101	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Roewitha
		Rothe
	change produced in him, as though it were the en
trance of a new spiritual spring. For a considerable
time thereafter his letters were couched in the un
	natural mode of utterance in vogue among Pietists,
and abounded in the bluntest expressions respecting
	everybody of a different opinion and all worldly
	pursuits. He even condemned all scientific treat
ment of theology. The Evangelical attempts in
	the cause of church union merely aroused his ab
	horrence, and served only to enhance his inclina
	tion toward Roman Catholicism. He manifested
	special predilection for the quietistic mysticism of
	the extravagant Francis of Sales (q.v.). Although
	he then assured his distressed parents that he had
won inward rest and blessedness, he nevertheless
	later admitted in retrospect that he had not been a
	happy Pietist, but had been without joy. Grad
	ually he felt the lack of satisfying, solid work at the
	Wittenberg Seminary, though he had often preached
	and studied much there, and, in the autumn of 1822,
	he left Wittenberg, not without satisfaction, to re
	turn home. Here, thanks to the good offices of
	Heubner, he was called to be chaplain to the Prus
	sian embassy at Rome. He now passed his second
	theological examination, was ordained at Berlin,
	married Louise von Bruck, a sister‑in‑law of Heub
	ner, and journeyed with her to Italy.
		He reached Rome early in 1824. What usually
	attracted people he regarded with indifference, de
	siring simply to serve his congregation faithfully,
			and thereby the kingdom of God. But
		Career.	owing to the peculiar constituency of
			that body, the conscientious execu
	tion of this task was bound to enlarge his field of
	vision. The nucleus of the Prussian congregation
	at Rome comprised some finely cultivated Evan
	gelical families of the embassy, and a number of
	artists of idealistic taste. He soon discerned that
	Christianity was not to be presented before these
	circles in the form of a narrow‑minded Pietism.
	Not a few of the members, above all the highly
	talented, eager personality of Josias Bunsen (q.v.),
	counselor of the legation, evinced by their combi
	nation of a vital Christian intelligence with political,
	scientific, artistic, and other spiritual and secular
	interests, that the two do not exclude each other.
	Hence the Pietistic forms, foreign as they always
	were to Rothe's individuality, fell gradually away
	from his habit of life and thought. In his modesty,
	his inner devoutness, his fellowship with Christ, his
	preference for quiet, he had much in common with
	Pietism, and these he retained enduringly. His style
	of correspondence now became more natural, and
	his judgment of Pietism more and more critical.
	At the same time, being at the very center of Ro
	man Catholicism, he was radically cured of his pre
	dilection for that system, and perceived that a
	stanch ecclesiasticism still affords no warrant of
	Christian piety. Thus his own Christianity grew
	more liberal toward the world, and, stimulated by
	his official activity, he awakened more keenly to the
	need of scientific studies. Before conferences of cul
	tivated members of his congregation, in response to
	the request of some artists, he discussed topics in
	ecclesiastical history. This Roman sojourn, how
	ever, had also its dark sides. Rothe's wife ap‑
peared unable to bear the climate. Then the frequent changes in the constituency of the Prussian congregation rendered the fruits of his activity insecure. With increasing diffidence toward publicly disclosing his inmost mind, he began to doubt his qualification for a practical church career, and his desire for active scholarship grew apace. Under the circumstances a call to be professor at the theological seminary at Wittenberg in 1828 was gladly accepted, and this was followed by the appointment to be second director and ephor, 1832. In 1837 he became university preacher, and professor and director of the new seminary at Heidelberg. To be released from the latter office he accepted a call to Bonn in 1849. Feeling too much weighed down by the practical duties of preaching in connection with the public worship of the university, he returned to Heidelberg, 1854, where he now lectured on ecclesiastical history, exegesis, systematic theology, the life of Christ, encyclopedia, and, occasionally, on practical theology till his death.
From the beginning of his independent theological research, his deepest interest turned to the scientific knowledge of the ideal truth of Christianity. But in distinction from the dialectics of Schleiermacher, which seemed to him too formal and abstract, he strove after a more replete speculation, rendering more justice to the realities
Work in of the world and of historical Chris‑
Exegesis tianity. Hence his theological studies
and were applied, first, to Biblical exegesis History. and ecclesiastical history. His exegetical studies were taken up at Rome, and pursued with special zeal during the later period of his sojourn there, since Biblical writings formed the topics of discussion in the conferences of cultivated church‑members. This gave rise to Rothe's first literary publication, his monograph on Rom. v. 12‑21, prepared at Ischia, and published under the title, Neuer Versuch einer Auslegung der Paulinischen Stelle Romer V., 12‑,21 (Wittenberg, 1836). However, purely exegetical interest was not very lively with him, and he published nothing further in scientific exegesis. Still, his official tasks at Wittenberg led him to produce edifying elucidations of Scripture; and his exposition of I John is one of the best of its kind, Der erste Brief Johannis (Wittenberg, 1878). His studies next turned to the historical field. Already at Breslau, after Neander had inspired him at Berlin to the academic vocation, he had devoted himself to studies in ecclesiastical history. At Rome association with the versatile and scholarly Bunsen gave him new impetus. Coincident with his own interest the Roman artists besought him for information on the history of Roman Catholicism. The reaction which then took place in his critical estimation of Romanism also occasioned the need of some independent historical examination on this topic. His deep study of the sources thus prepared him for the course of lectures on " Church Life " that he was pledged to deliver at Wittenberg, in which he treated the nature and history of the Christian religion and Church. Another fruit of this labor was his much‑noted work, Die Anfange der christlichen Kirehe ‑and ihrer Ver‑

Rothe
Rousseau	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG 	102
fassung (1837). Inherent in the nature of all religions, he asserts, there is the radical impulse of self‑expression. In the Christian religion, the process of such manifestations has for its goal the consummation of the kingdom of God on earth, as promised by Christ. But the State, as the most comprehensive structure wrought by mind into matter, is the actual realization of all moral life, which, in its final perfection, must immanently involve religion. In contrast, the Church, by virtue of its intrinsic character, shall ever serve purely religious ends. Therefore the kingdom of God on earth can present itself only in the form of a perfected state or organism of states, wherefore the Church becomes gradually superfluous. For the present, however, the Church still has a lofty significance. The idea of the Church sprang from an internal necessity, and began to achieve its fulfilment. As a matter of fact, the formation of the Church followed soon after the destruction of Jerusalem, when the surviving apostles instituted the episcopate as an organic expedient for the outward unity of Christian fellowship. Incipiently, the idea of the Church was vaguely identified with this empirical Church. As all sorts of contingencies arose to make this identification less congruous, there developed, over against the heresies, with increasing certainty, the recognition of the papal Church of Rome. This fiction, however, was bound ere long to give rise to a contradietion resting fundamentally upon the fact that the Church, as a whole, is not the form of the Christian life in correspondence with it. For the first time was the question fundamentally involving the transition from Apostolic Christianity to the hierarchical Roman Catholic Church so definitely raised. In comparison with Neander's treatment of church history, whereby the inner life of the individual Christian personalities received a one‑sided emphasis, there was a distinct advance with Rothe, when he placed due importance upon the general development of Christianity in its social forms. A reciprocal defect appeared, however, in that, according to Rothe, the idea of the Church realized itself essentially only by the adoption of constitutional forms; and that this abstraction of a constitution did not appear to be evolved from the inner life of the Church, but was externally instituted by the apostles. In this view a reaction from his earlier admiration of Roman Catholicism can not be mistaken, while his thought of a gradual resolution of the Church into the State becomes clear in the light of his impressions in childhood, and his subsequent transition from narrow Pietism to the wider sphere of life at Rome. Rothe did not publish any further historical development of this view, and his lectures were published in fragmentary form, Vorlesungen fiber Kirchengeschichte (2 vols., Heidelberg, 1875‑76).
Rothe's first production in church history impelled him to a purely systematic work. Only then did he approach the task for which he was best fitted, by which he most amply developed his gifts. He sought to arrive at an explanation of his views on Christianity, Church, and State on the basis of the clear representation of the relation between the religious and the ethical. This was the purpose of
his ethics. While he assigned dogmatics to historical theology, ethics, as the conclusive part of specu‑
lative theology, was to unfold its subTheological ject only in accordance with the law
Ethics. of logical thought. It was to take its
point of departure from the consciousness of God; and this, contrary to Schleiermacher, from its objective content. Rothe thus proceeds deductively from God to the creation of the world as the necessary means whereby he is distinguishable, and from the infinite process of creation to its continuation in the ethical process, which subsists in the unity, fixed in the human mind, of personality and material nature. Inasmuch as this concept of the ethical appears in the threefold form of moral good, virtue, and duty, Rothe's ethics falls under three main heads. The first sets forth the ethical process, namely, the original unity of morality and religion; its disturbance by the evil which subsists in the predominance of the nature of sense over personality; the redemption from evil through the second Adam; the primarily religious, then moral efficacy of this redemption upon individual men, through the kingdom of God, first resolved in the form of a church and finally fulfilled in a Christian state organism; and the end of all things. Compared with this comprehensive thought outline of the first part, all else in his ethics, although containing many beautiful details, is like a superfluous appendix.
Concerning the fundamental views of his religiousethical system in the first part, his effort to derive the entire organism of Christian truth by logical de‑
duction from a single concept can not Estimation. be upheld. It proved itself incapable
of logical conclusion, and led to the tendency of a pantheistic confusion of God and the world; of conceiving the divine and the moral in natural terms; of thinking of the spiritual as a mere product of matter; and of denying, in determinist fashion, all freedom of divine and human action. Yet this tendency was contradicted by Rothe's strong ethical and theistic temperament, as well as by his positive supernaturalism, such as he exhibited in his admirable 7.ur Dogmatik (Goths, 1863). This inconsistency occasioned many palpable contradictions and defects in his system. His identification of religion with morality, whence emanated his evidently erroneous ideas on the relation of Church and State, was also involved with a pantheistic inclination. A practical consequence of these views was his mode of participation during his closing years in the affairs of the State Church of Baden. In the liberation of culture and of its exponents from domination by the Church, he saw nothing short of an operation by his Savior. Therefore he believed that he was serving him best when he cooperated in the plan of introducing the congregational principle in constitutional polity, whereby cultivated laymen, with their " unconscious Christianity," were to be associated in congregational autonomy, and when by the " Protestant Union " (q.v.) Christianity became effectually emancipated from its ecclesiastical restrictions offensive as these were to the cultured. Thus Rothe though abhorring all partizan tactics, himself proved a Partizan. Finally,

103	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Rothe
		Rousseau
it should be borne in mind that the defects in Rothe's
ethics are, to some extent, involved with insoluble
antinomies, and they are compensated in his work
by superior merits; such as his dialectical adapta
bility and his skill in the grouping of his matter,
let alone his affluence of significant and useful ideas,
even of elements of truth in his most vulnerable
representations.	F. SIEFTERT.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Nippold, Richard Rothe, 2 vols., Wit
	tenberg, 1873‑74; A. Hauarath, Richard Rothe and seine
	Freunde, 2 vols., Berlin, 1902‑08; J. Cropp, in Protes
	tantische Monatshefte, 1897, 1899; E. Aehelie, Dr. Richard
	Rothe, Gotha, 1869; W. Hbnig, Richard Rothe. Charak
	ter, Leben and Denken, Berlin, 1898; H. Bassermann.
	Richard Rothe als praktischer Theologe, Freiburg, 1899;
	‑0. Fhigel, Richard Rothe als apekulativer Theologe, Lang
	ensalza, 1899; P. Mezger, Richard Rothe. Ein theo
	logisches Charakterbild, Berlin, 1899; K. Sell, in Theo
	logische Rundschau, 1899; H. Sp6rri, Zur Erinnerung an
	Richard Rothe, Hamburg, 1899; E. Troeliseh, Richard
	Rothe. Geddehtnisrede, Freiburg, 1899; R. Kern, Dr.
	Richard Rothe, Camel, 1904; L. Witte, Richard Rothe itber
	Jesus als Wunderthllter, Halle, 1907; J. Happel, Richard
	Rothes Lehre von der Kirche, Leipsie, 1909.
ROTHMANN (ROTTMANN), BERNHARD. See
MUENSTER, ANABAI‑TIsTs IN.
ROTHSTEIN, rot'stain, JOHANN WILHELM:
German Protestant; b. at Puhl, a village of Rhen
ish Prussia, Mar. 19, 1853. He was educated at the
universities of Bonn (Ph.D., 1877; lic. theol., 1878)
and Halle, where he devoted himself to theology
and Semitics (1872‑78). He was a teacher in the
gymnasium at Elberfeld until 1884 and at the girls'
high school in Halle until 1889, when he was ap
pointed associate professor of Old‑Testament exe
gesis at the University of Halle, and in 1910 became
professor in the same branch at Breslau. Theo
logically he bases his work on a belief in Biblical
revelation, and, though favoring earnest historical
criticism, is opposed to rationalistic interpretations
of the Old and New Testaments from the point of
view of comparative religion. He has written: De
chronographo Arabe anonymo qui Bodice Berolinensi
SprengeKano tricesimo continetur (Bonn, 1877); Das
Bundesbuch and die rehgionsgeschiehtliche Entwick
lung Israels (Halle, 1888); Das Hohe Lied (1893);
Der Gottesglaube im alters Israel and die religions
geschichtliche Kritik (1900); Bilder aus der Geschichte
des alters Bundes in gemeinverstondlicher Form, vol.
i. (Erlangen, 1901); Die Genealogie des Konigs von
Juda Jojachin and seiner Naclckommenschaft in 1
Chron. iii. 17‑24 (Berlin, 1902); Geschichte and O, fen
barung mit Bezug auf Israds Religion (Stuttgart,
1903); Juden and Samaritaner. Die grundlegende
Scheidung von Judentum and Heidentum. Eine
kritische Studie zum Buche Haggai and zur jiid
ischen Geschichte im ersten nachexilischen Jahrhundert
(Leipsic, 1908) ; Grundzuge des hebrdischen Rhythmus
and seiner Formenbildung, nebst lyrischen Texten mit
kritischem Kommentar (1909); Psalmentexte and der
Text des Hohen Liedes (1909; reprinted from the
Grundzvge des . . . Rhythmus); and Die Naehtge
sichte des Sacharya (1910). He has translated into
German W. R. Smith's The Old Testament in the
Jewish Church (Freiburg, 1894) and S. R. Driver's
Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament
	(Berlin, 1896), and contributed Jeremiah and Ze
	phaniah to E. Kautzseh's Das Alte Testament (Frei‑
burg, 1894; in the 3d ed., 1910, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Chronicles), the apocryphal portions of Daniel, as well as Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah to the same scholar's Apokryphen and Pseudepigraphen des Alters Testaments (1900), and Jeremiah and Ezekiel to R. Mttel's Biblia Hebraica (Leipsic, 1906).

RODS, raus, FRANCIS: Puritan; b. at Dittisham (25 m. e. of Plymouth) in 1579; d. at Acton (7 m. w. of London) Jan., 1658‑59. He was educated at Oxford (B.A., 1596‑97), and the University of Leyden (1598‑99); was a member of parliament during the reign of Charles I., of the Long Parliament, and others (1625‑56); was appointed lord of parliament by Cromwell (1657); and became provost of Eton (1643‑44). The Westminster Assembly appointed him one of its lay assessors (1643); and he was chairman of the committee for ordination of ministers after its organization (1643‑44). In 1649 Rous went over to the Independents and served on the committee for the propagation of the Gospel, which framed an abortive scheme for a state church on the Congregational plan, revived without success by the Little Parliament of which he was speaker (1653). When that body dissolved itself, he was sworn on the protector's council of state. He was placed on the committee for the approbation of public preachers 1653‑54, and with Cromwell on that of discussion of the kingship (1656). He was author of Psalms Translated into English Metre (1643; 1646), a version approved by the Westminster Assembly, authorized by parliament for general use, and adopted by the committee of estates in Scotland, where its popular use has continued till the present day. During a period of retirement from the Middle Temple to Landrake, Cornwall (1601‑25), he wrote Meditations of hnstruoLion, of Exhortation, of Reproof (London, 1616); The. Arts of Happiness (1619); Diseases of the Time (1622); and Oyl of Scorpions (1623). His piety was of an intensely subjective kind, as illustrated in Mystical Marriage (1635), and Heavenly Academie (1638). A number of his works were collectively republished in Treatises and Meditations (London, 1656‑57).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. l Wood, Athena Oxoniensis, ed. P. Bliss, iii. 467, 4 vols., London, 1813‑20; D. Neal, Hid. of the Puritans, ed. J. Toulmin, 5 vols., Bath, 1793‑97; J. A. Alexander, Lives of the Speakers of the House of Commons, London, 1850; S. W. Duffield, English Hymns, p. 533, New York, 1886; W. A. Shaw, History of the English Church . . . 18/,0‑60, 2 vols., London, 1900; Julian, Hymnology, pp. 918, 979, 1023; DNB, xlix. 318‑317 (where many scattering references are given).

ROUSSEAU, rus"s8', JEAN JACQUES: French deistic philosopher and author; b. at Geneva June 28, 1712; d. at Ermenonville (28 m. n.e. of Paris) July 2, 1778. His mother died at his birth, and his father, a dissipated and violent‑tempered man, paid little attention to the son's training, and finally deserted him. The latter developed a passion for reading, with a special fondness for Plutarch's Lives. Apprenticed first to a notary and then to a coppersmith, he ran away (1728) to escape the rigid discipline, and, after wandering for several days, he fell in with Roman Catholic priests at Consignon in Savoy, who turned him over to Madame de

Rousseau
Rowe	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	104
Warens at Annecy, and she sent him to an educational institution at Turin. Here he duly abjured Protestantism, and next served in various households, in one of which he was charged with theft. After more wanderings he was at Chamb6ry (1730), whither Madame de Warens had removed. In her household he spent eight years diverting himself in the enjoyment of nature, the study of music, the reading of the English, German, and French philosophers and chemistry, pursuing the study of mathematics and Latin, and enjoying the play‑house and opera. He next spent eighteen months at Venice as secretary of the French ambassador, Comte de Montaignu (1744‑45). Up to this time, when he was thirty‑nine, his life, the details of which he publishes in his Confessions (Geneva, 1782; Eng. transl., The Confessions of J. J. Rousseau, London, 1891), may be styled as subterranean. He now returned to Paris, where his opera Les Muses galantes failed, copied music, and was secretary of Madame Dupin. Here he came into association with Diderot, Grimm, D'Alembert, Holbach, and Madame d'1Jpinay, and was admitted as a contributor to the Encyclopedie (see ENCYCLOPEDISTS) ; and his brilliant gifts of entertainment, reckless manner, and boundless vanity attracted attention. With the Discours sur le sciences et les arts (Paris, 1750), a prize essay in which he set forth the paradox of the superiority of the savage state, he proclaimed his gospel of " back to nature." His operetta Devin du village (1752) met with great success. His second sensational writing appeared: Discours sur l'inegalite parmi les hommes (1753), against the inequalities of society. His fame was then assured. In 1754 he revisited Geneva, was received with great acclamation, and called himself henceforth " citizen of Geneva." In 1756, upon invitation of Madame d'hpinay, he retired to a cottage (afterward " The Hermitage ") in the woods of. Montmorency, where in the quiet of nature he expected to spend his life; but domestic troubles, his violent passion for Countess d'Houdetot, and his morbid mistrust and nervous excitability, which lost him his friends, induced him to change his residence to a chateau in the park of the duke of Luxembourg, Montmorency (1758‑62). His famous works appeared during this period: Lettre d d'Alenlbert (Amsterdam, 1758); Julie ou la nouvelle Heloase (1761); Du contrat social (Amsterdam, 1762; Paris, 1795; Eng. transl., The Social Contract, 2 vols., New York, 1893, new transl., 1902); and ‑4mile ou de l'education (Amsterdam, 1762; Eng. transl., Emilius; or an Essay on Education., 2 vols., London, 1763, and again, 1895). The last‑named work was ordered to be burned by the French parliament and his arrest was ordered; but he fled to Neuchatel, then within the jurisdiction of Prussia. Here he wrote his Lettres ecrites de la Montagne (Amsterdam, 1762), in which, with reference to the Geneva constitution, he advocated the freedom of religion against the Church and police. Driven thence by peasant attacks (Sept., 1765), he returned to the Isle St. Pierre in the Lake of Bienne. The government of Berne ordered him out of its territory, and he accepted the asylum offered him by David Hume in England (Jan., 1766). But his
morbid misanthropy, now goaded to an insane sense of being persecuted, made him suspicious of plots, and led him to quarrel with his friends for not making his opponents their own enemies, and he fled to France (1767). After wandering about and depending on friends he was permitted to return to Paris (1770), where he finished the Confessions begun in England, and produced many of his best stories. Here he copied notes, and studied music and botany. His dread of secret enemies grew upon his imagination, until he was glad to accept an invitation to retire to Ermenonville (1778), where his death came suddenly.
Rousseau was possessed with an overmastering love of nature, and reacted against the artificiality and corruption of the social customs and institutions of the time. He was a keen thinker, and was equipped with the weapons of the philosophical century and with an inspiring eloquence. To these qualities were added a pronounced egotism, selfseeking, and an arrogance that led to bitter antagonism against his revolutionary views and sensitive personality, the reaction against which resulted in a growing misanthropy. Error and prejudice in the name of philosophy, according to him, had stifled reason and nature, and culture, as he found it, had corrupted morals. In Smile he presents the ideal citizen and the means of training the child for the State in accordance with nature, even to a sense of God. This " nature gospel " of education, as Goethe called it, was the inspiration, beginning with Pestalozzi, of world‑wide pedagogical methods. The most admirable part in this is the creed of the vicar of Savoy, in which, in happy phrase, Rousseau shows a true, natural susceptibility to religion and to God, whose omnipotence and greatness are published anew every day. The Social Contract, on the text that all men are born free and equal, regards the State as a contract in which individuals surrender none of their natural rights, but rather agree for the protection of them. Most remarkable in this projected republic was the provision to banish aliens to the state religion and to punish dissenters with death. The Social Contract became the text‑book of the French Revolution, and Rousseau's theories as protests bore fruit in the frenzied bloody orgies of the Commune as well as in the rejuvenation of France and the history of the entire Western world. Among many editions of Rousseau's complete works are those by P. A. Du Peyron (35 vols., Geneva and Paris, 1782) followed by ('uvres posthumes (12 vols., 1782‑83); and by V. D. Musset‑Pathay, with biography and notes (26 vols., Paris, 1823‑27). His Lettres inMites, ed. H. de Rothschild, appeared Paris, 1892. Also see DEISM, II., § 4.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: Recent issues of some of the works of Rousseau in English are: Emile, or, Treatise on Education, London, 1895; The Social Contract; or, Principles of Political Right, ib. 1902; Confessions, 2 vols., ib. 1907; Morals, ib. 1908; Humane Philosophy, Maxims and Principles, selected . . by Frederika Macdonald, ib. 1908.
Studies of Rousseau's life and works are: J. Morley, J. J. Rousseau, 2 vols., London, 1888; A. J. BarruelBeauvert, Vie de J. J. Rousseau, ib. 1789; V. D. MussetPathay, Histoire de to vie et des ouvrapes de J. J. Rousseau, 2 vols., Paris, 1822; M. G. Streckeisen, J. J. Rousseau, ses arms et ses ennemis, 2 vols., ib. 1865; F. Broeker‑

106	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Rousseau
		Rowe
	hoff, J. J. Rousseau, sein Leben and seine Werke, 3 vols.,
	Leipsie, 1863‑74; T. Vogt, J. J. Rousseau's Leben, Vienna,
	1870; H. Beaudouin, La Vie et lea wuvres de Jean Jacques
	Rousseau, 2 vols., Paris, 1872; A. Chuquet, Jean Jacques
	Rousseau, ib. 1893; Saint‑Mare‑Girardin, J. J. Rous
	seau, as vie et acs ouvrages, ib. 1875; A. Meylan,
	Jean‑Jacques Rousseau, sa vie et sea wu‑~res, ib. 1878; H.
	Gehrig, Jean Jacques Rousseau, sein Leben and seine
	padagogisehe Bedeutung, Neuweid, 1879; H. G. Graham,
	Rousseau, London, 1882; & Bougeault, Ektude sur l'6tat men
	tal de J. J. Rousseau, Paris, 1883; L. Ducros, J. J. Roua
	seau, ib. 1888; R. Wahrenholtz, Jean‑Jacques Rousseau:
	Leben, Geistesentuneklung and Hauptwerke, Leipsie, 1889;
	idem, Jean Jacques Rousseau, New York, 1907; E. Asse,
	J. J. Rousseau, Paris, 1900; J. Lemaitre, Jean Jacques
Rousseau, ib. 1907, Eng. transl., London, 1908.
	On the philosophy and ideas of Rousseau consult: E.
	v. Hohenhaussen, Rousseau . . . sin kritisch‑literarischer
	Umriss, Cassel, 1847; L. Moreau, J. J. Rousseau et Is
	sihcle philosophique, Paris, 1870; C. Borgesud, J. J. Rous
	seau's Religionsphilosophie, Leipsie, 1883; G. Maugras,
	Querelles de philosophes Voltaire et J. J. Rousseau, Paris,
	1886; 0. Schmidt, Rousseau and Byron, Leipsie, 1890;
	A. Spitzner, Natur and Naturgemdssheit bei J. J. Rous
	seau, Leipsie, 1892; L. Claritte, J. J. Rousseau, Paris,
	1896; H. HSffding, Rousseau and seine Philosophic, Stutt
	gart, 1897; T. Davidson, Rousseau and Education accord
	ing to Nature, New York, 1898; E. Fahrmann, Rousseau's
	Naturanschauung, Leipsic, 1901; W. H. Hudson, Rousseau
	and Naturalism in Life and Thought, Edinburgh, 1903;
	Frederika Macdonald, Jean Jacques Rousseau, a New
	Criticism, 2 vols., London and New York, 1907(?); G.
	Compayre, Jean Jacques Rousseau and Education from
Nature, London, 1908.
	ROUSSEL, ru‑sell, GERARD (GERARDUS RU
	FUS or TOLNINUS): French Roman Catholic; b.
	at Vaquerie (a village near Amiens) about 1500;
	d. at Maul6on (25 m. s.w. of Pau) in the early part
of 1550.	At the age of twenty he went to Pau,
	where he attended the lectures of Jacobus Faber
	Stapulensis (see FABER, STAPULENSIS, JACOBUS); but
	his teacher was suspected of heresy by the Sorbonne,
	and Roussel accordingly followed him to Meaux,
	where they found refuge with Bishop Guillaume
Briconnet (q.v.).	Under this prelate's patronage
	Roussel was appointed vicar of St. Saintain, later
	becoming canon and treasurer of the cathedral of
	Meaux, where for some months he preached with
	out interference. Though he held that the time had
	not yet come to break with the Roman Catholic
	Church, nevertheless, on Dec. 13, 1524, Bishop
	Briponnet, alarmed by the warning that he might
	be summoned before parliament, suspended Rous
	sel, who, at the instigation of Farel, endeavored to
	set up a printing‑office at Meaux for the publication
	of Protestant tracts, but was forced to take refuge
	in Strasburg, where the new teachings had become
	supreme. At the invitation of Francis I., he went,
	in 1535, to Paris, where he delivered sermons of a
	Protestant character at the Louvre, but was for
bidden by the Sorbonne to continue.	Neverthe
	less, he enjoyed the patronage of Margaret of Na
	varre, and in 1536 was consecrated bishop of Oleron.
	Roussel's dream was the reformation of the Church
	without breaking with it. He preached three and
	four times daily, administered the Eucharist in both
	kinds, and his clergy were required to recite each
	Sunday in the vernacular the Ten Commandments,
the Lord's Prayer, and the Apostles' Creed.	His
	two main doctrines were that God can be known
	only through the study of the Bible and that sal
	vation is won only through grace. The dialogue in
	which he set forth these views, the Famili&e ex‑
position du symbols, de la. loi et de l'oraison domini
cale, was, however, condemned by the Sorbonne
and was never published, although it is preserved
in manuscript in the Bibliothcque Nationale, to
gether with its continuation, the Forme de visites de
diocese. Before this action on the part of the Sor
bonne had become known to him, the bishop died
from injuries received while preaching at Maul6on,
where a fanatic had hacked away the pulpit with an
ax. The only works of Roussel, besides those just
noted, were editions of the Arithmetica of Boethius
(Paris, 1521) and of the Moralia magna of Aristotle
(1522). 	G. BONET‑MAURY.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources are: Beza's Hist. ecclkeiastique des 4glises reformQes, 1580, new ed. by J. W. Baum and A. E. Cunitz, 3 vols., Paris, 1883‑89, also, ed. P. Vesson, 2 vols., Paris, 1882,83; and A. L. Herminjard, Corre8pondance des REformateurs, vols. i., iii., v.‑vii., ix (consult index), Geneva, 1878‑97. Consult: C. Schmidt, Glrard Roussel, Strasburg, 1845; Toussaint du Plessis, Hist. de l'kglise de Meaux, vol. i., Paris, 1731; H. Graf, Essai sur la vie et lea kcrits de LefPvre d'Etaptes, Strasburg, 1842; E. and 14. Haag, La France Protestants, ed. H. L. Bordier, Paris, 1877 sqq.; E. Doumergue, Jean Calvin, Lausanne, 1899; L. Delisle, Notices et extraits de la Biblioth9que nationale, vol. xxxvi., Paris, 1899; G. Kawerau, in TSK, 1902 (on the letters of Sturm to Butzer); V. L. Bourilly and N. Weiss, in Bulletin du protestantisme franfais, 1903 (on the Protestants and the Sorbonne); of. also the Bulletin, xiv., p. cli., and 2 ser., x. 415; Lichtenberger, ESR, xi. 334‑35.
ROUTH, rauth, MARTIN JOSEPH: Church of England; b. at South Elmham (90 m. n.e. of London), Suffolk, Sept. 18, 1755; d. at Oxford Dec. 22, 1854. He was educated at Oxford (B.A., 1771; M.A., 1776; B.D., 1786). In 1791 he succeeded to the presidency of Magdalen College, Oxford. He published the Reliquim sacra,, fragments of the lost Christian authors of the second and third centuries, one of the most important and useful works upon patristic literature, revealing the finest English scholarship (4 vols., Oxford, 1814‑18; 2d ed., 1846, supplementary vol., 1848); and Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum opuseula (2 vols., 1832) ; and edited Bishop Burnet's History of his Own Time (7 vols., 1823).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. W. Burgon, Lives of Twelve Good Men, 2 vols., London, 1888; T. Mozley, Reminiscences, chiefly of Oriel and the Oxford Movement, 2 vols., ib. 1882; DNB, xlix.324‑326.
ROW, THOMAS: English Baptist hymnist; b. in 1786; d. at Little Grausden, Cambridgeshire, Jan. 3, 1864. He was pastor at Hadleigh, Suffolk, and, after 1838, at Little Grausden. He published Concise Spiritual Poems (London, 1817), containing 529 hymns; and Original and Evangelical Hymns (1822), containing 543 hymns. They are Calvinistic in type, and possess little poetic merit, but some have found their way into well‑known collections.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Julian, Hymnology, p. 979; DNB, xlix. 331.
?OWE, HENRY KALLOCH: Baptist; b. at Dorchester, Mass., Nov. 30, 1869. He was educated at Brown University (A.B., 1892; A.M., 1895), Harvard (1892‑93), and Boston University (Ph.D., 1905). From 1893 to 1903 he was a teacher in academies and private schools, after which he was instructor in history in Boston University until 1906, since when he has been assistant professor of church history in Newton Theological Institution, Newton Center, Mass.

Rowe Rudelbaoh
ROWE, PETER TRIMBLE: Protestant Episcopal missionary bishop of Alaska; b. at Meadowville, Ont., Nov. 20, 1856. He was educated at Trinity University, Toronto (B.A., 1878); was a missionary at Garden River, Ont. (1876‑82); a missionary at Sault Ste. Marie, Mich. (1882‑95); and a commissioner of schools in Chippewa County, Mich. (1890‑94). In 1895 he was consecrated bishop of the newly created missionary diocese of Alaska.
ROWLANDS, DANIEL: Welsh Methodist; b. at Pantybeudy, parish of Nautcwnlle (40 m. n.n.w. of Swansea), Cardiganshire, Wales, in 1713; d. at Llangeitho (41 m. n.w. of Swansea) Oct. 16, 1790. Of his youth and early manhood nothing is known, except that he studied at the grammar‑school of Hereford. Ordained deacon in London, 1733, whither he traveled on foot, and priest in 1735, he became curate to his brother at Llangeitho. Some time before 1736 he became curate at Ystrad Ffin, Carmarthenshire, and presently began to organize Calvinistic Methodist societies. His Methodistic zeal cost him his curacy of Ystrad Ffin, but he received instead that of Llanddewi Brefi, Cardiganshire. In 1763 Bishop Squire suspended him from clerical functions, and henceforth he preached in an improvised building at Llangeitho, thronged for twenty‑five years by pilgrims from all parts of Wales in addition to his congregation. He exercised an immense power as a preacher, ranking next to George WhitefiAld. Once in his history a revival began with his reading of the litany of the Church of England. At the words, " By thine agony and bloody sweat, good Lord, deliver us," the congregation began to weep loudly. Eight Sermons, translated from the Welsh, ‑ere published (London, 1774); and Three Sermons (1778; new ed. in Welsh, 1876, with memoir).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The best memoir is thatLan the 1878 ed. of the Sermons (ut sup.) in Welsh. Consult further: J. Owen, Memoir of the Rev. Daniel Rowlands, London, 1840; E. Morgan, Ministerial Records; or, brief Account of the great Progress of Religion under . . . D. Rowlands
London, 1840; J. C. Ryle, Christian Leaders of the Last Century, London, 1869; Owen Jones, Some of the Great Preachers of Wales, London, 1885; DNB, xlix. 350351.
ROWLANDS, DAVID: Welsh Congregationalist; b. at Geufron, Rhosybol, Anglesea, Mar. 4, 1836. He was educated at the Independent College, Bala, New College, London (B.A., University of London, 1860), and the Congregational Memorial College, Brecon. He was ordained in 1861, and held Congregational pastorates at the Welsh church in Lla,nbrynmair, Montgomeryshire (1861‑67), and the English churches in Welshpool, Montgomeryshire (1867‑71), and Carmarthen (1871‑72). Since 1872 he has been connected with the Congregational Memorial College, Brecon, Wales, where he has been professor of mathematics (1872‑82), professor of Greek Testament exegesis and church history (1882‑96), and principal and professor of Greek Testament exegesis and practical theology (since 1896). He has been for many years adjudicator in poetry and prose at the National Eisteddfod, and has also been a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards of the Isle of Britain, with the degrees of Druid and Bard under the pseudonym of Dewi Mon, since
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
1863, and a member of the Honorable Society of Cymmrodorion since 1874. In theology he is a liberal conservative. He was associate editor of Yr Annibyttwr (" The Independent "); Y Dysgedydd (" The Instructor"; the monthly journal of the Welsh Congregationalists); Cambrian Minstrelsie, a collection of Welsh airs, to which he contributed the notes and most of the Welsh and English lyrics (6 vols., Edinburgh, 1893); and Caniedydd yr Ysgol Sul (" Sunday School Songster "), to which he contributed many hymns (1898); and also edited Telyn Tudno (" Tudno's Harp "), the poetical works of Tudno (Wrexham, 1897). In addition to twelve volumes of sermons and his Men and Women of the Old arid New Testaments (6 vols., Manchester, 1904), special mention may be made of his Caniadau Serch (" Songs of the Affections," Bala, 1854); Sermons on Historical Subjects (London, 1870); Gramadeg Cymraeg (" Welsh Grammar "; Wrexham 1874); Gwersi mewn Gramadeg (" Lessons in Grammar "; Dolgelly, 1876); the librettos of the late Joseph Parry's Emmanuel, Arianwen, Blodwen, Joseph, and Paul; and the notes on I and II Thessalonians in the Bibl y Teulu (" Bible for the Family "; Denbigh, 1906).
ROYCE, JOSIAH: Layman, philosopher; b. at Grass Valley, Nevada Co., Cad., Nov. 20, 1855. He was graduated from the University of California (1875); was instructor in English literature and logic in the same institution, 1878‑82; instructor and assistant professor at Harvard University, 1882‑92; and has been professor of the history of philosophy there since 1892. He is the author of Religious Aspect of Philosophy: Critique of the Bases of Conduct arid of Faith (Boston, 1885); California, from the Conquest of 1846 to the Second Vigilance Committee in San Francisco (1886); Spirit of Modern Philosophy (1892); Conception of God: philosophical Discussion concerning the Nature of the Divine Idea as a demonstrable Reality (in collaboration with others; New York, 1897); Studies of Good and Evil: Essays upon Problems of Philosophy and of Life (1898); Conception. of Immortality (1900); The World and the Individual (2 series, Gifford lectures; London and New York, 1900‑01); Outlines of Psychology (1903); Herbert Spencer; an Estimate and a Review (New York, 1904); Philosophy of Loyalty (1908); and Race Questions, Provincialism, arid Other American Questions (1908).
ROYSTON, PETER SORENSON: Church of England; b. in London June 6, 1830. He was educated at St. Paul's School, London, and at Trinity College, Cambridge (B.A., 1853; M.A., 1861; D.D., 1872); was resident tutor in the Church Missionary College, London, 1853‑55; corresponding secretary for the Church Missionary Society and incumbent of that society's church at Madras, India, 1855‑62 and 1866‑71, during the same period editing the Madras Church Missionary Record; fellow of Madras University, 1858‑73; incumbent of St. Thomas', Mauritius, 1865; was chosen bishop of Mauritius, 1872, resigning because of ill‑health in 1891; was assistant bishop to the bishop of Liverpool, 1891‑1905; vicar of Childwall, 1896‑1903, and rural
dean of Childwall, 1896‑1903. He was also one of

107	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Rowe
the editors of the Proceedings of the South Indian Missionary Conference held in 1858.

RUBRICS (Lat. rubrics, from ruber, "red"): In the ecclesiastical sense, the directions in service books which show how, when, and where the various parts of the liturgy should be performed. The name was derived from the fact that rubrics were originally written in red, a custom which is now almost obsolete. The word was borrowed from the legal usage, according to which it was applied to the titles or headings of chapters in certain law‑books.
RUCHAT, rli‑shd', ABRAHAM: Historian of the Reformation in French Switzerland; b. at Grandcour (28 m. n.n.e. of Lausanne) Sept. 15, 1678; d. at Lausanne Sept. 29, 1750. He was educated at Lausanne, and after being ordained in 1702 was for several years a teacher in Bern. In 1705 he secured a scholarship which enabled him to travel, and he accordingly studied for a time in Berlin, and still longer in Leyden, during this period preparing his Grammatica Hebraica facili methodo digests. (Leyden, 1707). Returning to Switzerland, he made his first essay in what was to prove his future field in his Abrtgt; de l'histoire eccUsiastique du pays de Vaud depuis l'r:tablissement du christianisme jusqu'd noire temps (Bern, 1707; Lausanne, 1838). After being vicar in his native district, he was appointed minister at Aubonne in 1709, and in 1716 was called to the pastorate of Rolle, where he remained more than twelve years. The sole production of his pen during this period was his D6lices de la Suisse (4 vols., Leyden, 1714), a work which won high praise and evoked equally strong opposition. In 1721 Ruchat was appointed professor of eloquence at Lausanne, a position which carried with it the rectorate of the Latin school. The success which his own talents should have gained was, however, frustrated by the theological animosities of the time, and he accordingly plunged into the historical studies for which he had been collecting materials for two decades. He now published the first half (1516‑36) of his Histoire de la r6formation en Suisse (6 vols., Geneva, 1727‑28); but political conditions forbade the publication of the entire work, which extended to 1566, until a century later, when the complete history was edited by L. Vulliemin (7 vols., Lausanne, 1835‑38; abridged Eng. transl. by J. Collinson, London, 1845). In 1733 Ruchat became second professor of theology, and was promoted to the first professorship fifteen years later. During this period of his career his writings were mainly theological and in the domains of polemics and Old‑Testament theology. To the former category belong his Examen de l'orig6nisme (Lausanne, 1733) and the anti‑Roman Catholic Lettres et monuments de trois pbres apostoliques (2 vols., Leyden, 1738; translations of the epistles of Clement, Ignatius, and Polycarp and the martyrdoms of the two latter, with excursuses attacking the Roman Catholic Church); to the latter, among others, his Traiti! des poids, des mesures et des monnoyes dont il est parlk Clans l'dcri.ture sainte (Lausanne, 1743). He took an active interest in missions to the Jews, while his leisure was devoted
to studies in Swiss history, especially of the medieval period, the results being contained in manuscript in the libraries of Bern and Lausanne. Ruchat's Dt!lices de la Suisse and Histoire de la r4formation en Suisse were placed on the Index, and two unnamed Jesuits sought in 1724, formally to refute his history of the Reformation in Vaud. In addition to the works already noted, mention may be made of his anonymous French translations from the English and Spanish of works of J. Beeverell and J. Alvarez de Colmenar under the respective titles Dglices de la Grande Bretagne et de l'Irlande (8 vols., Leyden, 1707) and D66lices de l'Espagne ed du Portugal (5 vols., 1707).
(H. Vu1LLEUnfER.)
BrHLIOGRAPBT: Bridel, in Conservateur suisse, vol. xiv (1828); the sketch by L. Vulliemin in his ed. of the Hist. de la r~forme de la Suisse, vii. 423‑448, 1838; E. Secretan, Galerie suisse, i. 586‑590, Lausanne, 1874; P. Godet, Hilt. litt&aire de la Suisse frauCaise, pp. 178‑179, Paris, 1889; V. Rowel, Hist. littkraire de la Suisse romande, ii. 53 sqq., ib. 1890; Lichtenberger, ESR, xi. 342‑348.
RUCHRATH, JOHANN. See WESEL, JOHN OF.

RUDELBACH, ru'del‑bdH, ANDREAS GOTTLOB: Dano‑German Lutheran; b. at Copenhagen Sept. 29, 1792; d. at Slagelse (50 m. s.w. of Copenhagen), Zealand, Mar. 3, 1862. He was educated at the university of his native city, where he became privat‑docent. During this period he edited, in collaboration with N. F. S. Grundtvig, the Theologisk Maanedskraft (13 vols., 1825 aqq.), and in 1829 was called to the pastorate of Glauchau, Saxony, where he powerfully aided religious awakening and revolt against the rationalism of the period, though at the same time he opposed any formal separation from the Lutheran Church. In 1830 he aided in founding the Muldenthal pastoral conference, but opposition gradually developed against him, largely on account of his uncompromising Lutheranism, and in 1845 he gladly resigned his pastorate and returned to Denmark. From 1846 to 1848 he lectured at the University of Copenhagen on dogmatics and introduction, but the death of his royal patron in the latter year exposed him to the attacks of those who regarded him as a German and a traitor. He accordingly accepted a call to the pastorate of Slagelse, where he passed the remainder of his life.
He edited the Zeitschrift fur die gesammte lutherische Theologie and Kirche (in collaboration with H. E. F. Guericke, Leipsic, 1839 sqq.) and Christliche Biographie, i (1849), and wrote, in addition to the works already mentioned and several volumes of sermons: Hieronymus Savonarola and seine Zeit (Hamburg, 1835); Reformation, Luthertum and Union (Leipsic, 1839); Historische‑kritische Einleitung in die Augsburgische Konfessiou (Dresden, 1841); Amtliches Gutachten uber die Wiedereinfahrung der Katechismus‑Examina im K6nigreich Sachsen, nebst historischer Er6rterung der Kathechismus‑Anstalten in der evangelischrlutherischen Kirche Deutschlands (1841); and Om Psalme‑Literaturen og Psalmebogs‑Sagen, historisk‑kritiske Undersogelser (Copenhagen, 1856). (OSWALD SCHasIDTt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: An autobiography was projected, and its publication as " Confessions " begun in the Zeitschrift far lutherische Theolopie and Kirche, 1861, i. I sqq., ii. 601

8udin
$ueetachi
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
eqq., 1882, iii. 401 aqq., and continued (ed. C. R. Kaiser from author's manuscript) in NKZ, 1902, pp. 183‑180, 522‑545 (goes to end of university period). Consult: C. R. Kaiser, Andreas Gottlob Rudelbach, Leipaic. 1892; J. R. Stockholm, in KirkeliD Kalendar for Norge, pp. 38230, Christiania, 1877 (in Norwegian); and for a list of the writings, E. A. Zuchold, Bibliotheca Zucho/d, ii. 10941095, G6ttingen, 1884.
RUDIN, ERIC GEORG VALDEMAR NAPOLEON:
Swedish Lutheran; b. at Oesterryd, Oestergotland, July 20, 1833. He was educated at the University of Upsala, being graduated from the philosophical course in 1857 and from the theological two years later. He was then secretary of the National Evangelical Society at Stockholm (1859‑62), and director of the Foreign Missionary Society in the same city (1862‑69), after which he was vice‑chaplain of St. Clara's, Stockholm, until 1872. In 1872 he became privat_docent at the University of Upsala, where he was made adjunct in theology in 1875; was associate professor of exegetical theology (1877‑93), and from 1893 t:ntil his retirement as professor emeritus in 1900 was full professor of the same subject. He was appointed court preacher in 1873 and in 1886 was made provost. In 1883 he became a member of the committee for the revision of the Swedish translation of the Old Testament. In theology he is a moderate Lutheran, friendly to the Biblical theology of Beck and to the mystics. He has written " Intimations of Eternity " (Stockholm, 1872) ; " Biblical Psychology," i (Upsala, 1875) ; " Life of Soren Kierkegaard " (1880); " Synopsis of the Gospels " (1881); " Gospel of Mark " (1883); " Introduction to Old Testament Prophecy " (1884); " Commentary on the Minor Prophets " (1884); " Discussions on Theological and Ecclesiastical Subjects " (2 parts, 18851886) ; and " Survey of the Scriptural History of the Old Testament " (1886).
RUDOLF OF EMS: German poet and writer of the thirteenth century. The details of his life are unknown, except that he was probably a Swiss by birth and that his death occurred between 1250 and 1254 at some place unknown while he was in the company of Emperor Conrad IV. He was, however, one of the most fruitful poets of his period, and also entered the field of historical writing, besides working in the field of Biblical history (see HISTORICAL BIBLEa). Among his poems are Der gate Gerhard (ed. M. Haupt, Leipsic, 1840; Germ. transls. by Lersch, Bonn, 1847, and K. Simrock, 2d ed., Stuttgart, 1864), which exalts the grace of Christian humility; and Baarlaarrt and Josaphat (ed. F. K. Kopke, Berlin, 1818, and F. Pfeiffer, Leipsic, 1843), a retelling of that story (see Bea$1.nAM AND JOSAPHAT for analysis and literature). Of his historical works the two of interest are Willehalm von Orlens (ed. V. Junk, Berlin, 1905), and WeLtchronik, dedicated to Conrad IV. (only fragments have been published for this‑for a list of these cf. Potthast, T4'egweiser, pp. 986‑987), which told the story of the Old Testament as far as the death of Solomon. This was much used for a time, but was combined with the much poorer work of an unknown writer to its own detriment.
Brsrrocanrnr: A. F. C. Valmar, Die zwei Recensionen and Handschriften,fimilien der iT'eltchronik Rvdolphs von Ems,
Marburg, 1839; Zaeher, in ZeitachriJt Jiir deutsche Philol‑
oDie, ix (1877), 481 171; O. Doberenta, in the same, xii
(1880). 25701, 38754, aiii (1881). 29‑57. 165‑223; V. Zeidler, Die Quellen von RudolJs van Ems Wilhelm van Orlena, Berlin, 1894.
RUDOLPH, ROBERT LIVINGSTON: Reformed Episcopal bishop‑coadjutor of the New York and Philadelphia Synod; b. in New York City Dec. 29, 1865. He was educated at New York University (B.A., 1892) and the Reformed Episcopal Theological Seminary, Philadelphia, from which he was graduated in 1894, also taking a post‑graduate course at Princeton Theological Seminary, and later studying at Erlangen. He became assistant pastor of the First Reformed Episcopal Church, New York City, in 1895, and in 1903 was appointed professor of systematic theology and Christian ethics in the Reformed Episcopal Theological Seminary, Philar delphia, still retaining his pastorate. In 1896 he was made secretary of the New York and Philadelphia Synod and held this position until 1908,, when, without resigning his professorship, he was made bishop of the same synod.

RUECgERT, riic'kert, KARL THEODOR: German Roman Catholic; b. at Beckstein (a village near Konigshofen, 17 m, s.e. of Wertheim), Baden, Feb. 2, 1840; d. at Freiburg Nov. 8, 1907. He was educated at the University of Freiburg from 1859 to 1862 (D.D., 1865), and, after being engaged in pastoral and state duties from 1863, was a professor at the gymnasia of Tauberbischofsheim and Freiburg until 1880, when he became privat‑docent at the University of Freiburg, still retaining his gymnasial professorship, however, until 1890, when he was appointed associate professor of New‑Testament literature at the University, where he was promoted to a full professorship of the same subject in 1895. He wrote Die Qttellen der Apostelgeschichte (Freiburg, 1865); Die Religion vom apologetischert Standpunkt (Tiibingen, 1874); Nach Paldstina and fiber Libanore (Mainz, 1881); Naeh NordaJrika (Wiirzburg, 1898); and Die Lage des Berges Sion (Freiburg, 1898).
RUECB.ERT, LEOPOLD IMMANUEL: German Lutheran; b. at Grosshennersdorf (a village near Herrnhut) Feb. 1, 1797; d. at Jena Apr. 9, 1871. His first education was received from the Moravians and was completed at Leipsic (1814‑17). After being a private tutor in Niederlausitz and Juterbog, and after preaching at Berlin, he became deacon of his native village in 1819. He earnestly desired an academic position, but as this was impossible for the time being, he set forth his ideals of a teacher in a series of works which included Christliche Philosophic, oder Philosophic, Gesehichte vnd Bibel each ihren wahren Beziehungen zu einander (2 vols., Leipsic, 1825). In 1825 Riickert was appointed a teacher in the gymnasium at Zittau. There he taught Hebrew, French, history, mathematics,‑ and science, and studied not only Plato, whose Symposium he edited (Leipsic, 1828), but also the New Testament, especially the Pauline writings, publishing commentaries on Romans, Galatians, Ephesians, and Corinthians (5 vols., Leipsic, 1831‑37). After having been suggested,

109	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Rudin
		Rueetschi
but not accepted, as a professor in Erlangen in 1832
and at Greifswald in 1836, he became the successor
of F. L. O. Baumgarten‑Crusius at Jena in 1844.
Here, besides his academic duties, he preached fre
quently, some of his sermons being collected in his
Sechs Zeitpredigten in den Jahren 1848 and 1849
gehalten (Jena, 1850) and Kleine Aufsatze fur christ
liche Belehrung and Erbauung (Berlin, 1861). After
the stormy year of 1848 Rackert wrote his Theo
logie (2 parts, Leipsic, 1851), which was essentially
a scientific picture of the ideal life, practical life,
and the life revealed and rendered possible to man
through Christ, and not the conventional dogmatic
or ethical theological treatise. Certain portions of
this work were further elucidated in his Das Abend
mahl, sein Wesen and seine Geschichte in der allen
Kirche (Leipsie, 1856), and his Biichlein van der
Kirche (Jena, 1857). His theological point of view
receives its full expression in his Der Rationalismus
(Leipsic, 1859). It should also be noted that
in his Luthers Verhdltnis zum augsburgischen
Bekennntis (Jena, 1854) he sought to prove that
the Augsburg Confession could not truly be called
Luther's.
	Riickert held in exegesis that a prime factor was
the ability of the scholar so to identify himself with
his subject as to have no idea of his own which
should diverge from the subject in question; he
denied the existence of any evidence beyond the
sphere of morals; and he regarded Christ merely
as a man of surpassing goodness who gave his life
for the moral regeneration of his race. His ration
alism, however, was regarded by him as ethical, or
Christian, and as opposed to the older empirical
system. He deemed it to consist solely in search
for facts and their truths, and to be hindered by no
authority from clinging to the truths thus ascer
tained. He accordingly advocated a critical proc
ess of simple investigation, neither believing nor
denying, but accepting what seemed to be credible
and rejecting all else. Portions of Rackert's com
mentary on I Cor. were translated into English by
B. B. Edwards in the Selections from German Litera
ture prepared by him and E. A. Park (Andover,
1839). 	(G. FRANSt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. Doering, Jenaiacher Uhivenitdts‑Al
	manach, p. 84, Jena, 1845; J. G6nther, Lebenskizzen der
	ProJesaoren der Universitlit Jena, p. 42, ib. 1858; G. Frank,
	Die jenaische Theologie, p. 125, Leipsic, 1858; C. Schwarz,
	Zur Geachichte der neuesten Theolopie, p. 482, ib. 1869.
	RUEDINGER (RUEDIGER), rii'ding‑er, ESROM:
German Protestant theologian and educator; b. at
Bamberg May 19, 1523; d. at Nuremberg Jan. 2,
1590. He was educated at Leipsic, and after being
tutor to the children of Joachim Camerariua (q.v.)
was privat‑docent at Leipsic in 154617 and second
teacher at Schulpforta in 1547‑48, reassuming
his position at Leipsic that he might marry the
eldest daughter of Camerarius. From 1549 to 1557
he was rector of the school at Zwickau, but his
theological position as a firm Philippist brought him
into conflict with strict Lutherans, especially as he
taught the necessity of good works. It was a wel
come change, therefore, when he was called in
1557 to be professor of physics at Wittenberg, where
he also lectured on ethics and the interpretation of
Latin authors. In 1570 he became professor of Greek, and was dean of the philosophical faculty in 1559 and 1570 and rector in 1562. He became involved, however, in the eucharistic controversy between the Lutherans and the Philippists in 1574, and was imprisoned for a short time at Torgau for refusing to sign the " Torgau Articles." He was permitted to return to Wittenberg, and then, though forbidden to leave the city, he fled to Berlin. Declining offers from Basel and Heidelberg, he accepted the rectorate of a school newly erected at Eibenschitz (12 m. s.w. of Briinn) for young nobles of the Bohemian Brethren and Moravians. The school finally became offensive to the nascent Roman Catholic reaction, and though in 1578 an imperial command to close the institution was disregarded, a sharper order, issued on Jan. 22, 1583, directing that Riidinger be arrested and placed in the custody of the bishop of Olmutz, caused him to take refuge with Frederick of Zerotin. There he remained until 1588, when his widowed sister invited him to spend the remainder of his life with her at Nuremberg.
Riidinger's principal theological works were the following: Libri Psalmorum paraphrasis Latino (G&rlitz, 1581); Endexion, tunics funebris ex tela Paradisi ad dextram crucis Christi (Nuremberg, 1591); De origine ubiquitatis pii et eruditi cujusdam viri tractatio (Geneva, 1597); and De fratrum orthodoxorum in Bohemia et Moravia ecclesiolis narratiuncula, in the Historica narratio de fratrum orthodoxorum ecclesiis in Bohemia, Moravia et Polonia of J. Camerarius (Heidelberg, 1605). A number of theological works (especially on predestination, the " Torgau Articles," and the De Jesu Christo martyre) are contained in the Collectio Camerariana in the Royal Library at Munich. (E. FABIAN.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. Strobel, Neue Beitrdge zur Litleratur des
ItT. Jahrhunderta, vol, ii., part 1, 5 vole., Nuremberg, 1790‑94; M. Adamus, Vit2 Germanorum philosophorum, pp. 372‑373, Heidelberg, 1815; J. F. KShler, in Dreadener Gdehrten Anzeigen, 1790, parts axv.‑xxviii.; J. F. A. Gillet, Crato von JCragtheim, 2 vole., Frankfort, 1860; H. Ball, Daa Schulweaen der bohmiachen Briider, Berlin, 1898.
RUEETSCHI, riiet'shi, RUDOLF: Swiss Protestant;, b. at Bern Dec. 3, 1820; d. there 1903. He was educated at the universities of Bern, Berlin, and Tubingen; and in 1842 became vicar, first in the country and later at Bern. In 1845 he became privat‑docent for Old‑Testament theology at the university of his native city; and during this period edited the Biblische Dogmatik of his teacher, J. L. S. Lutz (Pforzheim, 1847). Next, Ruetschi was pastor at Trub (1848‑53), Kirchborg in Oberaargau (1853‑67), and at the Cathedral of Bern (186?‑97). As a theologian he belonged to the intermediate party, midway between the extremes of conservatism and rationalism. In 1878 he received an honorary professorship at Bern, where he lectured on Semitics, and on the history of Israel from the exile to the time of Christ. He took an active part in a Swiss translation of the Bible, of which only the New Testament appeared, and translated Ecclesiastes for E. Kautzach's Die heilige Schrift des Alten Testaments (Freiburg‑im‑Breisgau, 1892‑94). He retired from active life in 1897. (W. HADORN.)

B mania
RUET, ru‑6t', FRANCISCO DR PAULA: Spanish Protestant; b. at Barcelona Oct. 28, 1826; d. at Madrid Nov. 18, 1878. After a meager education he became a strolling player, and about 1841 abandoned Roman Catholicism for Waldensian teachings at Turin, where he prepared himself for the ministry. The revolution in 1855 rendered it possible for Ruet to reenter Spain, and he preached for a month at Barcelona. He was imprisoned, first by the governor, and again by the captain general, and the political reaction a few weeks later rendered it possible for the bishop of Barcelona to cite him before the spiritual court, which, after he had been in prison seven months, sentenced him to the stake for heresy. As such a sentence could no longer be executed in Spain, it was changed, Sept. 18, 1856, to perpetual banishment. Forming a small Protestant community among the Spaniards at Gibraltar, where Ruet was ordained by a Waldensian committee, he made it a center for the dissemination of Protestantism in Spain. Intercepted by the rigid watch on the Spanish border, Ruet left, and first preached to his countrymen during the London exposition, and later went under the auspices of a French committee to Algiers, working among the thousands of Spaniards there, as well as in Blidah and Oran. At the liberation of Spain in 1868‑69, he returned and founded the Protestant church at Madrid. The French committee being no longer able to assist him after 1870, Ruet entered the service of the German missionary society and labored zealously in a chapel purchased for him in 1874 by German friends. (FiuTZ FLIEDrrERt.)

RUFINUS, ru‑fai'nus, TYRANNHIUS: Latin ecclesiastical writer; b. near Aquileia, in Venetia, at the head of the Adriatic, about 345; d. in Sicily about 410. He seems to have obtained his education at Rome, and in 370 or 371 received baptism in a monastery at his native place; at this time he was a friend of Jerome. He left Aquileia probably in 373 for Egypt bent on the practise of asceticism, and, some think, in company with a certain Melania, a rich Roman lady, who, enamored of the ascetic life, devoted her property to the service of the saints of Christ. He visited the celebrated hermits of the Scetic and Nitrian deserts and was there during the time of persecution under Lucius, the Arian bishop, opponent of the Alexandrian Patriarch Peter, meanwhile studying under Didymus the Blind of Alexandria (q.v.). Possibly in 379 he went to Palestine and settled on the Mount of Olives and devoted himself to ministrations to the pilgrims to the place. Not long before 394 he was made presbyter by Bishop John of Jerusalem. In the dissension between John of Jerusalem and Epiphanius of Salamis, Rufinus took the side of John, an action which interrupted his friendship with Jerome, though this was once more cemented. When he returned home again, it is not impossible that Melania was again in his company, though the expression in a letter of Paulinus of Nola (in CSEL, xxix. 246, 1), in which Ru&nus is called " attendant on the spiritual journey of Melania," is susceptible of another interpretation. Rufinus appears next at the cloister of Finetum near Terracina, where at
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
the wish of the Abbot Ursacius he adapted the rules of Basil in Latin for the monks. A certain Macarius desired him to translate the works of Origen. He translated the first book of the Apology (for Origen) by Pamphilus, and followed this with a translation of Origen's Peri arch6n, the first draft of which he completed in 398 or 399. Rufinus saw that this engagement with the works of Origen might bring him into disrepute, especially at a time when Origen was not in favor; yet at the urgency of Macarius, he carried the work through. The unfinished manuscript, according to the report of Rufinus, was purloined and sent to Jerome by some friends of the latter, who at once set to work on a translation which should show the inadequacy of that of Rufinus, accompanying the transmission of this with a long letter (no. lxxxiv., Eng. transl. in NPNP, 2 ser., vi. 175‑181); Jerome also wrote a letter to Rufinus (no. lxxi., Eng. transl., ut sup., p. 170), which was suppressed by the false friend, who took advantage of the absence of Rufinus; meanwhile Rufinus was under deep suspicion on account of his supposed leaning toward Origenism. Rufinus learned of Jerome's letter and wrote to a friend at Rome, Apronianus, not for publication, however, in sharp terms against Jerome; Pammachius and Marcella, the friends of Jerome, learned enough of it to send a report of the writing to Jerome. The latter then wrote the first two books of his " Apology " answered by a letter to Jerome, who then wrote the third book of the " Apology." Rufinus spent most of the remaining years of his life in Aquileia, and added new friends to the old who still stood by him, to some of whom he dedicated further labors in translation and original work. With old age he desired to visit again the holy places, but got no farther than Sicily when he died.
The dispute with Jerome brought a shadow upon Rufinus' life in the Church. Pope Gelasius held that while Rufinus' books contained much good, Jerome's estimate must stand (MPL, lix. 75); but Gennadius praised him (De vir. ill., xvii.) and his Latin. Of independent works may be named, besides the two books against Origen's " Apology," the continuation of Eusebius' " Church History," covering the period 324‑395, which is valuable in spite of its defects; Commentarius in symbolum apmtolorum, the earliest treatment of assured date in Latin dealing with exposition of the symbol, but dependent upon Cyril of Jerusalem; De benediotionibus patriarcharum, in which the mystical interpretation rules, written at the request of a Paulinus, probably not Paulinus of Nola. Concerning the translations made by Rufmus it is to be remembered that he never strove to give an exact rendering. He translated numerous exegetical works of Origen (Homilies on Gen.‑Num., Josh., Judges, Psalms, and the Song, and the commentary on Romans); he saved for us the Peri arch6n; the " Apology " of Pamphilus he called De adulteratione librorum Origenis, really the title of the preface, screening himself with the suspicion that the heretics had interpolated or changed Origen's statements. In the translation of the Dialogus de recta fide he is adjudged more faithful to his text than in the other works of Origen. Greater congeniality

111	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Rust
Rumania
seems manifested in the rendering of the " Church
History " of Eusebius in nine (not ten) books; and
the translation is of value for text‑critical purposes
in spite of the freedom occasionally allowed him
self by the translator. He felt no satisfaction in
rendering the Clementine Recognitions. Out of
Basil's Institute monachorum he translated a series
of homilies, also rendering some homilies of Gregory
Nazianzen, Some Sententim of Evagrius Ponticus
(possibly the Liber centum sententiarum). He put
into Latin the Sententim ad eos qui in cwuobiis et
xenodochus habitant fratres and the Sententice ad
virgines. The " Sentences of Sixtus " mentioned by
Origen and used by Porphyry were also translated
by him, with the addition of a prologue, and at
tributed to Sixtus 11. of Rome, though they were
the product of a Pythagorean philosopher (cf. F. C.
Conybeare, The Ring of Pope Xystus, together with
the Prologue of Rufinu8, now first rendered into Eng
lish, with an historical and critical Commentary,
London, 1910). For this he was severely handled by
Jerome. It is a long‑standing cause of debate
whether the Historia monachorum is Rufinus' own or
a translation from a Greek work, with the probabili
ties now tending in favor of the second alternative,
though the translation is unquestionably by Rufinus.
Still an open question is whether the old Latin rend
ering of Josephus' " War of the Jews " is to be
attributed to Rufinus. Works not by him, but in
the list of his works, are Commentarius in lxxv
Davidis psalmos (probably by the Gallic Presbyter
Vincentius of the second half of the fifth century);
Commentarius in prophetas . . . Osee, Joel et Amos,
Vita sanctw Eugenicv virginis ac martyris; and two
writings entitled De fide. 	(G. KRfGER.)
BIBLIOGRAPBY: The complete works of Rufinus have never been published. Parts were edited by L. de la Barre, Paris, 1580; a fuller edition is by D. Vallarsi, Verona, 1745, this being taken into MPL, xxi., with the Vita of J. Fontanini (originally published Rome, 1742) and that by C. T. G. Schoenemann (Leipsic, 1792). A critical edition of the Latin translation of Eusebius is by T. Mommsen, vol. i., Leipsic, 1903; one of the Commentarsus in symbolum apostolorum, with Notes by C. Whittaker, also Translation, 2 parts, London, 1908. Translations into English of selected works are in NPNF, 2 ser., iii. 405568.
	Sources for a life are Rufinus' own works; Jerome's
" Apology against Rations," Eng. transl. in NPNF, 2
ser., iii. 482240, and his Epistles (nos. 3‑5, 51, 57, 80
84, 97, 125, 133); Augustine, Epiat., hiii., clvi.; Gen
nadius, De aeriptorebua ecclesiasticis, xvii., Eng. tranel. in
NPNF, 2 ser., iii. 389. Consult further: A. Ebert, All
pemeine Geachichte der Litteratur des Mittdalters, i. 321
327, Leipsic, 1889; J. F. B. M. de Rubeis, Diasertationes
dupe, pp. 1‑160, Venice, 1754; H. Bruell, De Tyrannii
Rufini . . CommeMario in symbolum apostolorum,
Doren, 1872‑79; F. Kattenbusch, Beitrage zur Geschichte
des allkirchlichen Taufsymbols, pp. 2722, Giessen, 1892;
B. Czapla, Gennadius als Litterarhistoriker, pp. 27‑28, 44
sqq., 95, Monster, 1898; C. Schmidt, in GGA, clxi 11899),
7 27; P. Reinelt, Studien fiber die Briefs des . . . Pau
linus ‑von Nola, Breslau, 1904; M. Schanz, Gexhiehteder
romiachen Litteratur, iv. 1, pp. 371‑387, Munich, 1904;
Bardenhewer, Patrolopie, pp. 397‑400, Eng. trend., St.
Louie, 1908; Kroger, History, passim; DCB, iv. 555‑561;
KL, x. 1353‑56; Ceillier. Auteura sacr€s, vii. 448‑484, et
passim; Harnack. Dogma vols. iii.‑iv. passim; Schaff,
ChristianChurch, iii.701,884, 984 note; Neander, Christian
Church, vols. i.‑iii. passim.
RUIRART, rwi'nnr, THIERRI: French Benedictine; b. at Reims June 10, 1657; d. at the monastery of Hautvilliers, near Reims, Sept. 27, 1709.
He entered the Benedictine abbey of St. Remy in 1674, made his profession in 1675, and in 1682 was called to the great Maurist center of learning, St. Germain‑des‑Pr6s, at the instance of Jean Kabillon (q.v.), to whom he was pupil, co‑worker, and biographer. His life was a quiet one, broken only by two journeys‑to Alsace in 1696 and to Champagne in 1709‑for material for his works. The first of these was the Ada primorum martyrum sincera et selecta (Paris, 1689; 2d revised ed., Amsterdam, 1713), which was followed by the Histtmia perseeutionis Vandalicte (1694) and the Gregorii episcopi Turonensis opera omnia necnon Fredegarii scholastici epitome et chranieum (1699). Ruinart collaborated with J. Mabillon in the eighth and ninth volumes of the Acts aanctorum ordinis sancti Benedidi (1701), and also prepared the second edition of Mabillon's De re diplomatica (1709), which he had previously defended in his Bcclesia Parisiensis vindicate (1706). He likewise wrote an admirable Abrog6 de la vie de D. Jean Mcbillon (1709); but his intention of editing the fifth volume of the Annalea ordinis Sandi Benedicti was frustrated by his death. The work was prepared by Ren6 Massuet (Paris, 1713), who placed Ruinart's biography in the preface. An interesting diary of Ruinart's on the history of the Benedictine edition of Augustine has been edited by A. M. P. Ingold as an appendix to his Histoire de l'Mition BMAlictine de S. Augustin (pp. 154‑193, 1903). Ruinart wrote also Apologie de la mission de S. Maur, apostre des Bt!n6dictins en France (1702), as well as three treatises: Disquisitio historica de pallio archiepiscopali; Vita beati Urbani papte IL; and Iter litterarium in Alsatiam et Lotharingiam, all in Ouvrages posthumes de Mabillon et de Ruinart, vols. ii.‑iii. (1724); and many letters, edited by E. Gigas, Lettres des b6n4dietins de Saint‑Maur (2 vols., Copenhagen, 1892‑93), also in Correspondanee inMite de Mabillon et de Montfaueon (3 vols., Paris, 1846).
(G. LAUBMANNt.)
BIBLIOGRAPBY: A life by R. Massuet is in the Annals$ do Pordre de S. Bennon, vol. v. Consult further: C. Loziquet, Le Cardinal de Bouillon . . et T. Ruinart dans l'a$aire de Mist. gtnhrale de la maison d'Auverpne, Reims, 1870; H. Jadart, Dom Thierry Ruinart, ib. 1886; E. de Broglie, Mabillon et la aoeiftk de Saint‑Germain des Pris, 2 vols., Paris, 1888; J. B. Vanel, Lea Bbn6dictines de Saint‑Maur, pp. 87‑90, ib. 1896; Lichtenberger, ESR, xi. 348‑350.
RULE OF FAITH. See REGULA FIDEI.
RULING ELDERS. See LAITY; and PRESRYTERIANS, x., 2, § 2 (4).
RULMAN MERSWIN. See FRIENDS OF GOD.
RUMANIA: A kingdom (after 1881) in southeastern Europe, between Russia on the north and Bulgaria on the south, and the Black Sea and Russia on the east and Austria‑Hungary and Servia on the west; area, 50,720 square miles; population (1907), 6,684,265. Not including the Russian sect of the Lipovanians and the Roman Catholics, each numbering about 140,000 to 150,000, the Christian population is of the Orthodox Greek Church, which is the State Church. Art. 7 of the Constitution of 1866 provides that variance in religious confession shall constitute no hindrance to civil and political rights; and art. 20 assures freedom of all religions,

	Mani
8upert of Dents
in so far as their exercise does not violate public order or good morals. Further, it is provided that the Orthodox Church is independent of all foreign supervision, while thoroughly maintaining the unity with the ecumenical Church of the East in the sphere of doctrine. As early as 1864, subordination to the patriarchate of Constantinople was declared to be abolished, and the church of hhe land to be independent, national, and sutocephalous, this in order to avert outside political influence and unforeseen protection. For purposes of self‑government the holy synod was organized, whose constituent members are the metropolitan primate of Hungary‑Wallachia, or the archbishop of Bucharest; the metropolitan of Moldavia and Suzava, or the archbishop of Jassy; the three episcopal eparchs of Wallachia, respectively Rimnio‑Valcei, Buzeu, and Arjish; and those of Moldavia, respectively, Roman, Galatz, and Hush. The synod convenes twice a year, with the minister of worship in attendance. These eight dioceses embrace 3,670 parishes, 370 of which are in the cities. In round numbers there are 8,000 priests. The clergy also comprises about 600 monks, distributed in four notable cloisters of Moldavia and five in Wallachia, in addition to which there are 160 small cenobitical abodes with two to four inmates to each. The education of the clergy is provided by six seminaries with a curriculum of four years and by the theological faculty of the University of Bucharest. The other university, at Jassy, makes no such provision. The archbishops are elected by popular representatives and the boyars (privileged classes) of the first class; and the bishops are appointed by the archbishops. By action of the synod in agreement with the state government, each diocese also receives a titular bishop as an alternate to the highest dignitary. Although the State, in 1864, sequestered most of the cloistral estates, it contributes only small amounts for the support of the bishops, and the parish clergy depend exclusively on the proceeds of the parochial real estate and the surplice fees.
The Roman Catholic Church, influential, espooially in Moldavia, till after the Middle Ages, lost the bulk of its following; but by immigration in the nineteenth century it has entered a more marked development. By 1818 Jassy had become the seat of a papal vicariate, and in 1884 of a bishopric embracing 26 parishes, most of which are in the southern part of the diocese, and are supplied mainly with Minorite pastors. This bishopric has about 90,000 Roman Catholics. The bishopric of Wallachia did not originate until 1883, when it was detached from that of Nicopolis in Bulgaria and erected into an archbishopric; although there are only 18 parishes and somewhat above 50,000 members. Evangelical Christians are much scattered, especially in Moldavia. Their number is estimated at 25,000 to 26,000, including about 8,000 Magyar Calvinists. There are from 15,000 to 16,000 German Evangelicals, and a small number of Methodists, Anglicans, and Presbyterians, principally at Bucharest and Galatz. Owing to the immigration from Transylvania, the German Protestants have a congregation in Bucharest of about 8,000, whose
THE NEW scHAFF‑HERZOG
formal constitution, together with the school estab
lishments, was confirmed by the German and Aus
trian consuls‑general. Other congregations in Wal
lachia are at Crajova, Turnu‑Severin, Rimnic, and
Braila. There has been one at Jassy, Moldavia,
since 1754, now including six branch congregations,
and there is one equal in size at Galatz. There are
three congregations in the Dobrudja district (east
of the Danube), among them, that of the port
Constantza. There is no synodical bond between
these church communities. Excepting Bucharest,
they have subjoined themselves to the superior
church council of Berlin (see PRuss1A, 111., 1, 11),
and are related with the pastors of Rumelia and
Bulgaria through conferences. The Jews, in spite
of much emigration to the United States, number
about 260,000. In 1878 they obtained an equality
of status with the Christians, but can acquire no
real estate before the end of a naturalization term
of ten years. There are from 44,000 to 45,000 Mo
hammedans in the country (43,470 in 1900), mostly
in the Dobrudja, where they have many mosques.
Armenians (16,598 in 1900) have a few small con
gregations in the two capitals and7 the ports of the
Danube. 	(7cr• ILHELM GSTzt).
Brsmoaa"af: J. Samuelson, Roumania Paat and Present, London, 1882; J. H. A. Ubieini, Lea Oripinea de rhist. roumaine. Paris, 1888; R. Bergner, Rumdnien, Breslau, 1887; T. Tamm, Ueber den Urrprung der Rumanen, Bonn, 1891; W. Miller, The Balkans: Roumania, London and New York, 1896; G. Benger, RunUlnien in Jahre 1900, Stuttgart, 1900; F. Dam€, Hiat. de la Roumanie contemyoroine, 1888‑1800, Paris, 1900; Stourdsa, La Teme et la race roumainea, Paris, 1904; A. Bellesort, La Roumanie contempomine, Paris, 1905; N. Jorga, " Hist. of the Rumanian Church and of the Religious Life of the Rumanians," Valenii‑de Munte, 1909 (in Rumanian); J. Gherghel, Zur Prape der Urheimat der Rumanen, Vienna, 1910.
RUMANIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA: In the year 1900 Rumanian immigration from Transylvania, in Hungary, began to flow toward the United States, and later followed immigration from Rumania itself. At present there are about 60,000 Rumanians in the United States and Canada. Of these about 35,000 are Uniates (Roman Catholic) from Transylvania and 25,000 Orthodox. Of these last about half come from Rumania and half froiu Transylvania, and for this reason of the six Orthodox congregations three are under the jurisdiction of the primate of Rumania and three under that of the metropolitan of Hermannstadt in Transylvania. The first congregation of the Orthodox was organized in 1904 at Cleveland, Ohio; other congregations are in East Chicago, Ill.; Lawyer, N. D.; and Regina, Canada. The first congregation of the Rumanian Uniates was also founded in 1904, at Cleveland, Ohio, only a little before the orthodox congregation of that place. Rumanian Uniate churches are at present located at Scalp Level, Pa.; Aurora, Ill.; Youngstown, Ohio; and New York City. The relations between the Orthodox and Uniate Rumanians are very friendly.
A. A. STAmourl.
RU1fZE, run'tse, GEORG AUGUST WILHELM: German Lutheran; b. at Woltersdorf, Pomerania, Feb. 13, 1852. He was educated at the universities

113	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	$ =11ar Dsutz
of Greifawald and Berlin (1870‑74), and after being private tutor in a nobleman's family in Curland, Russia (1874‑76), adjunct of the Domkandidatenatift, Berlin (1876‑77), and senior in the Studentenkonvikt Johanneum (1878,80), became privatdocent for systematic theology and the philosophy of religion at the University of Berlin in 1.880. In 1885 he was made a teacher at the Falk real‑gymnasium in Berlin, and since 1890 has been associate professor of systematic theology and the philosophy of religion at the University of Berlin, and instructor in the Lessinghochschule in the same city since 1902. Besides preparing the sixth and seventh editions of C. G. J. Deter's Abriss der Geschichte der Philosophie (Berlin, 1898‑1901, and 1906), he has written Schleiermachers Glaubenslehre in ihrer Abhdngigkeit von seiner Philosophie (Berlin, 1877); Der ontologische Gottesbeweis, kritiache Darstellung seiner Geschichte seit Anaelm bis auf die Gegenwart (Halle, 1881); Grundriss der evangelischen Glavbensund Sittenlehre (2 vols., Berlin, 1883‑84); Studien zur vergleichenden Religionsuriasenachaft (3 vols., 1889‑97); Praktische Ethik (1891); Die akademir sche Laufbahn and ihre 6konomische Regelung (anonymous; 1895); Friedrich Nietzsche ala Theolog and als Antichrist (1896); Katechismus der Dogmatik (Leipsic, 1897); Religionaphilosophie (1901); and Metaphysik (1905); F. F. Cabs Leben and Wirken (Berlin, 1907; prefixed to Calo's Photinissa Chrysopulos); Der Religionsunterrriccht eine GewissenzfraWe (Osterwieck, 1908); and Religion und Geschlechtsliebe (Halle, 1909).
RUPERT OF DEUTZ.
Early Life and Writings (¢ 1). Controversies on the Nature of God (¢ 2). Allegorical, Biographical, and Practical Worlm (1 3). The Writings of his Later Years (f 4). Rupert's Theological System (§ 5).
Rupert of Deutz, an important medieval theologian and abbot of Deutz, was born, probably in Germany, about the middle of the eleventh century; d. at Deutz (now part of Cologne) Mir. 4, 1135. Whiles, child he was brought by St. Laurence to the Benedictine monastery at Lidge, his slow talents, he affirmed, being quickened by the special favor of the Virgin; but he refused to receive
r. Early ordination since the investiture conLife and troversy was then raging in Lidge (see Writings. INVEsTrmuRE). During this early period of his life Rupert composed some hymns, including one, now lost, on the incarnation, a lost work De diversis scripturarum sentenhis, the fragment of the Chronicon Sancti Laurentii Leodiensis, and biographies of Augustine and St. Odilia. On the death of Bishop Wazo of Lidge, Abbot Berengar was removed from his monastery, and with him, in 1092, Rupert and other Cluniac monks sought refuge in the monastery of St. Hubert in the Ardennes. It was at this time that Rupert wrote his Labellus hymnorum, which in its thirteen poems gives a faithful picture of the condition of the Church as it appeared to the eyes of a faithful Ultramontane. A commentary to these hymns is afforded by the chronicle of the monastery, which must have been completed before Aug. 9, 1095, when Berengar and his companions returned to x‑s
Lidge. He now received the ordination which he had refused to accept from the schismatic of Lidge, probably after 1106. During this time, moreover, besides his undoubted study of Hebrew, he read deeply in Plato, Plotinus, Dionysius the Areopagite, Aristotle, Heraclitus, Augustine, Jerome, Hilary, Arius, Sabellius, Symmachus, Aquila, Theodotion, and Gregory the Great. In 1111 Rupert wrote his twelve books De divinis ofciis, which explains the mystical meaning of the priestly office, beginning with the hours, vigils, bells, service of the altar, and vestments. The third book proceeds to the church year, the lessons, and the services on individual feasts, all the rites being explained by an astonishing abundance of symbolical exegeses of Scripture. At the same time he held that unworthy communicants received only the outward forms in the sacrament; and that Christ gives in the Eucharist only his spiritual, not his physical, body.
Rupert was still at Li6ge when he wrote the Super Hiob commentarius, based on the Moralia of Gregory the Great. The allegorical method of his predecessor is followed with extreme closeness, Job, for instance, allegorically representing the Savior. But his views had excited some suspicion, and Berengar, anxious to provide for Rupert's safety, recommended him to Abbot Ouno of i. Contro‑ Siegburg and gained him a patron in versies on Archbishop Frederick of Cologne. the Nature Rupert went to Siegburg apparently of God. in 1113, but was soon recalled, and within the year, or at most in 1114, wrote his De voluntate Dei to defend himself against the attacks of Anselm's pupils at the cathedral of Laon. The work is in twenty‑six chapters and is a critique against the teaching at Laon and Chalons that God's will concerning evil was twofold, one permitting evil deeds and the other approving them, to the end that ultimate good might result. Rupert, on the other hand, maintained that the divine permission of evil by no means implied approval of it, bdt only divine patience concerning it. In his effort to escape the predestinationalism of William of Champeaux and Ansdm, Rupert approximated the position of Johannes Scotus Erigena (q.v.), who regarded evil as in itself non‑existent, and as merely the shadow of the substance. Like thoughts filled the twenty‑seven chapters of the De omnipotentia Dei, the tenth chapter of which establishes the thesis that God desires the salvation of all mankind. The Laon theologians were angered, and Anselm himself complained to Berengar's successor, Heribrand, as though Rupert were still a monk at Li6ge. Heribrand actually cited Rupert to appear at Li6ge, where he was acquitted. The opposition still continued, however, and he now assumed the offensive. In 1117 he went to Laon and then disputed at Chalons. Charge after charge was brought against him, only to be refuted with ease. In the midst of the controversy, the course of events changed and Rupert was called from Lidge to Cologne, thus returning to his monastery of Siegburg. Here he planned to write on the majesty and the honor of Christ; but from this task he was called by Cuno to prepare a work In regulam Sancti Benedicti. The first book tells of its author's learned controversies, the

Rupert of Deutz	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
Rupert
	second of the arrangement of vigils, and the third of
	the order of the service of the altar, while the fourth
	deals with the dispute concerning the preeminence
	of Augustine or Benedict. Still under the patron
	age of Curio, Rupert wrote his In evangelium sancti
	Joannis commentarius. This work, which is dis
	tinctly allegorical in character, is divided into four
	teen books, and was probably written before 1117.
	After its completion, Rupert finished his De trani
	tate et operibus ejus, which he had begun in 1114.
	This is the most important of all his writings, and
	falls into three main portions: the work of the
	Father, from the beginning of creation to the fall
	of man; the work of the Son, from the fall to the
	passion; the work of the Spirit, from the passion
	to the resurrection at the last day. The major part
	of the De trinitate is occupied with the Old Testa
	ment, with the mystical interpretation of its entire
	ceremonial law and sacrificial ritual. Like Augus
	tine in his " City of God," and like Irena'us, Hilary,
	Justin, and Hugo of St. Victor, Rupert regards the
	six ages of the world as embracing the entire history
	of the earth, the sixth day of history corresponding
	to the sixth day of creation, as well as to the spirit
	of fear of Isa. xi. 2, and beginning with the birth
	of the Son of man. The third part of the entire
	work now opens, and the four Gospels show the
	glory of the kingdom in which are developed the
	gifts of the Holy Ghost, the liberal arts, music, etc.
	The De trinitate was followed by the In apocalyp
	sim Joannis apostoli libri duodecam. Here the seven
	churches of Asia are compared with the seven
	women that take hold of one man in Isa. iv. 1, and
	the glassy sea of Rev. iv. 6 is explained as baptism,
	through which man passes to the throne of grace' as
	Israel passed through the Red Sea.
	3. Allegor‑ The serpent that cast water out of his
	ical, Bio‑ mouth after the woman (Rev. xii. 15
	graphical, 16) typifies Arius with his attack upon
	and Prac‑ the Church. The number 666 is that
	tical Works. of man, who was created on the sixth
	day, without entering the divine hep
	tad. The triple hexad is ruled by Satan, and not
	only can not, but will not, become a heptad, being
	triply augmented in its opposition to God. Abbot
	Cuno was likewise the inspiration of Rupert's in
	cantica canticorum commentarius, also called De incar
	natione Domini, a work naturally composed in the
	allegorical exegesis of the period. To this time may
	belong the charge brought against Rupert that he
	taught that the Holy Ghost was incarnate in the
	Virgin. Norbert was the first to make the accusa
	tion, and it has been conjectured that Rupert's
	reply may be embodied in the Conjlictus Ruperti
	cum Norberto, which is preserved in two manuscripts
	at Lobkow and Weissenau. In the Altercatio mona
chi et	the controversy between secular and
	regular priests is discussed, the decision being that
	a monk may preach after receiving ordination. A
	like opinion was later expressed by Rupert in his
	EPistola ad Everardum (the abbot of Brauweiler),
	and his Epiatola ad Liezelinum eanonem on the dig
	nity of monasticism may belong to the same period.
	It was probably at the request of the abbot of St.
	Martin in Cologne that Rupert wrote the Vita
	Sancti Eliphii, and about 1120 he also composed
his Vita Sancti Heriberti. Toward the end of the same year he was chosen tenth abbot of Deutz, and is said to have built a dormitory and the chapel of St. Laurence before the castle doors. To his literary controversies were now added troubles with squatters in the old castle, who were later guilty of burning both the castle and the monastery. In 1120 Abbot Wibald of Stablo wrote Rupert asking whether, in his opinion, self‑pollution involved so grave a breach of chastity as to forbid ordination, and Rupert's reply, the De hesione virginitatis, constitutes a noteworthy chapter of clerical discipline. If the unique manuscript of the De vita vere apostolica, now preserved in the monastery of Grafschaft, is to be ascribed to Rupert, there are here five diar logues essentially on the old question of the relative position of seculars and regulars. Rupert, writing to Canon Liezelin, ranked the monks far above the secular clergy, the regulars being both priests and monks.
About this time Rupert wrote his Commentarius in duodecim prophetess minores, which seems to have been completed about 1124. It contains little which is especially noteworthy, however, and when Archbishop Cuno interrupted the work, Rupert turned to his De victories Verbi Dei, based on the
4. The conversations between the author and Writings his patron during the latter's visits to
	of his	Deutz, and picturing, in thirteen books,
	Later	the victory of the Son of God over
	Years.	Satan. After a brief preface, Rupert
		passes to the names of the fiend, and
then the battle breaks out in heaven, rolls over the
earth, blazing most fiercely when Christ and Satan
enter on the stage of earth, and lasts until the
dragon is slain by the Lord. On the completion of
this work, Rupert resumed his commentary on the
prophets, and at Christmas of the same year (1124)
was present at the enthronization of Pope Honorius
at Rome. He then visited Monte Cassino, but with
in the year was one of the signers of a diploma at
the monastery of Grafachaft. Shortly after his re
turn to Deutz, Rupert must have begun his De
glories et honore fidii hominis, a free exegesis of Mat
thew in thirteen books. He begins with the vision
of Ezek. i. 5 aqq., the four cherubim typifying Christ:
four, since he is at once God and man, king and
priest; man, since he was born in Zion; an ox,
since as a priest he offered himself in sacrifice; a
lion, since he conquered death and rose from the
dead; an eagle, since God ascends above all the
heavens. For almost every word of Matthew the
Old Testament is cited by Rupert, but in the last
book he returns to a philosophical consideration of
the necessity of the incarnation. The work can not
have been completed before 1126, but it was ready
by 1127, and together with it the abbot had written
his commentary on the books of Kings. About the
same time, moreover, he wrote his Dialogus inter
Christianum et Jvdmum, a work of minor impor
tance, except as showing his vast knowledge of the
Old Testament and his skill in devising exegetical
arguments. On Aug. 25, or Sept. 1, 1128, Deutz
was consumed by fire, and Rupert, an eye‑witness
of the disaster, describes it in his De incendio oppidi
Tuitii. Soon afterward he composed his De glori‑

115	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	IN= of Deutz
		Rupert
	ficatione sanette trinitatis et processu Spiritus Sandi,
	quickly followed by the De meditatione mortis. In
	the latter he holds that the word of God which for
	bade Adam to eat of the tree of life was a word of
	the highest grace, in that through the death of the
	body man is freed from the death of the soul in
	the death of Christ. About 1130 Rupert also wrote
	his In librum Ecclesiastes commentarius, the method
	of exegesis being the same as in his other works.
	Rupert likewise wrote a De glorioso rege David,
	which is no longer extant. The De gloriftcatione,
	however, was his last important work, and in his
	later years the infirmities of age seem to have pre
	vented him from continuing his literary labors.
		Essentially an allegorical exegete and a poet,
	Rupert of Deutz can scarcely be said to possess a
	formal dogmatic system. Dogmatic problems, in
	deed, are touched on only in the course of his exe
	gesis, and receive varying answers, in consequence
			of the varying context; and thus it
	s. Rupert's became possible for the most divergent
	Theological views to be held concerning his actual
		System.	position. On the other hand, he ap
			pealed constantly to the Bible, and to
it alone, so that his view of the universe and his
	concepts of God and of the world must be drawn
from his exegesis. He regarded the Bible in all
three senses: literal, allegorical, and moral. In
each point of his interpretation the Scriptures were
	present to his vision as a whole, forming for him a
	single sentence of many clauses, each word, each
	syllable, each letter of and for the one thought.
The whole system of his interpretation centers about
Christology. At the creation the incarnation was
already provided for, and the divine command that
man should multiply was designed to fill the city of
God. In his Christology, moreover, Rupert strongly
insisted on the perfect blending of the human and
divine natures in Christ; and from his Christology
his views concerning the means of grace, especially
the Eucharist, become plain. Of the Eucharist he
writes (De divinis ofciis, II., 11) : " The body of
Christ, which before the passion was the body of
the Word alone, so increased through the passion,
was so spread abroad, so filled all the world, that by
the new diffusion of this sacrament it makes into
one Church all the elect that have been from the
	beginning of the world, or that shall be to the last
one chosen at the end of the ages," that the Re
deemer may say, when he gives the Church to God,
" This is now bone of my bones, and flesh of my
flesh." At the same time, there has been much
	question whether the eucharistic doctrine of Rupert
was orthodox or not, his editor, J. Cochheus, fol
lowed by the Maurists, affirming it, while Bellar
mine denied it. In the first place, since he regarded
the Church as essentially the mystery of the body
of Christ, little room was left for the Eucharist.
His views on the problem can scarcely be reduced
on a definite formula, and passages may be cited
from his writings which seem, at first blush, to im
	ply that he taught that the elements merely repre
	sented the body and blood of Christ. It is clear,
however, that, as a matter of fact, he postulated
the reality of the presence, and it is equally evident
	that he held the doctrine of transubstantiation.
The truth is that Rupert, impelled by his general point of view, was involuntarily led to phrases and similes which exposed him to suspicion. Again, while some passages would imply that he taught that unbelievers received only the outward signs of the Eucharist, there is too little evidence on this score to assert positively that such was his doctrine. Thirdly, it would seem that he would have inclined toward the doctrine of impanation, had this been sanctioned by the Church. There is, however, nothing to prove, as is sometimes alleged, that Rupert taught not only consubstantial impanation, but also hypostatic impanation, holding that Christ was united with the bread and wine in the same sense that his divine and human natures were hypostatically united.
	The deviations and the inconsistencies of Rupert
were those of his age, nor can he be judged by a
norm suited neither to him nor his period. It is far
more important to know that he was, in his teach
ings, a mirror of the Church of the twelfth century.
In philosophy he was a Platonizing mystic, a fol
lower of Augustine, Johannes Scotus Erigena, Ber
nard of Chartres, and Odo of Cambray. He was,
therefore, essentially opposed to Aristotelianism.
By his side in Germany were Gerhoh and Arno of
Reichersberg and Honorius of Autun (qq.v.), all
Platonizing mystics, in their opposition to Nestorian
ism almost approximating Eutychianism in their
Christology. 	(R. ROCHOLLt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Frequent editions of the Opera were issued from Cologne‑by Cochlaeus in 1526, 1527, 1528, by Melchior Novesianus in 1539, 1540, 1542, 1577, 1602; an enlarged ed. was put forth by Hermann Mylius at Mainz, 1631; Chastelain's ed. was issued at Paris, 1638; the Benedictine ed. appeared in 1751, and they are in MPL, elxvii.‑clxx. Parts of the De incendio and of the De gloria ed honore Pilii hominis are in MGH, Script., xii (1856).
Consult; R. Rocholl, Rupert von Deutz, Giiteraloh, 1886; idem, in ZBG. xxiv. 1 (1903); ASM, vol. v.; Jaffe, BRG, vol. v.; Hist. littbraire de la France, xi. 422‑587; J. Bach, Dogmengeschichte des Mittelalters. vol. ii., Vienna, 1875; F. W. E. Roth, in Die katholische Bewegung in unseren Tagen, Col. xx., parts 16‑18, Wamburg, 1887• J. Mtiller, Ueber Rupert von Deutz and dessen Vita S. Heriberti, Cologne, 1888; Wattenbach. DGQ, ii (1886), 123, 136, 137, 237, 347, ii (1894), 137. 150‑152, 194, 382. Schaff, Christian Church, v. 1, pp. 714, 719; Neander, Christian Church, iv. 79, 337‑338, 411; Hauck, %D. iv. 319‑320; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, face. xxxv., Col. 1272.
RUPERT, ril'pert, SAINT: The apostle of the Bavarians; d. at Salzburg early in the eighth century. His biography exists in three recensions: the oldest (between 790 and 800), the Gesta sancti Hrodberti corfessoris (ed. F. M. Mayer, Archiv fur tisterreichische Geschichte, 1xiii. 606 aqq., Vienna, 1882); the Vita primigenia, the first part of the ninth century De conversiane Bagoariorum et Caranfanorum (hfGH, Script., xi. 1854, 4‑5) ; and the version in ASB, Mar., iii. 702 sqq. According to the Gesfa, he was a kinsman of the Merovingians and in the second year of Childebert 111. (695‑711) was bishop of Worms. His fame led to his invitation to Bavaria by Duke Theodo lI., and he accordingly went to Regensburg. Urged by his patron to select a see city, Rupert visited Lorch, but did not remain there; and later founded St. Peter's on the Wallersee (Seekirchen in Upper Austria). There he heard of the Roman ruins at Salzach, and re.

8gnppreoht
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
ceived from the duke a grant of four square miles. He then founded at Salzburg the church of St. Peter, a monastery, and also a nunnery for Erindruda of Worms. The Gesta thus present the picture of a man laboring in a land only nominally Christian, and seeking primarily to revive a dead faith. It is likewise noteworthy that the Noma Arnonis of 790 (Salzburger Urkundenbuch, ed. W. Hauthaler, i. 3 sqq., Salzburg, 1898) represents him simply as a mitred abbot, thus casting doubt on his being called to Bavaria by Theodo, as well as on the entire previous history of his life. Immediate pupils of his and monks invested by him are mentioned in the ninth century Brevea notitim Salzburgenses (viii. 13, ed. G. Kainz, Munich, 1869). (A. HAucm)
IkHmoaHAPH7: A very full list of editions of sources and of literature is given in Potthaet, Wegweiser, pp. 1557‑58. Consult, besides the sources named in the teat: ASM. iii. 1, pp. 340‑348; Hid. littiraire de la France, iii. 448 aqq.; J. Friedrich, Das wahre Zeitalter dea heiligen Rupert, Apostele der Bayern, Bamberg, 1888; W. Wattenbach, Bearage sur Geschichte der christlichen Kirche in Mahren and Bohmen, Vienna, 1849; J. G. von Koch‑Stemfeld, Ueber das wahre Zeitalter des heiligen Rupert, in Archiv ffir Kunde oaterreichischer Geschiehteqtellen, v (1850). 385‑497; R. Mitterm(ller, Das Zeitalter des heili®en Ruyert, Metten, 1857; P. Heber, Die vorkarolinpischen christliehen Glaubenshelden am Rhein, pp. 140‑148, Frankfort, 1858; A. Huber, Daa Grab des heiligen Rupert, Vienna, 1889; S. Riesler, Gesehichte Baierna, vol. i., Gotha, 1878; W. Hauthaler, Die derv heilipen Rupertus . . . geweihten Kirchen and Kapellen, Salzburg, 1885; F. von Piehl, Kritische Abhandlungen itber die Mode Geschichte Salsburps, Innsbruck, 1889; Rettberg, KD, ii. 193 sqq.; Hauck, KD, i. 372 sqq.; DCB, iv. 582‑583.

RUPPRECHT, ru'preHt, GOTTLIEB FRIEDRICH EDUARD: German Lutheran; b. at Atzendorf (15 m. s.s.w. of Magdeburg) Mar. 2, 1837. He was educated at the University of Erlangen (1855‑59); was a teacher of Latin at MVnchberg (1859‑61); vicar at Fihth, Middle Franconia (1862‑$4); he was so seriously ill as to be incapacitated for any active life (1864‑70), but in 1870 became pastor at Wallesau, Middle Franconia, where he remained eight years. Since 1878 he has been pastor at Sausenhofen, Middle Franconia. In theology he adheres to the system of Thomasius and Hofmann as set forth by the Iowa and Ohio synods of the Lutheran Church; in regard to the Old Testament, however, he is an adherent of Hengatenberg and Keil. He has written: Was ist Wahrheit (3 parts, Sagan and Gateraloh, 1875‑77); Die Anschauung der kritischen Schule Wellhauzen vom Pentateuch, sin wissenachaftlich begriindetm Glaubenazeugnis an die Gegenwart (Leipsie, 1893); Der Pseudodaniel and Pseudojesaia der modernen Kritik, sin neues Glaubenszeugnis vor dem Forum des christlichen Glaubena, der Moral and Wiesenschaft (1894); Das Ende dieam Weltlaufes, zur Einfuhrung in die neutestamentliche. Weissagung (Munich, 1894); Das Rdtsel des Panfbvches Mose and seine falaehe L6sung (Gatersloh, 1894); Des RMaeU Lvsung, oder Beitrage zur richttgen LSsung des Pentateuchrdtsels (3 vols., 1895‑97); Die Kritik nach ihrem Recht and Unrecht (1897); Wissenschaftliehes Handbuch der Einf"rung in daa Alts Testament (1898); Erkldrte deutsche Volksbibel (Hanover, 1900); and Das Chris~ von D. Adolf Harnack mach demen sechazehn Vorlesungea (Gateraloh, 1901).
BiHLroaHAPHy: E. Timotbeus, LieU im Dunkel, Skinen aus dem Loben sine. siiddeutschen Theolopen it Novellenform, , 1897.

RURAL DEAN. See DR" (4).

	RURER, rif'rer, JOHANN: First Protestant pas
tor of Anabach; b. at Bamberg; d. at Ansbach
about Whitsuntide, 1542. His university career is
unknown, but about 1505 he was in Brandenburg,
and by 1512 had attained such reputation that he
was appointed vicar of St. Catherine's at Ansbach.
He soon became chaplain to Margrave Casimir, who
later placed him in full control of the parish, where,
already an adherent of the teachings of Luther, he
was able to exercise a powerful influence on the re
ligious fortunes of the margravate. On Palm Sun
day, 1525, he held the first German services at
Ansbach, and was soon opposing the margrave,
who, for political reasons, saw that he had gone too
far toward the Lutheran side. Finding that he
could make no impression on Casimir and fearful
of arrest, Rurer fled, in Feb., 1527, to Lieguitz,
where Duke Frederick sought to secure him for his
".Christian school." Before long, however, Rurer
was recalled to Ansbach by George, the successor of
Casimir, and was made preacher at the collegiate
church, a position which he retained until his death.
He was one of those appointed to draw up new
church regulations for the margravate; he took a
prominent part in the conference at Schwabach on
June 15, 1528; and was a factor in the three con
ferences on the Nuremberg proposals in February,
May, and December, 1531. Meanwhile he had so
companied the margrave to the Diet of Augsburg
in 1530, where, though at first hopeful that an un
derstanding might be reached between Roman
Catholics and Protestants, he opposed the com
pliance of Melanchthon; yet he was one of the
clergymen who, dreading the responsibility of re
sistance to the emperor, advised George not to join
the Schmalkald League. Rurer was likewise active
in the introduction of the Brandenburg‑Nuremberg
agenda of 1533, which was a potent weapon in the
struggle against Roman Catholics and Anabaptists,
although he deprecated the use of violent measures
against adherents of the ancient faith. His services
to the Protestant cause, including the winning over
of the aged Margrave Frederick, were rewarded by
George with the income belonging to the dean of the
cathedral, L. Keller. Toward the end of his life
Rurer was a delegate to a number of diets, but died
shortly after the Conference of Regensburg in 1541.
		(KARL SCHORNBAQM.)
BIHLJOGHAPH7: F. J. Beyschlag, Sylloge variorum opuww forum, i. 787 eqq., 884 sqq., 990, ii. 184 sqq., Hall, 17271731; C. F. Jacobi, Geschichte der Stadt Feuchtuxingen, pp. 89‑70, Nuremberg, 1833; T. Kolde, Andrea. Aithamer, Erlangen, 1895; K. Sehonnbaum, Die Stellung des Markgrafen Kasimir. Nuremberg, 1900; F. Cobra; Die evangdiwhen Katechismusversuche, iii. 3 aqq., Berlin, 1901.

RUSHBROOKE, WILLIAM GEORGE: Church of England layman; b. at Ampthill (8 m. s. of Bedford) Jan. 21, 1849. He prepared for the university at the City of London School, 1862‑68; became a scholar at St. John's College, Cambridge, 1868, and graduated, taking degrees both in Cambridge and

117	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	lxUpreaht
nesia
London University; became senior classical master at the City of London School, 1872; fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge, 1879; and headmaster of St. Olave's Grammar School, 1893. He has issued: First Greek Reader (London, 1878); Sync opt%con. An Ezpoeitwn of the common Matter of the Synoptic Gospels (1880); and The Common Tradition of the Synoptic Gospels (in collaboration with E. A. Abbott; 1884).
RUSSELL, CHARLES TAZE. See MiLLzNNiLL DAWN.
RUSSELL, CHARLES WILLIAM: Roman Catholic; b. at KilIough (27 m. s.w. of Belfast), Ireland, May 14, 1812; d. at Dublin Feb. 26, 1880. He received his education at Drogheda, Downpatrick, and at Maynooth College, becoming a Dunboyne student at the latter in 1832; he was made professor of humanity in 1835; was selected for the apostolic
vicariate of Ceylon in 1845, became professor of ecclesiastical history at Maynooth in 1845, and president in 1857. His significance lies in two directions; his influence on the Tractarian movement (Newman attributes to him the major influence in his own conversion to Roman Catholicism), and his scholarship in antiquarian matters. He was appointed to the Historical Manuscripts Commission in 1869; published A Report on the Carte MSS. in the Bodleian Library (8 vols., Oxford, 1871), in collaboration with John Patrick Prendergast; and compiled the Calendar of Irish State Papers during the Reign of James 1. (4 vols., 1872‑77). He was the author of The Life of Cardinal Mezzofanta (1858); and, with M. Kelly, translated from the German of Christian Heinrich Schmid the Catholic Tales (3 vols., London, 1846), and also Leibnitz's System of Theology (1850).
Brsraoas,im:: DNB, :li:. 428‑429.
RUSSIA.
1. History of the Orthodox Greek	2. The Evangelical Church.	The Popovehchina (f 2).
	Church.		Lutherans in Russia Proper (1 1).	The Bespopovehchins 0 8).
		Beginnings (¢ 1).		Lutherans in Finland and Poland	The Xh(ysty (§ 4).
		From the Mongol Invasion (¢ 2).			(5 2).	The Skoptsi (¢ 5).
		From the Patriarchate (¢ 3).		Reformed (§ 3).	The Molokani (¢ 8).
II. Statistics.	III. Sectarianism in Russia.	The Stundists (4 7).
	1. The Orthodox Greek Church.		Origin (§ 1).
	I. Rarly History of the Orthodox Greek Church:
The existence of Christianity in Russia as early as
the tenth century is shown by the treaty between
the Greeks and the Varyags of Kief made in 944,
the Christian Varyags being especially obligated to
maintain the peace, being called upon at its con
clusion to take the oath in the churches of St. Elias,
" for," says the annalist, " many Varyages were
		Christians." A few years later Olga,
	:. Begin‑ the widow of Igor, embraced Chris
	nings. tianity; and the arms,]e state that
		Vladimir accepted the faith after
listening to the arguments of envoys of the Mo
hammedan Bulgars, the pope, the Jewish $azars,
and a Greek philosopher, his baptism taking place
after the capture of Korsun. The scanty account
of the monk Jacob (1070) represents that he
adopted Christianity of his own accord and through
the example of his grandmother Olga, and that
he was baptized three years before reducing
Korsun. The Christianization of Russia, which
was almost contemporaneous with the conver
sion of Hungary and Poland, was closely con
nected with Vladimir's alliance with the hard
pressed Byzantine emperors and his marriage
with their sister. At Kief the idols were thrown
into the river, and the people were driven in
throngs to be baptized in the Dnieper. At Novgo
rod baptism does not seem to have been received
without resistance, and Murom and Ryasan were
not converted until the end of the eleventh century.
It was only in the latter part of the twelfth century
that Russia could be considered Christian. Vladi
mir (d. 1015), Yaroslaw, and Vladimir Monomach
(d. 1125) sought to make provision for schools and
the training of clergy; and the bishops and metro‑
politans‑the latter, until the Mongol invasion, all Greeks with two exceptions‑brought with them a certain degree of culture. But the almost ceaseless wars were unfavorable to the development of clerical life; and theology amounted to little more than polemics against the Latins, with a few ascetic writings, accounts of pilgrimages, annals, and legends. The writings on canon law, however, give glimpses of the civilization of the time. Religious life and culture centered at the eremitic monastery at Kief, founded by a certain Antonius, but influenced more by its second abbot, Theodosius, who introduced the Studite rule. The ideals of the monastery, which was filled chiefly with members of the higher classes, were those of Greek monasticism; but ignorance pre. vailed, and the cloister exerted influence only over the more cultured grades of society. The maese9 were openly pagan and utterly ignorant.
The Mongol invasion was a blow to the Church as well as to the kingdom; the metropolitan was either killed or forced to flee, and the same fortunes befell the most of the bishops. After
2. From the establishment of Mongol rule, how‑
the Mongol ever, the Russian Church shared in the Invasion. religious toleration of Genghis Khan. The worship, laws, judgments, and property of the Church were undisturbed; and the clergy were exempt from taxation and could exercise jurisdiction over their people in civil and criminal matters. The Russians themselves preferred to bow before the Mongols rather than to submit to Rome. The metropolitans were no longer exclusively Constantinopolitan Greeks, but also numbered native Russians. Meanwhile the grand dukes of Moscow had contrived to enlist the cooperation of the metropolitans as well as the favor of the

Russia	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	Ila
Mongol khans. The metropolitans imposed upon the opponents of the grand duke bans and interdicts and helped them to unite Russia. Especially is this true of the two most distinguished ones, Peter (d. 1326) who designated Moscow for his burial‑place, and Alexei. When Vladimir became the second metropolitan late in 1354, it was to the advantage of Moscow. The relation of the metropolitans to the patriarch was changed by the fall of Constantinople, shortly before the expulsion of the Mongols from Russia. In 1436 the metropolitan Isidore sent from Constantinople to Moscow was imprisoned by the grand duke because he had accepted the Florentine union. The next metropolitan, Jonas, was appointed without confirmation from the patriarch, and Gennadius of Constantinople even granted the Russian Church the right to choose and consecrate its own metropolitans. This practically meant, however, the subjugation of the church to the grand dukes, and no less than eight metropolitans were removed by these princes between the consecration of Jonas and the erection of the Russian patriarchate. During the reign of Ivan IV., " the Terrible," the wilful caprice of that prince dominated the church and the metropolitan Daniel was compelled to validate his fourth marriage. In consequence of this dependence of the metropolitans on the grand dukes, the church of Lithuania separated from that of Moscow and received a metropolitan of its own at Kief. Moscow now retained the archdioceses of Novgorod, Kazan, and Rostov, and the dioceses of Susdal, Ryazan, Tver, Sarai, Kolomna, Smolensk, and Perm. The grand duke of Moscow regarded himself as the real protector of the orthodox faith, and Moscow became a thud Rome. It was during this period that Christianity first took deep root in Russia. Monasteries multiplied, among them being that of St. Sergius of Radonesh (d. 1391), where communal monastic life was adopted, as it was at the Cyrillic monastery on the White Sea and at Joseph Sanin's cloister at Volokalamsk. Nil Sorski (1433‑1508), on the other hand, defended the ideal of the sketists (see ATHOS), even combining with his pupil Vassian and the grand duke in an unsuccessful attempt to secure the secularization of monastic property at the Moscow Synod of 1503. The sole heresies reported at this period were the " Jewish sect " and the Strigolniki at Novgorod. The latter, about 1375, represented essentially a protest against simoniacal priests, and were soon suppressed. The " Jewish sect " is said to have been founded at Novgorod about a century later by a Jew named Skhariyah (Zachariah), its tenets including denial of the Virgin, icons, crosses, sacraments, fasting, and holy days. Archbishop Gennadius of Novgorod instituted stern measures against them, despite the influence they had obtained over Ivan III.; and after about 1520 nothing more is heard of the sect. Far more important than the Moscow Synod of 1503 was the " Synod of a Hundred Chapters," at stoglav in 1551, which sought to preserve genuine traditon and to improve moral conditions. Its measures were later disavowed, however, as sanctioning the shibboleth of the Raskolniki (q.v.); the sign of the cross with two fingers, and the double Hallelu‑
iah, the triple Halleluiah, and shaving the beard being rejected as Latin heresies. Gennadius of Novgorod now sought, about 1493, to unite the Slavic translations of the Bible, while Macarius prepared Russian lectionaries for the entire year (1541, 1552). But despite the growth of a literature in which translations were still more important than original productions, even the Russian bishops remained ignorant, and Protestant travelers in the land considered Christianity almost non‑existent.
In 1589 Job was consecrated independent patriarch of Russia, as one of the four of the Orthodox Greek Church. The Patriarch Hermogen, aided by hatred of and aversion to the Latin Church, prevented the Poles from becoming masters of Moscow during the period of chaos. When Michael Roman‑
off ascended the throne, his father was
3. From made patriarch and virtual regent the Patri‑ (1619), and similar power was enjoyed
archate. for a time by his third successor, Nikon
(q.v.). The latter, in 1667, carried through a reform of the liturgy, thus leading to the great schism of the Raskolniki. In 1654 the metropolitanate of Kief was reunited, after long preliminary negotiations, with Moscow. At Kief, moreover, contact with the West and polemics with the Roman Catholic Church had resulted in the growth of a type of scholastic learning, and in 1631 Petrus Mogilas (q.v.) had founded a college in the city. From this school proceeded many distinguished men‑Silvester Medviedeff, who began the controversy over the instant of the transformation of the bread in the Eucharist, in which for the first time the methods of Western theology were employed; Dimitri, metropolitan of Rostov (1651‑1709); Stephan Yavorski (d. 1722), patriarch and the assistant of Peter the Great, who founded the holy synod to take the place of the patriarch; and Theophanes Prokopovich (d. 1736), archbishop of Novgorod, ecclesiastical adviser of Peter, and for a century the authority in dogmatics and pulpit oratory. In 1764 the monasteries were secularized under Peter III. and Catharine II. The early part of the reign of Alexander I., like the rule of Catharine, favored the Enlightenment, but gradually the czar turned toward mysticism. In 1812 a Bible society was established, but in 1824 the orthodox archimandrite Photius of Novgorod changed the course of events. The Bible society and the Protestant mission in Transcaucasia were suppressed under Nicholas I., and in 1835 with Protassoff began the series of conservative chief procurators of the Holy Synod, later ably represented by Pobiedonostsev (q.v.), a firm opponent of Protestantism. The dogmatic theology of Russia during the nineteenth century was likewise predominantly anti‑Protestant, until Yanisheff brought on a more favorable reaction. At the present time notable services are rendered, especially in the department of church history. The theological seminaries in St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kief, and Kazan have their own journals; the first three have published translations of the Church Fathers and the last a translation of the ecumenical councils.
II. Statistics: According to the census of 1897, published in1905, the population of European and Asiatic Russia, numbering 125,640,021 (not including Fin‑

119	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Russia
land; see below), was distributed as follows: Orthodox Greek including the United Greek Church, 87,123,604; dissidents, including the Old Believers, 2,204; 596; Roman Catholics, who form 74 per cent of the population of Russian Poland, 11,506,809; Lutherans, mostly in the Baltic provinces, 3,572,653; Armenian Gregorians, 1,179,241; Armenian Catholics, 38,840; Reformed, 85,400; Mennonites, 66; 564; Baptists, 38,139; Church of England, 4,183; other Christians, 3,952; Mohammedans, 13,906,972; Jews, 5,215,805; Buddhists, 433,863; Karaites, 12,894; and other non‑Christians, 285,321.
1. The Orthodox Greek Church: According to the representation of the procurator of the holy synod the gain was from 79,115,820 in 1898 to 86,259,732 in 1902. In 1902 there were 49,703 churches, including 723 cathedrals, 46,827 priests, and 58,529 cantors. A parish is normally inherited by the son‑in‑law of the previous incumbent. In 1898 the official income of the Orthodox Church was about 60,000,000 rubles (ruble, 51 cents), 40,000,000 from the State and 10,000,000 direct gifts, while the budget of the holy synod in 1900 was 24,000,000 rubles, and the imperial budget for 1906 was 29,126,000 rubles for the Orthodox Church, and 1,752,000 for others. The czar is the head of the Russian Church and the directing power is the holy synod, which, by the ukase of 1763, must include six clerical members, among them the three metropolitans and the exarch of Georgia; and now includes seven bishops and a proto‑presbyter, the confessor of the czar. The presiding officer is the metropolitan of St. Petersburg, and the rank of a clerical member is held by the chief procurator, who is a minister of state. There are three metropolitans (St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Kief) and fourteen archbishops, though these have no actual superiority in rank. The exarch of Grusia, or Georgia, alone has jurisdiction over his bishops. Each bishop is aided by a consistory, whose members are appointed by the synod at his nomination; and the supervision of religious instruction and censorship are especially under his control. The eparchies, or dioceses; generally correspond to the provinces, and there are sixty‑six, nearly fifty in European Russia. The bishops frequently rise through a series of dioceses. The monasteries number 862, of which only the most famous have many inmates; among these are the cave‑monastery, and the monastery of St. Sergius, of Alexander Nevski at St. Petersburg (the three lauras besides the one at Potchaiev in Volhynia), and of Solovetski on the White Sea. In 1902 the monks numbered 8,455 with 8,090 aspirants, and the nuns 10,082 with 31,533 aspirants. The higher clergy are drawn from the monks, but they are such only as a transient stage in their promotion. The real monks guard relics and icons, collect alms, and by singing increase the dignity of the service. Of the half‑million white or secular clergy, barely 35,000 were priests (" popes ") in 1887, the remainder being deacons or psalmodists, sacristans, sextons, and bell‑ringers. The theological seminaries and academies are more for the education of the sons of priests than of the future clergy. In 1899 there were 58 seminaries with 19,642 students; 4 academies with 930 students; and 185 secondary
schools. The clergy have no fixed income, except in the western provinces, where they must protect the Orthodox Church against Roman Catholicism and Protestantism. They are accordingly obliged to use their sacred calling as a means of gain, and possess scant educational influence. They enjoy little respect except when conducting services, which they make full of pomp. To many Russians worship is chiefly reverence of the icons by crossing themselves, lighting candles, prostrations, and genuflexions. Sermons are rare. The chief saint, next to the Virgin, is St. Nicholas. The rigorous fasting, for which the Russians were long famous, seems to have been mitigated in recent years. In 1905 freedom of worship was granted to the Old Believers, but reclamation from schism, as well as the conversion of the non‑faithful, has always formed a prominent activity of the Russian Church with the aid of the State. Between 1840 and 1890 there were 1,172,758 conversions, including 580,000 Greek Uniates, Roman Catholics, and Protestants. The average annual converts from Judaism number 936, from Mohammedanism 1,315, and from paganism 3,104. In Japan Russian missionary efforts are phenomenally successful.
2. The Evangelical Church: The Protestants in Russia, including Poland but excluding Finland, numbered (1897) 3,762,756; of whom there were 1,790,489 Germans, 1,435,937 Letts, 1,002,738 Esthonians, and 351,169 Finns (in Russia). Of
these 3,322,242 were Lutherans: 799;
1. Luther‑ 748 in the consistorial district of St. an, in Petersburg; 454,912 in Moscow; 659,Proper. 291 in Courland; and 1,156,083 in
Livonia. The confession of the Lutheran Church in Russia is that of the Book of Concord, and of all the Russian Protestants the Lutherans of the Baltic provinces are the most prominent. Livonia sympathized with Lutheranism from the first, but it was unable to withstand the armies of Ivan IV. When, in 1561, it submitted to Poland, protection was promised to Lutheranism. At the same time an Evangelical Church was organized in Courland. Attempts at a Roman Catholic propaganda in Livonia were frustrated by the invasion of Gustavus Adolphus, which assured the continuance of the existing state of affairs. Even when the country came under Russian control, the Augsburg Confession remained supreme, though freedom of worship was guaranteed for the Greek Church. In the reorganization of the church after the war between Russia and Sweden the pietism of Halle found welcome in Livonia, as did the doctrines of Herrnhut (1729‑43, 1764). On the other hand, rationalism was disseminated from Riga throughout Livonia, at first finding a foothold even in the new center of spiritual life created by the establishment of the University of Dorpat in 1802. In 1849 the schools were placed under the control of the nobility and clergy, and were raised by the aid of the Church to a standard approximating that of the Germans. In 1832 the Lutheran Church of the Baltic provinces was united with the remainder of the denomination in the interior of the empire by means of a general consistory, meeting at St. Petersburg. This consistory is composed of a lay president

Russia
THE NEW scHAFF‑HERZOG
and clerical vice‑president (appointed by the czar), and of two clerical and two lay delegates serving for three years each. Administratively it is under the control of the minister of the interior, judicially it is subject in general to the senate. Until 1890 the consistories of Riga, Reval, and Oesel, each with a superintendent at the head, were retained side by side with those of Courland, Livonia, and Esthonia; but in the latter year they were merged in their provincial consistories. In 1794 the order for the training of children of mixed marriages was made applicable to Esthonia, and in 1857 all penal jurisdiction in provinces claimed by the State Church was extended to the Baltic provinces. This was of the utmost importance, in that, 1845‑48, a tenth of the population of Livonia had been led to enter the Russian Church, and then a considerable number returned to their former faith. By an oral declar ration of Alexander II. the penalty was removed from receiving of such reconverts, and about 30,000 returned to the Lutheran Church. When, however, Pobiedonostzeff assumed control, the Russian Church claimed these members, and the resisting Lutheran clergy of Livonia were prosecuted and disciplined. It was not until the accession of Nicholas II. that affairs were at all ameliorated, and the first real assistance was afforded by the proclamation of religious toleration at Easter in 1905. The consistorial district of Courland had (1904) 129 parishes with 117 clergy, and an outlying diaspora of 19 churches, 42 chapels, and 23 clergy in the provostship of Vilna, and the governments of Kovno, Grodno, Vilna, Minsk, Mohileff, and Vitebsk. The district of Livonia has 154 parishes and 180 clergy; and that of Esthonia, 57 parishes and 69 clergy. In Livonia the Unity of the Brethren and Baptists are decreasing, but the latter gained a solid footing in Courland in 1857. In 1882 they numbered in these provinces, 5,884, with 10 churches and as many missionaries. The Lutherans in the interior of the Russian Empire are divided into two widely extended consistorial districts. The consistory of St. Petersburg stretches over eighteen governments from the Gulf of Finland and the White Sea to the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov. The consistory of St. Petersburg. reported in 1910 641,000 Lutherans, of whom 39(',000 were Germans, 133,000 Finns, 84,000 Esthonians, 26,800 Letts, 6,200 Swedes, and 1,000 belonged to other nationalities. The city of St. Petersburg lies at the heart of a district with 22 German colonies and many congregations in cities, besides 19 Finnish churches; and itself has 13 Lutheran congregations, with (1904) about 105,000 members. The number shows a marked diminution, due in great measure to the law that the children of mixed marriages must be brought up in the Orthodox Greek faith. In Kief the Lutheran community, founded in 1767, numbers about 5,500. The Lutheran colonies in the government of Kief are now mostly combined into the independent parish of Radomysl, with between 8,000 and 9,000 members in some 40 places. In the government of Volhynia, where the first colonies were formed in 1816, there were some 75,000 Evangelicals by 1885, scattered abroad among the dissident Methodist or Baptist propaganda. In the
governments of Bessarabia, Cherson, Taurien, Yekaterinodaf, and the southwest district of the Don Cossacks, many Lutherans are scattered in thirtyfour parishes. The community of Odessa, founded in 1804, had in 1905 about 7,000 members. Swabian colonies in this part of Russia are noteworthy for their spiritual zeal, and show tendencies that expose them to Baptist proselyting. A separate community was founded by immigrants from W arttemberg at Hoffnungathal in 1817, and in 1881 numbered 2,009. Far larger than the St. Petersburg consistory is that of Moscow, under a general superintendent, which embraces all eastern Russia in Europe, as well as the Caucasus, Transcaspia, and Siberia. In 1910 the consistory contained 459; 000 Lutherans, of whom 411,000 were Germans, 22,000 Letts, 3,000 Finns, 600 Swedes, 1,000 Armenians, and 400 others. In the diaspora covering the eighteen governments from Tver to Astrakhan, outside of Saratof and Samara, there is only the colonial community of Kharkof of 3,500 members; the isolated Lutherans almost inevitably give up their denomination, and even in the oldest Lutheran communities of the Empire no family remains Evangelical for more than a century in consequence of the law governing mixed marriages. A compact Lutheran population is found in the colonies of the governments of Saratof and Samara, which also includes the Unity of the Brethren community of Sarepta, founded in 1764. Over 25,000 colonists, mostly from central Germany, accepted the invitation of Catharine II. in 1763, and reached the Volga in 1767. Their privileges were annulled in 1872, and their schools were placed under state control. They now number 406,170, despite extensive emigration; and are divided into 32 parishes. Their interest in religion, however, is keen, and they possess five hospitals, four orphan asylums, and a deaf and dumb asylum. Three parishes are Reformed. A number of colonists migrated from the Volga to Stavropol and Piatigorak north of the Caucasus, where at Karas a Scotch mission has been active since about 1820. Chiliastic hopes and opposition to rationalism led many to emigrate from Wurttemberg to Georgia in 1817, where they were served for a time by missionaries from Basel. They have recently been included in the consistory of Moscow, and have ten congregations with twelve pastors. The congregation at Tifiis includes about 3,000 members. Transcaspia forms a single parish, with but one pastor. In Siberia, from the Ural to the Pacific, there were, in 1880, about 6,650 Lutherans, about 5,000 being in the colonies of exiles at Omsk and Yeniseisk, about 1,400 in the cities, and the remainder in penal institutions. They now possess eight parishes with eight pastors.
The grand duchy of Finfand had, in 1900, a population of 2,673,200, of whom 48,812 were Orthodox, 560 Roman Catholics, 2,620,891
2. Luther‑ Lutherans, 2,630 Baptists, and 317 an* in Fin‑ Methodists. The Lutheran clericals
land and number 758 in 512 parishes; and are Poland. controlled administratively by four bishops (the bishop of Abo being also archbishop of Finland) and by the cathedral chapter, while the legislative body is the general synod, two‑fifths of the

121	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
members being clerical. The supreme control of the Church, however, devolves on the department for spiritual affairs in the Finnish senate. The laws proposed by the synod must, on the one hand, be approved by the diet and confirmed by the emperor; and, on the other hand, laws may be proposed by the priest diets, which, when affecting the liturgy, must be sanctioned by the congregations. The pastors nominate the provosts, canons, and three candidates for the bishopric, of whom the emperor selects one. The congregations are free to choose their pastors and officers. Since 1868 only religious instruction has been left officially to the Church; but as a matter of fact the majority of the presidents of the school boards are Lutheran clergymen, and all the principal teachers of the secondary schools must be Lutherans. At the University of Helsingfors there are four professors of theology, and the entire school system of the grand duchy is well organized. For the Finnish Bible Society, see BIBLE SOCIETIES, II., § 5. Since 1859 Finland has had its own missionary society which works, in collaboration with the Rhenish mission, in the Ovambo district, West Africa, having five stations and thirteen missionaries. Finnish missionary activity likewise endeavors to reclaim the Lapps of the far north, who have almost fallen back into paganism because of the constant lack of preachers (see LAPPS). In the spiritual life of the Finnish Church two opposing tendencies may be distinguished: one pietistic, laying all its stress on repentance and sanctification, and the other emphasizing forgiveness of sins by grace and joy in the perfected atonement. Also a Biblical stands in contrast with an ecclesiastical tendency. See FINLAND, CHMSTIANIZATION OF. The ten governments of the former kingdom of Poland had, in 1871, a population of 6,026;421, of whom 4,596,956 were Roman Catholics, and 327,845 were Protestants. The Lutheran parishes number sixty‑five. At the time of dismemberment only two Lutheran parishes remained, those of Warsaw and Vengrov. The others have sprung from German immigration since. The control of the Polish Lutherans is vested in the Evangelical Augsburg Consistory at Warsaw, which has been subject to the ministry of the interior from 1867. The lay president is appointed by the emperor, and the clerical president, who is at the same time general superintendent, by the minister. Five superintendents (at Warsaw, Kalish, Augustovo, Petrikau, and Plock) are under the control of the general superintendent. The pastors are chosen by the congregations and confirmed by the consistory. They are members of the church boards which, in every congregation, not only administer the secular side of the church, but also supervise the pastors and other officials and provide for the poor. The schools are now withdrawn from Evangelical control. German Lutherans have migrated in large numbers from the polish to the Russian provinces of the empire in recent decades, and it is only of late years that the Polish Evangelicals have thrown off the influence of rationalism.
The Reformed Church in Russia enjoys greater freedom than the Lutheran in the control of its property and the conduct of its Services. On the
other hand, it lacks the bond of a common creed and is less consolidated. It consists of two large
S. Re‑ bodies, the synod of Lithuania. and the corisistory of Warsaw. The other nine communities are controlled by the independent " Reformed sessions " coordinated with the Lutheran consistories at St. Petersburg, Moscow, Riga, and Mitau, and composed of the secular members of the Lutheran consistories, the Reformed pastors, and one or two elders. Their powers are limited to marriage, the examination and ordination of pastors, discipline of their clergy, and the presentation of candidates for approval to the minister of the interior, under whose jurisdiction they stand. In the consistorial session of St. Petersburg there are the French and German congregations in the capital, and churches at Odessa, Chabag, Neudorf, and Rohrbach. The German Reformed at St. Petersburg number about 3,000, and are active not only in religion, but also in philanthropy and education. At Riga there were, in 1881, 1,843 Reformed; 118 in the smaller cities of Livonia; and 88 in Reval. The Reformed community at Moscow numbered about 2,000 in 1882, and at Mitau about 400. The Reformed Church in Lithuania is controlled by the Lithuanian synod, to which each member of the congregation belongs. The decisive vote, however, rests in the synedrium, a committee composed of the curdtorea nati, the superintendent, and elected lay " curators." The executive body, under the supervision of the minister of the interior, is the Reformed codlegium at Vilna, composed of four clerical and four lay members. The synod comprises three districts: the Samogitian with four Lithuanian communities and 10,600 members (1881), and two Polish congregations with about 300 Poles and Germans in the government of Kovno; the district of Vilna with four congregations in the government of . Vilna; and the district of White Russia with five congregations in the governments of Grodno and Minsk. The schools formerly controlled by the Reformed Church in the Samogitian district were closed by the State in 1869, and replaced by state schools. The Reformed Church of the former kingdom of Poland is governed by a synod and a consistory. The former, in which only delegates of the individual churches are now allowed to vote, rules on general matters concerning the church; while the consistory, chosen from the synod, proposes new measures, carries out the resolutions of the synod, and decides questions concerning marriage. The individual congregations are represented by presbyteries, to which the pastor belongs. This coneia. torial district embraces six pastoral congregations, of which that of Warsaw is the largest with (1887) 2,700 members; three branch congregations with 7,659 pastoral members and 3,957 communicants; the Reformed in Lodz; and a number of scattered representatives of the denomination. The denomination controls several schools, but is compelled to support the elementary crown schools. The small embassy churches are entirely independent, these being the Dutch in St. Petersburg; six Church of England, in St. Petersburg, Kronatadt, Odessa, Moscow, and Riga; and an Anglo‑American Con‑

Russia	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	122
gregational church at St. Petersburg. In Archangel the Lutherans and Reformed united in 1818. The Unity of the Brethren congregation at St. Petersburg numbers about 45. The Mennonites, who settled in the governments of Tauris, Yekaterinoslaf, and Samara after 1784 and 1804, numbered 34,217 in 1860, while in 1903 there were in Samara 1,218 Mennonites in 10 congregations. Since 1880 the Baptists have been officially recognized.
III. Sectarianism in Russia: The stress laid by the Eastern Church on the forms of worship as a means of grace, with consequent insistence on the abrogation of all innovations and opposition to any alleged emendation, however alight, became the cause of Russian sectarianism when, in the seventeenth century, the attempt was made to revise the liturgy. In the course of time devia‑
	r. Origin.	tions in ritual had naturally developed,
		but in 1551 the " Synod of the Hun
dred Chapters " had definitely sanctioned the lit
urgy then observed. When the task of printing the
ritual began, the uncertainties of the text became
painfully evident, and while stern measures were
adopted to prevent emendations, the double halle
luiah was substituted for the triple (1610) and the
sign of the cross with two fingers was adopted (1641)
‑the principal matters of the subsequent contro
versy. When Nikon (q.v.) became patriarch, he
energetically undertook the emendation of the rit
uals and had them sanctioned by the synods of
1654,56. The form of the Greek and old Slavonic
books was made the norm, and the approbation of
the patriarchs of Antioch, Servia, and Constanti
nople was secured. Reforms of so sweeping a char
acter naturally evoked opposition, but the vigor
ous policy of Nikon prevailed, and the synod of
1656 pronounced the anathema over the adherents
of the old uses. His enemies gradually gained
strength, however, but even while the synod of
1666‑67 condemned Nikon, it confirmed his reform,
and thus became the starting‑point of the great
schism which still exists in the Russian Church.
In the north it was the monastery of Solovetakii on
the White Sea that formed the center of the oppo
sition. It was treacherously surrendered in 1676,
after a seven years' siege, and 400 of its inmates
were put to death. Yet this, and other stern meaa
u:es, failed to crush the " ancient faith." The new
ritual was regarded by its opponents as the doc
trine of Antichrist. The making of the sign of the
cross with three fingers instead of two, the pronun
ciation ITsus instead of Isus (" Jesus "), the three
fold halleluiah instead of the twofold during mass,
the four‑armed cross instead of the eight‑armed,
celebration with seven " prosphers " instead of with
five, procession in a direction contrary to the ap
parent course of the sun, the omission of " very "
(instead of " Lord ") as applied to the Holy Ghost
in the Nicene Creed, and the prayer " Jesus Christ,
our God " instead of " Jesus Christ, Son of God "
were all considered essential heresies of Antichrist.
Later still numerous other heresies were alleged
against the State Church, especially all innovations
of Peter the Great and the entire infiltration of
occidenta,lism.
Within the schism itself the dying‑out of priests ordained before the separation from the State Church led to a distinction between the " Priestly " (Popovshchina) and " Priestless " (Bezpopovshchina), since the lack of any bishop rendered
a. The it necessary either to have all sacraPopovsh‑ ments administered by priests who
	china.	had renounced the State Church, or
		entirely to surrender the sacraments
excepting baptism, which, in case of necessity,
might be performed by a layman. The Popovsh
china, as the less radical sectaries, were the more
successful in founding a new church. Their chief
center at the end of the seventeenth century was
on the island of Vietka in one of the tributaries of
the Dnieper, in the government of Moghilef, where
more than 30,000 gathered. Two attacks, in 1735
and 1764, destroyed their possessions, and many
of them were exiled, chiefly to Siberia. While
Nijni‑Novgorod was a favorite residence of the
Skiti, a sub‑sect of the Popovshchina, the center of
the latter became Starodub in the government of
Chernigof. Since 1771, except for an interruption
of a few years, the Rogoshski cemetery at Moscow
has been the center of the Popowhchina, as the
Preobradahenski cemetery has been for the Bez
popovshchina. The question of reanointing priests
who had become converts from the State Church
led, in 1779, to a loss of the prestige of the Popovsh
china, who were forbidden in 1832 to receive priests
from the Russian Church. A few years later, how
ever, they received priests ordained by a deposed
Bosnian patriarch, though they were long obliged
to officiate in secret. A variety of liturgical and
other questions have caused more or less serious
divisions among the Popovshchind; while the per
mission of the Synod (1800) for priests to officiate
according to the ancient rite resulted in the recon
ciliation of many Popovshchina with the Church
the Yedinavyeretzxi, or " Coreligionists." The mon
asteries of the Yedinovyerefzi are recognized by the
State, but they have not been able to obtain an in
dependent hierarchy. The number of this sect
scarcely exceeds a million; in 1886 it possessed 244
churches.
The Bezpopovshchina, who number between two and three million, are much more radical than the Popowhchina, and are split into a greater number of minor sects. Their chief home is between Lakes Ladoga and Onega and the White Sea, so that they are termed Pomoryane, or " Sea‑
3. The Dwellers." Since all priests ordained Bezpopovsh‑ before the time of Nikon had died,
	china.	these sectaries declared that the time
		of Antichrist had come, in which all
sacraments except baptism were abrogated. In
stead of ordained priests they had only elders and
readers, who expounded the Scriptures, heard con
fessions, and baptized, the mode of baptizing being
the cause of many divisions. They observe the
fasts of the Russian Church, venerate icons and
relics, and avoid tobacco, sugar, and certain sorts
of food. Their formal organization was begun in
1691, and their monastery on the River Vyga long
formed their center. After the time of Peter the
Great they enjoyed a certain degree of toleration;

123	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Russia
but when, in 1738, some of them were willing, for political reasons, to include intercession for the czar and his family in their prayers, the majority proved recalcitrant, and the two sub‑sects (both named from their founders) of " Philipists " and " Feodosians " were consequently formed, rd‑using to have any fellowship with their former comrades. The most difficult problem for the Bezpopovahchina was that of marriage. Their quasi‑monastic ideals proving impracticable, some renounced religious marriage, others rejected its indissolubility, and others still would not tolerate marriage at all, so that their level of morality proved inferior to that of the orthodox. The abolition of marriage could not be carried out; the novoshennye (" newly wedded ") were married by priests of the State Church and then did penance. From the Filipovtzi, toward the end of the eighteenth century, arose the " Pilgrims " (Stranniki) or " Fugitives " (Byeguny), who, in supposed conformity with Matt. x. 37‑38, forsook their homes and families, rejected legal marriage and the certificate of naturalization with the seal of " Antichrist," and ate no food from the vessels of strangers. A sub‑sect of the " Pilgrims " intentionally postponed their vow of wandering until toward the end of their lives, but occupied a less honored position. From the loss of a hierarchy others of the " priestless " Russian sectaries inferred that the sacraments and public worship were altogether abrogated, as by several divisions of the Netovtzi ("Deniers"). The" NonPrayers " respected only the prayer of the heart, and even regarded all prayer as an affront to the divine omniscience, and explained all Christian doctrine as allegorical; the Molchalniki (" Silent ") refused to speak, even under torture; others used raisins instead of wine in the Eucharist; and the tanets of others are still unknown.
Besides these sects there are a number of others which did not originate from the schism of 1667, which is called the raskol (" schism ") par excellence, whence its adherents are known as Raskolniks (" Schismatics "). Among them mention should first be made of certain mystics who are not sepa‑
rated externally from the Orthodox
;. The Church, but frequently seem to be her IChlysty. most zealous members. These are the
" People of God," or Yhlysty (" Flagellants "), probably a corruption of Khristy (" Christs ") . According to their account, God descended in 1645 on Mount Gorodin in the government of Vladimir, and took up his abode in the peasant Daniel Philippov, who chose as his son, " Christ," the peasant Ivan Suslov, who in turn chose a "Mother of God" and twelve apostles. Suslov is said to have been twice crucified, to have risen and been manifested to his followers, and to have lived until 1716. Since that time the Khlysty have had many " Christs " (including Peter III.; see § 5). Each member of the sect is expected to endeavor to become a " Christ " or a " Mother of God " by mortification of the flesh and prayer. The " ships" in which the Khlysty gather are directed by a prophet or angel, aided by a prophetess, and the commands of these prophets are the law of their adherents. The twelve commands of Philippov are
also still in force, including abstinence from intoxicating liquors and all carnal indulgence. They hold that the essential baptism is that of the Spirit, and they celebrate the Eucharist with the triturated Easter prospher and the water blessed at the feast of the Epiphany. Dancing and singing form the principal parts of their religious exercises, the men in the center and the women on the outside circling round with frantic gestures (supposed to imitate the flying of the angels) until exhausted and even unconscious (cf. EcsTesr); while the incoherent phrases which they utter are taken to be prophecies. The secrecy attaching to the Khlysty enhances their prestige, but much of the scandal popularly ascribed to them seems apocryphal. The exact relation of the Skakuny (" Jumpers ") to the Khlysty is problematical.
An offshoot of the Khlysty is formed by the Skoptzi (" Self‑Castrators "). They were founded by a certain Selivanov (whose real name is unknown), who, about 1770, declared himself to be Peter III. and a son of God. Banished to Siberia, he was permitted to return by Paul I.,
g. The but was confined as insane until re.
	SkoptzL	leased by Alexander I. Be then en
		joyed quasi‑divine honor in St. Peters
burg, but in 1820 he was again placed in confinement
in the monastery of Suzdal, where he died in 1832,
a centenarian. In opposition to the licentiousness
of some Khlysty, Selivanov laid all stress on Matt.
xix. 12, xviu. 8‑9, distinguishing between the
" royal seal " and " second purity " (partial cas
tration). Women usually have the breasts am
putated. Many Skoptzi are " white doves " or
" pure spirits " only after they have begotten chil
dren, and others are nominally married. Selivanov
is considered the perfect redeemer. The Skoptzi,
who on principle deny that they belong to the sect,
carry on an active propaganda, and all measures
to suppress them have failed. Their number is esti
mated at between two and three thousand, many
of them emigrants to Rumania.
Opposition to the ceremonial of the Orthodox Church is embodied in the Molokanf (" Milk Drinkers ") and Dukhobors (q.v.), who reject the sacraments and are officially designated as rationalistic sects. Scorning ceremonial, a special priesthood, and the veneration of icons, they maintain that the only worship of God is in spirit and that the heart of man is the sole true temple of God. Instead of baptism by water they demand the
6. The baptism of the Spirit, instead of con‑
	Molokani.	fession to a priest confession to each
		of the brethren, and instead of the
Eucharist meditation on the words of Christ. The
origin of the Molokani is obscure, nor are they offi
cially mentioned until 1765. They claim that the
Bible is their sole foundation, and though they ex
plain it allegorically, they do not reject the his
torical elements in the Gospel. They refuse to eat
pork, but in general their doctrines are vague, so
that much diversity of opinion prevails among
them. Their congregations meet in private houses,
each body having a presbyter and two assistants
conspicuous for uprightness of life. Their devo
tions consist of prayer, the singing of hymns and

Russia	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	124
Ruth
	reading of the Bible, and conversations on religious
	themes. Their morality is high, and their readiness
	to assist one another has led to frequent experi
	ments in communism. Theoretically they hold that
	earthly rulers are only for the worldly, so that many
	of them refuse to pay taxes, take oaths, or perform
	military service, but practically they are, as a rule,
loyal and peaceful subjects.	Large inroads have
	been made in their numbers by the Baptists and
	Stundists. The Molokani are also held by some in
	vestigators to include the Subotnild (" Sabbatari
	ans "), who, though having no affinities with Juda
	ism, observe Saturday as the Sabbath, practise
circumcision, and observe the dietary laws.
	There are many minor mystic and rationalistic
	Russian sects, such as the " Sighers," " Spiritual
	Brethren," " Nameless," etc. The most important
	development of Russian sectarianism, however, is
	that of the Stundists, who arose about 1864, pri
	marily in southern Russia. They seem
7. The	to have originated from devotional
	StundistL " hours " (Germ. Stunden) held in the
	German colony of Rohrbach and visited
by Russians.	Under Baptist influence Stundism
	assumed a position of hostility toward the ritual,
	sacraments, and icons of the Orthodox Church, and
	at the same time incurred the suspicions of the gov
	ernment for supposed German tendencies. Stund
	ism seems no longer connected with the Baptist
	denomination, but it has developed the sub‑sect of
	Malovantzi (named from its founder, the peasant
	Kondrat Malovani, who is supposed to be the Mes
siah), who resemble the Khlysty.
	The number of Russian sectaries is too vague to
	be stated even approximately, the figures assigned
ranging from 3,000,000 to 15,000,006.
	(N. BONwETscm)
	BIHLIOanAPBY: For the background in the history of the
	people, country, literature, and civilisation consult: W. K.
	Kelly, Hint. of Russia, London, 1854; A. von Haathausen,
	The Russian Empire: its People, Institutions, and Re
	sources, 2 vols., London, 1856; A. Rambaud, Hid. of
	Russia, 3 vols., London, 1887; H. H. Howorth, Hiet. of
	the Mongols, 3 vols., London, 1888; D. M. Wallace, Rus
	sia, new ad., London, 1905; A. Brtiekner, Gewhichle Ruas
	lands bra zur Endo des 18. Jahrhunderta. Gotha, 1896; S.
	Wolkonaky, Pictures of Russian History and Russian Litera
	ture, Boston, 189?; A. Leroy‑Beaulieu, L'Empire den
	tzars et lea rusaea, 4th ed., 3 vols., Paris, 1897‑98; P.
	Milukow, Skizzen ruasiwher Kulturgeachichte, 2 vols.,
	Leipsic, 1898‑1901; K. Walissewaki, Hiat. of Russian
	Literature, New York, 1900; W. K. Morfeu, Hint. or Rus
	sia from Peter the Great to Alexander 11., New York, 1901;
	F. H. E. Palmer. Russian Life in Town and Country, New
	York, 1903; R. U. Bain, The First Romanova (1813‑
	1725): Hint. of the Muscovite Civilization, New York,
	1905; A. Ular, Russia from Within, New York, 1905;
	Jeremiah Curtin, The Mongols in Russia, Boston, 1908;
	A. Bruckner Rusalanda peistliche Entwicklunp im Spiegel
	aeiner achtinen Literatur. Tubingen, 1908; T. H. Pau
	tenius, Gewhichte Ruaslanda von der Ent"unp den ruasi
	when Reichea bra our Gepenwart, Leipeie. 1908; D'Abnour,
Hist. abrlphe des peuples de la Ruaae. Paris 1910.
	For the history of the church nearly all the literature
	under Eastern Church is pertinent, and the most important
	entries are cited there in classified form. The literature
	under Nikon, Photius, and Platon is also to be consulted.
	P. St‑hl, Beitrdpe zur ruasisehm Kirchemeachichte, Halle,
	1827: idem, Geschichte do, ruaaischen Kirche, vol. i., ib.
	1830; A. N. Mouravieff Hid. of the Church of Russia,
	London, 1842; H. Lutteroth Russia and the Jesuits, from
	1778 to 1820, ib. 1858; H. Dalton. Gewhidde der relormier
	ten Kirche in Rusaland, Goths, 1865: idem, Beitrape our
	Geschicke der arxinpdiwAsn Kirche in Ruaalasd. 4 vols
ib. 1887‑1905; idem, Die rusaiwhe Kirche, Leipsio, 1892; Gayarin, Russian Clergy, London, 1872; Philaret, Gewhichte der Kirche Russlanda, 2 vols., Frankfort, 1872; The Patriarch and the Tsar, from the Russian by William Palmer, 3 vols., London, 1871‑73; M. KSstomorov, Rueaische Gewhichte in Biopraphien, Leipaie, 1889; F. Nippold, Handbuch der neuesten Kirchenpewhichte, ii. 247 sqq., Berlin, 1901; F. Kattenbusch, in W. D. Grant, Christendom anno Domini 1801, i. 388 sqq., New York, 1902; L. K. GbtB, Dan Kiewer Hohlenkloster ala Kultursentrum den vormonpoliscAen Ruaaland, Passau, 1904; idem, Kirchenrechtliche and Kulturgeschichtliahe Denkmnler Altrua8lands, Stuttgart, 1905; idem, Staat and Kirche in Altrusaland. Kievar Periode 988 bra It40, Berlin, 1908; A. Malvy, La ROorme de Upliae russe, Paris, 1906; Service Book of the Holy Orthodox‑Catholic Apostolic (GrecoRuseian) Church, compared, translated and arranged for the Old Church‑Slavonic Service Books of the Russian Church and collated with the Service Books of the Greek Church, by Isabel F. Hapgood, Boston, 1908; J. Wilbois, L'Avenir de 1'hpliae ruses, Paris, 1907; A. Palmieri, La Chieaa Ruesa. Le sue odierne eondizioni a il suo riformiamo dottrinale, Florence, 1908. Treatises in Russian on the church history of Russia are by Makarij, 12 vols., St. Petersburg, 1888‑83, E. Golubinaky, 2 vols. in 3, Moscow, 1900‑02.
For the history of Russian dissent and the sects consult: K. K. Grass, Die ruasiwhen Sekten, Leipsie, 1905‑09; E. Pelikan, Gewhichtlich‑madizinische Untersuchunyen fiber daa Skopzentum in Rusaland, Giessen, 1876; T. Pech, Die Molokanen, in Historisehea Tawhenbuch, 5 ser., viii. 203 aqq., Leipeie, 1878; N. von Gerber‑Embach, Russiaahe Sektierer, in Zeitfraeen der Chridlichen Volkslebena, vol. viii., part 4, Heilbronn, 1883; A. F. Heard, The Russian Church and Russian Dissent; comprising Orthodoxy, Dissent, and Erratic Sects, London, 1887; N. Taakni, La Russia aedaire, Paris, 1888; V. Frank, Rumieche Selbatzeupnisee. Russianhea Christentum, Paderborn, 1889; A. Ronchdestwenakij, Der eadruasiwAs Stundiamua, St. Petersburg, 1889; D. Dan, Die Lippowaner in der Bu, kowina, Czernowits, 1890; F. Kattenbusch, Lehrbuch der verpleiehendan Konfeasionakunde. i. 234 aqq., 542 aqq.. Freiburg, 1892; F. Knie, Die rusriach‑whiamatische Kirche, Gras, 1894; H. Dalton, ut sup., pp. 57 aqq.; idem, Der Stundiamua in Ruaeland, GOteraloh, 1896; Heaba Stratton, Highway of Sorrow at the Close of the 18th Century, London, 1897; P. Birukoff, J. Treguboff, and W. Techertkoff, Christenroerfolpunp in Rusaland, Munich, 1898; J. Gehring, Die Sdkten der ruaaiachen Kirehe, Leipeie, 1898; F. Loofs, Symbolik, i. 169 sqq., Trlbingen, 1902; S. Mar garitow. Geschiehte der russiachen rationalistiachen and mys<iuhen Sektm, Kjehinew, 1902; K. K. Gras, Die peheime heilipe Schrift der SkopzeN Leipsie, 1904; J. B. S5vdrae, La Sects ruaae den hommea de Dieu, Paris, 1906; P. Strahl, BeWdpe, ut sup., i. 250 aqq.; and literature under DOSHOH088.
RUST, GEORGE: English theologian, usually reckoned among the Cambridge Platonists (q.v.); b. at Cambridge; d. at Dromore (15 m. s.w. of Belfast), Ireland, Dec., 1670. He was educated at St. Catharine's Hall, Cambridge (B.A., 1647; M.A., 1650), and was elected fellow of Christ College in 1649. He resigned his. fellowship in 1659, and soon after the Restoration was invited by Jeremy Taylor to Ireland, was ordained deacon and priest May 7, 1661, becoming dean of Connor in August, and in 1664 was rector of Lisburn. In 1667 he succeeded Taylor as bishop of Dromore, which was now again separated from Down and Connor, and died three years later. He was the intimate friend of Henry More and Joseph Glanvill (qq.v.), and wrote two works whose subjects and spirit connect him with their school: Discourse of Truth (London, 1677; ed. Glanvill); and a Discourse of the Use of Reason in Matters of Religion (ed. H. Hallywell, 1683). The former, by which he is chiefly known, shows an enlightened mind, but no largeness of grasp, while its line of thought is a weaker echo of Cudworth.

125	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	auN19
Ruth
His Remains were edited by H. 1 Hallywell (1686).
BIHuOcuRApH7: Besides the literature under CAHH$iDO1 PLAToNIsT8, consult: C. H. Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, iii. 545‑546, 5 vols., Cambridge, 1842‑53; idem, Memorials of Cambridge, new eel., 2 vols., ib. 185820; J. Ware. Antiquities and Hint. of Ireland, 9 parts, London, 1704‑05; H. Cotton, Fedi eccleaim Hibernica, vol. iii., 5 vols., Dublin, 1845‑60; J. Worthington, Diary and Correspondence, eel. J. Crossley for Chetham Society, Manchester, 1847 sqq.; DNB, 1. 1 2.
RUST, ISAAK: German Evangelical; b. at Mussbach (59 m. n.w. of Stuttgart) Oct. 14, 1796; d. at Munich Dec. 14, 1862. He was educated at the University of Heidelberg (1815‑17); and was first vicar, then teacher at the progymnasium at Speyer (1817‑20), where he also lectured for a term on philosophy at the Lyceum. In 1820 he became pastor at Ungstein, where he wrote his Philosophie and Christentum, tiler Wissen and Glauben (Mannheim, 1825), in which, from a rationalistic point of view, he traced the intellectual and religious development of mankind in parallels through three stages: paganism, the stage of feeling; Judaism, of understanding; and Christianity, of reason. Similar views were maintained in his De nonnuUis guts in theologia rostra cetatis dogmatiea desiderantur (Er langen, 1828), a polemic against Schleiermacher. In 1827 Rust was called to Erlangen as pastor of the French Reformed church; and, in 1830, was appointed associate professor of theology, and full professor in 1831. His Geist aus Luthers Schnften, odor Concardanz tier Ansichten and Urteile des grossert Reformators (in collaboration with F. W. Lomler, E. Zimmermann, and others; 4 vols., Darmstadt, 182731), and Stimmen der Reformation ured der Refo»natoren an die Pursten and VSlker dieaer Zeit (Erlangen, 1832), indicate his change to orthodoxy. In 1833 Rust was appointed director of the consistory of Erlangen in place of a pronounced rationalist. His arbitrary spirit and zeal for the Palatine union and against the rationalistic element raised such opposition that, in 1836, the supreme consistory sent two councilors to the Palatinate, where they held ineffectual conferences with clerical and lay members of the synod. Rust remained in the consistory, however, where he exercised a reactionary influence on theological education, Biblical instruction, and missions, and on the synods. Opposition to him and his measures continued, until, in 1846, he was appointed to the supreme consistory at Munich. In the stormy year of 1848, however, his removal was repeatedly demanded, and the separation of the unionistic Palatinate Church from the consistory was urged again and again. This took place in 1849, to avert which Rust had meantime been retired from the supreme consistory, but continued to be court chaplain, and in 1850 was appointed ministerial councilor and referee for Palatine ecclesiastical affairs in the ministry of worship. Henceforth his influence on the church was not such as to evoke opposition, and in 1861 he retired from active life.
(J. SCHNEIDER)
BrHLJOGBAP8:7: H. E. G. Paulus, Die proteetandaoh‑evanDdiech‑unierte Kirche in der baierischen Pfala, Heidelberg, 1840; G. F. Kolb, Kurse Geachichte der vereinipten yroteatantsach‑evangdiach‑chrutliehan Ksrcha der bawnschan
Pfais, Speyer, 1847; E. F. H. Medicus, GeachicUe der evanpdiachen Kirche im Kiinipreich Bayern, supplement vol., Erlangen, 1865; F. W. Laurier, Die evanpdiachpr»tsdantieche Kirchs der Pfala, Kaiserslautern, 1868.

RUSTON, WILLIAM OTIS: Presbyterian; b. in New York City Dec. 6, 1852. He was graduated from the College of the City of New York (B.A., 1872), and from Union Theological Seminary, New York City (1875); was pastor at Fairmount, N. J:, 1875‑77; at West Union, Ia., 1877‑86; at Dubuque, Ia., 1886‑1903; professor of sacred languages and literature in the German Presbyterian Theological School of the Northwest, since 1903; and president of the same, 1904‑08.

RUTH, BOOK OF: A book of the Old Testament placed in the English canon between Judges and I Samuel. It is a narrative of events which purport to have taken place in the period of the Judges, about the Moabitess Ruth, who, through a series of singular incidents, became the ancestress of David. Elimelech, a Bethlehemite, driven by famine, emigrated, with his wife, Naomi, and his two sons, Malilon and Chilion, to the land of Moab, where he and his two sons died after these had taken Moabitish wives, Ruth and Orpah. After remaining ten years in Moab, Naomi decided to return to her native land and advised her daughters‑in‑law to leave her; but Ruth, with filial attachment, followed her back to Judah. There, while gleaning in a field belonging to Boaz, a kinsman, she was well treated by him. Naomi instructed her to offer herself in marriage to her well‑to‑do kinsman, he being, to a certain extent, bound to take the childless widow and " to raise up the name of the dead upon his inheritance." Boaz accepted the obligation, after a nearer relative, to whom he gave the opportunity of redeeming the land of Elimelech and taking Ruth, had declined. The son of Boaz and Ruth became the grandfather of David.
The grace and freshness of the narrative have always been admired. It bears internal evidence of its truth, for it is not likely that a fiction would have ascribed a Moabitish ancestress to David. However, it has an especial spiritual significance; it indicates that God's people was ordained to draw fresh strength from a heathen source. Ruth is mentioned as an ancestress of the Messiah in Matt. i., beside Tamar and Rahab. Tamar, mother of Pharez (Gem. xxxviii.), of the same genealogy, is also mentioned by the narrator of Ruth as a source of divine blessing (iv. 12); not only as a foreigner, but as the mother of the offspring from a marriage based on the obligations of kinship, which Judah unknowingly and involuntarily had to fulfil. Still, in spite of the inner significance of this mixture of Jewish with foreign blood, in the house of David, it seems clear that it could not have been the invention of a didactic " tendency." Just as little could the story have been conceived for the sake of commending the levirate marriage, since that is taken for granted and not especially urged. Political and mythological motives have been ascribed to the book, but on insufficient grounds. The book presents a historically faithful picture of ancient customs and traditions. It is not certain to what

B,ny broeok	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	128
period of the era of the Judges Ruth belongs. According to the genealogy of Ruth (iv. 18 sqq.), she lived about 100 years before David. The history of David's family could have been of general interest only after his accession to the throne. Philological evidence points to a much later date of the writing of the book of Ruth, probably after the exile.
If the matter was derived from an oral family tradition of the house of David and the present is a redaction of an earlier text (E. Konig), the fact would be admissible that the editor introduced also didactic motives with the reproduction; but the principal thing is not to contend for a certain " tendency," but to throw light on the origin of the house of David. Some (e.g., A. Bertholet) think that he wrote in the Ezra‑Nehemiah period to combat the exclusion of foreigners from the connubium. Such a polemic intention is too faintly brought out to make its existence probable. As to integrity it is not improbable that iv. 18‑22 was a later addition. The position of the Book of Ruth differs in the Hebrew canon and in the Septuagint. The latter placed it after Judges; and Josephus, following this, combines it with Judges as one book. Many have assumed that it once formed the third appendix of Judges and was later separated. It was counted among the five rolls to be read at the
five feasts. 	(C. VON OxELLI.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Commentaries are by: S. H. Tyng, The Rich Kinsman, New York, 1855; Metzger, Tiibfngen, 1857; C. F. Heil and F. Delitssch, Eng. transl., Edinburgh, 1885; A. Rsabe, Doe Bueh Ruth and daa Hohelied im Urtext, Leipaie, 1879; C. Hamann, Annotationes cr%tica: et exegeticce in librum Ruth,.Marburg, 1871; IT. Zsehokke, BibZische Frauen. Pp. 208‑225, Freiburg, 1882; E. Bertheau, 2d ed.. Ixipsfc, 1883; H. F. Kohlbriigge. Utrecht, 1888; R. Brown. Gleanings from the Book of Ruth; or, the Book of Ruth opened out by Comparison with other Parts of Scripture, London, 1887; F. de Hummelauer,Paris, 1888; 8. Oettli and J. Meinhold, in Die geachichtlichen Hapiopraphien, Munich, 1889; M. C. Horine, Philadelphia, 1892; A. Bertholet and G. Wildeboer, Tiibingen, 1898; W. Nowack, GSttingen, 1900; A. Black, Ruth, a Hebrew Idyl, London, 1908. The Midraah Ruth Rabba is fn A. Wiinsche, Bibliotheca rabbinica, Leipefe, 1883, cf. the Colleyium rabbinico‑biblicum in librum Ruth, ed. J. B. Carpsov, ib. 1703.
On questions of introduction, teaching, and text consult the works on O. T. theology, on introduction to the O. T., and on the history of Israel under AHAB; and ISRAEL, HISTORY OF; F. W. C. Umbreit, in TSR, 1834, pp. 305‑308; Auberlen, Die drei Anhtinye dea Bathes der Richter, in TSK, 1880, pp. 538‑588; C. H. H. Wright, Book of Ruth in Hebrew .... Text. Readings, Critical Commentary, London, 1884; R. W. Bush, Popular Introduction to . .Ruth, London, 1883; K. Budde, in ZATW, xii (1892), 37‑51; DB, iv. 318; EB, iv. 4188‑72 (important); JE, x. 578‑578; Vfgouroua, Dictionnaire, fast. axav., cola. 127382.
RUTHENIAN CATHOLICS: See Ronlwlv CATaollcs, IL, 2, ¢ 1.
RUTHERFORD, rvth'er‑ford, SAMUEL: Scotch Covenanter; b. in Nisbet Parish, now part of Trailing (42 m. s.e. of Edinburgh) about 1600; d. at St. Andrews (11 m. s.e. of Dundee), Roxburgshire, Mar. 20, 1661. He graduated from Edinburgh (M.A., 1621); was regent of humanity, 1623‑25; began the study of theology, 1626; was pastor of Anworth, Galloway, 1627‑36, when he issued Exercttationes apologetic&, pro diving gratis (1636), a work in defense of the doctrine of grace against the
Arminiana which attracted wide attention and elicited a call to the chair of theology at Utrecht and also to that at Hardewyk. On July 27, 1836, he was cited before the high commission court to answer for his non‑conformity to the Acts of Episcopacy, and his work against the Arminians. Deprived of his living at Anworth, he was banished to Aberdeen. When the Covenant was again triumphant, in 1638, he returned to Anworth, and in 1639 was made professor of divinity at St. Mary's, at St. Andrews. In 1643 he was chosen one of the Scotch commissioners to the Westminster Assembly (q.v.), and during his four years of service in that capacity wrote The Due Right of Presbyteries (London, 1644); Lex, rez; the Law and the Prince (1644); The Tryal and Triumph of Faith (1645); and The Divine Right of Church Government and Excommunication (1646). Soon after, he became principal of St. Mary's, and in 1651 rector of the University of St. Andrews. His Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of Conscience (1649) was pronounced by Bishop Heber " perhaps the most elaborate defense of persecution which has ever appeared in a Protestant country." Joining with the western remonatranta in their protest to the assembly in 1651, the schism was opened which, ten years later, resulted in the restoration of episcopacy. These ten years were filled with acrimonious controversy both with the sectarians and with his colleagues at St. Andrews, where, on account of strife, the communion was suspended for six years. Possessed of high ability, honesty, and unselfishness, Rutherford was called the " true saint of the covenant "; yet by his narrow, bitter, and scurrilous antagonism, he helped to degrade and destroy presbyterianism, which he aimed to serve. The Lex, rex was ordered to be burned; he was deprived of his offices, and summoned to answer to a charge of treason by parliament, in 1661; but severe illness which resulted in his death prevented his appearance. He published further: The Covenant of Life Opened (1655); Survey of the Survey of Church Discipline by T. Hooker (1658); and Influences of the Life of Grace (1659). Rutherford's letters are specially interesting and edifying, published under the title Joshua Reditrivus (1664; or Letters of Samuel Rutherford, with Sketch of his Life, by A. A. Bonar, New York, 1851; 5th ed., London, 1906).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Besides the Letters, ut sup., consult: Manna. Crumbs.... being Excerpts from the Letters of Samuel Rutherford, Gathered by W. P. Brew, Philadelphia, 1885; T. Murray. The Life of Samuel Rutherford, Edinburgh, 1828; Hew Scott, Faati eccleai(a Scoticana•, 8 vole., Edinburgh, 1888‑71; A. P. Stanley. The Church of Scotland, pp. 100‑108, London, 1872; A. B. Grosart, Representative Nonconformists, London, 1879; A. F. Mitchell, The Westminster Assembly, London, 1883; Scottish Divines: 16061tf7,L (St. Giles Lectures), Edinburgh, 1883; A. T. Innes, Samuel Rutherford, Edinburgh, 1884; A. Thomson, Samuel Rutherford, London, 1884; A. Whyte, Samuel Rutherford and some of his Correspondents, Edinburgh, 1894; The Upward Way. A Book of Extracts from the Letters of Samuel Rutherford. Written chiefly from his Prison at Aberdeen, 108‑58, ed. Eleanor C. Gregory, London, 1908; and the literature under PRESBYTERIANS relating to Rutherford's period, and that under WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY.
RUYSBROECg, reis'brea, (RUUSBROEC, RUYSBROEg), JAN VAN: Dutch mystic; b. at Ruysbroeck (4 m. e.w. of Brussels) 1294; d. at the

1,2?	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Ruth
		Buyebroeok
Augustinian monastery of Groenendael (2 m. s.e.
of Brussels) Dec. 2, 1381. Inclined, even as a child,
to the religious life, he left home at the age of
		eleven and went to his uncle, canon of
Biography. St. Gudula at Brussels. Here he
		studied diligently for four years, and
then determined to renounce all secular learning
for theology. At the age of twenty‑four he became
a priest and vicar of St. Gudula's. Of his career
here little is known, though he seems to have de
voted himself more and more to the contemplative
life. Mild and charitable, he was yet stern to all
forms of vice and error, and associated much with
other mystics. In order to give his undivided
thoughts to contemplation he retired from the secu
lar priesthood at the age of sixty to the newly es
tablished monastery of Groenendael, of which he
became the first prior. Dividing his time between
a reform of his order and meditation, he became a
model of monastic sanctity, and received visitors
from far and wide, among them Johannes Tauler
and Geert Groote (qq.v.). Soon after his death
legend gathered around his name; and, at an early
date, he was styled doctor ecstaticm.
	The writings of Ruysbroeck show a marked
similarity to those of Meister Eckart (q.v.), by which
they may well have been influenced, especially as
the works of the older mystic were certainly read
		in the vicinity of Groenendael, and he
	Writings. may have heard Eckart at Cologne.
		Ruysbroeck, the best prose writer of the
Netherlands in the Middle Ages, wrote entirely in
Dutch, in a style mostly quiet and simple, but
capable, under the stress of feeling and imagination,
of rising to lofty heights. On the other hand,
despite the precision with which he was able to
express the profoundest thoughts, he is frequent
ly obscure through his allegories, similies, repeti
tions, digressions, and subtile (though often illog
ical) divisions. His works were soon translated
into Latin by his pupils Willem Jordaens and
Groote, and translations into the dialects of Gel
derland, Colog.=ie, the Upper Rhine, and High
German are extant. The first printed treatise of
Ruysbroeck was the Brulocht, which appeared under
the title De ornate spiritualium nuptiarum (Paris,
1512), while later L. Surius published the Rus
brochii opera (Cologne, 1552). From the latter
text, which is paraphrastic and often incorrect,
Ruysbroeck's writings were translated into German
by " G. J. C." (ed. G. Arnold, Offenbach, 1701).
The Gelder and Cologne versions of four tractates
have been edited by A. Von Arnawaldt under the
title Vier Schriften von Johan. Rusbroek in nieder
deutscher Sprache (Hanover, 1848). The chief edi
tion, however, is the complete one prepared, under
the auspices of the Flemish Academy of Biblio
philes, by J. B. David, Werken van J. van Ruusbroec
(6 vols., Ghent, 1858‑69). This contains twelve
treatises: (1) Chierheit der gheesteleker Brulocht,
sent in 1530 to the friends of God at Strasburg, and
consisting of three books treating respectively of
the active, the inward, and the contemplative life;
(2) Dat Boee van den Gheesteleken Tabernacule is a
long allegorical interpretation of the ark of the
covenant as the type of the mystical life, based on
the Histaria acholastica of Peter Comestor (q.v.); (3) Dat Bose van den Twaelf Dogheden, more ethical than mystical, is a development of Christian virtue, whose foundation is humility; (4) the Spieghed der emigher Salicheit, written for the Poor Clam in 1359, is an application of the three grades of the mystical life, respectively, to monasticism and to the Eucharist, the work being mostly devoted to the author's views on the sacrament; (5) the Van den Keratenen Ghelove is a short exposition of the Athanasian Creed; (6) Dat Boec van seven trappen in den groet der gheesteliker minnen, on the three grades; (7) Tractaet van seven. sloten was written for the Poor Clam and describes the duties of the nunnery, with special stress on the necessity of inward meditation; (8) Tractaet van den Rike der Ghelieuen is written largely in rime of little poetic value; (9) Dal Boec van den vier Becoringhen combats the chief errors in the author's time; (10) Dat Boec van den twaelf Beghinen, on contemplation, though often disturbed in context, is of much importance for a knowledge of Ruysbroeck's mysticism; (11) Vingherlinc, of het blickende Steentje, on the " white stone " of Rev. ii. 17 (Christ, who is given to the man of meditation), is also devoted to the three grades, especially the 1 t; (12) Samuel, of dat Boec der hoechster Waerheaisis an apology for the author's mysticism.
Ruysbroeck proceeds, in his mystical system, from God, descends to man, and finally returns to God. God is simple unity, the supernal essence of all, himself immovable, and yet the motive source of things. The Son is wisdom, the uncreated image of the Father; and the Holy Ghost,
	Doctrines.	proceeding from and returning to both,
		is love, which unites the Father and
the Son. In the persons God is eternal activity, in
his essence eternal rest. All creatures are thoughts
of God before creation. In man soul and spirit are
to be distinguished, the former the principle of the
life of the creature, and the latter the principle of
divine life. The soul has three qualities: memory,
reason, and will. Higher than these are, the essen
tial simplicity and formlessness of the spirit which
render it like the Father; the intelligence which
receives eternal Wisdom (the Son); and the sin,
dere8is (or spark of the soul) which strives back to
the origin, and unites man with the divine unity
by means of love through the Holy Ghost. These
three qualities, being inseparable, constitute the
simple substance of the spirit. Obscured by sin
they must be transported by grace, or wisdom in
carnate, above nature to God through the three
grades of the active, inward, and contemplative
life. The first consists in conquering sin and ap.
proaching God by outward acts and good works.
The second (vita afectiva), in which asceticism is
of minor importance, is characterized by ecatacy
and visions, by reentrance into self, by indifference
to everything that is not God and the defacing of
all mental pictures, striving toward God with mys
tical love and feasting upon him, and by the inter
pretation of the divine spirit and the spirit of man.
In the third stage (vita vitalis), the Christian rises
above hope, faith, and all the virtues, even grace,
to plunge into the abyss of the divine essence; it

8nysbroeok
8yle
is an immediate sense and possession of God without knowledge or bounds. It means the dying and annihilation of self, in order to behold the absolute and eternal essence. This life, a gift of grace, renewed in the inner secrecy of the Spirit through love, comes to its reality in the quiet contemplation of God and in the absolute submission to his operation. From this repose of the Spirit is developed the supereswntia, a supraessential contemplation of the means of differentiation of the Trinity, an indescribable feeling and state of bliss. The ultimate differences in consciousness between God and creature, between ding and nothing, disappear. This is the bridal flight of Christ with the human spirit; the Word is continually reborn in the eternal present, in which God is self‑producing in the highest excellence of the spirit. This proceeds from light to light until the clearness by which it sees, the clearness which it sees, and itself are one and the same. Consciousness of supraessential being and unity of essence in God are attained. Here Ruysbroeck arrives on the border of pantheism. Yet he ever endeavored to distinguish between the eternal spirit and the created; and in the union with God he held that only the difference of will and thought vanished, not the difference of personality. However, so delicate was the line that in his phraseology he often overstepped it; and, though he was in reality in thorough accord with orthodoxy, 4nd he continually antagonized the Brethren of the Free Spirit and the Beghards (see FREE SPIRIT, BRETHREN OF THE; BEGHARDB AND BEGUMS), yet in his writings he roused grave suspicions among some more cautious minds, among whom was J. C. Gerson (q.v.). The influence of Ruysbroeck on theological and philosophical thought in the Netherlands was relatively slight, and the mystical writings of his immediate pupils were either ascetic or repetitions of his own thoughts. This was doubtless due in part to his obscurity and the liability of his phraseology to misinterpretation and also to the fear of the Flemish heretical pantheistic mysticism of the Beghards. Ruysbroeck's activity, indeed, lay rather in the power of his personality and in the influence he exerted on kindred minds. It was his pupil Groote who founded the Brethren of the Common Life (see COMMON LIFE, BRETHREN oh THE), who also very probably drew his inspiration from Ruysbroeck bimself.
(S. D. vAN VEEN.)
BiBLIOORAPHY: In addition to the editions noted in the text F. A. Lambert edited Die Zierde, Vom glanzenden Stein, and Doe Buch von . . Wahrheit, Leipsic (1901). In English there is Reflections from the Mirror of a Mystic, being Gleanings from the Works of John Ruysbroek (" Doctor Ecataticus "), a Mystic of the XI Vth Century, translated by Earle Baillie, London, 1905 (contains sixteen chapters of the choicest thoughts of the great mystic). Besides the literature under Mrsrtcrsm, and under the articles to which reference is made in the text, especially COMMON LisE, BRETHREN OF THE, Consult: M. Maeterlinek, Ruysbroock and the Mystics, urith Selections from Ruysbroeck, London, 1894, new ed., 1908; J. G. V. Engelbardt, Richard vop St. Victor and Johannes Ruysbroeck. Zur Geschichte der mystischen Theologie, Erlangen 1838; C. Schmidt, Ptades our le mysticisms allemand au quatorzibrne sickle, Strasburg, 1845; F. Bohringer, Die Deutachen Mystiker des Lj. and 16. Jahrhunderts, pp. 442‑611, Zurich, 1855; G. C. Schmidt, ‑Otude sur Joan Ruysbrowk . . . . sa vie, sea krill, et sa doctrine, Strasburg, 1859; A.
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
128
Jundt, Hist. du panthkisme populaire au moyen dpe, Paris, 1875; C. Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, ii. 31‑55, Edinburgh, 1877; A. Auger, De doctrana et meratis Joannis van Ruysbroeck, Louvain, 1892; W. L. de Breese, Biidrage tot de Kennis van fret Leven en de Werken van J. van Ruuabroec, Ghent, 1896; A. A. van Otterlos, Johannes Ruysbroeck. Een Bijdrage tot de %ennis van den Ontvrikkelingsgang der Mystiek, 2d ed. by J. C. van Slee, The Hague, 1896; V. Sully, Short Account of the Life and Writings of the Blessed John Ruysbroeck, London, 1910; Schaff, Christian Church, v. 2, pp. 273‑278; Lichtenberger, ESR, xi. 363‑366.
RYAN, PATRICK JOHN: Roman Catholic archbishop of Philadelphia; b. at Thurles (21 m. n.e. of Tipperary), County Tipperary, Ireland, Feb. 20, 1831; d. at Philadelphia Feb. 11, 1911. He was educated at Carlow College, Ireland (from which he was graduated in 1852), and, leaving Ireland for the United States, was attached to the clergy staff of the Roman Catholic cathedral in St. Louis, of which he became rector in 1856. Later he was appointed rector of St. John the Evangelist's in the same city, and rose to be vicar‑general of the diocese. During the Civil War he was chaplain of the Gratiot Street Military Prison and Hospital, St. Louis, and in 1868 accompanied the archbishop of St. Louis to Rome, where he preached the English Lenten sermons. Four years later (1872) he was consecrated titular bishop of Tricomia and appointed bishop‑coadjutor of St. Louis, with the right of succession. He was again in Rome in 1883 as one of the United States prelates to represent the interests of religion, and in 1884 was created titular archbishop of Salamis. Within the year he became archbishop of Philadelphia. He wrote Some of the Causes of Modern Religious Scepticism (St. Louis, 1895).

RYDBERG, rid'berg, ABRAHAM VIKTOR: Swedish author and educator; b. at Jbnkdping (80 m. e. of Gothenburg), province of SmAland, Sweden, Dec. 18, 1828; d. at Stockholm Sept. 21, 1895. He studied philosophy at the University of Lund, 1848‑52; was literary editor of Goteborgs Handelstidning, 1854‑76; lay representative at the church congress of the Swedish State Church, 1868; member of the lower house of the Swedish Parliament as representative of the city of Gothenburg, 1870‑72; and professor at the high school of Stockholm from 1884. His service to Sweden was in the dissemination of liberal thought. He was author of " The Doctrine of the Bible on Christ " (G,othenburg, 1862); " The Jehovah Worship among the Hebrews before the Babylonian Captivity " (1864); " Magic of the Middle Ages " (Stockholm, 1865; English transl., New York, 1879) ; " On the Preexistence of Man " (1868); " Church and Priesthood " (1868); " Genealogy of the Patriarchs in Genesis and the Chronology of the Septuagint " (Gothenburg, 1870) ; " Roman Legends about St. Paul and St. Peter " (Stockholm, 1874); " Roman Days " (1877; Eng. trans]., including " Roman Legends," New York, 1879); and " The Ultimate Things " (1880). In his romances he strives for freedom, tolerance, and knowledge: " The Pirate of the Baltic " (Gothenburg, 1857); " Singoalla " (1857); and " The Last Athenian " (1859; Eng. transl., Philadelphia, 1869). His scientific works

129	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Rn abroeck
Ryle
are: Segersvdrdet (1884); Undersokningar i germansk Mythologi (2 vols., 1886‑90; Eng. transl., Teutonic Mythology, Aberdeen, 1889); and Om Ting och fenomen ur empirisk synpunkt (1890). Complete works, Skrifter, were issued by Carl Warburg (15 vols., Stockholm, 1896‑1900).
RYDER, WILLIAM HENRY: Congregationalist; b. at Elyria, O., July 24, 1842. He was graduated from Oberlin College, Oberlin, O. (A.B., 1866), and Andover Theological Seminary (1869). After being pastor of the Congregational church at Watertown, N. Y. (1869‑70), he was professor of Greek at Oberlin until 1877, and was then pastor of the First Congregational Church at Ann Arbor, Mich., until 1888; then became professor of New‑Testament interpretation at Andover Theological Seminary. He served throughout the Civil War in the Union Army and was promoted second lieutenant.

RYERSON, rarer‑sun, ADOLPHUS EGERTON:
Canadian Methodist; b. at Charlotteville, Norfolk County, Ontario, Mar. 24, 1803; d. at Toronto Feb. 19, 1882. His father was an American loyalist from New Jersey. The son entered the Methodist ministry in 1826; became editor of the Christian Guardian in 1829; was first president of Victoria College, 1841‑44; and superintendent of education in Upper Canada, 1844‑76. As a preacher he was eloquent and effective, and in representative missions for his church he was able and commanding. His main work was in organizing education; the act which he drafted in 1850 is the one under which the schools of Ontario have since been maintained. He published Epochs of Canadian Methodism (1882), and The Loyalists of America and their Times: 162'01816 (1880).

RYLAND, JOHN: Baptist; b. at Warwick (20 m. s.e. of Birmingham) Jan. 29, 1753; d. at Bristol May 25, 182:1. He was exceedingly precocious as a child, learning Hebrew when only five years of age, and Greek when nine; when fifteen he began to teach at Northampton in the school of his father (who was also a pastor); he began to preach to Baptist congregations in 1769, and was admitted to the ministry in 1771; he continued to teach till 1778, and became assistant pastor with his father in 1781 and sole pastor in 1786; in 1793 be took charge of the Broadmead chapel at Bristol and became president of the Baptist college there, holding both positions till his death. He was one of the founders of the Baptist Missionary Society in 1792, and its secretary from 1815 till his death. He was also a hymnist of some note, and a few of his hymns continue in use, including " In all my Lord's appointed ways." Among his works may be noted: Serious Essays on the Truths of the Glorious Gospel (London, 1771; 121 pieces in verse, including some hymns); The Divine Inspiration and Authority of the Holy Scriptures Asserted and Proved (1772); Compendious View of the Principal Truths of the Glorious Gospel of Christ (Salisbury, 1774); A Candid Statement of the Reasons which induce the Baptists to differ in Opinion and Practice from their Christian Brethren (London, 1827); Memoir of the Rev. Andrew Fuller (1816); Serious Remarks on the X.‑9
Different Representations of Evangelical Doctrine by the Professed Friends of the Gospel (2 parts, Bristol, 1817‑18); Pastoral ‑Memorials; with a Memoir of the Author (2 vols., 1826‑28); and Hymns and Verses on Sacred Subjects, with a biographical Sketch (1862).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Besides the sketches as noted above consult: the memorial sermon by Robert Hall, in the latter's Works, i. 369‑414, London, 1832; F. A. Cox, Hist. of the Baptist Missionary Society, i. 1‑290, ib. 1842; F. L. Colvile, Worthies of Warwickshire, pp. 623‑625, ib. 1870; J. B. Meyers, Centenary Volume of the Baptist Missionary Society, ib. 1893; S. W. Duffield, English Hymns, p. 259, New York, 1886; Julian, Hymnology, pp. 983‑984; DNB, 1.55‑56.

RYLE, rail, HERBERT EDWARD: Church of England, bishop of Winchester; b. in London May 25, 1856. He was educated at King's College, Cambridge (B.A., 1879; M.A., 1882), of which he was fellow (1881‑1901). He was ordered deacon (1882), and ordained priest (1883); was divinity lecturer at Emmanuel College, Cambridge (1881‑84) and at King's College (1882‑86). He was principal of St. David's College (1886‑88); Hulsean professor of divinity in the University of Cambridge (1887‑1901); president of Queen's College, Cambridge (18961901); examining chaplain to his father the bisholl of Liverpool (1883‑87), to the bishop of St. Asaph (1887‑89), and to the bishop of Ripon (1889‑1901); select preacher at Cambridge in 1889, 1892, 1895, 1899, and 1902, and at Oxford in 1901‑03; Warburton lecturer at Lincoln's Inn and chaplain in ordinary of the same body in 1898‑1901; honorary canon of Ripon and commissary of Wellington (1895‑1901); honorary chaplain to the queen (1896‑98), and chaplain in ordinary (1898‑1901). In 1901 he was consecrated bishop of Exeter, and in 1903 was translated to his present see of Winchester. He has edited The Psalms of the Pharisees (in collaboration with M. R. James; Cambridge, 1891), and has written The Canon of the Old Testament (London, 1892); The Early Narratives of Genesis (1892); Commentary on Ezra and Nehemiah (Cambridge, 1893); Philo: Quotations from the Old Testament (London, 1895); On the Church of England (1904); and On Holy Scripture and Criticism (1904).

RYLE, JOHN CHARLES: Church of England; b. at Macclesfield (30 m. e.s.e. of Liverpool) May 10; 1816; d. at Liverpool June 10, 1900. He was educated at Eton and at Christ Church, Oxford (B.A., 1838; M.A., 1871). He became curate of Exbury, Hampshire, 1841; rector of St. Thomas, Winchester, 1843; of Helmingham, Suffolk, 1844; vicar of Stradbroke, Suffolk, 1861; rural dean of Hoxne, 1869; honorary canon of Norwich, 1872; select preacher at Cambridge, 1873‑74; at Oxford, 18741876, 1879 1880; dean designate of Salisbury, 1880; and was bishop of Liverpool, 1880‑1900. He was an Evangelical in type, and in an uncommonly pure and expressive style wrote more than a hundred tracts on doctrinal and practical subjects, of which more than two millions have been circulated, and many have been translated into foreign languages. He was also author of The Bishop, the Pastor, and the Preacher, being biographical Lectures on Latimer,

8yewlcx	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG 	130
Sabaoth
	Baxter, and Whitef eld (Ipswich, 1854); Bishops	remain in the same status in which it now is in the
	and Clergy of Other Days (London, 1868); The	places so restored "; and he threatened that the
	Christian Leaders of the Last Century (1869); Ex‑	French king would break off negotiations immedi
	pository Thoughts on the Gospels (7 vols., 1856‑73;	ately and resume the war against those offering
	new ed., 4 vols., 1900); Hymns for the Church on	impediments. The representatives of the emperor
	Earth (1860), being 300 hymns and spiritual songs;	and the Roman Catholic estates, the imperial depu
	Practiral Religion (1874‑80); Knots Untied (1874);	tation, and the delegates of Wurttemberg, of the
	Holiness (1879); and Light from Old Times	counts of Wetterau, and the imperial city of Frank
	(1891).	fort attached their signatures; and for want of a
	BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. C. MacDonnell, Life and Correspondence	vigorous support from the English and Dutch rep
		of William Connor Mapco, 2 vols., London, 1896; A. C.	resentatives and the Swedish mediator, the remon
		Benson, Life of E. W. Benson, 2 vols., ib. 1899; DNB, Sup‑	strances of the remaining Evangelicals were in
		element iii. 334‑335.
			vain. The emperor, however, unconditionally rati
		RYSWICg, ris'wic, CLAUSE: A stipulation in‑	fied the peace, and thus the diet consented that the
	troduced by the French representative into the	matter should rest, although 1,922 places were
	peace of Ryswick. The French had installed R,o‑	affected by a change of their religious relation.
	man Catholic worship and diverted Evangelical	Specially, the Elector Palatinate Johann Wilhelm,
	church properties to Roman Catholic use in many	under Jesuitic influence, employed the clause for
	German places of which Louis XIV. had taken Pos‑	despoiling the Evangelicals.
	session under pretext of the reunion of Nimeguen			(C. T. G. voN SCHEURLt.)
	(1679). These were now to be restored by the	BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. S. Patter Historiwhe Entwickelung der
	peace of Ryswick. The final draft was already		heutiaen Staateverfaacunp des deutachen Reicha, ii. 300 sqq.,
	being prepared when shortly before midnight of		G6ttingen, 1787; J. C. Neuhaus, Der Friede von Ryawick
	Oct. 29 1697 the French representative insisted	and die Abtretunp Straaaburpa an Frankreich 1897, Frei
		burg, 1874. The background in the other treaties men
	upon adding to the fourth article the clause,	tiond is given in brief in Cambridge Modern History, vol.
	nevertheless the Roman Catholic religion shall	v. passim, New York, 1908.
SAADIA, sa‑8~di‑a, BEN JOSEPH (SAID AL FAYYUMI): Jewish rabbi; b. at Dilaz in Upper Egypt, 892; d. at Sura (100 m. s. of Bagdad), Babylonia, 942. In 915 he went to Palestine, and in 928 became gaon, or head teacher, of the ancient academy of Sura; but on account of strife was compelled to retire to Bagdad, 930‑937. He is distinguished for his Arabic translation of the Pentateuch, Job, Psalms, Canticles, and other books of the Bible, with brief annotations; his grammatical and lexical works; and, above all, for his "Book of Articles of Faith and Doctrines of Dogma" in Arabic, completed in 933; known only in the Hebrew translation of Judah ibn Tibbon, Sefer emunot tve‑de'ot (Constantinople, 1562; Germ. trans]., by Julius Fuerat, Glaubenslehre and Philosophic von Saadja Fajjumi, Leipsic, 1845, in Die jiidischen ReligionsphiZosophen des Mittelalters, vol: i.). Saadia was a representative of the peshat, or literal interpretation, a creator of Hebrew philology, and the promoter of a new school of exegesis characterized by a rational investigation of the contents and a scientific knowledge of the text. His work was characterized by treating each book as a whole and the contents as a unity, and by minuteness of exegesis; and his style, in translation and authorship, aimed at simple form and pure vocabulary. In his philosophy he surveyed the entire field of doctrine, ranging from the idea of God to ethics, in the light of reason and revelation.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: JE, x. 578‑,886 (excellent; contains very full list of literature); S. Munk, Notice cur R. Saadia Gaon, Paris, 1838; A. Geiger, in J4diache Zeitachrift for Wiasenwhaft and Leben, v. 267‑316; J. Guttmann, Die Relipionaphilosophie des Saadia, Gattingen, 1882; A. Harkavy, Studien and Mittheaunpen, vol. v., Berlin, 1891; idem,
in JQR, x111. 65588; W. Engelkemper, De Sandia
Gaonia vita, Manster, 1897; M. Friedlitader, in JQR, v. 177‑199; $. Po:mmski, in JQR, viii. 684‑691, x. 238‑276.

SAALSCHUETZ, sel'shatz, JOSEPH LEVIN: German rabbi and archeologist; b. at Ktinigsberg Mar. 15, 1801; d. there Aug. 23, 1863. He studied in the university of K6nigeberg (Ph.D., 1824) ; held positions as rabbi and teacher in Berlin, 1825‑29, and in Vienna 1829‑35; became rabbi at KBnigaberg, after 1835; in 1847 he became privatdocent in Hebrew archeology, and afterward professor extraordinary. He was the author, among other works, of Forschungen im Gebiete der hebrliisch8gypti8chen Archdologie, three parts (KBnigsberg, 1838‑51); Form and Geist der biblisch‑hebrdischen Poesie (1853); and Archdologie der Hebrder, in twelve parts (1855‑56). He also edited a new edition of J. D. Michaelis' Das mosdische Recht mit Beraeksichtigung des spdtern Jtadischen, in two parts (Berlin, 1846‑18).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: S. Carpin, in Allpemeine Zeitachrift des Ju‑
dentuma, Oct. 18, 1901; JE, x. 586.

SABAOTH~ sab'S‑eth or ad‑ba'‑bth: A term used twice in the New Testament (Rom. ix. 29; Jas. v. 4) as a title of God, but in the English Old Testament translated "hosts."
From I Sam. i. 3, throughout the Old Testament the Hebr. zebaoth, "hosts," appears constantly as an element in the attributes ascribed to the God of Israel. The word is used with or without the article in various combinations, such as "Yahweh God of hosts," "Adonai Yahweh of hosts," "Adonai Yahweh God of hosts," "the Lord Adonai of hosts," with variants even from these several

131	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
AN=
forms (cf. Is&. i. 24, x. 23, 24; Hoe. xii. 5; Amos.
iii. 13, v. 16; II Sam. v. 10, and many times). In
		many of these combinations Adonai is
	Use and a reading in the margin intended to
Distribution displace Yahweh; in other cases, partic
of the Term. ularly in the second and third books of
		Psalms, Elohim displaces an original
Yahweh. The formula "Yahweh God of hosts" is
comparatively rare, while "Yahweh of hosts" occurs
234 times, and the presupposition is that the latter
is the original form, which may, however, have im
plied the fuller formula, unless it be supposed that
Yahweh is a later substitution for an earlier "El,"
another form for "God." The distribution of the
expression "of hosts" may be set forth something
like this: in the books of Samuel, eleven times; in
the books of Kings, five times; in I Chron., in
parallels to Samuel, three times; in the prophetic
books 247 (248) times, of which fifty‑five occur
rences are in Isa. i‑xxxix., and six times in Isa.
xliv.‑liv.; while fifteen occurrences are in Psalms, of
which fourteen are in the second and third books.
It is omitted from the Hexateuch, Judges, Ezekiel,
Joel, Obadiah, Jonah, and the whole of the Hagiog
rapha except Psalms and Chronicles. It often oc
curs in the text of the Septuagint where it is not in
the Hebrew, and vice versa. In the books of Samuel
in five of the eleven cases it is used in connection
with the ark or with war, and this is to be remem
bered in relation with the fact that the root zabd' is
broadly Semitic and deals with war. Whether the
hosts of which Yahweh was God were those of
heaven‑the angels and stars‑or of Israel seems to
be decided by the fact that the use of the word in the
plural is generally in connection with the armies of
Israel (cf. Ex. vii. 4); in Ps. Ixviii. 13; Jer. iii. 19
the reference is to the armies of the nations (when
the heavenly hosts are meant, the singular is every
		where used, cf. Ps. ciii. 21, exlviii. 2
	Earlier amended text). This conclusion is
	Usage; supported by I Sam. xvii. 45, cf. verses
	Israel's ' 26, 36; by the fact that Israel's wars
	War Hosts. are Yahweh's (Num. xxi. 14; I Sam.
		xxv. 28); and by the fact that Yahweh
is the leader of the Israelitic armies (II Sam. v. 24;
Isa. xiii. 4; in Joel iv. 11 it is doubtful whether the
reference is to heavenly armies). A question of
interpretation is raised by Ps. xxiv. 10, cf. verse 8
and I Sam. xvii. 45; the fact that verses 7‑10 were
chanted on the occasion of the bringing of the ark
into the sanctuary makes it preferable to construe
"the Lord of hosts" of this passage also with refer
ence to the Hebrew armies. A similar line of
reasoning is reached in connection with I Sam. i. 3,
iv. 3 sqq., where the ark is designated as belonging
to "the Lord of hosts"; of especial weight in this
relation is II Sam. vi. 2. In this last case the for
mula in the latter part of the verse simply shows
that the person or thing mentioned is in a relation of
subordination to the person bearing the name (cf.
Isa. iv. 1, lxui. 19), which subordination involves
the claim to protection (Jer. xiv. 9). As the name
of Yahweh is "called" over Jerusalem Per. xxv. 29)
and the temple (I Kings viii. 43) to indicate the
closeness of relations with Yahweh, so the ark in
II Sam. vi. 2 is called by Yahweh's name to show
its close connection with Lim. The same relationship of the ark with Yahweh as the leader of the hosts of Israel appears in the early passage Num. x. 35‑36; cf. xiv. 44; Josh. vi. 4 sqq.; II Sam. xi. 11, xv. 24 sqq. The general tenor of the passages considered is to show that the expression "Lord of hosts" recalled Yahweh as the leader of the Israelitic battle array.
While this is so and while it appears to be the, consistent usage in the Old Testament, it is a question whether it represents the original usage. An examination is the more necessary in
	Objections.	view of the absence of the article in
		some cases and of the use of the plural.
It was advanced by Delitzsch as an objection to the
view here stated that in this case the expression
would have been expected in the Pentateuch inas
much as in twenty cases the formula "hosts of
Israel" is found. But it was pointed out by A.
Klostermann (Geschichte des Volkes Israel, p. 76,
Munich, 1896) that "Lord of hosts" was evidently
cast out of Joshua in the process of editing (in Josh.
vi. 17 the Septuagint still reads it, and Josh. xi. 11,
13 probably had it) at a time when the formula re
called the hosts of heaven (as objects of idolatry).
Borchert attempted to show that zaba' did not
designate "hosts of war" but mere population; in
this he overlooked that in P at least (Num. ii.) the
conception is that of a warlike host from which the
Levites were excluded as not subject to warlike
levies. A more difficult objection to meet is the one
that if "Lord of hosts" originally designated the war
god as the leader of Israel's hosts, this expression
should be more frequent in this sense in the earlier
prophecies. Passages which raise a doubt are Amos
iii. 13, v. 16, 27, vi. 8, 14 where the "Lord of hosts"
threatens Israel, and Isa. i. 24, ii. 1, 12, 15, and the
like, where classes or individuals are under menace.
Another class of passages is that in which the idea
of world rulership is inherent, such as II Kings
xix. 31; Isa. is. 7, x. 16, 24, 26, 33, and similar
passages. Sometimes the phrase denotes simply
"the sublime" and is equivalent to "the Holy
One" (Isa. vi. 5, viii. 13, xviii. 7, li. 15; Amos. iv.
13). But since the activities of the divine absolute
ness or holiness are related to his plans for Israel,
Yahweh zebaoth, "Yahweh of hosts," may designate
without special emphasis Israel's God and king, as
is shown by the numerous cases in which the ex
pression is found either in apposition or parallelism
with "God of Israel" or like expressions. The op
position between prophetic usage and the funda
mental thought of the idea of God as leader in battle
is by many commentators set aside by the concep
tion of a transformation in the course of centuries;
i.e., the earthly hosts give way in the enlarging con
ceptions to heavenly hosts, whether of stars or
angels or other heavenly powers. The transforma
tion of the idea of hosts from heaven to earth is
evident; but the passages give ground for debate
whether the heavenly hosts were angels or stars.
For the former make such passages as Josh. v. 13
eqq.; II Kings vi. 17; Isa. xxiv. 21; I Kings xxii.
19; Dan. vii. 10. Yet frequently "host of heaven"
represents in part the objects of idolatrous worship
(Dent. iv. 19; 11 Kings xvii. 16; Jer. viii. 2;

sabaoth
Sabatier	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG 	132
Zeph. i. 5), in part the monuments of God's creative omnipotence (Gen. ii. 1; Isa. xxxiv. 4; Jer. xxxiii. 22). In this line of reasoning the mistake has been made sometimes of noting the fact of the use of the singular "host of heaven" and ignoring the use of zebaoth (plural) to designate earthly hosts where "of heaven" is omitted. Another difficulty is that if Yahweh zebaoth originally designated the war god of Israel as represented by the ark, this connection could not have been so wholly forgotten by the time of Isaiah as to be entirely absent.
It is not a chance that just this designation is used by Isaiah in the trisagion (Isa. vi. 3). Though Isaiah was still conscious of the connection of Yahweh zebaoth with the ark, yet the reference of zebaoth to the hosts of Israel alone was still inconceivable. The solution of these difficulties has been sought by considering that the phrase Solution as referring to the God represented by Indicated the ark had also another designation
by Isaiah. than "earthly hosts," a meaning to us unknown but of which the prophets had a clear consciousness. The expression may have been transferred from some other deity to Yahweh, the original sense lost, and the epithet avoided by the older writers. But Isaiah, e.g., could not have used the phrase so purposely and with such solemnity without a definite conception of its content, and this, too, as warranted by its original meaning, even though he deepened and extended this. And this latter would be helped by the fact that since Solomon's time the ark had receded from observation by remaining in the Holy of Holies, and had come to be regarded as something fearful, unapproachable, and supremely holy. After Isaiah had so stamped the usage as extended to a transcendental or heavenly host, there could be no reason why another, such as Jeremiah, should not employ it for special emphasis. As the original meaning of the phrase receded in memory, the more would the conception of Yahweh as leader of angel hosts appear in expression, and the same would apply to the connection of zebaoth with the stars. Thus "Yahweh of hosts" came to designate the world creator and world ruler. A proof of the transformation of the word is found in the varied and successive translations of the Septuagint, where there appear kurios (ho theos) Sabaoth, kurios (ho theos) ton dynameon (in other translators, kurios tan atration), ho theos ho pantokrator or kurios pantokrat6r. " Sabaoth " stands alone as a designation of God in the Sibylline Books, i. 304, while the Ophitic Gnostics made Sabaoth one of the planet spirits. (E. KAUTZSCH.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. Delitzseh, in Zeitschrift fiir lutheriache Theolopie and Kirche, 1874, pp. 217 sqq.; E. Schrader, in Jahrbficher fiir protestantiache Theolopie, 1875, pp. 316 sqq.; W. von Baudissin, Studien zur aemitischen Religionsgeschichte, i. 119, Leipsic, 1876; W. H. Kosters, in ThT., x (1876), 53 sqq.; H. Schultz, Old Testament Theology, 2 vols., London, 1892; A. Dillmann, Handbuch der altteatamentlichen Theologie, pp. 220 sqq., Leipsie, 1895; Borchert, in TSK, 1896, pp. 619 sqq.; R. Smend, Lehrbuch der alttestamentlichen Religionsgeechichte, pp. 201 sqq., Freiburg, 1899; M. Lohr, Untersuchungen zum Buch Amos, pp. 38 sqq., Giessen, 1901; F. Schwally, Semitische Krisgsaltertumer, i. 4 sqq., Leipsic, 1901, B. F. Westcott, The Historic Faith, pp. 21 sqq., London, 1904; H. Gressmann,
Der Uraprung der iaraelitisch‑jadiachen Eachatolopie, pp. 72 eqq., GSttingen, 1905; W. Hammann, Erklerunp von Pa. 84, pp. 81 sqq., Darmstadt, 1905; B. Stade, Bibliache Theolopie des A. T., i. 73‑74, Tubingen, 1905; G. Westphal, in Orientalische Studien zum 70. Geburtstag T. Noldekes, if. 717 sqq., Giessen, 1906; K. Marti, Geachichte der iaraelitischen Religion, pp. 157 sqq., Strasburg, 1907; Zimmern, in Schrader, KAT, pp. 421, 456; DB, ii. 203, iii. 137‑138. extra vol., pp. 636‑637; EB, iii. 3328‑3330; Vigouroux, Didionnaire, fasc. xxxv. 1288‑1289.
SABASr sd'bes: Name of several saints.
1. Palestinian hermit and abbot, and founder of the order of Sabaites; b. at Mutalasca (Mutala) near Cwsarea, Cappadocia, 439; d. near Jerusalem, probably on Dee. 5, 531 or 532. At the age of five his parents took him to Alexandria; at eight, he renounced the world and entered a monastery; and at eighteen he began to live as a hermit on the southern course of the Kedron near the northwest end of the Dead Sea (the site of the present monastery of Mar Sabha). There he remained five years, being a favorite disciple of the abbot Euthymius (d. 473). With the spread of his fame for holiness, he succeeded in founding a laura with the rule of St. Basil, which was the first of many. In 491 Sabas was ordained priest and made exarch of all hermits in southern Palestine. Such was the honor in which he was held by the Emperor Anastasius, that his intercession in behalf of Elias, bishop of Jerusalem, was received. Though Elias was forced into exile in 517, his successor, Johannes, was induced by Sabas to anathematize all opponents of the Council of Chalcedon, especially the Origenistic monks.
In art Sabas is represented with an apple, since he refused to eat that fruit on account of its part in the fall of man. He is likewise sometimes represented with lions, in allusion to his hermit life in a cave. His order, the Sabaites, never spread beyond Palestine. Their habit was a yellowish‑brown mantle, with a black scapular.
2. Gothic martyr; drowned in the Musaeus (a tributary of the Danube) about 372. He is said to have been horribly tortured by the Visigothic King Athanaric (or Athanarid), and the account of his death is contained in a letter from the Christian Goths to the Church of Cappadocia, to which the Roman prefect Soranus is said to have sent his remains at the request of Basil the Great.
3. Gothic martyr, put to death at Rome during the reign of Aurelian (270‑275), together with some seventy other Christians.
4. Bishop of Paltus in Syria, and an orthodox delegate to the synods of Constantinople (448) and Chalcedon (451).
5. The surname of a hermit named Julianus, who
lived in the fourth century in a cave near Edessa,
and was distinguished for his anti‑Arian orthodoxy
and for his miracles. 	(O. ZOCKLURt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: On 1: the Vita by Cyril of Scythopolis, in
	J. B. Cotelerius, Monumenta ecclesix Grace?, iii. 220‑376,
	Paris, 1686; A. H. Hore, Eighteen Centuries of the Ortho
	dox Greek Church, pp. 285‑286, New York, 1899; F. Die
	kamp, Die oripenistischen Streitigkeiten im B. Jahrhundert,
	pp. 5 sqq., Munster, 1899; Ceillier, Auteura sacris, x. 750,
	xi. 274‑277, 882, xiv. 268; Neander, Christian. Church,
	ii. 271, 764; DCB, iv. 566‑567. On 2: ASB, April, ii.
	88‑90; Tomascheck, in the Sitzungaberichte of the Vienna
	Academy, 1881,82, pp. 437‑492; C. A. Scott, Ulftlas,
Apostle of the Goths, p. 90, London, 1885.On 3: ASB,

133
RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
Apr., iii. 281. On 4: M. LA Quien. Oriem Chriaeianus. ii. 799, Paris, 1740; Iiarduin, Concilia, ii. 138, 170, 370. On 5: ASB., Oct. 18.

SABATIER, ad‑ba‑ty6l, CHARLES PAUL MARIE:
French Protestant; b. at St. Michael‑de‑Chabrillanoux, a village in the department of Arddche, Aug. 3, 1858. He was educated at the lyceums of Besangon and Lille and in the theological department of the University of Paris, from which he was graduated in 1885. He was then vicar of the Protestant Church of St. Nicholas at Strasburg, but was expelled from Germany because he declined to accept a position which would oblige him to become a German citizen. He then returned to France and was for five years (1889‑94) pastor at St. Ci6rge‑laSerre, Ard6che, when he was obliged by ill‑health to retire from the ministry. After that time he devoted himself entirely to historical and theological studies. In 1902 he founded at Assisi, Italy, the Soci6t6 internationale des Etudes franciscaines. In 1898 he was created an honorary citizen of Assisi in recognition of his studies of the life of St. Francis of Assisi (an honor previously conferred only on Garibaldi) and in the following year was elected a member of the Accademia dei Lincei, Rome. He has edited La Didachb des douze ap6tres (Paris, 1885); Speculum perfectionis, seu Sancti Praneisct Assisiensis legenda antiquissima, auctore fratre Leone (1898); Fratris Prancisci Bartholdi de Assisio tractatus de Indulgentia Sanetae Maria' de Portiuneula (1900); Act= Sancti Prancisci et seniorum ejus (1902); Floretum Sancti Prancisci Assi8iensis, liber aureus qui Italice dicitur,1. Fioretti di San Prancesco, and the periodical Opusculm de critique historique, which he founded in 1904. He discovered in May, 1901, at Capestrane in the Abruzzi the long‑lost manuscript of the Franciscan Regina. antiqua tertii ordinis, which he edited at Paris in 1901. As independent works he has written Vie de St. Frangois d'Aasiae (Paris, 1893; Eng. transl. by L. S. Houghton, New York, 1894; this work has been translated into the principal European languages); A propos de la e6Paration des dglises et de L'etat (1905; Fng. transl., Diaestablishment in. France, by Robert Dell, London, 1906); Lettre ouverte d . . le cardinal Gibbons . . . sur la separation des gglises et de l'etat en France (1907); Modernism (London, 1908; Jowett Lectures); and Les Modernistes, Notes d'histoire religieuse contemporaine (Paris, 1909).

SABATIER, LOUIS AUGUST: French Protestant; b. at Vallon (95 m. n.w. of Marseilles) Oct. 22, 1839; d. at Paris Apr. 12, 1901. He was educated at the college of Montpellier and at Montauban, and also studied for a time at Basel, Tiibingen, and Heidelberg. After being an agent of the Soci6tk centrale protestante d'6vang6lisation at Aubenas, he was appointed, in 1870, professor of Reformed dogmatics at the University of Strasburg. On the outbreak of the Franco‑Prussian war, however, he helped to organize a Protestant ambulance service which accompanied the Army of the Loire; and declining a professorship proffered him at Strasburg by the German government, and otherwise manifesting his hostility to the new r6gime, he was ordered to leave
8abaoth
8abatier
the city. He went to Paris, where he became secretary of the Pcole libre des sciences religieuses, seeking meanwhile to replace Strasburg by a theological faculty to be affiliated with the Sorbonne. Declining a call to Lausanne, he supported himself chiefly by journalism; but in 1877 he saw his hopes fulfilled when the theological faculty of Strasburg was transferred to Paris and he again assumed the chair of Reformed dogmatics. Later he became associate director of the section for the history of religion at the Pcole des hautes Etudes, and in 1895 was made dean of the theological faculty.
The initial point of view of Sabatier was that of entire orthodoxy; but the lifelong problem which he set himself, the reconciliation of faith with science, led him further and further away from orthodox tenets. As early at 1880 he adopted the methods of historical criticism, and his conclusions were such as to lead him to abandon the teaching of the Church not only concerning the person and the work of Christ, but also with regard to the remaining positions of orthodox dogma. To Sabatier religion owed its origin to the desire of man to reconcile the antinomy between his empirical and his ideal ego, and thus became the spiritual aspect of the instinct of self‑preservation. In the religious evolution of the race revelation has passed through three stages: mythological (paganism), dogmatic (Roman Catholic and Protestant), and critical or psychological, the latter alone at once satisfying the requirements of piety and criticism. Such revelation is essentially spiritual and progressive, though always subject to the limits of human subjectivity. Religious sources and standards thus need constant revision on the basis of personal experience.
The culmination of religious development, according to Sabatier, is Christianity, the cardinal principle of which is to be a child of God, historically assured to man in the person of Jesus, in whom was first realized the divine revelation which has since been repeated as the experience of the pious Christian. This principle can not be overthrown by scientific criticism, since it is raised above the means and methods of historical criticism in virtue of being personal experience. Yet theology can not dispense with criticism, the function of which is to strip temporary and chance elements from the absolute principle, and thus to render possible an ever purer realization of Christian piety. This process of continual revision is the task of dogmatics, its subject matter being primarily the creeds, which, in the evolution of religion, become obsolete, lose their practical meanings, and become mere formulas. The function of Protestant dogmatics accordingly lies in the choice of such creeds as shall correspond to the requirements of the soul and shall harmonize with the religious consciousness.
Sabatier's works, received in Germany with comparative coolness, were enthusiastically welcomed in France; a section of French Roman Catholicism received a new impulse; and his books appealed to the general Protestant public, and even to circles which had broken with all religion. He was essentially a representative of the modern type of theo‑

Sabatier Sabbath
logian, yet free from all factionalism, and anxious to construct and reconcile rather than to destroy and alienate. In Ills Religions of Authority he doBlared that his object was " to reconcile all that is eternal in the Christian faith with the most rigid demands of the scientific spirit."
His principal writings are :3 follows: Le T6moipnage de Jbaus‑Christ our as peraonne (Paris, 1863); Eaaai our lea sources de la vie de Jdaus (1866); Johannis cuanpelium a0culo ineunte aecundo in ecclesia jars adfuisss demonctratur (1866); JEsua de Nazareth (1867); L'Ap6tre Paul (1870, 3d ed., 1896; Eng. transl., The Apostle Paul, London, 1891); Guillaume Is taciturne (1872); De Z'inftuence des femmes our la litt6rature frawaise (1873); Rapport our lea dangers qui menacent Z'iglise riformie et lea moyena de ritablir la paix dans son aein (1876); Le Canon du Nouveau Testament (1877); De 1'esprit th6ologique (1878); Mbnoir our la notice h&rafque d_ e 1'esprit (1879); Les OrWnes litthraires de rApocalypee de Saint‑Jean (1888); La Vie intime des dopmes (1890); Easai d'une th€orie critique de la connaissance relipiease (1893); Esquisse d'une philosophic de la religion d'avrgs to paychologie et I'hiatoire (1897; partial Eng. transl., Outlines of a Philosophy of Religion based on Psychology and History, London, 1897, new ed., 1902); La Religion et la culture moderns (1897); The Vitality of Christian Dogmas and their Power o) Evolution: a :study in Religious Philosophy (London, 1898); La Critique biblique et 1 hiatoire des religions (Paris, 1901); La Doctrine do rexpiation et son Evolution historique (1903; Eng. tranal., Doctrine of the Atonement and its Historical Evolution; Religion and Modern Culture, London, 1904); and the posthumous Les Religions d'autoritb et is religion de t'esprit (1903; Eng. transl., Religions of Authority and Religions of the Spirit, with Memoir . . . by Jean Rdville, London, 1904).
(EUGEN LACHENMANN:)
BraLIOoHAPHY: On Sabatier°s philosophy and theology consult: E. Mfnbgoz, Publications diverses our is fid6sme et son application a 1'enseipnement chrttien traditionnel, Paris, 1900; idem, La Thholopie d'Aupusto Sabatier, ib. 1901; idem, Le Fidhame et la notion de to foi, ib. 1905; Riemers, Hot Symbolofideiame. Beschrijvinp en kritische Beschouving, Rotterdam, 1900; G. Lasch, Die Thaolopie der Pariser Schule, Characteriatik and Kritils des SymboloFideismua, Berlin, 1901 W. Ward, Auguste Sabatier and Neur.ian, in Fortnightly Review, lxxv (1901), 808 sqq•; J. Berthoud, Augustc Sabatier d Schleiermacher, Geneva, 1902. On the life consult. d. Vienot, F. Pusux, J. E. Robert7, and H. Monnrer A::puate Sabatier, as vie, sa pens&, d ses trawvaux, Paris, 19.13; J. Pbdbzer', Souvenirs et ltudes, Paris, 18:8; dem Cinquant ana de aouvenira relipiseux et eccUsu:stiquea 1830‑80, ib. 1896: idem, Augusts Sabatier, aimplea souvenirs, Alengon, 1'004; h. Chaponnipre, Le Prolesseur Auguste S‑batier, Paris, 1902; L. S. Houghton, in Reformed Churen Review, (1904), 523 sqq : H. Dartigue, Aupuate Sabatier, critique littiraire, Paris, 1910.
SABBATARIANS. See ADvENTIBTs, 1 2; BAPTISTS, II., 4 (b); COMMUNISM, II., ¢ 5.
	SABBATH: The seventh day of the week, ob
served as a holy day by the Jews. The command to
hallow each seventh day as the Sabbath of Yahweh
by refraining from all work (Ex. xx. 8‑11; Deut.
v. 12‑15) is the only one in the Decaloguc which
refers to ritual. The sanctity of the Sabbath is
		stressed in the book of the covenant
	Data of and the holiness code (Ex. xxiii.
	the Old 12, xxxi. 13 sqq.. xxxiv. 21: ‑Lev.
Testament. xix. 3, 30, xxiii. 3, xxiv. 8; cf.
		xxvi. 3435, 43) : and the priest code
also forbids the lighting of a fire on the Sab
bath (Ex. xxxv. 3), while the account of the
manna in Ex. xvi. 22 sqq., evidently implies that
the institution of the Sabbath had long been known.
The necessity of hallowing the Sabbath is further
emphasized by the event narrated in Num. xv.
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
134
32‑38. The proper offerings for the Sabbath are enumerated in Num. xxviii. 9‑10; and the holiness code (Lev. xxiv. 8) adds that fresh showbread was to be placed in the tabernacle on the Sabbath. From II Kings iv. 23 it is evident that the pious were accustomed to visit prophets on the Sabbath, doubtless'y to hear the word of God; and in the regal period twothirds of the royal body‑guard were on watch at the Temple on the Sabbath, and one‑third at the palace, since on that day the concourse of worshipers was especially large (II Kings xi. 5 aqq.). The meaning of the "covert for the Sabbath" mentioned in II Kings xvi. 18 is unknown, neither the supposition that it was a covered way for the king to pass from the palace to the Temple nor the hypothesis that it was a covered place built in the Temple for the king to take part in the Sabbath services being plausible. The last general event narrated in the Old Testament concerning the Sabbath is the suppression of traffic on that day by Nehemiah (Neh. x. 32, xiii. 15 sqq.). The earlier prophets mention the Sabbath three times. Amos viii. 4‑5 shows that in the northern kingdom of the eighth century traffic was forbidden on the Sabbath and on the days of the new moon. According to Hos. ii. 13 the Sabbath was a day of rejoicing, and it is also clear from Isa. i. 13‑14 that it was a festival of Yahweh, on which the people assembled at the Temple and offered sacrifices. Jeremiah's exhortation to keep the Sabbath (Jer. xvii. 19 aqq.) is held by many to be a late addition, but the only basis for this assumption‑the theory that such a speech could have been delivered only in the time of Nehemiah, while Jeremiah himself was opposed to all ritual‑is entirely inadequate. Jeromiah certainly had the Decalogue before his eyes when he condemned the violation of the Sabbath, and the Sabbath laws of the Pentateuch were already ancient in Jeremiah's day. His language should be understood in the light of the utterances of his contemporary, Ezekiel, who charged Israel and Judah with having desecrated the Sabbath (Ezek. xxii. 8, xxiii. 38), and also severely condemned the elders of Israel who, while wandering in the wilderness, broke the Sabbath laws given by Yahweh when he led them out of Egypt (Ezek. xx. 10 sqq.). Since the Pentateuch does not record a profanation of the Sabbath in the wilderness, accounts of the events during the thirty‑eight years of wandering after the Israelites left Sinai would seem to have existed in the time of Jeremiah and Ezekiel which are no longer extant. Ezekiel describes the Sabbath as a sign of the sanctification of Israel by Yahweh (Ezek. xx. 12, 20), a concept found by him in Ex. xxxi. 13, 17, the hypothesis that the Pentateuchal law in question is later than Ezekiel being untenable. It is also evident that by the time of Ezekiel the Sabbath had long been distinctively a day of rest, and there is no reason to suppose that either he or his contemporaries made the requirements for its observation more rigid than they had previously been. The Deutero‑Isaiah likewise mentions the Sabbath. He is blessed who keeps the Sabbath holy (Isa. lvi. 2), while one of the indispensable conditions of securing the divine favor fs maintaining the sanct*ty of the Sabbath as a day of rest and one sacred to Yahweh (Isa. Iviii. 13‑14): and, finally, in the

185	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	9abatier
Sabbath
future reign of the Lord all flesh shall come on each sabbath and each new moon to worship Yahweh (Is&. lxvi. 23). Turning to the Hagiographa, the books of Chronicles, besides their parallel reference to II Kings xi. 5 sqq. ( II Chron. xxiii. 1 sqq.), contain a number of allusions to the showbread that was to be placed in the sanctuary on sabbaths and new moons (I Chron. ix. 32, xxiii. 31; II Chron. ii. 3, viii. 13, xxxi. 3); in the Psalms the only reference to the sabbath is the heading of Ps. xcii.; and Lam. ii. 6 mourns that Yahweh has caused feast‑day and sabbath to be forgotten in Zion.
	The Old	Testament frequently mentions the
sabbath in connection with the new moon
(Amos. viii. 5; Isa. i. 13, lxvi. 23; Ezek. xlvi. 1,
3; II Kings iv. 23; II Chron. ii. 3) and also in con
nection with both new moon and feast (Hos. ii.
13; Ezek. xlv. 17; Neh. x. 34), but in none of
these passages is there the slightest implication that
		the sabbath was connected in any way
Observance with the moon, particularly (in conin Old‑ tradistinction to the new moon) with
Testament the full moon. This statement is Times. decisively confirmed by the commandments regarding the sabbath (Ex. xx. 9‑11, xxiii. 12, xxxiv. 21; Deut. v. 12‑15), especially as there is no reason to suppose the Decalogue to be later than Ezekiel, or the other sabbatical commandments to be post‑exilic. The character of the day clearly remained practically the same from the time of Moses‑a day of gladness, sacred to Yahweh, marked by offering of sacrifice, listening to the discourses of prophets, visiting the sanctuary, and cessation of all ordinary toil. The true reason for the collocation of sabbaths and new moons in the Old Testament seems to be that they were recurrent throughout the year, whereas the other feasts occurred but once annually. While, however, the sabbath thus retained its original character throughout the period between Moses and Christ, the views concerning its proper mode of observance apparently changed. It was indeed held that all work, except what was absolutely necessary for daily life, should cease on that day, but the precise scope of these limitations received varying interpretations. Although exact details are unobtainable, it is evident from the words of Jeremiah and Ezekiel that those Israelites who were little inclined to obey the law had almost wholly secularized the sabbath, especially in troublous times. It is equally impossible to ascertain the precise requirements laid down for the proper observance of the day, but it is at least clear that the priestly class was particularly firm in its demand for the hallowing of the sabbath and that the rules laid down gradually increased in strictness.
Two opinions as to the origin of the sabbath were formerly held‑one, that God commanded man to rest as he himself had done after creating the world, and that Moses revved the still Origin lingering observance of the command; of the the other, that the ordinance was
	Sabbath.	originated by Moses, both views being
		based on the allusions to the sabbath
in Ex. xvi. 22 sqq. It is now held by many that the
sabbath is Babylonian in origin, "ough received by
the Jews immediately from the Canasnites; while another hypothesis maintains that the sabbath represents a moon‑feast of the nomadic ancestors of the Israelites. The Canaanitic and nomadic theories are both undemonstrable and unnecessary, but with the relation between the Jewish and the Babylonian Sabbath the problem is more complex. The cuneiform inscriptions contain two equations of importance in this connection, ahabattu = " day of appeasing the heart (of the gods)," also ahabattu = "fifteenth day." Consequently the Babylonian sabbath was a day of penance, and the middle of the Babylonian month. It has also been held that the seventh, fourteenth, twenty‑first, and twenty‑eighth days of the month, designated as ill‑omened, were the Babylonian sabbaths; but for this argument there is no evidence, and it must accordingly be assumed that the fifteenth day of each month was the sabbath of the Babylonians. This day was reckoned that of the full moon, but since the Hebrew sabbath was not connected with the full moon and was a day of gladness, not of penance, and since the Babylonians had no week of seven days, the assumption that the Hebrews borrowed the sabbath from the Babylonians lacks all foundation. At the same time there is a certain connection between the Hebrew Sabbath and the Babylonian ahabattu, since the root of both means "cease, end." A number of other etymologies have been proposed, as from Babylonian shaba¢u, "to strike" (the day of striking the breast), or 8hapafu, "to judge" (the day of legal decisions), as a Sumerian word, as an Arabic word shabat, "seat" (the alleged pause of the moon at each of its four phases), and as denoting the "perfect moon" (although shabbath never means "to be perfect"), but none of these is satisfactory. Both the Hebrew ahabbath and the Babylonian shabattu must, therefore, mean "rest," and while there is no evidence that the Babylonian sabbath was such a day of rest, it can not be demonstrated that the Babylonian here preserved the original character of the day. The reverse would seem to be the case, especially as the Hebrew sabbath was so much more important than the Babylonian. The reason for resting on the sabbath (according to Ex. xx. 10, xxxi. 15; cf. Lev. xix. 3, 30, xxiii. 3, xxvi. 2; Dent. v. 14) is that the day belongs to Yahweh, so that men may not use it for their own purposes. Ex. xxiii. 12 extends its beneficent effects to dependents and cattle (cf. Dent. v. 14‑15). The cause of the special sanctity of the sabbath is that on it Yahweh rested after the six days' work of creation (Gen. ii. 2‑3; Ex. xx. 11, xxxi. 17). The association of Sabbath rest with the account of creation must have been very ancient among the Hebrews, and it is noteworthy that no other Semitic peoples, even the Babylonians, have any tradition of the creation in six days. It would appear that the primitive Semites had four chief moon‑days, probably the first, eighth, fifteenth, and twenty‑second of each month, called sabbaths from the fact that there was a tendency to end work before them so that they might be celebrated joyfully. Among the Babylonians these seventh days through astrological conceptions became ill‑omened, while the sabbath in the middle of the month was made a day of

Sabbath
8acchoni	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	138
propitiation, and its name was construed as meaning "the day for ending the wrath of the gods." The Israelites, on the other hand, made the sabbaths the feasts of a living and holy God. The work of man became symbolic of the work of God, and human rest of divine rest, so that the Sabbaths became preeminently days of rest. Since, moreover, the lunar month had twenty‑nine or thirty days, the normal lapse of time between sabbaths was six days, although sometimes seven or eight; and six working days were accordingly assigned to the creation, which was to furnish a prototype for human life. The connection of the Sabbath with the lunar phases, however, was discarded by the Israelites, who did not worship the moon, and the weeks were accordingly divorced from the days of the months and were made to follow in succession throughout,the year, a more regular correspondence with the week of creation being thus secured. The first lunar day, however, or the day of new moon, retained, although no longer called Sabbath, somewhat of its sabbatical character, so that in the Old Testament it frequently appears as a pendant of the Sabbath (see FEASTS AND FESTIVALS, L, § 2; MOON, HEBREW CONCEPTIONS OF THE, § 4).
After the exile the observance of the Sabbath was made extremely rigid and in the Maccabean period a large number of ultra‑orthodox Jews were killed, together with their wives and children,
Later on the Sabbath day, on which they Jewish would offer no resistance (I Mace. ii. Develop‑ 27 sqq.; Josephus, Ant., XII., vi. 2‑3).
	ment.	Later, however, the Jews considered it
		lawful to defend themselves on the
Sabbath, though not to take the offensive (I. Mace.
ii. 39‑41; II. Mace. viii. 26; Josephus, Ant., XIV.,
iv. 2). Thirty‑nine principal forms of work, to
gether with many minor varieties, came to be for
bidden on the Sabbath. On the other hand, the
work involved in the ritual of the Temple and cir
cumcision was permitted (Matt. xii. 5; John vii.
22‑23); assistance might be given to a woman in
childbirth and also to the sick if in danger of death;
and Matt. xii. 11 states that it was lawful to rescue
a sheep from a pit on the Sabbath, though this is
denied by the Talmud. On the basis of Ex. xvi. 29,
combined with Num. xxxv. 5 and Josh. iii. 4, more
than a "Sabbath day's journey" (2,000 cubits) was
forbidden on the Sabbath. Nevertheless, the Sab
bath remained a day of joy among the Jews, and the
eating of three hearty meals on that day was en
joined. The Sabbath feasts of the Jews accordingly
became widely known, although not without receiv
ing mocking criticism, as from Juvenal ("Satires,"
xiv. 96‑106), Persius (v. 184), and Martial (iv.
417), while Seneca (Opera, ed. F. Hasse, iii.
427, Leipsic 1863) lamented that a seventh
part of life should thus be wasted. Despite this
the Jews were imitated by many pagans, so that
Josephus could say (Apion, ii. 40): "There is not
any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians,
nor any nation whatsoever, whither our custom of
resting on the seventh day hath not come."
(W. LoTz.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. Spencer, Dc lsgibus Hebra=orum ritualibur,
2 vols., Cambridge, 1727: F. W. Farrar, Life of Christ,
i. 374 eqq., 430‑443, ii. 83, 113 sqq., London, 13th ed., n.d.; A. Edersheim, Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah, ii. 52‑62, 182, 774 sqq., London, 1883; W. Lots, Quo;ationea de historia Sabbati, Leipsie, 1883; L. Thomas, Le Jour du seagneur, 2 vols., Paris, 1892‑93; A. H. Sayce, Verdict of the ' Higher Criticism' and the Monuments, pp. 78 Bqq., London, 1894; H. Gunkel, Schopfung and Chaos, Gbttingen, 1895; M. Jastrow, in AJT, 1898, pp. 315‑352; C. H. W. Johns, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, London, 1898; C. H. Toy, in JBL, 1899, pp. 191‑193; W. Riedel, Alttestamentliche Untersuchungen, pp. 7489, Leipsie, 1902; F. Bohn, Der Sabbat im Alten Testament, Giiteisloh, 1903; D. Nielsen, Die altarabische Mondreligion, pp. 63 sqq., Strasburg, 1904; Parichm in PSBA, 1904, pp. 51‑66; Zimmern, in ZDMG, 1904, pp. 199 sqq., 458 sqq.; F. Delitzsch, Babel and Bibel, i. 62‑65, Leipsic, 1905; J. Meinhold, Sabbat and Wachs im A. T., GSttingen, 1905; H. Winekler, Religionsgeschichtlicher and geschichtlicher Orient, pp. 58 sqq., Leipsie, 1906; J. Helm, Siebenzahl and Sabbat bet den Babyloniern and im Alten Testament, Leipsic, 1907; C. F. Kent, Student's Old Testament, iv., § 217, pp. 263‑265, New York, 1907; G. Beer, Schabbath, Tiibingen, 1908; Sehdrer, Geschichte, ii. 450 159, 470478, 491‑493 et passim, Eng. transl„ II., ii. 75‑83, 96105. 120‑122, et passim; Schrader, %AT, pp. 592‑594; Nowack, Archdologie, ii. 140 sqq.; Benzinger, Archriologie, pp. 389‑391; DB, iv. 317‑323; EB, iv. 4173‑80; JE, x. 587‑802; DCG, ii. 540‑542; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, faso. xxxv., cots. 1291‑1306. Also cf. the literature under SUNDAY.
SABBATH DAY'S JOURNEY. See WEIGHTS AND MEASURES, HEBREW.
SABBATH LAWS. See SUNDAY, II.
SABBATICAL YEAR AND YEAR OF JUBILEE:
The seventh and fiftieth year respectively, connected with the idea of the Sabbath (q.v.) among the ancient Hebrews and associated with religious usages. The Book of the Covenant directs (Ex. xxi. 2) that a slave of Hebrew descent be set free in the seventh year of his servitude, and Deut. xv. 12 extends this requirement to Hebrew female slaves as well. It is evident that this year was connected with the Sabbath, although as yet there was no reference to a year which should possess a sabbatical character throughout the country. The Book of the Covenant (Ex. xxiii. 10‑11) requires tillage and harvesting for six years, while in the seventh year the land was to lie fallow and what grew spontaneously was to be left for the poor and wild beasts (see also Lev. xxv. 1‑7). Although the context (v. 12) clearly shows that the rest of the land should be analogous to that of the Sabbath, there is no implication even here of a sabbatical year for the whole country. Deut. xv. 1 sqq. further required a release from all indebtedness of one Israelite to another every seventh year, the passage in question implying that the "year of release" was observed in the whole country (cf. also Deut. xxxi. 10). These debts were to be remitted each seventh year, not after the lapse of six years from their contraction (cf. Deut. xv. 9) ; but since a year was required for the release in question, although the actual remission might be made in a single day, it would seem that the "release" was not a remission of the debt but merely a cessation of requests for payment during the year. Since the Deuteronomic law for the manumission of slaves after six years of bondage immediately follows the requirements governing the "year of release," it would appear that this manumission was at least desired in the "year of release." Although it is uncertain when

137	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sabbath
Sacchoai
and why each seventh year came to be regarded as
a sabbatical year, the basis would seem to have been
the "year of release." According to Jer. xxxiv. 8
sqq., there was a general manumission of slaves in
harmony with Deut. xv. 12 during the reign of
Zedekiah, but no certain conclusions can be drawn
from this passage. The sabbatical year was reck
oned from autumn to autumn, since the land could
not be allowed to begin to lie fallow in the spring,
and this is borne out by the fact that the year of
jubilee, itself in a sense a sabbatical year, was
solemnly announced to begin on the tenth day of
the seventh month (Lev. xxv. 9). Although in the
preexilic period the sabbatical year was only im
perfectly observed (Lev. xxvi. 34 ‑35, 43; II Chron.
xxxvi. 21), the Jews under Ezra and Nehemiah
expressly pledged themselves to keep it (Neh. x. 31),
and it was fully observed in the time of Alexander
the Great, the Hasmoneans, and the Herodians
(I Macc. vi. 49, 53; Josephus, Ant., XI., viii. 6,
XIII., viii. 1, XIV., x. 6, xvi. 2, XV., i. 2; War, I.,
ii. 4; Philo, in Eusebius, Prceparatio evangelica, vii.,
Eng. transl., i. 389‑391, Oxford, 1903; Tacitus,
Hist., v. 4). This observance must, however,
have been extremely difficult, and the Talmud
(Shebhi'ith, VI., ii. 5‑6), on the basis of Lev. xxv.
2, restricted the validity of the law to Palestine.
The law of the year of jubilee follows that of the sabbatical year in Lev. xxv. 8 sqq., which enacts that at the expiration of seven sabbatical years, i.e., in each fiftieth year, a trumpet should be sounded throughout the land on the tenth day of the seventh month, i.e., on the Day of Atonement, the first day of the year of jubilee. Like the sabbatical year, the year of jubilee was to have no harvest reaped in it, but in addition it was a year of freedom for all the inhabitants of the country. Each man should return to the property which he had been obliged to sell; all lands and buildings sold outside the walled cities were to be held only until the next year of jubilee; and Israelites who had been forced to sell themselves into bondage were to be released in the year of jubilee (Lev. xxv. 39‑55). There is no reason to doubt that the law of the year of jubilee is preexilic, and it is evidently a remodeling of an older enactment of uncertain nature. The precise date of its origin is equally obscure, though it may be a parallel to the Feast of Weeks. There is an obvious allusion to the year of jubilee in Ezek. xlvi. 16 sqq., and probably in Isa lxi. 1‑2. Ezra and Nehemiah, on the other hand, never mention it, and there is an express Jewish tradition that after the time of Ezra the year of jubilee was no longer observed. (W. LoTz.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: B. Zuckermann, Ueber Sabbathjahrcyclus and Jobelperiode, Breslau, 1857; C. P. Caspari, Die geachichtlichen Sabbathyahre, in TSK, 1876, pp. 181‑190; H. Ewald, Antiquities of Israel, pp. 338, 369‑372, Boston, 1876; J. Fenton, Early Hebrew Life, pp. 66‑74, London, 1880; Sehiirer, Geschichte, i. 35‑37, 214, 258‑259, u. 363, iii. 104‑105, Eng. transl., I., i. 41‑43, 224, 274, ii. 157, If., I. 362‑363, ii. 295; Nowack, Archaologie, ii. 163‑165; Benzinger, ArchdoWie, 398; J. Meinhold, Sabbat and Woche im Alten Testament, pp. 21 sqq., Gbttingen, 1905; C. F. Kent, Students' Old Testament, iv:, §§223‑224, pp. 274‑276, New York, 1907; DB, iv. 323‑326; EB, u. 2614‑16, JE, x. 605‑08. Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, iii. 1753 and fasc. xxxv., cots. 1302‑1306; the commentaries on the passages cited, and the works on the
theology of the Old Testament (under BIBLICAL TagoL‑
oGY).
SABELLIUS, SABELLIANISM. See MoNARCHIANISM, VI.
SABIANS. See MANDEANs.

SABINE, WILLIAM TUFNELL: Reformed Episcopal bishop; b. in New York City Oct. 16, 1838. He was graduated from Columbia University, (A.B., 1859) and at the General Theological Seminary, New York City (1862), being ordered deacon in the Protestant Episcopal Church in the same year and ordained priest in 1863. After being curate of St. George's, New York City (1862‑63), he was rector of the Church of the Covenant, Philadelphia (1863‑65), and of the Church of the Atonement, New York City (1866‑74). In 1874, on the formation of the Reformed Episcopal body, he withdrew from the Protestant Episcopal Church, and from that year to 1907 was pastor of the First Reformed Episcopal Church, New York City. In 1902 he was elected bishop of the New York and Philadelphia Synod of the Reformed Episcopal Church.
SABINIAN, ca'"bin'i‑an: Pope 604‑606. He was born at Volterra (32 m. s.w. of Florence), Italy, in the sixth century. Though only a deacon, he was elected on Sept. 13, 604, to succeed Gregory I., who had once sent him as nuncio to Byzantium. The only known events of his pontificate are his endeavors to relieve a severe famine, but even these efforts do not seem to have saved him from the hatred of the Roman populace [aroused by his avarice and cruelty to the poor]. (A. IIAucx.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources are: Liber pontifwalis, ed. L. Duchesne, 2 vols., Paris, 1886‑92, and ed. T. Mommsen, in MGM, Gest. Pont. Rom., i. 1 (1898), 163; and Paul the Deacon's Vita Gregorii l., in MPL, Lcxv. 41 sqq. Consult: R. Baxmann, Die Politik der Pdpste von Gregor 1. bis auf Gregor VIL, i. 149, Elberfeld, 1868; F. Gregorovius, Hist. of . . Rome in the Middle Ages, ii. 104‑105,
London, 1894; Mann, Popes, i. 251‑259; Bower, Popes, i. 424‑425; Platina, Popes, i. 140‑141; Mihnan, Latin Christianity, ii. 262‑264.
SABTABL See TABLE OF THE NATIONS, § 6.
	SACCHONI, sack‑o'nf, RAINERIO: Roman
Catholic inquisitor; d. after 1262. His birthplace
was Piacenza, but nothing is known of his early years.
He joined the Cathari (see NEw MANICHEANS, II.)
and was one of them for seventeen years, attain
ing the dignity of bishop. He was brought back to
the faith of the Church apparently by the preaching
of Peter of Verona (q.v.) and the Dominican Moneta
(d. about 1235). When Peter Martyr was murdered
at Como in 1252 at the instigation of the Cathari,
Rainerio was appointed in his place as inquisitor in
Lombardy. In 1259, the heretics succeeded in
driving him out of Milan. He had induced Alexan
der IV. to put under the ban Uberto Pallacino, a
distinguished personage of Milan, who favored the
Cathari. Uberto obtained a decision of the Podesta
banishing Rainerio (Muratori, Scriptures, xvi. 662).
The last known of Rainerio is that he was summoned
to Rome on July 31, 1262, by Urban IV. to consult
On important matters. The year of his death is
unknown. Rainerio is important for his account
of the Cathaxi. His Summa de CJlatar i s et Leonistia,

Sachau	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	lgg
obviously intended for the information of the In
quisition, is still the most important source for the
history and doctrines of that obscure sect, though
it no longer exists in its original form. It was first
published by Gretser (Liter contra Waldenses,
Ingolstadt, 1613), but it is doubtful whether other
writings are not included with it; also in E. Martane
and U. Durand, Thesaurus novum aneedotorum, v.
1775 sqq. (Paris, 1717). 	(F. CoHlxs.)
BIHLIoaHAPHY: J. Quhtif and J. tehard, Scriptorea ordinis priedieatorum, i. 154 sqq., ii. 817, Paris, 1719‑21; A. Toulon, Hist. des hommes illustres do Cordre de St. Dominique, i. 313 eqq., ib. 1743; J. C. L. Gieseler, De Rainerii summa commentatio critics, Gdttingen, 1834; A. W. Dieekhoff, Die Waldenser im Mittelalter, pp. 152 aqq., ib. 1851; W. Preger, Geschichte der deutechen Mystik im Mittelalter, i. 168 sqq., Leipsic, 1874; H. Reuter, Geschichte der relipibsen Aufklerung in Mittelalter, ii. 317, Berlin, 1877; K. MUller, Die Waldenser, pp. 147‑148, Gotha, 1886; %L, x. 1452‑53; H. C. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition in the Middle Apes, vol. ii. passim, New York, 1906.
SACHAU, sdc'nu, EDUARD: Orientalist; b. at Neumtinster (36 m. n. of Hamburg) July 20, 1845. In 1869 he became extraordinary professor of Semitic languages at Vienna, and was advanced to ordinary professor in 1872; went to Berlin as professor of oriental languages, 1876; traveled in Syria and Mesopotamia, 1879‑80, and 1897‑98; became director of the oriental seminary at Berlin, 1887; and received civil recognition as councilor in 1906. He has written or edited: De Aljavaligi ej'usQ'e opere (Halle, 1867); Theodori Mopsuesteni fragments Syriaca (Leipsie, 1869); Inedita Syraaca; eine Sammlung syrischen Uebersefzungen van Sehriften griechischer Profanliteratur (Vienna, 1870); The Chronology of Ancient Nations. An English Version of the Arabic Text of the Athar‑ul‑bakiya of Albiruni (London, 1879); Syrischrr6misches Rechtsbuch aus dent 6. Jahrhundert (Leipsic, 1880; in collaboration with C. G. Bruns); Reise in Syrien and Mesopotamien (1883); Albiruni'8 India (London, 1888); Indo‑Arabische Studien zur Aussprache and Geschichte des Indischen in der ersten Halfte des 11. Jahrhunderts (Berlin, 1888); Muhammedanisches Erbrecht von Zanzibar and Ost‑Afrika (1894); Skizze des Fellichi‑Dialekts von Mosul (1895); Ueber die Poesie in der Volksaprache der Nestorianer (1896); il‑fuhammedanisches Recht nach schaftischer Lehre (1897); Am Euphrat urtd Tigris. Reise Notizen
. 1897‑98 (Leipsie, 1900); Drew aramdi8che Papyrus‑Urkunden aus Elefantine (Berlin, 1908) ; and Ibn Saad's Biographien bluhammeda (Leyden, 1908‑09); besides a considerable number of smaller brochures dealing with various inscriptions and other matters of oriental and Biblical interest.

SACHEVERELL, sa‑ahev'er‑el, HENRY: Church of England; b. at Marlborough (70 m. w. of London), Wiltshire, about 1674; d. at The Grove (13 m. n.w. of London), Highgate, Middlesex, June 5, 1724. He was graduated at Oxford (B.A., 1693; M.A., 1695; B.D., 1707); was senior dean of arts of Magdalen College, 1708, and bursar in 1709; and was appointed preacher at St. Saviour's, Southwark, in 1705. In 1709 he preached two sermons which, on account of their political bearing, gave the gravest offense to the ministry and the majority of parliament (whigs). He was impeached for libel by the
house of commons; and in 1710 he was convicted by the peers, and suspended for three years from the ministry. He was ardently supported, however, by the tories, the clergy, and the country squires; and the excitement caused by his trial contributed much to the defeat of the whigs in the general election of 1710 and the downfall of Sidney Godolphin and his colleagues. In 1713 he was made rector of St. Andrew's, Holborn, in which position he died. BIHLIOa$APHY: F. Madan, A Bibliography of Dr. Henry
Sacheverell, privately printed, Oxford, 1887 (indispensable
for sources); W. Bisset, The Modern Fanatick, London,
1710 (a violent attack); W. King, Vindication of the Rev.
Dr. Henry Sacheverell, ib. 1710 (reply to Bisset); T.
Hearne, Remarks and Collections, ed. C. E. Doble for Ox
ford Historical Society, vols. i‑iii. passim, Oxford, 1885
eqq.; C. A. Lane, Illustrated Notes on English Church His
tory, pp. 205‑206, London, 1892; W . H. Hutton, The
English Church . . . (1626‑171.(), pp. 260‑262, ib. 1903;
DNB, 1. 80‑83 (has reference to scattering notices).

SACHS, sacs, HANS: German Lutheran poet; b. at Nuremberg Nov. 5, 1494; d. there Jan. 19, 1576. After completing his education at the Latin school of his native city, he was apprenticed, at the age of fifteen, to a shoemaker, and during the two
years following received his first in‑
	His Life. struction in the Meistersinger's art.
he returned to his rnative towne
	, whe hoe henceforth
resided as a shoemaker and poet. His life falls in
the period of Nuremberg's prosperity, and in this
city, the home of wealth, art, and learning, he was
honored as the master and patriarch of the Meister
singers. The dialect used by him is Bavarian High
German. His first work as a Meistersinger was his
Bul Scheidelied (1513), but his chief activity began
after his return to Nuremberg. At the instance of
his friends, he undertook a complete edition of his
writings (5 vols., Nuremberg, 1558‑79, reprinted,
Kempten, 1612‑17), which contained 1,462 poems,
though he himself prepared only the first three
volumes. All forms of poetry are represented
epic, lyric, didactic, and dramatic‑and the themes
are drawn indifferently from sacred and profane
history, legend, descriptions of nature and geog
raphy, civil and domestic life, events of the author's
own life or the lives of others, and from his own
imagination. The sources which he expressly names
are more than 120, among the more modern being
Boccaccio, S. Brant, Reuchlin, Erasmus, Alberus,
and Agricola.
The first volume of the Nuremberg edition of Hans Sachs is opened by his Tragedia von der Schbpf'ung, Fall and Austreibung Ads suss dent Paradeiss, a drama with eleven characters and three acts, written in 1533. This is followed by a poem on the children of Eve, based on the writings of Agricola.
The most important poem drawn from
Principal the New Testament is the tragedy of Poems. the passion with thirty‑one characters
and ten acts, written in 1557. The antagonism between the law and the Gospels is set forth in the tragedy of the last judgment with thirty‑four characters and seven acts (1558). From the "golden legend" is drawn Ein Comedi von dent reichen sterbenden Menschen der Hecastus genannt (1549), which treats of a rich man called from the

189	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Bachau
Bachsss
joys of life to the divine judgment seat, where, abandoned by his friends, he finds consolation in faith in the merits of Christ. Besides purely Biblical narratives are found legends of apostles and martyrs. In the writings which treat of virtues and vices there is found keen observation, cogent thought, and well‑drawn characters, despite frequent monotony and prolixity. Here mention can only be made of Dab kiinstlich Prauen Lob, Fama das weit, fliegenul Gerilcht, Die gut and boa Eigenschaft des Geldes, and Kampfgesprach Xenophontis Philosophi mit Frau Tugend and Prau Untugend. It is, however, in the fables, farces, and Shrove Tuesday plays that Hans Sachs reaches the zenith of his art. In the farces, 210 in number, the devil and fools are the principal characters. The devil, however, is ridiculous rather than dangerous, while the speeches of the fools contain serious admonitions. Among these farces allusion may be made to Der Teufel aucht ihm eine Ruhstatt auf Erden, Der eigensinnig M6nch mit dem Wasserkrug, and Der Einsiedel mit dem Honigkrug. The Shrove Tuesday plays, of which the Nuremberg edition contains forty‑two, are essentially dramatized farces, designed, as their author said, "only for seemly merriment and joy." The first of these plays, Das Hofgesind Veneris 1517), is based on the TannhAuser cycle, and among the others are Das boa Weib, Der fahrend Schttler im Paradeiss, Das heiss Eisen, and Das Weib im Brunnen. In regard to religion and the Church, Hans Sachs was a Christian, almost a Protestant, poet. Between 1514 and 1518 he wrote eight hymns, in 1525 he issued his Etliche geystliche in der schri$t gegrfnte Lieder fur die layen zu singer, and in 1528 his Dreytaehen Psalmen, his entire contributions of this character numbering thirty‑five. Many of these marked distinct changes from the older views, as when he modified the Sant Christof du heyliger man into the Christe warer sun Gottes fron. To the same category belong the paraphrases of books and portions of the Bible, as of the Psalter, Ecclesiastes, Ecclesiasticus, the types of the Old Testament, and the gospels for Sundays.
Hans Sachs was not only a poet, but a polemist, and was one of the first and most decided adherents of the Reformation in Nuremberg. Long an admirer of Luther, he himself entered the lists against the Roman Catholic Church with his poem of 700 verses, Die Wittembergisch Nachtigald, die man yetz hbret iiberall (1523). In 1524 he published his Vier Dialogen in Prosa: the disputation between a canon and a shoemaker; an attack on the Anti‑ outward works and vows of the clergy;
Romanist	and two admonitions to the Lutherans
	Writings.	themselves against unseemly conduct
		and against abuse of their freedom.
He created a sensation in 1527 by publishing, to
gether with A. Osiander, his Eyn wunderliche
weyssagung von deco Babstumb, wie es yhm bins an das
endt der welt gehen sot, in Piguren Oder gem& begrdf
fen, a work consisting of thirty pictures and 150
verses by Hans Sachs. Luther highly approved the
production, but it was suppressed at Nuremberg,
and its author received a sharp warning from the
authorities. Nevertheless, he expressed similar
views two years later :n his Inhalt zweierlei predigt,
jede in einor kurzen Summ begrifen, in which the
Lutheran doctrine of salvation was set forth in
fifty‑five verses, while all the practises of the Roman
Catholic Church were pictured in an equal number
of strophes, the reader being invited, at the close,
to make his choice. To the same category belongs
his Der gut and der b6s Hirt (1531), based on John x.,
in which the shepherd with the triple crown enters
the house by the roof, while the good shepherd (the
Lutheran pastor) comes in by the door. Of bitterly
polemic character was the Veryleichung des Babst
mit Christo, jr paider leben and passion (1551), in
seventy‑five verses, and equally virulent was his
Ep£taphium Lutheri (1546). Repeatedly in other
poems Hans Sachs assails usages and conditions in
the Roman Catholic Church of which he dis
approved. His Heiltum fur daa unf leisaige Haushal
ten was directed against relics, Der Ketzermeister
mit den vied Kesselsuppen against luxury in monastic
life, and Der Schwank vom verlornen and redeten
Gulden against the pope and indulgences, while
auricular confession, holy water, and monasticism
also came in for a share of his sarcasm. In the
comedy of Die ungleichen Kinder Eva the good
children repeat the Lutheran catechism by heart
and receive all earthly blessings, while the bad
answer with nonsense or in terms of atheism and
Roman Catholicism, and are condemned to servi
tude and wretchedness.
	In his lifetime Hare Sachs enjoyed wide esteem.
With the change in poetic structure in the early
seventeenth century, he sank into oblivion, but
was rescued by Goethe and Herder, and since then
he has been recognized as the first poet of the six
teenth century. 	(G. Hohz.)
BIBLiaaR.APHT: M. S. Raniseh, Historisch‑kritische LebensbesAreibunp Hans Sachsens, Altenburg, 1765; R. Gen6e. Hans Sachs and seine Zeit, 2d ed., Leipsic, 1902; J. L. Hoffmann, Hans Sachs. Sein Leben and Wirken, Nuremberg, 1847; O. Haupt, Leben and dichteriache Wirksamkeit des Hans Sachs, Poser, 1888; F. Ahlfeld and E. Luthard, Hans Sachs urul Albrecht Darer, Leipsie, 1875; F. Schultheias, Hans Sachs in seinem Verhaltnisse su Reformation, Leipaic, 1879; W. Kawerau, Hans Sachs and die Reformation, Halle, 1883; H. Nietaehmann, Hans Sachs, Ein Lebensbild, Halle, 1889; E. Mummenhoff, Hans Sachs, Nuremberg, 1894; J. Nover, Hans Sachs, Hamburg, 1895; L. B. Suphan, Hans Sachs, Humanitetzeit and Gegenwart, Weimar, 1895; L. Mettetal, Hans Sachs d la reformation, Paris, 1895; F. Fichler, Dae Nachleben des Hans Sachs, Leipsic, 1904; H. Holaschuher, Hans Sachs in seiner Bedeutunp far unsere Zeit, Berlin, 1908.
SACHSSE, s8c'se, EUGEN: German Protestant; b. at Cologne Aug. 20, 1839. He was educated at the universities of Bonn and Berlin (lie. theol., 1863), and after being pastor at Notho‑on‑the‑Weser (1863‑69), and teacher at the normal school of Hilchenbach (1869‑71), was pastor at Hamm (18711883); director and professor of the seminary for preachers at Herborn (1883‑90), and was called to his present post of professor of practical theology in the Protestant #aculty of the University of Bonn in 1890. He has written Ursprung and Wesen des Pietismus (Wiesbaden, 1884); Die ewige Erldsung (sermons: 2 vols., CwterJoh, 1885‑98); Ueber die Moglichkeit Gott zu erkennen (Giessen, 1888); Evangelische Katechik (Berlin, 1897) ; and Der geschichtliche Wert der drei ersten Evangelien (1904); and has published a German translation of A. Hy‑

Sack Brethren	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
Sacrament		140
perius's Homiletik uud Katechik (in collaboration with E. C. Achelis; Berlin, 1901).
SACK BRETHREN (Fratres saccati, Saccophore, Sachetti): An order of hermits formed early in the thirteenth century for rigid asceticism and works of mercy. They received their name from the rough garments worn by them, though they were also known as "Penitential Brethren of Jesus Christ" and Boni Homines (q.v.). The Sack Brethren were introduced into England by Henry III. in 1257, though they had existed in Spain in the pontificate of Innocent III., and in France and Flanders. The order seems to have been suppressed by the Council of Lyons in 1275, probably because of heretical views rife among them, whereupon the brothers entered other orders, such as the Servites. The Sack Brethren lived extremely rigorously, abstaining from the use of wine, drinking only water, and practising communism of property. By the end of the fourteenth century their name had vanished from history.
A similar order of nuns was founded by Louis IX. of France in 1261. They termed themselves the "Penitent Daughters of Jesus," and were also called, from their habit, Saccariae or Sachettes. Though the order survived only a short time in France, where the nunneries were near St. Andr6des‑Arcs, Sack Sisters seem to have had houses in London as late as 1357. (O. ZfKLERt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Helyot, Ordres monastiques, iii. 175 eqq.; Heimbueher, Orden and Kongregationen, ii. 182; A. G.
Little, in English Historical Review, Jan., 1894, pp. 121.qq.
SACK, sdc, AUGUST FRIEDRICH WILHELM: German Reformed; b. at Harzgerode (50 m. s.e. of Brunswick) Feb. 4, 1703; d. at Berlin Apr. 23, 1786. He was educated at Frankfort and Leyden, after which he was a private tutor in Groningen. Returning to Germany, he became, in 1728, tutor of the hereditary prince of Hesse‑Homburg, and in 1731 was called to be third minister of the German Reformed church in Magdeburg, where he founded a poorhouse and orphan asylum which still exist. In 1738 he became first minister of the same church, and consistorial councilor and inspector of the Reformed churches in the duchy of Magdeburg. From 1740 until his retirement in 1780 he was court and cathedral preacher at Berlin and member of the consistory. Theologically he was orthodox in a period of religious indifference and latitudinarianism, yet possessed of characteristic Protestant independence of thought and averse to all forms of compulsion. Though his mediating position exposed him to severe criticism from adherents of more one‑sided views, he enjoyed, in general, the support of men of all parties, many of whom he counted among his personal friends and correspondents. In 1745 Sack was chosen a member of the physical section of the Berlin Academy of Sciences, and from 1751 to 1766, in addition to his other duties, he was a visitor of the Reformed Joachimsthal Gymnasium. He also directed for a time the benevolent institutions connected with the cathedral, and during the residence of the royal family at Magdeburg during the Seven Years' War was not only their chaplain, but also the religious teacher of the princes and princesses.
Sack's theological convictions may be gathered most fully from his Verteidigter Glaube der Christen (Berlin, 1751), a popular presentation of apologetics and dogmatics, as well as from the notes and meditations contained in his Lebensbeschreibung (ed. F. S. G. Sack, 2 vols., Berlin, 1789). He was naturally under the influence of the philosophy of Leibnitz and Wolff, and consequently presupposed a natural religion based on concepts of divine perfections, the attainment of religious convictions by processes of reason, and the like. At the same time, he regarded such natural religion as inadequate for the needs of man, seeing perfection in the Bible alone, and seeking the proof of its divine inspiration in its contents and their effect on the human soul. The central point of revelation he held to be the mediation and the redemption by Christ; forgiveness and blessedness are possible only on condition of repentance and true faith in Christ the mediator. The doctrines of prevenient grace and justification by faith, on the other hand, are comparatively neglected, while regeneration is emphasized. His sermons were collected in six volumes (1735‑64). (K. H. SACgt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The chief source is the Lebenabeschreibum, ut sup. Consult further: J. M. H. Dbring, Die deutschen Kanzelredner des 18. and 18. Jahrhunderts, pp. 353‑360, Neustadt, 1830; R. Rothe, Geschichte der Predigt, p. 421, Wittenberg, 1881.
SACK, FRIEDRICH SAMUEL GOTTFRIED:
German Reformed; b. at Magdeburg Sept. 4, 1738;
d. at Berlin Oct. 2, 1817. He was educated at the
University of Frankfort (1755‑57) and in England
(1758‑59), and was appointed, in 1769, German
Reformed preacher in his native city. In 1777 he
was called to Berlin as fifth court and cathedral
preacher, becoming the Reformed member of the
supreme consistory in 1786. He gradually rose to
be first court preacher, but was chiefly active in
religious instruction and in official duties. In 1804
he was made chief school councilor, and in 1814 was
appointed presiding officer of the committee for the
improvement of the Protestant church system; in
1816 he became a bishop of the Evangelical Church.
In his theological views he was slightly semi‑Pelagian,
but an opponent of deism and of the speculation
and pantheistic tendencies of German philosophy
beginning with Fichte. In ecclesiastical adminis
tration he sought to keep the Church from too
close connection with the State, and in 1788 was
one of the five who protested against the officializing
of orthodoxy enacted by the religious edict issued by
«'oilner's ministry. He labored earnestly to revive
true religion among both Lutherans and Reformed,
as exemplified in his Crutachten fiber die Verbesserung
des Religionszustandes in den k6niglichen preuss
ischen Ldndern (Berlin, 1802). He also wrote Schrif
ten an einen Freund den Herrn Dr. Bahrdt and sein
Glaubensbekenntnis betref'end (1779); Eiu Wort
der Ermunterung au. meine Mitbiirger (1807); and
Ueber die Vereinigung der beiden protestantischen
Kirchenparteien in der preussischen Monarchie
(1812).	(K. H. SACxt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. S. LSwe, Bildnisse . . . jetztlebender Berliner Gelehrten. Berlin, 1806‑07 (supplied by Sack himself); F. Theremin, Gedachtnisapredigt aufden BischoJ F. S. G. Sack, Berlin, 1817; J. M. H. Doring, Die deut‑

141	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sack 8
		Sacrament
whm Karudredner des 18. and 18. Jahrhuuderts, p. 365,
Neuetadt, 1830.
	SACK, KARL HEINRICH: German Lutheran,
son of the preceding; b. at Berlin Oct. 17, 1789;
d. at Bonn Oct. 16, 1875. He was educated at the
University of G&ttingen, returning to Berlin in 1810.
Three years later he served as a volunteer in the
Napoleonic war, where he gained the Iron Cross,
and in 1815 returned to the field as a chaplain. On
the close of hostilities he spent a year and a half in
touring Germany, Holland, and England, and on
his return became privat‑docent at the University
of Berlin. In 1818 he was called to Bonn as pro
fessor of theology, and in the following year also
became Lutheran pastor in the same city. In 1834,
however, he resigned his pastorate that he might
devote himself to his professorial duties. In his
theology Sack was strongly influencd by Schleier
macher, as is clear from his Idee and Entwurf der
chrisdichen Agologetik (Bonn, 1819), Christliche
Apologetik (Hamburg, 1829), and Christliehe Pole
mik (1838). His rigid adherence to the Bible as the
foundation of the Church was evinced in his Vom
Worte Gottes (Bonn, 1825) and Ueber das Ansehen
der heiligen Schrift (1827; in collaboration with
Nitzsch and Gottfried Christian Friedrich Lacke),
while he attacked the myth‑theory of Strauss in his
Das Leben Jesu von Strauss (1836). Shortly after
1840 Sack visited Scotland, the results of his ob
servations being embodied in his Die Kirche von
Schotland (2 parts, Heidelberg, 1844‑45). In 1847
he accepted a call to Magdeburg as consistorial coun
cilor. Here, in the face of many difficulties, he
strove faithfully to promote the cause of union, until,
in 1860, he retired from active life, living hence
forth first in Berlin, and later at Neuwied and Bonn.
During these years of retirement he wrote his last
work, Ueber die Gesehichte der Predigt von Mosheim
bis Schleiermacher (1866). (DAVID ERDMANNt.)
BrBwol3RAPE7: W. Beyechlag, Karl lmmanuel Niaach,
	Berlin, 1872; Neue eoangetiache Kircheazeitung, 1875, pp.
	772‑773; L. Lemme, HeiZathatsachen and Glaubemaer
	fahrung, Heidelberg, 1895.
		SACRAMENT.
Name and Early Church Theory (§ 1). Medieval Development of Sacramental Doctrine (4 2)• Nature of Sacraments (¢ 3). Intention (¢ 4). Necessity of the Sacraments (5 5). Protestant Teaching (¢ 6).
	The name sacrament is given to seven sacred
Christian rites in the Roman Catholic and Eastern
churches, and to two, baptism and the Lord's
Supper, in the Protestant churches. The Greek
word mysterion, "mystery," used in the Eastern
Church to designate these rites, is taken from the
New Testament, and contains a reference to the
		hidden virtue behind the outward
	I. flame	symbol (see MYBTAGOGICAL THEOL
	and Early	OGY). The Latin word sacramentu,n
	Church	means something that is consecrated,
	Theory.	more particularly an oath, especially
		a military oath of allegiance to the
standard; and also the sum of money deposited in
court by the plaintiff and defendant previous to the
trial of a case, and kept in some sacred place. The
term was applied to Christian rites in the time of Tertullian, but can not be traced further back by any distinct testimony. Jerome translated the Greek work mysterion by sacramentum (Eph. i. 9, iii. 3, 9, v. 32; I Tim. iii. 16; Rev. i. 20), and from the Vulgate the word sacrament passed into the Reims Version in Eph. v. 32, where marriage is spoken of, and the translation is, "This is a great sacrament." In other cases the Reims Version retains the word "mystery."
The doctrine of the sacraments was not fully developed till the Middle Ages, and the Schoolmen did for it what the Church Fathers did for the doctrines of the Trinity and for Christology. With the exception of Augustine, none of the Fathers gave more than passing attention to the definition and doctrine of sacraments; but the Eastern Church held that there were two sacraments, baptism and the Eucharist, although later the number seven was accepted. St. Augustine has a number of passages bearing on the definition, meaning, and necessity of the sacraments. He calls baptism and the Eucharist sacraments "in an eminent sense" (Epist. ad Januarium, liv. 1, MPL, xxxiii. 2000), and he likewise applied the term sacrament to ordination to the priesthood (Contra epist. Parmeninni, II., xiii. 20; MPL, xlM. 70), to marriage (De bono conjugali, 21; MPL, xi. 394; NPNF, 1 ser., iii. 408), and to other rites. He assigned sacraments to the Old Testament as well as to the ?dew, and spoke of the former as promising a Savior, and of the latter as giving salvation (On Ps. lxxiv.1; NPNF, 1 ser. viii. 343). He defined a sacrament as a visible sign of a thing divine (De cafechixandis rudibus, xxvi. 50; NPNF, 1 ser., iii. 312), and, commenting on John vi. 41‑59, he declared: "The sacrament is one thing, the virtue of the sacrament another" (ht Joannis Evangelium Tractatus, xxvi. 11; NPNF, vii. 171). He did not, however, write a connected treatise on the sacraments; this task remained for the Schoolmen.
The sacramental system was one of the inspiring constructions of the Schoolmen and engaged their most careful and profound speculation. To no other one branch of theology did they give more attention, and their conclusions determined the dogma of the Latin Church, especially when reaffirmed by the Council of Trent. The theologians most prominent in developing the sacramental system were Hugo of St. Victor, who wrote the first formal treatise on the sacraments (see HUGO olT ST. VIcTGR, §§ 5‑6),
Peter Lombard, Alexander of Hales, 2. Media‑ and Thomas Aquinas (qq.v.). The
val Devel‑ last‑named did little more than clearly
opment of reaffirm. the views of his three predecesSacramental sors, especially Alexander of Hales;
Doctrine. and with him the development may be
said to have come to an end, for though the Franciscan Duns Scotus (q.v.) modified some parts of the doctrine, his teachings were set aside by the Council of Ferrara (1439) in favor of the clearer statements of his great Dominican antagonist, Thomas Aquinas. The Schoolmen all started with the definitions of Augustine and were not conscious of having departed from him, although they did so by laying emphasis upon the ex opere

Sacrament	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZZOG	142
opcrato theory of the efficiency of the sacrament, (see OPUS OPERANTIs, OPUS OPERATUM) and by reducing the prominence given by Augustine to the operation of grace. The number was fixed at seven, and thus the uncertainty which had been inherited from the fathers and had been felt by the earlier Schoolmen was removed, especially through the influence of Peter Lombard and Thomas Aquinas. Dionysius the Areopagite had given six sacraments ‑baptism, the Eucharist, unction, the ordination of priests, the ordination of monks, and burial rites. Bernard of Clairvaux spoke of many sacraments and enumerated ten, including foot‑washing; Abelard named five‑baptism, confirmation, the Eucharist, marriage, and extreme unction; and Robert Pulleyn (q.v.) gave the same number. Hugo of St. Victor likewise seems to recognize five in his Summa‑baptism, confirmation, Eucharist, penance, and extreme unction‑but in his De sacramenti3 christiance fidei he enumerates thirty, taking the word sacrament in the wide sense of religious rite. In this latter work he divided the sacraments into three classes, among which, for instance, holy water and the use of ashes on Ash Wednesday belong to the second class and are distinctly called sacraments, Thomas Aquinas himself ascribing a quasi‑sacramental character to such rites. Councils were equally undecided as to the number of the sacraments and the definition of the term. Thus the Third Lateran Council (1179) included the investiture of bishops and the rites of burial among the sacraments, and the Roman Catholic Church to‑day makes a distinction between certain sacred rites called Sacramentals (q.v.) and the seven sacraments. Peter Lombard was not the first to give the number seven. About his time it had been given by Roland Bandinelli (afterwards Alexander III.) in his Sententice, and by Otto of Bamberg in a sermon of 1158, as reported by his biographer, Herbord. The seven sacraments are baptism, the Eucharist, confirmation, extreme unction, penance, ordination, and marriage. The number seven corresponds with the seven virtues and the seven deadly sins, and also unites the number of the deity (three) and of creation (four), thus illustrating the union of God and man. This correspondence was called the "congruity" of the sacraments, that is, their correlation to the spiritual maladies and needs of man. The sacraments were not needed in man's estate of innocence. With Augustine the Schoolmen represent the sacraments of the Old Testament as prefiguring the grace to come, and the sacraments of the New as conferring grace.
In defining a sacrament, the Schoolmen started with Augustine's definition that it is a visible symbol of an invisible grace, but went beyond him in the degree of efficiency they ascribed to it. They assert
that the sacraments "contain and con3. Nature fer grace" and that they have a virtue
of Sacra‑ inherent in themselves. The favorite meats. figure used to describe their operation
is medicine, so that Hugo of St. Victor (De sacramentie, I., ix. 4; MPL. clxxvi. 325) could term God the physician, man the invalid, the priest the minister, grace the antidote, and the sacrament the vessel. The physician gives, the minis‑
ter dispenses, and the vessel contains the spiritual medicine which cures the soul. The sacraments are, however, more than channels of grace. They do more than signify. They sanctify, and they are the efficient causes of the operations of grace in the recipient. The mode of this efficacy is ex opere operato, the expression used by such writers as William of Auxerre and Alexander of Hales. Thomas Aquinas adopted the expression, and again and again says that the sacraments make righteous and confer grace ex opere operato, that is, by a virtue inherent in themselves. By this he did not mean that the religious condition of the recipient is a matter of indifference, but that the sacraments impart virtue, if need be, without the operation of active faith. The sacraments are efficacious only to those who are of a religious disposition, but they are always efficacious when properly administered.
The relation the priest sustains to the sacraments is vital to their efficacy, and, except in extraordinary cases (as sometimes in baptism), his ministration is essential. The priest's personal character does not affect the efficacy of the sacraments, so that an unworthy priest confers grace, provided he administers the sacrament according to the prescribed rite of the Church. To use 4. Intention. the medieval illustration, water is conveyed through a leaden pipe as well as through a silver one. The priest acts in the name of the Church, and in uttering the words of sacramental appointment he is giving voice to the intention of the Church. This intention is sufficient for the perfect work of the sacrament and ultimately, as Augustine had said, it is Christ and not the priest who gives effect to the sacrament. [But intention is far more than merely sufficient for the validity of a sacrament; it is absolutely essential in all Roman Catholic teaching; and this intention must invariably be present on the part of the minister of the sacrament, and generally on the part of the recipient. It is possible, however, for infants and idiots to receive the sacraments validly (though such sacraments as orders would scarcely ever be given them); those who subsequently lose their reason, either permanently or temporarily (as in unconsciousness), may validly receive extreme unction. All in possession of reason, however, must have intention if they are to receive a sacrament validly. This intention again may be either "actual" or "virtual," the former being a conscious intention, and the latter an intention which influences an act, even though this act be not recognized as sacramental, as when a baptized Protestant contracts marriage and thus unwittingly receives the sacrament of marriage. If there is no intention, there is no reception of a sacrament, so that if one eats consecrated bosts to satisfy hunger, he does not receive the Eucharist.
Intention on the part of the minister is invariably required by Roman Catholic teaching, whether this minister be lay (as in the case of a midwife who baptizes a new‑born infant in immediate danger of death) or clerical (as in the mass, ordination, etc.). The intention must, moreover, be in accord with the teaching of the Church, though even a heretic,

143	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sacrament
if possessing proper intention, may administer a valid sacrament. While there is danger that there may be, on the part of the minister, either a lack of intention or even an intention of acting contrary to the precept of the Church (both of which render the sacrament null and void), it is maintained by Roman Catholic dogmaticians (e.g., S. J. Hunter, Outlines of Dogmatic Theology, iii. 208‑212, New York [1896]) that the chance of such invalidation is so small as to be negligible. The "defect of intention" (see the rubric on this topic in the preface to the missal), complicated by "defect of form," forms the basis of the condemnation of Anglican orders in the bull Apostolicte eurce of Leo XIII. (Sept. 13, 1896), the special ground of invalidity being sought in the failure of the Anglican ordinals to express the concept of the sacrificial aspect of the Eucharist .* Intention finds a place, of course, in every sacrament; every Protestant who maintains any form of the reeeptivist theory of the Lord's Supper holds the doctrine of the necessity of intention, however unwittingly, and it is equally implied in such rites as the non‑sacramental Protestant ordination, etc. Intention finds its most usual application, however, in the sacrifice of the mass in the Roman Catholic Church; and it should also be noted in this connection that in the High‑church school of the Anglican Church Holy Communion is frequently celebrated "with intention," as for the promotion of the unity of Christendom or some other pious purpose.]
To the Schoolmen Sacraments are not all of equal necessity. Baptism alone is essential to salvation, and baptism and the Eucharist are the mightiest.
Baptism, confirmation, and ordination
g. Necessity impart an indelible character. Their
of the mark can not be effaced, nor can they Sacraments. be repeated.t The other four sacra‑
ments are necessary to salvation as a horse is necessary to a journey. The Schoolmen were not agreed as to the author of all the sacra‑
* " The Church does not judge about the mind and intention in so far as it is something by its nature internal; but in so far as it is manifested externally she is bound to judge concerning it. When any one has rightly and seriously made use of the due form and the matter requisite for effecting or conferring the sacrament he is considered by the very fact to do what the Church does. On this principle rests the doctrine that a sacrament is truly conferred by the ministry of one who is a heretic or unbaptized, provided the Catholic rite be employed. On the other hand, if the rite be changed, with the manifest intention of introducing another rite not approved by the Church and of rejecting what the Church does, and what by the institution of Christ belongs to the nature of the sacrament, then it is clear that not only is the necessary intention wanting to the sacrament, but that the intention is adverse to and destructive of the sacrament " (Apostoticte cures, tr. in The Encyclical Letters of Pope Leo XIII., New York, 1903, pp. 403404).
t In both the Roman and Anglican churches provision is made for " conditional baptism if there is doubt whether a former baptism was valid, i.e., administered in the name of the Trinity. The Roman Catholic Church, not rizing the validity of Anglican or Greek confirmation, requires the reconfirmation of all converts from those communions, and for similar reasons both the Anglican and Roman churches insist on the reordination of all clergy becoming converts to them and desiring to exercise priestly functions, the Anglican church accepting, however, the validity of Greek and Roman ordination, and hence not requiring its repetition.
merits. Peter Lombard expressly ascribed extreme unction to the apostles, while Alexander of Hales, Thomas Aquinas, and others held that they were all instituted by Christ. In regard to the precedent necessity of the sacraments, Hugo of St. Victor declared that God might have saved man without them, but now that they have been instituted, no man can be saved except through them. The history of the doctrines of the seven sacraments is given under BAPrism, LORD'S SOPPER, etc., but a general statement belongs here. Baptism is the door to the other sacraments and to the kingdom of God; confirmation completes what baptism has begun and confers the grace of ever‑increasing strength; the Eucharist confers the food of spiritual life in the very body and blood of Christ; penance deletes the guilt of actual transgressions as baptism regenerates from the guilt of original sin; extreme unction heals the soul from sin not already remitted by penance, and is also intended to heal the body; ordination empowers persons to administer the sacraments; and marriage makes the union between two persons perpetual and in harmony with the union between Christ and the Church; or, to use the comparison employed by the Schoolmen, the sacraments furnish grace for the spiritual struggle and strengthen the Christian warrior at the various stages of the conflict. Baptism equips him on entering the conflict, confirmation strengthens him in his purpose, extreme unction helps him at the close of the struggle, the Eucharist and penance renew his strength, orders introduce new recruits into the ranks, and marriage prepares men to be recruits.
The first blow against the sacramental system of the medieval Church was given by Luther in his "Babylonish Captivity," in which he declared the
rights and liberties of the Christian
6. Protes‑ believer to be fettered by the tradi‑
tant Teach‑ tions of men. He rejected all the ing. sacraments except baptism and the
Lord's Supper, and was followed in this by all the Reformers of the continent and Great Britain. All the Protestant confessions demand active faith as a condition of the efficacy of the sacrament. Faith apprehends and appropriates the spiritual benefits accruing from them. The unanimity of the Reformers as to the number of the sacraments and the conditions of their efficacious reception did not, however, exclude differences of doctrine which became the occasion of bitter controversies that greatly injured the cause of Protestantism.
There was general harmony regarding baptism, except among the Anabaptists, who rejected infant baptism and later demanded immersion; but the doctrine of the Lord's Supper was the cause of a dispute which has retarded or prevented
cordial Christian cooperation until this day. The three main types of teaching on the Lord's Supper were those of Luther, who took the view of consubstantiation; of Zwingli, who made it a simple
memorial feast; and of Calvin, who insisted on the mystical presence of Christ and a spiritual feeding upon him. In England the views of Luther were first adopted, but were later replaced, generally

Sacrament
Sacramentals
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
144
speaking, by those of Calvin.* The controversy between Zwingli and Luther came to a climax at the conference held at Marburg in 1529, and the difference led to a long‑lasting cleavage between the Lutheran and Reformed types of Protestantism.
Certain religious bodies, of whom the most prominent are the Quakers, reject all external celebration of the sacraments as opposed to the Spiritual interpretation of religion, and hold only to an internal baptism, or regeneration, by the Spirit and an internal communion with Christ. D. S. SCHAFF.
BrBLjoaaAPHY: The primary sources are of course (1) the works of the Fathers and Schoolmen mentioned in the text‑Augustine, Abelard, Hugo of St. Victor, Peter Lombard, Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas, Bonaventura, Dune Scotua‑‑aV of whom are discussed in this work, and usually also with reference to the subject of this article; (2) the confessions of the various churches, including the decrees of the Council of Trent, which are collected and annotated in: Schaff, Creeds; and E. F. K. MBller, Die Bekenntniaxhriften der reformirten %irche, Lerperc, 1903. Secondary sources are also of two kinds: (1) works on dogmatics and the history of dogma, which will he found given very fully in and under the articles DoOMA, DoarArice, and DocrarNa, HISTORY 08'; and (2) works on the history of the Church, also very fully given in and under CHVacH HisToaY, to which should be added the works on the history of the councils (see the bibliography under CouNcirn AND SYNODS), and the literature on the Fathers and Schoolmen named above under the articles on them in this work, where many monographs will be found devoted to the subject of this article. A useful literature is that on CANON LAW (q.v.), the literature of which is noted in the article on that subject. Respecting this last it is to be said that reference to this class of books is advised only for advanced etudesite, as the relation is neither so direct nor so obvious as of the other literature named. In addition to the foregoing, the literature on the several sacraments is to be studied as given under the articles on them in this work. Special treatises from the Protestant standpoint are: R. Whately, The Scripture Doctrine concerning the Sacramento. London, 1857; G. L. Hahn, Die Lehre von den Sacramenten in Arer peachichtlichen Entu*kdunp innerhalb der abendlkndiachen %irche bra sum Konxil eon Trient, Breslau, 1884; J. S. Stone, The Christian Sacraments, New York, 1888; J. H. Blunt, The Sacraments and Sacramental Ordinances of the Church, London, 1887; G. G. Perry, Vas acclesim Anplicanw, ib. 1888; S. W. Crittenden, Sacraments of the Church, Philadelphia, 1889; W. F. Hook, The Church and its Ordinances, ed. W. Hook, 2 vole., London, 1878; R. Schmidt, in TS%, 1879, pp. 187 eqq., 391 sqq. (on the Lutheran doctrine); G. D. Armstrong, The Sacramento of the New Testament, New York,.1880; R. Watson, The Sacraments: Baptism and the Lord's Supper, ib. 1893; M. Dix, The Sacramental System Considered as the Extension of the Incarnation, ib. 1893; The Church's Ministry of Grace (lectures), ib. 1893; G. Anrich, Dos antike Mysterienwesen in aeinem Einffvee auf daa Chridentum, Gdttingen, 1894; G. Wobbermin, Relipionspeschlichtliche Studien Sur Prape der Beeirl/iusaunp den UrchrMtentums durch dos antike Mysterienweaen, Berlin, 1898; J. Grill, Die yersiache Myaterienrelipion im rl6miaehm Reich and daa Christentum, Tilbingen, 1903; J. C. Lambert. The Sacraments in the New Testament, Edinburgh, 1903; K. G. Goetz, Die Abendmahlafrape in ihrer pesohichtlichen Entwickelung. Leipeie, 1904; A. Knox, Grace of Sacraments, New York, 1905; J. A. Beet, The Church, the Churches, and the Sacraments, London, 1907; H. C.
x While the Thirty‑Nine Articles of the Anglican Church are aommon).y held to teach Only two sacraments. baptism and the Eucharist (art. Iacv.), it is maintained by many adherents of the Highrohurch school of that communion that the wording of the article in question does not necessarily militate against the doctrine of seven sacraments, although, as in the Roman Catholic Church, baptism and the Eucharist stand in s class by themselves as sacrament preeminent over ell the rest. The seven sacraments of this AngloCatholic school am identical with those of the Roman Catholics.
Beaching, The Bible Doctrine of the Sacraments, ib. 1908; Hauck‑Herzog, RE, xvii. 349‑381; Schaff, Christian Church, v. 1, pp. 701‑748.
The Roman Catholic idea is presented in: F. Probst, Sakramsnts and Sakramentalien in den drei eraEen chriatlichen Jahrhunderlen, Tilbingen, 1872; P. Schanz, Die Lehre vin den Sacramenten der kathol%achen %irche, Freiburg, 1893; J. H. Oswald, Die dogmatische Lehre vin den heilipen Sacramenten der katholieehen Ruche, 5th ed., MBneter, 189x, S. J. Hunter, Outlines of Dogmatic Theology, iii. 182 eqq., New York [1898]; J. B. Same, De aacramentia eccieaiar, Freiburg, 1897; AL, s. 1481‑1518.
SACRAMEftTALS.
Development of the Doctrine (§ 1). The Anointing of Kings (§ 2). Doctrine of Royal Consecration (§ 3). 8acramentals in General (§ 4). Legal Aspects (§ 5). Occasions for Consecration (§ 8). Protestant Teachings (§ 7).
" Sacramentals " is a term applied to certain benedictions and consecrations in the Greek and Roman Catholic Churches, or to the objects blessed, from a partial resemblance between their purpose and use and those of the sacraments proper (see BENEDICTION). Exorcisms, which in the name of God undertake to remove the influence of evil spirits from persons and things, are included under this head (see EXORCISM). The Roman Catholic Church, however, apart from the connection of exorcism with baptism and with certain blessings and consecrations (such as that of the sacred oil and chrism by the bishop on Maundy Thursday), employs it as an independent rite only in the supposedly possible case of the demoniacal possession of a member of the Church, and its exercise even then is frequently limited to cases where the permission of ecclesiastical superiors is given after careful investigation. The order of exorcists has long been a mere stepping‑stone to the higher orders, and the function is in practise performed by priests.
Before the development of the doctrine that the sacraments are seven in number, and especially from the beginning of the eleventh tear. Develop‑ tury to the time of Peter Lombard, meat of the benedictions of the kind here consid‑
	Doctrine.	erect, or at least the more important of
		them, were loosely included among the
sacraments; but with the more exact definition of
the term sacrament, these spiritual operations,
which, while no longer considered as sacraments
proper, were yet supposed to impart some special
grace to persons or things, became known as. sacra
mentala. The development of doctrine in the West
was subordinated to the desire of the Roman spiri
tual power for domination. As in the doctrine of the
sacraments (after Peter Lombard) the Church
found expression for its claim of jurisdiction over all
classes of persons, so the doctrine of sacramentaLs
expressed the relation of the Church to material ob
jects; and from both sacrament and sacramental
grew up the doctrine of Sacrilege (q.v.).
As the power of holy orders takes a dominant position in the system of the sacraments, so the full significance of the sacramentals is most clearly visible in the anointing of kings by the clergy. This practise, connected with the Old‑Testament custom, occurs in the West as early as the coronation of Wamba, king of the Visigoths, in 872; Egbert, king

145	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	aaeramentals
Sacrament
of the Anglo‑Saxons, is said to have been anointed in 789, but this is uncertain. The practise was
not found among the Merovingian 2. The kings; in the Frankish kingdom it
Anointing was first used in the case of Pepin,
of Kings. and among the East Franks in that of
Louis the Child and Conrad I., while Henry I. refused to submit to it, its connection with the Old‑Testament theocracy seeming suspicious to an ambitious temporal monarch. From Otho I., however, unction accompanied coronation in each case. The German king was anointed on the head, breast, shoulders, arms, and hands; at the imperial coronation in Rome the bishop of Ostia anointed the emperor on the right arm and between the shoulders. While Gregory the Great, like Isidore of Seville and even Peter Damian (d. 1072) and Peter of Blois (d. 1200), designated the anointing of kings and princes as a sacrament, as did the Greeks also, the degradation of this rite to a sacramental, compared with the sacrament of orders, could but serve to emphasize the subordinate position of the worldly rulers in relation to the ecclesiastical hierarchy.
According to the view laid down in the Pontificale Romanum, royal dignity is first conferred in its ful‑
ness upon the king by the unction con3. Doctrine nected with the benediction; but this
of Royal view was not accepted, either at its
Consecra‑ promulgation or for any long period
	tion.	later; nor was the coronation which
		in the ninth century was added to the
unction believed to have greater validity for con
ferring regal rights in the Empire. Until the
eleventh century the choice of the princes, led by
the archbishop of Mainz, was understood to confer
these rights, and the enthronization by the Church
merely exhibited the king as in possession of them.
In opposition to the principle held by Charlemagne
and Louis I., it was a consequence of the dissen
sions within the Carolingian house that under the
later Carolingians the imperial title and dignity
were held to depend on coronation and unction at
Rome. From Otho I. the German kings claimed
the right to be thus crowned as inherent in their
office‑a claim which was more than once (as by
Calixtus II.) admitted on the side of the Church.
But from the pontificate of Gregory VII. the preva
lent curialist view tended to transfer the impor
tance of the ceremony from unction to coronation.
The principle of free election won its victory with
the extinction of the Hohenstaufen dynasty. Con
rad III. (1138) received unction and coronation as
German king, not as emperor, from the papal legate
at Aachen, the first instance of the kind. The con
tested election of 1198 and the desuetude of the
earlier constitution gave the great popes from In
nocent III. on a chance to dominate the elections,
while the claim of the popes to depose temporal
rulers brought the latter, even as to their political
functions, under the jurisdiction of the Church.
By this time the election was admitted to give only
a right to coronation, which was required for the
full possession of the office. In the ritual act, which
included unction and coronation, to which the tra
dition of the imperial insignia and the enthroniza‑
X.‑10
tion in the chair of Charlemagne at Aachen were added, the coronation at Aar‑hen became of decisive importance. In the Sachwmpiegel the Roman view as a whole is assumed‑the elevation to the imperial throne connected with the coronation at Aachen is considered effectively to confer the office. The settlement of the German kingship as purely elective in 1252 marked the complete domination of the view that the right conferred by the pope definitely established the possession of the royal dignity; though in 1338 the electors rejected the claim of the pope to investigate and confirm the election. Nevertheless, although the constitution Licet juris of Louis the Bavarian (1338) declared that the election as German king conferred " the plenitude of imperial power," and the Bulls aurea spoke of the king as elected " to be promoted to emperor," throughout the Middle Ages nothing was more firmly established than the claim of the king to the imperial crown. In 1508 Maximilian I., without papal coronation and with the assent of Julius II., assumed the title of " Roman emperorelect." This was borne also by his successors, of whom only Charles V. (1530) was crowned by the pope, thereafter dropping the " elect." After Ferdinand I. (1558) the coronation took place no longer at Aachen but in the same place as the election, Frankfort‑on‑the‑Main, and lost its special character as a solemn induction into the kingly office. Napoleon allowed himself to be anointed by Pius VII. in 1804, but refused to be crowned by him. In modern kingdoms, in so far as the ceremony of coronation is still preserved, the acquisition of royal dignity is no longer dependent upon the ritual ecclesiastical act of unction or coronation, but the law of the State is alone effective.
The sacramentals in general, like the sacraments, have their individual recognized matter, form, and minister; but unlike the sacraments,
4. Sacra‑ which are based upon the direct in‑
mentals institution of Christ, they are derived
	General.	from the authority of the Church,
		under a general commission given by
God to bless in his name. In accordance with an
cient oriental custom, anointing forms a part regu
larly of consecrations and sometimes of benedic
tions. For this olive‑oil is used, either pure as in
the case of that employed for catechumens and the
sick, or mixed with balsam (in the Eastern Church
with other spices as well), when it is known as
Chrism ~q.v.). The effect of consecration is the
definite setting apart by the rite of unction of a
person or thing for the service of God and the
Church. A constant feature of these ceremonies is
a solemn appeal to God to grant his grace to the
person or a salutary effect to the use of the thing.
Outside of the use of the simple oil in baptism and the ordination Of priest, and of chrism in confirmation and the consecration of bishops, chrism is employed also in the consecration of churches, altars, patens, and chalices. A simple benediction, coupled with anointing, is given by bishops to kings. Church bells are sprinkled with holy water and anointed. The water used in baptism is blessed. Holy Water (q.v.) is used in the blessing of abbots and abbesses, Pilgrims, man and wife at their marriage, and

Sacramentale Sacred Heart
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
women after childbirth. Special blessings are imparted to certain objects destined for the service of God‑‑churches, cemeteries, vestments, palls, corporals, pyxea, monstrances, crosses, images of the saints, candles, and rosaries. Particular forms of benediction are also provided for a number of things connected with the daily occupations and needs of men, as for houses, ships, locomotives, battle‑flags, fields, and bread, wine, salt, and other edibles.
In the case of objects consecrated for the direct service of God, the act has both a liturgical and a legal aspect. Through consecration
5. Legal they are not merely prepared in a
	Aspects.	specially solemn way for their sacred
		purpose but made externally inviolable
(res sacrce). The administration of the eaeramen
tals connected with the sacraments is reserved to
the person who administers the sacrament. In gen
eral, however, the spiritual power to bless and con
secrate is conferred on priests at their ordination,
when their hands are anointed with the prayer
" that whatsoever they bless may be blessed, and
whatsoever they consecrate may be consecrated
and hallowed." If a priest performs consecrations
reserved to bishops, they are merely irregular or
illicit, but not invalid as they would be if performed
by a layman. To the pope, as head of the universal
Church, is reserved (apart from the imperial coro
nation, treated above) the blessing of the wax
figures known as Agni Dei (see AGNus DEl), of the
Pallium (q.v.) for metropolitans, of the golden
roses (see GOLDEN ROSE) sent to princes or churches,
and of swords for kings and princes. This reserva
tion, however, is merely a mark of honor attached
to the papal primacy. AS the possessor of jurisdic
tion over the whole Church, the pope can perform
consecration or benediction for any part or any
member of it, or delegate his power to any qualified
person, while the bishop's authority in such cases is
limited to his own diocese. It is of practical signifi
cance in the development of the modern Roman
Catholic system that there has been a marked tend
ency to restrict the power of delegating authority
to bless or consecrate churches, altars, sacred ves
sels, and the like, to the pope. This power is nowa
days frequently conferred on the bishops by their
quinquennial faculties (see FAcuLTIEs). In recent
times the Congregation of Rites has assumed the
power of sub‑delegating certain privileges directly,
such as that of blessing bells to a priest of the dio
cese, or sacred vessels to a mitered prelate.
It is an established principle of church law and practise that whatever is supposed to be blessed or consecrated must be; but numerous objects used in Roman Catholic worship are not 6. Occasions blessed, e.g., hangings, candle‑sticks,
for Con‑ and censors. Misuse or profanation
	secration.	of blessed objects is subject to ecclesi
		astical penalties. A validly adminis
tered sacramental is not allowed to be repeated
while the original conditions of its administration
remain; the common blessings, however, may be
repeated for the same person or thing as often as
there is reasonable ground. If the object has un
dergone an essential change, especially if it can no
longer either in fact or in law aubserve its liturgical purpose, the sacramental operation of the consecration or blessing is supposed to cease; the object needs no formal desecration, but a declaration of the circumstances is made to the proper authority. A new consecration is required, as in the case of a church, where the object is destroyed so far as to affect its essential character and then restored. The shedding of blood or the commission of gross immorality in a church is held to pollute but not to desecrate it; reconciliation, not a new consecration, is required, which is accomplished with holy water by the bishop. The pollution of a church affects the churchyard as well, in which Christian burial is not supposed to take place until the church has been reconciled. The pollution of the churchyard, on the other hand, has no effect on the church.
All that has been said above applies obviously to the medieval or modern Roman Catholic Church. The Evangelical Churches know no sacramentals in the sense here discussed. They em‑
	7. Protes‑ ploy neither consecration nor benedic
		tant	tion even for the immediate instru
	Teachings. manta of divine worship, such as would
			impart to them any property of special
sanctity, although such objects, according to Prot
estant church law, deserve special respect and are
to be protected from profane uses. A solemn dedi
cation is indeed usual for churches and churchyards,
with a prayer of benediction. In regard to the set
ting apart of particular objects (pulpits, sacred ves
sels, organs, fonts), it has been held sufficient for the
officiating clergyman, on the first occasion of their
use, to address a few appropriate words to the con
gregation, and then to ask God's blessing upon the
employment of the objects. In regard to benedic
tions for objects of every‑day use, the older Prot
estant ordinances not infrequently declare expressly
against them, on account of the danger of super
stition. 		(R. W. DovE fi.)
BIeLrOORAPHr: T. Natter, Faaciculi zizanionsm, ed. W.
Shirley, in Rolls Series, no. 5, London, 1858; J. Aelfert,
Rechte in Ansehunp der heiligen Handlunpen, Prague, 1843;
F. Probst, Kirchliche Benedictionen and shre Vermaltunp,
Tiibingen, 1857; A L. Richter, Lehrbuch des . .
Kirchenrechta, ed. R. W. Dove, §§ 260, 308, Leipaic, 1871; P. I. Wapelhorst, Compendium sacree liturpia;, Tuxta ritum Romanum, New York, 1887; P. Hiasehius, System des . Kirchenrechta, iv. 141‑177, Berlin, 1888; A. A. Lambing, Sacramentala of the Catholic Church, New York 1892; W. Winners. Lehrbuch der Religion, iv. §§ 97‑98, Miinater, 1895; F. Loofs, Symbolik, i. 348 sqq., Tiibingen, 1902; KL, z. 1489 sqq.
SACRED HEART OF JESUS, DEVOTION TO.
I. History of the Devotion: The devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus was practically, if not abaolutely, originated by the Jesuits. Under the influence of her director, the Jesuit La Colombi6re, Marguerite Marie Alacoque (d. 1690), a nun in the Salesian convent at Paray‑le‑Monial in Burgundy, practised a fervent mystical devotion to Christ which resulted in ecstasy. According to her account, on June 16, 1675, when praying before the sacrament, she saw Jesus " showing to her his heart on a flaming throne, surrounded by thorns and surmounted by a cross; and he told her it was his will that a special devotion should be offered to his Sacred Heart in reparation for irreverences com‑

147	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sacramental,
		Sacred Heart
mitted against him in the most holy sacrament,
and that the Friday after the octave of Corpus
Christi should be set apart for this devotion." Fur
	ther revelations confirmed this, and the convent
	became a seat of the devotion. Colombi6re and his
successors Croiset and Rolin labored to spread it,
	and Croiset published the first book on the subject
at Lyons in 1691. The new devotion was not well
	received in Rome; Croiset's book was put on the
	Index in 1704, while in 1697 the request of the
	Salesians for a festival of the Sacred Heart with
	proper office had been refused by the Congregation of
	Rites, a refusal which was renewed in 1707 and
	1727. Meantime, through confraternities (see be
	low) the devotion spread through German Switzer
land into Germany. Languet, then bishop of Sois
sons and later archbishop of Sens, defended it in his
	biography of Marguerite Marie; and the Jesuit
	Gallifet published the more important De cultu
sacrosancti cordis Dei (Rome, 1726). Miracles were
	claimed as a result of it; kings and queens besought
	the pope to grant a proper mass and office for the
	festival, which was at last conceded, on the express
	understanding that the cultus was paid to the heart
	of Jesus only as the symbol of his love. Determined
	opposition was made to the devotion under the in
	fluence of Scipione de' Ricci (q.v.), bishop of Pis
	toja, and of the rationalizing tendency which at the
	end of the eighteenth century had spread from Tus
	cany through a large part of Italy, and a prolonged
	literary warfare was carried on by the two parties.
		The accession of Pius VI. in 1775 marked a turn
	ing‑point. The bull Auctorem fidei of 1794 gave ad
	ditional sanction to the devotion. The Jesuits had
	long pushed it vigorously, and after the restoration
	of the order, they continued to work, with the result
	that one diocese after another asked permission to
	celebrate the festival, and an increasing number of
	indulgences was attached to the devotion. Both
	had become practically universal when Pius IX.
	(Aug. 23, 1856) established the festival as a greater
	double for the whole Church; and the beatification
	of Marguerite Marie in 1864 was another step in the
	same direction. At the Vatican Council of 1870, the
	majority of the bishops asked for the elevation of
	the feast to the rank of a double (i.e., a feast at
	which the antiphon is said both before and after the
	psalm) of the first class (i.e., one which takes pre
	cedence in case two feasts fall on the same day) with
	octave (i.e., lasting through eight days, with special
	emphasis upon the celebration on the last day),
	but it was then granted only to the Jesuit order,
	in recognition of their services in spreading the de
	votion. The rank was extended to the whole
	Church, though without an octave, by Leo XIII. in
	1889. The devotion has constantly strengthened
	its hold on the great body of Roman Catholics; and
	the cautious expressions at first used have given
	place to a full acceptance of the literal, material
	heart of Jesus as its object.
		II. Societies under the Name of the Sacred Heart:
	The first Confraternity of the Sacred Heart was
	founded at Paray‑le‑Monial in 1693; and by 1727
	there were already as many as 400. That erected
	by Gallifet in 1729 in the church of St. Theodore at
	Rome became an archconfraternity in 1732. The
number of confraternities was 1,089 in 1765, 6,676
in 1865, and is now over 10,000. A special confra
ternity is that founded at Bourg in France in 1863,
whose members are divided so that each has a par
ticular hour set apart for the adoration of the Sa
cred Heart and intercessory prayer which adora
tion and prayer thus become continuous. The
most important of the confraternities which make
a point of intercessory prayer is the League of the
Sacred Heart or Apostleship of Prayer, founded in
1844 at Vals in France by the Jesuit Pcre Gautrelet,
and provided with new constitutions by Leo XIII.
in 1879. In 1895 it had 50,000 branches all over
the world, with more than twenty million members.
The organ of the league, The Messenger of the Sa
cred Heart, is published monthly in fourteen lan
guages. Another important society is the French
Dames du sacr6 coeur, founded in Paris in 1800 by
Madeleine Sophie Barat (d. 1865), under the influ
ence of the Jesuit P6re Varin. It serves the double
purpose of venerating the Sacred Heart and the ed
ucation of girls. The statutes, drawn up by Varin,
are modeled on those of the Jesuits. The candidate
for admission spends three to six months in the
house as a postulant; then follows a two years'
novitiate, and then (since 1826) the taking of sim
ple vows, an additional vow of stability, i.e., life
long adherence to the congregation, being made.
Besides the professed sisters, there are sceurs coad
jutrice8 for the household duties, and saurs com
missiontaires for the necessary intercourse with the
outside world. The superior is chosen for life, and
resides at the mother‑house in Paris, the former
Hotel de Biron in the Rue de Varennes. A general
chapter every six years watches over the strict ob
servance of the constitutions. A peculiarity of this
congregation is that the members retain their orig
inal names, with the prefix of " Madame." The
costume is a black dress, a cap with a white frill,
and a black veil. In 1839 they had 40 houses, in
1851, 65; in 1864, 86, with 3,500 members; in
1880, 105, with 4,700 members, divided into 18
vicarlates. In 1910 the order numbered 212 houses
and 7,800 members. Three vicariates or provinces
are established in the United States with 39 houses
and 1,140 sisters. The influence exerted by them has
been of no slight importance in the revival of Roman
Catholicism, especially of an ratramontane or Jesuit
cast. 	(T. I10LDE.)
BIHLIoGRAPHY: F. S. Hattler, Geschichte des Festes and der Andacht zum Herzen‑Jesu, Vienna, 1875; idem, Die bildliche Darstellung des p6ttlichen Herzens and der Herz‑JesuIdee, Innsbruck, 1894; J. de Gallifet, Ueber die Andacht zum hochheiligen Herzen . . . Jesu Christi, ib. 1884; H. E. Manning, The Divine Glory of the Sacred Heart, London, 1873; idem, The Glories of the Sacred Heart, ib. 1876; K. Martin, Die Lehre and Uebunp der Andacht zum gtittliehen Herzen Jesu, Cologne, 1876; N. Nilles, De rationibus festorum sacratissimi cordis Jeau et . . . Maria, 2 vols" Innsbruck, 1885; H. J. Nix, Cultus . . . cordis jesu, Freiburg, 1891; H. Reuseh, Index der verbotenen Btiche., ii. 983 sqq., Bonn, 1885 idem, Die deutsche Bfsekofe and der Aberglaube, pp. 81 sqq„ ib. 1870; Heimbueher, Orden and %ongrepationen, vol. iii. passim: F. Berin‑

ger, Die Ablasse, ihr 1Veeen and Gebrauch, Paderborn, 1895.
SACRED HEART OF JESUS AND MARY,
CONGREGATION OF. See Prcros, CONGREGATION OF.

Sacred Xusie	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	148
A. Hebrew. I. Stringed Instruments.
The Lyre (§ 1).
The Harp (§ 2).
Other Stringed Instruments (§ 3). II. Wind Instruments.
The Flute and the Pipe (§ 1).
The Horn and the Trumpet (§ 2). III. Instruments of Percussion. IV. Uses.
For Marking Rhythm (§ 1).
For Leading Melody (§ 2). V. Effects. VI. Harmony and Rhythm. B. Christian. I. Character, Purpose, and Forms.
General Conception and Purpose (§ 1).
The Roman Catholic Conception (§ 2).
The Protestant Conception (§ 3).
A. Hebrew: The forms of musical instruments of the Hebrews are known from imprints of instruments on Jewish coins during the insurrection against the Romans (66‑70 A.D.). Moreover, trumpets are represented on the Arch of Titus. Especially valuable are the manifold designs of musical instruments on Egyptian, Babylonian, and Assyrian monuments, since from these can be inferred the form of their Hebrew parallels.
I. Stringed Instruments: In the threefold category of stringed, wind, and percussive or swaying instruments, the stringed instruments (neghinoth, titles of Ps. iv., vi., liv., etc.) rank first in importance in Hebrew music. Their strings (minnim) were made of intestines (of sheep; cf. Homer, Odyssey, xxi. 408), or of twisted cords. It is not known whether a particular kind of wood was used for the framework, but among Solomon's luxuries were instruments of the sandal wood that came from Ethiopia (I Kings x. 12; II Chron. ix. 11). These instruments were played either with the fingers, as by pulling and twitching, or by striking with the plectrum, a small rod of gold, ivory, or metal (naggen, I Sam. xvi. 16, xviii. 10; Isa. xxiii. 16; etc. In the Psalms, zamar is ordinarily used for both playing and singing, Ps. lxxi. 22, exliv. 9; etc.).
Apart from the foreign sabbekha, " sackbut " (Dan. iii. 5, 7,10), the Greek 8ambyki3, the Old Testament mentions two instruments that are purely Iaraelitish: kinndr, "harp," and nebhel, "psaltery." The Old Testament gives no indications. respecting their form, save that they could be :. The Lyre. carried and played in processions (I Sam. x. 5; II Sam. vi. 5,•‑ Isa. xxiii. 16). Hence they were relatively small; though greater sizes of the harp, for instance, may have existed collaterally. And it may be assumed that among the Israelites, as among the Egyptians, the forms, in turn, were not always, and at all periods, invariably the same. Possibly even those instruments designated by one name took different shapes. In the Septuagint kinnor is usually rendered kithara (cf. I Cor. xiv. 7; Rev. v. 8); leas frequently (5 times), psalt'erion. It was, therefore, probably an instrument similar to the Greek
SACRED MUSIC.
The Use of Instrumental Music
Solo Singing (§ b).
Congregation and Choir (§ 8).
The Churches of the Reformation
German Singing Societies (§ 8).
II. History.
1. The Liturgical Side.
s. The Choral Chant.
The Authorised Roman Hymnariee
The Gregorian Chant (§ 2).
b. The Evangelical Hymn.
Developed from the Folk‑Song 0 1).
The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (§ 2).
The Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (§ 3).
2. The Artistic Bide.
Church Song Homophonic till the Year 1000 (§ 1).
Development of Polyphonic Bong

The Reformation. The Motet and Madrigal (§ 3).
Development of the Modern Hymn Tune (§ 4).
New Forms. The Cantata and the Oratorio (¢ 5).
The Period of Rationalism and the Nineteenth Century (§ 0).
3. In England and America.
The General Situation Q 1).
Character of English Church Music

Hymns and the Organ (¢ 3).
The Sixteenth Century (§ 4).
Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (§ 5).
Nineteenth Century (§ 8).
cithara. The Church Fathers find a point of distinction as between this instrument and the nebhel, in the position of the sounding‑board. The kinnor has this feature below; being a rotund, hollow body, whose arched surface turns downward. The strings are stretched over the concave portion horizontally. And this arrangement quite correctly describes one class of stringed instruments (lutes, guitars, etc.) in their essential outlines. According to data transmitted by the Church Fathers, the kintxbr, unlike the Greek cithara, is not played in an upright position, but held horizontally. It is therefore quite similar to the generally familiar ancient lyre. Its oldest form is shown in the famous and often copied group of Bedouin immigrants into Egypt, as found in a rock sepulcher of Beni Hassan (150 m. s. of Cairo) dating from the time of the twelfth dynasty (c. 2000 B.C.). The rather bulky instrument which one of these Bedouins carries under his arm consists essentially of a quadrangular board, one foot wide and a foot and a half long, with a square excision at the upper end, or part remote from the body; so that at this end only a narrow frame of wood is left whole. Eight strings are stretched parallel and lengthwise over the board and the opening. The man plays as he walks. He carries the'inatrument under the left upper arm, and resting lengthwise. The perforated portion is also directed forward. The strings are on the right aide. His right hand touches the strings with a plectrum about where they are stretched over the lower part of the board, the part serving as sounding‑board. His left hand reaches toward the strings through the excision. The like instrument often recurs in Egyptian designs. Notably from the times of the eighteenthtwentieth dynasties, it assumed finer forms: the upper part, or frame, showing variously waving lines instead of the simple square. The lower part, originally a mere board, developed into a resonant box. The origin of this instrument is Asiatic, and is found in Assyrian and Babylonian designs. The simplest form is shown by a delineation, reproduced by Rawlinson, of three Semitic captives playing this lyre under surveillance of an Assyrian warrior. It fully resembles the lyre of the Semitic Bedouins

149	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sacred Music
except that the frame grows wider above. It is likewise carried under the left arm, and is played with both hands. Other designs duly indicate finer forms, just as in case of the Egyptian drawings, and, in particular, the curved frame, with more or less fantastic turns. The number of strings varies; as from five to six or eight strings. From this harmony between the Egyptian and Assyrian delineations, both in the simpler and in the more elaborate forms, a corresponding diversity of forms may be assumed for the Israelitish kinn6r. Neither is it anything striking and improbable if the imprints on coins exhibit a frame which in the Grecian period was fashioned according to Greek taste; corresponding now rather to the Grecian lyre, now rather to the cithara. The early Hebrew instruments, indeed, may have had simpler forms; in primitive times they probably resembled the simple Egyptian and Assyrian instruments.
In the case of the nebhel, it appears from the Church Fathers, who style this instrument pealterium, that the sounding‑board was furnished by a hollow wooden body, at the upper end, as though roofing the strings; the flat Surface downward,
the convex arching above. The chief s. The Harp. point is, that in this instrument the
strings are not stretched athwart the sounding‑board, but stand perpendicular, or else at an acute angle to the resonant surface, and run thence as uprights to their supporting arm at the other end. This arrangement applies to instruments of the harp class. The Egyptian harps, both the stationary upright and the portable, have the sounding‑board below; the Babylonian and Assyrian designs exhibit it above, and the Church Fathers' account answers to the latter models. The use of the harp in Asia and Egypt goes back to primitive antiquity. The most ancient of all representations of stringed instruments, a stone from Telloh in Babylonia (c. 3000 s.c.), shows an upright stationary instrument with a box‑like sounding‑board, upon which rises a rude framework, while the strings, two in number, run fairly vertically from the sounding‑board to the upper cross‑beam. The whole instrument is rather large, about three‑quarters of a man's stature, and has rough embellishments. The later Babylonian harp, carried upright, is more wieldy, as is also the Similarly carried Assyrian harp. Both distinctly exhibit the characteristic features of all harps: the strings run unobstructedly from beam to beam, the frame sustaining them is not closed on all four sides, as in case of the lyre, but open on one side, and the instrument is played in a vertical position. Yet the Assyrian designs also reveal a recumbent harp; and here, too, the strings are superposed, not side by side, but stretched like tendons between two pieces of wood that form an angle. It is especially interesting to note how, from the simple beam of the Babylonian harp, that holds the strings, the Assyrian harp has developed a broad sounding apparatus, which roofs the strings in the manner of a shield. The Egyptian harp shows a great diversity of forms. The ancient monarchy has only the medium‑sized harp with six or seven strings, played in a sitting or kneeling position,
and the large harp, with twenty strings or upward, and as tall as a man, or still taller; in playing this harp, the player stood. All these harps distinctly show the instrument's original form; a great bow, whose harp‑strings take the place of bowstrings. In this case, again, and in the course of development, the simple arching beam has expanded into a sounding‑board, occasionally assuming somewhat the fashion of a wooden chest. In contrast, however, with the Assyrian harp, this Egyptian sounding apparatus is placed below, and serves at the same time as the harp's base of support. The pegs for tightening or tuning the strings are above. In the new monarchy appear also the various portable small harps, both with and without a sounding‑board; now in the form of a strongly curved bow, again, angular like the Assyrian harps. They are borne before the breast, though there is also a kind that is carried on the shoulder, something between lute and harp. The manifold designs of harps of all sorts attest that this instrument was in great favor with the ancient Egyptians.
Two stringed instruments besides those already mentioned were probably not unknown to the Israelites: the lute and the psaltery. The lute is repeatedly understood within
3. Other the Hebrew term nebhel. For this Stringed la‑ the warrant rests partly upon the
atruments. bulging form which nebhel is supposed to indicate; since the term elsewhere denotes the leathern bottle in which wine was preserved. But again, nebhel is often compared with the Egyptian name for lute, and the transfer of terms then readily suggests that of the objects they signify. Be this as it may, the lute, at all events, being an Egyptian instrument originally, was there highly favored. Nevertheless it migrated even quite early to Asia, and thus into Assyria, and in essentially the same form as in Egypt‑an elongated, yet more or less bulging, hollow body for sounding‑board, with a decidedly long support, or handle, for holding the few strings, only one to three in number and in parallel arrangement. The player holds the body of the instrument with his upper right arm. With the right hand, the strings are set swaying just above the hollow body; the left hand, quite agreeably to our custom with violins, grasps round about the upper end of the neck, and gives different lengths to the vibrating strings by downward pressure. This instrument was hardly unknown to the Israelites. And since apart from kinnar and nebhel there are no designations for a third stringed instrument, it must be assumed that the lute was comprised under one of these terms, hence probably under the name nebhel. The dulcimer is an Assyrian instrument, which the Egyptians do not appear to have possessed. According to the representations, it is played as the player walks along. It is a horizontal instrument, with a low, slightly concave box by way of sounding‑board. Over this, and in parallel arrangement, ten strings are stretched, with their ends dependent across their supporting staff at the forward side. The player carries the instrument horizontally before him, with a band or belt attached to his body. With the right hand he

Sacred Xueic	THE NE«' SCHAFF‑HERZOG	150
strikes the strings with a plectrum, while his left hand also seizes or touches the strings. This instrument found wide circulation. It became later transmitted to the Greeks as their magadis and was in use during the Middle Ages under the name of psalterium. The name itself is very old; cf. the Greek translation of nebhel by psalterium, and the Aramaic pesanterin (Dan. iii. 5). Under this name, in turn (santir), the instrument has maintained itself among the Arabs down to to‑day. As a foreign instrument, moreover, there is also mention in the Old Testament of the sabbekha, " sackbut " (Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10). Both name and article reached the Greeks and Romans by way of the East. The sambyke, indeed, was carried about in the Roman Empire by oriental courtesans, accordingly styled sambucinw. The instrument is described by Strabo as a triangular contrivance of barbaric origin, with four sharp‑toned strings.
II. Wind Instruments: The wind instruments mentioned in the Old Testament are of the trumpet order (horn, trumpet), or of the flute kind. Among flutes, the Old Testament mentions `ughabh, " organ " or " flute," and hdlil, " pipe." The Egyptians had the simple long flute of wood, which varied greatly in length, however, and in number of stops.
There likewise occur the transverse or x. The Flute German flutes, which are played like
and the modern flutes by means of a lateral
Pipe.	hole at the upper end. Much favored
are the double flutes, that is, two flutes either joined together throughout their length, or else only at the mouthpiece and then diverging. Each hand plays one flute, the stops, of course, being only few. Quite similar double flutes occur in the Assyrian designs. A distinctively Syrian instrument is understood by the small flute, a span in length, which had a sharp and wailing tone, and was played in connection with the mourning for Adonis (see TAMMUZ); though with the Athenians it was employed also at banquets and carousals. The modern Arabian flutes vary in length and are made of reeds. Even nowadays the double flutes are still in great favor, of the pattern joined throughout their length. It is probable that various types of these flutes are comprehended under the Hebrew term halal. It is possible, too, that `ughabh denotes this type of flute (Gen. iv. 21; Job xxi. 12, xxx. 31; Ps. cl. 4). And as far as tradition goes, the same term should undoubtedly cover the bagpipe as well. Perhaps, again, the latter instrument is meant in Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10, by the expression aumponyah (cf. the Gk. 8ymphonia). At the same time, over against this tradition it should be borne in mind that neither among the Assyrians nor among the Egyptians are there designs of this instrument or any other vouchers for its occurrence. With at least the same right, indeed, the `ughabh might be connected with the so‑called " puff‑cheek" pipe, or Pan's pipe‑the syrinx of the Greeks, which the Septuagint recovers in the mashrokiha (Dan. iii. 5, 7, 10). The syrinx consists of seven to nine reed pipes, arranged in a row, of varying length and thickness and of varying pitch. This instrument is still in use in the East, notably with shepherds.
The trumpet class of wind instruments can hardly be designated now as musical instruments in the strictest sense of the word, since both horn and trumpet have only one tone, hence no melody can be played on them. They both z. The Horn served as signal instruments and to
	and the	reinforce loud shouts and cries of
	Trumpet.	exultation. As its name imports, the
		horn (shophar, also ,keren; Josh. vi.
5; 1 Chron. xxv. 5; Dan. iii. 5) was originally noth
ing more than a natural horn of an ox or a ram. In
later times it was also fashioned of other materials,
as metal, though constantly retaining the curved
form of the animal horn; a distinctive feature,
again, in contrast with the straight trumpet. The
Talmud knows of straight horns as well. For
blowing the horn the Hebrew has two expressions:
to " thrust " into the horn denotes short, spasmodic
blasts; to " draw " signifies prolonged tones. The
trumpet (hwzozerah, Num. x.1 sqq., xxxi. 6; II Kings
xi. 14; etc.) is straight, and usually of metal.
According to Josephus (Ant., III., xii. 6), the thin
pipes or tubes were about an ell in length, and
widen below into a campanulate bell; the mouth
piece also showing a slight enlargement. Herein
agree the trumpets on the Arch of Titus, which also
resemble those of ancient Egvpt. The trumpet de
signs on coins from the time of Bar Kokba (q.v.)
are drawn decidedly shorter, and accordingly appear
quite stocky. Directly below the broad mouthpiece
they show a conical expansion, which doubtless
aims to strengthen the tone.
HL Instruments of Percussion: Percussive and rattling instruments playa much greater part in the ancient and modern Oriental orchestra toward enhancing the rhythm than they do with us. The most usual of these instruments was the timbrel, tabret, or tambourine (Hebr. toph, Gen. xxxi. 27; Ex. xv. 20; Judges xi. 34; etc.). In the Egyptian designs it is beaten mostly by women; in the Assyrian designs, by men as well. These instruments are mostly round, less frequently quadrangular. The membrane, stretched over a wooden or metal rim, is held with one hand and beaten with the fingers of the other hand. The modern tambourines have thin metallic disks or small bells about the rim, which jingle when shaken. Another kind of drum that belongs to the orchestra appears in the Assyrian delineation of drums; it is carried from the belt, and struck with both hands. The cymbals (zelzelim, meziltayim, TI Sam. vi. 5; T Chron. xiii. 8, xv. 19; etc.) are described by Josephus (Ant., VIL, xii. 13) as two great broad plates of bronze, that are clashed together with both hands. They serve as metronomic or time‑beating instruments in the orchestra (cf. I Chron. xxv. 1‑6; 11 Chron. v. 12). The Assyrian designs exhibit both bellshaped cymbals, with handles, which are struck together from above downward; and also the flat platter kind, which are struck laterally together. According to the tradition attaching to the Septuagint and the Peshito, the shalishim are also a kind of cymbals (I Sam. xviii. 6). On account of the name others think of triangles. Castanets, or small disks of metal, ivory, bone, or wood, that are seized between the fingers and struck together,

lbl	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	snored Xneic
are in great favor to‑day and were also known to the ancient Egyptians. Probably the Israelites also had them, but whether the term zelzelimahama signifies castanets is quite uncertain. The sistra are probably meant by the term mena'an'im (II Sam, vi. 5). In Egypt they were notably in use in the service of Isis, and then generally in sacred rites. They are represented in the designs as consisting of a broad, oval brass frame with iron cross‑bars. The latter support a number of loose metal rings. A long handle, which, in turn, supported the frame, served as motive rod, for evoking sound by agitating the rings.
IV. Uses: As touching the use of these instruments, it is obvious that neither horn and trumpets, nor the percussive and rattling instruments, can serve to accompany a vocal melody, z For Mark‑ or even to play one in the orchestra; ing Rhythm. they occur only as " noise " instruments to produce a loud stress of sound and to accentuate the rhythm. Horns answer preferably to secular ends, such as watchman's signals (Jer. vi. 1; Hos. viii. 1; Amos iii. 6), war signals (Judges iii. 27, vi. 34; T Sam. xiii. 3; Amos. ii. 2; etc.); and still other signals (II Sam. xv. 10; I Kings i. 34 seq.; II Kings ix. 13). They serve also to announce worship (II Sam. vi. 15; I Chron. xv. 28; etc.); and especially the new year and the year of jubilee are proclaimed by the blowing of trumpets (Lev. xxiii. 24; Num. xxix. 1). Otherwise the trumpet appears as the properly sacred instrument. Yet even in the ancient times, it also naturally served secular ends as well: war blasts and the like (II Kings xi. 14; II Chron. xxiii. 13; Hos. v. 8). At the time of the second Temple, however, the trumpet appears to have served exclusively liturgical ends; above all, the feasts and new moons are ushered in with the blare of trumpets, and the sacrifices are accompanied with trumpet blasts (Num. x. 2 seq., xxxi. 6). For this purpose, according to II Chron. v. 12, there was a temple corps of 120 trumpeters. Tambourines, or the timbrel, and cymbals, have their place chiefly in the dance and processions (Ex. xv. 20; Judges xi. 34; I Sam. xviii. 6; Jer. xxxi. 4), and with joyous festival singing (Gen. xxxi. 27; Ps. lxxxi. 3; Isa. v. 12). In the second Temple, when the timbrel ceased to be used, its place was taken by the cymbals, for beating time (I Chron. xxv. 6; II Chron. v. 12).
The proper musical instruments on which melodies could be played were the stringed instruments and the flutes, hence they are termed kele shir, " song instruments " (Amos vi. 5; Neh. xii. 36; I Chron. xvi. 42; II Chron. v. 13, etc.). s. For Lead‑ In this connection the nebhel and ing Melody. kinnor were played only with joyful music, never in mourning for lamentation or dirges; hence they appear at the festive banquet, at family feasts, and at popular jollifications (Isa. v. 12; Gen. xxxi. 27; Job xxi. 12). Spiritual songs, too, were accompanied with these instruments, both in the liturgical worship (I Chron. xxv. 6; Neh. xii. 27, etc.), and at religious popular feasts (I Sam. x. 5; II Sam. vi. 5). From its frequent mention, the kinnar appears to have been the
favorite instrument in popular use (Gen. xxxi. 27; Job xxi. 12; etc.); and it was also the instrument of the shepherd David (I Sam. xvi. 16 seq.). On the other hand, where the playing of the nebhel is alone in question, it was employed for liturgical purposes (Amos v. 23; Ps. cxliv. 9), or in the hands of "artists"(Amos vi. 5; Isa. xiv. 11), at all events, never at popular merry‑makings, nor in the hands of the people. In mourning, both are out of place; they are " hanged upon the willows " (Ps. cxxxvii. 2;. Isa. xiv. 11, xxiv. 8; Lam. v. 14; Ezek. xxvi. 13). As a distinctively wailing, or elegiac, instrument the flute was used, and in particular, the haul type. In like manner, among other ancient peoples (the Egyptians and Babylonians, for instance) the playing of flutes was by no means to be omitted on occasion of death dirges (Matt. ix. 23; Josephus, War, III., x. 15). This is not saying, however, that the flute was not used on many other occasions, as it was a very popular instrument. Flute and pipe occurred in all periods in connection with popular rejoicings such as dancing, weddings, banquets, and the like (I Kings i. 40; Job xxi. 12, xxx. 31; Is&. v. 12). The"bands" of prophets animated themselves with music of flutes (I Sam. x. 5); while festal pilgrims accompany their songs with the "pipe" (Isa. xxx. 29). On the other hand, this instrument is wanting in the music of the Temple.
V. Effects: The importance of music as affecting the popular life, and the position it occupied both in the common life and in the worship of the period before the exile, are not to be so highly appraised as with the Greeks, who constantly regarded music as an educational medium of great value. Still it may be said that the ancient Israelites loved music. It was not absent from popular feasts nor family festivals; neither from divine service nor from lamentation and mourning. At the festival of harvest, young men and maidens lead processions of dancing with song and music (Judges ix. 27. xxi. 21); whereas the same features also accompany the patriotic festivals (Judges xi. 34; I Sam. xviii. 6; I Kings i. 39 sqq.; Ps. xlv. 8 sqq.; I Mace. ix. 39). He that is a master in music and song is sure to be surrounded by a constant circle of grateful auditors (I Sam. xvi. 18; Lam. v. 14). " Men singers " and " women singers " are not lacking at the court of the king (I1 Sam. xix. 35; Eccles. ii. 8). Joyful song and strains of mirth adorn the banquet (Ecclus. xxxii. 5). True, the prophets have no delight in such sumptuous entertainments (Amos vi. 5; Isa. v. 12, xxiv. 8, xxiii. 16; Jer. vii. 34, xxv. 10) because the vocation of professional singers and dancers was not always followed by reputable persons (Isa. xxiii. 16). Where the religious application of music best shows its importance is in connection with the popular life. Doubtless that ancient hymn of praise in Ex. xv. was by no means the only song to Yahweh by the women of Israel at patriotic and religious festivals (II Sam. vi. 5, 14 sqq.). With the prophets music serves direct religious objects: it is amid music that they become transported into holy exaltation (I Sam. x. 5, xix. 20 aqq.; II Kings iii. 15; and see EcaTAsy). With the same enchant‑

Sacred Music
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
ing tones it was also customary to exorcise the evil spirit in men (I Sam. x. 5, xvi. 23). In the divine service music still retained a leading significance even in later times. A large and wellorganized gild of temple musicians was active in the second Temple (I Chron. xxv. 6, xvi. 4 aqq., xxv. 1 sqq.). And if all this is traditionally referred back to David, at least so much is correct that the beautifying of the kingly temple worship with music reaches back to those ancient times. After the exile, many singers and musicians returned with Zerubbabel (Ezra ii. 41; Neh. vii. 44), a proof that the musical tradition had not been dislodged in captivity. In this matter, the blowing of the trumpets on feast days is committed to the priests in the way of a high prerogative; though even in the genealogies of Chronicles, musicians are incorporated with the tribe of Levi. From King Agrippa they later won the privilege of wearing the white, and, in its origin, priestly robe (Josephus, Ant. XX., ix. 6). Their sustenance is provided by special prescription under Darius (Ezra vi. 6 sqq., vii. 20 sqq.; Neh. xi. 23), which attests their importance. Their song was accompanied by the Temple orchestra consisting of eight nebhel players and six kinnor players. The chief musician marked the time with cymbals (I Chron. xv. 19‑21). In the Temple of Herod the orchestra was composed of two to six nebhel players, nine kinnor players, and one beater of cymbals. And according to the Talmud, there were also from two to twelve flute players and two trumpeters. Most intimately connected with the entire development of the Temple music stands the composition of the Psalms (q.v.; also see PSALMODY).
VI. Harmony and Rhythm: Concerning the character of Hebrew music, a few conclusions may be reached alike from what has been said concerning the instruments and from modern oriental music. But in the first place it is necessary to remember that harmony, which is based on the triad and on the interplay and flow of consonant and dissonant tones, is of very late origin (tenth century); and that harmony, as such, is generally wanting in the ancient music. To the oriental, even to‑day, what seems to us the harmonic blending of various tones in chords, is a repulsive jumble. Hence the old Hebrew music was played thoroughly in unison. Both song and instruments run unisonally together, or perhaps follow the octave, which also sounds harmonious to them (of. II Chron. v. 13). For the distinction between men's and women's voices, and their semblance of sounding a single tone as they render the same tune, is supplied by nature itself. This being so, it may be left as a remote issue, whether the expression 'al 'alamoth, of playing the nebhel (I Chron. xv. 20), is to be understood with reference to the natural pitch of the " virginal voice "; and the same as to whether the designation 'al‑hasheminith [sheminith], "after the eighth," is to be connected with the octave as "eighth" tone, in case of other instruments. But even apart from this, the division. of the octave into a scale of seven tones is to be surely assumed. At best, detailed consideration cannot here be given to the connection between this scale
and the whole philosophy of the orient, with its doctrine as to the harmony of the spheres; or the tones produced by the seven planets in their courses. In the place of harmony, rhythm plays a leading part, even at the expense of melody. Ancient songs, like the hymn of triumph in Ex. xv. 20, were sung with the timbrel alone in the way of accompaniment. The timbrels, however, simply mark the rhythm. This shows that the singing was mainly a sort of rhythmic declamation. Incipiently, indeed, this was the case with vocal music generally. Nor is this the place to set forth the process of development step by step; as from a regular variation of the tone into an actual melody. Suffice it that the Hebrew popular song stood on the plane where melody is overbalanced by rhythm. And this is still the situation in respect to Arabian song.
Two traits that are now distinctive in the rendering of oriental vocal music are nasalizing and vibration. That the former trait is ancient may be surmised on the ground of other observed qualities of agreement between ancient and modern music. On the other hand there is direct witness as to vibration of the voice, from an Assyrian design, wherein one of the singing women, quite in the manner of Arabian singers to‑day, holds one hand under her chin, thus exercising a slight pressure against the throat. This is done in order to produce notably fiat tones, and to impart to them a peculiar vibration, not identical, however, with our tremolo style. Sundry obscure data in the Psalms, referring presumably to the delivery, are not certainly resolvable. Some of them, .perhaps, involve directions concerning the tune to be followed in singing the Psalm (titles to Ps. ix., xxii., xiv., lvi., lvii., etc.). Selah (occurring seventy‑one times in forty Psalms) is rendered in the Septuagint by diapsalma, which possibly means " interlude." At all events it may be assumed that, in rendering songs, the singing was interrupted at that point, and the pause filled in by playing of the orchestra. The expression lamenazeah has lately been translated "for the liturgy "; but this, too, is uncertain, though, indeed, the traditional interpretation, " To the Chief Musician," is still more questionable. Else why do just those fifty‑three Psalms, and not the rest, need the like specification?
I. BENZINGER.
B. Christian.‑I. Character, Purpose, and Forms:
Sacred music is properly music which serves for
edification,	either in the general sense or in the
narrower sense of edification as pertaining to divine
worship. It	is distinguished from secular music,
which is designed to serve ends not specifically re
	ligious, such as those of art, social life,
:. General or instruction. From the distinction
Conception between religious edification in its and Purpose. wider sense and edification in the sanctuary arises a distinction between sacred music in the wider and in the stricter sense: that is, between what may be called spiritual music, and the music of divine worship, church music or liturgical music. To the former class belongs all music which has an edifying effect upon the feelings, which incites to devotion, which directs the im‑

153	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sacred Xuaic
agination toward the realm of the eternal and divine; such as the Biblical oratorio, the spiritual song, and serious instrumental music. The music of the sanctuary comprises only such music as according to its substance and form, object and character, harmonizes with divine worship as a homogeneous element of the same, not overstepping the sphere of divine worship but essentially complementing it and strengthening its effectiveness. The essential mark of sacred music in the stricter sense is that its artistic effect accords with the effect aimed at in worship, producing a single combined effect. This accord requires that the music heard in divine worship shall not evoke in the hearer memories and ideas that may divert from the object of reverence. It excludes transfer of compositions known to the hearer in other connections. It requires on the composer's part subordination 6f the artistic purpose to the end and conception of divine worship. If divine worship be regarded only as a means of converting the masses, music is employed simply for its operation upon the emotions; and nothing further is required of it than exciting power, easy access to the mind, action upon the nerves. Its esthetic value, its artistic constitution, is not essentially in question. Artistic excellence and purity must frequently be sacrificed for immediate effect and influence upon the lower stratum of the congregation. This view of church music obtains more or less where divine service is regarded exclusively from the missionary and pedagogical standpoint (e.g., among German Methodists and the Salvation Army). Where divine worship is an end in itself, either as consummating a sacred act whose value properly inheres in the strict observance of the form of its consummation (the Roman Catholic conception), or as the voluntary assembling of the congregation before God with preaching of the' Gospel and prayer (the Evangelical conception), the music is, in the one instance, ecclesiastical in the sense of constituting a portion of the liturgy; in the other instance, in the degree that it animates and strengthens the presentation of the Gospel, or as it unifies the congregation's prayer in due liturgical process.
According to the Roman Catholic conception, the Church decides what belongs to the essence of divine worship; music is ecclesiastical in so far as it answers to the "will of the Church in the sphere of music." Roman Catholic church music is liturgical song as appointed by the Church and such artistic song as has been carefully examined
and admitted for use in divine worn. The ship. This was expressed in no equiv‑
Roman ocal manner by the decree of the
Catholic Congregation of Rites of Apr. 23 and Conception. 26, 1583. According to this decree,
"only that form of Gregorian song was to be regarded as authentic and regular, which in virtue of the provisions of the Council of Trent has been approved and confirmed by His Holiness Pope Leo XIII., as likewise by the Congregation of Sacred Rites, conformably to the edition prepared at Regensburg, as the one used by the Roman Church." [This decree, however, in so far as it made the Regensburg edition " authentic " or su‑
thoritative, was reversed by Pius X., who shortly after his accession to the papal throne issued a most important Motu Proprio concerning the reform of abuses in church music and embodying many positive instructions. Scientific students of plain‑song, especially the Benedictines, had already proved conclusively that the Regensburg " authentic " edition was very imperfect and uncritical‑that it by no means represented the old traditional Gregorian melodies. A critical edition of the latter, embodying the results of long and painstaking labor on the part of eminent scholars, was prepared from a comparative study of the ancient manuscripts by the Benedictine Fathers of the monastery of Solesmes in France, but while competent and disinterested critics unanimously recognized its superiority over the Regensburg edition, the latter still retained its authoritative position in virtue of the above‑mentioned decree of the Congregation of Rites. But Pius X., who took a deep, intelligent interest in the subject, cast the weight of his authority in favor of the school of Soleames, and the undeserved monopoly hitherto enjoyed by the Regensburg editors came suddenly to an end. The pope appointed a pontificial commission to supervise the carrying‑out of the instructions contained in the Motu Proprio, and to look after the publication of a new " authentic " edition of the liturgical plain‑song, to be known as the Vatican edition. The members of this commission were all chosen from among the experts representing the Benedictine school, and the new edition (not yet completed) is based exclusively on that of Soleames. The Motu Proprio deals at length and with not a little detail with the entire question of church music in its various aspects. Many abuses are pointed out and reproved, and while modern music is not excluded from use in church services, it is subjected to restrictions requiring that it be religious and ecclesiastical in character. Music of the Palestrinian style is commended, but a strong preference is expressed in favor of the traditional Gregorian or plain‑song, the use of which is prescribed for all those parts of the service known as the " proper." This decree was followed by a keen revival of interest in the question of church music both in Europe and in America, and in most of the dioceses musical commissions were appointed by the bishops with a view to carry out the instructions contained in the papal document. a. a. D.] Church music is ecclesiastical according to its relation to the sanctioned choral music. Its ecclesiastical quality is not involved in the musical style of any specified epoch; or in any specified harmonic form or musical mode of expression. Music is ecclesiastical in so far as it is an artistic consummation and idealization of the liturgical song sanctioned by the Church.
According to the Evangelical conception, it is essential to divine service that the word of God, the Gospel, be proclaimed, and that the congregation make its confession in prayer. Here music becomes the art which expresses emotions that strive in vain for words, as well as the art which unifies and idealizes every form of expression. AB music supplements the spoken word, its tones impart a vital, apprehensible quality to the

Sacred Music	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	164
" unspeakable words " (I Cor. xii. 4) of the revels,
tion disclosed to the human soul in the divine word,
		and the "groanings which can not
	3. The be uttered" (Rom. viii. 26) which
Protestant accompany the prayer of faith. But
Conception. only to the extent that it serves to
		attune the proclaiming of the Gospel
to its utmost impressiveness, and to harmonize
the congregation's prayer by melodiously defi
ning and rhythmically modulating the same, in
accord with the fundamental principle that " all
things be done decently and in order" (I Cor.
xiv. 40)‑that is, only as a means, and not for
its own sake‑has music its rightful place in
divine service. It is the " tongue " of art,
which edifies only where it utters " words easy
to be understood " (I Cor. xiv. 9), and is
made immediately intelligible by virtue of the
divine word, which it aids to expound, or unto
which it contributes a freely uplifting power. For
in divine service, the question is not one of artistic
edification; that is, of that intellectual stimulation
of life which contact with the beautiful evokes,
but of edification in the religious sense, or the
strengthening and enhancement of the life of faith,
as this is vouchsafed by the living realization of
the divine means of salvation in the Gospel, and
immediate contact with the same in prayer. Re
ligious edification can be promoted only by music
which strengthens the impression made by the
Gospel, and fosters prayer; hence by music which
directs attention steadfastly not upon itself, but
upon the Gospel and prayer. Accordingly the
commonplace, frivolous, and sentimental are ex
cluded, because these contradict the dignity, the
earnestness, and the sublimity of the object and
the sacredness of the end; and likewise there is
excluded whatever is technical and too refined
artistically or professionally, because this appeals
to musical interest exclusively, thus withdrawing
attention from the word of God, even depreciating
the same as a mere means of artistic exercise.
Moreover church music must speak to the congre
gation; accordingly, as touching its content and
style, that quality which presupposes, in order to
be intelligently understood, a strictly technical
education is excluded. Church music does not
make its appeal to the professional musician or to
the concert public. The requirement of close con
centration upon the aim in view becomes restricted
on the one hand to the requirement of musical
self‑discipline and self‑limitation, divesting itself
of every extraneous purpose; on the other hand,
to the requirement of noble simplicity and luminous
clearness in the form of composition. These funda
mental requirements premised, no musical style
or species of music is in itself excluded which an
swers to these requirements. If in many circles
there is a disposition to restrict the conception of
church music to the productions and style of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the reason
is that this was in fact a period of productiveness in
classical church music, a time of concentrating the
creation upon church requisitions. But the works
of a Johann Sebastian Bach (q.v.) likewise bear
the impress of perfect devotion to the object and
end of Evangelical divine service; and the motets of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are not to be preferred simply because their style has become strange (see below, II., 1, b).
If, furthermore, rigid practise would exclude instrumental music from church music (the organ excepted), and limit the conception of what is
ecclesiastical to the vocal choir, this in4. The Use heres in the fact that the use of instru‑
of Instru‑ ments demands a far greater degree of
mental both foresight and restraint than the
Music. vocal choir. Choral song incites to
a mood in harmony with the Church, because the very ideal roundness and detachment of the choral sound gives an impression of pureness above the prose of everyday routine. The sound of orchestral instruments easily rouses in the hearer the thought of secular occasions wherein they are employed, and for this reason orchestral music has for many people a somewhat mundane tone. But, after all, this is merely a matter of convention, and principally subjective. It is only necessary to recall Bach's employment of the orchestra‑his passion music and his cantatas‑to make clear that the matter turns only upon the manner of the employment. Bach knew how to devote this mighty giant of instrumentation, commanding, as it does, every harmonic effect and shade of tone, every variety of expression, and every gradation of tonic power, to the service of edification. It is not abstract principles and theories, but only practical difficulties, which oppose themselves to the employment of the orchestra for church music, and persuade most congregations to restrict themselves to the vocal choir and the organ. For the latter instrument in Evangelical church music, see ORGAN.
Many people would exclude solo singing from church music for the reason that it tends to empha‑
size the individual, to divert the hears. Solo er'a interest from divine worship, and
Singing. thus interfere with edification. Yet,
while this may easily happen, it does not necessarily and always follow. The right use is not abrogated by misuse. Solo song has its good title in church music, provided it be not thrust forward for its own sake, but is called for by the subject matter and the musical composition, and accords with the general design, helping to enrich and deepen the total impression. On account of human infinity, not on abstract grounds, it is advisable, as a rule, to keep solo song somewhat subordinated. But to renounce a musical composition as unfitted for church use merely because it requires solo voices, is not Evangelical. The text holds good of the forms and kinds of Evangelical church music, " all things are yours, but ye are Christ's." All things are to be admitted provided they consecrate themselves to the sacred service. For the Church of the Gospel, congregational singing, strictly regarded, is not a constituent integral element of divine service. That is to say, the constituent elements of the Evangelical worship are, as explained above the proclaiming of the word of God, the Gospel, and the prayer of the congregation. Whether the word of God reaches the congrega‑

166	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sacred Music
tion in the way of oral discourse, or in the manner of the Roman church chant in a melodiously
graduated delivery (or intonation), or 6. Congre‑ in the festival pomp of full‑voiced gation and choir music; whether the congregation Choir. merely joins in spirit in the proffered
prayer, or directly expresses the same in song, as in the congregational hymn, is determined by custom and requirements, by circumstances and means, being indeed a matter of significance with reference to the practical effect and impressiveness of worship, but not, as such, a part of its essence and intrinsic value. Nevertheless, the Evangelical worship being theoretically and essentially a congregational act, this implies, of course, that the congregation as such shall take part in the same. And this it can best do in a collective way in the form of singing which groups a diversity of voices into a harmonic unity. Such singing is well established in Evangelical worship as the most suitable form for the congregation's collective activity. The congregation as a vehicle of divine service is not an indiscriminate mass of people, but consists of a variety of living individuals and groups of people, who differ in age and sex; accordingly it contains within itself a diversity of gifts and powers. Divine worship is an act or transaction of the congregation in proportion as the separate individuals actively and individually cooperate in the service; it. is a congregational act in the full sense of the term according as the gifts and powers latent in the congregation come into active play and minister to the service of edification by means of a lively presentation of the Gospel. Among gifts vouchsafed to the congregation, the gift of song stands in the front rank in relation to divine worship; especially the harmonic art when viewed as a preeminent factor for enhancing the effect of the Gospel to its utmost degree of impressiveness, thus powerfully promoting edification. Viewed in this light, as an instrument of edification of singular power and effectiveness, harmonic art, and, notably, cultivated singing, has its place in Evangelical worship; while in the same service the choir has its office in the way of expressive leadership. In this worship the choir is the exponent of musical art in the divine service, being a legitimate adjunct of the same only in so far as the purpose of edification demands that this art be coordinated as a homogeneous factor within the sphere of worship. The choir is not a necessary arrangement with reference to worship, its essence and realization; all this is complete even without the choir's cooperation. In fact the employment of a choir presupposes that the congregation already contains the proper intelligence for the artistic performances of the choir, and that this intelligence has been cultivated up to a certain degree; where this is not the case, there is no need of choir singing. But choir singing is a no less powerful than blessed instrument of congregational edification; and as such it has been duly valued by the congregation from the very outset.
The Reformation coincided with the age when the art of polyphony was ripening into classical perfection. This art
was quite distinctively the creation of the Church (see below Ix., 9, If S‑4); hence the Reformation found artistic choral song at its height. Attached to the larger
7. The churches were permanent choirs, whose main‑
Chnrehes tenance was provided in part by the munifi‑
of the cence of princes and magistrates, in part by
Reforms‑ means of endowments. But in case of the rising
	tion.	Evangelical church the primary interest was
		not artistic singing, but congregational singing;
and for its exponent and leader in Germany, not the trained
choir was in question, but the school. All effort was accord
ingly directed to the training of the growing congregation
for the tasks devolving upon it in the divine service, by
means of a zealous cultivation of singing in the school.
Nevertheless the importance of artistic singing was fully
valued by the Reformers. It was quite peculiarly owing to
Luther that this instrument of congregational edification
was retained. He urgently enjoined upon those in author.
ity the duty of sufficient provision to this end, in cases where
the congregations lacked resources and were not able to take
the initiative. " Kings, princes and lords must support
music, for it becomes great potentates and lords to maintain
good liberal arts and the laws." Where no choir is present
to serve the congregation with the glorious gift of music,
then the like service devolves as an honorable duty upon the
school. The princely chorister schools were expressly and
positively institutes of art, and liturgical singing engaged
only a part of their professional duties. Under their direc
tion church music came to be more and more a concert per
formance in the divine service. The artistic mission of the
school choirs, however. accorded with the other tasks which
the school had in charge. Their musical tasks were planned
according to the needs of the congregation in the sanctuary,
approximating more closely to the average intelligence and
becoming more familiar to the congregation than the per
formances of the professional art choirs. Thus the school
choir came to serve as a musical training establishment for
the whole congregation and from it the congregation de
veloped the ability to help itself in case of need.
For example, when the choral institute, to which people had been accustomed, closed its doors‑as did the residential chorister school at Torgau in 1530 on account of financial considerations, musically endowed citizens of the town associated themselves in the " Torgau Choris‑
8. Gterman ter Society " with a view to practising and
Singing rendering, under the leadership of the princely
	Societies.	vocal master and precentor Johann Walther,
		the portions devolving upon the choir. The
example of Torgau was followed by other towns. At the
same time the growing delight in song and music led to as
sociations which charged themselves with the cultivation
of singing and in some cases especially sacred song (as at
Reutlingen in Wiirttemberg, 1609; St. Gallen, 1620 and
elsewhere). The popularity of Handel's oratorios toward
the close of the eighteenth century and the rise of male sing
ing societies in the early decades of the nineteenth century
augmented the impulse to create musical associations, which
gladly lent their services to the Church; these societies, how
ever, were primarily artistic and secular. The revival of re
ligious and ecclesiastical interest after the wars of liberation.
which manifested itself particularly in the Reformation jubi
lee festival (1817), led to the formation of societies devoted
specifically to church song. They soon extended over all
Germany and their activity has steadily become wider. In
1881 the fist " General Convention of the German Evan
gelical Church Singing Societies " met at Stuttgart, and in
the year of the Luther jubilee (1883) was organized the
" Evangelical Church Singing Society for Germany," which
in 1905 comprised twenty‑two territorial and provincial
societies, and 1 996 local societies and church choirs. The
management is in the hands of a central committee whose
duties are defined to be: (1) To promote the cause of Evan
gelical church song by spoken and written means; (2) to
work for cooperation of individual societies; (3) to assist
societies in selecting and securing their music; (4) to call a
general convention at least once every three years; (5) to
represent the general interests abroad. A periodical, the
Korrespondenzblatt des evanpelischen Kirchengesanpvereine
Jar Deutschland, is published at Leipsic.
II. History: The essential ground form of the Roman Catholic church song is the choral (cantos Gregorianus, because its regulation and systemati‑

Sacred Nueio	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	156
zation is traced back to Gregory I.; cantus planus, " plain‑song," in distinction from figured song; cantua choralis, because it is rendered in unison by the aggregate of singers present in the choir), or church song in the tone style of ancient music. The Evangelical church makes some use of the Gregorian song, as when it is used for the altar chanting in German churches, and when particular melodies are borrowed from it for congregational song; but its own distinctive ground form is the popular melody adapted to church use; the modern, harmoniously tuned and harmonically intelligible melodious hymn, or church hymn. Upon these basic forma are constructed the artistic forms of church music, which are proper to the particular church in so far as their expressed object is to adorn and idealize those basic forms by process of elaborated tonal art; but they are governed by their respective standards, the choral and the church hymn.
	1. The Liturgical Side. a. The Choral Chant:
The authentic sources of the liturgical song of the
Roman Church are the official hymnaries brought
		out under Popes Gregory XIII. and
	1. The Paul V,, on the initiative of the Coun
Anthorined c0 of Trent, and on the basis of the
	Roman revision undertaken by Giovanni
Hymnaries. Guidetti (1532‑92); viz, the Diredo
rium chari (1582); the Anliphonarium, containing
the liturgical songs for the breviary (1610); the
Graduale, with the liturgical songs for the mass
(1614 and 1615); and the Hymnarium, which fol
lowed under Urban VIII. in 1644, after a revision
undertaken by Palestrina, Guidetti's teacher.
Their authentic edition, among the later ones, is
held to be that of Regensburg, 1872‑1882. They
contain the "authentic and authorized form of
Gregorian song "; that is, that manner of song
" which the Roman Church uses," or has to use.
Whether the melodies thus pronounced to be
authentic are really those of the earlier time cor
rectly transmitted is a matter which, in spite of
careful investigations, may not at present be de
termined to a certainty (but see above, B, I., § 2).
	The Gregorian choral, as distinguished from
modern melody, is conditioned in point of tune and
composition by the text, and is to be understood
in that light; being structurally monotonic, in
part mere musically graduated, stereotyped reci
		tative, wherein the rise and fall of
	2. The the vocal tone, the choice of inter
	Chant. vals, the tonic measure, are determined
.
not with reference to grace or expression of the melody, but simply by the textual notation; in part, again, it is real song, melody representing a musical ensemble, and following, for that matter, a definite rule of construction according to the tonal mode, or key, to which it belongs, but conditioned in the composition by the verbal structure of the text. The peculiarity and significance of the melody‑its musical character, in a word‑inheres in the manner in which the tonal movement which the melody conveys progresses from the starting‑point of the initial tone through the tonal intervals of the (diatonic) scale to the closing tone; and what in this case in‑
terests the musical imagination is the feature of the tone graduations combined with singleness of effect by the melody as it glides along; and these in relation to one another, not in their relation to the basic triad of tonal values, as is the case in modern melody‑in respect to their melodious juxtaposition and sequence, not in respect to their harmonic significance. This entirely corresponds to the antique theory of musical tones: Gregorian song is church song in the tone language of ancient (Greek and Roman) music. Its melodies belong to the diatonic scheme of tones; that is, they are invariably composed of the tones of the diatonic scales; these grouping themselves, in every instance, with two and three whole steps and two half‑steps. Chromatic and enharmonic scales are quite debarred. The Gregorian song, in contrast with the secular music of the first Christian century, thus reflects the reform of music in the direction of noble simplicity, the reaction to classical style. The regulation and systematization of church song for the Roman and so for the entire Western Church is traditionally connected with the name of Gregory the Great (590‑604); though to what extent rightly, leaves room for further elucidation.
b. The Evangelical Hymn: In contrast with the ancient melody of Gregorian song, the musical form of the church hymn, which constitutes the foundation, soul, and center of Evangelical church music,
	is the modern, harmoniously definite
1. Devel‑ and harmonically consistent hymn
oiled from tune: harmonically consistent, that
the Folk‑
Song.	is, 	the relation of the tones of the
Song. melody to the basic tone, or more precisely, to the basic accord of the key to which the melody belongs, governed by the cardinal points of the tonic and dominant, and yielding a symmetrically coherent, rhythmically expressive, sonorously emotional fabric. It is the recognized musical form for the song of the congregation; for the choral prayer thereof in distinction from the choral (or liturgical) prayer of the priestly singers assembled in the choir, wherein the priestly Church has likewise its musical speech to utter. The Reformation did not create this musical form; it found the same at hand in the spiritual and secular folk‑song, which had gradually wrested itself loose from the fetters of the ancient tone theory, and had developed, in the period from the thirteenth century to the fifteenth, into luxuriant blossoming. It is true, the Church of the Reformation, in order to obtain tunes for congregational singing, did not limit itself to the folk‑song, but appropriated also some of the melodious treasure of Gregorian song. But what it borrowed from this for congregational singing was recast according to the folk‑song pattern. Pe‑
culiar, if not essential to the folk‑song, is the so‑called polyrhythm, by virtue of which in one and
the same melody double and triple time interchange,
thus producing rhythmical combinations which
can only with difficulty be conveyed in modern
measures.
The early period of the Reformation had plenty to do in the way of adjusting for congregational use the tunes which it borrowed from Gregorian song,

157	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sacred Music
from the t=easure of Latin hymns, from the sequences, from the spiritual folk‑song, as also from
the treasure of secular folk‑song. What 2. The Six‑ little the Reformation period contribteenth and uted to the treasure of melodies out of
Seven‑ its
teenth	own invention (Luther's Ein' .feste
Centuries. Burg, for example) reflects the classical
type of the church folk‑tune. Toward the close of the sixteenth century there is an increase of originators of new melodies (Selnecker, 15301592; Philipp Nicolai, 1556‑1608; Melchior Franck, c. 1573‑1639; Melchior Teschner, 1614; Melchior Vulpius, c. 1560‑1615; Johann Hermann Schein, 1586‑1630; Michael Altenburg, 1584‑1640; Mat_ thaus Apelles von Lbwenstem, 1594‑1648; Johannes Criiger, 1598‑1662). The seventeenth century increasingly exhibits, in the composition of melodies, the influence of the aria song which toward the end of the sixteenth century had arisen in Italy (Heinrich Albert, 1604‑51; Johann Georg Ebeling, 1637‑76; Jakob Hintze, 1622‑1702; Johann Rudolf Able, 1625‑73; Georg Neumark, 16211681; Joachim Neander, 1650‑80; Adam Dress, 1620‑1701). The church melody as softened down into the spiritual aria, with its sentimental or "heart's revealing" nature, stands as far removed from the compact force and the sonorous full tones of the folk‑song, as pietism, whose favorite mode it becomes, from the Reformation. In evidence of the lively and zealous activity which pietism displayed in behalf of church song, there are the Darmstddter Kantional (1687); the Freylinghamen'sche Gesangbuch (1704 aqq.); the Choralbucher of Dretzel (1731), Konig (1738), and others; in evidence of the religious vitality inherent in the movement, there is a succession of hymns, which, if not betokening vernacular simplicity and primitiveness, yet indicate hymnal buoyancy.
The " age of enlightenment " completes the process of modernizing the church melody. It becomes a popularized art hymn, which is distinguished from the parallel secular art song only in that it dispenses with all rhythmical charm, merging into the " slowest song " that " can fairly be conceived " (Justin Heinrich Knecht, Preface of the Choralbuch of 1799). In only particular instances
have the numerous melodies which the

Eighteenth
	8. The 14 age of enlightenment" produced,
	~d evinced vitality. It was a matter full
Nineteenth of portent, that the new trend of taste
Centuries. " improved upon " the transmitted
		wealth of the Fathers. The character
istic and ever charming polyrhythm of the old tunes
appeared to the modern conception of musical
measure hard and unintelligible; likewise it seemed
impracticable for popular use; while the rhythmical
vivacity seemed incompatible with the idea then
entertained of the sublimity and "dignity" of
music for the divine service. The old tunes were
approximated to the ideal of the " slowest song
that can fairly be conceived," being divested not
only of polyrhythm, but of rhythm altogether.
This leveling process for the church tune, at first
in the direction of isometry, then to the completely
unrhythmical plain‑song, was at the same time
evoked and favored by means of the growing sway
of the organ in Evangelical worship. The revival of religious life and the deepening of the ecclesiastical consciousness in the first decades of the nineteenth century manifested itself less in the production of new melodies (Bernhard Klein, 17931832; Johann Georg Frech, 1790‑1864; Conrad Kocher, 1786‑1872; Heinrich Carl Breidenstein, 1796‑1876; Arnold Mendelssohn, b. 1856; and others) than in the growing intelligence in behalf of distinctive charm, the historical as well as ecclesiastical and esthetic justification of the original form of the transmitted melodies; and in the zealous endeavor to recover for congregational singing the rhythmical vivacity and original freshness of the Reformation period. How far this endeavor, which is thoroughly justified from the standpoint of historic fidelity, is feasible in practise, and at what point it becomes restricted by considerations as to the nature of choral song, and of the characteristic tones of the organ, still indispensable for accompaniment, are matters which even to‑day are still subject to great differences of opinion. For this reason, and because of the numberless variants which have established themselves in the several church provinces through venerable custom, attempts to secure uniformity of usage in the German churches have been successful only in a limited degree.
2. The Artistic Side: The first ten centuries of the Christian Church knew none but homophonic song. For the non‑Latin peoples who came into the Church, this was artistic song, which required expert schooling, and this was the reason why it came to be more and more exclusively
1. Church assigned to the choir of singers trained
Song Ho‑
mophonic specially for church song. It was ren‑
mophonio dered in a language foreign to the con‑
till the
Year 1000. gregation, and in a mode of musical
	articulation unusual to them, viz., the
antique Greco‑Roman. The liturgical song was
choir song. The people still had the canticum vub, gare, the song of their native speech; and from

the twelfth century onward this became more and more independently developed, and on the chief festivals, at least, was even tolerated in the liturgy of the mass (between epistle and Gospel in place of the psalm which succeeded the halleluiah; or, as the case might be, in place of the sequence, and subsequently also following the Gospel in the way of a German creedal song, either instead of the Latin credo or attached to the same).
From the eleventh century and continually thenceforward, out of modest, and, according to modern ideas of musical beauty, rude attempts, as they appear in the light of the fifth and octave parallels of the Benedictine monk Hucbald of St. Amand (c. 840‑930), there developed itself under the fostering care of the Church, through the middle terms of the descant (principle of reciprocal harmony) and of fauxbourdon (habituation to the harmonic euphony of thirds and sixths), the composite or polyphonic choir song, which for the most part aimed to be nothing more than the artistic expansion and enrichment of the liturgical song. By the end of the fourteenth century, polyphony, the art of counterpoint, had reached its

Sacred Music	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	168
complete development (first Netherland school, c. 1380‑1480: Wilhelm du Fay, Binchois, Dunstable, and others); by the end of the
2. Devel. fifteenth century it came to its classic opment of bloom (second Netherland school, c. Polyphonic 1480‑1565: Ockenheim, Joaquin de
	song.	Pr6s, Lassus, and others). It had
		gained entrance to the papal chapel
during the exile at Avignon (1309‑77). The art
of blending voices through the bond of musical
consonance, quite distinctively the creation of the
Middle Ages‑the musical expression of the medi
eval association and gild spirit‑accorded with
the spirit of the Medieval Church. The creative
constructive power and the wanton constructive
impulse of the master composers brought matters
to such a pass that the artistic product became
an end in itself, and art forgot her subservient
position. Not only in the luxuriant, exuberant
maze of tones was the sacred text utterly lost
to the verge of unintelligibility, but also the
hallowed style of the choral came to be neglected.
The master composers elected the tenor parts,
and along these lines they built up their themes,
no longer subject to the liturgical point of
view, but to the purely esthetic standpoint of ar
tistic effect, sometimes basing their masses upon
favorite and often secular popular tunes. Accord
ingly the Roman Catholic Church, committing itself
as it did at the Council of Trent to the known Ro
man chant, could allow full rights to the polyphonic
style in divine worship only under the proviso that
art should do justice to the liturgical demands of
the Church. These demands were thoroughly sat
isfied by the masses which Palestrina (1526?‑94;
see PALESTRINA, GIOVANNI PIERLUIOI DA) COm
posed at the instance of the council, and submitted
to the committee appointed by the council for the
regulation of church music. In this master's Missa
Papte Marcelli (1565), the stricter school since that
time recognizes the classic type of Roman Catholic
Church music. It is true, the course of develop
ment passed beyond its bounds, and Roman Church
music subsequently shared in all the transforma
tions of tonal art. The strict Palestrina style, as
represented by the Roman school (Animuccia, Vit
toria, Felice and Francesco Anerio, Nanini, lastly
Baini) had to yield to the style which emphasized
subjective pathos, over and above the beautiful
style which exhibits lofty detachment and massive
repose by striving toward individual expression.
The Ca:cilian Society (Franz Witt, 183488; Franz
Xaver Haberl, 1840‑1910) tried to reform the
Roman Church music by returning to the style of
Palestrina. Yet the Church itself, though actively
supporting that society's efforts, has not obstructed
the further development of church music; nor has
it even barred from the sanctuary productions of
the most modern tonal art of a Liszt and a Verdi.
The Reformation coincided with the flourishing period of polyphony. Among its peculiar forms, the nascent Evangelical church could consider, for use in divine worship, only the motet, the hymn for several voices; or the madrigal. The motet (Ital. mottetto, diminutive of motto, " a word, a saying "), a musical phrase constructed upon a more or less
brief refrain either borrowed from the liturgical chant or the folk‑song or even freely invented, found its place in the mass, as a musi8. The Ref. cal art form, as the musical setting
ormation. for passages of Scripture that mark
The nfotet the contextual significance of the mass
Madrigal. d	in the calendar. In the Evangelical wor
	ship it occurred first by way of musical
setting for the sentences of the introit, the gradual,
or the epistle or Gospel sentence, and in the next
place as a form of choir song during the distribu
tion of the Eucharist, as well as at marriages,
funerals, and other solemnities. The word motet
eventually came to signify elaborate choir song.
In a narrower sense, as artistic form for the musical
embodiment of a Bible sentence, that is, of the
sentence in the introit or lection that indicated the
day's calendar significance, the motet became the
form in which tonal art participated in proclaiming
the divine word in Evangelical worship. A form of
motet which was cultivated with special favor was
the polyphonic hymn (as elaborated in motet style).
The task of the musical phrase in this case is artis
tically to modulate the harmonic suggestion already
given in the closed melody preceding, and to com
prehend it somewhat in the manner of a costly
painting in elegantly carved framework. This form
adapted itself quite peculiarly to the musical elabo
ration of the church tune, and therefore became
the hymn form in superior choirs. But the choir
song in Evangelical worship had now not only an
artistic task, it had above all an educational mis
sion; it was to lead the tunes for the congregation,
in order to render them so familiar that the people
should make them their own and themselves join
in. The hymn tune, in this connection, ran tra
ditionally in the tenor, which constituted the mid
dle part. On practical grounds, it became advi
sable to assign the tune to the upper voice, the
soprano. Everything, in this case, was left to the
free invention of the composer, who sought simply
to light upon the musical expression for the key
note of the appertaining text. The art of composi
tion, the blending and the direction of voices, be
came an incidental, expression the chief thing. The
tuneful motives concentrated themselves more and
more upon the finished expressive melody, and this
became the vocal surface of the composition. The
artistic composition, the harmony proper, came to
be more and more a mere means of expression, the
chromatic tone. The decisive step toward trans
posing the melody to the soprano part was accom
plished by the Wfirttemberg Court Preacher Lucas
Osiander, by his address to schoolmasters, Jan. 1,
1586 (see OSIANDER, 2), and the publication of the
work: Fitnfzig geistliche Lid, and psatmen. Mit
vier Stimmen, 'If COWrapunctsweise. A succession
of notable composers followed his example: Gesius,
Raselius, Michael, Calvisius, Vulpius, Hassler,
Michael Pri,torius, Johann Eccard.
It was natural that the hymn tune, heretofore the foundation of the composition, should now become its actual object, the remaining voices receding more and more to the province of accompaniment, as they followed the melody in regular counterpoint; and the polyphonic motet style had to

169	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sacred Music
yield to the ambitious madrigal style of the modern harmonized melody. On the border line between the old and the new conception stand
4. Devel‑ the great composers Hans Leo Hassler
OP ment of (1564‑1612) and Johann Eccard (1553the Modern 1611)• also Sethus Calvisius (1556Hym"e'1615), Melchior Vulpius (d. 1615), Scandellus (1517‑80), Joachim a Burgck (15411610), Jakob Meiland (1542‑77), David Scheidemann (c. 1585, in Hamburg), Le Maistre, Dulichius, Johann Stobaus, Demantius, and others. They still stand upon the art of the Netherland masters; Eccard was a pupil of the great Lassus; but the congregational tune comes to its full rights. In Luther's time it was the leader in the dancing round of voices, where " one sings aloud a proper tune, beside which three, four, or five other voices likewise play round about, as it were with shouting; and leap, and with all sorts of sound wonderfully grace and adorn the same, and lead as it were a heavenly dancing procession, encountering one another cordially, and somehow caressing and lovingly embracing each other " (Luther in Encomion musices). It now, becomes all‑prevailing. The charming work of the polyphonic hymn yields to the merely harmonized four‑voiced choral. Soon the choir's place is taken by the organ; and the four‑voiced choral is succeeded by the homophonic song of the congregation with organ accompaniment. For the most part, the polyphonic hymn, as it still survives, is artistic song by the choir.
The tendency to emphasize distinctive expression, which came into vogue in Italy toward the end of the sixteenth century and led to the monodic style, had its influence very early upon the German Evangelical church music.
6. New Men like Rosenmuller (1610‑84), Mi‑
Forms. chael Pratorius (1571‑1621), and above The Cantata all the
and the 	greatest German harmonist be‑
	Oratorio.	fore Bach, Heinrich Schiitz (1585
		1672), transplanted the Italian forms of
the church concerto to Germany. In this way church
music acquired the means for an animated musical
interpretation of the divine word, such as was not
achieved by the purely polyphonic motet. The
barriers of the old church tones are broken through;
the harmony becomes closer, fuller, more charac
teristic; the melody more pliant and expressive;
while the harmony is reinforced by the accompani
ment of distinct instruments (trombones, violins).
Especially the arioso and the recitative enabled the
composer to enliven dramatically the musical in
terpretation of the sacred text; to round out me
lodiously the various indicated moods; to illustrate
musically the narrative events, and define musically
the persons introduced. Church music, which had
formerly elected to present to the congregation the
word of God in the sumptuously elaborated mon
strance of artistic polyphonic composition, comes
to be more and more the independent interpreter of
that word, by combining, in the way of arias and
recitative, the motets and the polyphonic hymn
into a larger comprehensive unity. The " motet "
thus expands into the " spiritual dialogue " (An
dreas Hammerschmidt, 1612‑75); into the "spir
itual conversation concerning the Gospel " for the
day (Johann Rudolf Able, 1625‑73; Wolfgang Briegel, 1626‑1712) ; then into the " cantata," which in turn develops from a simple form into richer and richer complexity (Johann Kuhnau, 1667‑1722; Johann Philipp Krieger, 1649‑1725; Johann Krieger, 1652‑1735; Dietrich Buxtehude, 1637‑1707; Johann Christoph Bach, 1642‑1703; Johann Michael Bach, 1649‑1693; Georg Philipp Tclemann, 1681‑1767; Reinhard Keiser, 16741739; Gottfried Sthlzel, 1690‑1749, and others); and becomes complete in the cantatas of Johann Sebastian Bach (q.v.), the greatest harmonist of the Evangelical church. In this case the cantata has become divine service within the divine service, transcending the bounds of the liturgy. In connection with the cantata in its final manifestation, Evangelical church music steps outside the church door, so to speak, and as spiritual music, in the form of the oratorio, becomes a powerful witness of the Gospel before people who avoid that witness when uttered in God's house. Upon the broad stream of a powerful, robustly expansive music, which for all its musical profundity continues genuinely popular, Bach's greatest contemporary, Georg Friedrich Handel (q.v.), displays to the eye of the soul the story of divine revelation in his Biblical oratorios; his lllessiah is the Gospel in monumental tone‑speech, a most powerful heralding of the Gospel, a monumental anthem. Together with its intimate and lively relation to the congregational hymn, Bach's church music is characterized by its close union with the instrument of Evangelical worship, the organ. As he fructifies organ art (see ORGAN) through the congregational hymn, and thus devotes the same to the Church, adapting it to the religious mood, likewise his vocal compositions that are intended for the divine service are conceived and created out of the spirit of the organ. Handel, too, had his start on the organ bench, and from the organ received the polyphonic spirit which imparts colossal volume and power to his resounding choruses. But Bach's music is directly born of the organ, and for that very reason, the same as through the congregational hymn, it is inseparably connected with the divine service.
There came the time which no longer understood either of these witnesses, for the primal notes of the Gospel had themselves become strange.
e. The What came to be " church music " Period of in divine service in the rationalistic Bationalismperiod, though sincerely intended
	and the	music and technically " figural music,"
Nineteenth was in fact but a feeble imitation of
		the contemporary stage or concert
music. Very capable masters devoted their best
strength to the oratorio (Karl Heinrich Graun,1701
1759; Friedrich Schneider, 1786‑1853; Bernhard
Klein, 1793‑1832; Karl Loewe, 1796‑1869; Lud
wig Spohr, 1'784‑1859), and thus attested, in their
way, the inexhaustible power and glory of the di
vinely revealed word; although their tone‑language
stood remote from that of a Handel. It was Felix
Mendelssohn‑Bartholdy (180917) who in 1829
roused Bach's Passion Music from the sleep of a
hundred years, and thereby recalled the Evangel
ical church of Germany to its greatest musical wit‑

Sacred Music	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	160
ness. His oratorios St. Paul and Elijah, wherein
he makes music serve the Biblical text in masterly
fashion, have become typical for a series of com
petent masters (Eckert, 1820‑79; Reinthaler, 1822
1890; Rheinberger, and others). For the one school,
which gives more study to Handel, the oratorio is
the Biblical drama without stage scenery. Pro
priety and fidelity in the musical interpretation,
force and fulness of expression, are the tasks to
which the music is committed. The oratorio style
is distinguished from that of the musical drama
only and exclusively by the peculiar nature of the
subject requirements. This theory later leads log
ically to the " spiritual opera " of Rubinstein.
The others, who consciously or unconsciously bear
the mark of Bach, are more or less overshadowed,
even in the oratorio, by the relation to the congre
gation, to the house of God, to divine worship,
whether they have the house of God expressly in
view and aim at a combination of oratorio with
congregational singing (as, for instance, F. Zimmer,
Ludwig Meinardus, Albert Becker, Hermann
Francke, Bernecker, Schwalm, Zierau, R. Succo,
but above all, Heinrich von Herzogenberg, 1843
1900); or whether they allow the thought of edifying
the congregation to operate only ideally upon their
creation (Brahms, 1833‑96; Kiel, 1821‑85) without
restricting themselves as musicians; or whether
their musical creation seeks closer or more distant
affinity with the elements of congregational edifi
cation (Felix Woyrsch; Wolfrum). Mendelssohn,
again, prompted by King Frederick William IV., im
parted new life to and exerted fresh influence upon
Evangelical church music in its more limited sense
of music for the divine service, by means of a num
ber of compositions. And the list of serious and
praiseworthy composers of extremely diverging
tendencies who have placed themselves at the dis
posal of the German Evangelical church in later
time is a long and imposing one. See also HYM
NOLOGY; PSALMODY. 	H. A. KS8TLIN.
3. In England and America: Church music in England has had a history peculiar to itself, usually quite distinct from that in Germany, though with obvious analogies. Although music has always
been a stated feature in ecclesiastical 1. The life, its official and professional culti(ieneral vation has varied greatly in quality at
Situation. different periods, so that its progress has been somewhat fitful and inconsistent. It has not been surrounded by so rich and stimulating an atmosphere of popular aptitude for and interest in musical activity as in Germany. Yet, on the other hand, English church music, being a part of the liturgical practise of the national church, has had always a certain traditional dignity, and, at times when other musical fields have been but slightly emphasized, it has provided room for the artistic effort of many worthy musicians. There has naturally been a marked difference between the services of the cathedrals and those of the parish churches. The former have usually been maintained with much more elaboration than the latter. In tracing the history of English church music, then, it is almost inevitable to dwell more upon what is found in the diocesan or metropolitan centers, in‑
eluding the chapels of the great univgrsities of Oxford and Cambridge, than upon the usages of the far more numerous parochial or rural churches.
As in the Roman system of worship, much of the scope and character of Anglican church music is directly determined by the character of the liturgy of the Church of England. This liturgy is contained in the Book of Common Prayer (see COMMON PRAYER, BOOK OF), which originated about the middle of the sixteenth century. This important manual provides services for daily worship, morning and evening, for the Holy Communion, and for a variety of special rites and observances, its details being evolved with much freedom and originality from the Missal, Breviary, and other service‑books of the medieval Church. The Prayer Book explicitly ordains the use of music at various points in all the principal services, and common custom has sanctioned some musical usages that are not thus prescribed. All Anglican church music, then, like that of the Roman Church, is essentially a part of the liturgical system embodied in the Prayer Book. A considerable number of formulas, especially certain canticles, etc., are fixed and invariable, recurring at every service; but to these are usually added others of different kinds that are suited to particular days or seasons, and that are not definitely prescribed.
Practically, as in other countries, English church music may be regarded as consisting of (a) choir music, including sentences, responses, canticles, etc., liturgically prescribed (and to be read, 2. Character if singing is not feasible), and " anof English thems," which are optional additions
Church
	Music.	to the liturgy; (b) congregational
		music, including prose canticles or
psalms, usually set to brief harmonic forms known
as " chants," metrical psalms and hymns, set to
more elaborate forms known as " tunes," and occa
sionally some freer forms of the " anthem "class;
and (c) organ music, usually consisting of service
preludes and postludes. In theory, the liturgy of
the Prayer Book is strongly congregational, that
is, its exercises are conceived, as far as possible,
as proceeding from the assembly, even when actu
ally spoken through the minister or sung through
the choir. The choir, therefore, is normally to
be regarded as the agent of the laity, as is
demanded by the whole Protestant theory of
public worship, rather than as the agent of the
hierarchy, as in the Roman theory. In the ab
sence of a congregation, or in its silence, the choir
performs the musical functions of the congrega
tion. But wherever the congregation can be drawn
into actual musical activity, it is assumed that the
musical worship belongs to it and its action is to be
encouraged. Yet, on the other hand, in cathedral
services the choir is so closely associated in action
with the stated clerical ministrants, usually officia
ting with the latter in the chancel, that the tradi
tional rule against female officiants is enforced‑all
cathedral choirs consisting of men and boys only.
Furthermore, in cathedral and collegiate services,
and now also in many parochial services, there has
been a decided tendency to work out a " full choral
service," in which all or nearly all of the exercises,

lei	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sacred Xusie
except, of course, the lessons and the sermon, are delivered with the singing voice‑intoned, chanted, or sung in figured harmony. In such a service actual congregational participation is immaterial, and, in fact, the daily service in cathedrals is often carried forward with but few or even no persons present except the clergy and the choir. And in all cases where a choral service is much elaborated the tendency is to minimize the function of the congregation, except. that of passive listening. This approximates rather closely to the practise of the Roman Church.
In the rubrics of the Prayer‑Book hymns are but slightly provided for, and organ music is not mentioned. But both have been customary from the
first. As manuals for congregational 3. Hymns sing many metrical psalters have and the been " authorized," beginning with
Imam. that of Sternhold and Hopkins (" the Old Version "; see HYMNOLOGY, IX., § 2) in 1562. There has never been an " authorized " hymnal, however, and, indeed, the use of " hymns " as distinct from " psalms " crept in somewhat gradually in the later eighteenth century, and under more or less protest. But the popularity of hymn‑singing has led to a remarkable series of hymnals, of which without doubt Hymns Ancient and Modern, first published in 1861 and since repeatedly augmented or revised, is the most conspicuous. The earliest psalter contained the melodies of some tunes, and in the recent hymnals, at least in the fuller editions, tunes are provided for all the hymns. Associated with the more or less officially sanctioned liturgy of verse has accumulated a large and varied liturgy of congregational tunes, which is a feature of English church music analogous to the still larger treasury of German chorales.
The status of organ music is but vaguely defined in English practise. The appointment to the post of organist and choirmaster rests with the rector or other clerical authority of the particular church or cathedral, and his work is understood to be under clerical direction. Organs are everywhere regarded as essential parts of ecclesiastical apparatus, and their utility is emphasized, not only for accompaniment to choir and congregational singing, but also for independent use before and after services.
What is here said refers especially to the musical usages of the Church of England, which is the national or " established " church not only in Great Britain, but also in all British colonial possessions, including Canada, India, South Africa, Australia, New Zealand, etc. All these have for the most part derived their habits in public worship directly from the mother country. The same is true in a more remote sense of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States, which became an independent church in 1789. For a very extensive section of the Protestant population of the world, therefore, the liturgical usages of the Church of England, including everything that pertains to music, have been either authoritative or exceedingly influential. Inasmuch also, as they constitute the most consistent and definite body of usages among all the churches in English‑speaking countries, their further indirect influence has been remarkably wide, affecting espeX.‑11
cially the hymnody and music of many non‑episcopal communions.
For convenience, the history of the subject can be divided roughly into three main periods: (a) the sixteenth century, with a small part of the early seventeenth, during which musical practises, except in one or two particulars, were still dominated by the traditions of the time before the Reformation; (b) the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, during which, for various reasons, church music was relatively unprogressive and feeble; and (c) the nineteenth century, during which there was gradually established a fresh line of development, resulting in a notable literature, which has great individuality and spiritual power.
Since the English Church emerged at the Reformation without losing its sense of continuity with the medieval Church, it was natural that its new Prayer‑Book should be musically treated, in part at 4. The Six‑ least, in ways consonant with medieval
teenth tradition. Hence arose before 1553 Century. plain‑song settings of numerous formu‑
las, which have been extensively retained ever since. Hence, also, came a considerable literature of contrapuntal choir music, much of which compared favorably with similar writing in both Italy and Germany, and which has often been exalted by later musicians as embodying a sort of ideal (analogous in some degree with the superiority attributed in the Roman Church to the Palestrina style). Among the composers of this period may be named Christopher Tye, c. 1510‑72; Thomas Tallis, c. 1515‑85; John Merbecke,1523,85?; Robert Whyte, d. 1574; William Byrd, 1543‑1623, and several writers of the madrigal era, like Thomas Morley, 1557‑1602 ?; and Orlando Gibbons, 15831625. But,. on the other hand, there were two musical movements of a different sort, due to the influence upon the English Church of the Reformed Church as it had developed under Calvin at Geneva and Strasburg. One of these was the introduction of psalm‑singing, the tunes being either borrowed from Calvinistic sources or imitated from their style‑opening a line of development in tunes analogous to that of the German chorales, though much inferior to the latter in variety and in intrinsic artistic worth. The other was the tendency for a brief period after 1560 to magnify a plain, '1 syllabic," uncontrapuntal method of setting canticles and other prose texts for choir use, this being a reaction in the direction of liturgical and artistic simplicity. This tendency was short‑lived, though its essential principle reappeared later in a finer artistic form.
Throughout the seventeenth century church music aroused only a fluctuating interest. The period of the Civil Wars checked all progress, not so much because the Puritans were averse to music,
as because they were against the 5. Seven‑ ecclesiastical system to which it beteenth and
Eighteenth l.og.ed. After the Restoration in 1660 Centuries. interest revived to some extent, though
with confused results, owing in part to the heedless imitation by some of French and Italian models. At this point begins to be felt the drift toward solo singing in choir music which grows more

Sacred Music
Sacrifice	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	162
pronounced in the eighteenth century‑a drift that
tended to set aside those broad choral effects that
keep church music from too close similarity to
secular music. During the latter part of this cen
tury became established in usage that special form
of " chant " which is usually called " Anglican," a
form which is doubtless historically connected with
the " Psalm‑tones " of the Gregorian system but
has been developed along different lines from the
latter. The stock of psalm tunes was also grad
ually augmented, though their variety was restricted
by the fact that the metrical versions to which they
belonged were in but a few meters. Prominent
names in this period are Michael Wise, c. 1648‑87;
Pelham Humphrey, 1647‑74; Henry Purcell, 1658
1695; John Blow, 1648‑1708; and Jeremiah Clarke,
d. 1707. The whole of the eighteenth century was
a time of lethargy and barrenness, except for the
work of a few sterling composers, like William
Croft, 1678‑1727; Maurice Greens, 1695‑1755; and
William Boyce, 1710‑79. During this century, how
ever, came the prodigious influence of Handel upon
the musical life of England, which in many ways
affected the whole standard of church music by
magnifying the choral oratorio as a characteristic
musical form. During this century, too, occurred
the notable defections from the Church of England
that established the Independent and Methodist
forms of dissent, with some others, as influential
elements in English religious life. The dissenters
generally were eager for congregational hymn‑sing
ing, and it was their interest that brought about
the multiplication of " hymns " as distinct from
" psalms," together with the consequent multipli
cation of much more flexible tunes than had been
earlier attempted. It is here that is to be sought
the origin of that type of hymn‑tune which is some
times called the " part‑song " tune, to distinguish
it from the heavier " chorale," which later devel
oped into a striking feature of English church music.
	During the nineteenth century there was a steady
and vigorous advance in the quality of English in
terest in things musical. At the outset this was
promoted largely from within the Church, but later
		it received impetus more from without.
	8. Nine. But the effect upon the musical aspects
	teenth of public worship has been continuous.
Century. With the rapid advance in methods of musical instruction of all kinds, including the foundation of many strong music‑schools, and with the increase in such facilities for musical knowledge as popular choral societies, public concerts of various degree, including the opera, etc., the number of competent musicians has been greatly augmented and the whole standard of popular appreciation elevated. Even when the objects in view were not at all churchly, the gains have been unmistakable for church music.
In the field of choir music, the century begins with a serious effort on the part of certain cathedral musicians, like Thomas Attwood, 1765‑1838; Samuel Wesley, 1766‑1837, and others, to provide a new literature of anthems and other service music, of different degrees of elaboration, which should be at once devotional and expressed in modern musical idiom. Still more fertile was the middle portion of
the century, under leaders like John Goss, 1800‑80; Samuel Sebastian Wesley, 1810‑76; Henry Smart, 1813‑79; Frederick Arthur Gore Ouseley, 1825‑89, and many more. The current style of expression during this period was strongly influenced, perhaps too much so, by the extreme popularity of Mendelssohn in England and t'ie vogue of his concert oratorios. Almost all church composers exercised their talents in the field of oratorio‑writing as well as in church music proper. In the latter part of the century the general current of production moves on with volume and momentum, but with a steadily increasing amount of attention to striking emotional effects, sometimes verging upon the theatrical and merely sensational, yet on the whole with an earnest purpose to make the resources of modern musical utterance genuinely serviceable in religious worship. Prominent composers in this time are John Bacchus Dykes, 1823‑76; Joseph Bamby, 1838‑96; John Stainer, 1840‑1901; Arthur Seymour Sullivan, 1842‑1900; and Charles Hubert Hastings Parry, b. 1848. Besides the fine list of anthems and services, of cantatas and oratorios, from these writers, many of them contributed worthily to the remarkable body of hymn‑tunes for congregational use which has brought the impress of English church music to bear everywhere throughout the English‑speaking world and among churches of every name. It is during this latest period, also, that the advance of English organ music has become most noticeable, bringing into view a large number of expert players, with an immense quantity of works, usually devised with special reference to effectiveness in connection with public worship.
	In all this nineteenth‑century development, there
was less of that ideality and technical intensity
which marked the greater periods of German church
music, but one may fairly claim that in practical
efficiency for the specific uses in view modern
English music affords its finest examples of true
worship‑music. 	WALDO S. PRATr.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: On Hebrew music consult: J. L. Saalchatz, Oeschichte and Wiirdipung den Musik bei den Hebrdern, Berlin, 1829; C. Engel, Music of the Most Ancient Nations, London, 1864; E. Hutchinson, Music of the Bible, Boston, 1864; F. Delitzsch, Ph.ysiologie and Musik in ihrer Bedeutunp, Leipsie, 1868; E. David, La Musique chez lee Juifs, Paris, 1873; F. Jaeox, Bible Music, London and Boston, 1872, new ed., London, 1878; F. L. Cohen, Rise and Development of Synagogue Music, in Anglo‑Jewish Historical Papers, pp. 80‑135, London, 1888; Sir John Stainer, The Music of the Bible, New York, 1890; F. Consolo, Libro dei canti d'Israele, Florence, 1892; J. Weiss, Die musikalischen instruments in den heiligen Schriften des A. T., Graz, 1895; E. Pacer, Traditional Hebrew Melodies, London, 1896; F. Vigouroux, La Bible et les dieouvertes modernes iv. 305‑322, Paris, 1896; idem, Dictionnaire, xxvii. 1347‑60, Paris, 1906; Biichler, in ZATW, xix.‑xx., 1899‑1900; H. Gressman, Musik and Musikinstrumente im Allen Testament, Giessen, 1903; H. Smith, The World's Earliest Music, London 1904; C. H. Comill, Music in the O. T., Chicago, 1909; C. Engel, Music of the most Ancient Nations, particularly f the Assyrians, Egyptians, and Hebrews, with special Reference to the recent Discoveries in Western Asia and Egypt, New York, 1910; P. Wagner, Judaism in Music London, 1910; J. Wellhausen in SBOT, vol. on Psalms; Bensinger, Archdologie, pp. 237246; DB, iii. 456‑463; EB, iii. 3225‑43; JE, ix. 118‑135; the commentaries on the passages named in the text.
On 11., works of an encyclopedic character are: S. Kuemmerle, Encyclopadie den evanpelischen Kirchenmusdk, 4 vols., Giitersloh~ 1888‑95; G. Schilling, Universallexikon den Tonkuna, 2d ed.. 7 vols., Stuttgart, 1840‑42; J. W.

163	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Seared Xu$i°
Sacri9oe
Moore, Complete Encyclopedia of Music, Boston, 1854; F. J. Fetis, Biopraphie univeraelle des musiciens, et bsibliographie g€n&ade de la musique, 10 vols., Paris, 18601881; H. Mendel and A. Reisemami, Musikalisches Conversationa‑Laxikon, 12 vols., Berlin, 1869‑83; J. D. Brown, Biographical Dictionary of Musicians, London, 1886; J. D. Champlin and W. F. Apthorp, Cyclopedia of Music and Musicians, 3 vols., New York, 1888‑90; J. Stainer and W. J. Barrett, Dictionary of Mumical Terms, new ed., London, 1898; R. Eitner, Biographisch‑br$liopraphiwhes Quellen‑Laxikon, 10 vols., Leipsie, 1900‑04; G. Grove. Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. J. A. F. Maitland, 5 vols., London, 1904‑10; T. Baker, Biographical Dictionary of Musicians, 2d ed., New York, 1905; H. Riemann, Muaik‑Lexikon, 6th ed., Leipsic, 1905.
On the music of the Latin Church consult: J. Pothier, Der gregorianiache Choral, Tourney, 1881; J. Tardif, Methods thtorique et pratique de Plain‑Chant, Angers, 1883; Thiery, etude Bur Is chant gr6poriea, Bruges, 1883; W. J. Walsh, Grammar of Gregorian Music, Dublin, 1885; J. N. Lemmens, Du Chant pr6porien, Ghent, 1886; E. Burnouf, Les Chants de 1'Bglise latine, Paris, 1887; F. A. Gevakrt, Le Chant liturAue done l'bplise latina, Brussels, 1889; idem, Les Origines du chant liturgique done 1'6plise latine, Ghent, 1890; V. J. Coornaert, Traim de Plainchant sacrE, Bruges, 1890; T. E. X. Normand, Torfs, L'Archiologie musicale et Is vrai chant grggorien, Paris, 1890; T. Nisard, L'Arch6ologie musicale d Is vrai chant grigorien, Paris, 1890; L. Lootens, La th6orie musicale du chant grAgorien, Paris. 1895; P. Wagner, Einfi7hrung in die preporianischen Melodien. Ein Handbuch der Choralkunde, Freiburg, 1895; A. Gastoue, Les Origines du chant romain; l'antiphonaire gregorien, Paris, 1908.
General works on the history of music are: F. W. Mar purg, Hiatoriach‑kritische Beitrage zur Gewhichte der Mueik, 5 vols., Berlin, 1744‑62; C. Burney, History of Music from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time, 4 vols., London, 1776‑1789; Sir John Hawking, History of the Science and Practice of Music, 5 vols., London, 1776, new issue, reedited, 1853‑75; M. Gerbert, Scriptores eccleaiaatici de musica sacra, 3 vols., St. Blasieu, 1784 sqq.; J. N. Forkel, Allgemeine Geschichte der Musik, 2 vols., Leipsie, 17881801; T. Busby, General History of Music, 2 vols., London, 1819; J. Jebb, Choral Service of the United Church of England and Ireland, ib. 1843; C. von Winterfeld, Der evangeliache Kirchengesang, 3 parts, Leipsie, 1843‑47; idem, ZurGeschichte heiligen Tonkunst, 2 parts, ib.,1850‑52; R. G. Kieswetter, History of the Modern Music of Western Europe, London, 1848; N. E. Cornwall, Music as it was and as it is, New York, 1851; C. E. H. de Coussemaker, Hist. de l'harmonie au moyen dge, Paris, 1852; idem, L'Art harmonique 1 ~.‑13. siMes, ib. 1865; Austin Phelps, Edwards A. Park, Daniel L. Furber, Hymns and Choirs, Andover, 1860; J. Schliiter, Allgemeine Gesrhichte der Musik, Leipsie, 1863, Eng. tranal., General History of Music, London, 1865; G. von Tucher, Ueber den Gemeindegesang der evangelischen Kirche, Leipsic, 1867; E. Naumann, Die Tonkunst in der Kulturgeschichte, Berlin, 1869‑70; idem, Illustrirte Muaikgeschiehle, Stuttgart, 1880‑85; F. J. F€tis, Hist. g6nlTale de la musique, 5 vols., Paris, 1859‑76; F. L. Ritter, History of Music, 2 vo1s., Boston, 1874; O. Douen, Clement Marot et le PsautierHuguenot; IEudelitt6raire, musicale et bibliographique, Paris, 1878‑79; J. Hullah, The Transition Period of Musical History, London and New York, 3 vols., with supplement, 1879‑1883; J. Sittard, Compendium der Geschichte der Kirchenmusik, Stuttgart, 1881; W. A. Barrett, English Church Composers, London, 1882; F. A. T. Klinkhardt, Die Kunst, insonderheit die Tonkumt als Dienerin im Heiligtum, Leipsie, 1883; J. S. Curwen, Studies in Worship Music, 2 series, London. 18851888; F. AI. Bbhme, Die Geschichte des Oraloriums, Giitersloh, 1887; E. L. Taunton, History of Church Music, London, 1887; F. G. Edwards, Common Praise; a practical Handbook of Nonconformist Church Music, ib. 1887; A. W. Ambros, Geschichte der DTusik, 3d ed., 3 vols., Leipsie, 18871893; Mrs. M. E. and W. A. Brown, Musical Instruments and their Homes, New York, 1888; P. Krutschek, Die. Kirchenmusik nach dem Willen der Kirche. Regensburg. 1889; F. L. Humphreys, The Evolution of Church Music, London, 1890; P. Wulfrum, Die Entstehung des deutwhen evangelisehen Kirrhenliedes in musikkalischen Beziehung, Leipsic, 1890; J. Love, Scottish Church Music, Edinburgh. 1891 (on hymn tunes); R. B. Daniel, Chapters on Church Music, London, 1894; Henry Davey, Hilt. of English
Music, ib. 1895; F. Bachmann, Grundlagen and Grundfragen zur evangliwhen Kirchenmusik, Giitersloh,1899; H. Riemann, Beruhmte Musiker. I.ebens‑ and Charakterbilder, Berlin, 1900; A. A. Chapin, Masters of Music, London, 1901; W. S. Pratt, Musical Ministries in the Church: Studies in History, Theory, and Administration of Sacred Music, New York, 1901; idem, Hist. of Music, ib. 1907 (contains bibliography); A. Prosniz, Compendium der Musikgeschichte, 2d ed., Vienna, 1901 sqq.; H. E. Wooldridge, Sir C. H. H. Parry, J. A. F. Maitland, W. H. Hadow, and E. Dannreuther, The Oxford History of Music, 6 vols., Oxford, 1901‑05; F. J. Crowest, The Story of Music, Londoh, 1902; E. Dickinson, Music in the History of the Western Church; Criticism on religioaa Music among primitive and ancient Peoples, New York, 1902; F. Brendel, Geschichte der Musik, Leipsic, 1903; O. Keller, Illustrierte Geschichte der Muaik, 2 vols., Munich, 1903‑‑04; H. Riemann, Handbuch der Musikgewhichte, Leipsie, 1904‑05; W. J. Baltzell, A Complete History of Music, Philadelphia, 1905; C. H. H. Parry, The Art of Music, 4th ed., London, 1905; E. Dickinson, Growth and Development of Music, ib. 1905; P. Viardot, Histoire de la musugue, Paris, 1905; E. Walker, Hiat. of Music in England, London, 1907; J. S. Bumpus, Hist. of Eng. Cathedral Music, 16/,9‑1889, 2 vols., London, 1908; J. H. Edwards, God and Music, New York, 1908; E. S. Lorenz, Practical Church Music, ib. 1909; P. C. Lutkin, Music in the Church, Milwaukee, 1910.
SACRIFICATI. See LAPSED.
SACRIFICE.
Origin of Sacrifice (§ 1). Old‑Testament Data (§ 2). Bloody Sacrifices and Meal Offerings (§ 3). The Burnt Offering and Communal Meal (§ 4). Sin and Guilt Offerings (§ 5). Development of Israelitic Sacrifice (§ 6).
Ancient peoples generally, including the Hebrews, were convinced that worship of a deity consisted not only in words, but above all in offering something dear to the worshiper, which he z. Origin of denied himself in favor of his god. The Sacrifice. sincerity and earnestness of worship were usually measured by the extent of self‑denial which man was willing to make for the object of worship, particularly where the deity in question had been offended by some transgression of man, so that propitiation had become necessary. In the earlier forms of religion the gods are supposed not only to be well pleased with such sacrifices of gratitude or expiation, but actually to need them, since they are regarded as hungry and thirsty, and thus as dependent to a certain extent on man and his offerings. Even when, at later stages of development, the worthlessness of material goods to the deity is recognized, the conviction still survives that their surrender by man for the sake of his divinity is as pleasing as any other form of renunciation and self‑mortification. The attempt has been made to derive all sacrifice from ancestorworship or from the communal meal of the god and his worshipers, but both these theories are untenable and can not be brought into harmony with the data of the Old Testament. The real solution of the theory of sacrifice, the origin of which is prehistoric, must be sought in the childlike dependence of man upon the gods.
In the oldest portions of the Old Testament Yahweh is represented as at least enjoying the savor of the sacrifices (Gen. viii. 21; Lev. i. 9, 13, 17); when he becomes manifest to man, he must receive hos. pitality in the form of a sacrifice (Judges vi. 17

sacriffee	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	184
sqq., xiii. 15) ; and his wrath must be averted by the same means (Gen. viii. 20‑21; I Sam. xxvi.
19). The whole, or burnt, offering is a. Old‑ at least as ancient as the communal
Testament meal (e.g., Gen. xxxi. 54); and it was
Data.	the custom from the earliest times
to express gratitude to the divinity by both bloody and bloodless sacrifices (Gen. iv. 3‑4). As early as the patriarchal period the sacrificial meal arose, sealing human organizations in. the sight of the divinity and employed especially in covenants, alliances, and treaties of peace. All important undertakings were accompanied by sacrifices (Gen. xlvi. 1), and religious festivals were inconceivable without them (Ex. x. 25). Like the feasts, moreover, the sacrifices tended to become periodical. The covenant of the children of Israel at Sinai was also accompanied by a formal sacrifice (Ex. xxiv. 5 sqq.; cf. Ps. 1. 5); and from the time of Moses to the exile the worship of Yahweh in Israel was never without sacrifice. The place in which sacrifice should be offered was from the very first a matter of moment, altars being erected preferably in places where there had been some divine manifestation (Gen. xxviii. 10 sqq.; Ex. xvii. 8 sqq.; Judges vi. 11 sqq.). As early as Moses the center of Israelitic sacrifice was the tabernacle of Yahweh, and Lev. xvii. 1 sqq. even forbade the killing of an animal at any other place, although Deut. xii. 10 sqq. restricted this prohibition to sacrificial victims. In Ex. xx. 24, on the other hand, a number of places of sacrifice are implied, even though Ex. xxiii. 14 sqq. (cf. xxxiv. 23 sqq.) indicates that the central sanctuary already existed. Many Canaanitic shrines were likewise transferred to the worship of Yahweh, but pagan rites were still performed at them, so that it again became necessary to restrict sacrifice to the central tabernacle. The concept of a central seat of Yahweh was never abandoned (cf. Joel iii. 16; Amos i. 2; Isa. xxviii. 16, xix. 1, xxxi. 9, xxxiii. 14), and centralizing reforms were also proclaimed by the theocratic kings Asa (II Chron. xiv. 3, but cf. xv. 17), Jehoshaphat (II Chron. xvii. 6, but cf. xx. 33), Hezekiah (II Kings xviii. 4, 22), and Josiah (II Kings xxiii. 8). This centralization of worship made sacrifice more formal and solemn at the expense of spontaneity. See ALTAR; HExATEUCH.
The sacrifices of the Israelites were of two general types, bloody and unbloody, the former being animals and the latter the fruits of the land. Bloody sacrifices, moreover, are also classified (Ex. xx. 24) as burnt offerings and peace offerings, one object of the latter being the communal meal. Human sacrifices, permitted by the other Semites, were forbidden by the Mosaic code, although there is an
obvious allusion to such a custom at 3. Bloody an early period in the account of the
Sacrifices contemplated sacrifice of Isaac by
and Meal Abraham (Gen. xxii.; cf. Mic. vi. 7;
Offerings. Lev. xvii. 11; II Kings iii. 27; and
see FAMILY AND MARRIAGE RELATIONS, HEBREW, § lfl; GEZER; JEPHTHAH; MOLOCH). The sacrifice of animals, on the other hand, was widespread among the Israelites, although, unlike other Semites, they sacrificed only domestic animals, and
of these only those which were ritually clean. The only birds that might be sacrificed were doves, these often instead of more expensive offerings in the case of the poor (Lev. v. 7, xii. 8), although any small clean birds might be used in the ceremony of cleansing a leper (Lev. xiv. 4 sqq.). The sex of the sacrifieial victim, generally a male, was also prescribed in many cases; and the animal was required to be without blemish, except in the case of voluntary offerings, where slight imperfections were overlooked (Lev. xxii. 19 sqq.). The calf, lamb, or goat should be at least eight days old (Lev. xxii. 27; Ex. xxii. 30), and rabbinical authority required an age of less than three years, while in some cases the age was set at a year (Lev. ix. 3, xii. 6, xiv. 10; Num. xv. 27, xxviii. 3, 9, 11). Meal (A. V. "meat") offerings were in the form of ears of corn parched or bruised, with the addition of oil and incense (Lev. ii. 14 sqq.); or as fine flour (Lev. ii. 1 sqq.); or as unleavened cakes (Lev. ii. 4 sqq.). The use of leaven or honey (both of which undergo fermentation) was forbidden, except in the sacrifice of firstfruits and certain thank‑offerings (Lev. ii. 11‑12, vii. 13, xxiii. 17; II Chron. xxxi. 5). The meal offering might, however, be seasoned with salt (Lev. ii. 13), as might, according to the Septuagint of Lev. xxiv. 7, the showbread. According to some readings of Mark ix. 49, all offerings were salted, as were burnt offerings (Ezek. xliii. 24). Drink offerings are mentioned in the codes only in connection with other offerings, although there are traces of simple libations of water (I Sam. vii. 6; II Sam. xxiii. 17). The only instance of such libations in the developed ritual of the Hebrews, however, was the pouring‑out of water from the Pool of Shiloah at the altar during the feast of tabernacles. Oil and wine were also important in libations (Gen. xxviii. 18, xxxv. 14; Num. xxviii. 7, 14; Ecclus. 1. 15). All the materials of sacrifice proper were necessities of life, and the peace offering is accordingly even called the bread of God (Lev. iii. 11, 16, xxi. 6, 8, 17, xxii. 25; Num. xxviii. 2, 24; Ezek. xliv. 7), while the altar of burnt offering was the " table that is before the Lord " (Ezek. x1i. 22; cf. Mal. i. 7, 12).
The ritual of the sacrifice varied according to the purpose of the offering, and in the case of sacrifice of animals a distinction must be drawn between burnt offerings and communal meals. The burnt offering, or " whole burnt offering " (Deut. xxxiii.
10; I Sam. vii. 9; Ps. li. 21), is fully 4. The described in Lev. i. 3 sqq., and constiBurat Offer‑ tutes a very ancient, perhaps even the
ing and most primitive, form of sacrifice, ex‑
Communal pressing in the widest sense adoration Meal. of the divinity, and in a manner in‑
cluding all the other and more special forms of sacrifice. This general character rendered the burnt offering the form best adapted for daily sacrifice in the name of the nation, and a yearling lamb was accordingly offered each morning and each evening (Ex. xxix. 38‑42; Num. xxviii. 3‑8). Even gentiles, excluded from all other sacrifices, might offer burnt offerings, though they were forbidden to be present during the ceremony. After the time of Alexander the Great the pagan rulers of

165	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sacrifice
the Jews had burnt offerings sacrificed for them, and when, on the outbreak of the war with Rome, Eleazar forbade any sacrifice to be accepted from a non‑Jew, his prohibition marked an open breach with Roman sovereignty (Josephus, War, II., xvii. 2).
The second Israelitic form of animal sacrifice was the peace offering and communal meal. Regular family feasts were held on such occasions as new moons or annually (I Sam. xx. 5‑6), and while these were primarily social, the code of Lev. vii. 11 sqq. recognizes a number of forms of communal meal with a distinctly religious basis: thanksgivings, vows, and freewill offerings, all comprised under the general terms of " peace offerings " or " sacrifices " (in the restricted sense of the term). Of these the first was the most important, probably serving as a thanksgiving for some special boon; the second was offered in accordance with a vow made if some specific prayer was granted; and the third seems to have been a spontaneous impulse of piety. In the lastnamed the strictness of the rule as to the physical perfection of the sacrificial victim was somewhat relaxed (Lev. xxii. 23); and while male victims were preferred for the communal meal (Lev. ix. 4, 18; Num. vii. 17 sqq.), female animals were not excluded (Lev. iii. 6). The communal sacrifices also included offerings of food and drink, especially in the thanksgiving offerings (Lev. vii. 12; Num. xv. 3 sqq.).
In sacrifices of this type the victim was not slaughtered on the north side of the altar, as in the burnt offering, but the chief difference between the two categories was that in the communal sacrifice the fat covering the intestines, kidneys, liver, etc. (and, in the case of sheep, the tail), alone were burned as being the choicest parts, and so most acceptable to Yahweh (Lev. iii. 3‑5, 9‑11, 14‑16, ix. 19‑20). The breast of the victim was devoted to the " wave offering " (Lev. vii. 30), in which the priest placed the object to be waved upon the hands of the sacrificer, then put his own hands under the hands of the one who brought the offering, and moved them backward and forward, thus apparently indicating the reciprocity of giving and accepting between the sacrificer and the divinity. The upper part of the right hind leg (A. V., " shoulder ") was made a " heave offering," a term originally connoting, no doubt, some sort of dedicatory gesture (Lev. vii. 32). The heave offering and the wave offering were the share of the priests, who might eat them with their families at any place ritually clean (Lev. x. 14), the priests also receiving one cake of each oblation (Lev. vii. 14) and the two lambs of the Passover peace offering (Lev. xxiii. 19‑20). As a rule, however, the sacrificers ate the offering at a sacred meal celebrated by larger or smaller numbers (cf. Deut. xxvii. 7; I Kings viii. 63). To these communal meals guests, especially Levites and the poor, were also invited (Deut. xvi. 11), although only those who were ritually pure might partake (Lev. vii. 19‑21). Such communal meals were essentially joyous in character. Whatever remained must be preserved from defilement. The sacrifice of thanksgiving must be eaten on the day it was offered (Lev. vii. 15; xxii. 30); all other communal meals must be consumed at latest on the
second day; and on the third day all fragments remaining must be burned (Lev. vii. 16 sqq., xix. A sqq.), as must all sacrificial meat coming in contact with anything unclean (Lev. vii. 19).
Among special sacrifices the most important were the sin and the guilt (A. V.," trespass ") offerings, the former primarily an expiation for some ethical fault, the latter a satisfaction for the reparation of some injury. The guilt offering was especially required in
case of defrauding or materially injuring 5. Sin and the temple or private individuals. In
Guilt	case of defrauding the temple, restitu‑
Offerings. tion should be made in full, with a fine of one‑fifth of the amount and a ram as the guilt offering (Lev. v. 14‑16); and a similar punishment was imposed on one who had defrauded or otherwise financially injured his fellow (Lev. vi. 1‑7), Num. v. 5‑10 also requiring public confession on the part of the defendant and stipulating that the fine should go to the priest if the man injured should " have no kinsman to recompense the trespass unto " (Num. v. 5‑10). Other forms of infringement of the rights of fellow Israelites were also to be atoned for by guilt offerings (Lev. xix. 20‑22), while a leper and an unclean Nazirite, as having their capacity to worship Yahweh temporarily interrupted, were likewise obliged to offer guilt offerings (Lev. xiv. 11 sqq.; Num. vi. 12). In similar fashion Ezra required a ram as a guilt offering from those who had trespassed against Yahweh by marrying gentile wives (Ezra x. 18‑19); and Lev. v. 17‑19 also makes provision for a guilt offering in case of unwitting transgression of the law. The ritual of the guilt offering is given in Lev. vii. 1‑7. The victim is a ram, except in the case of the leper and the Nazirite, when it is a yearling lamb (Num. vi. 12) ; and the laying on of hands was observed (cf. Lev. iv. 33 with vii. 7), probably with open acknowledgment of the transgression for which the sacrifice was made. Throughout the ceremony the form of the sacrifice was stressed as a debt to Yahweh and his representatives.
The underlying concept of the sin offering, on the other hand, is not so much that of paying a debt as of cleansing the sacrificer from sin, so that the chief factor is the use of the blood of the sacrificial victim. The sacrifices here are far more varied than in the guilt offering, depending both on the circumstances of the sacrificer and on his particular fault. The victim in the case of very grave sins was a young bullock, which was offered on the Day of Atonement, in case the high priest sinned in his official capacity of representative of the people, in the event of a sin committed by the people as a whole, and at the consecration of priests and Levites (Lev. xvi. 3 sqq., iv. 3 sqq., 13 sqq.; Ex. xxix. 10‑14, 36; Num. vii. 8). A ram was sacrificed for the people on the Day of Atonement (Lev. xvi. 5), as well as at other feasts and new moons (e.g., Num. xxviii. 15, 22, 30, xxix. 5), and in case of unwitting sin on the part of a ruler or of the entire people (Lev. iv. 23; Num. xv. 24). A she‑goat or young ewe was sufficient atonement for the sin of an ordinary Israelite (Lev. iv. 28, 32, v. 6); while a yearling ewe was required as a sin offering in cleansing a leper (Lev. xiv. 10) and at the comple‑

Sac riflos
sacristau	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	166
tion of a Nazirite's vow (Num. vi. 14). Turtledoves and young pigeons were used in purifications (Lev. xii. 6, xv. 14, 29; Num. vi. 10), and also served as substitutes for a lamb (Lev. v. 7, xiv. 22); while if any could not afford even a dove, he might offer, in cases of ordinary sin, a tenth of an ephah of meal. In the sin offering the blood of the victim is not simply sprinkled on the altar, but is applied to specified places. In the offering of an individual Israelite (except the high priest), and in the consecration of a priest (probably also in the case of a Levite), some of the blood of the goat or lamb was smeared on the horns of the altar of burnt offering, and the rest was poured on the ground (Ex. xxix. 12; Lev. iv. 25, 30, 34). At sin offerings for the entire people or for the high priest (except on the Day of Atonement, q.v.) the blood of the sacrificial bullock was sprinkled seven times against the veil of the sanctuary and smeared on the horns of the altar, the remainder being poured on the ground (Lev. iv. 5 sqq., 16 sqq.). The ritual of the sin offering for the Day of Atonement is elaborately described in Lev. xvi. The flesh of the sin offering was sacrosanct, and rigid regulations were laid down where and by whom it might be eaten (Lev. vi. 25‑26) or burned (Ex. xxix. 14; Lev. iv. 11‑12, 21, vi. 23, xvi. 27). Any one besprinkled with the blood of a sin offering must wash in a sacred place, and special provision was protection of the flesh of the sacrificial victim against defilement (Lev. vi. 27‑28), and he who burned the flesh must bathe and wash his clothes before returning to the camp (Lev. xvi. 28). The exact details concerning the sin offering of doves are uncertain; but in the meal offering of the very poor the priest was to cast a handful upon the altar, taking the residue as his share (Lev. v. 12‑13).
It is evident, from Lev. xvii. 11, that the blood of the sacrificial victim was held to protect the life of the sacrificer in virtue of the animal's life in the blood. The actual slaughtering of the victim was merely to obtain the blood, not to inflict upon the victim the penalty merited by the sinner, the essential basis of the act being the forfeiture of an animal instead of a human life to the deity. In the sin offering, moreover, the blood is not merely important, as in the burnt offering and the communal meal, but the one essential; and the sin offerings are, accordingly, invariably bloody, except in the case of the very poor. It must be noted, however, that only involuntary sins are atoned for by these sacrifices (cf. Lev. iv. 2‑3, 22, 27, v. 15, 18, xxii. 14; Num. xv. 25‑26). Accordingly, an involuntary homicide has provision made for him in the " cities of refuge " (Num. xxxv. 11, 15; Josh. xx. 3, 9), but one who commits an intentional murder must die (Num. xv. 30).
The pre‑exilic ritual of sacrifice passed through a process of development, Moses adapting to the worship of Yahweh rites in use among the Israelites from times immemorial. The theory is frequently advanced, however, that all ritual developments connected with the sacrifice are post‑exilic, the sacrifice having previously been purely voIunt,9ry and regularly connected with joyous sacrificial meals. Accordingly, it is held that the sole
distinctive feature in Israelite sacrifice was that it was offered to Yahweh instead of to Baal or
Moloch; the Priest Code alone stresses 6. Develop‑ the form of the rite; passages like ment of Amos iv. 4,5, v. 21 sqq.; Hos. vi. 6, Israelitic viii. 11 sqq.; Isa. i. 11 sqq.; Jer. vi. Sacrifice. 19‑20, vii. 21 sqq. show that at the time
of the great prophets a ritual sacrificial code was unknown, Ezekiel (especially xl.‑xlviii.) being the first to attach extreme importance to the sacrifice. But this theory ignores the fact that even in remotest antiquity the sacrifice is a rite of prime importance; and the Book of the Covenant itself contains ritual prescriptions concerning the sacrifice (Ex. xx. 24‑26, xxiii. 18‑19, cf. xxxiv. 2526) which'allow of no doubt either as regards the importance attached to the sacrifice or as to the previous existence of fully developed regulations governing the sacrificial ritual. Again, the passages just listed from the prophets neither presuppose the non‑existence of such a ritual, nor do they polemize against either a liturgy of this character or against sacrifice in itself, but only against a false estimate of it, complicated by a refusal to render due obedience to God. The prophetic passages, therefore, like analogous ones which might readily be quoted from the Psalms, are to be explained in the spirit of I Sam. xv. 22. At the same time, even after Moses there was greater freedom in sacrificial ritual than is permitted by the Priest Code; and there was also no rigid adherence to the Mosaic regulations, but, on the one hand, a priestly development which finds its culmination in the Priest Code, and, on the other hand, popular deviations from the use of the priests at the central sanctuary. In the revision of the liturgy in Ezekiel, finally, the conscious and sovereign freedom of God as the lawgiver finds expression in contrast to the letter of the Mosaic code. There is, however, no reason to suppose, as is frequently held, that sin and guilt offerings are first mentioned by Ezekiel, for such a hypothesis finds immediate refutation in Hos. iv. 8; and it is equally idle to hold that, because frankincense is first mentioned (outside of the Torah) in Jer. vi. 20, it was in any sense an innovation.
For the ethnic concept and practise of sacrifice see COMPARATIVE RELIGION, VI., 1, d; for the Christian idea in connection with the death of Christ see ATONEMENT; and JESUS CHRIST, THREEFOLD OFFICE OF; and for Roman Catholic doctrines see
MASS. 	(C. VON ORELLI.)
BIBLIOoRAPHY: On ethnic sacrifice, beside the literature adduced under COmPASATIVE RELCGIoN, consult: C. F. Nagelsbach, Homeriache Theolopie, Nuremberg, 1884; H. Zimmern, Beitrdpe zur Kenntnisa der babyloniachen Religion, Leipsic, 1896; L. R. Farnell, Cults of the Greek States, vols. i.‑v., Oxford, 1896‑1907; W. W. Fowler, Roman Pestivals of the Period of the Republic, London, 1899; E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture, 4th ed., ib. 1903; E. Crawley, The Tree of Life, a Study of Religion, ib. 1905; A. Bros, La Religion des peuplez non civilisba, pp. 132 sqq., Paris, 1907; Jane E. Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, 2d ed., Cambridge, 1908; G. FOUCart, Methode comparative dane l'hist. des religions, chap. iv., Paris, 1909; S. Reinach, Orpheus. Hizt. pl!rr &ale des religions, ib. 1909, Eng. trans].. Orpheus, a General Hist. of Religions, London and New York, 1909; A. Is Roy, La Religion du primitife, passim, Paris, 1909; P.

187	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Sacrifice
		8acristaa
	Stengel, Opferbrduche den Grixhen, Leipsic, 1910; well
hausen, Heidentum.
	An important class of books on O. T. sacrifice is that
	which deals with O. T. theology (fully given in and under
	BIBUCAL TRRoLoox); the discussion of Pentateuchal
	origins also brought out much which had to do with sacri
	fice (see HE%ATEUCH); besides the above, the commen
	taries on the Hexateuch are of course valuable. Special
	works are: F. Biihr, Symbolik des moaaisehen Kultus, ii.
	189 sqq., Heidelberg, 1837; J. H. Kurtz, Der a1tte8tament
	liche Opferkultus, Mitau, 1882, Eng. transl., Sacrificial
	Worship of the O. T., Edinburgh, 1883; J. A. Seiss, The
	Gospel in Leviticus, or, an Exposition of the Hebrew Ritual,
	3d eel., Philadelphia, 1875; A. Stewart, The Mosaic Sacri
	fices, Edinburgh, 1883; H. C. Trumbull, The Blood Cove
	nant, New York, 1885; E. F. Willis, The Worship of the
	Old Covenant, London, 1887; J. G. Murphy, Sacrifice as
	set fords in Scripture, ib. 1889; A. Cave, Scriptural Doc
	trine of Sacrifice, Edinburgh, 1890; E. W. Edersheim,
	The Rites and Worship of the Jews, New York, 1891; A.
	Scott, Sacrifice: its Prophecy and Fulfilment, Edinburgh,
	1894; w. L. Baxter, Sanctuary and Sacrifice, London,
	1895; A. Kamphausen, Das Verhdltnisa des Menachenop
	fers zur isruelitischen Religion, Bonn, 1898; K. Manta, Ge
	achichte den israelitischen Religion, 3d eel., Strasburg, 1897;
	Hubert and Manes, in L'Annhe soeiolopique, 1897‑1898,
	pp. 29‑138 (important); R. Smend, Lehrbuch den alUes<a
	mentlichen Reliyionegeschichte, Freiburg, 1899; H. Schultz,
	in AJT, iv (1900), 257 sqq.; R. C. Moberly, Atonement
	and Personality, London, 1901; C. Mommert, Men8chenop
	fer bei den alten Hebrdern, Leipsie, 1905; C. F. Kent,
	Students' O. T., iv. 227 sqq., New York, 1907; H. L.
	Straek, The Jew and Human Sacrifice: Human Blood and
	Jewish Ritual, ib. 1909; S. J. Smith, Relimon in the Ma
	king, chap. ix„ ib. 1910; 0. Schmitz, Die Opferanachauung
	des spdteren Judentuma and die Opferausaagen des N.
	T., TObingen, 1910; Bensinger, Archdologie, pp. 362
	387; Nowack, Archaologie, vol. ii.; Schrader, KAT, pp.
	594 sqq.; DB, iv. 329‑349; EB, iv. 4183 1233; DCG,
	ii. 542648; JB, x. 815‑628; Vigouroux, Dictdonnaire,
fasc. xxxv., cola. 1311‑37 (a broad discussion).
	SACRILEGE: In the wider sense, any injury or
	dishonor done to a sacred object; in the narrower
	and stricter sense, the theft of a sacred object (see
	SACRAMENTALB), without necessarily involving per
	sonal violence. The early Roman law imposed the
	severest penalties upon this crime ("Let him be
	treated as a parricide who steals or carries off aught
	sacred or what is entrusted to a sacred person,"
	Cicero, De legibus, ii. 9); a law of Julius Ciesar, the
	Lez Julia peculatus, made more detailed provision
	against it, and it was later definitely distinguished
	from that of embezzlement, or the illegal appro
priation of public funds.	The Roman law, how
	ever, covered only the removal of a sacred object
	from a sacred place, not from any other place or
	that of an unconsecrated object from a sacred
place.	In the imperial period the penalties were
	graded according to the exact nature of the offense,
	and culminated in the most severe forms of capital
punishment.	The Germanic law, which punished
	severely violations of sanctuary, extended the Ro
	man principle to cover all thefts of sacred objects
	from any place, or of any object from a sacred
	place; and the canon law took the same view. The
	penalties, besides restoration or compensation, in
	cluded fines, penances, and excommunication. In
	the Middle Ages sacrilege was regarded as a crime
	against both Church and State, and might be pun
ished by both.	For example the great ordinance
	issued by Charles V. in 1572 prescribed penalties
	varying with the offense; thus the theft of a mon
	strance with the host was punished by burning;
	that of other consecrated vessels of gold or silver,
or breaking into a consecrated church, tabernacle, or sacristy with intent to steal, by death at the discretion of the court; and the theft of other hallowed objects, or unconsecrated objects from a holy place, with severer penalties than ordinary stealing. Such an attitude was adapted only to the Roman Catholic theory of an inherent sanctity in such objects; but it exercised no little influence on the Protestant state churches, although the severer penalties gradually fell into disuse. (P. HINSCHIUSt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, Ortgines, VIII., x., %V1., vi. 2325; Gregory of Tours, De glorin martyrum, chap. xvii (for an example of legendary treatment); W. Rein, Das Criminalrecht den R6mer, Leipsie, 1844; K. Binding, Lehrbuch des deutschen Strafrechts, i. 157‑158, ib. 1898; KL, x. 1519‑21; DCA, ii. 1834‑35,(gives list of acts classed as sacrilegious); Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, fasc. xxxv. 1337; JR, x. 828‑829.

SACRISTAN, SEXTON: Two forms of what was originally the same word, differentiated in modern English so that the former designates in Roman Catholic churches especially the official who has charge of the vestments and other property kept in the sacristy, while the latter is in more general usage for one who takes care of the whole church building. The title custos ecclesice seems to occur first in the Spanish monasteries, denoting the monk who had charge of the conventual church. Thus Isidore of Seville (Regina, xix.) says: " It pertains to the office of the guardian of the sacristy to have the care of the church, to give the signals in the offices, to take charge of the veils, sacred vestments and vessels, books and other instruments, the oil for the sanctuary lamps, the candles, and other lights." The same term was commonly used in the Frankish church, where it is sometimes applied to the bishop or abbot or pastor of a parish church. From this usage it is found in the Carolingian period frequently used as synonymous with rector. The term was used all through the Middle Ages in cathedral and collegiate churches, but now no longer for the abbot or provost, but for the monk or canon who had the cure of souls. In the more important cathedral churches, e.g., Cologne, the cathedral custos took rank as a prelate. In many collegiate churches his duties included the custody of the corporate seal. In closer harmony with the definition given by Isidore is the Carolingian usage of the term custos thesauri, the official who had charge of the church property, or that cited from an old Ordo Romanus in the decretals of Gregory IX., where the custos eccksite is mentioned as a subordinate of the archdeacon charged with such offices as Isidore describes. The modern use of the term sacristan is derived from this aspect of the functions of the custos, and his duties are minutely prescribed not only in the decrees of Roman Catholic provincial councils but also in numerous Reformation church constitutions, which lead up to the later German precentor and schoolmaster, as to the English parish clerk, who was such an important functionary down to the middle of the nineteenth century.
(A. HAuca.)
BmLroeRAPR:: A. L. Richter, Lehrbuch des kntholischen and evangdischen Kirchenreckta, 8th eel., by w. Kahl, p. 458, Leipsic, 1888; F. Dreising, Das Amt des Kasters in den evanpelischen Kirche, Berlin, 1854.

Mlrr.
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
SACY, LOUIS ISAAC LEMAISTRE DE. See LEMAISTRE DE SACY, LOUIS ISAAC.

SADDUCEES. See PHARISEES AND SADDUCEE$. SADOLETO, as1"do‑le'to, JACOPO: Italian cardinal; b. at Modena 1477; d. at Rome Oct. 18, 1547. He received a humanistic training at Ferrara, which he completed at Rome during the pontificate of Alexander VI., the earliest results being the three treatises De Cajo Curtio, De Laocoontis statua, and De laudibus philosophise. Here, too, he was ordained to the priesthood and was soon appointed apostolic secretary by Leo X. to change the style of the papal briefs from barbarous Latinity to Ciceronian elegance. Though later raised to the episcopate of Carpentras, Sadoleto remained in Rome until after the death of Leo X., returning once more at the request of Clement VII. He was at Carpentras when Rome was sacked by the troops of Charles V. in May, 1527, but the event turned his thoughts to serious themes, evinced in his De literis recte instituendis (Venice, 1533) and his Commentarius in epistolam Sancti Pauli ad Romanos (Lyons, 1535). In 1534 he was raised to the cardinalate by Paul III., and accordingly resumed residence in Rome, where, in 1536, he took part in the preparation of the Consilium de emendanda ecclesia (see PAUL III.), the result exposing him and his colleagues to suspicion of heresy. His commentary on Romans was forbidden as Semipelagian, although the prohibition was withdrawn after Sadoleto had appealed to the Sorbonne and had modified certain passages. On June 19, 1537, Sadoleto addressed a letter to Melanchthon urging him to be reconciled with the Roman Catholic Church, and in Mar., 1539, he wrote to the municipal council of Geneva to restore that city to the Roman Catholic faith, an act which evoked Calvin's brilliant Responsio std Sadoleli epistolam (Sept. 1, 1539). Both letters are given in English in Tracts Relating to the Reformation by John Calvin, transl. by H. Beveridge, i. 3‑71, Edinburgh, 1844.
Sadoleto was one of the number who based all hopes of the amelioration of the Church on the convening of a general council, and while, as in the sweeping inquiry into the existence of heresy at Modena in 1542, he deprecated extreme measures, he made no surrender of church doctrine. At the same time, he was no friend of the Reformation, and he was in hearty sympathy with the suppression of the Waldensians in Cabrieres and M6rindol in May, 1545; and letters written by Sadoleto's nephew in the preceding year show that influence in this direction was brought to bear upon Francis I. from Sadoleto himself. In 1543 he was recalled to Rome to assist in the preparations for the Council of Trent, and remained there until his death. His principal writings, besides those already mentioned, were: De philosophia (Lyons, 1538); Philosophicse consolationes et meditationes in adversis; Ad principes populosque Germanise exhortatio ; and Epistolarum libri sedecim std Paulum Sadoletum (Lyons, 1550). His collected works were edited at Mainz in 1607, and, more fully, at Verona in four
volumes in 1737.	K. BENRATH.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Lives are prefixed to the " Collected Works," ut Supra. Notices from contemporary and later literature are given in A. Teisaier, gZopea des Iwmmea eavanta, vol. i., Leyden, 1715. Consult further: G. von Schulthess‑Rechberg, Der Kardinal Jacopo Sadoleto, Zurich, 1909; F. Cancellieri, Vita del Cardinal Sadoleto, Rome, 1823• A. P€ricaud, Fragments bioprayhiques sur J. Sadolet, Lyons, 1849; A. Joly, etude sur J. Sadolet, Caen, 1856; A. Zimmermann, Kardinal Pole, sein Leben and seine SchriJten, p. 389, Regensburg, 1893; M. Haile, Life of Reginald Pole, passim, London, 1910; KL, a. 15241525; Lichtenberger, ESR, xi. 387‑389.

SAEGMUELLER, s6g'miil‑ler, JOHANNES BAPTIST: German Roman Catholic; b. at Winterreute (a village near Biberach, 23 m. s.s.w. of Ulm), Wiirttemberg, Feb. 24, 1860. He was educated at the University of Tiibingen (Ph.D., 1888) and the theological seminary at Rottenburg; was curate at Alpirsbach (1884‑87); lecturer at the Wilhelmstift, Tubingen (1887‑93); was appointed associate professor of history in the University of Tiibingen (1893), where since 1896 he has been professor of church history and pedagogics. In addition to his work as associate editor of the Tiibinger theologische Qtcartalschrift and the Archiv fiir katholisches Kirchenrecht, he has written Die Papstwahlen and die Staaten von 1/,ls7‑1666 (Tiibingen, 1890); Die Papstwahlbullen and das staatliche Recht der Exclusive (1892); Zur Geschichte des Kardinalats, ein Traktat des Bischofs von Feltre and Treviso Teodoro sle' Lelli fiber slas Verhkltnis vom Primat and Kardinalat (Freiburg, 1893); Die Thiitigkeit and Stellung der Kardinlile bei Papst Bonifaz Vlll. (1896); Lehrbuch des katholischen Kirchenrechts (1904, 2d ed., 1909); Die kirchliche Aufklarung am Hoje Herzog Karl Eugens von Wiirttemberg (1906); Die Trennung von Kirche and Ststat (Mainz, 1907); Die Bischofswahl bei Crratian (Cologne, 1908); and Wissenschaft and Glaube in der kirchlichen Aufkhirung (1910).
SAGITTARIUS, s8"git‑t8'rf‑us (SCHUETZE), KASPAR: German Lutheran theologian and historian; b. at Liineburg (68 m. n.n.e. of Hanover) Sept. 23, 1643; d. at Jena Mar. 9, 1694. He was educated at the University of Helmstadt, where his studies took the widest range, and after preaching at Helmstadt, Liineburg, and elsewhere, and visiting Brunswick, Magdeburg, Halberstadt, and Copenhagen, he completed his training at Leipsic, Wittenberg, Jena, and Altdorf. In 1668 he accepted a call to Saalfeld as rector of the school there, and three years later was appointed to a professorship at Jena, being transferred to the chair of history in 1674. His energy was thenceforth devoted primarily to the history of German Protestantism, especially in Saxony and Thuringia. Sagittarius was also involved in a number of controversies, of which the most noteworthy was his defense of Pietism in and after 1691. Among his numerous writings special mention may be made of the following: Harmonic historice passionis Jesu Christi (Jena, 1671; revised edition 1684); Historic antiquissima
urbis Bardevici. (1674); Epistola de antiquo Thuringite statu (1675); Nucleus historice Germanicse (1675); Dissertatio de prcscipius scriptoribus historice Germanicss (1675; the first attempt at a history of German historiography); Antiquitates regni Tbur

189	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	agcy
Bailer
ingiei (1684); Antiquitates gentilismi et ehristian
ismi Thuringici (1685);	Antiquitates Ducatus
Thuringici (1688); Memorabilia historim Gothantv
(1689); and Theses theologise apologeticse de promo
vendo vero Christianismo (1692). His Introduetio
in historiam ecclesiasticam et singulas ejus partes,
which he began in 1692, was continued and com
pleted by Johann Andreas Schmid (2 vols., Jena,
1718). 	(PAUL TsCHACKERT.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. A. Schmid, Commentarius de vita et scriPtia Casp. Sagittarius, Jena, 1713; M. J. C. Zeumer, Vito prolessorum . • . in academia Jenenai, ib. 1703‑06; G. Frank, Geschichteder protestantischen Theologie, ii. 147, Leipsic, 1865.
	SAILER, sail'er, JOHANN MICHAEL VON: Ro
man Catholic bishop of Regensburg; b. at Aresing (a
village near Schrobenhausen, 16 m. s.s.w. of Ingol
stadt), Upper Bavaria, Nov. 17, 1751; d. at Re
gensburg May 20, 1832. He was educated at the
Jesuit colleges of Landsberg (1770‑72) and Ingol
stadt (1773‑77), having entered the Society of
Jesus as a novice. On Sept. 23, 1775, he was or
dained to the priesthood, and in 1777 the Elector
		Maximilian III. appointed him lee
Professional turer on philosophy and theology at
	Career. Ingolstadt. In 1782 he became sec
		ond professor of dogmatics, but two
years later he was retired on a pension of 240 gul
dens, since the new elector, Charles Theodore, di
verted the funds of the college to other uses. The
years immediately following were passed by Sailer
at Ingolstadt as a private scholar. He had already
published his Fragment zur Reformationsgeschichte
der christlichen Theologie (Ulm, 1779) and Theo
logise Christianss cum philosophia nexus (Augsburg,
1779), and he now issued his Vollstdndiges Lese‑ and
Gebetbuch fur katholische Christen (1783) and Ver
nunftlehre fiir Menschen, wie sic rind, d. i. AnleAcng
zur Erkenntnis and Liebe der Wahrheit (3 vols.,
Munich, 1783). In 1784 a new academic career was
opened to Sailer by his appointment as professor
of ethics at the reorganized University of Dillingen,
where the lectures on pastoral theology were soon
placed under his guidance. He contributed essen
tially to the progress of the institution, but the
methods of teaching in vogue at Dillingen aroused
the suspicions of the faculty of the College of St.
Salvator at Augsburg, and in 1793 a committee of
investigation decided adversely to Dillingen. In
the year following Sailer was removed from his pro
fessorship, especially as he was suspected, though
unjustly, of sympathy with the Enlightenment.
While professor at Dillingen, he had been active as
an author, writing, among other works, Ueber den
Selbstmord (Munich, 1785); Predigten bei verschie
denen Anlassen (3 vols., 1790‑92); Kurzgefasste
Erinnerungen an junge Prediger (1792); Gl&k
seligkeitslehre aus Vernunftgriinden (2 parts, 1793);
and Vorlesungen aus der Pastoraltheologie (2 vols.,
1793‑94). After being dismissed from Dillingen,
Sailer took up his residence in Munich, but the at
tacks made upon him compromised his position
with the papal nuncio, Zoglio, as with Elector
Charles Theodore. Under these circumstances
Sailer gladly accepted an invitation, in Jan., 1795,
to the castle of Ebersberg, belodging to the Knights
of Malta. In this retirement he turned again to literature, producing his Buch von der Nachfolge Christi (Munich, 1794) and his Ecclesice eatholica de cultu sanctorum doctrina (1797), as well as his extremely popular Uebungen des Geistes zur Griindung and F6rderung eines heiligen Sinnes and Lebens (Mannheim, 1799), and Briefe aus allen Jahrhunderten der christlichen Zeitrechnung (Munich, 1804). With the accession of Max Joseph I., in 1799, the entire situation changed. The Enlightenment was now officially adopted, and on the transfer of the reorganized University from Ingolstadt to Landshut Sailer was reappointed professor of ethics and pastoral theology. He now published his Ueber Erziehung fur Erzieher; Oder Pkdagogik (Munich, 1807); Grundlehren der Religion (1805); and Handbuch der christlichen Moral fur kunftige katholische Seelsorger (3 vols., 1817‑18).
When, at the close of the Napoleonic wars, the Roman Catholic Church entered upon a phase of development most favorable for her revival, one of her most pressing tasks was the filling of the numerous vacant dioceses. In 1818 Sailer was twice offered the archbishopric of Cologne
	Bishop of	by the Prussian government, but his
Regensburg. attachment to Bavaria led him to de
		cline. In the following year Max
Joseph proposed him as bishop of Augsburg, only to
have the nomination rejected by the papal nuncio
at Munich. Before long, however, this opposition
vanished, and in 1821 Sailer was made a canon of
the cathedral of Regensburg, and in the following
year (Oct. 28, 1822) he was consecrated titular
bishop of Germanicopolis as coadjutor to the aged
bishop of Regensburg, with right of succession. In
1825 he added to his other duties those of dean of
the cathedral, and, after having declined to be
transferred to the diocese of Passau in 1826, he be
came full diocesan of Regensburg on Oct. 29, 1829.
His health was, however, already failing, and with
in the year he was forced to have the assistance of
a bishop‑coadjutor, Georg Michael Wittmann, who
succeeded him as full diocesan on his death in 1832.
The importance of Sailer in the German Roman Catholic episcopate of the nineteenth century was due preeminently to the fact that he was the representative of a definite type of Roman Catholicism which enabled the church to recover
Character	in a comparatively short time from
and the heavy losses she had incurred at Influence. the beginning of the century. Deeply religious and strongly contemplative in character, he was more than a mere teacher of theology or governing prelate. He sought to inspire others with his own enthusiasm and spirit, to train up a clergy who should appeal to all that was best in their parishes, and to lead the way in deeply needed practical reforms. At the same time, while manifesting a certain amount of sympathy with the mystical movement rife at the opening of the nineteenth century, and while not unfriendly to Protestants in many respects, he never forgot his consciousness of the superiority and divine mission of his own communion. Nevertheless, the orthodoxy of his theological writings was not free from the suspicion of a taint of the Enlightenment, and

Saint Albans Saint Gall
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
opinion is still divided regarding them. Neither a
statesman of the church nor a polemic theologian,
Sailer's aim was rather the internal reform of his
communion and the revival of confidence and faith
in the Roman Catholic Church. In this he was suc
cessful, while as a prelate he manfully combated the
contracting of mixed marriages, and through his
influence a school of priests was trained both for
Germany and for Switzerland who united theolog
ical and secular learning with deep moral earnest
ness. It may, in a word, be said that Sailer stands
for Roman Catholicism before the rise of Ultra
montanism. His collected works were edited by
J. Widmer (40 vols., Sulzbach, 1830‑41; supple
mentary volume, 1845). 	CARL. MIRBT.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: An account of Sailees life by himself is reprinted m his Werke (ut sup.), xxxix. 257 sqq., from F. J. Waitzenegger's Gelehrlen‑ and Schriftstellerleaikon. ii. 189213, Landshut, 1829. Biographies have been written by: E. von Schenk, Regensburg, 1838; F. W. Bodemann. Gotha, 1858; G. Aichinger, Freiburg, 1865; and J. A. Messmer Mannheim, 1876. Consult further: A. L6tolf, Leben and Bekenntniese des J. L. Schiffmann, Lucerne, 1860• M. Jocham, Dr. Alois Buchner, Augsburg, 1870; H. Schmid, Geschichte der katholischen Kirche Deutschlands, pp. 257‑314, Munich, 1874; J. H. Reinkens, M. von Diepenbrock, Leipsic. 1881; F. Nielsen, Aus dem inneren Leben der katholischen Kirche im 18. Jahrhundert, i. 287344, Carlsruhe, 1882; J. N. von Ringseis, Erinnerunpen, 2 vols., Amberg 1886; J. Friedrich, Ignaz von Dtillinger, Munich, 1899; F. Nippold, Handbuch der neuesten Kirchengeschichte, i. 519 sqq Berlin, 1901 • A. Briiek, Geschichte der katholischen Kirche im 19. Jahrhundert, 2 vols., Mains and Munster, 1902‑03; KL, x. 1536 Hqq.; ADB, xxx. 178‑192.
SAINT ALBANS: A town of Hertfordshire, twenty miles northwest of London, the seat of a bishopric, with a population of 16,109 (1901). It derives its name from Saint Alban of Verulam (q.v.), the Roman town of Verulamium. The cathedral was founded in 1077, and was restored in the nineteenth century. Names connected with the place are Matthew of Paris, Sir John Mandeville, Pope Adrian IV., and Lord Bacon.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. E. Gibbs, Historical Records of St. Albans, St. Albans, 1888; C. H. Ashdown, St. Albans, Historical and Picturesque, ib. 1896; idem, The City of St. Albans, London, 1907; D. W. Barrett, Sketches of Church Life in the Diocese of St. Albans, ib. 1902; T. Perkins, The Cathedral Church of St. Albans, ib. 1903.
SAINT CYRAN. See Du VERGIER, JEAN. SAINT GALL, stint gal or san gal,
MONASTERY OF.
Origin (§ 1). Early Services to Learning (¢ 2). Increasing Secularization (¢ 3). The Reformation (§ 4). The Closing Struggle (§ 5).
The Benedictine monastery of St. Gall, celebrated for centuries as a center of learning, and situated in the Swiss town of the same name (19 m. s.e. of Constance), took its rise from a hermitage established, probably in 613, by St. Gallus, a disciple of Columban (q.v.), with a few companions. It would seem, however, even from the legend‑filled life of the founder, written toward the end r. Origin. of the eighth century, that his personal activity was of only secondary importance, since he is represented as an anchorite rather than as the "apostle of the Alemanni "; and the Christian element was already so strong that he
170
had no lack of associates and support. It was but seldom that he could be induced to leave his cell, and before many years he died on Oct. 16, probably about 627. After this the hermitage continued to exist uneventfully until the first half of the eighth century, when the real history of the monastery of St. Gall began with the first abbot, Otmar (720759), who, in 747 or 748, substituted the rule of St. Benedict for that of St. Columban, and likewise replaced the Irish monks with his own compatriots, the Rhaetiana. Gifts of money and land were made from far and near; but, on the other hand, the independence of the monastery had to be surrendered, and it came under the control of the bishop of Conatance, Otmar's resistance exposing him to ecclesiastical censure and the secular arm, so that he died a prisoner on the little island of Werd in the Rhine (Nov. 16, 759). In 816 the monastery was made exempt from episcopal control by Louis the Pious, and in 854 its annual payment of a tax to Constants, the last remnant of its dependence upon the see, was abolished.
Abbot Gozbert, elected by the monks themselves (probably in 816), was the first of the long series of abbots of St. Gall whose interests embraced the whole intellectual culture of the period. In 830 Gozbert commenced the entire reconstruction of the monastery, beginning with a larger
a. Early church to replace one erected appar‑
Services to ently by Otmar. A plan of a great Learning. Benedictine abbey with all accessories was drawn in Italy especially for St. Gall, although the topography forbade its entire acceptance; and this plan, still preserved at St. Gall (ed. F. Kelley, Bauriss des Klosters St. Gallen vom Jahr 820, Zurich, 1844), constitutes one of the mo t important documents of the early Middle Ag~s for architecture and culture‑history. Gozbert likewise provided for the increase of the library, and under his successor, Grimald (841‑‑872), the first catalogue, listing some 400 books, was drawn up. There was likewise a flourishing school, dating back to Otmar and now consisting of a division for the training of the future regular clergy and one for the education of secular priests and laymen. Close relations were also maintained with the institutions established by Alcuin, as well as with Fulda, and especially with Reichenau. St. Gall's rich historical literature began, during the abbacy of Gozbert, with a Vita Sancti Galli by the monk Wettinus, who died in 824 (ed. MGH, Script., ii., 1829, pp. 1‑21), followed by the two works, revised by Walafrid, of Gozbert's nephew, who bore the same name: Miraculi Sancti Galli and Vita Sancti Otmari abbatis Sangallensis (ed. MGH, Script., ii., 1829, pp. 21‑31, 4017). In like manner Iso (d. 871) wrote a Miracldct Sancti Otmari (ed. MGH, Script., ii. 1829, pp. 4?‑54); and Ratpert (d. probably shortly after 884), distinguished as a teacher, a poet (even in German), and a historian, began the great history of the monastery, the Cases Sancti Galli (ed., with its continuations, MGH, Script., ii., 1829, pp. 75‑183). To the succeeding generation of monks belong Notker the Stammerer (see No'lKER, 1) and Tuotilo, as well as such abbots as Solomon III. (d. 920) and Hartmann (d. 925). The

171	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	$aiut Albans
Saint Gall
first‑named gave new form to the services by his systematic use of Sequences (q.v.), besides being, according to later tradition, the author of the antiphon Media vita, and also wrote the Gesta Karoli Magni (ed. MGH, Script., ii., 1829, pp. 726‑763); Tuotilo was distinguished as artist; and Solomon, like many of his monks, was conspicuous as a poet. With the death of Solomon, however, the state of the monastery changed, its steady progress being hindered by the indifference of the secular rulers, the frequent change of abbots and their inferior degree of ability, the invasion of the Hungarians in 926, the fire of 937, and the Saracen inroads. Nevertheless, in the tenth and early eleventh centuries the monastery could again number first‑class men, especially Dean Ekkehard (d. 973) and his four nephews. The first‑named was not only a distinguished economist, but also the author of the Waltharius manufortis; and among the pupils of his famous nephew Notker Labeo (see NOT%ER, 4) was Ekkehard IV. (d. about 1060), the author of the Liber benedictionum and a busy glossator and poet, as well as one of those who continued Ratpert's Cases Sancti Galli. Besides history and literature, mathematics, astronomy, and medicine were cultivated at St. Gall by Notker Medicus (see NOT$L''R, 2). A reminiscence of the Irish origin of the monastery, moreover, may perhaps be traced in its cultivation of calligraphy and music. Waldo, who resigned the abbacy of St. Gall for that of Reichenau in 784, was remarkable for his skill in calligraphy, and the miniatures and the drawings of the Irish manuscripts of St. Gall clearly show Celtic coloring and ornamentation. These were, however, importations and exercised only a secondary influence, but when Grimald became abbot, he initiated a revival both of calligraphy and miniature painting which reached its acme in the Carolingian style and lasted far into the dynasty of the Ottos.
In 1034 St. Gall was placed by Conrad II. under the Cluniac reform, but though the monks firmly resisted the innovation, the unsuccessful attempt being terminated by the voluntary
3. Increas‑ resignation of the Cluniao abbot, Nort‑
ing Secular‑ pert, in 1072, the spiritual power of
	ization.	the monastery was broken. It became
		involved in political strife after 1077,
Abbot Ulrich III. taking the side of Henry IV.
against the pope, and himself being opposed by
two anti‑abbots. Ulrich's partizanahip also brought
him into conflict both with Reichenau and with
Constance; the country about St. Gall was devas
tated; and learning in the monastery sank to a low
level, even the Cases Sancti Galli being kept only
indifferently, and its concluding portion being
written in German by a layman, Christian Kuche
meister. St. Gall had been completely secularized,
yet as a spiritual principality it maintained its im
portance, embracing the territory between Ror
schach and Wil and the mountain districts of Ap
penzell. Among the abbots were many of ability,
though more knightly than spiritual in type, such
as Ulrich IV., Conrad of Busnang, and Berchtold.
Meanwhile, what in the tenth century had been the
little village of St. Gall had been steadily increasing in
importance, and simultaneously with the rise of Rudolph of Hapsburg, it constituted itself an imperial city, soon even attempting to effect a confederation of the Swabian cities. The closing centuries of the Middle Ages, moreover, brought the monastery of St. Gall into conflict with the Swiss confederation; and though the antithesis came to an end on the incorporation of the spiritual principality of St. Gall, as part of the German Empire, into the confederation, the abbots still maintained connection with the empire and, when they judged it to their advantage, assumed a peculiar intermediate position. Under Swiss protection the Appenzell vassals of St. Gall threw off their allegiance, but, on the other hand, the uprising of the shepherds, which for a time threatened the very existence of the monastery, was suppressed in 1408. Such was the northeastern spread of the influence of the confederation, however, that in 1451 Abbot Caspar formed an alliance with the two cities of Zurich and Lucerne, and the two cantons of Schwyz and Glarus, the city of St. Gall, which had now become entirely independent, joining this league three years later. Henceforth abbey and city, like Appenzell, which entered their confederacy in 1452, took an active part in Swiss affairs, as in the struggles against Charles the Bold, Maximilian, and the Swabian League.
The first abbot of St. Gall not of noble birth, Ulrich Rosch (1463‑91), strove indefatigably to unite all the prerogatives and possessions of his monastery, and in 1469 purchased the suzerainty of the Toggenburg from the heirs of the extinct house which had held it. He thus came into
4. The conflict with the city of St. Gall and Reforma‑ with Appenzell, and though circumtion. stances so favored him that he was able to crush them, a generation after his death the city seemed on the point of triumphing over the abbey. Zwingli, born in the Toggenburg, manifested special hatred of the monastery of St. Gall, and in this he was abetted by the burgomaster of the city of St. Gall, Joachim von Watt (q.v.), an enthusiastic advocate of the new doctrines. In 1529 the cloisters, deserted by the monks, were seized by the city, and Protestantism worked its will in the abbey church; while from the archives of the monastery were taken the materials which enabled Watt (Vadianus) to write his Grossere Chronik der Aebte and Kleinere Chronik der Aebte (ed. E. Gbtzinger, St. Gall, 1875‑77). The death of Zwingli and the end of the second Cappel war in 1531 transformed the situation, and in the following year the new abbot, Diethelm Blaarer, reentered his abbey. The old faith was reembraced, except in the city of St. Gall and in the Toggenburg, and both Diethelm and his successors speedily, revived the spiritual and material preeminence of St. Gall. Joachim Opfer (1577‑94) was a martyr to his devotion to the sufferers from pestilence; and Bernhard Miiller (15941630) and Pius Reher (1630‑54) brought the discipline and administration of the abbey to such a point that St. Gall was justly placed at the head of the new Swiss Benedictine congregations, and lost territory was regained. Learning was revived in equal measure; the abbey had its own press after

Saint (call
Saint‑Maur
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
1633; and the theological attainments of Abbot Celestine, Count Sfondrati of Milan (1687‑96), were so great as to win him the cardinal's hat.
	The last	century of the monastery's existence
opened with the stormy period of the last great
civil war in Switzerland (1712), brought on mainly
by the confessional divisions and the demagogic
agitations among the Toggenburg vassals of the
		abbey. The Protestants conquered,
5. The to the detriment of the monastery, and
	Closing	it was only after the death of the stern
	Struggle. Abbot Leodegar Burgisser (1697
		1? 17) that St. Gall had peace. But in
succeeding years the abbey resumed its honored
career, so that Abbot Celestine Gugger (1740‑67)
could carry out extensive architectural plans, not
only constructing the imposing granary in Ror
schach, but also rebuilding the monastery itself,
especially the late renaissance church on the site
of the venerable medieval structure, and the re
fectory. The next abbot, Beds, Angehrn, sought
to introduce reforms in school and prison, but weak
economic administration plunged the monastery
into financial difficulties, and the abbot had to en
counter strong opposition from the younger monks,
and later even from the older ones, though he
emerged from the struggle triumphant, thanks to
the aid of the Confederation. The succeeding ab
bacy of Pancratius Vorster was likewise marked
by storm, and though the literary treasures of the
monastery were saved both from the French Revo
lution and from the greed of the municipality, and
though the abbot returned to his abbey with the
victorious imperial troops in 1799, the second battle
of Zurich forced him again to flee, and the doom of
St. Gall was foreshadowed. The abbot fought
bravely to regain his rights, but in 1805 the sup
pression of the monastery was decreed. Even the
troublous times that came upon Switzerland after
Napoleon's fall could not aid Pancratius, who died
in the monastery of Muri in 1829. The plan of a
diocese of St. Gall, thwarted in great part by the
attitude assumed by Abbot Pancratius, was later
realized; and after the existence of the double
bishopric of Chur and St. Gall (182314), the latter
received independent diocesan rank in 1844. At
the suppression in 1805 the property of the founda
tion was divided between the whole canton and its
Roman Catholic portion, the former receiving the
palace as a government building, and the latter the
treasures of the library and archives, which, after
many vicissitudes, had been regained in 1804. The
monastery itself, after being used as a spinning fac
tory from 1801 to 1808, was made a Roman Catholic
gymnasium. 		(G. MEYER VON KNONAU.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The chief sources are collected in MGH,
Script., vols. i.‑ii., and MGH, Libri confraternitatum S.
Galli (1884). Collections bf sources of especial value are
to be found in the Miltheilunpen and other publications of
the St. Gall Historischer Verein, 1862 sqq. Other sources
are: E. L. Dammler, Formelbuch des Bischofs Salomo Ill.,
Leipsie, 1857; H. Wartmann, Urkundenbuch der Abtei St.
Gallen, parts i.‑iii., Zurich, 1863‑82. Consult: 1. von Arx,
Geschiehte des Cantons St. Gallen, 3 vols., St. Gall. 1810
1813 (still the best special history on any part of Switzer
land); F. Weidmann, Geschichte . . St. Gallen unter den
zween letzten Fiirstiibten, ib. 1834; idem, Geschichte der
Bibliothek von St. Gallen, ib. 1841 (both based on Arx);
F. W. Rettberg, Obseroationes ad vitam S. Galli spectantes,
172
Marburg, 1842 A. Schubiger, Die Sangerschule St, Gat. lens, Einsiedeln, 1858; J. H. A. Ebrard, Iro‑schottische Missions‑Kirche des B. bis 8. Jahrhunderts, Gltereloh, 1873; J. R. Rahn, Geschichte der bildenden Kenste in der Schweiz, Zurich, 1876; F. X. Wetzel, Die Wissenschaft and Kunst im Kloster St. Gallen im 9. and 10. Jahrhundert, Lindau, 1877• G. Meier, in Jahrbuch far schweizerische Geschichte, x (1885) (a good history of the school in the Middle Ages); J. Bachtold, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur in der Schweiz, Frauenfeld, 1892; E. Egli, Kirchengeschichte der Schweiz, Zurich, 1893; L. Knappert La Vie de S. Gall et to paganisme germanique, Paris, 1894; Ziegler, Abt Othmar 11. von St. Gallen, St. Gall, 1896; F. L. Wetzel, Das goldene Zeitalter des Kloslers St. Gallen, Ravenaburg, 1900; H. Miles, Die Chronik des Hermann Miles von St. Gall, St. Gall, 1903; A. Scheiwiler, Abt Ulrich Rdsch der awaits Grvnder des KLosters St. Gallen. 1483‑91, ib. 1903; Bentrdge zur St. Gallischen Geschichte. ib. 1904 ; the KD, of Hauck, Friedrich, and Rettberg respectively; KL, v. 43‑66.
SAINT JOHN, KNIGHTS OF. See MILITARY RELIGIOUS ORDERS.
SAINT‑MARTIN, san‑mar‑tan', LOUIS CLAUDE DE: French mystic; b. at Amboise Jan. 18, 1743; d. at Paris Oct. 13, 1803. After studying law, he entered the army and at Bordeaux became acquainted with a Portuguese Jew named Martinez de Pasqualis, whose freemasonry increased St. Martin's tendency to mysticism. Alt Lyons and Paris St. Martin communicated, in mysterious phraseology and ceremony, his " revelation " on God, the spirit world, the fall, and original sin. Among his hearers was a Count d'Hauterive, on whom St. Martin tried all sorts of experiments at Lyons (1774‑76) to gain fellowship with the Logos. Meanwhile, he gradually withdrew from Pasqualis and his followers, formed a cautious friendship with Cagliostro, and read Swedenborg. At this period he published his first work, under the pseudonym of " un philosophe ine(onnu)," Des erreurs et de la v&W, ou les hommes rappelUs au principe universel de la science (Lyons, 1775), a book which aroused the anger of Voltaire.
To propagate his views St. Martin now removed to Paris, where he moved in aristocratic circles, writing his emanational tenets in his Tableau natvrel des rapports qui existent entre Dieu, l'homme et l'univers (Lyons [ostensibly Edinburgh], 1782). His travels gained him new acquaintances. In England he met William Law and Best; he accompanied Prince Gallitzin to Italy in 1787; in 1788 he resided in Montb6liard with Duchess Dorothea of Wdrttemberg. Until 1791 he lived in Strasburg, where he studied the writings of Jacob Bohme, but in the latter year his father's illness forced him to return to Amboise, where his theories found little sympathy. To this period of his career belong his L'Homme de &sir (Lyons, 1790), Eece homo (Paris, 1792), and Le Nouvel Homme (1792).
St. Martin's last close friendship was formed with Baron Kirchberger of Bern, through whom he was kept informed of mystic movements abroad during the French Revolution. This latter upheaval was greeted by him with joy, and after being appointed tutor, with Condorcet, Sieytss, and Bernardin de St. Pierre, to the Dauphin in 1791, he became one of his jailers two years later. St. Martin himself was later imprisoned and exiled to Amboise. Before long, however, he was sent back to Paris as a teacher

173	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Saint Call
		Saint‑Maur
at the new normal school there. This position he
held until his death, and during his incumbency he
wrote Lettre d un ami, considerations politiques, phi
losophiques et religaeuses sur la revolution frangaise
(Paris, 1795) ; Ekclazr sur l'association humaine
(1797); Esprit des choses ou coup d'ceil philoso
phique sur la nature des Nres et sur l'objet de leer
existence (1800); Ministhre de l'homme esprit (1802),
besides translating a number of the works of Bohme.
	St. Martin's views, a mixture of cabalistic, Gnos
tic, and neoplatonic doctrines on a Christian basis,
can scarcely be reduced to a system. At the same
time, he bitterly hated the Church, yet fell into all
sorts of clairvoyance, conjuring, and juggling with
numbers and the tetragrammaton. His favorite
sphere was anthropology; he held it the aim of
man to be still higher than Christ, the highest type
of humanity; in his daily life St. Martin sought
simply to live like a pious Christian. For his follow
ing see MARTINIST ORDER.	(C. PFENDER.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: La Correspondance in6dite de L. C. de Saint
	Martin, . . . ed. L. Schauer and A. Chuquet, Amsterdam,
1862, cf. Mystical Philosophy and Spirit‑Manifestations.
	Selections from the . . . Correspondence between . .
	Saint‑Martin . . . and %irchberper, Exeter, 1863; J. B. M.
	Gence, Notice biopraphique sur L. C. de Saint Martin, Paris,
	1823; L. Moreau, R9fletiona sur les ides de L. C. de Saint
	Martin, ib. 1850; E. M. Caro, Du mysticiame au aviii.
	sii'cle. Essai sur la vie et la doctrine de Saint‑Martin, ib.
	1852; J. Matter, Saint‑Martin, Is philosophe inconnu, ib.
	1862; A. Franck, La Philosophie mystique en France d la
	fin du zviii. sUcle. Saint‑Martin et son maitre Martinez
	Pasqualis, ib. 1866.
	SAINT‑MAUR, san‑mor', CONGREGATION OF:
The name of a branch of the Benedictine order, dis
tinguished by reform in discipline and great serv
ices tolearning. At the beginning of the seventeenth
			century the monastery of Saint‑Vanne
	Foundation near Verdun was reformed by Didier
		of the	de la Cour. Soon the famous old mon
	Congrega‑ astery of Moyenmoutier and others
		tion.	joined the movement, and Clement
			VIII. in 1604 confirmed the organiza
tion of a congregation within the order under the
name of Congregatio SS. Vitonis et Hidulphi. In
1614 the general assembly of the French clergy ex
pressed the wish that all the Benedictine monas
teries associate themselves with this congregation;
but its general chapter, fearing danger to its spirit
from too large a growth, advised the formation of
a second congregation, and in 1618 Dom B6nard, a
monk of Saint‑Vanne, was charged with the forma
tion of such a union. It adopted the name of St.
Maur, the companion of St. Benedict, and was con
firmed by Gregory XV. in 1621, and again by Urban
VIII. in 1627. By 1652 the new congregation num
bered forty houses, and before the end of the eight
eenth century it had grown to 191, divided into six
provinces. The most influential was the abbey of
Saint‑Germain‑des‑Pr6s in Paris, the seat of the
superior‑general. Dom B6nard had not proposed
to make the congregation predominantly a learned
one; it was the first superior‑general, Dom Tarisse
(1630‑48), who laid the foundations of the splendid
edifice of learning which was gradually reared by
the monks.	Their activity has embraced all de
partments of knowledge, but especially the history
of France and of the Church. Besides the general
outline given here of the long series of master‑works which they produced by their indefatigable and intelligent labors, further information will be found in separate articles on the more distinguished members.
They made their own the science of paleography, or, as it was then called, diplomatics; Mabillon is regarded as its actual founder, with his De re diplomatica (1681) and its supplement (1704). As these works had special reference to France,
Contribu‑	Dom Tassin published a general trea‑
tions to tise under the title Nouveau traits; de
Paleogra‑	diplomatique (6 vols., 1750‑65) ; and
	phy and	what this did for Latin paleography
Chronology. Montfaucon attempted to do for Greek
		in his Palceographia Grceca (1708).
Modern scientific chronology may also be said to
have taken its rise from them. Every historian
knows the value of the Art de v&lfler les dates, be
gun by Dantine and finished by C16mencet (1750;
1770; 1783‑92; 1818 sqq.), which has been called
the most noteworthy monument of eighteenth‑cen
tury French scholarship. To the knowledge of an
tiquity a considerable contribution was made by
Montfaucon's Antiquiik expliquee en figures (10
vols., 1719). In the history of language, the con
gregation took part in, though it did not originate,
Du Cange's great Glossarium medic, et infimce Latin
itatis, which, originally published in 1687, was in
creased one‑half by Dantine and Carpentier (6 vols.,
1733‑36, with a supplement by Carpentier, 4 vols.,
1766; and two revised and enlarged editions, 1840
sqq. by Henschel, and 1883 sqq. by Henschel and
Fabre).
The most extensive labors, however, were given to history. Colbert had sought in vain for able scholars to continue the undertaking of a collection of the sources of French history, until
Contribu‑	Chancellor d'Aguesseau persuaded the
tions to congregation of Saint‑Maur to take it
	History.	up. Mart6ne and then Bouquet had
		charge of this branch, and their work
resulted in the publication of fifteen folio volumes
of Scriptares rerum Gallicarum et Francicarum be
tween 1738 and 1818, since which time it has been
carried on by the Acad6mie des Inscriptions. This
body has also, since 1814, taken charge of the His
toire litteraire de la France, begun by Dom Rivet
and extending to thirteen volumes between 1733
and 1763, a collection of sources which has immense
value for the literary history not only of France
but of all medieval Europe. Provincial histories
surpassing those of any other country are also due
to the congregation. Their researches in the li
braries of their own monasteries and their travels
in quest of documents (especially Mabillon's jour
ney to Italy and Montfaucon's to Germany) gave
them an opportunity to bring together unpublished
material of the highest importance., The most fa
mous of their works in this department are D'Ach
ery's Spicilegium veterum aliquot scriptorum (13
vols., 1653‑77); the Vetera analeeta of Mabillon (4
vols., 1675‑85); Martkne's,Collectio nova veterum
scriptorum (1700); the Thesaurus novus anecdotorum
by Mart~ne and Durand (5 vols., 1717), as well as
their Voyage litt6raire de deux religieux b6nedietins

Saint‑Manr
Saints	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	174
(1724); the DiariumItalicumofMontfaucon(1702), and his Bibliotheca bibliothecarum manuscriptorum nova (2 vols., 1739).
In the field of church history, their first noted work was the continuation and revision of the Gallia christiana' originally published by a Benedictine not connected with the Maurists, Dom de SainteMarthe, in 1656. They carried it on
Contribu‑	from Saints‑Marthe's death in 1725 to
tions to 1785, by which time thirteen volumes
Church had appeared, forming a model on History and which similar works for other coun‑
	Patristics.	tries have since been planned. The
		work was taken up anew in 1856 (16
vols., Paris, 1715‑1865, vols. xiv., xvi. by B. Hau
rdau). The history of the martyrs was treated by
Dom Ruinart in his Acta primorum martyrum (1689).
Much was done in the way of editing primitive lit
urgies; the best‑known works in this department
are M6nard's Sacramentary of St. Gregory (1642),
Mabillon's De liturgia Gallicana (1685), Mart6ne's
De antiquis monachorum ritibus (2 vols., 1700 sqq.),
and De antiquis ecclesice ritibus (4 vols., 1700 sqq.).
In this connection may be mentioned the Acta sanc
torum ordinis S. Benedicti, begun by D'Aehery and
continued by Mabillon and Ruinart (9 vols., 1668
sqq.), and the Annales ordinis S. Benedicti, Mabil
lon's most famous work, completed by Massuet (6
vols., 1703 sqq.). The most enduring service ren
dered by the congregation was its editions of eccle
siastical writers of the early Church and of the
Middle Ages, which are remarkable monuments of
scholarship, distinguished by enlightened criticism,
careful translation from the Greek, and admirable
introductions and excursuses. They originally con
templated only the publication of medieval writers,
principally those of their own order. The first was
the Concordia regularum of Benedict of Aniane,
edited by Menard (1628). But the general favor
shown to these editions, the wish to put thoroughly
good texts into the hands of their novices, and the
wealth of manuscripts accessible to them induced
them to extend the plan. Augustine was the first
of the Latin Fathers to be published (11 vols., 1679
1700) ; the choice of this author in the midst of the
Jansenistic controversy is significant of the attitude
of the congregation toward the vexed questions of
the day, which, in fact, was one of scarcely concealed
sympathy with Port‑Royal, if not with Jansenism
in general. The first early Greek text published was
the Epistle of Barnabas by D'Achery and M6nard
in 1645; but no special attentioli was paid to this
department until near the end of the century, when
Montfaucon edited Athanasius (3 vols., 1698). The
work continued until the publication of the Opera
of Gregory Nazianzen, begun by Maran in 1788,
was interrupted by the Revolution. Useful work
was done also on the old Bible versions; included
were the Hexapla of Origen, ed. Montfaucon (2
vols., 1713), the Bibliotheca divina of Jerome, ed.
Martianay (vol. i. of Jerome's works, 1693), and the
Latinm versiones antiquce, ed. Sabatier, Baillard, and
Vincent de la Rue (3 vols., 1743‑49).
Lack of space excludes detailed account of a great mass of other works, partly of an edifying nature, partly dealing with various subjects in classical
literature, Hebrew, the arts, geography, and even the natural sciences.. In controversy, to which they were not seldom exposed, the Other Maurists showed the same calm mod‑
	Labors.	eration and intellectual superiority
		that mark all their work. An attack
by De Ranch, the founder of the Trappists, on devo
tion to mere learning among monks, called forth
Mabillon's admirable Trait6 des 4tudes monastiques
(1691). They were often engaged in disputes with
the Jesuits, provoked especially by their edition of
Augustine, and wrote not a few strong criticisms of
the constitution Unigenitus. They exposed them
selves to attack also by a tendency to follow the
Cartesian philosophy, and some of their members
even inclined in the latter half of the eighteenth
century to fraternize with Voltaire and the Ency
clopedists (qq.v.). The congregation was dispersed
by the suppression of monastic orders at the Revo
lution; the last member, Dom Brial, died in 1828.
After his death some friends of Lamennais, with the
approval of the bishop of Mons, bought the abbey
of Solesmes near Cambrai with a view to reviving
the congregation. In 1837 it was made a regular
abbey of the restored Benedictine order in France,
the head of which its abbot was to be. Under Dom
Gu6ranger (1805‑75) a new start was made in the
old Maurist direction; but up to the present the
early excellence has not been reached. The most
distinguished of Dom Gu6ranger's associates was
Jean‑Baptists Pitra (q.v.), whose most noteworthy
achievement is the Spicilegium Solesmense, a col
lection of unpublished writings of the Fathers and
ecclesiastical writers (4 vols., 1852‑58, followed by 8
vols. of Analecta spicilegia Solesmen&i parata, 1876
1891, and by 2 vols. of Analecta novissima, 1885
1888). 		(0. ZSc$IXat.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Helyot, Ordres monastiques, vi. 286 sqq.; 13. Pea, Bibliotheca Benedicto‑Mauriana, Augsburg, 1716; P. Le Cerf, Bibliothaque historique et critique des auteurs de la congr€oatiom de St. Maur, The Hague, 1726; R. P. Tassin, Hist. litt&aire de la eongr6gation de S. Maur, Brussels, 1770; Herbst, in TQS, 1833, parts 1‑3, 1834, part 1; E. C. de Afalan, Hist. de Mabillon et de la eongr6gation de St. Maur, Paris, 1843; U. Robert, SuppUment h L'histoire de la conpHgation de St. Maur, Paris, 1881; C. de Lama, Bibliothhque des ticrivains de la congregation de St. Maur, Paris, 1882; A. Sieard, Les Ektudes classiqum avant la revolution, Paris, 1887; E. de Broglie, Mabillon et la soeietk de Z'abbaye de St. Germain des Pris, 2 vols., Paris, 1888; E. Gigas, Leteres des UnMictins de la congHgation de St: Maur 174,1 as., Copenhagen, 1893; J. B. Vanel, Les Nn4dictins de St.‑Germain‑des‑Prgs et les savants 1yonnais, Paris, 1894; idem, N€orologe de religieux de . . St. Maur, ib. 1896; idem, Les B6nedictins de Saint‑Maur, Paris, 1896; J. A. Endres, Korrespondenz der Mauriner mit dem Emmeramern, Stuttgart, 1899; J. M. Besse, in Revue des sciences ecclksiastiqum, ii (1902), 143 Hqq., 230 sqq., 532 aqq.; Heimbueher, Orden and Kongregationen, i. 306‑313.

SAINT‑SIMON, san‑si"min or sAnt‑sai'mun, CLAUDE HENRI, COUNT DE: French socialist; b. at Paris Oct. 17, 1760; d. there May 19, 1825. He served as ail officer in the American Revolution, and after many adventures was major and commandant at Metz at the age of twenty‑three. Weary of military life, he traveled through Holland and Spain, and was an enthusiastic supporter of the French Revolution. In 1802, after an unhappy marriage, he resumed his scientific studies, fancying

175	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Saint‑Maur
		saints
that he could accomplish his intended social renova
tion through an alliance of science and industry.
With this end in view, he traveled in Germany and
England, but found nothing to reward his pains. By
this time he had lost his property. He now wrote,
among other works, Lettres d'un habitant de Gen~ve
d ass cantemporains (1802); Introduction aux trth
vaux scientifiques du dixneuvi,6ne si&le (2 vols.,
1808); De la reorganisation de la snci&k europ4enne
(1814); and L'Industrie, ou discussions politiquea,
morales et philosophiques (1817). His appeals for
financial aid to scholars, bankers, and Napoleon
himself were in vain. Cuvier alone encouraged him,
while Lafitte and Ternaux helped defray the ex
pense of publishing his writings. All his efforts to
attract the attention of the public were equally
fruitless, even his daring Le Politique, l'organisateur,
syst&me industrial des Bourbons et des Stuarts (1820).
In despair he was about to commit suicide, but was
prevented from so doing. Henceforth his fortunes
were better, and with the help of his devoted
adherent, Olinde Rodrigues, he published his Cat&
chi8me politique (1823‑24) and Nouveau christian
isme (1825; Eng. transL, New Christianity, Lon
don, 1834).
	In St. Simon's ideal society industry was to rule
all. By " industry," however, he understood all
labor, scientific as well as manual, so that among
the working classes scholars and artists were to con
stitute the aristocracy. While recognising the
power of the medieval Church as a factor of civil
ization, however, he failed to understand the basal
doctrines of Christianity, holding that the princi
ple of Christ and the apostles afforded " the quickest
possible amelioration of material conditions among
the poorer classes." He was equally blind to the
course of history, maintaining that the gradual
changes in doctrine, dogma, and mode of thought
were the results of capricious interference on the
part of individuals.
	The teachings of St. Simon were propagated by
his followers, the St. Simonists, who included Rod
rigues, Auguste Comte (see POSITIVISM), Bazard,
and Enfantin. Their place of meeting was closed
by the government because of their radicalism, and
Enfantin established at M6nilmontant, which was
then a suburb of Paris, a sort of monastery, where
he, as " p6re suprAme," ruled a community in mot
ley. But it was closed for offenses against morality,
and Enfantin and his colleague, Michel Chevalier,
were sentenced to a year's imprisonment, thus
breaking the spirit of the entire movement. His
works have been collected in (Euvres de Saint‑Simon
et d'Enfantin (47 vols., Paris, 1865r78), to which a
life is prefixed.	(C. PFENDER.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: F, w. Carowe, Der Saint‑Simoniamua and
	die heutipe Jranz6aische Philosophic, Leipeic. 1831, L. Stein,
	Der Sozialiamua and Kommuniamua des heutipen Frattk
	reich, ib. 1842; C. Des Guerrois.tudea littkrairea d bia
	praphiquea,Paris, 1856; N. G. Hubbard, Saint‑Simon, as
	vie, sea travaux, ib. 1857; Marie Recount, iZ&urrection du
	Pyre Enfantin. Quelquea Zumiirea our la doctrine de 3aint
	Simon, ib. 1858; w. R. L. Reybaud.tudea our lea r&rma
	taura contemporaina,ib. 1864; A. J. Booth, Saint Simon,
	and Saint Simaniam, London, 1&71; P. Janet. Saint
	Siman et le Saint‑Si»wa%ame, Paris, 1878; O. Warschauer,
	Saint‑Simon and den Saint‑Simoni am us. Leipaic, 1892;
	G. Weil, Un Prkuraeur du sociadiame, Saint‑Simon d son
sours, Paris, 1894; idem, L'‑0cole saint‑aimonieane, son hiat., son influence juaq'd nos joura, ib. 1896: P, weiaengruen, Die sozaatvriaaenachuJtlichen Ideen Saint‑3imona, Basel, 1895; $. Charlety, Hroat. du Saint‑3imoniame (1886‑188.¢), Paris. 1896; L. Paoli, Le Saint‑Simoniame en Italie, ib. 1898; La Grande Enebclopbalie, vol. axiz., ib. 1901; F. Muckle. Saint‑Simon and die 6korwmiacha Geachichtatheorie, Jena, 1906.
SAINTS, VENERATION OF: In accordance with Old‑Testament usage (e.g., Dan, vii. 18 sqq.) the name " saints " (Gk. hagioi, Lat., sartcti) is applied in the New Testament to the members of the Christian community, and especially to those dwelling in Jerusalem. This use occurs as late as Hippolytus. At an early time attention was directed to individuals who by deeds and lives of extraordinary piety seemed to reveal the presence of the Spirit in exceptional fulness. Naturally this character was ascribed to those whose lives were
	Before	crowned with the glory of martyrdom,
Constantine. a view definitely expressed for the first
		time in the account rendered by the
community at Smyrna of the death of Polycarp
(about 155). The reproach advanced by the Jews
that the Christians of Smyrna seemed desirous of
adoring Polycarp in place of Christ caused the com
munity to define their attitude toward the martyrs
whom they declared they " did not worship as they
did Christ the son of God, but regarded them with
fond affection as witnesses and imitators of the
Lord." Yet Lucian bears testimony to the rever
ence with which the confessors were regarded even
in their lifetime. Between them, as representatives
of the highest ideals of Christian saintliness, and the
officials of the Church a certain measure of rivalry
prevailed; on the theory that their superabundant
merit might atone for the failings of others, they
came to exercise to a certain extent the power of
the keys.
With the conversion of Constantine and the cessation of persecution in the State the early confessors together with the prophets and apostles attained an unprecedented authority,
Rise of and names of hitherto local vogue bathe Cultus. gan to receive the veneration of the entire Church. Through the veneration of saints heathenism made its way into the Church which had supplanted it. Pagan worship of the dead became Christian martyrolatry, and the birthday feasts of the martyrs were but modifications of the banquets signalizing the pagan parerttalia (V. Schultze, Geschichte des Untergartys des griechiachrromischen Heidenthums, ii. 351‑353, Jena, 1892). Aphrodite became the source of legends connected with the names of Pelagia, Maria, Marina, Margaret, Anthusa, and Eugenia, and during the last years of an expiring paganism marked by the wide‑spread worship of female divinities greater emphasis came to be laid on the worship of the " Mother of God." With the gods came also the heroes; the hymn to the martyr was but a substitute for the hymn to the hero, the translation of one was the deification of the other, and the pagan statue was replaced by the Christian relic, in the adoration of which such enlightened spirits as Gregory of Nyssa engaged. The host of saints, increased by th<; accession of a new category, that of

Saints
Salmaains
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
ascetics, is addressed by Gregory Nasianzen, by Basil, and by Jerome as intercessors between man and God. Not alone their bones but their graves and their shrines are instruments of blessing; they appear to those who invoke them or are represented by angels who assume their form; and though Augustine issues a warning against the adoration of the dead and argues that the saints are to be reverenced as models, and not worshiped as gods, with him, too, the prayers for the saints at the eucharistic oblations become transformed into an appeal addressed to the saints for their intercession. Julian was in a position to reproach the Christians with having abandoned the service of the gods for that of mere men. In his time every altar had its relics and the sick were laid in the chapels of the saints as formerly they were placed in the temples of Xsculapius. The opposition of a Eunomius, a Eustathius, or a Vigilantius could not check the rapid increase of the cult. The wearing of relics as amulets became common, the aid of the saints was invoked before the inception of important measures, and formal gratitude was rendered them on the successful completion of an adventure. Particular lands and particular trades and professions adopted their patron saints.
The veneration of the saints was formally sanctioned by the second Nicene Council (787) which distinguished, however, between the proskynesis or douleia, the reverence due to the saints and the
	absolute worship, latreia, to be ren
In the	dered to God alone (see Du1.lA). In
Middle	the West, though the Caroline Books
Ages.	(q.v.) pronounced for the veneration
	of the saints, Charlemagne was no
friend of the cult in its extreme form, and the Synod
of Frankfort in 794 declared against the addition of
new names to the list of those venerated. But under
Louis the Pious (814‑840) the translation of saints
became common, and though pretests against the
abuses connected with the cult are found after 1104
the principle of the practise was not assailed. In
the case of a Bernard or Francis of Assisi venera
tion was paid to a saintly character even in his life
time. It was the voice of the people that at first
bestowed the title of holiness; Uhzch of Augsburg
was the first to receive the papal canonization.
Scholasticism supplied the dogmatic basis for the
worship of saints by describing them as friends of
God and intercessors before his throne. The dis
tinction between douleia and latreia was preserved
and the saints were divided into six categories, par
triarchs and prophets, apostles, martyrs, confes
sors, virgins, and holy women. Indeed the close of
the Middle Ages was marked by the appearance of
many new saints, the worship of Anna, the mother
of Mary, becoming at that time the basis of a
separate cult in Germany.
The Reformation in transforming the ideal of the religious and moral life struck at the roots of saint worship. The certainty of salvation obtained through faith in Christ made the intercession of saints not only superfluous, but derogatory to the character of Christ as the sole advocate. The. Augsburg Confession declares itself clearly on the faint. The Apology would permit the rendering
of honors to the saints though it finds no Scriptural basis for their invocation, and Luther in the Schmal‑
kald Articles declares definitely against The Refor‑ the practise. The Council of Trent mation and contented itself with declaring the
	After.	practise " ° good and useful," and de
		cisively rejected a proposal looking to
its abandonment. In fact, however, saint worship
continued to be a very essential part of the religious
life of the southern peoples. In the Greek Orthodox
Church the saints are invoked " not as gods but as
friends of God." Altars are not dedicated to them.
In practise the worshiper addresses himself to his
name saint after the Virgin, and the feast days of
the saints have pushed the Sabbath day into the
background. The Russian Church has added many
saints to those it received from the Greek Church,
but it knows no actual process of canonization. It
considers the most important mark of sanctity to
be the delay in, or the total absence of, physical
decomposition following death, together with exhi
bition of miraculous powers. See CANONIZATION;
COMMUNION OF SAINTS; and AcTA MARTmum AND
AcTA SANcToRUnf.
(N. BONWETSCH.)
BIBLJOGRAPHY: The literature of first importance is given in AcrA MAnTrauae, AcTA SAxcroxurs, which the student can not afford to miss. Further treatises (selected from an immense literature) of a general nature are: C. Cabier, Caractlsiatiques lea saints done Part populaire, 2 vols., Paris, 1867; H. Usener, Legenden der heiligen Pelagia, Bonn, 1879; W. H. Anderdon, Evenings with the Saints, London, 1883; G. F. L. Du Broc, Les Saints Patrons lea corporations, 2 vols., Paris, 1887; H. Samson, Die Schutaheiligen, Paderborn, 1889; idem, Die Heiligen ala Kirchenpatrone, ib. 1892; T. Trede, Das Heidentum in der r6mizchen Kirche. Bilder aus dem religifen und aittlichen Leben Siiditalient, 4 vols., Goths, 188981; S. Biessel, Die Verehrung der Heiligen and ihrer Reliquien in Deutschland, ib. 1890; F. Kattenbuseh, Verglefchends Konfessionskunde, i. 456 sqq., Freiburg, 1892; H. R. Percival, The Invocation of Saints, London, 1896; O. PHeiderer, Die Attribute der Heiligen, Ulm, 1897; H. Leclereq, Lea Martyrs. Recuqrl de pikes authentiqum sur lee martyrs, 3 vols., Paris, 1902‑04; E. Hells, Studies in Saintship, London, 1903; H. P. Brewster, Saints and Festivals of the Christian Church, New York, 1904; E. A. Greene, Saints and their Symbols, London, 1904; J. HahnHahn, Die Afdrtyrer, Regensburg, 1904; E. Lucius, Die Anfange des Heiligenkults in der christlichen Kirche, Tiibingen, 1904; H. Delehaye, Lea Legends hagiographiques, Brussels, 1905; D. H. Kerler, Die Patronate der Heiligen, Ulm, 1905; H. Siebert, Beitrage zur vorreformatorischen Heiligen‑ and Reliquienverahrung, Freiburg, 1907.
For eastern hagiology consult: A. Ehrhardt, Die Legendenaammdungen,Freiburg, 1896; idem, Forschungen zur Hagiographie der griechiachen Kirche, in RQS, 1897, pp. 67 sqq.; L:, Clugnet, Bibliothpque hagiographique oiientale, Paris, 1901 sqq.; G. Rabeau, Le Cults des saints done l'Afrique ehrltienne, ib. 1903. For England: John Wilson, The English Martyrologe, Conteyning a Summary of the Lives of the . . Saintes of the Three Kingdomes, England, Scotland, and Ireland collected . . . into mondhs after the Form of a Callendar according to every Saints's Festivity, London, 1608; idem, The Roman Martyrologe, according to the Re. formed Calendar, ib. 1627; John Bowden, Oratorian Lives of the Saints, 4 vols., r'b. 1873‑75; T. Walsh, The Church of Erin. Her Saints, 3 parts, New York, 1885; R. Stanton, Menology of England and Wales, London, 1887; F. Heitemeyer, Die Healigen Deutechlande, Paderhom, 1888; John Pinkerton, Vitas antiquas sanctorum qui habitaverunt in ea parts Britannia nunc vocata Scotia vel ejus insulin, ed. W. M. Mitealfe 2 vole., Paisley, 1890; The Book of Lismore, Oxford, 1890• F. A. Smallpiece, The Enolish Saints of the English Calendar, ib. 1894; F. E. Arnold‑Forster, Studies in Church Dedications, or, England's Patron Saints, 3 vols., London, 1899; W. Fleming, A Complete Calendar of the English Saints, ib. 1902; W. H. Hutton, Inlfumee of Chris‑

RELIGIOUS
ENCYCLOPEDIA
Saints
Salmasins
tianity upon National CharaeterlZluahotedby the Lives oJthe English Saints, ib. 1902. For other countries: G. Sainat3, Vitt dal Sand nati ualla Dioceai Piaana, Pisa. 1884; E. Noyes, Saints of Italy, London, 1901; E. P. M. Sauvaqe, Actea des eaintee de Rouen. Rouen, 1884 sqq.; C. A. Bernoulli, Die Heilipsn der Merowinper. TiSbingen,1900; A. Legrand,Lea Vies des saints de la Bretagne Armorique, Quimper, 1901; Mary Hamilton, Greek Saints and their Feativala,London, 1910; T. F. Maekea, The Canonization of Saints, ib., 1910.
On the saints in art consult the literature under ART AND CHURCH; PAINTING, ILLUSTRATIVE AND DECORATIVE, CHRISTIAN; and SCOLPTffBE, CaRIeTISN USE or: and the following; C. E. Clement, The Saints in Art, London, 1899; N. Bell. The Saints in Christian Art, 3 vole., Ib. 1901‑04; Margaret E. Tabor, The Saints in Art; with their Attributes and Symbols alphabetically arranged, New York, 1908.
SA$$OS. See VESTMENTS AND INSIGNIA, EGG CLESIABTICAL.
SALEM WITCHCRAFT. See WITCHCRAFT.
SALES, FRANCIS DE. See FRANCIS, SAINT, of SALES.
SALIG, sd'lig, CHRISTIAN AUGUST: German Lutheran church historian; b. at Domersleben, near Magdeburg, Apr. 6, 1692; d. at Wolfenbiittel (32 m. s.e. of Hanover) Oct. 3, 1738. He was educated at the universities of Halls (1707‑10) and Jena (1710‑12), and, after preaching in his native town for two years, returned to Halls, where he lectured on philology, theology, and history. Here he published his Philosophumena veterum et recelatiorum de anima et ejus immortalitate (Halls, 1714) and took part in editing the New hallische Bibliothek. In 1717 he became associate rector of the lyceum at Wolfenbiittel, a position which he held until his death. Drawing his materials almost entirely from the great library at Wolfenbuttel, Salig wrote his De Eutychianismo ante Eutychium (Wolfenbiittel, 1723), a work which drew upon him the suspicion of Nestorianism, and thus inspired him to write a voluminous Eutychianismi hiatoria, which was never published. He wrote also De diptychis veterum, tam profanis quam sacris (Halls, 1731), but his fame is chiefly due to his labors in the history of the Reformation. He began with the Vollstllndige Hiatmrie der augsburgischen Konfeasiolt and derselben Apologia (Halls, 1730). This was followed in 1733‑35 by the Yollsfitndige Historic der augsburgische7t Kanfessian and dzrselben zugethanen Kirchen (omitting the Scandinavian churches), in which an unmistakable sympathy is shown for the followers of C. Schwenkfeld (See SCHWENSFELD vow OssiG, CASPAR, SCHWENgFELDIANB) and V. Krautwald. The conclusion of the series appeared posthumously under the title Yollstdndige Historic des tridentinischen Konziliums (3 vole., ed. S. A. Ballenatedt and J. S. Baumgarten, Halls, 1741‑45). (T. KoLDE.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. A. Ba1leDatedt, De vita d obitu .
C. A. Saligii, Helmstadt, 1738; F. k. Hireching, Hiatoriach‑Zitteranachea Handbvch, z. 79. Leipsie, 1807; J. M. H. DSring, Die Gelehrlen Theokgen Deutachtanda, iii. 892. Neuatadt, 1833.
SALISBURY, s81z'bur‑i (NEW SARUM): Capital of Wiltshire, England (78 m. w.s.w. of London), the seat of a bishopric, with a population of 21,900 (1901). The cathedral, one of the best examples of early English architecture, was built 1220‑58 and X.‑12
restored since 1868. The cloisters, of the thirteenth century, are the most perfect in England, and constitute a square with sides of 181 feet.
BIRLiOaRAP87: W. H. R. Jones, Documents Illustrating the Hid. of the Cathedral, City and Diocese of Salisbury in the lath and ISth Centuries, Salisbury, 1891; G. D. Boyle, Salisbury Cathedral, London, 1897; C. Wordsworth, Ceremonies and Processions of the Cathedral Church of Salisbury. Cambridge, 1901.
SALLE, JEAN BAPTISTS DE LA. See CHRISTIAN BROTHERS.
SALMANTICENSES, sal‑man‑ti‑aen'sfa: Two extensive scholastic compilations of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, prepared by Discalced Carmelites at Salamanca. The first was a presentation of Thomiatic dogmatics, and the second a compend of Roman Catholic moral theology. The two were preceded by the Discalced Carmelite Complutenses, or Collegium Complutense philosophicum, hoc est, artium curses slue disputatitmes in Aristotelis diateaieam et Philosophiam naturalem juxta angelid, doctaris divi Thamte doctrinam et ejus scholam (5 vole., Alcala, 1624‑25). The dogmatic work of the Salamanca Carmelites bore the title of Curses theologicus, Summam theologicam divi Thtrmte lootoris angelid compleetena (9 vole., Salamanca, 1831 sqq.; 3d ed., by Palmi, Paris, 20 vole., 1871‑85). The theological standpoint of the dogmatics is strictly Thomistic, frequently assailing the semi‑Pelagianism of Molina, and more or less opposed to the Jesuits. The moral compend, or Curses theologi.te moralis (6 vole., Salamanca, 1665 sqq.), on the other hand, is more akin to the Jesuit scholastic in its probabilism. The chief collaborators on the dogmatics were Antoniua de Olivero (Antonius a Metre Dei), Dominicus a Santa Theresa, and Johannes ab Annuntiatione; and on the morals Franciscus a Jesu Maria, Andreas a Metre Dei, Sebastianus a Joachim, and Ildefonsus ab Angelis.
(O. Z13cRLERf.)
BIRLIOa$wpHy: N. Antonius. Bsbliodheca Hispanics. i. 113, ii. 220, Rome, 1872; $. Warner, Thomas van Aquin, iii. 381 eqq., Regensburg, 1859; J. J. I. van Dbllinger and F. H. Reueeh, Geachichte der Moralatreit£pkeiten in der remisch‑katholixhen Birche, i. 81, 410 sqq., Bonn, 1887; Heimbucher, Orden and %nprepationen, ii. 564; %L, a. 1585.
SALMASIUS, sal‑m6'ehi‑>7s, CLAUDIUS (CLAUDE DE SAUMAISE): French Protestant polyhistor; b. at Semuren‑Auzois (128 m. a.e. of Paris) Apr. 15, 1588; d. at Spaa (18 m. s.e. of LiSge), Belgium, Sept. 3, 1653. While a student of philosophy at Paris (1604‑‑06), he professed Calvinism, and later studied jurisprudence at Heidelberg (1606‑(19). Returning to France, he became an advocate at Dijon, but feeling himself impeded in such a career by his Protestantism, he turned to literature, and quickly became renowned throughout Europe. He accepted, in 1632, the offer to succeed Joseph Scaliger at Leyden. Here his scope as an author spread constantly. At the height of his fame he defended the cause of the Stuarts and Charles I. against the commonwealth, in his anonymous Defensio regia pro Carob 1. (Leyden, 1649), which provoked the anger of Milton, to whom he replied in his posthumous Ad Miltonum resPonaio (Divione, 1660). In 1650 he accepted the call of Christina of Sweden to

8almeron
Salvation
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
17'8
Stockholm. In the following year, however, the
climate and his controversies with Isaak Vossius
and Nicolaus Heinsius caused him to return to
Leyden, laden with gifts and honors from the queen.
	His theological works deal with exegesis, church
history, and canon law. To the first category be
long his editions of Nilus' De primatu papm Romani
and Barlaam's Monachi (Hanau, 1608), and to the
second his Amici ad amicum de suburbicariis regioni
bus et ecdesiis subnrbieariis epistola (n.p., 1619) and
also his Eucharisticon Jacobo Sirmondo‑both in de
fense of Jacques Sirmond (q.v.) against Jacobus
Gothofredus. Salmasius published an edition of
Tertullian's De pallio (Paris, 1622), which led Pe
tavius to write his pseudonymous Antonii Kerkoetii
animadversorum liber, to which Salmasius replied in
the Confutatio animadversorum Antonii Cercwtii,
auctore Francisco Franco (Middelburg, 1623). In
1638 the De usuris (Leyden, 1638) involved its
author in strife with theologians and jurists. This
was followed by the De modo usurarum (1639), Dia
triba de mutuo (1640), and Dissertatio de fanore
(1640). Petavius assailed Salmasius in his Disser
tationes ecdesiasticcv, and Salmasius answered in the
pseudonymous Walonis Messalini de episeopis et
presbyteris (1641), and in De primatu papte (1645).
In like manner he wrote, under the pseudonym of
Simplicius Verinus, the De transsubstantione (The
Hague, 1646). 	(G. LAUBMANNt).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Salmasii epistolarum liber 1. Accedunt de laudibus et vita eyusdem prolegomena, ed. A. Clementio, Leyden, 1658; J. Arnd, Exercitatio de erroribua Salmasii in theologia, Wittenberg, 1651, reproduced in G. H. Goetze, Elogia Germanorum theologorum, pp. 207‑231, Lilbeek, 1708: A. Vorst, Oratio in excessum Salmasid, ib. 1654; P. Papillon, Bibl:otUque des auteurs de Bourgogne, ii. 247‑286, Dijon, 1742; A. J. von der Aa, Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden, xvii. 33‑53, Haarlem , 1852 aqq.; It. and E. Haag, La France protestante, ix. 149‑173, 10 vols., Paris, 2d ed., 1877 sqq.; E. Egger, L'Hellenisme en France, i. 227, Paris, 1869.
SALMERON, sdl'me‑ron", ALPHONSO: Jesuit; b. at Toledo Oct. 8, 1515; d. at Naples Feb. 13, 1585. He studied at Alcala and Paris; joined Ignatius Loyola, 1534, and became one of the founders and most active members of the Society of Jesus. Fanatical in his resistance to the Reformation, he visited almost every country in Europe, was present at the Council of Trent as papal theologian, and wrote commentaries on most of the books of the New Testament (16 vols., Cologne, 1602‑04, and after), which are more theological than exegetical.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The two important lives are by G. Boero, Florence, 1880 (in Italian), and I. Torre, Barcelona, 1887 (in Spanish). Consult also KL, x. 1555‑56; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, face. xxxv. 1378‑1379; and the literature under JESUITS.
SALMON, GEORGE: Church of Ireland; b. in Dublin Sept. 25, 1819; d. there Jan. 22, 1904. He was educated at Trinity College, Dublin (B.A., 1839; M.A., 1843), and was ordered deacon in 1844 and ordained priest in the following year. He was assistant to the regius professor of divinity at Dublin University (1845‑66); senior assistant to the professor of mathematics and lecturer in the same subject (1848‑66); and regius professor of divinity (1866‑88). He was also junior dean in 1848, examining chaplain to the archbishop of Dublin in 1852‑
1864 and 188588, university preacher in 1852‑55 and 1857‑65, and deputy Archbishop King's lecturer in 1862. From 1888 until his death he was provost of Trinity College, Dublin, and from 1871 was also chancellor of St. Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin. He wrote, besides several volumes of collected sermons, Historical Introduction to the Study of the Books of the New Testament (1885); The Infallibility of the Church (1888); Some Thoughts on the Textual Criticism of the New Testament (1897); and The Human Element in the Gospels. A Commentary of the Synoptic Narrative, ed. N. J. D. White, London, 1907.

SALMOND, STEWART DINGWALL FORDYCE:
Free Church of Scotland; b. at Aberdeen June 22, 1838; d. there Apr. 20, 1905. He was educated at King's College and the University, Aberdeen, and at Erlangen; was assistant professor of Greek, University of Aberdeen, 1861‑64; classical examiner, 1864‑67; minister at Barry, Forfarshire, 186576; professor of systematic theology and New‑Testament exegesis in the Free Church College, Aberdeen, after 1876; and principal after 1898. He translated with notes parts of vols. vi., ix., xiv., and xx. of the ANF (Edinburgh, 1867‑71), and of vols. viii. and ix. of transl. of Augustine (1873), and was author of a Commentary on the Epistles of Peter (New York, 1883), in Philip Schaff's Popular Commentary on the New Testament; on the Epistle of Jude (New York, 1890) in The Pulpit Commentary; on the Gospel of Mark (London, 1902) in the Century Bible; on Ephesians (1904); and of The Life of the Apostle Peter (Edinburgh, 1884) ; An Exposition of the Shorter Catechism (1884); The Parables of our Lord (1884); The Life of Christ (1887); and The Sabbath (1894)‑the last four are included in The Bible Class Primers. He published also The Christian Doctrine of Immortality (Edinburgh, 1895; 4th rev. ed., 1901). He was editor of The Bible Class Primers; The Critical Review of Current Theological and Philosophical Literature; and coeditor with Dr. Charles A. Briggs of The International Theological Library.

SALOME. See HEROD AND His FAMILY, I., §§ 1, 3, 5, II., §§ 3, 6; JAMES I., 1.
SALT: Important both as a condiment and as an element in the Hebrew ritual of sacrifice. The Dead Sea rendered it easy for the ancient Hebrews to obtain salt (Gen. xiv. 3; Deut. iii. 17; Josh. iii. 16), and they obtained it also from the Mediterranean. Crystals of salt were found on the shore of the Dead Sea ready for gathering (cf. Ecclus. xliii. 19), and at the southern extremity of the same sea are beds of rock salt (cf. Gen. xix. 26; Wisd. of Sol., x. 7). The marshes in the vicinity of the Dead Sea have an incrustation of coarse salt when the water recedes each year (Ezek. xlvii. 11; Zeph. ii. 9). For many thousand years the tribes about the Dead Sea have driven a thriving trade in salt. According to I Mace. x. 29, xi. 35, a tax was levied on salt, of which the temple consumed immense quantities (Ezra vi. 7); supplies of salt could be obtained in the temple market by the worshipers (Ezra vi. 9, vii. 22). According to Josephus the salt of Sodom alone was used for the temple.

179	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	salmeroa
Salvation
There are in the Bible a few allusions to salt as a seasoning (Job vi. 6). The prophet Elisha threw salt into an unhealthy well (II Kings ii. 19 sqq.). To eat one's salt (Ezra iv. 14) was the same as to eat a person's bread, and when a guest had tasted bread and salt, he was under the protection of the tribe. Salt was accordingly used in making a treaty, possibly as a symbol of purity combined with the inviolable relation established by eating the salt of a host. The covenant of salt could not be broken (Lev. ii. 13; Num. xvili. 19; II Chron. xiii. 5). What was salted, being preserved from corruption, could be regarded as ritually pure and as worthy to be dedicated to the deity. Herein lies the explanation of the use of salt in the ban and in the sacrifice. When the ban was placed upon a district, it was sown with salt to imply that the ground in question was dedicated to the divinity. It was extremely perilous to occupy land thus devoted to God (I Kings xvi. 34; cf. Josh. vi. 26). In like manner, an animal was sprinkled with salt to make it fit to be a burnt offering to Yahweh (Ezek. x1iii. 44; Mark ix. 49). Though this ceremony is not mentioned in the older portions of the Bible, it may well have been practised at a very early period. The only allusions to salted sacrifices in early times are those of the meal offering (Lev. ii. 13) and of the shewbread (Lev. xxiv. 7, LXX.). The oriental custom of rubbing the new‑born child with salt must be regarded as a religious ceremony to purify the infant defiled by contact with the impurity of childbirth and to dedicate the babe to God and protect it against demonic influence.
The Bible frequently alludes figuratively to the properties of salt. When Jesus terms the disciples " the salt of the earth," he regards them as a new purifying element to counteract moral foulness. Other allusions are to be found in Mark ix. 49‑50; Luke xiv. 44; Col. iv. 6. The Hebrews were likewise acquainted with the fondness of cattle for salt (Isa. xxx. 24). The salt of Palestine is inferior to that of Europe, since it contains a larger proportion of gypsum, magnesia, and other minerals.
In the Roman Catholic Church salt is used in exorcism, and as the salt of wisdom is placed on the tongue at baptism. Salt is likewise put in holy water with reference to II Kings ii. 21‑22, and the salt for cattle is duly blessed. (R. ZEHNPFUND.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The two books of most value are H. C. Trumbull, The Covenant of Salt, New York, 1899 (not to be overlooked); and M. J. Schleiden, Das Salz, pp. 73 sqq., Leipsic, 1875. Consult further: Shalders, in Expositor, xi (1880), 79 sqq.; H. H. Wendt, Teaching of Jesus, ii. 62 sqq., London 1892; Landberg, Arabica, v. 134‑157, Leyden, 1898; U. Wileken, Griechische 0straca aus Aegypten, i. 141 sqq., Leipsie, 1899; F. Schwally, Semitische Kriegsaltertfmer, p. 32, ib. 1901; Smith, Rel. of Sem., p. 479; Wellhausen. Heidentum, pp. 124, 189; Benzinger, Archllologie, pp. 69, 115, 377‑378; DB, iv. 353; EB, iv. 4247‑50; DCG, ii. 1838‑39; KL, x. 15851586; and the commentaries on the passages cited.

SALUTATIONS, HEBREW: The Hebrew salutation is in its essence an invocation of good fortune, joy, peace, the blessing of God (Gen. xxiv. 60, xlvii. 7). In form it was often a question after one's welfare (Gen. xliii. 27), and might be given in person, by letter, or by messenger, on arrival or at departure, or at a chance meeting on a journey (I Sam.
xiii. 10; II Kings x. 15; II Sam. viii. 10). At least among later orientals greetings became so cere. monious and protracted that they constituted serious interruption (II Kings iv. 29; Luke x. 4); Jews seem not to have offered greetings to Gentiles (Matt. v. 47). The simplest formula was: Is it well? (II Sam. xx. 9), or: Peace be unto thee (Judges xix. 20); on departure the expression was: Go in peace (I Sam. i. 17). Specifically Hebraic was the blessing which contained the name of Yahweh (Ps. cxxix. 8). An honorific form is: Let the king live for ever (I Kings i. 31), employed in Babylonia, Persia, Phenicia, and Carthage.
	The gestures which accompanied the salutation
varied according to station both in degree and in
the matter of repetition, and included the bowing
of the head (I Kings i. I6), deep obeisance (Gen.
xviii. 2; I Sam. xxiv. 9), and prostration (Gen.
xlii. 6). A horseman dismounts when meeting a
superior (Gen. xxiv. 64) and greets him with honor
ific bowing. Other forms, expressing humility, are
kissing the feet and bowing the knee (Luke vii. 38;
II Kings i. 13). Salutation, especially by a man of
lower degree, was often accompanied by gifts (Gen.
xxxiii. 11, xliii. 11), and in return gifts were made
by the superior on departure (I Kings x. 10 sqq.).
Other forms were kissing the hand, the beard, and
the mouth, and embracing. The kiss upon the face,
mouth, neck, and eyes were signs of friendship or of
the love of kinship. 	(E. LEYRERt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. M. Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, passim, 2 vols., ‑Cambridge, 1888; G. M. Mackie, Bible Manners and Customs, p. 150, London, 1900; Bensinger, Archdolopie, p. 171; DB, ii. 263, iv. 356‑357; EB, iv. 4252 sqq.; JE, vi. 88‑90; DCG, i. 692‑693; KL, v. 13181319.
SALVADOR. See CENTRAL AMERICA.
SALVATION: In Biblical and ecclesiastical language the purpose and result of the redeeming activity of God. Of the corresponding Hebrew expressions, yesha and yeshu'ah signify help in general; marpe, recovery from disease, but also in a broader sense deliverance of any kind (as, for instance, Jer. viii. 15; Mal. iii. 20, E. V., iv. 2). The Greek sottaria (from 86s, " safe ") means security of personal life by protection from any injury. This expression corresponds exactly to the German Hell, since Gothic hails, Old High Germ. hell, Eng. "whole," means " safe, sound, intact."
In Old‑Testament prophecy the salvation of Israel, which is to be effected by God's saving deed, became the comprehensive expression of hope for the future and the content of the Messianic activity (see MEssIAH, MEssmNIsm). It means originally deliverance from hostile oppression and realization of lasting peace and welfare, but these external acts of salvation on the part of God are conditioned by the religious and moral attitude of the people (Isa. xlv. 22, lix. 20). Thus salvation can be realized fully only by an ideal religious and moral order of life through the remission of guilt (Isa. xxxiii. 24, xliii. 25) and moral renovation (Jer. xxxi. 33 aqq.). The spiritualization of the blessing of salvation was completed in the New Testament, where salvation denotes that forgiveness of sins which is mediated by Christ's redeeming activity, saves from

~~ °nAX=y	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG 	180
a
judgment, and admits to God's kingdom (Luke i.
77). The basis of salvation is God's love (Rom. v.
8 sqq.). The means by which God effects the indi
vidual's salvation is the Gospel of Christ (Rom. i.
16; I Cor. i. 21). The condition of reception is
faith (Rom. x. 9; John iii. 16).
	For the changes in the ecclesiastical conception
of salvation see REDEMP77ON. In dogmatic lan
guage the term salua was not strictly defined. The
older Protestant dogmaticians used it to express
the total result of Christ's activity in the sense of
redemption, but also for the share of the individual
in redemption. After the Loci: theologicci, had made
room for a more logical disposition of dogmatic ma
terial, the doctrine of salvation (soteriology) be
came an independent part of the Christian system
of doctrines.	(O. KIRN.)
BIBLIOUBAPBY: R. H. Charles, Critical History of the Doc
	trine of a Future Life, London, 1899• G. F. Oehler, The
	ology of the O. T., i. 27, ii. 309, Edinburgh, 1875; C. A.
	Briggs, Messianic Prophecy, New York, 1902; JE, x.
	8&3‑884; and, for the Christian conception, the literature
	under DOGMA.
	SALVATION ARMY: An international organi
zation having for its purpose the uplift of the mor
ally, spiritually, and materially destitute. Its
founder was William Booth (q.v.), who in 1865 com
menced holding meetings in a disused burial‑ground
in London belonging to the Quakers. Its first name
was the Christian Mission, which was changed in
1878 to the present name, with the accompaniment
of military titles, uniforms, and paraphernalia. The
new title seemed to express more fittingly the pur
pose of the organization, and also to infuse into the
workers an esprit de corps while at the same time
it caught the popular ear and gained a hearing
which otherwise might not have been secured. The
work extended in the notorious East End of London,
and conversions were made which showed that a
need had been met which was not supplied through
the channels of ordinary church work. The growth
of the work, which in 1878 had 81 corps, 127 offi
cers, and 1,987 workers, aroused some opposition;
but the opposition was overcome and the activities
were extended to other parts of the metropolis, then
out into the country and to the other large cities of
England, over the entire United Kingdom, gained
a footing upon the continent, then in the United
States and Canada, into the British colonies in gen
eral, until at the present all western Europe, Ice
land, Italy, India, Ceylon, Java, Japan, Korea,
Australia and New Zealand, South Africa, South
America, and several of the West Indies are occu
pied by the organization‑in all fifty‑four countries
in v~hich twenty‑eight languages are used in the
eelw ces. In 1910 the reports indicated for the en
tire organization 8,574 corps and outposts, 16,244
officers, cadets, and employees, and 56,867. local offi
cers, and 21,681 bandsmen. It has received official
recognition from several of the crowned heads of
Europe, while in other quarters as exalted its work
has been commended.
	The basis of the army doctrinally is that of ortho
dox Christianity without the distinctions of sect.
Its object includes the betterment in all worthy re
spects of those whom it can reach in its various
ways. It discards all distinctions except those of
piety and ability, men and women work side by side; while the ordinary conventionalities employed in the usual agencies of Christian work are, if the case demands, entirely disregarded. The specific directions its work takes are first religious, aiming at the conversion of those who are either indifferent to religion or are opposed to it; second, social, aiming to reach especially the poor and destitute. In carrying out its specifically missionary work, preaching and exhorting in the vernacular of the country are carried on in the open air, and also in the halls which are provided by voluntary offerings. As a result of this work many thousands of conversions are reported yearly, converts being gathered from all classes. The social work is very varied. It includes the establishment and maintenance of food and shelter depots and cheap restaurants for the poor. In these the Army cares for many thousands yearly, furnishing food and lodging, insisting upon cleanliness in person and habit while under the care of the institutions, while religious services are held regularly for the inmates. In close connection with this class of work is the home visitation in the poorer districts of the cities, the women entering the homes, ministering to the sick, supplying medicines, washing and dressing children for school, even cleansing the house and furniture, supplying food, and on occasion preparing the dead for burial. Work among prisoners, including the providing of employment upon their release, is an important branch of the work. The Army has also established orphanages, especially in rural districts, where the training of the children is both mental and industrial. It also maintains a network of industrial homes in connection with which work is furnished and the self‑respect of the beneficiaries is fostered. Salesrooms are kept in connection with these in which articles suitable for use in the household are dispensed at prices which are a boon to the poor and worthy. Those who enter these homes are encouraged and helped to obtain work outside at the earliest possible moment, and thus the idea of almsgiving is eliminated so far as the nature of individual cases permits. Farm colonies have been established which supplement the other establishments for furnishing work to the needy. One of the most successful branches of the Army's operations is the rescue work for fallen women, in which twenty‑two homes are maintained. It is claimed that between eighty and ninety per cent of the rescue cases prove to be permanent. Maternity wards are a part of the equipment of these homes. The Salvation Army has also employed its organization as a means for collecting and disbursing funds in great emergencies like those of the earthquake disasters at San Francisco and Messina and environs. A recognized practise with the Army is the furnishing of Christmas dinners to the poor and unemployed, in the United States alone 350,000 were the guests on a single Christmas. Its funds in the course of a year are large, $300,000 being spent in the single item of poor relief. A careful system of bookkeeping is in vogue, the accounts are regularly audited, and yearly reports are issued and filed in accordance with the requirements of the laws under which the Army is incorporated.

181	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Salvation Army
		Salvias
	(In Germany in 1911 the army reports 190 sta
	tions, with twenty‑eight institutions for social bet
	terment, including twelve homes for men, seven
	rescue homes for women, and three " Samaritan
	homes," besides kindergartens and other organized
means of help.]
	In the United States work was begun in 1880 by
	Commissioner George Railton and seven women
	officers. It reports 896 corps and outposts, 3,875
	officers and employees, 75 workingmen's hotels, 4
	women's hotels, and in these accommodation for
	6,592 is furnished nightly, and 1,961,677 beds each
	year, 20 food depots, 107.industrial homes, 3 farm
	colonies with 2,000 colonized and 350 colonists;
	there are 20 employment bureaus which furnish
	work for 1,500 persons each month, 107 second
	hand stores, 4 children's homes, 4 day‑nurseries, and
	23 Slum settlements. In a single year in the United
	States 309,591 persons were afforded temporary re
	lief, summer outings were given to 3,972 mothers
	and 24,373 children, employment was found for
	65,124 men and 5,355 women, 1,593,834 pounds of
	ice and 4,579,788 pounds of coal were distributed.
	Regular visitation of prisons, workhouses, and hos
pitals is also carried on.	At the Paris Exposition
	a gold medal was awarded the organization for the
	United States exhibit of the Salvation Army's oper
ations among the poor.	Wm. H. Cox.
	BIBLIOGRAPHY: Besides the literature by members of the
	Booth family (see BOOTH, CATHERINE MUMPORD, and
	WILLIAM, and BOOTH TDaxER. Emma, Moss, and FRED
	ERICK ST. GEORGE DE LATDDR), which is currently pub
	lished and obtainable at the principal Salvation Army
	depots, and the literature under the articles on the Booths,
	consult: J. E. Butler, The Salvation Army in Switzerland,
	London, 1883; T. Kolde, Die Heilsarmee, Erlangen, 1885;
	1. Pestalozzi, Was ist die Heils‑Armee, Halle, 1888; E. R.
	Swift, Drum Taps, London, 1887; J. O. Bairstow, Sen
	sational Religion, London, 1890; B. Booth, From Ocean
	to Ocean; or, the Salvation Army's March from the Atlantic
	to the Pacific, New York, 1891; J. Fehr, Die Heilsarmee,
	Frankfort, 1891; Sir W. Besant, The Farm and the City.
	A Study of the social Work of the Salvation Army, London,
	1900; J. Page, General Booth, ib. 1901; G. S. Railton,
	Hilt. of our South American War, ib. 1902; J. Hollins,
	The Salvation Army: a Study of its Defects and Possibil
	ities, ib. 1903; F. St. G. de L. Booth Tucker, The Consul:
	a Sketch of Emma Booth‑Tucker, ib. 1904; H. R. Haggard,
	The Poor and the Land; a Report on the Salvation Army
	Colonies, ib. 1905; idem, Regeneration; being an Account
	of the Social Work of the Salvation Army in Great Britain,
	ib. 1910; A. Goodrich, We and Work of General Booth;
	Story of the Salvation Army, ib. 1908; J. Manson, Salvation
	Army and the Public; a religious, amid and financial Study,
	New York, 1907 (criticizes Army's methods in Great Brit
	ain); Holds, Friederiehs, The Romance of the Salvation
	Army, London, 1908; G. S. Railton, Day by Day in the
	Salvation Army. Being a brief Account of Salvation Army
	Work in various Countries, ib.1910; Orders and Regulations
forannually	London.alvation Army Year Book,
	SALVIANUS, sal‑vi‑e'nus: Presbyter of Marseilles;
	b. probably at Treves about 400; d. after 480. He
	came of a highly respected, and probably Chris
	tian, family, but married a pagan wife. After her
	conversion, the pair bound themselves to continence.
	Salvianus' ascetic tendencies opened the way for
	him to the monastic circles of southern Gaul, where
	he formed a close friendship with Eucherius, later
	bishop of Lyons. During the latter portion of his
life Salvianus was a presbyter at Marseilles.
	Gennadius (De vir. ill., Ixviii.) knew of the follow‑
ing writings of Salvianue: De vir*nidatis bo)w ad
AlarceUum presbyterum; Adversus avaritiam; De
prcesenti judicio, and Pro eomm merito satisfactionit
ad Salonium episcopum (the latter title apparently
corrupt). Of these, except for nine letters, only the
Adversus avaritiam and the De prmsenti iudicio
(usually known as the De gubernatione Dei) are ex
tant (ed. C. Halm, MGH, Auct. ant., I., i. 1877;
F. Pauly, CSEL, viii.). The letters are fragments
of a collection which was originally large. Of
the other two works the Adversus avaritiam is the
older. It appeared pseudonymously as Timothei ad
ecclesiam libri qatuor, and contributes to knowledge
of the moral ideals of monasticism in the fifth cen
tury, and of the gulf between ordinary Christians
and ascetics. Stress is laid by Salvianus on pov
erty, i.e., on the communism of the primitive Church.
The religious were urged to renounce their earthly
possessions and were exhorted to leave their wealth
to the Church, this being recommended for the
moral effect which such action would produce. The
De gubernatione passes judgment on contemporary
conditions from the same point of view, and was
written, in all probability, between 439 and 451.
Gennadius, about 480, knew of only five books, but
the work as now extant breaks off abruptly in the
eighth book. Its purpose is to show why God, in
the struggle between the Empire and the barbarians,
seemed to take the side of Arians or pagans against
Catholics. This was due to divine judgment on the
degeneracy of the Romans, a thought ever reiterated
by the author. Yet his very unworldliness freed
him from many of the prejudices of his time. He
could be fair to pagans, and even to heretics; and
was as exempt from contempt for barbarians and
slaves as he was unbiased in judgment on the Ro
mans and the rich. He was keenly aware of the evil
conditions of social and economic affairs, and in
this lies the historical value of his pictures of the
period. 	(A. HAucg.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: W. Zsehimmer, Salvianus, der Presbyter von Massilia, and seine Schriften, Halle, 1875; F. X. Hirner, Commentatio de Salviano ejusque Meths, Freising, 1869; A. Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters, i. 459 sqq., Leipsie, 1889; J. B. Ullrich, De Salviani scripturaz sacra; versionibus, Neustadt, 1892; A. HAmmerle, Studien zu Satvian, Priester von Massaia, Landshut, 1893; G. Valran, Quare Salvianus presbyter Masailiensia magdater episcoporum a Gennadio duxus sit, Paris, 1899; F. Pauly, in the Sitzunpsberichte of the Vienna Academy, xeviii., part 1; Bardenhewer, Patrotogie, hp. 533‑535, Eng. trans]., St. Louis, 1908; Hist. lia&aire de la France, ii. 517 sqq.; DCB, iv. 580; Hauck, KD, i. 68‑‑71; Schaff, Christian Church, iii. 88‑89.
SALVIUS: Name of several bishops.
1. Donatist bishop of Membresa (Membrissa, Membressa; 45 m. from Carthage) in the last decade of the fourth century. He was one of the ordainers of Maximianus and practised rebaptism (Augustine, Contra epistolam Parmiani, iii. 22), was deposed as a heretic, but resisted and the civil power was called in to execute the decision. Salvius was greatly beloved by his townsmen, consequently the populace of a neighboring town (Abitina) forcibly carried out the decree (398), so heaping insults and contumely as to lead Augustine strongly to condemn it (Augustine, ut sup., iii. 29). This father often refers to his case.

Salzburg	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	182
2. Fifth bishop of Martigny in Switzerland; flourished in the middle of the fifth century. To him Eucherius (q.v.), bishop of Lyons, addressed the history of St. Maurice (q.v.), and Salvius responded by dedicating to Eucherius his only extant work, the Laticulua (in part printed in ASB, Jan., i. 4344, June, vii. 178 sqq.; and in MPL, xiii. 671 sqq.; cf. Histoire littftire de la France, ii. 294‑296; and Ceillier, Auteum 8acrt6s, viii. 452), a calendar of things sacred and profane.
8. Bishop of Alby; d. c. 584. He was an intimate of Gregory of Tours (q.v.), began life as an advocate, but was converted, became a monk, then abbot, and had a vision of heaven which Gregory relates (Hilt. Francorum, vii. 1). Gregory speaks of him as a man of great sanctity and incessant charity, and the church at Nevers (as also another) was dedicated to him (ASB, Sept., iii. 575 sqq.).
SALZBURG, salts'burg, ARCHDIOCESE OF: An Austrian archbishopric, the see city of which is Salzburg, the Juvavunn of the Romans, who reduced it, together with the rest of the province of Noricum, during the campaign of Tiberius and Drusus in 15 B.c. The original Celtic population was quickly Romanized, and Christianity early found entrance, doubtless from Aquileia, although there are no certain records of the new faith in the city previous to Constantine. After the withdrawal of the Romans, Salzburg, which evidently had not become an episcopal city during this period, fell into decay, nor did its medieval history begin until the time of St. Rupert (q.v.). The diocese was first formally organized by St. Boniface (q.v.) in 739, although it was not until 987 that the dignities of bishop or archbishop of Salzburg and abbot of St. Peter's were made distinct. In 798 Salzburg was elevated to archiepiscopal rank by Charlemagne, its jurisdiction embracing the sees of Regensburg, Passau, Freising, Seben, and the short‑lived Neuburg. It was, accordingly, the largest German archbishopric next to Mainz, its boundaries being the Inn on the west and the Drau on the south, while on the north and east it practically coincided with the present northern boundary of Salzburg and Styria and with the eastern boundary of Styria.
(A. HAucs.)
Throughout its history the archdiocese of Salzburg remained true to the Roman Catholic Church, its rigorous treatment of Protestants exposing it to much criticism from adherents of the newer doctrines (see SALZBURG, EVANGELICAIB OF). In 1802 the archdiocese was secularized, and after belonging in turn to Germany, Austria, and Bavaria, finally passed, in 1814, under the control of the latter country. The archdiocese was reerected in 1824, after having been vacant since 1812, and now exercises jurisdiction over the dioceses of Trient, Brixen, Gurk, Seckau, and Lavant. In 1909 it had a population of 263,080 Roman Catholics and 1,637 Protestants, 491 secular and 130 regular clergy, 183 parishes, and a theological faculty in the see city.
BIHLIOORAPHT: Sources are contained in MGH. Script., 1 (1826), 86 aqq., ix (1851), 757 sqq., xi (1854), 1 aqq., 25
eqq., xiii (1881), 353 sqq.; ib. Nee., ii (1890), 45 sqq.; ib.
Leg., II., Cap. reg. Franc., i (1883), 226; Salzburper Ur‑
kundenbuch, ed. W. Hauthaler, Salzburg, 1898; Reyeeta
archiepiacoporum Saliaburpenaium, ed. A. von Meiller,
Vienna, 1866. Consult: M. Hanzig, Germania sacra, vol. ii., Augsburg, 1729; G. A. Pichler, Saleburpe Landeapeechichte, Salzburg, 1865; H. G. Gengler, Beitrdpe zur Rxhtapeechichte Bayerne, part 1, Erlangen, 1889; F. von Piehe, Abhandlunpen fiber die alteate Geachichte Salsburpa, Innsbruck, 1889; J. Lmerth, Salzburg and Steiermark im ldaten Viertel des 18. Jahrhunderta, Gras, 1905; H. Widmann, Geechichte Salzburoe, 2 vols., Gotha, 1907‑‑09 (goes to 1519); Gams, Series epiacoyorum, pp. 307‑327; %L, x. 1586‑1642.
	SALZBURG, EVANGELICALS OF: The name
applied to several thousand Protestants expelled
from the Archbishopric of Salzburg (q.v.) in the
eighteenth century. Protestantism early pene
		trated this region, especially the Salz‑
Initial achthal and its vicinity. Mattlla;us Movements Lang, archbishop of Salzburg at the for time of the Reformation, was at first Repression. not hostile to the new movement. He gave favorable reception to Johann von Staupitz, Paulus Speratus, Urbanus Rhegius, and Wolfgang Russ, and gained the approval of Luther. But before long he changed his attitude, in consequence of favors from the Curia. He now roused enmity between Luther and Staupitz, energetically opposed the Protestant preachers, and in 1520 obliged Speratus and Agricola (qq.v.) to flee. A certain Matthaeus was captured, and an ex‑Franciscan, Georg SchArer, was beheaded for contumacy. In spite of every effort on the part of Lang and his successors, Protestantism steadily increased; exile and visitation were alike in vain; many of the clergy broke their vows of celibacy. Yielding to repeated demands, Archbishop Johann Jakob granted the laity the cup, but was obliged by the Curia to retract his position. In 1588 Archbishop Wolfgang Dieterich visited Rome for instructions, and on his return issued a " Reformation mandate " in which he commanded all Protestants of the city of Salzburg either to recant or to leave the country within a month, permission being given the recalcitrant to convert their property into money. Since, however, nearly all preferred exile to recantation, a second mandate was issued confiscating their property. In consequence of these measures, many of the wealthiest inhabitants of Salzburg emigrated to Austria, Saxony, and elsewhere, while others, outwardly complying with Roman Catholicism, secretly adhered to Luther's teachings. In 1613‑15 the mandates were extended by Archbishop Markus Sittich to the entire region in view of the increase of Protestantism. Throughout Pongau the churches stood empty, while the people thronged to Schladming in Styria to attend Lutheran gatherings; and in Radstadt, where the Protestants were in the majority, they demanded from the archbishop preachers of their own.
The archbishop increased the sternness of his measures to crush the Protestant movement. Capuchins sought in vain to restore the Evangelicals to the Roman Catholic Church, whereupon the Protestants were required to recant within Persecu‑ four weeks or fourteen days, or to be tion I6Ig‑ banished with confiscation of their
	1727.	goods. At the same time, search was
		made for Protestant books, and impris
onment was enacted for those who circulated such
writings. Finally, the Evangelicals were subjected

188	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Salzburg
to the dragonade, many of whom feigned submission, though secretly maintaining Lutheran views. A considerable number went into exile and poverty, some 600 going from Radstadt and its vicinity to Austria and Moravia. Of 2,500 in the valleys and on the mountains of Gastein only about 300 promised to live and die in the Roman Catholic Church. The archbishop, however, was deceived by appearances. Public gatherings indeed ceased, but many of those who ostensibly professed the old faith secretly read Lutheran works which they had concealed. The children were instructed in Lutheran doctrines, and Protestantism spread under cover. This was especially the case under the mild Archbishop Paris Hadrian (1619‑53), and after the peace of Westphalia Protestants sentenced to exile from Roman Catholic countries were allowed three years in which to dispose of their property. Nevertheless, these prerogatives were disregarded by Archbishop Maximilian' Gandolf (1668‑87): In 1683 Jesuits discovered a congregation of secret Lutherans, ostensibly professing Roman Catholicism, in the Tefferegg Valley on the southern boundary of the archdiocese. Attempts at conversion by Capuchin monks and judicial endeavors to suppress Lutheranism led only to a more stubborn adherence to their beliefs under the guidance of the miner Joseph Schaitberger (q.v.). The archbishop sought to prove that these Protestants did not come under the protection of the peace of Westphalia in that they were a sect adhering neither to the Augsburg nor the Reformed confession, but their representatives, when summoned to Hallein and Salzburg, boldly declared themselves Lutherans. After being imprisoned and made the objects of vain attempts at conversion by Capuchins, they were released, the archbishop requiring them to submit a written statement of their belief. Sterner measures followed without success, and the archbishop finally issued a mandate in the middle of the winter of 1685 banishing the Protestants from the country, and confiscating their property and children, some 600 in number. The exiles in bands of fifty or sixty sought refuge in Ulm, Augsburg, Nuremberg, Frankfort, and elsewhere, the total number of those banished being over 1,000. This act of the archbishop horrified all Protestant Germany, but neither the intervention of Elector Frederick William of Brandenburg nor the protests of the Evangelical estates in Regensburg were of avail. Under Archbishop Franz Anton (1709‑27) the Salzburg Protestants fared better, and during this period Evangelical doctrines were strengthened in the region by reading Protestant books and the letters of Schaitberger, as well as by the religious meetings which were tolerated.
Under his successor, Leopold Anton (1727‑44), however, affairs resumed their wonted course. Feigned conversions were extorted;
Increased	their Bibles and books of edification
Pressure	were burned; they were charged with
	1727‑3I.	being dangerous ineiters to riot; they
		were imprisoned, deprived of work,
fined, dragonaded, and compelled to emigrate leav
ing property and children behind. Yet all this only
increased the determination of the Salzburg Protes‑
tants. In Jan., 1730, the peasants Hans Lerchner and Veit Breme appealed to the Evangelical estates in Regensburg and sought for influence to be brought to bear that the exiles might be allowed to regain their wives and children. All was in vain, even the charge that the archbishop had violated the peace of Westphalia. In the following year the Protestants sent a deputation from Radstadt, Wagrein, Werffen, St. Johann, and Gastein to Regensburg with new complaints, and with the demand that either Evangelical preachers be given them and that they be permitted to worship in their own way, or that they be allowed to sell their property and emigrate with their wives and children. Again their demands were fruitless. Meanwhile the archbishop, seeking to determine how far Protestantism had spread, ordered that the complaints be tried before a committee. All Protestants were now summoned to appear before the commissioners sent out from Salzburg, whereupon they declared that they were willing to be the faithful subjects of the archbishop in all things temporal, but that in religion they desired freedom of conscience. The commissioners thereupon required within three days a list of all those who professed Lutheranism, the total, to the amazement of all, being over 20,000. The archbishop accordingly saw himself obliged to put forth his utmost endeavors, while the Protestants became still more firm in their resistance. On Aug. 5, 1731, about 300 representative Lutherans took a solemn oath in the town of Swarzach, and it was quickly resolved to send a committee to the emperor at Vienna. The envoys, having no passports, however, were arrested as rebels and brought back to Salzburg. Since no relief could be expected from either the archbishop or the emperor, the Lutheran envoys sought the intervention of their princes. Frederick William I. of Prussia accordingly threatened reprisals on his Roman Catholic subjects, but the threat was an empty one, and rigorous measures against the Salzburg Protestants were renewed. The Evangelicals again appealed to the emperor, who declared he had warned the archbishop to obey the laws of the empire. On Oct. 31, 1731, the archbishop issued an order requiring all non‑householders over twelve years of age to emigrate within eight days as being disobedient and leagued to destroy the Roman Catholic faith. All others were to follow them into exile within one to three months. The plan of thus financially ruining the well‑to‑do and forcibly converting their dependents failed with but few exceptions.
Meanwhile two Protestant delegates, Peter Heldensteiner and Nikolaus Foratreuter, had implored the aid of the king at Berlin in Nov., 1731. In February of the following year he issued a patent welcoming the exiles from Salzburg, reEmigration questing the archbishop to allow them to Prussia. to depart freely, and urging all princes through whose lands they should go to aid them. He himself promised each person a considerable sum daily for expenses, and at the same time threatened severe reprisals for any injury done them, being followed in the latter respect by Denmark, Sweden, and Holland. The exiles now

SSam	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	184
thronged into Germany, everywhere joyfully wel
comed by their fellow Protestants. The 4,000 who
first came were quickly followed by several thou
sand more, so that from Apr. 30, 1732, to Apr. 15,
1733, no less than 14,728 passed through Berlin
alone on their way to Lithuania, increasing the
spirit of German Lutheranism as they went. A
collection was raised for them in all Protestant
countries at the instance of the king of England,
which amounted to 900,000 gulden. Thus more than
20,000 exiles from Salzburg repopulated the wide
Lithuanian plains devastated by a pestilence, and
the Prussian king was richly repaid by the agricul
tural benefits received from his industrious and
intelligent immigrants. 	(D. ERDMA"t.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. F. Arnold, Die Auarottung des Protestantismu8 in Salzburg under Erzbiachof Firmian, Halle, 2 parts, 1900‑1901; idem, Vertreibung der Salzburper Protestanten and ihre Aufnahme bei dem Glaubensgenossen, Leipsie, 1900; S. Urlaperger, Auaffihrliche Nachricht von den Salsburger Emigranten, Halle, 1735; J. L. von Caspari, Adenmsssige Geschichte der Salzburger Emigranten, Salzburg, 1790; J. R. F. Obstfelder, Die evangeliachen Salzburger, Naumburg, 1857; L. Clarus, Die Auswanderung der prote8tantiach‑pesinnten Salzburger, Innsbruck, 1864; T. FBrater, Die evangeliachen Salzburper, Halle, 1884; A. Hoese and H. Eiehert, Die Salzburper. Geachichte der im Jahre 1732 in Liuauen eingewanderten Salzburger, Gumbinnen, 1902; C. Blume, Die Vertreibung der evangelischen Salzburger, Leipsie, 1904; G. Nieritz, Die protestantiachen Salsburger and deren Vertreibung, Constance, 1907. A bibliography is provided in E. Dannappel, Die Literatur der Salzburger Emigration, 173,2‑36, Stuttgart, 1886.

SAM (SOX, SAUM), KONRAD: Reformer of Ulm; b. at Rottenacker (15 m. s.w. of Ulm) 1483; d. at Ulm June 20, 1533. After studying at Freiburg, Tubingen, and some other university (perhaps Basel), he became parish preacher at Brackenheim in W drttemberg in 1520. He was already an adherent of the Reformation, and his advocacy of the new doctrines exposed him to such hostility that only the encouragement of Luther kept him from resigning his position. In May, 1524, however, he was dismissed, ostensibly for harboring Johann Eberlin (q.v'), whereupon his stepbrother, Sebastian Fischer, secured for him an appointment at Ulm " to preach the word of God in purity without the addition of the doctrines of men, in peace and without strife." Despite his many excellent qualities, he lacked the power of organization and was both harsh and violent, and his position was complicated by his estrangement from Luther, with a corresponding attraction to (Ecolampadius and Zwingli. Nevertheless, Sam soon enjoyed high favor throughout Upper Swabia, gaining entire control of the church in Ulm in 1526 and also furthering the cause of the Reformation in Memmingen. In the same year the course adopted by the Diet of Speyer encouraged the magistracy of Ulm to proceed with the work of the Reformation in their city, and private baptism and the marriage of the clergy were now permitted, Sam himself taking advantage of this opportunity to make public his union with a Bavarian woman. In 1528 the new schoolmaster, Michael Brodhag of G6ppingen, published Sam's Christenliehe vnderweysung der Jungen, a catechism based on the 130 questions of Agricola, as well as on Capito and Althamer, but omitting all discussion of the sacraments. A hymnal and a Ger‑
man Psalter followed in 1529, but, on the other hand, Anabaptism was rife, and the introduction of Protestant communion was forbidden as late as Feb., 1530. Meanwhile Sam was inveighing rabidly against both Roman Catholic and Lutheran eucharistic doctrine, his words incurring the opposition of the Protestant Billican and Althamer (qq.v.) and the Roman Catholic Johann Faber (q.v.), and Johann Ulrici. Johann Eck (q.v.) now demanded the removal of Sam, whom he challenged to a disputation, and the Ulm magistracy in perplexity appealed to Nuremberg, which advised that Sam be dismissed. The council, however, not only permitted Sam to attend the disputation at Bern, but remained wavering between the Swiss and Saxon types of doctrine. After the Diet of Speyer in 1529 Uhn decided to join the Schmalkald League, and at Augsburg it refused to accept either the Augsburg or the Tetrapolitan Confession. Sam, in disgust, thought of leaving Ulm, but the, decision of the Diet of Augsburg (1530) brought matters to a crisis; Ulm went over to the Schmalkald League; the municipality determined to carry out the Reformation; and, at the instance of Sam, (Ecolampadius was summoned from Basel, Butzer from Strasburg, and Blaurer from Constance. On June 16, 1531, mass was abolished, and exactly a month later the Lord's Supper was celebrated in Protestant fashion. On Aug. 6 a new agenda, similar to that of Basel, was promulgated, but though after (Ecolampadius and Butzer returned home (Blaurer remaining to promote the Reformation in Geislingen) other men were called to Ulm to take their places, a heavy burden still rested upon Sam. The zeal of the people and of the council relaxed, the Roman Catholics and the Anabaptists redoubled their activity, it proved difficult to secure capable preachers, the magistracy ruled the Church arbitrarily, and the deaths of (Ecolampadius and Zwingli were severe blows to the Protestants in Ulm. The latter now sought Lutheran support, and at a conference held at Schweinfurt in Apr., 1532, they determined, in Sam's presence, to accept the Augsburg Confession and Apology. Sam was intensely embittered, especially against Luther, but within the year he fell ill, and between March and June, 1533, had three strokes of apoplexy, succumbing to the third. Sam's catechism was reprinted, with a chapter on the sacraments and revised in a Zwinglian spirit, at Augsburg in 1540; his sermon at the disputation of Bern was printed by K. Schmid in his Die Predigen so vonn den fr6mbdenPredicanten . . . beschehen rind (Bern, 1528); his three last sermons, Davids Ehebruch, Mord, Strafe, and Busse, appeared at Ulm in 1534; and in 1569 his communion sermon at Ulm in 1526 was reprinted by the Heidelberg theologians. G. BOSSERT.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. Veesenmeyer, Nachrichten von Konrad Sams Leben, Ulm, 1795; idem, Versuch einer Geschichle des deutschen Kirchengesanges in der Ulmer Kirche, ib. 1798; idem, Denkmal der einheimischen and fremden Theologen . . in Ulm, ib. 1831; A. Weyermann, Nachrichten von Gelehrten . . . aus Ulm, Bern, 1798; T. Heim, Die Reformation der Reichstadt Ulm, Stuttgart, 1851; F. Dobel, Memmingen in der Reformationszeit, Augsbura, 1877; T. sehiess, Briefwechad der Brader Ambrosiua and Thomas Blaurer (1609‑y8), 2 vole., Freiburg, 1908‑10; ADB, xxx. 304‑305.

185	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
SAMARIA ea‑meri‑a, SAMARITANS.
I. The Region.	I. Origin and History.		Other Early Writings (§ 2).
	Name and History (§ 1).		Origins (¢ 1).	4. Literature on the Samaritans.
	Area and Roads (§ 2).		Josephus' Account (§ 2).		On the History of the Samaritans
	Shechem and Neighboring Cities		History to 66 A.D. (§ 3).			(§ 1).
		(§ 3).		Later History (§ 4).		On the Sacred or Semi‑sacred Books
	The City Samaria (§ 4).	2. Doctrine.			(§ 2).
	Other Inland Cities (§ 5).	3. Language and Literature.		On Manuscripts and Other Works
	Cities of Western Samaria (§ 6).		Pentateuch, Targum, and Arabic			(§ 3).
II. The People.			Translations (§ 1).
L The Region: Samaria denotes both the central region of Palestine, between Judea and Galilee, and the capital of this district. From the time of Omri the city of Samaria became the
	z. Name	capital of the northern kingdom of
and History. Israel, so that the city‑name was ex
		tended to the entire country (e.g.,
I Kings xiii. 32; II Kings xvii. 24, 26, 28; Jer. xxxi.
5; Hos. vii. 1; Amos viii. 14). The people dwelling
in the land of Samaria were called Samaritans
(II Kings xvii. 29). A similar usage is found in the
Assyrian 8amerina, connoting both the city and
the land. When the city received the name of
Sebaste from Herod the Great in 27 B.C., Samaria
was in application restricted to the district. The
Arab conquest destroyed all traces of the name,
except among occidentals and in learned language.
The oldest form of the name, given in the Masso
retie text as Shomeron, seems to have Shameran (cf.
I Kings xvi. 24, and the Assyr. Samerina, the Aram.
Shamerayin of Ezra iv. 10, 17, and the Gk. Sam
dreia). Originally synonymous with the kingdom
of Israel, the area of Samaria varied with the for
tunes of that kingdom. In 734‑733 Tiglath‑pileser
so limited the territory that Hoshea retained only
the small district from Judah to the plain of Jez
reel (cf. II Kings xv. 29, xvii. 24 sqq.; Ezra iv.
10). The rapid decline of Assyria. after 640 seems
to have enabled Judah to extend its power over
this region (cf. II Kings xxiii. 15, 19 sqq.; II Chron.
xxxiv. 6‑7), which it quickly lost after the battle
of Megiddo (608). The Seleucid Demetrius II. de
tached three districts hitherto belonging to Sa
maria (Apherema, Lydda, and Ramathaim) and
gave them to the Hasmonean Jonathan (145 B.C.).
In 128 B.C. John Hyrcanus subdued the whole of
Samaria and united it with the Judean kingdom;
but in 63 B.C. Pompey freed Samaria and incorpo
rated it with the new province of Syria. " Sama
ria " in this case means the city and the region from
Judah to the plain of Jezreel, excepting Scythopolis
and Carmel. In 30 B.C. Hcrod received Samaria
from Augustus, and after the tetrarch's death it,
together with Judea and Idumea, was placed under
the control of his son Archelaus. In 6 A.D. these
three districts formed part of the province of Syria,
though they were governed by a special procurator
at Cmarea, except in 41‑44, when Samaria and its
vicinity were in the dominion of Agrippa. On the
outbreak of the Jewish revolt, Samaria was given
to Vespasian as a part of the province of Judea, and
its fortunes were henceforth identical with those of
Palestine.
The boundaries of Samaria to the east and west may be regarded as the Jordan and the declivities
of the mountain district respectively. During the
period of the dominion of Israel the mountain
		district was inhabited by the tribes
z. Area and of Ephraim and Manasseh (Josh. xvi.
	Roads. xvii.); Josh.xvii.14‑18 implies that the
		tribe of Joseph spread to the southern
region west of the Jordan. Josh. xvii.16, 18 implies
another advance of the tribe of Joseph, this time
to the north, possibly to the southern border of tue
great plain to the range of Yazid. Here lay, ac
cording to Judges i., the cities of Beth‑shear, Ib
leam, Taanach, Megiddo, and Dor, which later came
under the sway of Israel, even though they were not
actually occupied by Israelitic stocks (Josh. xvii.
11‑13). According to Josh. xvii. 11, the district of
Manasseh extended along the southern side of the
plain of Jezreel from the Jordan (Beth‑sheen) to the
Mediterranean (Dor), and was consequently more
than thirty‑six miles wide. The length of the dis
trict of Ephraim was from north to south be
tween twenty‑one and twenty‑four miles and the
territory embraced the richest and most fertile por
tions of the mountain district (Josh. xvi. 6‑‑8, xvii.
7‑10; cf. Deut. xxxiii. 13‑16). The region of
Ephraim, whose southern boundary has been given
in the article JUDEA (q.v.), stretched eighteen miles
from north to south, and thirty miles from the Jor
dan on the east to the plain of Sharon on the west.
It was thus inferior to Manasseh both in area and
in fertility. Apparently there was no strict line of
demarcation between the districts of Manasseh and
of Ephraim (Josh. xvi. 9, xvii. 8). Samaria was
crossed by important highways. The continuation
of the road to the coast cut through the northwest
corner of Samaria from Megiddo in the direction of
Lydda; and another branch of the same road reached
Samaria by way of Jezreel near the present Janin,
where it again divided. One of these latter roads
reached the highway to Egypt at Kafr Kud, while
the other ran southward to the cities of Samaria
and Shechem. Shechem was at the junction of sev
eral important roads. From the south came the
road from Judea (Jerusalem) by way of Bethel,
from the southwest a road from Jaffa, and from the
southeast a road from Jericho by way of the Wadi
al‑Humr and the plain of al‑Mahnah. To the north
west, through the Wadi al‑Sha'ir, a road led to Dor
and later to Cwsarea, while to the northeast ran a
road to Scythopolis, which was joined in the upper
portion of the Wadi Far'ah by a road from the ford
of the Jordan near Adams. The southern ranges of
Samaria, on the other hand, were far less accessible.
	The ancient center of the district was Shechem,
which lay on the watershed not quite a mile east of
the modern Nablus. Its pre‑Israelitic mhabitants

Samaria
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
are termed Canaanites by J (Gen. xii. 6, xxxiv. 30), Amorites by E (Gen. x1viii. 22), and Hivites by P
(Gen. xxxiv. 2); and many contests for 3. Shechem its possession seem to have been waged and Neigh‑ between Israel and the Canaanites. boring Cities. The religious importance of Shechem

according to is which Jacob there en urchased 19‑20,
and erected an altar to Yahweh; it was also the
place of Joseph's burial (Josh. xxiv. 32). Another
sacred place at Shechem seems to have been the
oak mentioned in Gen. xii. 6‑7, xxxv. 4; Deut. xi.
30; Josh. xxiv. 26 (possibly also Judges ix. 6, 37);
while assemblies of the people gathered in its sanc
tuary (Josh. xxiv. 1; I Kings xii. 1; II Chron. x.
1). In the vicinity of the city was the well of Jacob
(John iv. 6), the modern Bir Ya'tub at the foot of
Gerizim, almost south of the village of Balata. In
the beginning of the historical period Shechem,
though dependent on Gideon, was not occupied by
Israel (Judges viii. 31, ix. 1‑2). When it revolted
against Abimelech, it was destroyed (Judges ix.
23 sqq.). The city then came under the control of
Manasseh (Num. xxvi. 31; Josh. xvii. 2). Jero
boam I. fortified it and made it the royal seat
(I Kings xii. 25), thus the city could justly be reck
oned to Ephraim (Josh. xx. 7, xxi. 21; I Chron.
vii. 28). The successor of the Biblical Shechem
was Flavia Neapolis, founded by Vespasian in 72
A.D., the modern Nablus in the valley between Ebal
and Gerizim. Sychar, the city nearest to the well
of Jacob (John iv. 5‑6), is usually identified with
the modern village of 'Askar, a mile or two east of
Nablus and over half a mile north of Jacob's well.
The Gilgal of Deut. xi. 30; II Kings ii. 1, iv. 38, is
frequently identified with the small ruin Hirbat al
Julaijil oii the southern edge of the plain of al‑Mah
nah, but without sufficient reason. On the road to
'Akrabah, two hours southeast of Nablus, lies the
lofty village of al‑'Aurora, perhaps identical with
the Arumah of Judges ix. 41; while the little vil
lage of Far'ata, six miles west of Nablus, is doubt
less the Pirathon of Judges xii. 13 sqq.; II Sam.
xxiii. 30; I Chron. xxvii. 14, though scarcely the
Pharathoni fortified by Bacchides c. 160 B.C.
(I Mace. ix. 50). The village of liaryat Jitt, three
miles further north, is plainly synonymous with the
Gitto (I Apol. xxvi., Eng. transl., ANF, i. 171)
designated by Justin Martyr as the home of Simon
Magus, though the name also occurs at the foot of
the mountain district. About nine miles distant,
on the road to Jaffa, is the site of Kafr Tilt, which
has been identified with the Shalisha of I Sam. ix.
4 and II Kings iv. 42.
In the region north of Shechem the city of Samaria first deserves notice. The hill on which the city lay was connected to the northeast with the opposite heights by a narrow ridge, but was sepa‑
rated on all other sides by wide val‑
4. The City leys (Isa. xxviii. 1). It had easy acSamaria. cess to all important points, such as
Shechem in the southeast and the plain of Jezreel in the north. The city contained altars of Yahweh (Micah i. 5) and‑after the reign of Ahab‑‑of Baal (I Kings xvi. 32; cf. II Kings xiii. 6) ; and as early as Omri the Arameans of Damas‑
cus had their own quarter for trade there (I Kings xx. 34). During the reign of Ahab the city was beleaguered by the Arameans (I Kings xx. 1 sqq.; cf. II Kings vi. 24‑vii. 20). Jehu, after his entry into Samaria, had the prophets and priests of Baal slain, and the idolatrous sites destroyed and desecrated (II Kings x. 1‑7, 18‑27; II Chron. xxii. 8‑9). The last king, Hoshea, was shut up in Samaria by Shalmaneser IV. in 724 B.C. (II Kings xvii. 5, xviii. 9), though the city was reduced under Sargon. On his return from Egypt in 331, Alexander the Great Hellenized the city, but Ptolemy Lagos razed it in 312, and Demetrius Poliorcetes again destroyed it in 296. In 27 B.C. Samaria was rebuilt by Herod, who named it Sebaste, and it was the scene of the preaching of Philip (Acts viii. 5‑7). Under Septimius Severus the city became a Roman colony, but it became second in importance to Neapolis, though having its own bishops. The Crusaders erected a magnificent church there in honor of John the Baptist.
The road to Janin cuts through the plain of Dothan (Gen. xxxvii. 14‑17; Judith iv. 6‑7, vii. 3), which is now represented by Tell Dautan. The
name of Ibleam (Judges i. 27; II Kings g. Other ix. 27; located in Issachar in Josh. Inland xvii. 11), to which corresponds the
Cities.	Bileam of I Chron. vi. 70 (the Belmaim
of Judith vii. 3), is preserved in the Hirbat and Wadi Bal'amah two miles south of Janin. On the road from Shechem to Scythopolis, in the upper part of the Wadi Far'ah, four miles northeast of Nablus, is Talluzah, identified by Robinson with Tirzah, the residence of the kings of Israel to the time of Omri, though Conder seeks this ancient capital in Tayasir, about twelve miles from Nablus on the road to Beth‑shean. The pilgrim Brocardus (1332) mentions a Thersa three hours east of Samaria, thus pointing to noteworthy ruins in the vicinity of 'Ain al‑Far'ah on the road to Bethshean northeast of Talluzah. About six miles beyond Talluzah lies the ancient village of Tubas, which apparently corresponds to the Biblical Thebez (Judges ix. 50; II Sam. xi. 21). To the north lie the Ras Ibzi$ and Hirbat Ibzi~, corresponding to the Bezek of I Sam. xi. 8 (cf. Judges i. 4). In the Jordan valley, 285 feet lower than the surface of the Mediterranean, is the flourishing village of Baisan, representing the Biblical Beth‑shean, a city long independent of Israel, and reckoned to Manasseh, though lying in the district of Issachar (Josh. xvii. 11‑13; Judges i. 27; I Chron. vii. 29). After the death of Saul, the city was taken by the Philistines (I Sam. xxxi. 7‑13), but with David's subjugation of the Philistines, it came under Israelitic control, and formed part of one of the tributary districts of Solomon (I Kings iv. 12). During the Maccabean wars, Tryphon here sought to capture Jonathan (I Mace. xii. 40). In the Greco‑Roman period the city was known as Scythopolis. It was one of the cities of the federation of Decapolis, was rebuilt by Gabinius, and contained many pagan inhabitants (Josephus, War, III., vi. 7; Ant., XIV., v. 3). The " tEnon near to Salim," where John baptized (John iii. 23), was located, according to the Onmnasticon of Eusebius, in the plain of Beth.

187	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Samaria
shean, seven miles south of the city. Both Jerome and the pilgrim Sylvia record a Salem in this vicinity, and in 1852 Robinson found there the name Shaih Salim. Abel‑meholah, the home of Elisha (I Kings xix. 16, iv. 12), which Judges vii. 22 seems to locate south of Beth‑shean, is identified by the Onomasticon with a village named Bethmaela or Bethaula, nine miles south of Scythopolis in the Jordan valley, thus pointing to the modern spring 'Ain al‑I‑,Ialwah. The Gilboa of I Sam. xxviii. 4, after which the mountain range was named (II Sam. i. 21), corresponds to the modern Jalbaun on the western declivity of the Jabal Fuku'ah, which rises abruptly above the plain of Beth‑shean. Further to the west, on the lower slopes, lies the little village of Bait Kad, which may correspond to the Beth`Ekedh, " shearing house," of II Kings x. 12, 14.
Turning to the coast from the mouth of the Nahr al‑`Aujah to Carmel, some twelve miles north of Jaffa is the ruined site of Arsuf, corresponding to the ancient Apollonia which was claimed by Alexander Jannaeus for Judea and was rebuilt by Ga‑
binius (Josephus, Ant., XIII., xv. 4; 6. Cities of War, I., viii. 4). The chief place on
Western the Samaritan coast, however, was
Samaria. Caesarea, also called Caesarea Pala;s‑
tina, Csesarea Pahestina;, Cwmrea ad mare, or Sebaste. It was earlier known as Ca;sarea Stratonis, and as Straton here represents `abd `Astarton, " servant of Astarte," it would seem to have been founded by the Sidonians late in the Persian period. Alexander Janna?us subjugated the city and its vicinity as far as Dor, but it was " freed " by Augustus and given to Herod, who must be regarded as the real founder of the city, which was henceforth called Cwsarea. On the deposition of Archelaus, Ciesarea became the seat of the Roman procurators of Judea (6‑41 A.D.), and again after the death of Agrippa I. (44). Philip and the centurion Cornelius lived there (Acts viii. 40, x. 1 sqq., xxi. 8), there Paul was imprisoned before being taken to Rome, and there he appeared before Agrippa II. and Berenice (Acts xxiii. 23‑24, xxiv. 27, xxv. 14 sqq.). Vespasian made it a Roman colony, and Alexander Severus gave it the title of a metropolis (Tacitus, Hist., ii. 78). In consequence of its wide harbor, trade from Jerusalem to the Mediterranean passed through it (Acts ix. 30, xviii. 22, xxi. 8). The most famous bishop of the city was Eusebius (q.v.). The relatively smaller Cwsarea of the Crusaders was destroyed by the sultan Bibars in 1296. The site still bears the name of ]~Iaisariyah. About nine miles north of Cwsarea are the ruins, now called Hirbat Tanturah, which mark the site of the ancient city of Dor, founded by the Phenicians. Although the Icing of Dor was conquered by Joshua (Josh. xii. 23), the city did not become tributary to Israel until the regal period (Josh. xvii. 11‑12; Judges i. 27), so that I Kings iv. 11 makes the entire mountain region of Dor a tax‑district of Solomon. The "height of Dor " (Josh, xii. 23, R. V.), apparently the southwestern slope of Carmel, must be distinguished from the city itself. According to the Eshmunazar inscription the Persian king gave Dor and the coast as far as Joppa to the Sidonians. In the Maccabean period Trypho
was vainly besieged at Dor by Antiochus Sidetes (I Mace. xv. 10‑14). Alexander Jannaeus won the city from Zoilus, but in 63 B.C. Pompey made it a free city. It was, however, deserted in the days of Jerome. The Migdal Malha of the Talmud, the Magdihel of Jerome's Onomasticon, is represented by the modern Virbat Malihah, five miles north of Tanturah. A Hebrew Migdal El was probably once situated at the present ruins of `Atlit, the Castellum Peregrinorum of the Crusaders. (H. GUTHE.)
II. The People.‑1. origin and History: The account of the origin of the people (called in Greek Samareitai, Samaritai, and in Latin Samaritani) after the destruction of the northern kingdom is given in II Kings xvii. 24 sqq., according to which Sargon brought colonists from " Babylon, Cuthah,
1. Origiae. Ava, Hamath, and Sepharvaim " to take the place of the Jews who had been deported. The account continues to the effect that since these colonists did not fear Yahweh he sent lions among them; representations of the facts were then made to Sargon who had a Hebrew priest from among the captives sent to teach them how to worship Yahweh, " the god of the land." Yet each nationality made for itself gods in each place, while priests were appointed and offered sacrifice in the high places. This account, so far as the settling of colonists is concerned, is corroborated by the annals of Sargon (of. Schrader, KAT, pp. 276 sqq.) which speak of two sets of colonists settled in the West; Ezra iv. 2, 10, speaks of settlements made by " Esar‑haddon " and " Asnapper " (Asshurbanipal; cf. AssntiA, VI., 3, §§ 12‑14). In view of the composite character of the population thus derived, the question has been raised how a people of such unity of character and with so pronounced a Jewish stamp could have been formed. Hengstenberg finds the answer in the tenacity with which they held to Jewish models, especially after they received the Pentateuch. Josephus (Ant., IX., xiv. 3, X., ix. 7) claims a purely heathen origin for the Samaritans, and affirms that the Jews up to his time denied any relationship with them, calling them Cutheans (cf. II Kings xvii. 24). But this account must be rejected in favor of the other story told in the sources referred to above. Since the Hebrews deported numbered only 27,290, it is clear that not all the Hebrew population was carried away; the remnant left must have been strong enough to account for the bringing of the heathen settlers over to the practise of the religion of Yahweh. Very early the Samaritans called themselves " children of Israel " and descendants of Joseph. This conclusion is not contradicted by the few notices of the early centuries. For by the end of the seventh century B.c. there was rehabilitation of the Yahweh worship in the northern kingdom (II Kings xxiii. 15, 19 sqq.); in the report of the high places in Samaria there is no word of idolatry in connection with Josiah's reform. In Ezra iv. 2 the Samaritans make their appeal to Zerubbabel on the basis of their worship of the God of Israel from the days of Esar‑haddon; and the Jews in their reply do not accuse them of idolatry. Ezra vi. 21 shows a trace of inclusion of a part of the Samaritans in association with the returned exiles after the building of

Bamaxia	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	188
the second Temple. The schism and the mutual hatred of Jews and Samaritans are most simply accounted for by the old standing opposition between north and south.
Preeminent in importance in accounting for the consolidation of the Samaritans were the recognition of the Pentateuch and the erection of the temple on Mt. Gerizim. Of the second matter Josephus 2. Josephus' gives an account (Ant., XI., vii. 2,
Account. viii. 2 sqq.) much in need of critical
investigation. According to him Daxius Codomannus sent as satrap to Samaria a certain Sanaballetes, and he, to secure Jewish friendship, gave his daughter in marriage to Manasseh, brother of Jaddus, the high priest. In accordance with Ezra ix., Manasseh was ordered to give up his wife or his priesthood, and appealed to Sanballat; the latter then promised him a temple on Mt. Gerizim and the high priesthood of it. Manasseh therefore took up his residence in Samaria, whither other Jews, priests and laymen, who had heathen wives followed him and were joyously received by Sanaballetes and given means of support. While Alexander was besieging Tyre, the satrap went over to him and secured Alexander's consent to his project, after which he built the temple. After the death of Sanaballetes, the Samaritans sent a deputation to Alexander, invited him to their city, and asked immunity from taxation in the sabbatical year, asserting that they were Hebrews, though they disclaimed being Jews. Alexander postponed granting their request, but took the Samaritan soldiery with him to Egypt and settled them there as guardians of the boundary. But the temple at Gerizim became a refuge and resort of Jews who in their own land were socused of breaking the laws of Judaism. This account does not make clear how a heathen people through the shrewdness of their satrap and the accession of a fugitive Jewish priest permitted the victory over them of a new religion. Rather, Manasseh, if he acted as is related, found existing an idea of relationship to the Jews. The chronology of Josephus raises questions, when compared with Ezra ix., x. 5, and Neh. x. 31, xiii. 23 sqq. Neh. xiii. 28 seems to have the same basis as the narrative of Josephus; a son of Joiada, who was son of the high priest Eliashab, was son‑in‑law of Sanballat. Josephus makes Manasseh, son‑in‑law of Sanaballetes and brother of the high priest Jaddus, who was son of the high priest Johanan, the grandson of Joiada and great‑grandson of Eliashab. That is, Josephus puts Manasseh a century too late. If Manasseh built the temple on Gerizim, he was not son or grandson of Joiada. It seems historical that the Gerizim temple was built under Alexander (cf. Joaephus, Ant., XIII., ix. 1). If Manasseh is identical with the son of the Joiada of Nehemiah, he may have been active among the Samaritans, but not as builder of the temple. At the cost of chronology, identity has been assumed (by Josephus) between the founder of the temple and the object of Nehemiah's anger. Reference to the Samaritan temple has been seen in the " Trito‑Isaiah " (chaps. lvi.‑lxvi.), as in Ivii. 3 sqq., 1xv. 3 sqq., lxvi. 1 aqq., 16 eqq., and with considerable reason (cf. on this A. Kuenen, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, pp. 229 sqq.,
Leipsie, 1894; T. K. Cheyne, Introduction to the Book of Isaiah, pp. $16‑317, 363 sqq., London, 1895, and Jeuiah Religious Lifa after the Exile, pp. 25 sqq., ib. 1898).
When the Pentateuch was taken over by the Samaritans is entirely. unknown. It can no longer be maintained that the hatred between Jews and Samaritans after the time of Nehemiah necessitates the acquisition by the Samaritans of the Pentateuch earlier than the breach at that time; nor can Josephus' account be wholly rejected, nor may the absolute completion of the Pentateuch be set between 444 and 432. The mutual hatred of the two peoples, moreover, was not so great as to hinder the Samaritans from adopting an unquestioned work of Moses, since they derived their religion from him as its founder. Moreover, in the Samaritan alphabet there are to be seen indications that it dates back to the forms of the fourth century B.C.
Under the Ptolemies and Seleucidse the Samaritans shared the fortunes of the Jews (cf., e.g., Josephus, Ant., XII., i. 1). The hatred of the two peoples manifested itself in acts of aggression $. History (Josephus, Ant., XII., iv. 1; I Mace. to 88 A. D. u'. 10) and in epithets (Ecclus. 1. 2526). Under Antiochus Epiphanes the Samaritans denied kinship with the Jews and claimed descent from Medea and Persians (Josephus, Ant., XII., v. 5) or Phenicians, while they contested with the Jews in Egypt for precedence in behalf of their own temple (Josephus, Ant., XIII., iii. 4). John Hyrcanus overran Samaria and destroyed the temple at Gerizim and later the city of Samaria (Josephus, Ant., XIII., ix. 1, x. 2), and under Alexander Janamus (104‑78 B.C.) the city was in the power of the Jews. In 63 B.C. it was made a free city, that is, was under the Roman governor of Syria. Under Gabinius (57‑55) it was rebuilt, and in 30 adorned by Herod and named Sebaste in honor of Augustus. After the death of Herod the district came under Archelaus, but after his deposition came again under direct Roman rule, except that in 41‑44 A.D. it was given by Claudius to Herod Agrippa. Testimony to the continuing hatred of and for the Jews is found in John viii. 48; Josephus, Ant., XVIII., ii. 2, XX., vi. 1; War, II., xii. 3, in which the recurring conflicts are in part narrated while they explain such in‑. cidents as those of Luke ix. 53 and the remark in John iv. 9. John iv. shows, however, that the separation and exclusiveness were not absolute, and the circuit made by Galileans in going to Jerusalem was caused less by the hostility of the Samaritans than by the exposure to ceremonial defilement on the part of Jews. That the Samaritans in the time of Jesus were considered heathen follows neither from Matt. x. .5 nor Luke xvu. 18; note that in John iv. 12 the Samaritan woman speaks of " our father Jacob." The New Testament nowhere charges the Samaritans with idolatry. The report in the Talmud (Chullin 6a) that the Samaritans worshiped the image of a dove is a late invention, and that they worshiped a god Ashima arose from a misunderstanding. That worship continued on Gerizim in the time of Jesus is clear. The significance of Gerizim for the Samaritans is indicated by Josephus (Ant., XVIII., iv.), according to whom in

189	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA
35 A.D. a false prophet promised to show the Samaritans the sacred vessels buried by Moses upon the mountain; in consequence there was an assemblage of people at a village near by called Tirathana which Pilate attacked, slaying many; and his violence and cruelty caused his deposition. That the mutual hatred of the two peoples did not bar the Samaritans from the Gospel is shown by Jesus' employment of the Samaritan as the merciful man in Luke x. Further testimony is found in Luke xvii. 16; John iv. 39 sqq.; Acts viii. 5 eqq., 14 sqq.
On the outbreak of the Jewish war in 66 the Samaritans were undecided which of the two hated parties they should choose as enemies. In June, 67 (Josephus, War, III., vii. 32), an armed assemblage
4. Later gathered on Gerizim, against which
	History.	Vespasian sent Cerealis with 600 horse
		and 3,000 foot, who stormed the hill
and killed 11,600 of them. After that the Samari
tans dropped out of history for a time, but in 194
are heard of as partizans of Pescennius Niger against
Septimius Severus. Roman laws of the end of the
fourth century show Samaritan communities in
Egypt, on some islands of the Red Sea, and else
where; and in Rome at the beginning of the sixth
century they had a synagogue. Toward the end of
the fifth century began the insurrections of this peo
ple which revealed their hate of the Christians and
led to their suppression. The Emperor Zeno re
placed their synagogue on Gerizim with a church
to the Virgin, and under his successor they stormed
the mountain and slew the keepers of the church.
In 529 under Justinian they rebelled and crowned
their leader Julian king, plundered and burned
Christian villages and churches, until Justinian in a
pitched battle conquered and slew many of them,
and proclaimed severe laws against them. The next
report concerning the Samaritans comes from Ben
jamin of Tudela c. 1170, who says that the "Cu
theans " of Shechem, about 100 in number, cele
brate their Passover festival on Gerizim, and speaks
of about 900 Samaritans distributed in Cwsarea,
Ascalon, and Damascus (for the latter cf. A. Musil,
Sieben aamarit. Inschriften aus Damascus, in SWA,
xxxix., 1903, pp. 127‑128). Since the end of the
sixteenth century the Samaritans of Shechem and
Cairo have been in communication with Christian
travelers and scholars, the point of interest to the
latter being the Samaritan recension of the Penta
teuch. In 1853 Heinrich Petermann reported the
number of Samaritans in Nablus as 122; in 1884
there were reported fifty‑three men, forty‑six
women, thirty‑six boys, and sixteen girls, while in
1904 the total number was given as 175, but there
are no colonies of Samaritans outside Nablus. In
Nablus this people inhabits its own quarter in the
southwestern part of the city, living in great poverty,
with a priest (kohin) who claims to be a Levite,
though the Aaronic line is conceded to have been ex
tinct since 1658. The present priest has the power,
either at his own initiative or at the wish of the
community, to anoint others to the office. He re
ceives‑tithes from the community, and from this and
an accessory source the income is about sixty‑four
dollars. The clothing is white with a red turban.
The civil control is under a ahophet, " judge."
8. Doctrines Their doctrine, apart from the special significance of Mt. Gerizim, is like that of the Jews. They emphasize the unity of God, and reject all kinds of image worship, anthropomorphism, and anthropopathism, though between God and man they conceive of mediating spirits. Moses was the greatest of the prophets, whose law is holy. The cultus on Gerizim they refer to Deut. xxvii. 4, where they read " Gerizim " for " Ebal." The Messiah (John iv. 25) is to come 6,000 years after the creation, and he will establish the Tabernacle, holy vessels, and manna on Gerizim, renew the worship, and convert all people to the true faith; he will live to the age of one hundred and be buried on Gerizim. The final judgment is to come at the end of 7,000 years, the result of which will be eternal, with a period of penance in hell for those whose lives have mingled good and evil. In the matter of the levirate marriage (Deut. xxv. 5 sqq.) the Samaritans construe " brother " as " nearest friend," and the levirate is not binding if the friend has two wives already (a second wife being allowed in case of sterility of the first). Marriages are contracted early, and divorce is extremely rare; the value or purchase price of a bride is from $300 to $115, which the bride receives. Circumcision is on the eighth day. The Samaritans follow for their religious festivals the calendar of Lev. xxiii., marking the three chief ones by processions to Gerizim. They regard the Hebrew (being the tongue of the Pentateuch) as the holy language, and some of them possess a passable knowledge of the text; their pronunciation in some particulars serves to correct the JewishChristian.
3. Language and Literature: The colloquial language of the Samaritans from the last century B.c. till the first centuries of the Mohammedan hegemony was a dialect of the West Aramaic, usually designated Samaritan; it presented few differences, apart from loan words from
1. Penta‑ Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, as comteuch, Tar‑ pared with the ordinary Palestinian
gam, and Aramaic found in the Ta s and in
TAra 	certain parts of the Talmud The fact
	dons.	that c. 1100 A.D. the Samaritan Penta
		teuch was translated into Arabic shows
that already the Samaritan had become a dead
tongue; even earlier than that, the Arabic version of
Saadia had been used. In their literature the Penta
teuch takes first place. Among the tendencial text
alterations the most noticeable is that already noted
in Deut. xxvii. 4; there are also wide differences in
the term of life given the patriarchs in Gen. v. and xi.
It is said that the variants from the Hebrew text num
ber 6,000. The theory that the Samaritan Penta
teuch was the basis of the Septuagint version, though
this is regarded as a falsified and corrupt recension
of the Hebrew, was restated by S. Kohn, De Pen.
tateucho Samaritano (Leipsic, 1865). Besides this
work, the Samaritans possess the Samaritan Tar
gum, a translation of the Pentateuch into the Sa
maritan; this the Samaritans claim to have been
made between 50 and 1 s.c.; really it was made in
the second or beginning of the third century A.D.
Field's Hexapla (prolegomena, pp. lxxxii. lxxxiii.)
remarks that of forty‑three readings in the Greek

	4
	Samson	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	190
not less than thirty‑six agree with the Samaritan Targum exactly and seven others do not invalidate the conclusion stated above as to the relation of the Greek to the Samaritan; this is, however, disputed by others (Monatsschrift fur Geschichte and Vmwnschaft des Judenthums, 1894, pp. 1‑7, 49‑67; ZDMG, xlvii., 1893, pp. 650 sqq.). The investigations of Kohn have shown that the views which have prevailed respecting the Samaritan Targum were erroneous. The grammars and lexicons hitherto have contained many false words and explanations, and what has passed as the Samaritan Targum was a poor exemplar of varied and unrelated writings, corrupted and distorted, with attempted corrections, the products of a time when Samaritan had long been disused, with interpolations from the Targum of Onkelos and with Arabisms; in short of the original Targum probably only small fragments are known. The tendencial changes represent accommodations, running through centuries, to all possible variations in views (Sadducean, Pharisaic, Syrian, and Arabic), and are the work of a number of different hands; the indications are not that a fundamental targum serves as the basis, but that by different priests partial translations were made for practical purposes. There is also a translation of the Pentateuch into Arabic, made in the eleventh or twelfth century, probably to supersede that of Saadia. The text current under the name of Abu Said is the result of two or more recensions. It does not seem to have used the Targum, though the latter may have received insertions from the translation; the Arabisms in the Targum, where they do not agree with the translation, are possibly of the time of Abu Said and rest upon another Arabic version.
Another piece of Samaritan literature is the Arabic Book of Joshua, perhaps of the thirteenth century, dealing with history from the death of Moses to that of Joshua in thirty‑eight chapters, often in
agreement with the Hebrew Joshua, 2. Other but with apocryphal additions, and an Early appendix of nine chapters carrying the
Writings. story down to the time of Alexander Severus. It is claimed that it was written in Hebrew originally, but possibly the whole work was composed in Arabic. There is, moreover, also written in Arabic, the Samaritan Chronicle of Abu'1 Fath, an apology for the Samaritans,' based upon older works in 1355 A.D., coming down to Mohammed, and continued by another hand to the time of Harun al‑Rashid. Both these works are historically worthless. There is also the so‑called Neubauer Chronicle, and. the recently edited SamaritanHebrew Chronicle issued by Adler and Seligsohn (see below, 4, § 2, end).
	4. Literature on the Samaritans: The following
gives the principal works dealing with the history and liter
ature of the Samaritans. (1) C. Cellariu° Collectanalhistoriw
Samaritans, Zeitz, 1688; idem, Exercitatio, Oentis Samari
tana hiatortam et corimonias, post ejusdem auctoris Collec
		tanea . . magis illustrans, Halle, 1707
	1. On the (these two books constitute the chief source);
	History E. W. Hengstenberg, Die Authentie des Pen
	of the tateuchea, i. 1‑46, Berlin, 1836 (apologetic);
Samaritans. Robinson, Researches, vol. iii.; T. G. J.
		Juynboll, Commentarii in hiatoriam gentis
Samaritana, Leyden, 1846 (the best collection of the older
msterisl); A. Knobel, Zur Geschichts der Samaritaner, Gies‑
son, 1846; J. Grim‑, Die Samariter and Are Stelluny zur Welipeschichte, Munich, 1854; H. Petermann, Reiaen in Orient, i. 260‑292, Leipsic, 1860; Heidenheim, in DeutwAe Vierteljahraschrift, i. 9 sqq., 374 sqq.; J. W. Nutt, Sketch of Samaritan History, Dogma, and Literature London, 1874; A. Cowley, in JQR, 1896, pp. 562 eqq. [J. A. Montgomery, The Samaritans, Philadelphia, 1907; Jacob, Son of Aaron (high priest of the Samaritans), The Messianic Hope of the Samaritans, tranal. from the Arabic by Abdullah bon %ori, ad. with Introduction by W. E. Barton, Chicago, 1908; J. W. Rothstein, Juden and Samaritaner. Die prundlegende Scheidunp von Judentum and Heidentum. Eine kntische Studio zum Buche Haggai and our yudiscken Geschichte im ersten nachaxilischen Jahrhunderf, Leipsic, 1908.] (2) On individual points in history: J. F. Zacharis, De Samaritanis eorumque templo in monte Garizim, Jena, 1723; Schulz, De implacabili Judworum in Samaritas odio, Wittenberg, 1756; D. Mill, De causis odii Judooa inter atque Samaritanoe in Dissertationes aelectd, Leyden, 1743; S. de Sacy, Chrestomathis Arabic, i. 163 eqq., ii. 177 eqq., Paris, 1806 (extract from Makrisi's " Description of Egypt "); idem, Mbmoire our I'itat actual des Samaritains, ib. 1812, in extended form in Notices et extraits des manuwrita de la bibliotheque du rot, pp. 1‑39, ib. 1831 (deals especially with the dogmatics of the Samaritans); Gesenius, De Samaritanorum theologia ex fontibus ineditis, Halle, 1723; J. J. L. Bar&, Les Samaritains de Naplouse, Paris, 1855; G. H. A. von Ewald, Gewhiehte des Volkes Israel, iii. 724 sqq., iv. 129 eqq., 197 sqq., 274 sqq., GSttingen, 1864‑66; M. Appal, Quostiones de rebus Samaritanorum sub imperio Romano per'actis, Breslau, 1874; A. Brall, Zur Geschichte and Litteratur des Samaritaner, Frankfort, 1876; Geiger, in ZDMG, xi. 730 sqq., xii. 132 sqq., xiv. 622 eqq., xvi. 389 sqq., xx. 527 eqq.; Taglieht, Der Kuthtier ale Beobachter des Gesetzes, Erlangen. 1888; L. Wreschner, Samaritanische Traditionen, Berlin, 1888 (includes materials from the twelfth century). (3) Interchange of correspondence between Samaritans and Europeans is contained in C. F. Schnurrer, Samaritanischer Briefwechsel, in Repertorium fur biblische and morpenldndische Litteratur, ix. 1 sqq.; S. de Sacy, Litterce Samaritanorum ad J. Scaligerum, in the same, xiii. 257 sqq.; Allarius, Epiatoloe Samaritans Sichemitarum ad J. Ludolfum, Zeits, 1688; Bruns, Epistola Samaritana Sichemitarum tertia ad J. Ludolfum, Helmstlldt, 1781; S. de Sacy, in Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la btbliotUque du rot, xii. 1‑235, Paris, 1831; ZDMG, xvii. 375‑376; Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift, i. 78 eqq.; ZDPV, 1885, 149 sqq.; JQR, vol. xvi.‑no. 63; Bibliotheca sacra, lx. 610; and a letter in facsimile and translation to King Oscar of Sweden, Upsala, 1897.
(1) On the grammar of the language consult: F. Uhlemann, Institutiones linguoe Samaritan, Leipsic, 1837; G. J.
Nicholls, A Grammar of the Samaritan Lam 2. On the guage with Extracts and Vocabulary, London, Sacred or 1858; H. Petermann, Brevia lingum Samari$emi‑Sacred tanm prammatica, litteratura, chrestomathia,
	Books.	cum glossario, Berlin, 1873; S. Kohn, Zur
		SPraehe, Literatur, and Dogmatik der Samari
taner, Leipsic, 1876; J. Rosenberg, Lehrbuch der samaritan
ischen Sprache and Literatur, Vienna, 1901. On lexicog
raphy: Castelli, Lexicon heptaplotton, London, 1669; idem,
Animadversationes Samaritano, in the " London Poly
glot;' vol. vi.; S. Kohn, Samarilaniache Studien, Breslau,
1868. On Samaritan‑Hebrew: T. N51deke, Ueber einige
samaritanisch‑arabischen Schriften, die hebrdische Sprache
betre$end, GSttingen, 1862; H. Petermann, Versuch einer
hebrhischen Formenlehre nach der Aussprache der heutigen
Samaritaner nebst einer danach pebildeten tranaskription der
Genesis, Leipsic, 1868. (2) On the Hebrew‑Samaritan
Pentateuch: bibliography under BIBLE TExTs, A, IV.; the
reprint by B. Blaynay, Oxford, 1790; C. F. Houbigant
printed the Samaritan variants to the Hebrew text in his
Biblia Hebraica, Paris, 1753; a collation by B. Kennicott
is in his Vdus Testamentum Hebraica, vol. i., Oxford, 1776,
in the Bagster edition of the O. T., London, 1844, and in
Petermann's Verauch . . Formenlehre, ut sup., pp. 219
sqq. On the manuscripts: J. G. Eichhorn, Einleitung ins
Alte Testament, ii. 584 eqq., Leipsie, 1803; Bj6rnstal, in
Repatorium filr babblische and morgenlendische Litteratur,
iii. 84 sqq.; Rosen, in ZDMG, xviii. 582 aqq.; A. Harkavy,
" The Samaritan Manuscripts of the Pentateuch in the Im
perial Library at St. Petersburg;' St. Petersburg, 1875 (in
Russian); G. Margoliouth, in JQR, July, 1903, pp. 632 eqq.;
and the literature under BIBLE VERSIONS, A., IV. Critical
expositions are: W. Gesenius, De Pentateuchi Samaritana

191	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Samaria
Samson
indole, Halle. 1815; F. Bleek, Einleitunp in daa Alte Testa
ment, ed. Kamphausen, pp. 757 sqq., Berlin, 1870; w. M.
L. de wette, Emleitunp in dae Alto Testament, ed. Schrader,
pp. 203 eqq., Berlin, 1869; F. Bleek, Einleitunp, etc., ad.
J. wellhausen, pp. 570, 643, Berlin, 1878; E. w. E. Reuss,
Geachichte der heilipen Schriften des Alten Testaments, pp.
470 sqq., Brunswick, 1881; B. Pick, in Bibliotheca Sacra,
Jan., 1877‑Apr., 1878; KSnig, in DB, extra vol.. pp. 68
72. On the Samaritan translations of the Pentateuch:
printed texts are in the Paris and London Polyglots; an
edition was begun by G. Petermann, Pentateuchua Samari
tanua, of which he published Genesis and Exodus, Berlin,
1872‑73, continued and completed by C. Vollers, 1883‑91
(Petermann's part not very well done; cf. Kohn in ZDMG,
xlvii. 626‑697); A. Briill, Dos Samaritanische Tarpum zum
Pentateuch, 5 parts and two appendixes, Frankfort, 1873
1876; idem, Kritische Studien "er samaritanische Fraa
mente . . . in Oxford, ib. 1875; S. Kohn, Zur Sprache, etc.,
ut sup., pp. 215 sqq.; M. Heidenheim, in Bibl"heca Samari
tans, vol. i., Leipsic, 1884 (uncritical); A. Harkavy gives a
collation of the St. Petersburg fragments with the polyglot
text in Katalop der hebrdischen. and aamaritanischen Hand
achriften, Leipsic, 1875; P. Kahle, in ZA, xvi (1901), 83
aqq., xvu (1902), 1 sqq.; Kohn in ZDMG, 1890, pp. 650
sqq.; P. Kahle, Testkritische and lesikalische Bemerkungen
zum samarataniachen Pentateuchtargum, Halle, 1898; and
the works on introduction ut sup. by Eichhorn, De Wette
Schrader, Bleek‑Kamphausen, and KSnig. On the Arabic
version of the Pentateuch: the works on introduction by
Eichhorn (ii. 264 sqq.), and De Wette‑Schrader (p. 135);
H. E. G. Paulus, in Neues Repertorium, 1791, pp. 171 sqq.;
S. de Saey, De versions Samaritano‑Arab" la3rorum Moysis,
in Allpemeine Bibliothek der biblischen Litteratur, x. 1‑176,
with additions, in MJmoirea de l'aeadlmie des inscriptions et
belles lettrea, xlix. 1 sqq. (fundamental); A. Kuenen issued
the text of the first three books, Leyden, 1851‑54; J. Bloch,
Die samaritaniach‑arabische Pentateuchaberadzung, Deut. t.
xi., Berlin, 1901 (cf. P. Kahle, in Zeitachrift far hebrdiache
Bibliographie, 1902, no. 1). On the Book of Joshua: for the
older literature the " Introduction " of Eichhorn, iii. 412
.qq., and of De Wette‑Schrader, pp. 307 sqq.; and Juyn
boll, Chronimn Samaritanum, Leyden, 1848 (edits the only
manuscript in Arabic with Samaritan letters); M. Gaster,
Daa Bueh Joshua in hebrdiach‑samaridaniwher Rezenaion,
enideckt and sum eraten Male herauspegeben, Leipsie, 1908.
On the other chronicles: C. F. Schnurrer edited twenty
pages of the text of Abu'1 Fat¢ in Neves Repertorium (1790),
117 sqq.; E. Vilmar, Abulfathi annalea Samaritani, Goths,
1865 (complete); the Bodleian codex by Payne Smith. in
Deutschen Viertdjahraechrift far enplisch‑theolopiache Por
whung, ii (1863), 304 sqq., 432 sqq.; and De Wette‑Schra
der, ut sup., pp. 308‑309. A. Neubauer edited a later man
uscript, not the same as Abu'1 Fat¢'s work, in JA, xiv
(1869), 385‑386; E. N. Adler and M. Seligsohn edited in
REJ. xliv (1902) alvi (1903) a " new Samaritan Chron
icle " (cf. Clermont‑Ganneau, in Journal des savant*, Jan.,
1904, pp. 34 aqq., and Recueii d'archdolopie orientate, vol. vi).
	On manuscripts of other literature: Barton in Bibliotheca
sacra, Oct., 1903, pp. 612 sqq.; Neubauer, in chronique
		samaritaine, pp. 467 sqq. (on MSS. in the
S. On hlanu‑ British Museum); G. Margoliouth, Dexrip
	oaripts and five List of Hebrew and Samaritan MSS.,
	Other London, 1893 (on the same); for the Bod
	Worke. leian MSS., Neubauer, Catalogue of Hebrew
		MSS., Oxford, 1853; for those at St. Peters
burg, A. Harkavy, Collection of Samaritan MSS. at St.
Petersburg, London, 1874. [Add R. Gottheil, in JBL, xxv.
1 (1906).] A general review of later publications till 1866
is given by A. Geiger, in ZDMG, vols. xvi.‑xxii. On the
liturgy: w. Gesenius, Carmina Samaritana, Halle, 1824;
numerous examples are given by M. Heidenheim in the
Devtachea Viertelyahrsachrift: Gotha, 1860‑67• cf. idem, in
Broibliotheca Samaritana, ii. iv., Lepsic, 1885‑87; A. Merx,
Carmina Samaritans, Rome, 1887; A. E. Cowley, in JQR,
vu (1894), 121 sqq ; idem, The Samaritan Liturgy, 2 vols.,
New York, 1909, London, 1910; S. Rappopoit, La Liturgic
samaritaine, otee du soir des ftltes, Angess, 1900; idem, in
JA, 9 ser., xvi. 289 sqq On the Haggada and exegesis of
the Pentateuch: here belongs the Samaritan Mark, ah, in
pure Aramaic, a commentary of the fourth century, copied
by Petermann in 1868 from a Nablus M3., ed. H. Baneth.
Berlin, 1888; cf. E. Munk, Des Samaritanera Marqah, Ber
tin, 1890; M. Heidenheim. Der Kommentar Marqaha in
Bibliotheca Somaritana, vol. iii., Weimar, 1896; L. Em‑
merich, Daa Siepealied, sine SchWterkddrusg des Samaritanera manah, part i., Berlin, 1897; L. Hildesheimer. Des Samaritanera Marqah Buch der Wunder, Berlin, 1898. C. F. Schnurrer published in the Repertorium far biblieche . . . Litteratur, xvi (1785), 154 aqq.. Probe since aamarit.‑bi31iwhen Kommentare on Gen. xlix.; Drabkin, Fragments eommentarii ad penal. Samaritano‑Arabici sex, Breslau, 1875. On halacha: the chief work is the Kitab al‑kah, a work dated 1042 A.D., in thirty‑two chapters, compiled from the work of the most esteemed Samaritans; N. Cohn edited chap. x. as Du Zaraa0peadu der Bibd . . , Frankfort, 1899; M. Klumel, " Mischpatim." Ein samarit.‑arab. Kommentar zu Ex. xxi.xxii. 16, Berlin, 1902; S. Hanover, Dae Postgame des Samaritaner . . , ib. 1904. Literature on the Taheb: the earlier works are given in Schilrer, Geachichte, ii. 522; A. Merx, Ein samarit. Fragment ilber den Taeb oder Measiaa aua der Gothaer Handachrift. Leyden, 1893 (cf. Hilgenfeld in ZWT, 1894, pp. 233 aqq., 1895, p. 156); Cowley, in Expositor, Mar., 1895, pp. 161 sqq.; Goldaiher, in ZDMG, lvi (1902), 411‑412. On other (secular) literature, J. Freudentbal, Helleniatischa Studien, heft I, Breslau, 1874. (E. KAt1TZSCH.)
SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH. See BIBLE VEIt sloxs, A., IV.

SAMSON: The son of Manoah, of the tribe of Dan, and the last popular hero of the book of Judges (xiii‑xvi.), which drew upon special written sources, apparently with only a few additions. The special characteristic of Samson was his great and divinely given strength, due to the fact that before his birth he had been dedicated a lifelong Nazirite, his powers depending on his faithful observance of his vows, particularly by refraining from cutting his hair. He was, moreover, quick of wit, and full of biting irony, but he was also reckless and self‑confident, so that he was finally overcome rather by the craft than by the strength of his foes. In like fashion he was unpractical, and though the spirit of Yahweh moved him against the enemies of Israel (Judges xiii. 25, xiv. 4), his prowess was manifested chiefly in deeds of mischief and in love adventures. The spirit of Yahweh which aided him, especially in time of need (Judges xiv. 6, 19, xv. 14; cf. xvi. 20), was often made to serve foolish and unworthy ends, so that even his serious battles had no unifying purpose, and his victories bore no adequate result. Only in a formal sense, to be in harmony with the accounts of his predecessors, can he be said to have " judged Israel " twenty years (Judges xv. 20, xvi. 31). He is never described as leading his people, who received but slight profit from the enterprises which he undertook for his own glory (Judges xui. 5), and his character was marred by his excessive amorousness. Samson thus presents a dual aspect, the antithesis between divine calling and the nature of man, the theories of opposition between pagan nature myth and monotheistic reworking, or between popular account and religious revision, being inadequate explanations.
Judges xiii. records a twofold appearance of an angel of the Lord, announcing to Manoah and his barren wife the birth of a son who should be dedicated to Yahweh from his birth and should " begin to deliver Israel out of the hand of the Philistines." The first cycle of Samson's deeds centers around his wooing of and marriage with a Philistine bride living at Timmth. On his way to her he tore asunder a lion, an event which furnished him the basis for a riddle with which he puzzled the Philistine wedding

Samson	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	192
Samuel
guests until his bride coaxed its solution from him,
whereupon he boldly slew thirty of the inhabitants
of Ashkelon to obtain the garments to pay his for
feit (Judges xiv.). The marriage was abruptly
broken off, but Samson still regarded his bride as his
lawful wife (Judges xv. 1) and avenged the giving
of her to another man by burning the fields of the
Philistines. The latter thereupon destroyed both
father‑in‑law and wife, while Samson, in his turn,
slaughtered large numbers of them. Delivered into
the hands of the Philistines by the men of Judah, he
nevertheless slew a thousand more Philistines with
the jawbone of an ass (Judges xv.). Somewhat
later, when captured while enmeshed in an amour
in Gaza, Samson carried off the city gates by night
(Judges xvi. 1‑4). He was finally destroyed, how
ever, by his intrigue with a Philistine woman named
Delilah, who prevailed upon him to reveal the true
secret of his strength and then betrayed him to her
compatriots, who seized and blinded him, com
pelling him to work as a slave in the prison at Gaza
(Judges xvi. 4‑21). But the hair which Delilah
had shorn grew again, and with it his strength re
turned, whereupon, with one last mighty revenge,
he destroyed both the Philistines and himself by
pulling down the temple of the god Dagon (Judges
xvi. 22 sqq.).
	The attempt has been made to connect this story
with Semitic and Indo‑Germanic myths, the hero's
name, as a derivative of shemesh, " sun," being
etymologized as " little sun " or as " sunlike " (al
though others derive it from shamem, " to be laid
waste," while according to Josephus, Ant., V., viii.
4, it signifies " strong "), Samson being compared
with the Greek Herakles, a view early current in the
Church (Eusebius, Chron., ed. A. Sch6ne, pp. 54
55, Berlin, 1875‑76; Philaster, Hier., viii.; Geor
gius Syncellus, ed. G. Dindorf, i. 309, Bonn, 1829),
which derived the Greek from the Hebrew story.
In accordance with this supposed resemblance, the
attempt has repeatedly been made to explain the
account of Samson as a sun myth, the hair wherein
Samson's strength lies being interpreted as the rays
of the sun, the lion of Judges xiv. 5 sqq., being the
zodiacal sign of Leo, Delilah representing Omphale,
and the gates of Gaza being the Pillars of Hercules,
etc. A common source of the traditions concern
ing Samson and Heracles, or a Semitic bond of
union, has been sought in the Babylonian Gil
gamesh epic; but since the points of difference
from the account of Samson are far stronger than
the points of similarity, which are often strained,
and since many details in the Hebrew story can
scarcely be explained as parts of a nature myth,
other scholars regard Samson as a historical per
sonality, despite certain legendary accretions. Still
others exclude the nature myth entirely, although
attributing more or less scope to local tradition.
The life of Samson shows strong influence of local
coloring and was restricted to a limited territory
(cf. Judges xiv. 1, 5, 19, xv. 17 sqq., xvi. 1, 3‑4);
his entire figure is genuinely Hebraic; and he was a
true Nazirite, whose wonderful power, vanishing with
his recreancy to his vows, is by this fact shown to
have been divine in origin (cf. Gen. vi. 4) even though
turned to unworthy purposes. (C. vow O$ELLI.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The most valuable treatment is given in the commentaries named under JUDGES, particularly those of Moore, Budde, and Nowack. For other discussions consult: G. G. Roskoff, Die Simsonaage and der Herakleemythus, Leipsic, 1860; Steinthal, in 1. Goldzihmr, Hebrew Mythology, pp. 392‑446, London, 1877; E. Wietzke, Der biblische Simson and der dpyptische HorosRa, Wittenberg, 1888; F. Baethgen, Beitrape zur semitischen Relipionspeschichte, pp. 161 sqq., Berlin, 1889; Van Doominek, in TAT, 1894, pp. 14‑32 1896 pp. 162‑167; F. Vigouroux, La Bible et les d6couvertm modernes, iii. 172220, Paris, 1896; idem, Dictionnaire, fase. xxxv. 14341435; J. S. Reuzer, Die Hauptpersonen des Richterbuches in Talmud and Midrasch, L, Simson, Berlin, 1902; A. Jeremias, Dos Alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients, pp. 287‑288, Leipsie, 1904; D. V51ter, Aegypten and die Bibel, pp. 107 sqq., Leyden, 1904; P. Carus, The Story of Samson and its Place in the Religious Development of Mankind, Chicago, 1907; H. Stahn, Die Simaonsape, Gottingen, 1908; DB, iv. 377‑381; EB, iv. 4268‑70; JE, xi. 1‑2.
SAMSON, BERNHARDIft. See SANSON.

SAMSON, GEORGE WHITEFIELD: Baptist; b. at Harvard, Mass., Sept. 29, 1819; d. at New York Aug. 8, 1896. He was graduated from Brown University, 1839, and Newton Theological Institution, Newton Centre, Mass., 1843; was pastor of the E Street Church, Washington, D. C., 1843‑50; at Jamaica Plain, Boston, Mass., 1850‑52; E Street, Washington, D. C., 1853‑59; president of Columbian College, Washington, D. C., 1859‑71; of Rutgers Female Seminary, New York, 1871‑75; pastor of First Church, Harlem, New York, 1873‑81; from 1883 he was secretary in charge of Liberia College; after 1884 conducted private collegiate and theological instruction; and after 1886 was acting president of Rutgers Female College, New York. After his death Rev. Dr. Leighton Williams continued his class in theology in expanded form as the Amity Theological School, New York City. He was the author of To daimoni6n, or the Spiritual Medium (Boston, 1852; 2d ed., under title Spiritualism Tested, 1860); Elements of Art Criticism (Philadelphia, 1867); Physical Media in Spiritual Manifestations, illustrated fromAncientand Modern Testimony (1869); The Atonement (1878); Divine Law as to Wines (New York, 1880); Guide to Self Education (1886); and Idols to Fashion and Culture (1888).
SAMUEL.
1. The Prophet.
Name, Lineage, Youth (§ 1).
Later Life; Character (§ 2).
11. The Books of Samuel.
Form and Contents (§ 1).
The Text (§ 2).
Sources and Composition (§ 3).
Date and Value (§ 4).
	1. The Prophet: The name Samuel is of early
origin, pointing to pre‑Hebraic times; its meaning
is "his name is El"; in I Sam. i. 20 it is given the
significance "asked of God," though strictly its
meaning is "heard of God." According to I Sam. i.
1, Samuel came of Ephraimitic lineage; but it is not
		probable that the Ramathaim‑zophim
	i. Name, of that passage, the Ramah where
	Lineage, Samuel was born, had his house, died,
	Youth. and was buried, is to be identified
		with the (Ephraimitic) Ramah in Ben
jamin two hours north of Jerusalem, the modern
el‑Ram, but rather with the place called in the New
Testament Arimathea, perhaps the present Beit‑
‑u‑ ~N,3ss‑r ..

193	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Samson
Samuel
Rims. near Tibne. Against the Ephraimitic origin of Samuel, I Chron. vi. 11 sqq., 18 aqq. speaks, where unmistakably the same family‑tree is given as in I Sam. f., tracing the descent from the Levite Kohath. Many regard this as an arbitrary arrangement of the Chronicler, who desired to derive the priest Samuel from the Levites according to "Mosaic" law. The arguments for the non‑Levitical origin of Samuel are not absolutely conclusive. Samuel's continual residence at the sanctuary as against the ordinary term of residence of Levites is explained by his mother's vow (I Sam. i. 11); while Rama was not a Levitical city, the Levites lived in other than Levitical cities. Yet Elkanah's yearly pilgrimage to the shrine might easily find other explanation than that of Levitical duty, and I Sam. i. l nowhere suggests Levitical origin. But Samuel's grandson Heman, the celebrated singer, was a Levite (I Chron. xxv. 4, cf. vi. 18‑19); on the other hand the boundaries between Levites and others may not have been hard and fast at that period, and men may have become Levites through a vow. Such a vow Hannah registered in beseeching a son, promising his lifelong service to God, and also that he should be a Nazirite (q.v.). This vow she fulfilled after her request had been granted and she had weaned the child, and he became an attendant at Shiloh, "girded with a linen ephod" (I Sam. ii. 18; see EPHOD). There he was speedily distinguished by being made the recipient of divine revelations, the first being that which concerned the judgment of God on Eli and his house (I Sam. iii.). After the death of Eli Samuel became the leader in Israel and that people's judge, the reformer of its religion (I Sam. vii. 3 sqq.), and by his answered prayer its savior (verses 9 sqq.).
Concerning his later life little appears which is striking, apart from I Sam. vii., which is contested on critical grounds (see below). But if this portion of the history be given up, attested though it is by the stone Eben‑ezer (verse 12), the title of father which Samuel bears in his old age
z. Later vouches for his thorough and comLife; prehensive activity. His journeys
Character. among the people and attendance at their gatherings at Bethel, Gilgal, Mizpah, where he acted as consecrator of the offerings and as judge, tended to build up Mosaic tradition and prophetic illumination and to prepare for a better ethical‑religious situation in the land. To this end the prophetic schools were a part of the means. Through his worth and eminence he contributed to the unifying of the people; and if the Philistine yoke was not altogether broken, the lot of Israelites was at least bearable. In his old age sorrow assailed him through his sons' departure from his upright course, and the people demanded a king, which he at first opposed, and then, at a higher bidding, granted (see SAUL). His work, however, was not at an end, his duty being to announce Saul's supersession and to anoint David (q.v.). While David was being persecuted by Saul, Samuel died, and Saul followed not long after. Since Moses, alongside whom he is placed (Ps. xcix. 6; Jer. xv. 1), no one had been endowed with so rich a spirit. and entrusted with so high and comprehenX.‑13
sive tasks as Samuel who gathered in himself all the theocratic offices, officiating as priest, prophet, and judge, and becoming the founder of the kingdom. His office of priest came to him not by birth but by an inner call and the external needs of the times; the external organization of the cultus is ascribed to him (I Chron. ix. 22), and his prophetic activity was thorough and comprehensive, he being possibly the founder of the prophetic schools. His ethical deliverance in I Sam. xv. 22‑23 became the keynote of subsequent prophecy, while his work had bearing upon the building up of the "Torah" and upon prophetic writing. He appears as a true servant of God, who subjected his own will to that of the deity, and endeavored to lead the people to realize its higher call over against the striving for national greatness and worldly might.
II. The Books of Samuel: In the Hebrew these books were originally one (cf. Origen, in Eusebius, Hist. eccl., VI., xxv~), in the Septuagint they were divided and called I an&. II Kings; this division into two books appeared in the Hebrew text of D.
Bomberg's edition (Venice, 1517), but
r. Form the Masoretic remarks prove the orig‑
and Con‑ inal unity, showing I Sam. xxviii. 24 tents. to be the middle verse of the book.
It bears the name of Samuel because in the first part he is the principal character, not because he is the author, as later Baba Bathra (14b) mistakenly declared. The contents of the books connect closely with the contents of the Book of Judges, showing how out of the confusion of those times the Hebrew kingdom arose and soon reached its highest point. They divide into three main parts: (1) history of Samu‑1, the last judge and the prophetic founder of the xingdom (I., i.‑xii.); (2) history of Saul (I., x1ii.‑xxxi.); (3) history of David (Il., f.‑xxiv.), though the latter part is not complete, the closing days and death of David being described in I Kings. But the author surely wrote after the death of David (II Sam. v. 5), and certain signs indicate that he wrote also the history of Solomon; moreover, it is clear that he used various written sources.
The form of the text of the book requires special consideration, the Hebrew text being very often
defective and not seldom susceptible of
2. The Text. correction from the Septuagint. Yet
in places this version follows a variant recension. Sometimes the Hebrew text is the more detailed, sometimes the Greek; the former is fullest in the story of the youth and persecution of David by Saul, and this raises the question whether the Greek translators (or the writer of their Hebrew exemplar) had in mind to simplify and harmonize the text or whether the longer Hebrew text contains insertions later than the Greek version. In the latter case, the source of the additions is sought either in a later midrash or in earlier books which threw light upon the situation. In the reconstruction of the text Klostermann is too subjective, while Thenius, Wellhausen, and Petri stress too much the Septuagint. While in many passages the Septuagint helps to the correct text, in others the Masoretic points to the better reading, the Septuagint leaning on a variant text or not being exact.

Samuel
8snbenito	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	194
That the text is composite in its sources appears from the dissimilarities of its parts, mingling detailed narrative with brief notices of events. Thus of the elevation of Saul to the throne late critics find three narratives, I Sam. xi.; ix. 1‑10, 16; viii. 10, 17‑27, which should, however, be reduced to two, viz., ix. 1‑10, 16, x. 27b, xi. 11, 15, and, for the second narrative, viii. 10, 17‑27a, xi. 12‑14. These two reports are marked by strong characteristics. According to the earliest of these Samuel shows only joy in the erection of the kingdom, while the more pessimistic account reflects either the exilic or postexilic times (Wellhausen), the time of Hosea (Kittel), or of Hezekiah (Kuenen). As a theocrat Samuel must have had gloomy forebodings over the new movement. Yet it is granted by several of the critics that this doubling of the narrative does not necessarily imply that either is false. Klostermann sees in the two accounts only apparent, not real, discrepancies. It is noteworthy that criticism sees so often in I Samuel doublets or repeated accounts of the same events. Some of these are: the rending of the kingdom from Saul, xiii. 8‑14 and xv. 12 sqq.; the two accounts of the hurling of the spear at David, xviii. 10‑11 (not in the Septuagint) and xix. 9‑10; the double betrayal of David by the Ziphites, xxiii. 19‑28 and xxvi.; the repetition of the proverb in x. 12 and xix. 24; the double sparing of Saul by David, xxiv. and xxvi.; the two flights of David to the Philistines, xxi. 10 sqq. and xxvii. 1 sqq. In most of these cases repetition of the occurrences is psychologically probable, while each story has its own characteristics. But in these books as in other historical books of the Bible the union of varied accounts gives rise to difficulties, to gaps, and to incongruities. Thus I., vii. 13‑14 does not agree with ix. 16, x. 5, xiii., dealing with the control of the land by the Philistines, though the critics often press too far the content of the passage vii. 2‑17. So in the history of David the separate narratives are put together without attempt to harmonize the differences (see DAVID). While 11 Samuel is wrought into a closer unity, circumstances of this kind are not lacking.
While the Books of Kings often name their sources, reference to a source is made only once in Samuel (II., i. 18, where the book of Jasher is named, cf. Josh. x. 13). There is no reason to hold that other pieces of poetry given in Samuel are from this source,
such as the Song of Hannah (I Sam.
3. Sources ii.), an early psalm of victory, and the and Com‑ lament over Abner (II Sam. iii. 33‑34), position. which is genuine. The piece in II
Sam. xxii. (=Ps. xviii.) is among the psalms best attested as Davidic; while the "last words of David" (II Sam. xxiii. 1‑7) are to be regarded as genuine. For the historical contents no source is adduced. II Sam. Aii. 16 first mentions a "recorder," who appears to have been a permanent official, so that annals of the reigns of David and Solomon could have been available whence such data as II Sam. xx. 23‑26 might have been drawn. But the chief sources were doubtless the prophetical accounts such as those referred to in I Chron. xxix. 29, the "book of Samuel the Seer, and . . . Nathan the prophet, and . . . Gad the seer." These
references can not be to the varied parts of the Books of Samuel, but are rather prophetical narratives which seem to have been accessible to the Chronicler as parts of a greater work on the kings of Israel and Judah. Whether the prophets named left historical narratives or not, some such sources were used by the author of the Books of Samuel, and the composition was governed by a divine pragmatism. Comill divides the chief material between J. and E., though convincing proof is lacking. A Deuteronomic redaction like that of the Book of Judges is generally accepted as fact, though parts of the contents do not show the marks of this. Kittel distinguishes between an older and a later class of sources: the first includes a Jerusalemitic history of David from the time of Solomon or Rehoboam, another not much later, and a history of Saul contemporary with the second source; the later class includes an Ephrainutic history of Samuel and David from the time of Hosea; this material was worked over by the Deuteronomic redactor of Judges, while another Deuteronomist worked over the whole material. Oettli sees an earlier and a later section in the book, the earlier favorable to the kingdom and the later prophetic in its interests; the whole was edited in Deuteronomic style. Most important is the fact that contemporary sources are generally recognized. The time of the final composition of the book from these various sources can be only approximated. In general, it was later than the death of David (II Sam. v. 5), and subsequent to the division of the kingdom (I Sam. xxvii. 6). A 4. Date and considerable time had elapsed since the
	Value.	events described, according to the fre
		quent use of the formula "unto this
day" (e.g., I Sam. v. 5) and the reference to ar
cheological matters such as I Sam. ix. 9; yet such a
passage as I Sam. xxvii. 6 forbids a date in the
exile. Schrader would place these books with other
historical books shortly before the exile; the rabbis
ascribed them to Jeremiah; Stahelin puts them in
the time of Hezekiah, and they may be older than
this. The author was no mere compiler, but had a
definite plan and the prophetic standpoint in view.
Critics generally grant the historical value of the
work, while the Hebrew is pure and the narrative
simple and lively, presenting a truthful and not a
glossed history of the times and individuals.
(C. VON ORELLI.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY: On the prophet the reader is referred to the commentaries (see below) and to works on the history of the Hebrews (under ARAB; and ISRAEL, HISTORY OF). Of the following special nota may be made: G. C. M. Douglas, Samuel and his Age, Study in the Constitutional Hist. of Israel, London, 1901; F. B. KBster, Die Propheten des Allen and Neuen Testaments, Altona, 1838; H. Ewald, Geschichte des Volkea Israel, ii. 591 sqq, iii. 1 sqq G5ttingen, 1865‑66, Eng. transl., London, 1883; F. E. KSnig, Offenbarunysbeprif des Allen Testament, pp. 69‑70, Leipsie, 1882; J. Robertson, Early Religion of Israel, Edinburgh, 1892; H. Guthe, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, pp. 68 sqq., Tiibingen, 1889; F. B. Meyer, Samuel the Prophet, new ed., London, 1900; H. P. Smith, Old Testament Hiat., New York, 1903; S. Oettli, Geschichte Isracls Us auf Alexander, Calw, 1905; Wellhausen, Prolegomena; DB, iv. 381‑382; BB, iv. 4270‑73; JE, xi. 5‑8; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, fase. xxxv. 1435‑1442.
On questions of introduction and text consult the literature in and under BIBLICAL INTRODUCTION, especially Driver, Kirkpatrick, Davidson, Comill, and McFadyen;

195	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	Samuel
$anbenito
and the following: K. H. Graf, De librorum Samudis d Regum compositione, Augsburg, 1842; G. E. Karo, De fontibus librorum qui feruntur Samudis, Berlin, 1882; F. Butcher, Neue exegetisch‑kritische Aehrenlese cum A. T., vol. i., Leipsie, 1883; J. Wellhausen, Der Text der Bficher Samuel untersucht, Gattingen, 1871; C. H. Cornill, in Z%W, 1885, pp. 112 aqq.; idem, %anipsberper Studien, i. 25 sqq., Kanigaberg, 1888; idem, Einleitung in das A. T., Freiburg, 1891, Eng. transl., 2 vols., New York, 1907; idem, in ZATW, x (1890). 96 sqq.; K. Budde, in ZATW, viii (1838), 223 sqq.; idem, Die B acher Richter and Samuel, Giessen, 1890; idem, in SBOT, 1894; R. Kittel, Oeschichte der Hebraer, ii. 22 sqq., Goths, 1888‑92, Eng. transl., London, 1895; idem, in TSB, 1892, pp. 44 sqq.; S. R. Driver, Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Books of Samuel, Oxford, 1890 (indispensable); A. Kuenen, Historischkritische Einleatung in die BUcher des A. T., I., ii. 37‑62, Leipsie, 1890; T. K. Cheyne, Aids to the Devout Study of Criticism, pp. 1‑126, London, 1892; N, Peters, Beitrags sur Text‑ and Litterarkritik, Freiburg, 1899; S. A. Cook, in American Journal of Semitic Languages, 1900, pp. 145177; G. Stoseh, Die Urkunden der Samuelsgeschichte, Giltersloh, 1901; P. N. Schlogl, Libri Samuelis, Vienna, 1905; E. Sievers, Metrische Studien, part 3. Leipsic,1907; Wellhausen. Prolegomena; DB, iv. 382‑391; EB, iv. 4273‑81; JE, xi. 8‑13.
Commentaries are by: H. P. Smith, New York, 1899; O. Thenius, Leipsic, 1864, 3d eel. by M. Lahr, 1898 (the prefatory notes are valuable); C. F. Keil and F. Delitzsch, Edinburgh, 1876; C. F. D. Erdmann, in Lange's Commentary, New York, 1877; A. F. Kirkpatrick, in Cambridge Bible, 2 vols., Cambridge, 1880‑F! ; R. Payne Smith and others, in Pulpit Commentary, 2 vols., London and New York, 1880‑88; T. J. Conant~ Philadelphia, 1884; A. Klostermann, Nbrdlingen, 1887; W. G. Blaikie. in Expositor's Bible, 2 vole., London, 1887‑88; K. Budde, Tilbingen, 1902; W. Nowack, Gattingen, 1002; J. Witt, Saul and David. Rine Erklarung der Bitcher Samuelis, Kiel, 1902; B. Neteler, Munster, 1903; P. N. Schlagl, Vienna, 1904; A. R. S. Kennedy, in Century Bible, London, 1905; P. Dhorme, Paris, 1909; H. L. Willett~ Studies in 1. Samuel, Chicago, 1909.
SANBALLAT, sag‑bal'at (Babylonian, "Sin preserves in life"): An opponent of Nehemiah, and a leader against the Jews in their attempts to restore Jerusalem after their return from the exile (Neh. ii. 10, 19‑20, iii. 33 sqq., iv. 1 sqq., vi. 1 sqq., xiii. 28 aqq.). His special efforts were directed against the protection of Jerusalem by the erection of the city wall, in which he was aided by Tobiah the Ammonite, Geshem (or Gashmu) the Arabian, the Philistines of Ashdod, and the Persians in possession of Samaria. Threats that the king of Persia would regard the building of the wall as an act of rebellion failing, the opponents of Nehemiah proceeded to violence when the wall was half finished. This also proving unsuccessful, Sanballat endeavored by stratagem to get Nehemiah into his power, and thus to ruin his plans. Some of Nehemiah's partizans were actually won over, especially as Sanballat had influential kinsmen in Jerusalem (Neh. vi. 10 sqq., xiii. 28 sqq.). According to Josephus (Ant., XI., vii. 2), who apparently drew from Jewish tradition, Sanballat lived in the reign of Darius Codomannus, and after marrying his daughter to the brother of the high priest Jaddua, set up the temple and worship of the Samaritans on Gerizim. Sanballat is described as a Horonite, implying that he was an Ephraimite from Bethhoron, though some scholars have sought his home in the Moabltic city of Horonaim.
(R. MTrxL.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. Winekler, Altorientaliaehe Forechungen,
ii. 228 sqq., Leipsic, 1894; A. A. van Hoonacker, etudes our la restauration juice apras recd de Babylone. Paris.
1898; T. K. Cheyne, Jewish Religious Life after the Exile, New York, 1898; C. F. Kent, Hist. of the Jewish People, 7th eel., ib. 1905; E. Saehau, Drei aramaische Papyrusurkunden aus Elephantine, Berlin, 1907; DB, iv. 371; EB, iv. 4281; JE, xi. 37; Vigouroux, Dictionnaire, xxxv., cot. 1443; the commentaries on Ezra‑Nehemiah; and the works dealing with this period of history cited under ARAB; and ISRAEL, HISTORY OF.
SANBENITO, sag"Wnf'to: A pentitential garment the wearing of which was one of the punishments inflicted by the Inquisition (q.v.). In its final form it was "a kind of yellow tunic with a red St. Andrew's cross (on the breast and on the back] ‑a mark of infamy and a severe infliction, as it largely impeded the efforts of the penitent to gain a livelihood" (H. C. Lea, Inquisition of ‑Spain, ii. 401, New York, 1906). Its origin is with probability to be traced to the habit of sackcloth worn by penitents in times earlier than the Inquisition. The sanbenetillo was a stage in the inquisitorial development of the sanbenito and was the device of Torquemada in 1490, consisting of black or gray cloth, eighteen inches long and nine wide, depending from the neck over breast and back, with the red cross on each part. It was worn over the outer garment and was therefore extremely conspicuous. In 1514 Ximenes ordered that the form of cross used should be that of St. Andrew; and in 1561 the "Instructions" (of the Inquisition) directed that the material be yellow (apparently in Valencia and Sicily, of green) linen or cloth, the aim being evidently to increase the conspicuousness of the object and the severity of the penalty. A variation that came into use was a half‑cross or diagonal bar, used on the sanbenitos of those regarded as culpable in a less degree. Those who were to be "relaxed" wore a black sanbenito, on which were painted flames and figures of devils thrusting the heretic into hell.
The punishment of wearing the garment was at first inflicted for life. Later different periods were assigned, and the wearing was sometimes conterminous with the period of imprisonment, sometimes only during the period of the auto da M, at other times the punishment varied with the adjudged degree of guilt or seriousness of the crime. The severity of the punishment can hardly be conceived in modern times and in Protestant environment. It proclaimed the wearer to have been guilty of that most detestable of crimes, heresy. The wearer could with extreme difficulty gain employment, he was an object of general horror and ostracism, and it is probable that many were driven to death by starvation. To discard the garment subjected she wearer to rearrest as one who bad recanted his submission to Holy Church with all the penalties which that involved. This led naturally to appeals for dispensation from wearing the garment, and it came before long to the situation that dispensation was made a means of papal revenue and an instrument of exaction, as high as 1,000 florins having been paid in order to avoid the wearing of the sanbenito.
In order to increase the detestation of heresy and to deter from committing such a crime a new use of the garment was devised. The sanbenito was inscribed with the name of the wearer and other details and hung in the churches, this having in view the perpetuation of the memory of the offense.

Sanohnnisthon	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	196
This usage seems to have been followed with especial malignity and persistence, gaps in the series being filled from the records, and even those who had been exempted from wearing the sanbenito were represented by the article in the church. That the crime might be brought home to the family, a duplicate was sometimes made and hung in the church which was the parish home of the family. The inscriptions were renewed as they faded through time and handling. Naturally these articles were at times stolen from the depositaries, but were often replaced by the Holy Office. This exhibition was at times supplemented by lists made out and suspended separately, in order the more securely to perpetuate the memory of the heretic and his crime. During the second half of the seventeenth and the eighteenth century, the zeal of the Inquisition in this natter relaxed, and there was connivance at the burial of the custom. The Cortes of Cadiz, Jan. 22, 1813, abolished the Inquisition, and a decree of the same date, citing Article 305 of the constitution, called attention to the provision that punishment was not to extend beyond the criminal, and directed that records or articles perpetuating the memory of punishment inflicted by the Inquisition be removed or destroyed within three days. The condition of Spain, however, could not ensure obedience to this order, and not for some time subsequently was the abolition of these garments completely carried out.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. C. Lea, Inquisition of Spain, iii. 162172, i. 258, 280, ii. 401‑402, 409, iii. 103, 125, 158, 163, 184, iv. 527, New York, 1906‑07.
SANCHUNIATHON, san‑cil‑nai'a‑then.

The Assumed Author (§ 1). Philo's Introduction (§ 2). Pre‑Hesiodic Theogony and Creation (§ 3). Theogony Based on the Greek (§ 4). Antiquity of Material not Supported (§ 5). Complexity of Sources (§ 8). Semitic Material Employed (§ 7).
Sanchuniathon is the name givers to an assumed
Phenician writer, alleged to have belonged to the city
of Berytus (Beirut), the putative author of a work
cited as "Phenician History" or "Things Pheni
cian." This work Philo Byblius (q.v.) claims to have
		translated from the Phenician language
i. The As‑ into Greek, and it is known only by
	sumed quotations from this alleged transla
	Author. tion extant principally in Eusebius'
		Preeparatio Evangedica, 32e‑41d (Eng.
transl., 2 vols., Oxford, 1903). The known frag
ments are collected elsewhere, best in C. Miiller,
Fragments historicorum Grwcorum, iii. 560 sqq.
(4 vols., Paris, 1841‑51). According to Eusebius
(ut sup., 31d), Philo Byblius describes Sanchunia
thon as a man of great learning, given to research
into universal history, and especially interested in
the god Thoth (Tsautos), the Hermes of the Greeks,
whom he held to be the inventor of letters and wri
ting, with whom the writing of history began.
Eusebius (ut sup., 31a‑c) cites also Porphyry, the
anti‑Christian polemist, as asserting that the
"truest history of the affairs of the Jews" was
written by this Sancbuniathon, "who received the
records from Hierombalos, the priest of the god
Ieuo" and dedicated his history to King Abibalus of
Berytus. Porphyry adds that "the times of these men (i.e., evidently of Sanchuniathon, Hierombalos, and Abibalus] fall before the date of the Trojan war and approach nearly to the time of Moses, as shown by the succession of the kings of Phenicia [cf. Eusebius, ut sup., 484‑486, where he uses these data to confirm the antiquity of Moses]. And Sanchuniathon . . . lived in the days of Semiramis, queen of the Assyrians, who is recorded as living before the Trojan war or in those very times." Porphyry further declares that his authority made "a complete collection of ancient history from the records in the various cities and from the registers in the temples, and wrote in the Phenician language with a love of truth." Porphyry adds his testimony that these works were translated into Greek by Philo of Byblos. Mention of Sanchuniathon appears to be confined to post‑Christian writers, such as the grammarian Athenmus (fl. about 225 A.D.). The character and intrinsic interest of the material presented by Eusebius, the high antiquity claimed for it, and the line of transmission by which it has come down have combined to raise a number of problems which are of more than usual interest and are by no means merely academic. Renan voices a quite general opinion, justified by the amount of discussion the subject has raised, when he remarks that "few problems in the circle of Semitic studies and of ancient history . . . are of more importance" (Memoirs, p. 6). The worth of the material is surpassing if it be of the antiquity claimed ; it is great if it be of a period anterior to the Christian era; it is well worth study if it reflect truly either the priestly or the popular belief of the period of the "translator"; and it is in any case worthy of study as a presentation of a theory of the origin of religion if it date no earlier than the translator himself.
According to Eusebius (ut sup., 31d), the work was by Philo divided into nine books; Porphyry (De abatinentia) reports that it was in eight, possibly counting the first book merely
s. Philo's as an introduction. Eusebius makes
Introduc‑ it clear that Philo prefaced his "trans‑
	tion.	lation " with an introduction. This
		describes Sanchuniathon as given to
historical research, and laying the foundation of his
history with Thoth‑Hermes. Philo then asserts
that " the most recent" writers on religion [by whom
he means apparently those near the age of Sanchu
niathon] rejected facts, invented allegories and
myths, employed fictitiously cosmic phenomena, and
overlaid them with absurdities. But Sanchu
niathon happened on the "secret writings of the
Ammoneans" in the shrines, studied them, and put
aside the myths and allegories. But the priests who
followed him restored the mythical character of the
narratives, and this was the origin of the legends and
myths prevalent in the Greek world. Philo is then
quoted as setting forth briefly his syncretistic theory
of the origin of religion. He declares that the "most
ancient barbarians," especially the Phenicians and
Egyptians, who in these matters were the teachers
of mankind, regarded as the greatest gods those who
had discovered the necessaries of life or . . done
good to the nations," worshiped them as gods after

197	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	8anchuaAathon
their death, consecrated pillars and staves "after their names," applied the names of their kings to the elements, and knew no other gods than those of nature‑sun, moon, and planets, so that "some of their gods were mortal and some immortal." Eusebius then asserts that Philo "begins his interpretation of Sanchuniathon by setting forth the theology of the Phenicians," and gives the following cosmogony and theogony.
The first principle was "an sir dark with cloud and wind," and a "chaos dark as erebus," both boundless. The wind fell in love with its parents; and "Desire." This was the beginning of creation.
Thus "Mot" was produced‑either
3. Pre‑He‑ mud or a "putrescence of watery com‑
	siodic	pound "‑which contained the germs
Theogony of all creation. There were certain
	and	insensate animals from which the sen
Creation. sate (called Zuphasemin, "observers
of heaven") issued while Mot broke forth into light, the heavenly bodies and the constellations, sea and land became heated, causing storms of wind and clouds and floods and whirlwinds, the tumult of which awaked the intelligent animals that then began to move. All this Sanchuniathon discovered in Thoth's cosmogony and commentaries. Here Eusebius summarizes, saying that the winds Notus and Boreas and other things are called by name. Then he proceeds again to quote to the purport that these [intelligent animals? or "winds and other things"?] were the first who consecrated the productions of earth and worshiped them as gods because they were the supporters of life, making libations to them. From the wind Colpias and his wife Baau ("Night," cf. Hebr. bohu, "chaos") were born the men Aeon and Protogonus ("Age" and "Firstborn"); Aeon discovered foods borne by trees. Their offspring were Genos and Gene& and dwelt in Phenicia, worshiping the sun, calling him Beelsamen (Hebr. Baal shamayim, "Lord of heaven"), the Greek Zeus. From Genos were born mortals named Light, Fire, and Flame, who discovered fire by friction. They also begat giants, whose names were applied to the mountains‑‑Camius, Lebanon, Antilebanon, and Brathy. These in turn begat Memrumus who is also Hypsuranius, taking their names from their mothers. He adds that intercourse between men and women in those days was free. Hypsuranius settled Tyre, and invented huts of reeds and rushes. He quarreled with his brother Ousous, who invented clothing from skins of wild beasts, and first sailed the sea on a log, set up two pillars in his worship of fire and wind, and poured on them libations of blood from game. After the death of Ous6us and Hypsuranius, they were deified and worshiped by their descendants at yearly festivals, where cultic objects were pillars and staves. From the race of Hypsuranius sprang Agreus and Halieus, inventors of fishing and hunting, from whom sprang two brothers who discovered iron and how to work it; one was Chrysor, orator, magician, and diviner, also called Hephiestus, inventor of sailing on rafts, who is also Zeus Meilichios (cf . Jane E. Harrison Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, chap. i., Cambridge 1908). Two youths of this race were Technites ("Artificer") and Geinos
Autochthon ("Earth‑born Aboriginal") who mixed straw with clay for bricks and invented roofs. From them came Agros and Agrueros or Agrotes, founders of agriculture, identified with the Titans; their offspring were Amynos and Magus, who developed villages and sheepfolds; next came Misor (Hebr. mishor, "uprightness ") and Suduc (Hebr. zedek, "righteousness "), who discovered salt. Misor's son was Thoth‑Hermes, who invented the alphabet and writing. Suduc was the father of the first builders of ships (the Dioscuri or Cabeiri or Corybantes or Samothraci), from whom sprang the first physician. Then were born Elioun (cf. the Hebr. Elyon, "Most High") and the female Beruth (? Hebr. berith, "covenant"), who dwelt near Byblos, from whom came Epigeius or Autochthon (afterwards called Ouranos, Uranus), whose sister was Gd, "Earth." These deified their father Elioun after he had been killed by wild beasts, married, and produced Elus (Hebrew El, "God") or Kronos, Baetylus (Bethel, "shrine"), Dagon who is also Siton, and Atlas.
From this point on the substratum of the "history" is the Greek mythology of Hesiod and later writers. Uranus took other wives, and had a numerous progeny. This offended Ge and she reproached Uranus, who separated from her and then tried to destroy his offspring by her. Kronos, after
he had grown to manhood, with the 4. Theogony help of his secretary Hermes, avenged
Based on his mother. Kronos became the
the Greek. father of Persephone and Athena,
drove Uranus from his kingdom, and founded Byblos by building a wall around his own dwelling. Of a concubine of Uranus captured in the war between Kronos and Uranus was born in the house of Dagon the deity Demarus. The descendants of the Dioscuri at this time put together rafts and ships and made voyages, were shipwrecked near Mt. Cassius, and consecrated a temple there. The allies of Kronos in the war with Uranus were called Eloim (cf. Hebr. Elohim, "God" or "gods"). Kronos then became the murderer of one of his sons and one of his daughters. Meanwhile Uranus was constantly intriguing for the overthrow and death of Kronos, sending his daughters Astarte, Rhea, and Dione for this purpose. But they were captured and made the wives of Kronos and bore him the Titanides and others. One of the Titanides married Suduc and became the mother of Asclepius. In Persea Kronos had the sons Kronos the Younger, Zeus Belus, and Apollo, and issue from these were Pontus, Typhon, Nereus, Sidon (inventor of song), and Poseidon. To Demarus was born Melcathrus (Melkart). Finally Uranus was waylaid, killed, and deified. Astarte, Zeus Demarus, and Adodus (Hadad, see RIMMON) ruled the country; the first of these is by Phenicians identified with Aphrodite. Kronos gave Attica to his daughter Athena. When a pestilence occurred, he offered up his only begotten son Iedud (see below § 8) to Uranus (thus beginning the sacrifice of the firstborn) and introduced circumcision. When his son Muth (Thanatos, "Death," Pluto) died, he deified him. He gave Byblos to Baaltis (Beltis, Dione) and Berytus to Poseidon. Thoth had meanwhile invented portraiture and

Sanchuniathon sanctification
THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG
devised symbols of royalty for Kronos, and had received from him Egypt. The Cabeiri, Suduc's seven sons, reduced these things to writing. But the first Phenician hierophant, Thabion, allegorized the narrative and made myths of them, the prophets inaugurated the mysteries, while their successors diffused myths and ceremonials. The Greeks, in accordance with their genius, were most fertile in carrying this process forward, especially Hesiod and the Cyclic poets. Quotations from a work cited by Eusebius as "History of the Jews" repeat the story of Thoth's rescuing of the worship of the gods from ignorance, and proceeds to relate that the ancients used in crises to sacrifice their most beloved children with mystic rites. Kronos (Elus) was deified as Saturn, but had previously by Anobret a son Iedud, whom he sacrificed on an occasion like that mentioned in II Kings iii. 26‑27. The origin of serpent worship is ascribed to Thoth, who saw in this animal and in the dragon the divine nature.
The material here presented embodies an eclectic theory of the origin of the gods, combining the Euhemeristic theory (see EUHEMERUB) with the naturalistic (deification of cosmic or stellar or natural forces). The line of transmission of the fragments is not altogether devoid of obscurity.
For centuries the opinion obtained that g. Antiquity Eusebius quoted from Porphyry; but of Material a closer examination warrants the con‑
not Sup‑ clusion that Eusebius cited Porphyry
ported. only to establish the supposed antiq‑
uity of Sanchuniathon, and that for the rest he used Philo direct. The alleged antiquity is implied by Philo in his statements that the results of Sanchuniathon's researches had long before been perverted by the Greeks, and that Greek myths, which go back to Hesiod, were derived from this falsified material. Philo's task as he states it was to recover once more the facts from the perverted statement of them. But the fragments bear internal evidence that no such antiquity can be granted. The incidents with which they are made contemporary were not of the same period. Semiramis (the Assyrian queen of Greek legend is probably to be identified with Sammuramat, consort of Adad‑nirari V., 812‑783) was not a contemporary of the Trojan war, but considerably later. Hierombalos is evidently the Greek form for Jerubbaal (Judges ix.‑x.), while by Abibalus is evidently meant the father of Hiram of Tyre who was a contemporary of Solomon (cf. Josephus, Ant., VIII., v. 3) ; all of these are made nearly the contemporaries of Moses. Moreover the dedication of a work of history in those times is almost certainly an anachronism. It is beyond belief that Euhemerism was so old as to have become the subject of so early priestly falsification, which, moreover, reverses the course of history. When to Euhemerism is added so late a theory as the eclectic employed in this narrative, the ascription of so great an antiquity falls to the ground of its own weight.
It still remains to ask whether Philo reproduced the work of a man much later in history. It is to be noted that the processes of criticism reveal an evident complexity of sources. At least two cosmogonies are present besides the Greek (cf. Eusebius,
198
ut sup., 33c with 34c). There are present at least three accounts of the invention of navigation
‑by Ousous, Chrysor‑Hepheestus, and 6. Complex‑ the Dioscuri. Similarly, there are ity of triple accounts of the origin of hunting
Sources. ‑through Agreus and Halieus, Ousous,
and Agros and Agrueros, the first of whom invented clothing from the skins of wild animals he had slain. While so far this might have existed in the supposed original of Philo's work, a whole series of facts, viz., the distinct mingling of two separate lines of tradition‑the Semitic and the Greek, the latter of which was not in existence at the time implied by Philo himself for the composition; the facts that the whole work is a distinct echo of Euhemerus (who claimed to have discovered his basal material in a temple; the most notable instance of Euhemerism in the assumption that Light, Fire, and Flame were the names of three men which were given to their discovery‑a statement truly Spencerian in its boldness!); that the part assigned to Hermes as the adviser of the gods belongs to late post‑Alexandrian theology; that a Greek play of words is found which involves the material of tradition (astkr, "star," Astarte); that the method of handling Greek, especially Hesiodic, theology is that of the period about the Christian era; that the forms followed in Phenician names are rarely old Phenician but rather Aramaic (cf. the form Beelsamen instead of the true Phenician Baalsameme),‑all these considerations make it practically certain that Sanchuniathon was a fictitious personage upon whom Philo fathered the material which embodied his own philosophy of religion.
While there is little that is remarkable in the Greek material which Philo employed, the use of Semitic is interesting. The name Sanchuniathon reproduces a correct formation and means " (the god) Sakkun has given," and such a deity is abundantly attested in Phenician and Carthaginian environment. The deity Aion as discoverer of fruit finds a certain war‑
rant in the inscription in Semitic enSemitic vironment on a late coin. Melcathrus
Material is evidently Melcarth‑Herakles. Muth Employed. (Semitic for "death") is punned upon.
Adodos is Hadad, but Aramaic rather than Phenician. That Hebrew tradition is drawn upon is shown not only by mention of Hierombalos and Abibalus, but by the phrase " Iedud, the only begotten being" (Eusebius, ut sup., 40c; cf. yahid, "only son," Gen. xxii. 2, 12, 16, in the narrative of the tempting of Abraham). Ieuo is as clearly Yahweh; Due is the Hebrew El, "God" (or the Semitic ilu, "god"). Is Ousous the hunter to be connected with Esau the hunter or with Usu, the cuneiform name for the mainland of Tyre? Misor and Suduc are Semitic abstracts, "equity" and "righteousness," though there may have been a Phenician deity ,Zdk. Zophasemim is correctly rendered "observers of heaven," Elioun and Eloim (Eusebius, 37b) have already been commented upon. The reasoning of the introduction is of a piece with the professed discussion, while the first part of the.cosmogony is but the prologue to account for Greek mythology, used in the second part. Moreover the

199	RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA	8anohuuiathon
		sanctification
	whole implies the current Greek conception of the
	wisdom of the Egyptians, modifying this, however,
	by putting on practically equal terms with the Egyp
	tians the Phenicians from whom part of the material
	is obtained, and regarding them as disseminators of
	knowledge. This fits with what might reasonably
	be expected from an inquirer with a theory to sup
	port who found himself among the Phenicians, as
	did Philo. Thus Sanchuniathon reduces to a pseu
	donym, behind which Philo hides as he rationalizes
	the mythology of his times, against which he shows
a polemic bias.	GEo. W. GILMORE.
	BIBLIOGRAPHY: For the earlier literature consult Fabricius
	Harles, Bibliotheca Gra;ca, i. 222‑226, Hamburg, 1790.
	The beat discussions of the subject are: H. Ewald, in the
	Abhandlungen of the GSttingen Scientific Society, His
	torical‑philosophical series, v (1851‑52), 3‑68; idem, in
	GGA, 1859, pp 1441‑57; E. Renan, in the Mbmoirm of
	the French Academy of Inscriptions, xxiii. 2 (1858), 241
	334; w. w. von Baudissin, Studien zur semitisehen Re
	ligionsgeschichte, i. 1‑46, Leipsie, 1876; O. Gruppe, Die
	griechischen Cults and Mythen in ihren Besiehungen su
	den orroentaliachen Relito nen, pp. 347‑409, Leipsie, 1887;
	and R. P. Lagrange, Etude sur lee religions s6mitiquu pp.
	396‑‑437, Paris, 1905. Consult further: J. G. von Herder,
	17erke, vi. 139‑154, Stuttgart, 1827; F. C. Movers, Die
	Phonizier, Bonn, 1841; idem, in JahrbUcher fair Theologie
	and ehriatliche Philosophic, vii (1836). 51‑94; F. L. Vibe,
	Commentatio de Sanchoniathone, Christiania, 1842; E.
	RSth, Geschichte unserer abendldndischen Philosophie, i.
243‑277, Mannheim, 1846; Eckstein, in JA, V.. xiv
(1859), 167‑238, xv (1860), 67‑92, 210‑263, 399 l14;
C. P. Tiele, Egyptische en Mesopotamische Godadiensten,
pp. 440‑448, Amsterdam, 1872, Fr. tranal., pp. 273 279,
Paris, 1882; P. Berger, L'Ange d'Aaarte, in congratula
tory volume in honor of E. Reuse, pp. 47 sqq., Paris,
1879; F. Lenormant, Lee Origines d'histoire, i. 536‑552,
Paris, 1880, Eng. tranal., Beginnings of History, London,
1883; J. Hal6vy, Milangm de critique et d'histoire, pp.
381288, Paris, 1883; Robiou, in Mbnoires prlsentis,
French Academy of Inscriptions, I., x. 2 (1897), 12‑19;
Ersch and Gruber, Encyklop6die. III., xxiv.; Biographic
universelle, vol. xxxiv., s.v. " Philon de Byblos," and vol.
xl., s.v. " Saneboniathon. "

SANCROFT, WILLIAM: Church of England; b. at Fressingfield (84 m. n.e. of London), Suffolk, Jan. 30,1616‑17; d. there Nov. 24,1693. He graduated from Emmanuel College, Cambridge (B.A., 1637; M.A.,1641; B.D.,1648), where he obtained a fellowship in 1642, which, however, he lost in 1649 for refusing to sign the Solemn League and Covenant. On leaving Cambridge he retired to Fresaingfield, where he remained nine years; went abroad in 1657; returned at the Restoration; became successively chaplain to John Cosin (q.v.), bishop of Durham, and university preacher, 1660; rector of Houghton‑de‑Spring, and the king's chaplain, 1661; prebendary at Durham Cathedral, and master of his college, 1662; dean of York, and of St. Paul's, 1664; archdeacon of Canterbury, 1668; and archbishop of Canterbury, 1677. He attended Charles II. on his death‑bed, Feb., 1685; and crowned James II., Apr. 23, 1685. He would not act on James's ecclesiastical commission, and was one of the famous seven bishops who refused to read James's Declaration of Indulgence, and in consequence were confined in the Tower and tried, but were triumphantly acquitted. Sancroft also refused to take the oath of allegiance to William and Mary, 1688; and was deprived Feb. 1, 1691. The Pur predestinatus (London, 1651; Eng. transl., The Predestined Thief, 1658) has been shown to have
been erroneously attributed to him, and to be a translation of Den ghepredestineerden Dief (The Hague, 1619‑22). He left, Modern Policies (London, 1652); Occasional Sermons (1694); and Pamiliar Letters (1757).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: G. D'Oyley, Life of Archbishop Sancroft, 2 vole., London, 1821; J. Le Neve, Lives, Characters . .
and . . . Benefactions of . . . Bishops of the Church of England since the Reformation, ib. 1720; Agnes Strickland, Lives of the Seven Bishops, pp. 1‑103, ib. 1866; J. Stoughton, Religion in England, 2 vole., ib. 1884; w. H. Hutton, The English Church (16.86‑171.¢), pp. 228‑233 et passim, 1b. 1903; DNB, 1. 244‑250.
SANCTIFICATION: In common Christian usage the deliverance of the personal life from the power of sin accomplished by the faithful observance of faith, by the earnest struggle against all temptation to turn away from the living God, and by the practise of Christian piety. In technical language sanctification means the operation of Definition. the grace by which salvation is conveyed to man, enabling him to be freed and to free himself from sin, and to become like God in heart, will, and thought. The term is derived from Scripture (I Theas. iv. 3, 7; II Theaa. ii. 1.3; Rom. vi. 19, 22). The Christian is admonished to yield himself to Christ, "who is made unto us sanctification" (I Cor. i. 30) and to prove his holiness by his conduct (I Peter i. 15, 16; cf. I Cor. vii. 24; Eph. i. 4, v. 27). The divine work of salvation is designated as sanctification especially in Hebrews (ii. 11, ix. 13, 14, x. 10, xiv. 29). But the sense of the term is not fixed with dogmatic precision; in Roman Catholic theology it is included in the conception of justification; in Protestant theology it follows justification, but in this case is usually identified with renovation and good works. According to the Roman Catholic doctrine, while the saving grace of God is operative in sanctification, the process neither follows logically upon Roman Catholic justification nor differs essentially from it. In accordance with the medieval and modern Roman Catholic doctrine of justification, it is sanctification which effects justification. Grace obliterates sin in man and endows him with supernatural righteousness and holiness through justification. Sanctification, therefore, considered as sanctifying grace, is the cause of justification, and the effects of sanctification form the content of justification, through which redemption from sin, as won by Christ, is imparted to man. In opposition to the Roman Catholic doctrine, the Formula of Concord regards sanctification as following justification, but scarcely differentiates it from renewal. Luther, on the contrary, in his larger catechism, considers sanctification as the office and work of the Holy Spirit, agreeing with the scholastic and Roman theology in so far as he looks upon sanctification as bestowal of salvation; though by this last he understands not the "infusion of righteousness," the bestowal of a power of virtue, but the effect of faith. The difference between Luther and the Formula of Concord, is, however, more nominal than real, since the Formula meant by the term sanctification apparently only a part of that which Luther meant by it. The doctrine of sanctification was not essentially changed in Pietism, but rationalism. perverted

Sanctification
Sanday	THE NEW SCHAFF‑HERZOG	200
the whole conception. While the term formerly denoted justification by faith and grace alone, rationalism understood by it the inner disposition which is to make man pleasing to God. Consequently the rationalists laid stress upon sanctification in the sense of man's efforts for his own moral perfection. In opposition to this tendency Schleiermacher once more emphasized faith as the truly religious attitude toward God and his revelation, as the condition of heart which is satisfied and feels itself strong in communion with Christ. This condition was developed by the following theologians into the germ of a new life on the basis of which man is justified. Accordingly, the subjective faith of man effects sanctification and lies at the basis of divine justification. This teaching was far removed from the doctrine of the Reformers. Ritschl and his school, however, returned to the latter, especially to that of Luther, by making sanctification dependent upon the justification of God. But according to Ritschl, man is justified only as a member of the Church, his act of conformity to which, and hence to the motives and purposes of God, constitutes the faith which justifies him. Thus here, too, sanctification, conceived as separation from sin, which takes form and accomplishes itself, is made within man and is the basis of justification.
In the Reformed Church and theology sanctification comes into the doctrine of perseverance. Man is justified, indeed, freely by grace; but the justified must perform good works, which he is enabled to do by a second act of grace, inseparably connected with justification. This is regeneraThe tion, which sanctifies him. By this
Reformed regeneration or sanctification, how‑
	View.	ever, man does not attain full per
		fection. His whole consolation rests
upon the fact of justification. Sanctification is
necessary for the elect and justified, in order to
preserve the grace of their justification, and thus
it follows justification with an inner divine necessity.
Here also, as in Lutheran theology after Luther,
sanctification is considered a special work of the
Holy Spirit, following justification and conditioned
by it. The distinction between the two is hardly
more than a technical and controversial one.
Owing to influences from England and America, especially from the Methodists, Baptists, and Salvation Army and.the doctrine of Pearsall Smith, a new doctrine of sanctification has become current, according to which it is not only different from, but even more important than, justification. It is considered as that act of divine grace in which the real tendency of divine revelation finds its fullest expression, while justification is secondary to it.
	Upon examination the view of the Lutheran as well
as of the Reformed theologians, that sanctification
is a special process to be distinguished from
justification and following it, is seen to be un
acriptural. Just as little authority in Scripture can
		be found for the view of the Pietists,
Conclasian. of the modern dogmaticians (including Ritschl), and still less for that of the "practical" tendency in church life, according to which sanctification is the chief purpose of the divine plan of salvation. Formal scriptural au‑
thority can be found only for the view of Luther and
that of the medieval or Roman theology, which
designate the whole process of conveying salvation
to man as sanctification.	Of these two, again,
Luther's alone is scriptural in so far as he looks upon
this bestowal of salvation as the effect of faith.
Bestowal of salvation is sanctification, because it
delivers man from sin and brings him into com
munion with the God of redemption. It is to be
distinguished, though not separated, from the
divine sentence of justification, since it is that effect
of the grace of God on man which makes him
capable of faith and preserves it, which brings him
into communion with God and preserves him in it;
it is therefore not a single isolated operation but
a continuous one. The scriptural term hagiasmos
denotes the condition of being sanctified, the action
performed on the object as a condition proceeding
from and effected by the Holy Ghost who bestows
salvation (I Peter i.2; cf. II Thess. ii. 13; I Thess.
iv. 7). If it be asked what is the relation of sancti
fication to the actuality of Christian life, it appears
that man stands by faith in communion with God,
and is thus placed in a position from which he is not
only able but obliged to resist sin and fulfil the will
of God out of love. The bestowal of grace, forgive
ness, in a word justification, is actually sanctifica
tion; for there is no mightier deliverance from sin
than that which is worked by the bestowal of
grace or forgiveness, or by faith in the operation of
its power. "Christ in us" is nothing else than
"Christ for us," realized and held fast in faith.
Such action as makes man a partaker of sanctifica
tion is precisely the same action as that by which he
is made a partaker of justification; it is clear, accord
ingly, that in view of the position and meaning of
the latter in the scheme of Christian doctrine, the
term sanctification is non‑essential, if not super
fluous. 	(H. T. CREMERt.)
BIBLIOGRAPHY: The subject is generally treated in the works
	on systematic theology (see under the article DOGMA,
	DoGmATIcs), while treatises on the Holy Spirit (q.v.)
	necessarily deal with the topic; another class of works to
	be used for the Biblical side is that on BIBLICAL THEOIr
	oeY, especially w. Beyschlag's N. T. Theology, Edin
	burgh, 1896. Consult further: Walter Marshall, Gospel
	Mystery of Sanctification, London, 1692, often reprinted,
	e.g., Edinburgh, 1887 (a classic); E. G. Marsh, The Chris
	tian Doctrine of San "*ation, London, 1848; J. Q. Adams,
	Sanctification, new ed., New York, 1863; G. Junkin, A
	Treatise on Sanctification, Philadelphia, 1864; W. E.
	Boardman, The " Higher Life " Sanctification Tried by the
	Word of God, Philadelphia, 1877; J. A. Beet, Holiness as
	Understood by the Writers of the Bible, London, 1880;
	J. Hartley, Chapters on Holiness, London, 1883; J. H.
	Collins, Sanctification, what it is, when it is, how it is,
	Nashville, 1885; A. Murray, Holy in Christ, New York,
	1888; J. Fraser. A Treatise on Sanctification, London,
	1897; E. Hoare, Sanctification, 5th ed., ib., 1898; P.
	T. Forsyth, Christian Perfection, New York, 1899; H.
	W. Webb‑Peploe, Calls to Holiness, London, 1900; A.
	Kuyper, The Work of the Holy Spirit, New York, 1902;
	W. R. Inge, Faith and Knowledge, Edinburgh, 1904;
	H. C. G. Moule, Holiness by Faith, London, 1906; A. B.
	0. Wilberforce, Sanctification by the Truth, London, 1906;
	E. Tobae, Le Problpme de la justification dans S. Paul,
	Louvain, 1908; DB, iv. 391‑395; DCG, ii. 561‑566 (adds
	a bibliography of distinct homiletical value); Vigouroua,
	Dictionnaire, fase. xasv. 1443‑44.
SANCTIS, sdncrtis, LUIGI DE: Italian Protestant; b. at Rome Dec. 31, 1808; d. at Florence Dec. 31, 1869. Of his youth little is known, but