumni, and 125 lay‑brethren in Europe, South America, Africa, and Australia, to which 31 priests have since been added. In the German province alone there are 340 members. The first Pallottinian foreign missionaries, five in number, went, in 1890, to Kamerun (west equatorial Africa), and now there are seven stations with 4,386 communicants, 1,500 catechumens, and 1,750 children in the schools. The full name of the congregation is Congregazione a pia societh dell' Apostolato cattolico sotto la protezione della regina degli Apostoli. Its organs are published at Limburg, Germany, and at Rome.
BIBijooa"aY: Heimbueher. Orden and Kongregationen, iii. 474, 484 sqq.; L. Niderberger, Leben and Wirken . ..
V incena Palloui, Limburg, 1900; KL, i. 1122, viii. 1000. PALM SUNDAY. See HOLY WEEK, §§ 2‑3.

PALM‑TREE. See FRurr‑TREES IN THE OLD TESTAMENT, § 6.
PALM, JOHANNES HENRICUS VAN DER: Dutch Protestant; b.‑at Rotterdam July 17, 1763; d. at Leyden Sept. 8, 1840. He was educated at the Staten‑College at Leyden (1778,84), and in 1785 was called as pastor to Maartensdijk in the province of Utrecht. On account of his participation with the so‑called " Patriots " in the drill of the home‑guards in preparation against the Prince of Orange and his fright at the triumph of the latter, he fled in 1787. All attempts to induce him to return failed, and in the following year, after being formally released, he was made librarian and chaplain of Baron van de Perre at Middelburg. When this city was invested by the French, Van der Palm was one of the leaders of the revolutiqnary movement and was appointed a member of the new government. In 1796 he was made professor of oriental languages and sciences at Leyden, but three years later resigned when appointed minister of public instruction. In this capacity he distinguished himself by energy and wisdom, and was the author of the school law of 1806. In the latter year he resumed his professorship at Leyden, where he was appointed university preacher in 1807, though not a member of the theological faculty. In 1833 he was made professor emeritus, but cOntinued to lecture until 1838.
Van der Palm was primarily an exegete and pulpit orator. In his exegetical work he wrote especially for the educated laity, as evinced in his
Ecclesiastes philologice et critics illusrratus (Leyden,
1784); Salomo (3d. ed., 9 parts, Leeuwarden, 1834
1841); Jesaias vertaald en opgehelerd (3 parts, Am
sterdam, 1805); Bijbel voor de jeugd (24 parts, Ley
den, 1811‑34); and Liederen roan David en Azaf
(1815). He likewise made a new annotated Dutch
translation of the Bible (1818‑30) which won'much
favor in Holland. As a preacher he was tasteful
and sympathetic, and his style was simple though
powerful, appealing both to the heart and the head.
Many of his sermons, which were decidedly Evan
gelical, were published during his lifetime, and all
were collected posthumously under the title Al de
leerredenen van J. H. van der Palm (16 parts, Leeu
warden, 1841‑15). He was a favorite orator on
special occasions, his addresses being collected in
Verhandelingen, redevoeringen en losse geschriften
(5 parts, Amsterdam and Leeuwarden, 1810‑46).
His chief prose production was the Geschied‑ en
redekunstig gedenkschrift van Nederlands heratelling
(Amsterdam, 1816). 	(S. D. vAN VEEN.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. F. T. Fockens, J. H. van der Palm ale Bijbeluitlegger, redenaar en achriiver, Leyden, 1841; N. Beets. Leven en karakter van J. H. van der Palm, ib. 1842; C. J. van Assen, Voorlezing over J. H. van der Palm, Dort, 1844; B. Glasius, Godgeleerd Nederland, iii. 58‑70, 's Her togenbosch, 1858.
PALMER, BENJAMIN MORGAN: Presbyterian clergyman; b. at Charleston, S. C., Jan. 25, 1818; d. at New Orleans May 25, 1902. He was graduated at the University of Georgia (1838) and at the theological seminary at Columbia, S. C. (1841); became pastor at Savannah, Ga. (1841), Columbia, S. C. (1843), and New Orleans (1856). He was professor of church history and polity at Columbia, S. C., 1853‑56; and one of the founders of The Southern Presbyterian Review, of which, after 1847, he was editor and contributor. He was the author of The Life and Letters of Rev. James Henley Thorny well (Richmond, 1875); Sermons (2 vols., New Orleans, 1875‑76); and The Family; in its Civil and Churchly Aspects (New York, 1876). He was the glory of the Southern pulpit.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: T. C. Johnson, The Life and Leuers of Benjamin Morgan Palmer, Richmond, 1907.

PALMER, CHRISTIAN DAVID FRIEDRICH: German Lutheran divine; b. at Winnenden (17 m. n.e. of Stuttgart) Jan. 27, 1811; d. at Tiibingen May 29, 1875. He was educated at Sch6nthal and Tabingen; after three years of pastoral work as an assistant in the country, he came back to the university as a lecturer (1836). In Jan., 1838, he was, named assistant of the Predigerinstitut, and in the following autumn appointed second deacon of Tiibingen; he was deacon at Marbach (1839‑43), then returned to his former position, to be promoted is 1848 to the office of first deacon, and in 1851 to that of pastor and dean. He began his literary career soon after graduation by contributing to various periodicals. A pamphlet called forth by the Pietistic controversy, Art Freunde and Feinde des Pietismus (1839), is deserving of mention; and he also took part vigorously in the discussions about a new liturgy and hymn‑book for the church of W ilrttemberg. He was specially interested in j homiletics, in which field he issued a revised edi‑

825	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Palm Sunday
Palmer
tion of the Evangeliaehe Homiletik (Stuttgart, 1842), and a new and important Evangelische Katechetik (1844). He was chosen in 1852 to fill the chair of ethics and practical theology at Halle, which he held for nearly twenty‑two years, teaching in this period nearly every branch of practical theology, as well as Protestant church law. His deep scientific interest in his subjects, his wide and varied reading, his combination of personal conviction with perfect fairness to opposing views made his lectures strikingly useful. He was rector of the university in 1857 and 1858. In spite of all his varied activities, however, he found time for much important literary work. He added to his earlier publications Evangelische Padagogik (1853‑54), taking a middle course between a godless pseudohumanism and an exaggerated pietism; Evangelifiche Pastoraltheologie (1860); Die Moral des Christenthums (1864), a work which offers the results of thoroughly scientific thought in language free from the narrowness of theological formulae; Evangelic ache Hymnologie (1865); two volumes of sermons, Ein Jahryang evangelischer Predigten (1857), and Predigten sub neuerer Zeit (Tabingen, 1874); Geistliches and Weltliches fur gebddete christliche Leser (1873). From 1856 he was one of the editors of the Jahrbucher fur deutsche Theologie. His theological and ecclesiastical standpoint was that of the moderate school which, under Nitzsch's leadership, had its best period in his days‑‑a sound Bible faith and an Evangelical church doctrine without narrow limitations. He was opposed to rationalism and to ecclesiastical scholasticism, and is to be counted among those who, though following Schleiermacher in the main, sought a deeper penetration into the inner meaning of Scripture and a fuller, more intense application of its teachings to human life.
(J. KNAPPt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Worte der Erinnerung an Dr. Palmer, Tdbingen, 1875; K. WeizAcker, in Jahrbacher far deutsche Theolopie, iii (1875), 353‑370.
PALMER, EDWARD HENRY: English orientalist; b. at Cambridge Aug. 7, 1840; murdered by the Bedouins in the Wady Sudr, Desert of Al‑Tih, Sinaitic peninsula, Aug. 11, 1882. He was educated at St. John's College, Cambridge, and graduated in 1867; went with the British Ordnance Sinai Survey Expedition in 1868‑69; and in 1869‑70, in company with C. F. Tyrwhitt Drake, explored the Desert of Al‑Tih and Moab, having acquired perfect familiarity with the language and manners of the Bedouins. On his return he was appointed Lord Almoner's professor of Arabic at Cambridge, in 1871. At the outbreak of the war between Egypt and England in 1882, he volunteered to dissuade the Bedouins of the peninsula from rising against England and to induce them to oppose the rebels; but he and his companions were taken and shot by a force acting under the Turkish governor at Nahl. Palmer was a remarkable linguist, and performed very valuable services to literature. His works, bearing directly upon Biblical and religious studies, were, The Negeb, or South Country of Scripture and the Desert of EL T2h (London, 1871); The Desert of the Exodus; Journeys on Foot in the Wilderness of the Forty Years' Wandering (2 vols., Cambridge, 1871);
History of the Jewish Nation from the Earliest Times (London, 1874); Outline of Scripture Geography (1874); The Qur'dn (1880).
Bmmoaasrax: W. Beoant, Life and Achievements of Ed
	ward Henry Palmer, London, 1883; DNB, a1iii. 122‑126.

PALMER, EDWIN: Church of England; b. at Mixbury (18 m. n.n.e. of Oxford), England, July 18, 1824; d. at Oxford Oct. 17, 1895. He studied at Balliol College, Oxford (B.A., 1845; M.A., 1850; D.D., 1878); he was fellow ii) Balliol College, 18451867; philological lecturer, 1858‑66; tutor, 18661870; became Corpus professor of the Latin language and literature in the University of Oxford, 1870‑78; was ordained deacon, 1854; and priest 1868; was select preacher to the University of Oxford, 1865‑66 and 1873‑74; and became archdeacon of Oxford and canon of Christ Church, 1878. He wrote Bishop Patteson, Missionary Bishop and Martyr (London, 1872); and was a member of the New Testament Company of Revisers of the Authorized Version (1873‑81; see BIBLE VEBsIoNs, B, IV. § 7). He was the editor of J. Riddell's Apology of Plato, with English Notes (1867); and of the Greek Testament, with the Readings Adopted by the Revisers of the Authorized Version (Oxford, 1881).

PALMER, HERBERT: b. March 29, 1601, at Wingham, County Kent, Eng.; entered St. John's College, Cambridge, March 23, 1615 (16); he took the master's degree in 1622; became fellow of Queen's College, July 17, 1623; ordained to the ministry in 1624; was made lecturer at Alphage Church, Canterbury, in 1626; removed to the vicarage of Ashwell by Archbishop Laud in 1632; and in the same year was made university preacher at Cambridge. In 1643 he was appointed a member of the Westminster Assembly of Divines, and was chosen one of the assessors in 1646. Soon after, he became minister of Dukes‑place Church, London, and was subsequently transferred to the larger field of the new church, Westminster. Apr. 11, 1644, he was made master of Queen's College, Cambridge. He died Aug. 13, 1647, in the prime of life. Palmer was a devout man, scholarly, moderate, and a powerful preacher. He was especially devoted to catechizing. He prepared several forms, the most mature of which is his Endeavour of Making the Principles of Christian Religion, namely, the Creed, the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Sacraments, Plaine and Easie, 6th ed., 1645. The peculiarity of his method is a double series of answers; first, either yes or no, then a definite proposition summing up replies to several questions. This catechism became the basis of the Westminster Catechism, as the minutes of the Westminster Assembly clearly show. Palmer was chairman of the committee on the directory of worship, and the subject of catechizing was especially committed to him. He then became chairman of the committee on the catechism, and acted as such until his death, when Anthony Tuckney was appointed in his place. Palmer was also earnest for sabbath observance. He united with Daniel Cawdrey in composing one of the best works on the Sabbath in existence, Sabbatum redevivum, London, 1645‑52, 2 vole, 4to. He was a moderate Presby‑

Palaver
Psaormitanus
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
terian, and hesitated about the divine right of ruling elders, and favored a priding bishop. He was appointed by Parliament one of the Committee of Accommodation in 1645. His deep piety is manifest in his Memorials of Godliness arid Christianity, in three parts, 1644, 11th ed., 1673, 13th, 1708, including the Christian Paradoxes, wrongly ascribed to Lord Bacon [reissued, with introduction, memoir, and notes by A. B. Grosart, with title Lord Bacon not the Author of " The Christian Paradoxes ": being a Reprint of " Memorials of Godliness and Christianity," Edinburgh, 1865]. This work is equal if not superior to Jeremy Taylor's Holy Living. He frequently preached before Parliament. His sermons exhibit eloquence and power. He was an excellent linguist, especially in French and Latin, and was intrusted with drawing up the correspondence of the Westminster Assembly with the various churches of the Continent. He was a man of wealth, and used his means especially in the aid of candidates for the ministry. He was one of the noblest spirits among the Westminster divines.
C. A. Biucm.
BIBLJOGRAP8=: Besides the memoir in Graeart, ut sup., consult: Samuel Clarke, Limes of Thirty‑two English Divines, pp. 183‑184, London, 1677; D. Neat, HiM. of the Puritans, ed. J. Toulmin, 5 vole., Bath. 1793‑97; B. Brooke. Lures of the Puritans, iii. 75‑76, London, 1813; A. F. Mitchell, Westminster Assembly, ib. 1883.

PALMER, RAY: Congregationalist, hymnist; b. at Little Compton, R. T., Nov. 12, 1808; d. at Newark, N. J., Mar. 29, 1887. He prepared for college at Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass.; graduated from Yale College 1830; taught the higher classes in a private seminary for young ladies in New York City, 1830‑31; was associated with Prof. E. A. Andrews in the New Haven (Conn.) Young Ladies' Institute, 1831; studied theology 1830‑33; was pastor of the Central Congregational Church, Bath, Me., 1835‑50; and of the First Congregational Church, Albany, N. Y., 1850‑66; and secretary of the American Congregational Union at New York, 1866‑78. He took an active intert in education and literature; and from 1878 he lived in literary retirement at Newark, N. J. For the higher periodicals he wrote many critical, philosophical, and miscellaneous articles, and made rich contributions to the leading religious papers. While he obtained eminent success in the ministry and in the general field of literature, he is best known as a hymnist. His most famous hymn, " My faith looks up to Thee," was written in 1830, and published, to the tune of " Olivet " by Lowell Mason, in 1833 in the Book of Spiritual Songs for Social Worship; this hymn has been translated into more than twenty languages. Besides this his " Jesus these eyes have never seen " and " Lord, Thou on earth didst love Thine own " are noteworthy. His most important books are Spiritual Growth, or Aid to Growth in, Grace (Albany, 1839), republished and entitled Closet Hours (1851); Remember Me, or The Holy Communion (Boston, 1855); Hints on the Porntation of Religious Opinions (New York, 1860); Hymns and Sacred Pieces (1864); Hymns of my Holy Hours (1867); Home, or The Unlost Paradise (1868); Earnest Words on True Success in Life
(1873); Complete Poetical Works (1876); Voices of Hope and Gladness (1881).
BaLtoaaeray: s. w. Duffield, English Hymns, pp. 361‑
363 et passim, New York, 1886; Julian, Hymnology, PP
877‑878; N. Smith, Hymns historically Pamoua, PP‑ 183
sqq‑, Chicago, 1901.
PALMER, ROUHDELL. See SELBORNE, ROUNDELL PALMER, EARL OF.

PALMYRA. See TADMOR.
PALTZ, paltz, JOHANN JENSER (GEPSER) VON: German Augustinian; b. probably at Palitz (s.e. of Eger, 92 m. w. of Prague), less probably at Palzem (near Saarburg, Lorraine, 40 m. e. of Nantes); d. at the monastery Milhlheim, Ehrenbreitetein, Mar. 13, 1511. In 1462 he matriculated at Erfurt, and five years later entered the Augustinian monastery of the same city. He was sent as prior to Neustadt on the Orla in 1475, and was later employed by his vicar to reform the monastery of Herzberg (1491). As visitor he restored order in the monastery of MUhlheim in 1499, and in 1505 was in Mecklenburg to promote the prosperity of the new monastery at Sternberg. After teaching for two decades at the monastery of Erfurt he was transferred, in 1507, as prior to Milhlheim. Paltz's learning and orthodoxy won recognition outside his order. He was one of the board of judges of heretics at Erfurt in 1488; and in the following year traversed Saxony, Meissen, Thuringia, and Brandenburg as a commissary of indulgences. He likewise converted many heretics in Brux, Cadan, and other cities of Bohemia; while in 1502 he was again a preacher of indulgences. During this period he collected many of his sermons under the title Califodina (Erfurt, 1502), followed in 1504 by a Supplementum. He likewise wrote two tracts: De septem foribua seu feeds beaten Virginia (1491) and Honnullua aromaticus glorlosw Virginia. A small tract, De conceptions live prteservatione a peccato originali . . Virginia Marim, is in manuscript in the university library at Leipsic.
Pelts is important not only as representing the type of study pursued at Erfurt in the time of Luther (who was one of his pupils), but as Mustrating the final development of the doctrine of indulgences, besides describing the ceremony employed in granting them. At the same time, he shows that the Augustinian order was not the home of a liberal Evangelical theology when Luther entered it, nor is the latter's attitude toward the indulgence controversy completely intelligible without a study of the Cadifodina. (G. I;AwERAU.)
BIBUOa8APHT: J. E. Kapp, Kleine Nadleae, iv. 424 sqq.,
Leipeio, 1783; T. Kolde, Die deutwAe Aupuatiner‑Ronprepation, pp. 174 eqq.. Goths, 1879; idem, Das rdipi6ee Leben in Erfurt beim Auspanpe des Mitteialters. pp. 34 sqq‑, 54 sqq‑, Halle. 1893; N. Paulus, in ZHT, xxiii (1899). 48 eqq.; W. KShler, Dokumente sum Ablasestreit. PP. 50 sqq., TObingen, 1902; ADB, xxv. 112 eqq.
PAMPHILUS: Presbyter in Caesarea; b. at Berytus, Phenicia, c. 240; d. at Caesarea Feb. 16, 309. Of his life little is known, the comprehensive biography by Eusebius being lost. He was of noble birth and wealthy, and after studying philosophy in his native city he turned to theology and entered the eatechetical school at Alexandria, attaining

327	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Palmer
		Panormitanus
high renown for his zeal and learning. Later he was
ordained presbyter at Caesasea and followed in the
steps of his great model, Origen. Giving all his
possessions to the poor, he lived only for learning,
conducting a theological school, and increasing the
library left by Origen, many of whose exegetical
works he himself copied. On the outbreak of the
persecution by Maximinus, Pamphilus was seized,
tortured, and imprisoned for two years, after which
he was beheaded with eleven other martyrs.
	The sole writing of Pamphilus was a defense of
Origen in five books, to which Eusebius added a
sixth. Since this contains numerous excerpts from
Origen which Pamphilus could scarcely have gath
ered in prison, Eusebius seems to have collected
for him the material which he wove into his work,
so that the product could thus be regarded as the
joint work of Pamphilus and Eusebius. It was de
signed to refute, from Origen's own statements, the
charges brought against him, but only the first
book, in a garbled Latin trandation by Rufinus,
has survived. Besides this apology, he wrote only
letters. The special attention of Pamphilus was
devoted to the text of the Bible, at least so far as
it had been critically edited by Origen. How far
he treated the portions of the New Testament
unredacted by Origen is more problematical. He
may have compared the manuscripts with the state
ments prefixed by Origen to his exegesis; or he may
merely have had those manuscripts copied which
came from Origen's library and harmonized with
the statements in question. One manuscript
ascribes to Pamphilus an argument prefixed to
Acts, which, however, is not his in its present form.
		(ERwiN PREUSCHEN.)
Baiaoossray: The remains of his works are collected in
	M. J. Routh, Reliquim Sacra, iii. 487‑499, iv. 339‑392,
	O3d'ord, 1848‑48; MPG, z. 1529‑58, zvii. 521‑618. An
	Eng. tranal. of a fragment, with an introduction, is in
	ANP, vi. 185‑188. Early information is to be found in:
	Eusebius, Hist. eccl., VI., xxxii. 3, VII., iii. 35, VIII.,
	riii. 8; cf. T U, aiv. 4 (1898), 74 sqq., :vii. 4 (1899), 13
	sqq. Consult: A$B, Jan., i. 84 sqq.; O. Bardenhewer,
	GeachicUe der altkircWchen Liuaratur, ii. 242 eqq., Frei
	burg, 1903; Harnack, LdUerolur, i. 543 sqq., ii. 2, pp. 28
	sqq., 103‑108 et passim; Krilger, Hia<m, 253‑255; DOB,
	iv. 178‑179.
	PAMPHYLIA. See ASIA MINOR, VIII.
	PANAGIA ("ALL‑HOLY"): The usual (though
not official) title of the virgin in the Greek Church;
and also the later Greek designation of the conse
crated bread. The latter usage is derived from the
monastic custom of placing, on certain occasions, a
triangular portion of the bread with a cup of wine
before the icon of Mary and successively can8i ng,
elevating, dividing, and eating it. This ceremony,
called " elevation of the all‑holy," was performed
before meals or before undertakings which required
special protection. The most accessible account of
the rite is in ".The Great Prayer Book" of the
Greek Church, pp. 584 sqq. (Venice, 1851).
			(PHILIPP MEYER.)
	PANAMA: A republic erected from one of the
states of Colombia in 1903, consisting of the isth
mian strip of land about 420 miles long and from
31 to 118 miles wide, extending from Costa Rica,
Central America, southeast to Colombia, South
America; area, 32,380 square miles; population (1909) about 419,029, including Indians. A treaty was concluded with the United States in 1904 which guaranteed the independence of the republic and in return for :10,000,000 Panama granted in perpetuity a zone of land for the construction (now in progress) and operation of a canal, of the width of ten miles, with sovereign rights within the strip. Schools are established in the larger cities. The religion of the civilized elements of the population is Roman Catholic, while the Indians are in large part still heathen. Panama is a Roman Catholic suffragan bishopric under the metropolitan of Cartagena, Colombia. Protestant missions are supported by the Jamaica Baptist Missionary Society, the 8ociety for the Propagation of the Gospel 'in Foreign Parts, the Protestant Episcopal Church, the Presbyterian Church in the United States, the Methodist Episcopal Church, and the South American Missionary Society. These agencies report (1907) 11 missionaries, 13 stations, 493 communicants, and 993 professed Evangelical adherents.

PAN‑ANGLICAN SYNOD. See LAMBETH CONFERENCE.

PANEGYRICON: The term applied in the Greek Church to collections of panegyrics of the saints and ecclesiastical festivals. Collections derived from the ninth century were arranged according to the days and months of the year, or on some other principle. A collection of panegyrical discourses are reckoned by Allatius and Suicerus as among the books of the Greek ritual, though it is doubtful whether this view can now be held. Collections of panegyrics have often been published; as, by M. Chryeotxphalus (Vienna, n.d.), C. Daponte (Venice, 1778), and J. Kornelios (ib. 1788). These did not pass over into official usage; and lately the term Panegyricon has been applied by P. Kerameus (" Jerusalem Library," iv. 208‑212, 1899) to collections of ancient spiritual addresses, some of which are not panegyric in character.
(PHILIPP MEYER.)
Bmwoassm:: Hrumbaeher, Geschichte, consult Index; Leo "atius, De hbris d rebus eccleaias<icie Groxorum, pp. 93‑94, Paris, 1848; R. Volkmamz, Die Rhdorik der Grsechen and Remar, pp. 344‑345, Leipsic, 1885.

	PANIS LITERS: An order (" bread certificate ")
to a spiritual institution to take a certain person
under its charge for subsistence. The existence of
such benefices sprang from the same source as the
ancient right of secular persons of rank to entertain
ment in cloisters and ecclesiastical foundations
during their journeys (S. Sugenheim, Staatdeben
des Klerus im Mittdalter, i. 361 sqq., Berlin, 1839).
The distribution of such bread benefices prevailed
throughout Europe. 	E. SEHLING.

PANORMITANUS: The name usually applied to Nicholas de Tudeschis, archbishop of Palermo; b. at Catania, Sicily (31 m. n.n.w. of Syracuse) in 1386; d. at Palermo Feb. 24, 1445. In 1400 he entered the Benedictine order and in 1405 or 1406 betook himself for study to Bologna, where he devoted himself to the subject of canon law under the direction of the celebrated Franciscus Zabarella,

Pantsenus	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	828
Pantheism
which subject he then taught at Parma, Siena, and
at Bologna. In 1425, Pope Martin V. bestowed on
him the abbey of Maniacum, in the diocese of Mes
eina; and Nicholas was afterward commonly called
abbaa, or even abbaa recentior (in distinction from
abbas antiques). In 1433, the pope summoned him
to Rome, and promoted him as auditor of the Rota
Romans, and referendarius apostolicus; but the
next year he entered the service of King Alphonse
V. of Sicily, as consiliarius; and became archbishop
of Palermo in 1435. The king sent him as royal
legate to the Council of Basel, where Nicholas sup
ported Pope Eugenius IV. In 1440, he was ad
vanced by Felix V. to the rank of cardinal, whose
cause against Eugenius he advocated until his death.
	As canonist, and especially by reason of his
" Comments," Panormitanus won just renown, and
obtained the honorable appellation of " lamp of
the law."	(E. SEHLING.)
BISLxOGRAPBY: J. F. von Schulte, Gesehiehts der Quellen
	una Liuerasur des eanoniwAaen Rwe8, ii. 312‑'.13, Stutt
	gart,1877; (i. M. Mira, Biblioprafia siciliana, pp. 397 sqq.,
	2 vols., Palermo, 1873‑81; R. Sabbadini, Storia documcn
	tata ddla . . . universith di Catania, pp. 10 sqq., Catania,
	1898; E. Seekel, Beitrbpe our Geschichte beider Rechte im
	Mittelalter, vol. i., Tiibingen, 1898; %L, ix. 340.
	PANTTANUS: Presbyter and first teacher of the
catechetical school of Alexandria; d. before 200.
Eusebius (Hilt. eccl., V., x.) speaks of him as a
worthy man and zealous missionary, who extended
his travels to " India " (by which South Arabia is
meant), where he found disciples of Bartholomew
in possession of the Gospel of Matthew. He had
been trained under the Stoics, and under Com
modes, after 180, he was at the head of the Alex
andrian school. Eusebius (Hist. eccl., V., xi. 2,
VI., xiii. 2) further says that Clement of Alexan
dria, in his Hypotyposes, claims Pantmnus for his
teacher, and understands that Clement means Pan
t4enus when in his Stromata (I., i. 11) he calls oae
of his teachers " the Sicilian bee " (without giving
his name) because he " gathered the spoil of the
flowers of the prophetic and apostolic meadow, and
engendered in the souls of his hearers pure honey
of knowledge." If Clement here refers to the birth
place of Pants'nus, the statement of Philip Sidetes
that he was born at Athens can hardly be credited.
Since Clement still further speaks of Pantamus as
" that spirit full of grace " (Stromata, I., i. 14) who
seems to have passed away, the death of Pantaenus
must have occurred before 200.	Eusebius cites
also a letter of Alexander of Jerusalem as referring
to Pantsenus (Hilt. eccl., VI., xiv. 8), and notes
references to him by Origen and Pamphilus. The
tradition that Pantaenus wrote many commentaries
hardly represents the facts given by Eusebius.
		(G. KRtfVER.)
BIHLjoaRAPBY: Fragments are collected in J. Routh, Re
	liquice Sacro°, i. 373‑383, and MPG, v. 1327‑32, and trans
	lated in ANF, viii. 777. Consult: Jerome, De vir. ill.,
	asvi.; T. Zahn, Forachunyen, iii. 156‑176, Erlangen,
	1884; O. Bardenhewer, Goachichte der altkirchlichen Lib
	teratur, ii. 13‑15, Freiburg, 1903; Hamaek, Litteratur,
	i. 291‑296, ii. 2, passim; Ceillier, Auteurs sacra, i. 559
	860; Krilger, History, p. 162; DCB, iv. 181‑184. Further
	literature is indicated in ANF, Bibliography, pp. 115‑116.
PAI(TALEOft, SAINT. See HELPId$8 IN NEED.
PANTHEISM.
Definition and Character (1 1).
Hyloaoietio and Stoic Tyyss (1 2).
Eleatic Pantheism (4 3).
Spinoza Q 4).
Kant and Fichte (15).
Schelling's Pantheism (¢ tl).
Hegel and Schleiermacher (¢ 7).
Evolutionistic, Emanationistic, and Scholastic Pantheism ($ 8).
English and American Pantheistic Thought (¢ 9).
The theory of the identity of the Godhead with the All, or the universe, is very old, occurring (although in an undeveloped form) in extremely ancient speculations both eastern and western. The name is comparatively modern, being I. Definition used for the first time, so far as is
and known, in Toland's Socinianism Truly Character. Stated (1705). Since that time it has been employed in contradistinction to Theism (q.v.), which accepts the personality of God and his necessary connection with the world, and even to Deism (q.v.), although, like the latter, it conceives of God as impersonal and rejects the idea of a revelation in the narrower sense. All pantheism is monism; but monism includes more than pantheism. Owing to the difficulty of reaching a satisfactory final definition of pantheism, it has been usual to qualify the term by a variety of predicates expressing various aspects of it. Thus there is a materialistic pantheism, taught especially by Frenchmen of the school of Halbach, but including also the hylozoistic views of the ancients, particularly the Stoics (see SToicism); a cosmological pantheism, found in the Eleatic school, but including the doctrine of emanation in other forms; a psychological pantheism, according to which God is the soul of the world, though the content of the universe is not exhausted by the idea of God. An attempt has been made to go further and classify the pantheism of Spinoza as ontological, of Fichte as ethical, of Schelling and Hegel as logical; and on this basis it would be necessary to make still another class, the mystical pantheism of Eckhart and his school. But all these divisions are only partial and transient; the pantheism, e.g., of the Eleatic school might as well, if not better, be described as ontological instead of cosmological.
In a historical survey, the materialistic view, in so far as it is pantheistic, appears as the simplest and most unreflecting. A tendency to pantheism shows itself among the hylozoists. They assume a principle the various permutations of 2. Hylozois‑ which constitute the individual obtic and Stoic jects of the universe; and although
	Types.	this is not definitely called God by
		them, yet the expressions of Thales
and Anaximander point in that direction. A more
decided pantheism appears in Heraclitus, whose
primitive substance, the eternal living fire, is evi
dently conceived as equivalent to the Godhead, al
though he seldom speaks definitely of the latter.
This sort of pantheism meets with the difficulty of
explaining how, while all particulars are but per
mutations of the Fire‑Logos and are under the gen
eral law of the universe, yet most of them are irra
tional. Heraclitus gives no adequate answer to

$29	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	p"'tenna
Pantheism
this difficulty. The solution later attempted by the Stoics and Neoplatometa, that the harmony of the universe includes evil as the complement of good, just as the shadow goes with the light, may be traced in his doctrine of harmony, which, however, he does not apply to the ethical and intellectual declension of mankind. In fundamental agreement with the hylozoists was Diogenes of Apollonia, who set up his monism possibly in conscious opposition to the dualism of Anaxagoras. According to him the primal matter is air; this, which rules all things, he plainly calls God. It is omnipresent; not a thing exists which has no part in it, though all do not partake of it equally. Pantheism finds definite expression with the Stoics, who in the physical department followed Heraclitus in the main, asserting an organic or dynamic materialism in contrast with the mechanical materialism of Democritus and Epicurus. The primal matter, the Godhead or the divine fine, changes, in order to the creation of worlds, into air and water, and a part of the latter again into earth. In the process of creation and development fire and air are the more active elements, water and earth the passive‑so that at times the Stoics almost seem to fall into the PlatonicAristotelian antithesis of matter and form, i.e., into dualism; but this is really not the case. When, after Marcus Aurelius, Stoicism became extinct as a school, some of its teachings (as that of the ratunes seminalm, with which the lumen naturals is connected) had a continued existence in Christianity, and also exercised some influence on the development of philosophy. A connection may be traced with Toland, who in his Pantheisticon (1720) sketched a pantheistic religion of the future, with a cultus of truth, freedom, and sanity, and in his Letters to Serena (1704) taught a hylozoistie pantheism with many reminiscences of Stoicism. Matter is not inactive, but endowed with motion; thus there is no need of an external power to produce particular phenomena, nor of a soul as distinct from the body. The particular originated from the whole. and this whole is one, infinite, and rational. The law of nature, the soul of the world, is God, but not to be separated from the universe any more than the human soul from the human body.
In contrast with the form of pantheist hitherto considered, in which matter is living, in fact generally rational life, stands the form
3. Eleatic marked by a belief in rigid, lifeless
Pantheism. matter, which first shows itself clearly in the Eleatic school. Xenophanes was the first Greek philosopher who decidedly and explicitly taught monotheism, rejecting all anthropomorphic conceptions of the Godhead, with which he identified the universe; according to Aristotle, " looking out upon the whole world, he said that the One was God." This Godhead exists absolutely without beginning, fills all apace, and knows no motion or change. The formula hen kai pan (" One and All "), or more properly to pan hen (" All is One"), though often quoted as a characteristic expression of pantheism, is not so strictly speaking, as it makes no mention of God; but that Xenophanes identified this All‑One with the Godhead is expressly attested by Theophrastus. As
much can not be said of Parmenides, who insisted strongly on the unity of abstract being and denied the real existence of anything outside of it. Of his All he predicates the following qualities: it is without beginning and indestructible; it is a whole, a unit, without motion and without end; it was not and will not be, but is continuously, always like itself and everywhere the same; being can not be attributed to any one part of it more than to another. It is thus evident that Parmenides' conception of being was material and limited, almost corporeal; that he was a monist or a materialist, though not perhaps in the usual sense, but hardly with strictness to be called a pantheist. And it is all the more remarkable that God is never mentioned in the extant fragments of his works, because he assuredly knew the poems of Xenophanes, his predecessor in the doctrine of the All‑One, which are full of references to the Divinity. The same omission is noticeable in Melissus, the last of the Eleatic school; in both the Godhead is absolutely equivalent to that which is, so that it is possible to call them pantheists, laying due stress on the absence of the religious coloring which appears in the thought of Xenophanes. Owing to their fundamental belief in the immobility of the All, there was no room in the teaching of the Eleatics for development after it had received its definite shape with Parmenides. At most their, belief in unity and immobility was capable of being carried out in an opposition to the knowledge of the world of phenomena, as with Plato, with whom, to be sure, the unity was forced soon to resolve itself into plurality. Nor could it logically lead to any ethical teaching, since the individual was incapable of assuming a position apart from the All, such as would be necessary to any moral action. The teaching of the Megarian school, undoubtedly based on that of the Eleatic, can not be regarded as a further development of it, but is marked by a mere change, under the influence of the Socratic ethics, in the designation of the One, which Euclid called " the Good," " intelligence," " God;" " reason."
	There is	a certain resemblance between the
Eleatic philosophy and the monism of Spinoza, with
whom substance is the only thing that really
exists. It can thus only be one, and may be
		designated equally well a. God or
4. Spinoza. nature. Since everything is either extended and external or spiritual and internal, these are the two forms in which the eternal Being comes to our consciousness. Theoretically there are endless attributes of substance or God, from the postulate of infinity; but extension and thought are the only ones cognizable. Thus is set aside the dualism of Descartes, who assumed the existence of two distinct substances in the world of phenomena; the extended and the thinking, and placed above them God as the creator. Particular things were for Spinoza only forms or modes of these attributes. Each mode is such in both attributes at once; thus man on his bodily side is a mode of extension, on his mental a mode of thought. The strictly mathematical and eternal deduction of all things from God does not, indeed, explain actuality. This is the great difficulty of most metaphys‑

Pantheism	THE NEW SC$AFF‑IIERZOG	88o
ical systems, which are unable to explain how becoming arises out of being‑one which Spinoza's intellectual kinsmen of the Eleatic school did not touch, as they opposed nothing but deceptive appearance to being. According to Spinoza there can not really be any becoming or true motion, nor any really operative cause; yet he calls God the first cause of the universe, the origin and preserver of all things‑but an immanent, not a transcendent cause. Everything in the world is determinate, including man; and even God himself is determined by the necessity of his own being and can not voluntarily do anything or leave it undone. His freedom consists in the fact that he is determined only by himself. And not only is it impossible to predicate understanding and will of God, but he has also no individual existence, since this would constitute a limitation, and every limitation is a negation, which can not apply to God. It follows from the divine infinitude that everything which is, the attributes as well as all their modes, is in God. Thus Spinoza is neither a materialist nor a spiritualist, but both at once; he is not an atheist nor an acosmist (as he has been called), but in the strict sense of the word a pantheist. The task which had been impossible for the Eleatic school, the establishment of a system of ethics, became Spinoza's principal aim. In his greatest work he begins, indeed, with the definition of God, but gives it there because God must be known in order that man may be freed from his passions and able to attain happiness. When man understands that all depends, in an unchangeable order, upon God, that nothing exists for itself but all alike rest in God, he will no longer be disturbed by external happenings or carried away by his passions. The perfection of man lies in his realization of himself and all things in God; and this brings joy with it, joy based on the intellectual love for God which is the mystical cornerstone of Spinoza's system. The doctrine of the moth allowed him to develop an ethical system; particular things, although they have no independent existence, yet, as individualistic elements within his monism, possess a sort of nature of their own by virtue of which men are subject to conditions of passion that must be suppressed before they can find their perfection in God.
The pantheism of Spinoza was bitterly attacked until late in the eighteenth century, and it was long before any one came forward to defend him from the common accusation of atheism;
S. Rant but in consequence of the controversy
and Fichte. between Jacobi and Mendelssohn as to the Spinozism of Leasing a reaction took place which resulted in his being highly honored. Herder, and later Voigtlinder, even undertook to prove that he was not a pantheist but a theist, although of course without success. Kant's critical system was intended to turn definitely away from pantheism and show no connection with Spinoza. Reason, he asserted, is bound to believe in a God, in a cause of all nature which is itself distinct from nature, satisfying the moral sense and possessing intelligence and will. But there is not a little in his philosophy that lends it a pantheistic coloring. This is particularly noticeable in his
ethics. According to him the practical reason gives the moral laws; this reason is that of men, and of all men, or moral laws could have no universal validity. Man is thus autonomous, the lawgiver in the practical field. Religion comes into existence only when duties, which are the commands of reason, are recognized as commands of God. Then the same laws take their origin alike from our reason and from God; but there can not be two sources of law; therefore reason must also be God. The idealistic systems which followed Kant have been called more or less pantheistic; but they get this quality less from Kant than from Spinoza, like whom they regard the whole content of being as the essence of the absolute or the divine. Spinoza's influence was probably least felt by Fichte, who, however, in his treatise Ueber den Grund unaeres Glaubens an eine g6ttliche Weltregierung (1798) gives utterance to a sort of pantheism when he says that the living moral order is God; that man needs, and can conceive, no other; that the notion of God as a separate substance is impossible and unthinkable. Every individual has a destined place in this worldorder, i.e., in God. In his doctrine of the Ego, connected with Kant's transcendental apperception, the absolute Ego from which what is individual must be deduced is equivalent to the Godhead; and later, as in his Anweisung zum seligen Leben (1806), the absolute is the general point of departure of his speculation. Here God is the alone really Existent, who through his absolute thought places external nature, as an unreal non‑Ego, over against himself.
	Starting	from Fichte's doctrine of the Ego,
Schelling transformed it by combination with
Spinozism into his system of identity. Spinoza's
doctrine of the immobility of substance was thrown
		into the background by his conception
6. Schel‑ of development. Object and subject,
ling's real and ideal, nature and spirit are Pantheism. for him identical in something higher, which is neither subject nor object, nor both together, but absolute identity as the principle of true idealism. This original unity passes into the polar opposites of positive or ideal and negative or real being. The negative or real pole is nature, in which resides a vital principle, uniting, by virtue of a general continuity of all natural causes, all organic and inorganic existences in one complete organism. Schelling terms this vital principle the soul of the world. History, like nature, forms a complete whole; and in both it is possible to recognize the gradual revelation of the absolute. Pantheism appears also in Schelling's later views, as set forth in the Philosophische Untersuchungen caber die menachliche Freiheit (1809). Following here the lead of Jacob Boehme, he distinguishes in God three momenta: indifference, the primordial basis or " abyss " of the divine nature; differentiation into cause and existence; and the identity or reconciliation of the differentiated. Unity of the particular will with the universal will is goodness; separation of the two is evil. Man is the redeemer of nature, through whose mediation God receives nature and makes it divine.
In Hegel the influence of Spinoza is less appar‑

331	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Pantheism
ent, but pantheism is more evident, in spite of his objection to the name. The self‑development of the absolute is the self‑development of 7. Hegel and God. The absolute reason external‑
	Schleier‑	izes itself in nature; but this self‑es
	macher.	trangement, this becoming other, which
		is in a sense a declension, is a nec
essary stage to the return into itself in spirit. The
divine idea is distinguished into three forms: (1)
being eternally in and with itself, the form of uni
versality, God in his eternal idea in and for him
self, the kingdom of the Father; (2) the form of
manifestation, of particularization, Being‑for‑other
in physical nature and in the finite spirit, the eter
nal idea of God in the element of consciousness and
mental representation, the kingdom of the Son;
and (3) the form of return out of manifestation
into self, the process of reconciliation, the Idea in
the sphere of the religious community or the king
dom of the Spirit. It is easy to see from this how
the followers of Hegel split into right and left wings,
the former regarding theism as supported by his
teaching and yielding more or less assent to Chris
tian doctrines, while the latter laid stress on his
conception of God as the eternal and universal sub
stance, coming first to self‑consciousness in human
ity, and thus followed Hegel as a pantheist. The
next speculative philosopher with a pantheistic
trend is Schleiermacher, who, like Spinoza, finds
the infinite (God) in the midst of the finite, to which
he attributes objective reality. The totality of all
existing things is the world; the unity of the uni
verse is the Deity. He is not identical with the
world, but can not be separated from it. In
contrast with Spinoza, Schleiermacher empha
sizes the dignity of the individual, which weakens
the effect of his pantheism, and acknowledges a
living God instead of a lifeless and immovable
one, though he does not reach the conception of a
personal God.
	A marked distinction exists between the doc
trine of Evolution (q.v.), which characterizes the
materialistic pantheism originating with the hy
lozoists and the later followers of the Eleatic school,
		and the doctrine of Emanation (q.v.).
S. Evolu‑ In the former the whole principle is tionistic, included in the development and a Emanation‑ progress from less to more perfect is
	istic, and	usually assumed; in the latter, the
	Scholastic	principle remains unchanged in its
	Pantheism.	unity and allows the universe to stream
		forth from it, becoming in successive
stages less perfect. But the emanationist systems
acre to be called pantheist in so far as they assume
that all things were originally contained in God.
A brief survey of them is therefore in order. Such
pantheism as is found in India is mostly connected
with the idea of emanation. The expressions of the
Upanishads as to Brahma, the only absolutely exist
ing One, The Atman, the nucleus of all being, are dis
tinctly pantheistic, but are not brought into rela
tion in a logical system. Among the Greeks the
Neoplatonists taught emanation definitely, regard
ing the highest principle, the One, as over‑full, so
that it is forced to overflow without any breach of
continuity. In their doctrine of reabsorption into
the One as the highest goal of human endeavor a pantheistic tendency is ‑clearly visible. Following out Neoplatonist ides, the pseudo‑Dionysius, while he does not definitely teach emanation, is distinctly pantheistic; and, influenced by both these sources, Scotus Erigena reached a still more complete pantheism. His twofold process, first of analysis, or the descent from the universal to the particular, the proceeding of all things from God the highest principle, and then of reversion or deification, the return through the aseemblifig of individuals into classes until the simplest unity is once more reached in God, shows a wide departure from the doctrine of the Neoplatonists, especially Proclus. In Proclus the end of the process is the extreme of distance from the source; in Erigena God is not only the beginning but the middle and the end. Yet he remains unmingled in his own essence, at once immanent in the world and transcendent. Numerous pantheistic ideas run through the heresies and the mysticism of the Middle Ages, largely drawn from Erigena (see Scows ERIGENA, JoHArrrms), who specially influenced Amalrie of Bena (q.v.), the teacher of the identity of the Creator and the creation. David of Dinant (q.v.) taught that there was only one substance of all bodies and all souls, God himself. The Church took strong measures against such teachings, and condemned a large number of propositions from the writings of the famous mystic Eckhart (q.v.), tending in the same direction. There is much in common between him and Nicholas of Cusa (see CusA, NicxoiAs or), who combined the most various ideas and interests and contrived to hold the doctrine of the creation of the world together with pantheistic beliefs, such as that God comprehends all things in himself, even opposites, and that God with his being and his power is everywhere present in the animate, ordered totality of the universe, so that everything in its species has a certain perfection. Nicholas had no slight influence on the development of philosophy, though not so much as Giordano Bruno (q.v.), who depended on him in numerous points. Traces of Bruno's influence are found in both Spinoza and Leibnitz; but he was too much of an eclectic to put together a well‑rounded and consistent system. Although he allowed individualism its place, his pantheism is a good deal like that of the Stoics. Space fails for the examination of theistic views with a partially pantheistic coloring, among which might be named those of Plato and Aristotle in the earlier time and of the occasionadist school in the later. Even in Leibnitz (q.v.), thorough individualist though he was, there are traces of the same thing‑as when he calls God the " center everywhere " and conceives the single monads as an efulguration of the Godhead. This only shows how difficult it is, without going into avowed dualism, to exclude pantheism altogether; and in fact, while complete pantheism may not be tenable, the deeper Christian consciousness can not forget the two propositions that in God we live and move and have our being, and that God is in us.
(M. HZSrzxt.)
While a thorough‑going pantheism has been precluded among English and American thinkers by a

Pantheism	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	332
Papal states
	practical, common‑sense quality of mind, yet it has
	appeared in a veiled or partial form in several con
			nections. (1) Calvinism (q.v.) has
	g. English provided a congenial soil for its growth.
		and	Essentially pantheistic elements are
American found in its thought of God‑his ab
	Pantheis8c solute sovereignty and his will as the
	Thought. ultimate cause of all. It is also pan
			theistic whenever it has identified
providential conservation with continuous creation
of the world, and has denied the will as the cause
of its own action. It is significant that Jonathan
Edwards' early notes on the mind, in which he ad
vocates an absolute monism, bear fruit in two of his
most mature essays, on Original Sin and on the
Freedom of the Will. In Emmons this position is
pushed to its extreme limits in his doctrine of the
divine efficiency. Until a recent period the same
principle underlay the doctrine of election, sin, and
regeneration in the Congregational, Baptist, and
Presbyterian teachings of Great Britain and Amer
ica (cf. The Westminster Confession; A. A. Hodge,
Outlines of Theology, New York, 1878; W. G. T.
Shedd, Dogmatic Theology, ib., 1888. W. Hastie,
The Theology of the Reformed Church in its Funda
mental Principles, Edinburgh, 1904). (2) In its
earliest emergence as a modern movement Univer
salism (q.v.) sprang from the same postulates as
Calvinism, excepting that its doctrine of election
and atonement was universal instead of partial.
And even now, wherever the " larger hope " rises
to dogmatic assertion its background is pantheistic.
(3) So‑called Ethical Monism has been advocated
on two principles: metaphysical, a Logos doctrine
in which the immanent, universal, omnipotent, and
indestructible energy of God is affirmed; ethical,
according to which the human will is free to realize
or to reject its responsible ideals. In the actual
treatment of these elements, however, the result
is not unity but the ancient dualism (cf. A. H.
Strong, Christ and the Creation and Ethical Monism,
Philadelphia, 1899; idem, Systematic Theology, 3
vols., ib. 1907‑09). (4) In the philosophy of relig
ion the Cairds have developed a doctrine of God
by the aid of the Hegelian metaphysics (cf. Hegel's
Philosophy of Religion). Reality as a whole is an
organic unity, the several moments of which are
God, nature, and the finite mind. On the one hand,
the absolute Spirit is presupposed in all finite exist
ences, and, on the other hand, as the idea of the
Infinite contains in it the idea of the finite, so the
real Infinite contains the existence of the finite.
Thus while the finite will is absolutely dependent
on God, it is characterized by a relative independ
ence by which it may both deny all purely finite,
individual interests and aims and identify itself ab
solutely with the Universal Will or God (cf. J.
Caird, Philosophy of Religion, New York, 1881;
E. Caird, Evolution of Religion, ib. 1893; J. Watson,
Philosophical Basis of Religion, ib. 1908). (5) In
the idealistic monism of Josiah Royce, the funda
mental propositions are that the Absolute Reality
is an absolutely organized experience to which
finite experience is related as fragments to an or
ganic whole. Accordingly, the divine self‑conscious
ness is constantly inclusive of the human self‑con‑
soiousness, and the individual self is an identical part of the all‑embracing divine will, sustaining toward it a relation not unlike the elements of the individual consciousness to the consciousness itself. The reality thus postulated is not baldly pantheistic, since it is not unconscious, nor the Spinozistic substance, nor an ineffable mystery. The difficulties which confront this particular form of theistic pantheism center in its doctrine of the personality of God, of the world‑whether it is in a true sense other than God, of a moral order in which evil and sin are real or only illusory, and of a city of God in which selves are personal and free (J. Royce, The Conception. of God, New York, 1893; idem, The World and the Individual, ib. 1899‑1901; cf. also F. H. Bradley, Appearance and Reality, London, 1893; A. E. Taylor, Metaphysics, New York, 1907). (6) In literature as in religion a pantheistic tendency has gone hand in hand with mysticism. Since Goethe and the birth of romanticism, it has been represented by Coleridge, Wordaworth, Tennyson, Arnold, Emerson, and Carlyle.
C. A. BEc$wrrH.
BmLIOanApHY: For the pantheism of India consult the literature under BRAHMANISM; BUDDHISM; INDIA; HINDDreM. For pantheism in the West consult the works on the history of philosophy by J. E. Erdmann, 3 vols., London, 1892‑98; W. Windelband, New York, 1893; F. Ueberweg, ed. Heinze, 4 vols., Berlin, 1901‑05. Also the following: G. B. Jasche, Der Pantheismus nach semen verschiedenenHauptformen, seinem Ursprung and Fortpanpe, aeinem spekulativen and praktischen Wert and Gehalt, 3 vols., Berlin, 1826‑32; F. W. Richter, Ueber Pantheismus and Pantheismusfurcht, eine historisch‑philosophische Abhandlunp, Leipsic, 1841; T. B. Mayer, Theismus and Pantheismus mit besonderer RQcksicht nuf praktische Frapen, Freiburg, 1849; E. Boehmer, De pantheismi nominis origins d usu notions, Halle, 1851; J. Buchanan, Modem Atheism under its Forms of Pantheism, etc., Boston, 1856; G. Weissenbom, Vorlesunpen fiber Pantheismus and Theismus, Marburg, 1859; E. Saisset, Manual of Modern Pantheism, Edinburgh, 1862; M. Dix, Lectures on the Pantheistic Idea of an Impersonal Substance‑Deity, New York, 1864; F. P. Cobbe, Studies New and Old, London, 1865; W. H. Mill, Pantheistic Principles, London, 1866; T. B. Fellens, Le Pantheisme; Principe de la morale universelle, Paris, 1873; A. Jundt, Hilt. du panth€isme populaire au moyen dpe, Paris, 1875; J. A. Piston, The Mystery of Matter, London, 1878; G. Spath, Theismus and Pantheismus, Oldenberg, 1878; W. Weesenberg, Theismus and Pantheiamut, Vienna, 1880; W. Driesenberg, Theismus and Pantheismus. Eine philosophische Unterswhunp, Vienna, 1880; G. E. Plumptre, General Sketch of the History of Pantheism, 2 vols., London, 1881; S. Baring‑Gould, Origin and Development of Religious Belief, London, 1884; J. Hunt, Essay on Pantheism, London, 1884; idem, Pantheism and Christianity, ib. 1884; G. M. Schuler, Der Pantheismus, Waraburg, 1884; R. Flint, Anti‑Theistic Theories, Edinburgh, 1885; T. Desdouits, Le Panthiisme, Paris, 1897; B. Galleth, Panteismo, Palermo, 1897; W. Dilthey, in Archiv fit, Geschichte and Philosophie, xiii (1900), 307‑360, 445‑482; J. A. Piston, Pantheism, its Story and Significance, London, 1905; P. Paulsen, Der moderne Pantheismus and die chridliche Weltanschauung, Halle, 1906.
PAPAL STATES.
Church Estates Prior to Pippin (¢ 1). The Donation of Pippin ($ 2).
The Donation of Charlemagne (¢ 3). Curtailment of Papal Domains ($ 4). The Final Stages ($ 5).
The original meaning of patrimonium was " patrimonial estate," and patrimonium beak Petri meant the possessions of the Church until at least the twelfth century, at which time the pope as‑

833	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Pantheism
		Papal Stet
sumed or claimed sovereign rights over the region
known in the eighth century as the ducaius Ro
menus, and in the ninth to the eleventh as the
terra (territorium) Petri, to which the term in ques
tion was then applied. In the thirteenth century
the term covered all which became the " States of
		the Church." By Constantine's Edict
	I. Church of Milan of 321 the Church was en
Estates Prior abled to hold property, and from that
	to Pippin. time its possessions rapidly increased,
		the estates being in all Italy, Sicily,
Corsica, Sardinia, Dalmatia, Gaul, and Africa, each
estate being administered by a Roman cleric as
rector. Through these estates the Church was the
principal landowner and the chief financial force in
Italy. But in the eighth century, through political
misfortunes, a great part of these possessions were
lost, and out of what remained in central Italy the
patrimonium Petri was constituted. The political
situation of the papacy was critical. With the
Byzantine emperor the Church was at odds both
on account of the Monothelitic and the image
controversies (see MONOTHELITES; IMAGES AND
IMAGE WORSHIP, II.), and through this very dis
agreement the Church had lost its most valuable
possession. The result was that the Church man
aged its estates near Rome with the greater care as
a sure source of income. In this patrimony the
pope was already master in the eighth century,
though the emperor remained for some time nom
inal sovereign. Such popes as Gregory II. and III.
(qq.v.) not only admitted but emphasized this on
occasion, as when they were assailed by the Lom
bards. At the beginning of the eighth century
Liutprand as king of the Lombards had overthrown
the duchies and had formed a strong foreign policy;
the popes then found themselves in a difficult situa
tion, and the spiritual means employed by them
had but transient results. When Gregory III.
stirred up the dulcas of Spoleto and Benevento
against Liutprand, the latter beat them both and
assailed Rome; the appeal to Charles Martel had
no results; but the effects of the diplomacy of Pope
Zacharias (741‑752) were not only the recovery of
many estates but the acquisition of four places in
Tuscany. The pope received these as " donations,"
and no account was taken of the Byzantine emperor
as sovereign; the former assumed the rights which
formerly had belonged to the emperor. This is recog
nized as the time when the pope was first regarded as
a temporal sovereign and political power; this is the
prime significance of the " donation " of Liutprand.
Of course the action of Liutprand was not in
spired by love of the pope. His attack on Ravenna
may be taken to indicate that he supposed that
Zacharias had been obligated to give him a free
hand against that city; but he must have seen that
he had deceived himself as soon as he undertook a
campaign against the exarchs, upon which Zach
arias remonstrated in the name of the emperor.
When Aistulf succeeded Liutprand in 749 as king
of the Lombards, the papal diplomacy ecased to be
effective, and Aistulf took Ravenna and essayed
to annex the whole ducatua Ramanua.
	When Aistulf stretched out his hand against the
Roman duchy, in 752, Stephen (II.) III. (q.v.)
turned to Pippin, and there followed the celebrated
meeting at	Ponthion and Kiersy, the result of
which, according to the papal claims, was not
merely protection from Aistulf and restitution of
	the property wrested from the Church,
a. The Do‑ but the so‑called donation of Pippin, nation of the documentary proofs for which are Pippin. practically confined to the Liber pontifu:alie in the Vitce of Stephen II. and Hadrian I. The " life " of Stephen reports an oath by Pippin to restore the exarchy of Ravenna and accompanying rights to the pope, the nobles being obligated to carry out this arrangement. Indefiniteness characterizes the terms used, and the Byzantine emperor is ignored; practically the engagement was for Pippin to help the pope to win back his rights. The " life " of Hadrian adds a special promise given at Yiersy to the same purport as that by Charlemagne in 774. The comprehensiveness of this engagement has long made the account of it the object of attack as spurious, though in modern times it has been stoutly defended. The defenders assume an agreement to divide, in case of victory, over the Lombards, the territory thus gained between the pope and Pippin; but no direct evidence is given that such an arrangement was made to divide a yet unconquered territory, and the matter must remain under suspicion. The pope had other cares than the increase of property; he was concerned with salvation from external danger, and it is doubtful whether Pippin thought of the overthrow of the kingdom of the Lombards, since the era of French world politics began with Charlemagne. The complaints of the pope (in the Codex Carolinus) are specific, and look to the restitution of certain definite domains, namely, the cities of Faenza, Imola, Ferrara, and Bologna in the north, and Osimo, Ancona, and Umana in the south. The region affected by the treaty of peace of 754‑756 and given over to the Roman Church included apparently four districts: Rome with its ducalua, Southern Tuscany, the duchy of Perugia, and Northern Campania (L. Duchesne, Liber pontificalis, i. 478, 493, Paris, 1886). Here the popes appear as sovereign, indicate the policies, name office‑holders and judges, call out the armed forces; but there is a sort of recognition of Pippin and his successors as overlords, who are called at Ponthion patricii of the new republic, though the meaning of this title is debated. It was borne by the exarch of Ravenna, at Rome it conveyed the idea of supreme rights, also of the deputy of the emperor; Hadrian I. welcomed Charlemagne by this title. Moreover, the popes regarded the emperor as their overlord, and dated their documents by the regnal year of the emperor. Yet the title took on a different content, and came to convey the idea rather of duties than of.rights, especially the duty of protecting the popes against the Lombards.
Pippin died 768; in the ensuing contest between Charlemagne and the Lombard Desiderius Hadrian I. took the side of Charlemagne; Desiderius assailed the exarch, took a number of cities, and marched on Rome. The pope bade the Frankish king come to the help of the oppressed Church of

Papal States Papeuroah
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
884
God, but says nothing of the restoration of an agreement regarding the division of territory. The situation of 752 is repeated in 773,
3. The Do‑ when Hadrian needed to be saved by nation of Charlemagne as Stephen II. needed Charle‑ help from Pippin. So in later corre‑
	magne.	spondence the pope speaks of the resto
		ration of the duchy of Spoleto, and of
the possession by Leo, archbishop of Ravenna, of
part of the exarchy, especially the cities Imola and
Bologna, Spoleto having, in 773, put itself under the
pope of its own accord. While the pope was recog
nized as sovereign in Spoleto, 774‑775, in Janu
ary of 776 Charlemagne was so recognized; in other
words, within the assumed " donation of Pippin "
Charlemagne is evident as lord. A developed po
litical situation appears later, when, in 787, he
yielded to his ally the pope several cities of Lom
bardic Tuscany and of the duchy of Beneventum,
though a great part of this donation was never
realized, since under the stress of a severe cam
paign with Greek South Italy Charlemagne became
reconciled with Duke Grimoald of Beneventum,
and left him in peaceable possession of the great
est past of the territory given to the pope. The
complaints of Hadrian from this period relate to
the non‑fulfilment of this promise. But through
this donation the territory of the " sacred republic
of the Roman Church of God " was actually en
larged, and cities like Viterbo, Toscanella, Soana,
Orvieto, and others to the south came into posses
sion of the Church. But the question arises how it
is that the biography of Hadrian mentions so fre
quently the donation, in spite of the fact that such
a donation was not realized. It must be recalled
that this was the period when the story of the Do
nation of Constantine (q.v.) was fabricated, and
Hadrian knew of the document containing it (Caro
Zince epidalce, lxi.). The " donation " fixed the
political program of the Curia as that which seemed
attainable. Yet the Curia met with little success
from Charlemagne, who, on the basis of the title
of patricius, both directed the external policy of
the " Roman republic," and seized upon control in
internal matters. The difficult position in which
Leo III. (q.v.) found himself enhanced this assump
tion of power. The fact that Leo sent the keys to
Charlemagne and begged him to receive the oath of
allegiance of his Roman subject sets forth with
lucidity the relation which the Frankish king sus
tained to the " republic." It was only a natural
consequence of this that on Dec. 23, 800, Charle
magne sat in judgment above the lord of that re
public, and the reception of the crown on Dec. 25
did not alter at all this situation; the new title of
emperor perhaps only emphasised what was al
ready known‑the dependence of the pope upon
the Frankish king.
After the death of Charlemagne the relation of the emperor to the "Roman republic" changed. While many compacts were entered into between pope and emperor, the reports regarding them are not extant and but little is known. That of the year 817 is important, referring as it does to the islands of Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicily as gifts of Charlemagne, according to the so‑called Ludovicir
arum. But this reference is not trustworthy. Louis the Pious was intent upon maintaining the
earlier relationship, and in 824 sent
4. Curtail‑ his son Lothair I. to Rome to remind meat of the new Pope Eugene II. of his rePapal lations as feudal subject. An im‑
	Domains.	portant document was the Conatitutio
		Romana of Nov., 824, which not
only arranged for the selection of the pope but
for the relationship of the emperor and the
" republic." Imperial delegates were with the
papal to have oversight of the conduct of the busi
ness of the republic, and the names of judges and
officers were to be reported to the emperor. But
the victory of Gregory IV. at Colmar in 833 was the
beginning of the end of the Carolingian control of
the " Roman republic." But from the " republic "
one part after another was cut off‑by the arch
bishops of Ravenna in the north, by the dukes of
Spoleto in the east, by those of Benevento in the
south, and gradually from the papal domain grew
a little state ruled by Alberie as " prince and sena
tor of all the Romans." The author of the Libeldus
de imperatoria poteetale in urbe Roma (MGH, Script.,
iii. 719‑722, 1839) bewails the fall of the republic
and sighs for a Charlemagne to check the pride of
the nobility. The longed‑for emperor came in the
person of Otho I., who on entering Rome promised
to guard the pope's rights and the integrity of the
" sacred territory of Peter." When Otho came into
possession of Rome, his action was energetic; the
pact of 962 recognized clearly the imperial over
lordship in the papal domain, while the words of
the Vita Hadriani 1. regarding the donation are re
peated here. After the short rule of Otho III.,
there followed a period of decline of papal domin
ion, and even the period of Gregory VII. brought
few changes, though Gregory's claims were made
as large as possible. While Robert Guiscard re
ceived Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily from Pope Nich
olas II., and Richard took Capua, both recognized
these dominions as the pope's. The claims of Greg
ory made possible the realization of possession of
these regions for later popes who lived in more
fortunate times. Indeed, the gift of the patrimony
of Countess Matilda of Tuscany, which ought to
have fallen to the pope, did not come under his
actual control, but was administered by imperial
margraves in the name of the emperor. After the
death of Otho I. the exarchy was in possession of
the archbishop of Ravenna; later the cities became
independent until the time of Frederick T. Pen
tapolis appertained to the duchy of Spoleto, which
was itself at first under the Lombards and then in
possession of various dukes. The terra Bands Petri
itself, based on the donation of Pippin, was for the
most part under little princes whose names are un
known. Of a sovereignty of the pope in this period
there is hardly a trace.
The victory of Alexander III. (q.v.) brought at first no essential change even in the very patrimonium itself. Henry VI. made his brother Philip duke of all the papal possessions; but after the death of Henry, the popes began to make effective their claims upon the " patrimony of the Blessed Peter." To this the national reaction against external con‑

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
'Papa' States Papebrooh
trol, especially in Central Italy, was a help, and the earlier patrimony of Peter came into papal hands; so particularly Spoleto and the most 5. The Final of Pentapolis. The fall of imperial
	Stages.	power in Italy and the strife over the
		crown in Germany worked to papal
advantage. Otho IV. confirmed to Innocent III.
(q.v.) the grant of the old "patrimonium Petri,"
Ravenna, Pentapolis, Ancona, Spoleto, the lands
of the Countess Matilda, the county of Bertinoro,
with their adjoining territories, and Sicily; and
this grant outlined the later extent of the " pat
rimonium." This is the first imperial recognition
of the validity of the papal claims based on the
Constantinian and Carolingian donations. To be
sure, Otho and Frederick II. still exercised their
powers in this territory; but after the death of the
latter and in consequence of the victory of the papal
party at Benevento in 1266, the pope came into
full possession of all except Sicily. But again,
toward the end of the thirteenth century, there
came evil days upon the papacy. The parties of
the Colonna, Orsini, Gwtani, Frangipani, Rienzi,
and others fought out their quarrels in the chief
cities, and some of the cities made themselves in
dependent, while nobles in other pasts of the ter
ritory seized possessions. After the death of Cola
di Rienzi, Cardinal Albornoz attempted a reorgan
ization of the papal lands by dividing them into
vicariates; but little dynasties settled themselves
in the various cities, fighting and defying the pope.
Nicholas V. and Alexander VI. (qq.v.) began to
reclaim these lands for the papacy, while Julius T.
was the founder of the real Church‑State, and the
popes began to base their finances upon the finan
cial strength of this Church‑State. The times when
the popes supported the costs of the Curia by levies
upon the faithful come to an end. Paul III. (q.v.)
levied a direct tax on the Church‑State, and this
Sixtus V. (q.v.) increased. The great bankers be
gin to be a part of the financial system; the great
landowners did away with the little landowners,
and the centralization of power wholly impoverished
the population, which even yet is the poorest in
Italy. The external history of this state from the
time of Alexander VI. to the end of the eighteenth
century is practically that of a number of families
out of which the popes were chosen. Through their
interest with the popes, these families sought first
increase of power and later of wealth, while little
gifts, like Parma and Piacenza to the Farnesi, less
ened the area of the papal domain but little in the
long run, as some of these gifts lapsed again to the
Church. Napoleon in 1800 detached Ferrara, Bo
logna, and the Romagna from the Papal States, and
undertook to do away altogether with the States
of the Church. The Congress of Vienna reestab
lished them in 1814. In 1860 the greater part of
the territories of the Church fell to the newly erected
kingdom of Italy; Rome and its environs, secured
for the Church only by France, became Italy's
through the fall of Sedan in 1870, and papal do
minion came to an end. Since then it has become
clear how much harm temporal power has done
the Church. The times of temporal prosperity
through temporal rule have been the periods of the
Church's greatest weakness. The " prisoner of the
Vatican " is more respected than the temporal ruler
of the " patrimony " once was. The old " patri
mony of Peter " is at an end; the new one rules
beyond land and sea. 	(A. BRecgMAwN.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Of sources the chief is the Lsber pontiltcalis, ed. L. Duchesne, 2 vols., Paris, 1888‑92, and T. Mommsen, in MGH. Gent. pont. Ron., vol. i., Berlin, 1898. Other sources are found in Repesta pordif:cum Romanomm, ed. P. JaHS and W. Wattenbach, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1885‑88; MGM, Epist., Berlin, 1887 sqq.; Codes Carolinus, in Monumenta Carolina, ad. P. JaffS, Berlin, 1867; and the Regesta pontijicam Romanorum, ed. A. Potthast, 2 vols., Berlin, 1874‑75. A guide to the literature is Wattenbach, DGQ. Very rich sources are laid open in the MGH in its various departments, dealing with the history of the empire; A. Theiner, Codes diplomaticus dominii temporali8 sanctos sedis, Rome, 1861; Liber eensuum sancta Romans ecclesim, ad. P. Fabre, part. i., Paris, 1889, part ii., ed. L. Duchesne, 1902; L. A. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum scriptores, and Antiquitates Italicee medii asui, Milan, 1723‑51 (sources for the later Middle Ages). For the later period, the best material for the English reader is Ranke, Popes, while for the earlier period there is available the translation of Grerorovius' great work, Geschiehte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, 8 vols., Stuttgart, 1886 sqq., the Eng. transl., London, 1901 sqq. Consult further: S. Sugenheim, Geschichte der Entstehunp and Ausbildun® des Kirchenataatea. Leipsic, 1854; R. Baxmann, Die Politik der Pdpate, Elberfeld, 1888; M. Broach, Geschichte des %irchenataates, Goths, 1880; P. Lanfey, Hint. politique des popes, Paris, 1880; J. Friedrich, Die constantinische Schenkung, Nbrdlingen, 1889; W. Martens, Die lalsehe Generalconcession Congtantins, Munich, 1889; L. Duohesne, Les Premiere Temps de lWat pontifical (7'64‑1076), Paris, 1898; F. Fournier, La Papaut§ decant Z'histoire, chaps. xxviii., xxxviii., xlix.‑Iii., xciv‑xev., Paris, 1899; W. Barry, The Papal Monarchy from St. Gregory the Great to Boniface 1'111., London, 1902; Mann, Popes, i. 2, pp. 301, 410‑411, 467, iii. 293‑294; the literature under the articles on the popes and other worthies named in the text. The earlier literature on the donations of Pippin and Charlemagne is given in L. Oelsner, Jahrbacher des frdnkiwhen Reichm unter %6nip Pippin, p. 129, Leipsic, 1871; S. Abel, Jahrbilcher des Aankischen Reichw, ed. B. Simson, i. 156 sqq., ib. 1888; and W. Martens, Die r6mixhe Frogs enter Pippin and Karl dem Grossen, pp. v. ix., Stuttgart, 1881. Discussions of the genuineness of the donations named in the life of Hadrian I. are: J. Ficker, ForachuAgen zur Rechtageschichte Italiene, ii. 329 sqq., Innsbruck, 1869; T. Sickel, Das Privilepium Ottos l., pp. 132 sqq., Innsbruck, 1883; P. Scheffer‑Boichorst in Mittheilungen des Institute far 6sterreichische Geschichtsforschunp, iv (1885), 193‑212; L. Duchesne, Liber pontificalis, i. 234 sqq., Paris, 1886. A large literature on the subject is indicated in Hauck‑Herzog, RE, xiv. 767‑769.

PAPEBROCH, pa'pe‑brow" (VAN PAPENBROEg), DANIEL: The second collaborator of Bolland in the compilation of his Acts Sanctorum (see BOLLAND, JAN, AND THE BOLLANDISTS) ; b. in Antwerp Mar. 17, 1628; d. there June 28, 1714. He made his vows as a Jesuit at Mechlin in 1648, and, after some years spent in teaching, was ordained priest in 1658. He was destined for the post of professor of philosophy at Antwerp, but had held this office only a year when he was called to assist Bolland in the work which was to occupy him for half a century. The greater part of the biographies from March to June inclusive are his work. He became involved in a controversy with the Carmelite order by his denial of its foundation by the prophet Elijah, which led to a denunciation of the Acta Sanctorum at Rome and before the Spanish Inquisition. He left a manuscript history of Antwerp from its foundation to the year 1200 (published at Antwerp, 5 vols., 1845‑48).

Paphnutius Papias
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
338
PAPHNUTIUS: The name of several men prominent in the early Christian Church. (1) Bishop of a city in the upper Thebaid. He was a distinguished member of the first ecumenical council at Nica'a in 325, where, although he was himself a celibate, he protested against the proposed prohibition of clerical marriages, and succeeded in maintaining a status quo by which the bishops, priests, and deacons were permitted to live with wives they had married while still laymen. He also attended the Synod of Tyre in 335, where he opposed the majority in his unsuccessful plea for Athanasius. During the persecution of Maximinus, one of his eyes was put out, the left knee‑tendon was severed, and he was condemned to labor in the mines. According to Sozomen, he was able to heal the sick and exorcise demons. The date of his death is unknown; he was venerated as confessor and martyr. (2) Abbot in the Scetic desert. At the age of ninety, he was visited by Cassian. He lived a life of meditation, leaving his cell only on Saturday and Sunday to attend church five Roman miles distant, and to replenish his water‑supply. His humility and selfdenial led Cassian to make him the spokesman in the third collation, De tribes abrenuntiationibus. When in 399, Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, opposed anthropomorphic concepts of God, Paphnutius was the only priest who dared to read his letter publicly.
Other men named Paphnutius are enumerated by Rosweyd (MPL, xxi. 435 sqq.) and a Paphnutius also composed the Vita Omphrii (MPL, lxxiii. 211). 1 (G. GRfiTZMACHER.)
BIBLIonRAPHY: F. Piper, Lives o) the Leaders of ow Church Universal, pp. 57‑59, Philadelphia, 1879; Schaff, Chris‑
tian Church, ii. 244, 828; DCB, iv. 184‑185.
PAPIAS, pL'pi‑as.
Work of rapias (I 1). Argument Concerning Presbyter John (¢ 2). Contents of the Work (§ 3). Papias' Method and Testimony (§ 4) ‑Later Critics and the Fourth Gospel (§ 5). Other Fragments of Papias (¢ 8). Characterisation G 7). Misdating of Papias by Irenseus (§ 8). Testimony of the De Boor Fragments (4 9). The Apostles and Elders of Papias (§ 10). The Elder John (I I1). Content of the Traditions (¢ 12).
Papias, according to the common understanding a disciple of John the Apostle, and bishop of Hierapolis in Phrygia, was born probably between 50 and 60 A.D.; d. a martyr, a little after the middle of the second century. He occupies a place of special interest in the history of the Church on account of the " Exposition of the Words of Jesus "
in five books, which was extant in :. Work manuscript as late as 1218, but has of Papias. entirely disappeared. A few of the
fragments have come down through Ireneeus and Eusebius, and others, more or less spurious, through later ecclesiastical writers; and though of extraordinary interest, yet are they so problematical and obscure that it is impossible to derive safe conclusions from them. Two fragments have occasioned most discussion: one from the preface and the other from some unknown place in the work. In the preface, Papias writes:
" But I shall not hesitate also to include with fhe interpretations whatsoever things I have at any time well learned from the prgsbyteroi and well remembered, giving assurance of their truth. For I did not, like the multitude, take pleasure in those who speak much, but in those who speak the truth; not in those who relate strange commandments, but in those who deliver the commandments given by the Lord unto faith and springing from the truth itself. If, then, any one came, who had been a follower of the preabytsroi, I questioned him with regard to the words of the prsabytcroi; what Andrew or what Peter said (eipon), or what Philip or Thomas or James or John or Matthew or any other of the disciples of the Lord, and what Aristion, and the presbyteros John, the disciples of the Lord say (Wousi7. For I assumed beforehand that what was to be gotten from books would not profit me as much as what came from the living and abiding voice."
	The entire problem revolves about the term
presbyteroi. It is seen that. the name John is used
twice. Are both names of one and the same per
son? Irenaeu~ states (Hier., V., xxxiii. 4; Eng.
		trand., ANF, i. 563) that Papias was
2. Arguments hearer of John and a companion of
	Concerning Polycarp. Immediately after citing
	Presbyter this, Eusebius (Hist. ecd., III., xxxix.
	John. i.; Eng. tranal., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 170)
		asserts that the words of Papias in the
preface by no means imply that he was a hearer
and an eye‑witness of the Apostles but that he heard
the doctrines from those who were their friends.
Eusebius made the first known effort to determine
the presbyter John to be not the apostle but an
other. Later opponents allege that Eusebius had
need to create the presbyter John in order to ascribe
to him the authorship of the Apocalypse, because
his repugnancy to the literalness with which Papias
interpreted it made Eusebius unwilling to admit
the Apostle John as the author who instructed
Papias. (It may‑ be added, here, that Eusebius
ardently defends the authenticity of the Fourth
Gospel; ut sup., xxiv.) Efforts have been made
to emend the text, especially by those who would
break the chain that supports the authenticity of
the Fourth Gospel. Renan would read, in the last
instance, instead of " disciples of the Lord," " dis
ciples of disciples of the Lord "; Bacon, " disci
ples of these "; while Mommsen would regard the
phrase as an interpolation. There seem to be two
interpretations of the term presbyteroi. According
to one it refers to a distinct office of elders in the
early congregations. On the other hand, the term
is referred to a limited class of persons, of the first
traditional rank after Christ, included with the
apostles as his disciples; according to Rothe, men
identified with the birth of Christianity and re
garded with veneration by the following generation;
the first class being a crystallization of the second,
following the first plastic period. In the sense of the
second class presbyteroi is to be rendered " Apos
tolic Fathers." Were the presbyteroi of Papias these
or the former? It has been suggested by Stilting
that presbyterm with John at the end of the frag
ment can signify nothing else than what presbyteroi,
which precedes three times, signifies. However, if
the others were of the first traditional rank after
Christ, then John presbyter was likewise of the
same, and was therefore John the Apostle. So also
Aristion. If, however, the name presbyteroi was a
fixed term, applying to a definite class of men in

887
RELIGIOUS
ENCYCLOPEDIA
Paphnutias Papias
the first Christian period, it could nevertheless not be identical with the name of the second rank of the church office, but must refer to an upper traditional rank with Papias as well as with Irenteus; but with this difference, that, as early as the time of Irenseus, Ignatius, Polycarp, and Papias were ;ureabyteroi, while in that of Papias only one traditional rank intervened between him and Christ. Therefore in the sense of Papias, greabyteroi is rendered " Apostolic Fathers " in contrast with those of the succeeding rank who might call themselves brethren.
The contents of the work of Papias are not so uncertain, being explanations of the words of the Lord. Under the term logic, Papias did not only include the sayings of Christ; but, with reference to the Gospels of Matthew and Mark, g. Contents the acts are included as well. Besides of the Work Matthew and Mark, he knew also the Gospel to the Hebrews, and he made use of I John and I Peter. It will remain uncertain whether he knew Luke; or, what is more probable, whether he knew and employed all five gospels as the basis of his work, supplemented from other sources. His purpose was not so much to complement, from oral sources, the words of the Lord as laid down in the Gospels as to obtain material for the elucidation of the words of Jesus. The first source was his own memory of what he had heard from the apostles, Aristion, and other first disciples. The second source was indirect: he inquired of the pupils of the first disciples wherever he met them what of the words of Jesus these had reported, and from a time when disciple and pupil dwelt in personal association; and also of pupils of Aristion and John while they were yet alive. From the present tense (legousa') it is deducible that Papias commenced to gather his material before the end of the first century. The necessity for making inquiry presented itself whenever pupils of John and Aristion chanced to come to Hierapolis. The recurrence of the name of John in the fragment is met by the explanation that reports from the Jerusalem period of John's life required the aorist, eipon; while those of the Ephesian period require the present, legousi. Eusebius endeavors to make eipon refer to the followers of the apostles, and legou8i to contemporaries of Papias; namely, Aristion and the presbyter John, thus removing the latter farther from the apostles, notwithstanding that the titles preabyterod and preabyteroi are the same in form and that Ireneeus may have joined the two in Hcer., IV., xxvii. 1 (Eng. transl., ANF, i. 498), and xxxii. 1 (Eng. transl., ANF, i. 507).
It is uncertain whether the material obtained from oral tradition consisted merely of elucidations of the words of Jesus or included such words themselves; but the former is the more probable. It is also problematical whether the first clause of the fragment was not preceded by an adversative clause, as if the succeeding oral traditions were contrasted with preceding written ones; or the Lord's own words of elucidation preceding were contrasted with those of others following; or if the sources themselves are discussed. Evidently, Papias placed special value upon the oral tradition held in living remembrance by eye‑witnesses, the word VIII.‑22
"abide" being in constant use. Besides this,
Eusebius imparts very little of the work of Papias,
evidently because the explanations of logic fur
		nished nothing for his historical pur
	4. Papias' pose; excepting where he quoted some
	Method of the illustrations by which Papias
	and had illumined his explanations. Such
	Testimony. were the accounts of a daughter of
		Philip raised from the dead, one Justus
Barsabas drinking poison without harm, certain
parables and didactic words not found in the
Gospels, and the mention of a woman in the
Gospel to the Hebrews, who was accused before
the Lord. From what has been said, what is
important is that he constructed and elucidated
sayings of Jesus; the question is not whether he
knew all the canonical Gospels and how he em
ployed them. One fragment shows that he knew
Matthew and Mark; the same is found in Irena;us,
and Eusebius reproduces it with the statement that
Papias referred it to the presbyter John. It reports
that Mark was the interpreter of Peter and that he
wrote down from memory, exactly, though not in
the original order, all that Peter had related of the
words and the deeds of the Lord; and that Matthew
wrote his Gospel in Hebrew, which each one trans
lated the best he could. These two references have
been the subject of a vast amount of discussion
since the time of Schleiermacher. Eusebius was
concerned to communicate from Papias the origin
of these two Gospels, from a sufficient reason, which
must have been external and not internal; for the
manner in which Papias used this and other Gospels
is of no interest to him. Perhaps, by his silence as
to Papias' testimony to other Gospels, he would
suggest that Papias knew no other. Eusebius, in
deed, asserts the use of other sources but explicitly
only I John, I Peter, and the Gospel to the Hebrews,
as written sources. His purpose in doing this is
obviously to support his view that the first epistle
of each only is genuine, while the second of each
is not, and the third of John is doubtful. In the
same passage, Eusebius places the Gospel to the
Hebrews among the antilegomena. But, if the ob
ject of Eusebius is, with reference to the selection
of excerpts, to expose the untrustworthiness of
Papias; and, on the other hand, it is his purpose,
with reference to his investigations and communi
cations concerning presbyter John, to set him forth
as another than the apostle, then, the deductions
which have been made from the silence of Papias
as to the Fourth Gospel have been rather precipi
tate. It is not Papias who is silent, but Eusebius,
and not only concerning the Fourth Gospel, but
also the Acts, the Pauline Epistles, and the Epis
tle of James, no doubt because these contributed
nothing to that phase of Papias which he had in
mind to represent. Eusebius does not state ex
pressly that Papias knew and used the Apocalypse,
but this is implied when he refers to the chiliastic
utterances of Papias and condemns him for taking
the mystical sense of the words literally. On the
same ground Andreas of Cmarea calls upon papfas
as his chief authority for the Johannine authorship
of the Apocalypse. It might be concluded from
Eusebius that because Papias used the Apocalypse

Pspdss	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	888
so frequently, the former attempted to force the authorship upon the presbyter John.
The later critics have concluded that Papias did not know the unmentioned books, and that therefore the Fourth Gospel did not yet exist; that Papias must have heard John in his early years, yet when he wrote this book he either
g. Later knew nothing of the Fourth Gospel or Critics and did not care to know. Here is an argathe Fourth mentum a silentio, to which the follow‑
	Gospel	ing may be opposed: (1) the fact that
		citations made from another point of
view do not mention the Fourth Gospel does not,
argue that Papias did not know the Gospel itself
and cite from it; (2) from the circumstance that
Eusebius does not mention that Papias knew two
Gospels only and that he does not mention that
Papias used the two Gospels, it can not be concluded
that the latter knew and used not the other two.
And to this ergumentum a sidentio and to the other
that in vindicating so strenuously the authenticity
of the Fourth Gospel, Eusebius would without hesi
tation have snatched up the mention of it in all the
vast work of Papias, may be rejoined in similar
kind, that in all the writings of the early Church
Eusebius is the solitary one who sets up the pre
sumption of a presbyter John, though the person
so designated is too prominent in Papias to meet
with such universal silence. Nay, rather Eusebius
cites from the great work of Papias not what is in
accord with the Gospels, but rather what is foreign
and untrustworthy in order to depreciate the value
of the writings. This suggests another important
consideration. In Hiat. ecd., III., xxiv. (Eng.
transl., NPNF, 2 ser., i. 154) he authenticates the
Gospel as well as T John positively, " as accepted
beyond dispute both now and in ancient times."
In view of such a universal acceptance, he omits to
mention the earlier witnesses just as he almost
never produces citations for accepted writings.
There is no wonder, then, that he did not cite
Papias to the authenticity of the Fourth Gospel,
and he would not have accepted him if his work
had abounded in citations. But it would have
fitted the purpose of Eusebius if Papias had used
only the Gospel to the Hebrews, Matthew, and
Mark, and had made no mention of Luke and
John. He would by no means have neglected to
announce it in order to lay a new premise for the
limitation and one‑sidedness of Papias. And how
preeminently could he have used this advantage
to declare the alleged discipleship of Papias to the
apostle, supported as it is by Irena:us, to be incon
ceivable: " Papias does not even know the Gospel
of John and he is said to have been his disciple l "
Nay, silence of Eusebius on the manner of employ
ment by Papias of the four Gospels, and especially
of the last, can not be otherwise taken than that
Papias used them all and, indirectly, that the
Fourth Gospel is authentic. There is also an at
tempt to establish the acquaintance of Papias with
the Gospel of John by internal evidence. A certain
utterance by elders in Asia Minor in which John
xiv. 2 is cited seems to bear the character of Papias'
view and Scripture interpretation so as to be in
cluded under Papiamstic fragments without hesita‑
tion; and Dorner thinks it not unlikely that the
use which that utterance made of the work of
Papias constituted the source from which Irena;us
derived his testimony. To this, Corssen would
deduce from the acquaintance of Papias with
I John, as reported by Eusebius, that he knew also
the Fourth Gospel. The order of the names of the
apostles in the fragment corresponds to that in the
first chapter of John; the words " from the truth
itself " are characteristically Johannine; the pecu
liar word of Christ reported by the elders and re
tained by Irenaeus corresponds to John xiv. 1;
above all the statement in Papias' work that Christ
taught at a later age than that of thirty, which ap
pears to point to Papias having known John viii. 57.
	There remains yet a consideration of the frag
ments preserved elsewhere than in Eusebius. From
the first book of Papias, Maximus in his scholia to
Dionyaii Areopagitre de ceelesti hierarchic, ii. 32 (Ant
werp, 1634) has preserved the notice, " they called
them children who practised guilelessness toward
God," a custom for which he cites Clement of Alex
		andria as well as Papias for authority
	6. Other (possibly attached to Christ's words
	Fragments in Matt. xviii. 3, xix. 14). In the
	of Papias. chronicle compiled by Georgius Ham
		astolos, in the ninth century, it is
stated as represented in the second book of Papias
that John the brother of James was killed by the
Jews at Ephesus, and, for substantiation, reference
is made to Christ's prophecies (Matt. xx. 22 sqq.;
Mark x. 38) and to the commentary on Matthew
by Origen (Opera, iii. 719 sqq.). But the passage
from which the citation is made is preserved and
contains no such statement, and the tradition is
generally discredited because so contrary to the
representations of the Fathers. This reference was
used, however, by Hausrath to deny that John so
journed in Asia Minor but that he suffered martyr
dom with James the Just at Jerusalem 62 A.D.
Irenaeus communicates a saying of Christ received
from the elders who knew John, the authenticity
of which he supports by Papias from the fourth
book of his work (ut sup., Y., xxxiii. 3, 4; Eng.
tranal., ANF, i. 562‑563). This passage pictures
the blessedness of believers in the millennium. Max
imus Confessor also refers it to the fourth book of
Papias directly (ut sup., vii.); and Eusebius refers
to it indirectly (Hist. ecd., iii. 39; Eng. tranal.,
NPNF, 2 ser., i. 170‑173) where he asserts that
Papias accepted the teaching of chiliasm in a sen
sual way and misunderstood the statements of the
apostles in that he failed to recognize the parabol
ical and mystical sense of the words, and blames
him for leading Irenfeus and other writers of the
Church astray. Other fragments are recognized by
a certain preference of Papias for typical‑allegor
ical Scriptural interpretation; cf. Anastasius Sin
sita, Anagogicarum mnxempWionum in Hexaem
eron, i.; ed. M. de La Bigne, Bibliothecce veterum
patrum, i. 223 (Paris, 1609); also, Eng. transl.,
ANF, i. 155. A fragment that treats of the final
illness of Judas Iscariot and that departs from
Matthew and Luke belongs to the fourth book; ef.
Catena in Ads Scndarum Apodolorum, ed. J. A.
Cramer, p. 12 sqq. (Oxford, 1838), and Theophy‑

339	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	pspias
lact, on the Apocalypse, i. 18 sqq.; and Eng. tranel., ANF, i. 155. This seems neither an attempt to merge the two canonical accounts (Zahn), nor proof that Papias knew not the Gospel of Matthew and the Acts of the Apostles; but it shows that he had a third, a more widely dispersed, oral tradition whose untrustworthiness he failed to suspect. Evidently to some other Papias the fragment of the four Marys is to be ascribed; cf. Grebe, Spicilegium sanctorum patrum ut et hiereticorum seculi, II., i. 34 (Oxford, 1800), and Eng. transl., ANF, i. 155. To be mentioned is the notice in the preface of the Fourth Gospel in a Vulgate manuscript of the Vatican which declares Papias to be the writer of the Fourth Gospel, and is supported by the Catena Patrum Grcecarum in Sanctum Johannem (ed. B. Corderius, Antwerp, 1630) which declares that John dictated to Papias. This tradition is unsupported.
	The verdict of Eusebius on Papias is obscure.
The characterization " of limited understanding "
(III., xxxix. 13; Eng. transl., NPNF, 2 ser., i.
172) seems to have only localized reference to
		Papias on account of his chiliastic
	7. Charac‑ views. The passage " a man most
	terization. learned in all things and well versed
		in the Scriptures " (III., xxxvi. 2;
Eng. transl., ANPF, 2 ser., i. 166, note) is declared
to be an interpolation. That in the succeeding
centuries Papias was highly regarded appears in
the foregoing discussion; nevertheless, in the ab
sence of his works, he can not be properly esti
mated. 		(K. LmMBACat.)
It has long been known that the surprisingly early date which Irenaeus assigns (see § 2) to Papias, his written authority for " words of the elders," was based on a confusion. Eusebius,
8. Mis‑ though he had himself in his Chroniconn
	dating of	(220) adopted the view and even the
	Papias by	language of Iren&u8, became con
	Ireneeus.	vinced of the error; after careful ex
		amination of the entire work of Papias,
a small volume of only five " books " (=the mod
ern " chapter ") admitted by Irenaeus to be " the
only work written by him," he cited in his
"History" (III., xxxix.; see above, § 1) the
passage which he considered to have given rise
to it. Eusebius' critical insight had been sharp
ened meantime by study of the controversy of
Dionysius of Alexandria (q.v.) with the Chiliasts.
In this Dionysius had so far borrowed the weap
ons of Caius, bishop of Rome (q.v.), in the
latter's " Dialogue with Proclus " as to reject Reve
lation as a non‑apostolic writing, attributing it to
" some other John." Eusebius shows a strong dis
position to agree on this point with Dionysius,
though of course not with Dionysius' predecessor
Gains in rejecting all the " Johannine " writings.
As completing Dionysius' argument against Reve
lation the discovery that Irenwus, in using Papias,
had confused John the Apostle with " another
John " was welcome to Eusebius. He gives ac
cordingly a painstaking demonstration of Ireneeus'
mistake from the work of Papias itself, contrary to
the entire ecclesiastical interest and prepossession
of his time. Against this it is useless in the ab
sence of the work of Papias to revert to the state‑
ments of so inaccurate and prejudiced a writer as Irenaeus, when among those who possessed it for centuries, and would gladly have answered Eusebius if they could, not one whisper was raised in his defense. The most that can be said for Ireneeus is that his copy of Papias may already have contained the clause " the disciples of the Lord " repeated after the names of " Aristion and John the Elder." Eusebius' copy already did so, and most of our own copies still do. If so, it was not altogether unnatural for a careless reader of the passage to disregard the distinction between things which had been said by the apostles, and the things which were being said by " Aristion and John the Elder." The clause, however, as applied to these obscure persons involves at least " a chronological difficulty," as even Lightfoot conceded (Essays on. the Work Entitled Supernatural Religion, p. 150, London, 1889); hence a number of ancient texts either cancel or alter it. The two letters rer which would give " (disciples) of these " (i.e., the apostles just named) have probably been assimilated to Kv (" of the Lord ") in the similar clause of the preceding line. In fact Eusebius, who alone has taken the witness' deposition on this point, and who declares that Papias was largely dependent on Aristion and the Elder John, tells us that he " confesses that he had received the words of the apostles from those who had followed them" (Hiat. eccl., III., xxxix. 7); and again, " Papias himself
. . by no means declares that he himself was a hearer and eye‑witness of the holy apostles, but shows by the language which he uses that he received the matters of the faith from those who were the disciples of these " (III., xxxix. 2). Modern efforts to reinflate the Irenrean characterization of Papias as " a hearer of John (the Apostle) and an associate of Polycarp, a man of the earliest times " after the Eusebian puncture are therefore hopeless. IrenEeus is probably misled by the same passage when, in recording the tradition regarding Jesus' age (§ 6), he boasts that " some of them (the Asian elders) saw not only John but others also of the apostles and testify (a written witness is implied by the present tense) to the aforesaid." The date of Papias' birth must consequently be placed in more reasonable relation to that of his death traditionally fixed in 165 A.D.
The new fragments of Papias published by De Boor (T U, v. 2, 1889) confirm Eusebius' charge of antedating. One fragment seems to
9. Testi‑ have been the heading of a chapter, mony of the " Concerning those raised from the
De Boor dead by Christ, how that they lived
Fragments. until the times of Hadrian." Not only would it be unnatural for one himself living under Hadrian (117‑138 A.D.) to speak thus, but the statement itself appears to be an exaggeration of that made by Quadratus (q.v.) in the Apology delivered by him in person to that emperor. The statement as Quadratus made it would be perfectly credible, vii., that " some of " those healed and raised from the dead by Jesus " survived even to our day " (Euseb.. Mist., IV., iii. 2). As papias makes it, it shows the distortion of a later hand, writing not earlier than under Antoninus. Har‑

papiss	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	840
Papyras
nack, accordingly, dates the work of Papias in
145‑180 A.D. The earlier limit is probably better,
for while there is more trace than in Justin Martyr
of acquaintance with the Johannine writings,
Papiss seems to recognize but two Gospels (Mat
thew and Mark) as authoritative, whereas Justin
adds that of Luke. Another fragment, attested by
two authorities as from Papias' " second book,"
asserts that John the Apostle " was killed by the
Jews " (not " in El,hesus " as stated in 1 7). The
sense of the fragment is fiercely contested, but it prob
ably implies residence of this apostle in Jerusalem
until his martyrdom at some ‑time before 70 A.D.
	Except for its bearing on the apostolic author
ship of Revelation Eusebius is as much prepossessed
			in favor of the Irenaean tradition of
		ro. The	apostles and elders in (proconsular)
Aposdes and Asia as Irenmus himself. So under
	Elders of stood, Papias supplied the missing link
		Papias.	to Dionysius' theory of " another
			John," who in Asia could write " I,
John, am he that heard and saw these things."
Did not Papias acknowledge dependence on a John
whom he distinguishes from the apostle previously
named by the title " the Elder "7 As applying to
this John Eusebius therefore still clings to Irenaeus'
notion of a direct discipleship of Papias. If, how
ever, in reading the extract, that lens of the Ire
mean spectacles be dipcarded which Eusebius re
tains as well as that which he discards, it will be
apparent that Papias knows nothing of apostles
and elders in Asia. He is in perfect agreement with
Polycarp (110‑117 A.D.), Ignatius (110‑117), and
all the early writers who throw light upon condi
tions there in 90‑150 A.D. All imply the absence of
any apostolic authority whatever in that region
save Paul. So with Papias also. However faith
ful and devout the " teachers " from whom he had
imbibed " the truth," their teaching was that
" from books." To get at " the living and abidi$g
voice " of oral tradition, which Papias, like his col
league Polyearp, esteemed a bulwark against the
vain talk of the multitude and the false teachings "
(" To the Philippians," vii.), he was obliged to re
sort to travelers who " came his way " from the
recognized seat of apostolic tradition. In short,
apart from the legends of 150‑200 A.D. by which
Ephesus later sought to obtain a reversion of the
ecclesiastical leadership once conceded to Jerusa
lem and maintained by that ancient mother church
until (135 A.D.) it was scattered to the four winds
in the war of Bar‑Ilokba (q.v.), there is not the
slightest reason for understanding by the " apostles
and elders " of Papias any other than " the apos
tles and elders" of his earlier contemporary " Luke "
(Acts xv. 2, 23, xxi. 18). His later contemporary
Hegesippus still regards the same group as occu
pying the seat of authority in religion. The very
admission of Eusebius, " at all events (goon) he
mentions them (Aristion and the Elder John) fre
quently by name, and records their traditions,"
shows a consciousness of overstatement. Aristion
and John were indeed (or at least had been) Papias'
contemporaries, but his only access to them had
been through chance‑comers, from whom he learned
by inquiry what they " were saying," just as he
learned from similar sources what the apostles " had said."
Throughout the extract all four occurrences of the important word " elder " receive thus the same sense, always sharply distinguished :i. The from that of "disciple of the Lord," Elder John. or first‑hand authority. The paragraph is framed to defend the appending of " words of the elders," which would not of course enjoy such esteem as those of " Matthew," or even of " Mark." Papias considers, however, that from his own caution in selection of sourcespersons who had been followers of " the elders"and from the nature of his questions‑what had been said (as reported in Jerusalem) by the apostles, and what " was being taught by Aristion and John the Elder," this material was worthy to be appended to his " expositions." At the time of his inquiries (110‑117 7) sayings of the apostles were current only as tradition. Those of " the elders the disciples of these " were " living and abiding " in the person of two survivors. Of Aristion (q.v.) nothing whatever is known. " John the Elder " has been reasonably identified by Schlatter with the elder of that name who stands midway in Eusebius' list of the Jerusalem succession of 70135 A.D. (Hist. eccl., v. 3) and whose death is dated by Epiphanius in 117 A.D.
The extant examples of Papias' " traditions of the elders " confirm this result. They are strongly tinged with Jewish midrash, and, as Eusebius remarks, " of a rather mythical characra. Content ter." That deserving of most respect of the is the " story of a woman accused of
	Traditions.	many sins before the Lord "; for it
		is probably the story inserted by some
texts in John vii. 53‑viii. 11, in others after Luke
xxi. 38. Eusebius found it in the Gospel according
to the Hebrews. Papiaa had it from " the elders."
There is no reason whatever to suppose that Papias
himself knew this Aramaic writing, or could have
used it; but " the elders " probably did.
BEND. w. BACON.
Bxsrcoos"aY: The collections of the fragments of Papias, aside from those given in the text, are indicated in the literature given under ArosTorac FATSEaa (q.v.). to which must be added M. J. Routh, Reliquia sacra, f. 318, Oxford, 1848. Very much of the literature on the Gospels as a whole and on those of Matthew, Mark, and John, as also on the Canon of the New Testament and on Biblical Introduction, contains discussions concerning Papias. The literature about Papias earlier than 1885 is indicated by E. C. Richardson in ANF, Bibliography, pp. 19‑21. Especial attention should be called to Supernatural Religion, i. 444‑485, ii. 320‑338, iii. pp. xxi.‑xxiii., 19‑21, and to the reply in Ughfoot's work cited in the text, pp. 142‑218. Consult further: C. L. Leimbach, Daa Papinafmgment, Gotha, 1875; G. Bickell, in ZHT, iii (1879), 799‑803; A. Hilgenfeld, ZWT, xxix (1888), 257‑291; T. Zahn, in TSH, xxxix (1888), 649696; ib. Gewhichts des neuteatamsntlichen %anona, i. 2, pp. 849‑903, ii. 2, pp. 790‑797, Leipsic, 1888‑92; Har neck, Litteratur, i. passim, ii. 1, pp. 335 eqq., 356 sqq•, 658 sqq.; K'6ger. History, pp. 46‑48; Schaff, Christian Church, if. 893‑698; DCB, iv. 185‑190; A. S. Barnes, in Dublin Review, oxxxvi (1%5), 1‑11; and especially B. W. Bacon, The Pourth Gospel in Research and Debate; . . . Essays on Problems concerning . . . Writings allnbuted to the Apostle John, New York, 1910.
PAPPUS, JOHANN: German Lutheran; b. at Lindau Jan. 18, 1549; d. at Strasburg July 18,

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
Papfss
PAW‑
1610. He was a student at Strasburg (1562‑64) and TVbingen (1564‑86), and after being a private tutor for a year, resumed his studies at Strasburg. He was then vicar of Reichenweyer for a short time, but in 1570 was again in Strasburg, lecturing on Hebrew and serving as preacher. In 1573, he resumed his lectures on exegesis and church history at Strasburg, where he was appointed minister, preacher, and professor of theology in 1578, having been made a canon in 1575. The church in Strasburg was at that time dominated by the rigid Lutheran Johannes Marbach (q.v.), who had caused the departure of Peter Martyr and Hieronymus Zanchi, and the dismissal of the pastor of the French congregation. He was opposed, however, by most of the teachers at the high school, of which Pappus had been scholarch since 1573; Marbach's chief antagonist being Johannes Sturm, who was earnestly seeking a modus vivendi with the Reformed. The magistracy wavered between the two factions, and in Mar., 1578, Pappus proposed sixty‑eight theses to show that it was not contrary to Christian charity to condemn erroneous doctrines and to separate from heretics. On Apr. 5, 1578, after a passionate defense of Calvinism by a young Pole, J. Mirisch, Sturm laid his Antipappua primua before the assembled scholarchs, professors, and clergy, and was answered by Pappus. Henceforth the controversy was continued in writing, Sturm fulminating his second, third, and fourth Antipappus, and Pappus replying with an equal number of defenr aionea, while Osiander and the young adherent of Sturm added to the dispute, and Sturm wrote his Epidolce euchariatica; and an attack on Osiander, and directed an edition of the Tetrapolitan Confession which the magistrates forbade to be sold in Strasburg.
To sum up the controversy, Sturm claimed that not Pappus' contention that there was no violation of love in condemning doctrines which subvert salvation but the Reformed doctrine of the Eucharist was the point at issue, and that if the Augsburg Confession were properly understood, the Calvinists. could adhere to the same. He, too, is in favor of the union of all Evangelical churches but not on the Formula of Concord, whose doctrine of ubiquity was in contradiction with that of the ascension and was provocative of schism. Pappus, on the other hand, declared that the lootrine Of ubiquity emphasized the divine ommpotence and the union of the human and divine in Christ, and deplored the fact that the Formula was not forthwith signed. While the struggle thus continued, the magistrates remained firm in refusing the Formula of Concord, but the violence and turmoil increased so that, on Apr. 23,1581, further controversy was forbidden. On account of an attack of bitter invective on Jacob Andre4 (q.v.), Sturm was retired to private life. Pappus had ahmdy succeeded Marbach as head of the KirdtenkvsrtE early in 1581, and, though the Formula of Concord had not yet been formally adopted, rigorous mesa. urea against the Reformed in accordance with its spirit were now taken. All efforts at appeal were in vain, and on Mar. 24, 1598, the new church constitution was adopted by the council which in‑
eluded the acceptance of the Formula, thus marking a triumph for Lutheranism. Never ceasing his efforts for the overthrow of Calvinism, Pappus still found time to attend the debate between Roman Catholics and Lutherans convened by Margrave Jacob of Baden at Emmendingen in June, 1590; where he assumed the onerous charge of proving that the Church Fathers had taught doctrines essentially Evangelical. The result of this debate was his Confeaaiania Auguatanm et Auguatiniance Parallels (Frankfort, 1591). Among his writings, besides many controversial pamphlets and sermons, mention should be made of Epilotne historic; eeeleaiaatico3 (1584); Commentariua in Confeasionetn Auguatanam (1589); Articuli prcactpui doctrine Christiana in theses digesti (1591); and Contradiotionea doctorum nuns Romance Eccleaim (1597).
(K. HACSENBCHMIDT.)
BIHuoasAPHY: W. Horning, Johanna PappuB, Strasburg, 1841; H. Heppe, Gachiehte des deakehen Protedantiemw, iii. 314 sqq., iv. 312 sqq., 4 vole., Marburg, 1883‑59; (3. Frank, GachieMe der protatantisehen Thedoyie, i. 288 sqq., Leipsic, 1882; and the literature under 9rosn, JOHANN.
PAPYRUS,	PAPYRI.
The Plant and its Manufacture (f 1). Character of the Documents 0 2). Their Importance ($ 3). Biblical and Christian Fragments (; 4). Their Utility (¢ 5).
	The etymology of the word " papyrus " is as yet
uncertain. De Laga,rde raised the question whether
papyrus was the article manufactured at Bur& on
Lake Menzaleh, of which the Egyptian name was
pa. Another derivation offered by Bondi (Zeit
achrift fur aegyptische Sprache urtd Altertumakunde,
1892, p. 64) and supported by W. M. Miller (EB,
		iii. 3556) is the Egyptian pa‑p‑yor,
z. The Plant " the product of the river," or " the
	and its river plant." The plant is known
Manufacture. outside of Egypt, for example, in
		Sicily, and in Italy by Lake Thrasy
mene, and is now cultivated in many botanical
and private gardens; its botanical name is Cypenta
papyrus, and its habitat shows that it requires a
warm climate. It may be transplanted and is
propagated by seed or by slipping the stalks. Its
use as writing material is very old. According to
Kenyon the earliest inscribed papyrus dates back to
the period of King Assa (c. 2600 B.c.), and from
that time till the Arabic occupation of Egypt papy
rus was the ordinary material upon which to write
in the land of the Nile. In spite of its apparent
fragility, it seems to be nearly as indestructible as
the pyramids or obelisks, and to this quality is due
in no small degree the resurrection of ancient Egypt
in the present day. The method of manufacture is
often wrongly described, as when it is asserted that
it was made from the " bast " of the plant. An
account of the method of preparation is given by
Pliny (Hid. tat., xiii. 11‑13; of. G. Ebers, The
Writing Material of Antiquity, in the Cosmopolitan
Magasine, Nov., 1893), and the following is the
account of Kenyon (Paleography of (creek Papyri.,
p. 14, London, 1899) : " the pith of the stem of the
papyrus plant was cut into thin strips and these
strips were laid side by side together, vertically, in

Papyrus	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	342
the form of a sheet of paper. Over this layer another was placed horizontally, and the two layers were joined together by a sort of glue of which the water of the Nile was supposed to be a necessary constituent. The layers were put under pressure and then dried in the sun, after which they were polished to remove any unevenness of surface, when the material was ready for use." This method of preparation is known to have been in use in Sicily as late as 1902. Of course the size of the leaf varies, and measurements have been collected by Kenyon (ut sup., pp. 16‑17). For most non‑literary purposes a single leaf sufficed; for longer texts, especially those of a literary character, the required number of leaves were formed into a roll, and this last is the classical form of ancient productions of the pen. The side was commonly used on which the fibers ran horizontally (recto), the other side (verso) was used only exceptionally; from this it follows that when a piece of papyrus carries writing on both sides in different hands, that is usually the earlier which is on the recto. In the later centuries of antiquity the book or codex appeared, and finally superseded the earlier or roll form; the assertion that the book form is due to the use of parchment is incorrect. Numerous fragments of papyrus books are known, some of which go back to the third century of the Christian era; the Logia fragments are in this form.
The papyrus plant is spoken of in the Old Testament, Job. viii. 11; Isa. xxxv. 7 (gome; Septuagint, Papyros); Job xl. 21 (bizzah); Isa. xix. 6 (suph); and in Ex. ii. 3 mention is made of little papyrus
arks or boats (see also NAVIGATION). z. Character John's second epistle also names of the papyrus (verse 12, " paper " is probDocuments. ably papyrus); while II Tim. iv. 13,
" the books," surely refers to papyrus, since " parchments " are especially mentioned. But the justification for this article lies not merely in these references, but rather in the fact of the great importance of recent recovery of papyrus fragments for the study of the Bible and of early Christianity. Since the year 1778, when an unknown European dealer in books bought from some Egyptian peasants a papyrus roll of the year 191‑192 A.D. and watched these same peasants burn some fifty or more other fragments to enjoy the aromatic odor, the land of the Nile has furnished an immense number of inscribed papyri in all possible languages and covering a period of over a thousand years. In the second and third decades of the nineteenth century quite a number of papyri from Memphis, Letopolis, This, Panopolis, Thebes, Hermonthis, Elephantine, and Syene had reached European museums, but were little noted or studied. But from the year 1877 date the richest acquisitions from the Fayum, numbering thousands of precious leaves and fragments. Most of these have been unearthed by the spade; and this has become the method of search for this valuable material. That the fragments found are from the waste heaps of ancient cities is of itself indicative. What has been found is not the remainder of great archives, but simply the residue of rubbish heaps cast out from public and private offices, torn books and
leaves discarded to receive a valuation never conceived by those who threw them away. The great mass of the papyri are of a non‑literary character ‑law papers of various sorts, leases and loans, bills and receipts, marriage agreements and wills; there are also letters and notes, copy‑books, magical texts, horoscopes, diaries, and the like. The earliest reach back into the time of the Ptolemies, one indeed as early as the fourth pre‑Christian century; the latest come far down into Byzantine days.
The changing history of Greco‑Roman Egypt is reflected in these fragments. One can not estimate too highly the value of these finds of Greek writing alone‑to say nothing of other bits containing writing in demotic, Coptic, Arabic, Latin, Hebrew, and Persian‑for the light they throw upon antiquity; they represent a resuscitation of
3. Their a large part of ancient life. Their tesImportance. timony to the past is so true, warm, and vital that they are a more trustworthy witness almost than the words of an author telling of the period, and certainly have more of life than inscriptions which are not seldom as cold as the marble on which they are. The papyrus carries autographs, it shows peculiarities of handwriting, it reveals the personal life of the writer. The revelations it gives seem like the flow of fresh warm blood contributed, e.g., to the history of law, but not merely to this, for they enliven and illumine th^ history of culture and of the history of language. Indeed, these unliterary papyri have a value for the science of history not possessed by literary works more pretentious just because they come not from ancient art but out of the daily life of the past, dug as they are from the peasants' fields. It is to be hoped that not only the fragments of literary works may be published‑reverently as may be, indeed‑but that also all the non‑literary bits may be made known, since what seems a trivial lease may contain a form of speech which shall prove to be a long‑wanted connecting link between the lingua franca of the period and a form developed therefrom in a New‑Greek dialect. What may appear to one as unimportant may to another prove an inestimable prize. Mention is pertinent here of another class of finds nearly related to the papyri ‑the ostraca (cf. U. Wilcken, Griechische Ostraka aus Aegypten and Nubien, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1899; W. E. Crum, Coptic Ostraca from the Collections of the Egypt Exploration Fund, the Cairo Museum and Others, London, 1902).
It is not at all surprising that theological research should deem especially important the fragments recovered from Biblical or early Chris‑
4. Biblical tian literature; and there is reason for and gratitude for all that contributes to
Christian knowledge of sources. The most im‑
Fragments. portant of Greek fragments in this department are herewith noted.

1. Gen. xiv. 17,, British Museum papyrus 212.
2. Genesis fragments in the collection of Archduke Rainer in Vienna, and in vol. iv. of the Oxyrhyncus papyri (see under EareT EXPLORATION FUND).
3. Pa. x (xi.) 2‑xviii (xix.) 6; xx (xxi.) 14‑xxxiv (xxxv.) 6, British Museum papyrus 37.
4. Pa. xi (xii.) 7‑xiv (xv.) 4. British Museum papyrus 230. 5. Pa. xxxix (xl.) 16‑xl (xli.) 4, Berlin Museum.

348	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	pap:
6. Fragments of Pas. v., cviii., exviii., exasv., cwiii.. cxl., in Amherst papyri 5‑6.
7. Fragments of the Psalms in the Rainer collection, in the Louvre and the National Library in Paris.
8. Job i. 21‑22, ii. 3, in Amherst papyrus 4.
9. Cant. i. 6‑9, Oxford, Bodleian MS. Gk. g. 1 (P).
10. Isa. xxxviii. 3‑5, 13‑16, Rainer collection, no. 8024 (guide no. 536).
11. Esek. v. 12‑vi. 3, with the diacritical signs of Origen. Oxford, Bodleian MS., Gk. d. 4 (P).
12. Zech. iv.‑xiv.; Mal. i. iv., twenty‑seven leaves written on both sides, now in the Heidelberg library (ed. Deissmann in Veragentlichungen sue den Heidefberper Papyrus‑Sammlunp, vol. i., Heidelberg, 1904).
13. Gen. i. 1‑5, Amherst papyrus 3c.
14. Several fragments having to do with the history of Egyptian Judaism, in Berlin, Paris, London, Giseh, and in the Oxyrhyncus Papyri.
15. Fragments of Philo, in the National Library, Paris.
16. Matt. i. 1‑9, 12, 14‑20, Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 2.
16a. Matt. i.‑ii., idem, no 401.
17. Fragments of Matt. in the National Library. Paris, at the end of the Philo fragment.
18. Fragments of Matt. in the Rainer collection.
19. Luke v. 3o‑vi. 4, in the National Library, Paris, at the end of the Philo fragment.
20. Luke vii. 36‑43, x. 38‑42, in the Rainer collection, no. 8021 (guide no. 539).
21. John i. 23‑32, 33‑41, xx. 11‑17, 19‑25, Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 208.
22. Fragments of the Gospels, in the Rainer collection.
23. Rom. i. 1‑7, Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 209.
24. I	Cor. i. 17‑20, vi. 13‑18, vii.! 3, 4, 10‑14, in the li
	brary of Bishop Porfiri Uspeneky at Yief.
25. I Cor. i. 25‑27, ii. ", iii. 8‑10, 20, at Sinai.
26. Heb. i. 1, Amherst papyrus 3b. In the Louvre is an inedited fragment of the Epistle of Jude, and Oxyrhyncus papyri, vol. iv, has a large fragment from Heb.
26a. I John iv. 11‑17, Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 402.
27. An amulet containing passages from the Septuagint of Pa. xc (xci.), Rom. xii., John ii., in the Rainer collection, no 8032 (guide no. 528).
28. Fragments of an extra‑canonical Gospel containing a part of the denial of Peter, in the Rainer collection.
29. The so‑called Logia‑Fragment. Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 1, published by Grenfell and Hunt (see under AeRAPRA), and a second fragment published by the same, 1904.
30. Fragment of a Hebrew‑Greek Onomastiaum sacrum, in the library of the University of Heidelberg, published by Deissmann ut sup,, vol. i.
31. Shepherd of Hermes, 8imilitudes, ii. 7‑10, iv. 2‑5, in the Berlin Museum.
32. Fragment (from Melito of Sardis?) upon prophecy, contains a citation from the Shepherd of Hermes, Mandates xi. 9‑10, Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 5.
33. Fragment of a Gnostic (Valentin;‑?) writing, the same, no. 4 verso.
33a. IrenEeus, Hier., III., ix., the same, no. 405.
34. Fragments of Basil of Cmarea, Epiat. v., vi., ccxciii., cl., ii., Berlin Museum.
35. Fragments of Gregory of Nyasa, " Life of Moses,‑ the same.
36. " Lives of the Saints," Paris, Mus6cs nationaux, nos. 7403‑d5, 7408, and Fond du Faioum, no. 261.
37. Theological fragments, British Museum, papyrus no. 455.
38. The same no. 113; neither this nor the preceding is fully made out.
39. Fragment of Cyril of Alexandria, De adoratione, in Dublin.
40. Fragments of Cyril, in the Rainer collection.
41. Letter of a Patriarch of Alexandria to the Egyptian churches with citations from Cyril'e commentary on the Gospel of John, British Museum no. 729.
42. Assumption of Isaiah ii. 4‑‑iv. 4, Amhpmt papyrus no. 1.
43. Fragments of the Greek Apocalypse of Baruch. Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 403.
44. An unidentilred fragment, the same, no. 406.
Besides these, there are several liturgical and homiletical
fragments. Of importance for theology are a number with
Coptic writing carrying Biblical, Gnostic, and other early
Christian writings, one of them the Ado Pauii. Published
by C. Schmidt in Verd$entlichuupen aua den Heidedberper Papyrus‑3ammlunp, vol. ii., Leipsic, 1904.
The non‑literary papyri often contain details which have direct bearing upon Biblical and early Christian antiquity. Thus there are pieces which name Jews living in various parts of Egypt and so afford a view of Judaism from the times of the Ptolemies till the time of the Roman empire. Other
papyri enable us to settle the date of g. Their the prefect of Egypt Munatius Felix
Utility. and so to date Justin Martyr's Apol‑
ogy. The period of persecution is illumined by the libelli which have been found (see LAPSED). There is a letter from a presbyter in the Great Oasis to another presbyter concerning a banned Christian woman (cf. A. Deissmann, Ein Original‑Document aua den diocletianischen ChristenverfoIgung, Leipsic, 1902; in English, The Epistle of Psenosiris, London, 1902). There are also legal documents of importance and interest for the history of Christianity, not all published, which will advance knowledge materially. Incidentally, light is thrown upon the Monogram of Christ (see JEsus CHRIST, MONOGRAM OF). While the papyri have value for general Greek philology, they are of especial importance for the Septuagint (see HELLENISTIC GREEK). Until the discovery of the papyri there were few contemporary documents which illustrated that phase of the Greek language which lies open in the Septuagint and the New Testament. In those books what is found is the Greek of common intercourse of the times, both in vocabulary and in forms, and often also in syntax‑this in distinction from the literary language of rhetoricians. The impression conveyed is that development of the language was still proceeding, and this impression might have been confirmed by reference to the few inscriptions of the period, which often show close affinities with Biblical Greek. But these had received little attention, and the opinion grew up and is even yet prevalent that Biblical Greek was a special type of the language. This theory has had great influence in exegesis, but will have to give way in face of the testimony of the papyri. One of the great gains from the recovery of these documents is that they show the relation of the Biblical texts to contemporary use of the Greek tongue and in a good sense " secularize " the Greek of the Bible. Among special points made clear by the papyri is the fact that the Septuagint is an Egyptian Product. This is, of course, not new; but the Greek Bible can now be placed among a multitude of documents which are, so to speak, of its own nationality, and thereby it gains in vividness and in power to present to the imagination the environment in which it arose. Thus when the translators substituted " embalmers " for the " physicians " of the Hebrew text in Gen. 1. 2, they reproduced in their rendering the influence of their surroundings. Again, the papyri make possible a more exact investigation of questions which concern orthography, morphology, and syntax. Thus the repetition of the numeral to express distribution as found in, e.g., Gen. vii. 15 and mark vi. 7 is illustrated in the Oxyrhynchus papyrus No. 121 of the third Christian century; by this the late

Papyrus	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
Parables of Jesus Chalet
Greek is connected with the Biblical Greek. Especially valuable are the contributions made to the lexicography of Biblical Greek. And a further service is done in giving a realistic sense of one of the fields in which the early seed of Christianity was sown, since the men of the period are made to live again, are shown at their work and under their anxieties, in their distance from God and in their sighing for him. This is especially true of the men of the lower and middle classes, among whom the Gospel found its chief success. To him who has more than a mere philological interest and whose eye is not content with a mere surface view of things, these documents will bring rich results in an enlarged knowledge of civilization and religion. Even technical theological science benefits when the historical background receives illumination.
(A. DEIssMANN.)
BIBLioa81PzT: On the paleography consult: F. G. Kenyon, Palmopraphy of Greek Papyri, Oxford, 1899; U. Wilcken, Tafdn sur d itsren priochischen POM0gaphie, Leipeic, 1891; E. A. Thompson, Handbook of Greek and Latin Palaropraphy, London, 1893; C. Weseely. Papyrorrcm Scripturor Orma epecimina isagogica, ib. 1900. For introductory studies consult U. Wileken, Die griachiechen Papyrueur kunden, Berlin, 1897; idem, in Neue Jahrbfher far daa klaaeieehe Altertum. 1901, pp. 87791. The most important works bearing on the relation of the papyri to the Bible sad Christianity are G. A. Deissmann, Brbdstudien, Neue BOetaludien, 2 vole., Marburg, 1895‑97, 2d ad., Tabingen, 1911, Eng. travel. of both volumes. Bible Studies. Contributions chiefly from Papyri and Inscriptions to the Hid. of as Language, the Literature, and the Religion of Hellenistic Judaism and Primitive Christianity, Edinburgh, 1901, 2d ed., 1903; to be noted also are his publications cited in the text, and his Die aprachliche Brjorachung der grischiachen Brad, Ar gegenwdrtiper Stand and ihre Aufgaben, Giessen, 1898; also Licht non Osten, TQbingen, 1908, 3d ed., 1909, Eng. trawl., Light from the Ancient East, London, 1910; J. H. Moulton, in the Classical Review, xv (1901), 31‑38; idem, in The Expositor, Apr., 1901, Feb. and Dec., 1903; idem, Grammar of New Testament (reek, vol. i., consult index, Edinburgh, 1908, 3d ad., 1908; G. Milligan, Selections from the Greek Papyri, Cambridge, 1910; E. Buonaluti, Saggi di Pilologia a Storia del Nuovo Teatamento, Rome, 1910. A jodr nal is issued under the editorship of U. wileken, Archiv far Papyr,uaforschung, Leipsie, 1900 eqq.; cf. C. weesely, Studien cur Paldopraphie and Papyruskunde, ib. 1901 sqq. The Archarolopical Reports of the Egypt Exploration Fund should also be consulted; also P. Viereck, Jahresbericht aber die Porexhritte der klassiacAm Altertumewiasenschaft, xcviii (1898), 111., 135‑188, oil (1899), 111., 244‑‑311.
PARABLES OF JESUS CHRIST.
Meaning and Content of the Term (¢ 1). Non‑Biblical Treatment (¢ 2).
Synoptics' Use of the Term (§ 3).
Number and Character of the Parables (¢ 4). The Transmission Essentially Faithful (¢ 5). The Object of the Parable (4 8).
Its Essential Characteristics ($ 7). Principles of Interpretation (p 8). The Essential Value of the Parables (¢ 9). History of Interpretation (¢ 10).
Parable is a loan word taken over from the New Testament, where it is a derivative from paraballeathai, " to place beside," i.e., for purposes of comparison (Mark iv. 30 and the parallels). It is the usual designation of groups of illustrative or pietorial or gnomic teachings of Jesus, and occurs most frequently in the Synoptic Gospels. Jesus himself used it (Matt. xiii. 18 and the parallels), and the compilers of the Gospels employ it, Matthew seventeen times, Mark thirteen times, Luke eight‑
een times. Elsewhere it occurs only in Heb. ix. 9, xi. 19. The Fourth Gospel does not use it, but has
the synonym paroimia. It appears to :. Meaning be a word taken over from the Septuaand Content gint, since in Matt. xiii. 35, at the close of the Term. of a group of parables that form of
teaching is said to be a fulfilment of Ps. lxxviii. 2, where the Septuagint translates by the word the Hebrew mashal. Synonyms in the Septuagint and the Apocrypha are paroimia, dilgdma, ainigma. The early Christian lexicographers employed it in various senses, such as " riddle," " trope," " example," " aphorism," " proverb," " comparison." The word covers in the Septuagint a variety of forms of expression, such as the fables of Jotham (Judges ix. 7' sqq.) and Joash (II Chron. xxv. 18), the riddle of Samson (Judges xiv. 14), the teaching of Nathan (II Sam. xii. 1 aqq.), and the allegories of Ezekiel. In classical Greek the word has also a technical sense in logic and rhetoric, and was discussed by Plato and Socrates. The parable of Socrates and the " examale " of Plato are parallel with the parables of Jesus. The essence of both is that the matter under discussion is illuminated by comparisons brought from some other realm of experience or fact. The difference between the fable and the parable is that the former is a creation of fancy, the latter a statement of relations based on observation of realities.
Aristotle's theory was all‑powerful in ancient rhetoric, and it laid stress upon this form of expression as a means of proof or argument. Numerous examples of its employment are found in the older literature, the best‑knoRV of which is the fable of Menenius Agrippa. [Roman consul 503 B.c.; d. 493. His parable told of the insurrection of the other members of the body that arrayed themselves against the stomach, which they thought to be the idle consumer of nourishment, and so brought damage to themselves.] Its popularity may be illustrated by the fact that in Plato's Republic lEsop was given a place while one was denied to Homer.
Socrates is famous for his use of the
2. Non‑ fable and the comparison, as, for ex‑
Biblical ample, in his use of the story of Pro& Treatment. kos (Xenophon, Memorabilia, II., i.
21‑34). In this last case the personification of virtue and lust, the use of Hercules out of mythology, and the purpose and method of the entire story give the whole narration the character of a parable. Seneca treats well of the parable (Epiat. ad Lttcilium, lix. 6), putting imagines and parabolas side by side as methods of teaching by comparison. Cicero and Quintilian mean the same thing when they equate aimilittuto and collatio. And in this literature parallels to Christie teaching are abundant, as in Dio Chrysoetom (Oratio xxx. 2829) and especially in Epictetus. There is, of course, in the examples just adduced no question of literary dependence. They illustrate the dictum that in this form of discourse the truth underlies the argument, and only the form of narration is fictitious. Man thinks first in analogies and personifications, and he continues to think and illustrate his thoughts in these forms.

"a	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	p; ;,~"of Jean, Christ
	But in classic rhetoric the word parable had a
more definite meaning than in the Old Testament;
it is there differentiated from the fable, the allegory,
the emblem, and the symbol; while in the Old Tes
tament the word maehal covers all these varied
forms of illustration. In the New Testament it is
not to be overlooked that the word parable is not
applied to all of the illustrative sayings of Jesus,
		though on the other side no other com
a. Synoptica' prehensive term is applied. So that
	Use of the the term is not used in a sharply de
	Term. fined technical sense in the Synoptics.
		Thus in Luke iv. 23 a proverb is called
a parable, and in Matt. xv. 15 Peter speaks of a
principle which carries a direct conclusion as a para
ble. Other examples of this inexact usage are
found in Matt. xii. 24 sqq., cf. Mark iii. 23 and Luke
v. 36‑38, with all of which may be compared Jas.
i. 6, 23, in which the phrase "is like" is used. From
cases like these are to be distinguished those in
which the idea to be illustrated is, through charac
teristic formulas which are found neither in the Old
Testament nor in classic literature, placed along
side the illustrative narratives by which the com
parison is fully worked out. This may be done by
means of a question (Matt. xxi. 28) which chal
lenges a decision, or by a statement (Mark iv. 26),
or by direct characterization as a parable (Matt.
xiii. 3). Corresponding to this formula of intro
duction of idea and narrative is the application
which by the word " so " binds together picture
and idea (Matt. xviii. 35). This method of
introduction, if one excepts Luke xvi. 19, serves to
separate from the parables the gnomie sayings,
proverbs, and examples in which the idea is closely
connected with a concrete fact. These latter have
a definite teaching purpose, but in a narrower range
and a method other than those of the parables and
allegories. They have their own individual exist
ence alongside of their illustrative value, while the
parable has only its illustrative value for the case
in point. Allegory is rooted in metaphor, it is a
carrying over of something into another sphere.
The parable rests upon a comparison of two differ
ent quantities which are placed side by side but not
bound together as subject and predicate. " I am a
good shepherd " is allegorical: " The kingdom of
God is like a good shepherd " is parabolic. When
the question arises concerning the valuation of the
parables of Jesus, rhetorically the answer is that
they are in the sauce categories as the fable, the
myth and the narrative of comparison; but from
the point of view of their contents they have a
specific character so that they differ from corre
sponding forms as Jesus differs from other teachers.
	Joseppus in his Hypomn&Nkon Wwn (MPG,
evi. 138‑139) reckons in all 29 parables, in which,
however, he counts cases of gnomic sayings (Matt.
z. 16), judgments (Luke xiii. 32), metaphor (Luke
xvi. 6), etc., but passes by numerous pieces lice
that of the unrighteous householder. Gregory
of Nyam similarly makes no distinction between
cited examples, mere comparisons sad parable.,
and ascribes to Matthew seventeen parables, to
Mark four, and to Luke twenty‑two. A better
statement is that the Synoptics have four in
common (or five if Matt. ix. 15‑16 be reckoned), nine are common to Matthew and Luke, peculiar to Matthew are ten, to Mark two, and to Luke thirteen. The parables common to the Synoptics treat of the kingdom of heaven,
. Number its strength, its worth, its realization. and Chamc‑ Three of them draw their material ter of the from nature or agriculture (Mark iv.
	Parables.	26‑27), the fourth is based on the
		opposition between Israel's conduct
and the promises of God.' All are in essence
prophetic. The parables common to Matthew
and Luke deal with the relation of man to
God, man's disposition, duties, and work, and
not all are carried out to completion. Eschatolog
ical relations are treated, the material is drawn
from social and family life. The parables peculiar
to Matthew are in this class, while those of Luke
are noted for their directness of teaching. An in
stance of this last class is the parable of the good
Samaritan. The style and coloring of these narra
tives vary greatly. Most of them are simple, and
the narrative is carried only so far as is necessary
to convey the meaning. Others, especially those of
Luke, are worked out more artistically and indi
vidually, though never to the point of mere elabo.
ration. Matthew treats less than Luke the individ
ual interest, is more epic in character, as illustrated
by the respective treatment of the parable of the
talents.
If the fidelity to the truth of the transmission of the parables be considered, the position must be taken that no criticism can destroy the fact that Jesus taught in parables, and that the recollection of them was influenced by his experience. Not only is the material out of which they are formed (drawn from current life) testimony of this,
	g. The	but the inherent content and consist
	Trans‑	ent point of view and the character of
	mission	the observation which utilized them
Essentially and its keen insight into the relations
	Faithful.	of man bear witness to the same. They
		thus become a means of insight into
the inner life of Jesus himself. But between the
Sunday on the Sea of Galilee or the days of conflict
in Jerusalem and the time when these parables were
set down in literary form in the Gospels there in
tervened the period of preaching and of personal
oral exchange of narrative. The record is depend
ent upon personal recollection into which personal
experience has been interjected. It results that
the words in which the parables are set forth are
not those of Jesus. Indeed, he spoke to the people
in their vernacular, of which many traces remain,
and Lazarus, the only personal name in the para
bles, is. of Hebrew origin. Further, even in those
parables which are common to the Synoptics indi
vidualistic points of treatment are abundantly visl
his. But the derivation of these from a common
source is equally unmistakable. The Individual
ity of each of the narrations, the variation in terms,
the use of synonyms, all indicate, however, that the
source of the writers was in the memory and not
before the eye. In the parables common to Matthew
and Luke the agreement is less close than that in
the parables common to all the Synoptica. Ono

Parables of Tesus Christ	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	$48
makes additions not found in the other, the setting is often quite different, and sometimes the turn given to the teaching is also variant. Differences which appear and are noteworthy result from a variant origin given to the teaching, a point illustrated by a comparison of Luke xii. 48 with Mark xiii. 34. In some of these, gnomic sayings are mingled ‑with parables, and the question arises in a comparison of the different records which is the original, the parable or the gnome. A solution of some of these problems which seems to be indicated is that in some cases there appears a hint of parables which have not gained entrance into the Gospel narrative (cf. Eusebius, Hist. eccl., III., xxxix. 11). Nevertheless, the tradition of the parables, without detriment to the freedom and elasticity which belong to such a tradition, has not suffered deliberate perversion, fictitious interpolation, or material alienation of the original utterance of Jesus. The transmission of the literature of ,Esop gives rich material for estimation of the valuation of the freedom and elasticity of form which are characteristic of such transmission. The essence is indestructible, the general working out and the chief points remain undisturbed; but the expression, the artistic setting, the intermingling of new material, are characteristic of the new narrator, though it must be admitted that the Evangelists sought to express so far as possible the utterances of Jesus in his own words.
The pictorial discourses of Jesus proclaim what he brought and what he was, their purpose was to instruct by illustrating. His material he found in nature and in human life, which mir‑
6. The Ob‑ rored for him the mysteries of the kingject of the dom. It was in this spirit that he said: Parable. " Blessed are your eyes, for they see; and your ears, for they hear " (Matt. xiii. 16). He would have men learn from nature to read the signs of the times (Matt. xxiv. 32). While many of the comparisons of Jesus are so plain that they are self‑explanatory, the question has been raised and variously answered whether the parables proper are in this category. According to Matt. xiii. 10 the purpose of the parables is said to be the leaving of those estranged from God in that estrangement. The parables would be then an esoteric form of teaching with a negative purpose, and would remain a secret with no key to their teaching. On the other hand, it is said in Mark iv. 33 that Jesus taught the .people in parables as they were able to hear. The fact, moreover, that he taught not only the people, but his disciples by this same means shows in comparison with the passage from Matt. xiii. that he distinguished between an esoteric and an exoteric form. If these two views stand opposed, it is the problem of the critic to determine which was the purpose of Jesus. And there can be no doubt that the thought that the parables were stumbling‑blocks arose from a misunderstanding of his words and that explanations which appear in the Gospels are not in all cases to be traced back to Jesus. It is in the essence of the parable that to the essentially ethical and religious they some as teachings, that the characteristic of the bearer determines their value to him.
The distinguishing characteristic for the definition of the parable is the juxtaposition of idea and story. The story is of importance since it pictures an event, a definite consequence of facts. It deals therefore with a definite y. Its Essen‑ subject, not with," a man," but with tial Char‑ the man, the woman, the king, the acteristics. son; it is in the past tense, not in the present or the future. The artistic representation of parables illustrates this concreteness, pictures can take but an instance out of the whole parable. The relative independence of the parables shows also that the narrative is in itself full of meaning. It is their totality which is important, not the isolated particulars. They do not conceal at all that they put forth a fictitious event, which, however, has in itself an inner probability which carries conviction. The king who reckons with his servant or the woman who seeks her lost coin are everyday possibilities. But the display of mere creative ability is not the occasion of this narration; the discovery of the analogy, in which subsists the truth, gives the impulse to the narrative, which is uttered with purpose to instruct. In this respect the fable and the parable are akin. Where Socrates used the story of Hercules and his choice, Asop would have employed the fable. Both spring from the living perception of the analogical relation, both employ fictitious narrative, the material of which is drawn from neutral ground. But the fable speaks for practical wisdom in ordinary life, while the parable has relation to religion and super‑worldly ethics. The ironical strain of the fable is lacking in the parable.
From the foregoing outline, it appears that the parable is in itself clear and comprehensible, and that it speaks in and for itself as a model and in its relation to and meaning for the truth which it is to illustrate. But does the parable furnish a clue in order that its interpretation may be recognized and how must it accomplish this? Narratives like those of the treasure in the field, the costly pearl, the two debtors, etc., are in themselves clear, 8. Principles but who would at once through them of Inter‑ think of the kingdom of God or of the pretation. duties of children of God? Were the clue not given in some way, the interpretation of these would be like Nathan's parable to David‑not till Nathan said " thou art the man " did the meaning flash upon David. So in itself the parable proves nothing, it has meaning only for him to whom ideal truth has meaning, and then indirectly and through analogy. A dictum of Flacius must here be quoted: Comparisons and parables are not to be explained with reference to their minutia: but with reference to their central points. Each parable has its individuality both in content and purpose. Yet since the parable is an invented narrative the impulse to which comes from an ideal factor, it follows that the idea which is to be illustrated works in and through the various particulars, especially if the parable be elaborated. The parables of the tares among the wheat, the ten virgins, the wedding guest, and others exemplify this. In the Gospels there are four interpretations given by Jesus himself. Two of these are common

347	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Parables of Jesus Obrist
to the Synoptics, two are peculiar to Matthew. The first of those common to the Synoptics relates to the parable of the sower, the two peculiar to Matthew expound the parables of the tares and the net (Matt. xiii. 36 sqq., 49‑50); the fourth explains the purpose of the parable of the husbandman (Matt. xxi. 42 sqq. and parallels). These parables then are seen to vary in their meaning from invective through allegory to eschatological realism, the fact being that the method of the parables is a varied one according to the needs of the occasion, while the content and tendency define the meaning. But in the interpretation of the parables effort has been made to carry out an inflexible principle of interpretation. Undue stress has been laid upon the details, and often the unity of the illustration has been broken. But the parables are not subject to such inflexible methods since they differ from each other. The parable of the treasure in the field requires attention to the separate particulars, that of the wheat and the tares requires observation upon the effect as a whole. The relation of the parable to its significance corresponds to Goethe's description of a poem: " A poem is like a window‑pane. If a man looks from the market into the church, all seems dark and gloomy within. But once the spectator is inside, all is beautifully clear, a splendid light is there and all is bathed in glory." It is the entrance which makes the difference, and of this Jesus spoke when he said that he hears who has ears to hear. He alone can understand a parable of the kingdom of heaven who has a burning desire to know that kingdom's secrets. In this light is to be taken the passage Matt. xiii. 10‑17, which expresses the sum of the experiences of Jesus of the opposition to his teachings which he regarded as divinely purposed. Even this passage may illustrate how emphasis upon a single word and meaning of that word may influence the explanation, since the sense given to the or, of verse 13 determines the relation of the event to the will of God.
A proof of the essential correctness of the tradition of the parables as they exist in the Synoptics is their essential correspondence with the activity of Jesus in other respects. On the other hand, one should not overlook the difference between the truth which Jesus brought and the expectations of the people, so that this instruction by means of Mustration appears as a proof of Jesus'
9. The wisdom and knowledge of man. If
Essential one asks concerning the essential worth Value of the of the literature of the parables, the
	Parables.	answer comes that esthetically and
		rhetorically they belong to the litera
ture of the world. If the matter of content is re
garded, their incomparable clarity and power of
illustration (no one who hears these parables ever
forgets them) make the things of this world anchor
age for eternal verity. If one looks at that which
they illustrate, he sees that their like for the nour
ishment of the soul does not exist. The psalmist
says that " the heavens declare the glory of God
and the firmament showeth his handiwork." Jesus
shows how heaven and earth make known the will
of God to lead all men to blessedness through the
power of faith, of self‑renunciation, of love and of
humility and hope. He consecrates the earthly by revealing its relation to the divine. Jesus used the parable to test, to arouse, to educate. The space the parables occupy in the narrative of the Gospels show their importance in the gospel of Jesus. They reveal not merely the inner life of Jesus but also the purposes and views which guided his preaching and bore ever upon the future and were severely intent upon the ethical and the religious.
The history of the interpretation of the parables, like that of the interpretation of the Apocalypse, mirrors the ecclesiastical, theological, and scientific interests which have emerged in the development of the Church and also illustrate the history of doctrine. From the time of Origen till the Reformation the subsumption of exegesis of the parables was the Scripture as the unapproach‑
ro. History able deposit of the word of God. The
of Inter‑ idea of an inner sense was dominant,
	pretation.	and stress was laid upon the minutiae
		as well as upon the general teaching of
the parables as revealing the " mysteries of the
kingdom." As a consequence arbitrary fancy played
all its freaks in the exposition of these illustrative
teachings as in that of the Apocalypse. A stimulus
to the exegesis of this literature came from the
Gnostics, who read their sophia and their peon into
the parables. The piotests of Justin Martyr, Ire
naeus, and Hippolytus against this arbitrary proceed
ing did not deter others from pursuing the same
path, which even Tertullian followed. Origen led
in seeking ever new readings to discover in these
narratives, and Chrysostom, Augustine, and gener
ally the exegetes of East and West were agreed in
developing the manifold sense of Scripture. The
humanistic and theological movements during the
Reformation gave a new turn to the conception of
the parables. Erasmus, Luther, and Calvin from
various standpoints plead for the recognition of
the principle that Scripture is to be interpreted on
the basis of the literal sense. Flacius emphasized
the historical viewpoint, and Roman Catholic exe
gesis could not avoid the tendency to a historical
grammatical exegesis. Hugo Grotius worked in
the spirit of humanistic philology. Soon after the
Reformation, dogmatic interest againinvaded, and
found its proofs in the details of the parables. In
more recent times Leasing and Herder led in the
attempt to understand the parables ih their essence,
apart from dogmatic eisegesis. Herder's work is
especially to be noted, since he introduced the psy
chological factor. G. C. Storr (1778) proposed the
rule that the sense is attained through grammatical
insight, through determination of the matter indi
cated in the parables, and through a recognition of
the relation between the matter and the teaching
narrative. A. F. Unger made the distinction be.
tween the dress and the essence of the narrative,
and he was followed by F. Greswell (Exposition o
the Parables, 5 vols., Oxford, 1834‑95), R. C. Trench
(Notes On the Parables, London, 1857), and A. B.
Bruce (The Parabolic Teaching of Christ, London,
1882), whose work, while keen and learned, is not
free from arbitrariness. Closely related to the work
of Storr and Unger is the exegesis of C. E. Koet4
veld (De Gelijkenisaen van den Zaligllker, 2 vola,

Parables of Jesus Christ	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	848
Parakletike
Schoonhoven, 1869).	Independent is the work of
	H. W. J. Thierech (Die GWohnisse Christi, Frank
	fort, 1875) and of J. P. Lange (Herzog, RE, 1st
	eel.), the latter of whom saw in the seven parables
	of Matt. xiii. "the entire history of the develop
	ment of the kingdom of God from beginning to
	end." F. L. Steinmeyer's book (Die Parabeln lea
	Hewn, Berlin, 1884) is full of spiritual and surpri
	sing combinations. A. Jiilicher has opened up new
	paths, has taken up the problem of the transmis
	sion of the parables (Die GWchnisreden Jesu, 2 vols.,
	Freiburg, 1899), and emphasizes the unity of the
	parable as a model in which the essence is in the
	parathesis or juxtaposition of religious verity. See
ExEGEsls ox HERMENEUTIIs.	(G. HEarmcl.)
	BIBLIOGRAPHY: on the theory and interpretation: G. C.
	Storr, De parabolis Christi, vol. i. of his Opuseula a4w
	demica, pp. 89‑143, Tabingen, 1798; A. F. Unger, De
	yaruboiarum Jesu natura, interprdarione, usu sahola exe
	petica hiatorica, Leipsio, 1831; J. L. S. Lutz, Biblische
	Hermeneutik, pp. 347‑362, Stuttgart, 1849; B. Weiss, in
	Deutsche Zeitsehrtft far christliehe Wissenxhaft, iv (1861).
	309‑388; C. Weissbeker, Unterswhunpen eber die evan
	9dischs Geschichte, pp. 177, 209, 212, Gotha, 1864; A.
	Immer, Hermanedik doe neum Testaments, pp. 176‑188,
	Wittenberg, 1873, Eng. transl., Andover, 1877; H. C.
	Tamm, Der Realismus Jeeu in semen Gleichnissen, Jena,
	1886; A. JOlioher, ut sup., vol. i.; DB, iii. 662‑665; Ell,
	iii. 3563 eqq. Exegetical literature is as follows: S.
	Bourn, Discourses on the Parables, in vole. iii.‑iv. of his
	Series of Discourses. 4 vols., Leddon, 1760‑84; A. Gray,
	Delineation of the Parables, ib. 1777; N. von Brunn, Das
	Reich Goner, each den Lehren Jeeu Christi, besonders seine
	Gleichnisxeden, Basel, 1831; F. G. Lisoo, Die Parabeln
	Jesu, Berlin, 1832, Eng. trawl., Edinburgh, 1840; E.
	Buissoa, Parabolas de l'buanpile, Basel, 1849; A. Ozenden,
	Parables of Our Lord, London, 1888; W. Arnot, The Para
	bles of Our Lord, New York, 1872; W. Beysehlag, Die
	Gleichniasreden lee Hewn, Halle, 1875; H. Calderwood,
	The Parable# of our Lord, London, 1880; M. Dods, The
	Parables of our Lord, 2 vole., Edinburgh, 188385; S.
	Goebel, Die Pambein Jean. Goths, 1880, Eng. trawl.,
	Edinburgh, 1884; S. D. F. Salmond, Parables of our Lord,
	ib. 1893; W. H. Thomson, The Parables and their Homes,
	New York, 1895; B. W. Martin, Practical Studies on the
	Parables of our Lord, London, 1897; 1. Stockmeyer, Exe
	oetiscAe and praktische Erklarunp auspemahlter Gleichniwe
	Jesu, eel. 11;. Stockmeyer, Basel, 1897; C. A. Bugge, Die
	Haupt‑Parabdn Jesu, wit einer Einleitunp fiber die Afe
	thode der Parabdn‑Audepung, Giessen, 1903; C. Ricketts,
	Parables from the Gospels, New York. 1903; P. Fiebig,
	Altiftdische Gleiahnisse and die Gleichnisw Jeau, Ttibingen,
	1904; G. C. Morgan, The Parables of the Kingdom, New
	York, 1907; and literature on the Life of Christ, and the
commentaries on the Gospels.
	PARABOLAROI: A brotherhood at Alexandria
	in the fifth century devoted to the care of the sick.
	The (Greek) term means " those who expose their
lives."	The members of the fraternity possessed
	clerical privileges, and so many accordingly joined
	to escape public burdens that in 416 and 418 Theo
	dosius II. forbade honorati or curialm to become
	parabolanoi, and limited their number to 500, later
	raising it, however, to 600 (Codex Theodoaianus,
xvi. 2, De epiwopia, 42‑43).	Their appointment
	was made by the bishop, and they practically
formed an armed episcopal bodyguard.	They
	gained an evil notoriety at the consecration of
	Cyril, the murder of Hypatia, and the synod of
	Ephesus in 449; and must at times have terror
	ized Alexandria. At Constantinople and elsewhere
	(as at Ravenna; MPL, ovi. 588) the parabolanoi
found their counterpart in the college of deans.
	(Ii. Acarerls.)
B1HL20aBAPHl: Bingham, Oripinea. III., ix., XX11L. ill.
7; Tillemont, Al6»wirw, riv. 278 sqq.
PARADISE: Name of a place or state. The Hebrew word pardea (Neh. ii. 8; Eccles. ii. 5; Cant. iv. 13; also the Targums and the Talmud) and the Greek word pdradeiaos (Septuagint), as well as the equivalent in Persian, whence the word has been adopted into all the other languages in which the Bible has appeared, means a wooded garden or park. But in the Bible it is used in a twofold sense: (1) for the garden of Eden; (2) for the abode of the blessed in heaven, of which Jesus spoke to the penitent robber (Luke xxiii. 43), to which Paul was caught up (II Cor. xii. 4), in which are those who have overcome (Rev. ii. 7). For the determination of the word in thd geographical sense see EDEN. Attention is limited in this article to its Jewish and patristic interpretation. First in consideration, it was taken allegorically. The chief representatives of this view are Phffo (" Laws of Sacred Allegories "), Origen (Homidim ad Genesim; Contra Celsum, iv. 38‑39, Eng. transl. in ANF, iv. 514‑515; De principim, iv. 14, Eng. trand. in ANF, iv. 362‑363), and Ambrose (De Paradiso ad Sabinum). To Philo, Paradise stood for virtue; its planting toward the east meant its direction toward the light; the division of the one river into four, the fourfold aspect of virtue as cleverness, thoughtfulness, courage, and righteousness. This method of allegorical interpretation came over into the Christian Church, and appears in Papias, Irenmus, Pantaenus, Clement of Alexandria, in the Antiochian School, Epiphanius, and Jerome, and the majority of Christian writers of the time of Ambrose. To Origen, who in the Old Testament, and particularly in the account of the creation and the Paradise, found much that was derogatory of God, Paradise was a picture of the human soul, in which flourish the seeds of Christian virtues; or a picture of heaven, wherein the " trees " represent the angels, and the " rivers " the out‑goings of wisdom and other virtues. He did not, however, deny a literal Paradise; he only sought in allegory the harmonization of the Mosaic and New‑Testament conceptions. To Ambrose, the Pauline Paradise was the Christian soul. He also distinguished between the literal and the Pauline Paradise.
In the second place, Paradise was interpreted mystically. The Mosaic and the New‑Testament representations of Paradise were considered identical, and place was found for it in a mysterious region belonging both to earth and heaven. The chief representatives of this interpretation were Theophilus of Antioch (" To Autolycus "), Tertullian (Apologeticus), Ephmem SyruA, Basil (Oratio de Paradiso), Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyasa, Cosmas Indicopleustes (" Christian Topography "), and Moses Bar‑Cepha (Tractatua de Paradi8o). Those who doubted the identity of the two paradises were few, as Justin Martyr, the Gnostic Bardesanes, and Jerome. In the poems of Ephraem (fourth century), which embody the speculations of Theophilus, Tertullian, and Basil, Paradise was generally conceived to have three divisions. The first begins at the edge of hell, around which flowed the ocean, and in a mountain which overtops all earthly mountains. The one river of Paradise flows from

RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
under the throne into the garden, divides itself into four streams, which, when they have reached the border of hell upon the lowest division, sink under hell, and, through underground passages, flow to the ocean and a part of the earth, where they reappear in three different localities, forming in Armenia the Euphrates and the Tigris, in Ethiopia the Nile (Gihon), and in the west of Europe the Danube (Pishon). Cosmas Indicopleustes (sixth century) represents the divisions as rising in trapezoid form, and understands by " Pishon " the Ganges. Moses Bar‑Cepha (tenth century) puts Paradise this side of the ocean, but behind mountains which remain inaccessible to mortals; giving as his reason for this change of position, that he could not conceive of another earth on the hither side of the ocean.
The synagogue teachers, influenced first by Josephus, and later by the great medieval Jewish exegetes, in their commentaries upon Genesis and in some dictionaries, put Paradise in the very center of the earth, somewhere in the shadowy East, far removed from the approach of mortals. The four streams were Euphrates, Tigris, Nile, and Danube. " Cush " was Ethiopia, " Havilah " was India. Paradise was the intermediate home of the blessed. Islam gave the name Paradise to four regions of the known earth, famed for their beauty: (1) On the eastern spurs of Hermon; (2) around Bavan in Persia; (3) Samarkand in the Bucharest; (4) Basra on the Shatt al Arab. The true Paradise was a future possession, on the other side of death. It is remarkable that the word " paradise " occurs but once (Luke xxiii. 43) in Christ's discourses. The explanation probably is, that it had become associated with sensuous ideas of mere material happiness. Paul uses the word only when speaking symbolically (II Cor. xii. 4); so also Revelation (ii. 7).

PARAGUAY: A republic south of the central part of South America, bounded on the north by Bolivia and Brazil, on the east by Brazil and Argentina, and on the south and west by Argentina; area 98,000 square miles; population 631,347 (1905) of whom 50,000 are Indians. Nearly all the people are Roman Catholics, due to the fact of the early intermingling of the Spaniards with the Guarani Indians, so that nearly the entire population constitutes a mixed race, and the Guarani language is generally the vernacular, though the official language is Spanish. It was conducive to the rapid Christianizing of the country, that increasing numbers of Jesuits settled there in 1609 and after. By the creation of a patriarchal and communistic state, which embraced a large part of present Paraguay, together with some neighboring districts, the Jesuits brought the Indians in general under religious and social control, as exercised through established centers and ecclesiastical precincts that went by the name of redudionee. When the society was expelled in 1767, and Paraguay became subject to the viceroy of La Plats, the civilizing progress could not be maintained. The secession from Spain was soon followed by an attack upon the Church, under the Dictator Francia (after 1816), unprecedented in
Parskletike parables of Jesus Christ
brutality. This policy was continued to some extent by his second successor, Lopez, who proved far more detrimental to the country by the senseless war with the three superior neighboring republics (1864 to 1870), during which the population dQclined two‑thirds, amounting, in 1872, to about 231,000. In 1870 Paraguay obtained its constitution, which stipulated in article 3: " The state religion is the Catholic Apostolic Roman." The head of the Church must be a citizen of the state. No other religion is to be prohibited within his jurisdiction. The bishopric of Paraguay was created in 1547. Since 1881 there has existed, subject to the bishop, a seminary for education of priests and teachers, directed by Lazarists. The school system, generally, comprising also the University at Asuncion, is controlled by the State, which supervises the intermediate schools, established in five cities, and the common schools. Instruction, since 1881, has been both free and obligatory. In 1903 there were 365 state schools with 858 teachers, and only a few private schools. Of course, there are not many Protestants. By continuous immigration, the Evangelical Christians of German nationality have reached the approximate sum of 1,150 souls, organized into two congregations. These are directed by the Evangelical Church and school administration and belong to the La Plata Synod. There is also a Presbyterian congregation at Asuncion. [Mission work among the Indians and others is carried on by the Inland South America Missionary Union, founded in Edinburgh in 1902 by Mr. John Hay, a layman. This mission is interdenominational, and its ultimate aim is to cover not only Paraguay, but all inland South America.] WiLHELM Gaaz.
BIBL20anA.P87: R. G. B. C. Graham, A Vanished Arcadia. Some Account of the Jesuits in Paraguay, 1607‑1767, Lon. don, 1901; A. de Alcedo, Diccionario . . . de less Indian occidentalia, iv. 73 sqq., 5 vole., Madrid, 1788‑‑89, Fag. tranal., The Geographical and Historical Didionary of America, 5 vols., London, 1812‑15; E. Gotbein, Der chriWich‑socials Staat der jeauiten in Paraguay, Leipeio, 1883; E. J. M. Clemens, La Plates Countries. Philadelphia, 1888 J. 9. Baean, El Dictador Francis, Madrid, 1887; D. Pfotenhauer, Die Miaeionen der Jesuiten in Paraguay, 2 parts. Giiteraloh, 1891; %urae Nachricht von der Re. publique von der Gesellachaft jeau der pollupiuaiech‑ and Spanischen‑Pmvinzen, ed. H. Baumgarten, Wiener Neustadt, 1892; C. A. Washburn, Hiatoria del Paraguay, Buenos Ayres, 1892; R. von Fischer‑Treuenfeld, Paraguay in Wort and Bild, Berlin, 1903; W. Vallentin, Parnpaay, das Land der Guaranis, Berlin, 1907.

PARAKLETIKE, PARAKLETIKON: A liturgigical book of the Greek Church which contains hymns, arranged like those in the Oktoechos, according to the eight tones of Greek church music, but differing from the Oktoechos in including hymns
for week‑days as well as for Sundays. The Parakletike is said to have been developed from the Oktoechm by Theodorus and Josephus of Studion. It was first printed by H. Geraldis at Venice in 1522, and has been edited under the title of Pam kldike etai oktoeehm a rnegale, by A. Idromenos and I. Zerbos (Venice, 1897). (PsrrrPP MEY2R.)
Bmrroa~urar: Brnmbacher, Gechichte, pp. 855 eqq.; W. Christ and M. Paranikas, AntWopta Grxa carminnn
Christianorim Ioeipsio, 1871; P. Meyer Die
Littawur der prieehiecle,~ gird, p. 149, ib. 180M

Paraments	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	360
PARAMENTA.
1. Early and Western Church. The General Structure (5 1). Separate Parts (¢ 2). Ambo and Chancel (¢ 3). II. Eastern Church.
II1. Protestant Churches. General Situation (¢ 1). Specific Pieces (¢ 2). Color Symbolism (§ 3).
1. Early and Western Church: By paramentum was meant in the Middle Ages the possessions of the churches in the shape of materials which served in the cultus, including the altar vessels and carpets and hangings. But in the course of time the word became differentiated and carried only the idea of textiles other than vestments.
r. The In the larger and richer churches large General quantities of these materials accumu‑
	Structure.	lated, as inventories prove. In archi
		tecture the models for the early Church
were found generally in classical antiquity, and
these forms governed the development of the pars,
menta; the entrance first demanded treatment,
then the intercolumnar spaces, then the choir, and
so on, hangings being applied. This was very early.
For the transition to the Middle Ages the Liber pon
tificalis (q.v.) is a rich source, showing, as it does,
that, e.g., Adrian T. assigned to St. Peter's sixty
seven, to St. Paul's seventy‑two, to S. Maria Mag
giore's forty‑four altar cloths, carpets, and hang
ings, and to other churches in proportion, the
material being silk, half‑silk, and linen. The orient
was the source whence these materials were drawn,
the ornamentation being of geometrical figures,
plants, Biblical illustrations, and figures from hagi
ology, while the cross was especially affected. When
architecture emancipated itself from the old models,
adornment with these materials developed; the
choir and the side chapels especially came in for
ornamentation, though on festival occasions nave
and entrance afforded place for carpets and hang
ings, while the Altar (q.v., III.) gave itself easily to
treatment. When these materials were made in the
West, the stuff used was wool or linen, fashioned
upon earlier models, the monastic institutions being
places of manufacture, while later the cities took it
up. In the manufacture embroidery took a large,
sometimes a luxurious part, at first upon oriental
models, but afterward in more independent style.
In the fourteenth century needlework on the Rhine,
in Burgundy, and in Flanders reached its highest
development. While naturally at first the models
used were those from the East, in which the ani
mals employed in decorations (griffin, peacock,
eagle, lion) testified to the derivation, the tendency
to independence was strong; so ornamentation
based upon Scriptural stories, upon ecclesiastical
material, and even drawn from common life, because
usual. Some of the results are impressive, and
follow the lead of Painting (q.v.). The Renaissance,
too, had its influences both in weaving and in
embroidery.
While the decoration of the structure as such was being developed, the individual parts also received attention. Naturally, among these the altar was emphasized. By early custom the altar table
Parables o/ our l"d, L Vale., Mlaburgh, 1eSM‑lib; b. Goebel, Die Parabeln Jesu, Goths, 1880, Eng. trawl., Edinburgh, 1884; S. D. F. Salmond, Parables of our Lord, ib. 1893; W. H. Thomson, The Parables and their Homes, New York, 1895; B. W. Martin, Practical Studies on the Parables of our Lord, London, 1897; 1. Stoekmeyer, ExeDetische and praktisehe Erkldrunp auspewdhlter Gleichnisse Jesu, ed. B. Stockmeyer, Basel, 1897; C. A. Bugge, Die Haupt‑Pambeln Jesu, mit edner Einleitunp aber die Methode der Parabeln‑Ausleyung, Giessen, 1903; C. Ricketts, Parables from the Gospels, New York, 1903; P. Fiebig, Alljftdischs Gleichnisse and die Gleichnisse Jesu, Tiibingen, 1904; G. C. Morgan The Parables of the Kingdom, New York, 1907; and literature on the Life of Christ, and the commentaries on the Gospels.
PARABOLANOI: A brotherhood at Alexandria in the fifth oenturv devntad to tha enm of tha %&L‑
was covered with white linen, which fell with a greater or a lesser margin over the edge. This overhang easily lent itself to decoration either by embroidery or in the weaving. In the development of the cloth covering of the altar s. Separate there was by the Middle Ages the
	Parts.	greatest advance, in the larger struc
		tures the materials being very rich
silks or cloth of gold, often richly figured. The gen
eral development was away from the early simplicity,
and the structure itself of the altar and its appurte
nances changed so that t6re were costly additions in
the way of shelves and suspended parts made of gold
or silver plate or leaf, adorned even with precious
stones. In connection with these the hangings took
on new importance and magnificence, were used
often to set off the other decorations, and were
hung between the pillars and at the sides. For the
holding of the hangings framework of wood or iron
was often employed. Present liturgical prescrip
tions of the Roman Catholic Church, which have
their antecedents in the Middle Ages, require three
linen altar cloths, two cover the altar table, while
the third covers the entire altar and falls nearly to
the foot. Upon the stone lies the chrismal, serving
really as a protection for the other cloths. The
service of the altar further requires the palla cor
Porcalis, a linen cloth about twenty‑three inches
square, used by the priest after the consecration of
the bread to spread the latter upon and after to
wrap it up. While it was formerly used also for the
cup, the latter has now its own covering, the palla
calicis, from which is to be distinguished the velum
calicis which conceals the cup till the beginning of
the offertory. Other pieces which have been em
ployed were the Palls dominicalis and the purifica
torium, the latter'a fine linen cloth for cleansing the
cup.
In the Ambo and Chancel (qq.v.) the readingdesk was adorned with a narrow piece of cloth which hung down in front, in festal seasons the ornamentation was more elaborate. But in early and medieval times ambo and chan‑
	3. Ambo	eel were decorated rather with plas
and Chancel. tic material. In the early Church, as
		baptism was generally of adults and
by immersion, the baptismal font was naturally
enclosed by hangings; if the baptistery had col
umns about it, the hangings were suspended be
tween the columns. The episcopal chair lent itself
in festal seasons to this kind of adornment, espe
cially after the thirteenth century when its position
was changed. In the Middle Ages there was in use
a large curtain shutting off the choir from the nave
during fasting seasons, often ornamented with
scenes from the passion. Carpets were a direct in
heritance from early times and were used in the
choir, and these were until a late period brought
from the East or patterned after oriental models.
The Western Church lacked prescriptions regard
ing all these adornments, and freedom in materials,
color, and design was therefore exercised. The free
dom of the early Middle Ages in all these matters
has vanished before the growing restrictions of
liturgical directions, with the result that a certain
monotony has come in. This has in recent times,
creation and the Paradise, found much that was derogatory of God, Paradise was a picture of the human soul, in which flourish the seeds of Christian virtues; or a picture of heaven, wherein the " trees " represent the angels, and the " rivers " the outgoings of wisdom and other virtues. He did not, however, deny a literal Paradise; he only sought in allegory the harmonization of the Mosaic and New‑Testament conceptions. To Ambrose, the Pauline Paradise was the Christian soul. He also distinguished between the literal and the Pauline Paradise.
In the second place, Paradise was interpreted mystically. The Mosaic and the New‑Testament ,nn,nann*.o*.;nna of 'P.‑,I;‑ ‑‑ ‑n‑e;Ae..,.a ;.7....