The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women. [ThML]
<generalInfo> <description>In 16th century Europe, three Catholic queens ruled Scotland and the British Empire. John Knox, the great Scottish Reformer, saw these Catholic women as despotic oppressors particularly hostile to Protestants of all kinds. In 1558, Knox anonymously published a polemical treatise against not only the female sovereigns and their policies, but also against female rule over men generally. He used the three Catholic queens, first, as examples of women’s fundamental incompetency, and second, as evidence that God would never call women to leadership roles over men, especially in the church. Ironically, Knox’s diatribe against female rulers did not serve him well when Elizabeth I, a Protestant, ascended to the throne. <br></br><br></br>Kathleen O’Bannon<br></br>CCEL Staff </description> <pubHistory></pubHistory> <comments></comments> </generalInfo> <printSourceInfo> <published>Southgate, London (1878)</published> </printSourceInfo> <electronicEdInfo> <publisherID>ccel</publisherID> <authorID>knox</authorID> <bookID>blast</bookID> <version>1.0</version> <editorialComments></editorialComments> <revisionHistory></revisionHistory> <status></status> <DC> <DC.Title>The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women.</DC.Title> <DC.Creator sub="Author" scheme="short-form">John Knox</DC.Creator> <DC.Creator sub="Author" scheme="file-as">Knox, John (1514-1572)</DC.Creator> <DC.Publisher>Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library</DC.Publisher> <DC.Subject scheme="LCCN"></DC.Subject> <DC.Subject scheme="ccel">All;</DC.Subject> <DC.Contributor sub="Digitizer"></DC.Contributor> <DC.Date sub="Created">2006-09-21</DC.Date> <DC.Type>Text.Monograph</DC.Type> <DC.Format scheme="IMT">text/html</DC.Format> <DC.Identifier scheme="URL">/ccel/knox/blast.html</DC.Identifier> <DC.Identifier scheme="ISBN"></DC.Identifier> <DC.Source></DC.Source> <DC.Source scheme="URL"></DC.Source> <DC.Language>en</DC.Language> <DC.Rights>Public Domain</DC.Rights> </DC> </electronicEdInfo>
Cover Page
iThe First Blast of the Trumpet &c.
Title Page
The First Blast of the Trumpet &c.
Prefatory Material
Bibliography.
ISSUES IN THE AUTHOR’S LIFETIME.
A. As a separate publication.
1. 1558. [i.e. early in that year at Geneva. 8vo.] See title at p. 1.
B. With other Works.
None known.
ISSUES SINCE HIS DEATH.
A. As a separate publication.
2. [?1687? Edinburgh.] 8vo. The First Blast of the Trumpet against the monstrous Regimen[t] of Women.
4. 15. Aug. 1878. Southgate London N. English Scholar’s Library. The present impression.
B. With other Works.
3. |
1846-1848. Edinburgh. 8vo. Bannatyne Club. The Works of John Knox. Collected and edited by David Laing. In 6 Vols. A special and limited edition of 112 copies of the First Two Volumes was struck off for this Printing Club. |
1846-1848. Edinburgh. 8vo. Wodrow Club. The same Two Volumes issued to this Society. |
|
1854-1864. Edinburgh. 8vo. The remaining Four Volumes published by Mr. T. G. Stevenson. The First Blast &c. is at Vol. iv. 349. |
1. 26 Apr.
1559. Strasburgh. 4to. [John Aylmer, afterwards Bishop of
London]. An Harborovve for faithfull and trewe subiectes,
agaynst the late blowne Blaste, concerninge the Gouernmente of VVemen wherin he
confuted all such reasons as a straunger of late made in that behalfe, with a breife
exhortation to Obedience. Anno. M.D. lix.
[This calling John Knox a “stranger” sounds to us like a piece of impudence, but
may bring home to us that Scotland was then to Englishmen a foreign country.]
2. 1565-6. Antwerp. 8vo. Petrus Frarinus, M.A.
Oration against the Vnlawfull Insurrections of the Protestantes of our time, under the pretence to refourme religion.
¶ Made and pronounced in the Schole of Artes at Louaine, the xiiij of December. Anno 1565. And now translated into English with the aduise of the Author. Printed by John Fowler in 1566.
The references to Knox and Goodman are at E. vj and F. ij. At the end of this work is a kind of Table of Contents, each reference being illustrated with a woodcut depicting the frightful cruelties with which the Author in the text charges the Protestants. One woodcut is a curious representation of Goodman and Nokes.
Doctor Fulke wrote a Confutation of this work.
3. 1579. Paris. 8vo. David Chambers of Ormond.
Histoire abregée de tous les Roys de France, Angleterre et Escosse, etc. In three Parts, each with a separate Title page.
The Third Part is dated 21 August 1573; is dedicated to Catherine de Medici; and is entitled
Discours de la legitime succession des femmes aux possessions de leurs parens: et du gouernement des princesses aux Empires et Royaumes.
4. 1584. [Printed abroad]. 8vo. John Lesley, Bishop of Ross.
A treatise towching the right, title and interest of the most Excellent Princesse Marie, Queen of Scotland, And of the most noble King James, her Graces sonne, to the succession of the Crowne of England. . . . Compiled and published before in Latin, and after in English. The Blast is alluded to at C. 2.
5. 1590. [Never printed.] Lord Henry Howard [created Earl of Northampton 13 March 1604.], a voluminous writer, but few of whose writings ever came to the press.
A dutifull defence of the lawfull Regiment of women deuided into three bookes. The first conteyneth reasons and examples grounded on the law of nature. The second reasons and examples grownded on the Ciuile lawes. The third reasons and examples grounded on the sacred lawes of god with an awnswer to all false and friuolous obiections which haue bene most vniustlie cowntenaunced with deceitfull coulores forced oute of theis lawes in disgrace of their approued and sufficient authorytie. Lansd. MS. 813 and Harl. MS. 6257.
Introduction.
At the time this tract was written the destinies, immediate and prospective, of the Protestant faith seemed to lay wholly in the laps of five women, viz:—
Catherine de Medici, Queen of France.
Marie de Lorraine, Queen Regent of Scotland, whose sole heir was her daughter Mary, afterwards Queen of Scots.
Mary Tudor, Queen of England, having for her heir apparent the Princess Elizabeth.
Of these, the last—also of least account at this moment, being in confinement—was the only hope of the Reformers. The other four, largely directing the affairs of three kingdoms, were steadfastly hostile to the new faith. Truly, the odds were heavy against it. Who could have anticipated that within three years of the writing of this book both Mary Tudor and Mary de Lorraine would have passed away; that Knox himself would have been in Scotland carrying on the Reformation; and that Elizabeth would have commenced her marvellous reign. So vast a change in the political world was quite beyond all reasonable foresight.
Meanwhile there was only present to the vision and heart of the Reformer as he gazed seaward, from Dieppe, but the unceasing blaze of, the martyr fires spreading from Smithfield all over England. Month after month this horrid work was deliberately carried on and was increasing in intensity.
We se our countrie set furthe for a pray to foreine nations, we heare the blood of our brethren, the membres of Christ Iesus most cruellie to be shed, and the monstruous empire of a cruell women (the secrete counsel of God excepted) we xknowe to be the onlie occasion of all the miseries: and yet with silence we passe the time as thogh the mater did nothinge appertein to vs. p. 3.
The vigour of the persecution had struck all heart out of the Protestants. Was this to go on for ever?
Heart-wrung at the ruthless slaughter—as we, in our day, have been by the horrors of the Indian mutiny or of the Bulgarian atrocities—-the Reformer sought to know the occasion of all these calamities. At that moment, he found it in the Empire of Woman. Afterwards he referred much of this book to the time in which it was written [pp. 58 and 61]. Shall we say that his heart compelled his head to this argument, that his indignation entangled his understanding on this subject? Just as Milton was led to the discussion of the conditions of divorce, through his desertion by his wife Mary Powell; so the fiery martyrdoms of England led Knox to denounce the female sex in the person of her whom we still call “Bloody Mary” that was the occasion of them all.
If in the happiest moment of his happiest dream, John Knox could have foreseen our good and revered Queen Victoria reigning in the hearts of the millions of her subjects, and ruling an Empire wider by far than those of Spain and Portugal in his day; if he could have seen England and Scotland one country, bearing the name which, as almost of prophecy, he has foreshadowed for them in this tract, “the Ile of greate Britanny;” if he could have beheld that one country as it now abides in its strength and its wealth, the most powerful of European states; if he could have realized free Italy with Rome, the Popes without temporal power, and modern civilisation more than a match for Papal intrigues; if he could have known that the gospel for which he lived had regenerated the social life of Great Britain, that it was tha confessed basis of our political action and the perennial spring of our Christian activities, so that not merely in physical strength, but in moral, force and mental enlightenment we are in the van of the nations of the world: if the great Scotch Reformer had but had a glimpse of this present reality, this tract would never have been written, and he would willingly have sung the pæan of aged Simeon and passed out of this life.
But this work was the offspring of the hour of darkness, if not of despair. Something must be done. A warrior of the pen, he would forge a general argument against all female rule that would inclusively destroy the legal right of Mary to continue these atrocities.
xiThe first note of this trumpet blast, “The Kingdom apperteineth to our GOD,” shows us the vast difference between the way in which men regarded the Almighty Being then and now. Shall we say that the awe of the Deity has departed! Now so much stress is laid on the Fatherhood of GOD: in Knox’s time it was His might to defend His own or to take vengeance on all their murderers. Both views are true. Nevertheless this age does seem wanting in a general and thorough reverence for His great name and character.
Knox seems like some great Hebrew seer when he thus pronounces the doom of Mary and her adherents.
The same God, who did execute this greuous punishment, euen by the handes of those, whom he suffred twise to be ouercomen in batel, doth this day retein his power and iustice. Cursed Iesabel of England, with the pestilent and detestable generation of papistes, make no litle bragge and boast, that they haue triumphed not only against Wyet, but also against all such as haue entreprised any thing against them or their procedinges. But let her and them consider, that yet they haue not preuailed against god, his throne is more high, then that the length of their hornes be able to reache. And let them further consider, that in the beginning of their bloodie reigne, the haruest of their iniquitie was not comen to full maturitie and ripenes. No, it was so grene, so secret I meane, so couered, and so hid with hypocrisie, that some men (euen the seruantes of God) thoght it not impossible, but that wolues might be changed in to lambes, and also that the vipere might remoue her natural venom. But God, who doth reuele in his time apointed the secretes of hartes, and that will haue his iudgementes iustified euen by the verie wicked, hath now geuen open testimonie of her and their beastlie crueltie. For man and woman, learned and vnlearned, nobles and men of baser sorte, aged fathers and tendre damiselles, and finailie the bones of the dead, as well women as men haue tasted of their tyrannie, so that now xiinot onlie the blood of father Latimer, of the milde man of God the bishop of Cantorburie, of learned and discrete Ridley, of innocent ladie Iane dudley, and many godly and worthie preachers, that can not be forgotten, such as fier hath consumed, and the sworde of tyrannie moste vniustlie hath shed, doth call for vengeance in the eares of the Lord God of hostes: but also the sobbes and teares of the poore oppressed, the groninges of the angeles, the watch men of the Lord, yea and euerie earthlie creature abused by their tyrannie do continuallie crie and call for the hastie execution of the same. I feare not to say, that the day of vengeance, whiche shall apprehend that horrible monstre Iesabal of England, and suche as maintein her monstruous crueltie, is alredie apointed in the counsel of the Eternall; and I verelie, beleue that it is so nigh, that she shall not reigne so long in tyrannie, as hitherto she hath done, when God shall declare him selfe to be her ennemie, when he shall poure furth contempt vpon her, according to her crueltie, and shal kindle the hartes of such, as sometimes did fauor her with deadly hatred against her, that they may execute his iudgementes. And therfore let such as assist her, take hede what they do.
Within a year of the writing of this Mary Tudor was dead, and the system of which she was the centre was dead too.
There are some notable incidental matters in this tract.
First in matters of State. As
The spaniardes are Iewes and they bragge that Marie of England is the roote of Iesse. p. 46.
That most important testimony that the Reformation under Edward VI was mainly the work of the King and his court; as it had been in the days of his father Henry VIII.
For albeit thou diddest not cease to heape benefit vpon benefit, during the reigne of an innocent and tendre king, xiiiyet no man did acknowledge thy potent hand and meruelouse working. The stoute courage of capitaines, the witte and policie of counselers, what robbed God of his honor in England in the time of the Gospell. the learning of bishoppes, did robbe the of thy glorie and honor. For what then was heard, as concerning religion, but the kinges procedinges, the kinges procedinges must be obeyed? It is enacted by parliament: therefore it is treason to speake in the contrarie. p. 30.
The political shrewdness of the Writer on the entanglement of England in the Spanish War against France, whereby we lost Calais on the 6th January 1558.
They see their owne destruction, and yet they haue no grace to auoide it. The nobilities and the hole realme of England, caste themselves willingly in to the pit. Yea they are becomen so blinde, that knowing the pit, they headlong cast them selues into the same, as the nobilitie of England, do this day, fighting in the defense of their mortall ennemie the Spaniard. Finallie they are so destitute of vnderstanding and iudgement, that althogh they knowe that there is a libertie and fredome, the whiche their predecessors haue inioyed; yet are they compelled to bowe their neckes vnder the yoke of Satan, and of his proude ministres, pestilent papistes and proude spaniardes. And yet can they not consider that where a woman reigneth and papistes beare authoritie, that there must nedes Satan be president of the counsel, p. 31.
The absence of any specific allusion to Calais shows that this book was wholly written before its capture.
Next, in the imagery with which he expresses his insight into the nature of things. As
It is a thing verie difficile to a man, (be he neuer so constant) promoted to honors, not to be tickled some what with pride (for the winde of vaine glorie doth easelie carie vp the, drie dust of the earth). p. 19.
The wise, politic, and quiet spirites of this world, p. 8.
xivThe propertie of Goddes truth. The veritie of God is of that nature, that at one time or at other, it will pourchace to it selfe audience. It is an odour and smell, that can not be suppressed, yea it is a trumpet that will sound in despite of the adversarie. p. 7.
Lastly, the marvellous lashing of women, throughout: climaxing in
Woman . . . the porte and gate of the deuil. p. 19.
This work is therefore to us rather “the groaning of this angel,” this “watchman of the LORD” at the national subjection, the fiery martyrdoms, “the sobs and tears of the poor oppressed;” than the expression of any fundamental principle on which GOD has constituted human society. Intellectually, there is partiality, forgetfulness and disproportion in the argument. It applies as much to a Man as to a Woman, and more to a wicked than a good Woman. He started on the assumption that almost all women in authority were wicked. Time however alters many things; and he lived to love and reverence Queen Elizabeth.
So these trumpet notes are the outpouring of a very great nature, if not of a great thinker; of one whose absolute and dauntless devotion to GOD, to truth, to right, whose burning indignation against wrong-doing and faith in the Divine vengeance to overtake it, fitted him to do a giant’s work in the Reformation, and will enshrine his memory in the affection of all good men till time shall end.
xvExtracts from Mr. David Laing’s Preface.
With some other hints, gratefully acknowledged.
Of the various writings of the Reformer, no one was the occasion of exciting greater odium than his First Blast against the monstrous Regiment or Government of Women. Unlike all his other publications, it appeared anonymously, although he had no intention of ultimately concealing his name. His purpose was, as he tells us, “Thrice to Blow the Trumpet in the same matter, if GOD so permit,” and, on the last occasion, to announce himself as the writer, to prevent any blame being imputed to others. This intention, it is well known, was never carried into effect. That Knox’s views were in harmony with those of his colleagues, Goodman, Whittingham, and Gilby, need hardly be stated: but the reception of the little work fully confirmed the Author’s opinion, that it would not escape “the reprehension of many.” This may in a great measure be attributed to the course of public events within a few months of its publication.
The subject of Female Government had engaged his attention at an earlier period. One of his Questions submitted to Bullinger in 1554 was “Whether a Female can preside over, and rule a kingdom by divine right?” And in answer to some doubts regarding the Apparel of Women, he himself says that “if women take upon them the office which GOD hath assigned to men, they shall not escape the Divine malediction.” In his Additions to the Apology for The Protestants in prison at Paris, he expresses his conviction that the government of Princes had come to that state of iniquity that “no godly person can enjoy office or authority under them.” This assertion indeed was not specially applicable to Female government, but his feelings in reference to the persecutions in England under Mary, and in Scotland under the Queen Regent, impelled him to treat of a subject which all others at the time seemed most sedulously to avoid.
xviHis First Blast was probably written at Dieppe towards the end of 1557; and it was printed early in the following year at Geneva, as is apparent upon comparison with other books from the press of John Crespin in that city.
A copy of the work having been sent to John Fox, then residing at Basle, he wrote “a loving and friendly letter” to the author, in which he expostulates with him on the impropriety of the publication. In Knox’s reply, dated the 18th of May 1558, he says, he will not excuse “his rude vehemencie and inconsidered affirmations, which may appear rather to proceed from choler than of zeal or reason.” “To me,” he adds, “it is enough to say, that black is not white, and man’s tyranny and foolishness is not GOD’s perfect ordinance.”
The similar work of Goodman on Obedience to Superior Powers which appeared at Geneva about the same time, was also suggested by the persecuting spirit which then prevailed. But both works were published somewhat unseasonably, as such questions on Government and Obedience, it is justly observed, might have been more fitly argued when a King happened to fill the throne. The terms used by Goodman in reference to Mary, Queen of England, are not less violent than unseemly. She died on the 17th of November 1558, and her successor regarded the authors of those works with the utmost dislike; although neither of them, in their writings, had any special reference or the least intention of giving offence to Queen Elizabeth. . . .
That these works, and every person supposed to entertain similar sentiments, should be regarded with marked aversion by Queen Elizabeth, need excite no surprise.
In the beginning of the year 1559, Calvin having revised and republished his Commentaries on Isaiah, originally dedicated to Edward VI. in 1551; he addressed the work in a printed Epistle to Her Majesty: but his messenger brought him back word that his homage was not kindly received by Her Majesty, because she had been offended with him by reason of some writings published with his approbation at Geneva.
Calvin felt so greatly annoyed at this imputation, that he addressed a letter[1] to Sir WILLIAM CECIL, in which he expresses himself with no small degree of asperity on the subject of Knox’S First Blast. He says—
Two years ago [i.e. in 1557] John Knox asked of me, in a private conversation, what I thought about the Government of Women. I candidly replied, that as it was a deviation from the original and proper order of nature, it was to be xviiranked, no less than slavery, among the punishments consequent upon the fall of man: but that there were occasionally women so endowed, that the singular good qualities which shone forth in them made it evident that they were raised up by Divine authority; either that GOD designed by such examples to condemn the inactivity of men, or for the better setting forth of His own glory. I brought forth Huldah and Deborah; and added, that GOD did not vainly promise by the mouth of Isaiah that “Queens should be nursing mothers of the Church”; by which prerogative it is very evident that they are distinguished from females in private life. I came at length to this conclusion, that since, both by custom, and public consent, and long practice, it hath been established, that realms and principalities may descend to females by hereditary right, it did not appear to me necessary to move the question, not only because the thing would be most invidious; but because in my opinion it would not be lawful to unsettle governments which are ordained by the peculiar providence of GOD.
I had no suspicion of the book, and for a whole year was ignorant of its publication. When I was informed of it by certain parties, I sufficiently shewed my displeasure that such paradoxes should be published; but as the remedy was too late, I thought that the evil, which could not now be corrected, should rather be buried in oblivion than made a matter of agitation.
Inquire also at your father in law [Sir Anthony Cooke] what my reply was, when he informed me of the circumstance through Beza. And Mary was still living, so that I could not be suspected of flattery.
What the books contain, I cannot tell; but Knox himself will allow that my conversation with him was no other than what I have now stated.
Calvin then proceeds to say, that great confusion might have arisen by any decided opposition, and there would have been cause to fear, that in such a case—
xviiiBy reason of the thoughtless arrogance of one individual, the wretched crowd of exiles would have been driven away, not only from this city [of Geneva] but even from almost the whole world.
Some years later, and subsequent to Calvin’s death, Beza, in a letter to Bullinger, adverts to Queen Elizabeth’s continued dislike to the Church of Geneva. In his letter, dated the 3rd of September 1566, he says—
For as to our Church, I would have you know that it is so hateful to the Queen [of England], that on this account she has never said a single word in acknowledgement of the gift of my Annotations [on the New Testament]. The reason of her dislike is twofold; one, because we are accounted too severe and precise, which is very displeasing to those who fear reproof; the other is, because formerly, though without our knowledge, during the lifetime of Queen Mary, two books were published here in the English language, one by Master Knox against the Government of Women, the other by Master Goodman on the Rights of the Magistrate.
As soon as we learned the contents of each, we were much displeased, and their sale was forbidden in consequence; but she, notwithstanding, cherishes the opinion she has taken into her head.[1]
1The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women.
Preface
Wonder it is, that amongest so many pregnant wittes as the Ile of greate
Brittanny hath produced, so many godlie and zelous preachers as England
did somtime norishe, and amongest so many learned and men of graue iudgement,
as this day by Iesabel are exiled, none is found so stowte of courage, so
faithfull to God, nor louing to their natiue countrie, that they dare admonishe
the inhabitantes of that Ile how abominable before God, is the Empire or
Rule of a wicked woman, yea of a traiteresse and bastard. And what may a
people or nation left destitute of a lawfull head, do by the authoritie
of Goddes worde in electing and appointing common rulers and magistrates.
That Ile (alas) for the contempt and horrible abuse of Goddes mercies offred,
and for the shamefull reuolting to Satan frome Christ Iesus, and frome his
Gospell ones professed, doth iustlie merite to be left in the handes of
their own counsel, and so to come to confusion and bondage of strangiers.
[1] But yet I feare that this vniuersall negligence of such as
somtimes were estemed watchemen, shall rather aggrauate our former ingratitude,
then excuse this our vniuersall and vngodlie silence, in so weightie a mater.
We se our countrie set furthe for a pray to foreine nations, we heare the
4blood of our brethren, the membres of Christ Iesus most cruellie to be shed,
and the monstruous empire of a cruell woman (the secrete counsel of God
excepted) we knowe to be the onlie occasion of all these miseries: and yet
with silence we passe the time as thogh the mater did nothinge appertein
to vs. [1] But the contrarie examples of the auncient prophetes
moue me to doubte of this our fact. For Israel did vniuersalie decline frome
God by embrasing idolatrie vnder Ieroboam.
God alway had his people amongst the
wicked, who neuer lacked their prophetes and teachers. The same prophetes for comfort of the afflicted and chosen saintes of
God, who did lie hyd amongest the reprobate of that age (as
commonlie doth the corne amongest the chaffe) did prophecie and before speake
the changes of kingdomes, the punishmentes of tyrannes, and the vengeance
To such as thinke that it will be long before such doctrine come to
the eares of the chief offenders, I answer that the veritie of God is of
that nature, that at one time or at other, it will pourchace to it selfe
audience. It is an odour and smell, that can not be suppressed,
The propertie of Goddes truth. yea it is a trumpet that will sound in despite of the aduersarie. It will
compell the verie ennemies to their own confusion, to testifie and beare
witnesse of it. For I finde that the prophecie and preaching of Heliseus
was declared in the hall of the king of Syria by the seruantes and flatterers
of the same wicked king,
And as concerning the danger, which may hereof insue, I
am not altogether so brutishe and insensible, but that I haue laid mine
accompt what the finishinge of the worke may coste me for mine own parte.
A very dangerous thing to speake against olde errors. First, I am not ignorant howe difficile and dangerous it is to speake against
a common error, especiallie when that the ambitious mindes
of men and women are called to the obedience of goddes simple commandement.
For to the most parte of men, laufull and godlie appeareth, what soeuer
antiquitie hath receiued. And secondarilie, I looke to haue mine aduersaries
not onlie of the ignorant multitude, but also of the wise, politike, and
quiet spirites of this worlde, so that aswell shall suche as oght to mainteine
the truth and veritie of God become ennemies to me in this case, as shall
the princes and ambitious persons, who to mainteine their vniust tyrannie
do 9alwayes studie to suppresse the same. And thus I am most certeinlie persuaded,
that my labour shall not escape reprehension of many.
Accomptes will be had of Goddes giftes. But because I remembre
that accomptes of the talentes receiued must be made to him,
who nether respecteth the multitude, nether yet approueth the wisdome, policie,
peace, nor antiquitie, concluding or determining any thinge against his
eternall will reueled to vs in his moste blessed worde, I am compelled to
couer myne eyes, and shut vp myne eares, that I nether se the multitude,
that shall withstand me in this mater, nether that I shall heare the opprobries,
nor consider the dangers, which I may incurre for vttering the same. I shalbe
called foolishe, curious, despitefull, and a sower of sedition: and one
day parchance (althogh now I be nameles) I may be attainted of treason.
The cause mouing the author to write. But seing that impossible it is, but that ether I shall offend
God, dailie calling to my conscience, that I oght to manifest the veritie
knowen, or elles that I shall displease the worlde for doing the same, I
haue determined to obey God, not withstanding that the world shall rage
therat. I knowe that the world offended (by Goddes permission) may kill
the bodie, but Goddes maiestie offended, hath power to punishe bodie and
soule for euer. His maiestie is offended, when that his preceptes are contemned,
and his threatninges estemed to be of none effect. And amongest his manifold
preceptes geuen to his prophetes, and amongest his threatninges, none is
more vehement, then is that, which is pronounced to Ezechiel in these wordes:
This precept, I say, with the threatning annexed, togither with the rest, that is spoken in the same chapter, not to Ezechiel onlie, but to euerie one, whom God placeth whatchman ouer his people and flocke, (and watchman are they whose eyes he doth open, and whose conscience he pricketh to admonishe the vngodlie) compelleth me to vtter my conscience in this mater, notwithstanding that the hole worlde shuld be offended with me for so doing. Yf any wonder, why I do concele my name, let him be assured, that the feare of corporall punishement is nether the onlie, nether the chef cause. My purpose is thrise to blowe the trumpet in the same mater, if God so permitte: For the Authors name. twise I intende to do it without name, but at the last blast, to take the blame vpon my selfe, that all others may be purged.
11The First Blast to Awake Women Degenerate
To promote a woman to beare rule, superioritie, dominion or empire aboue any realme, nation, or citie, is repugnant to nature, contumelie to God, a thing most contrarious to his reueled will and approued ordinance, and finallie it is the subuersion of good order, of all equitie and iustice
In the probation of this proposition, I will not be so curious, as to gather what soeuer may amplifie, set furth, or decore the same, but I am purposed, euen as I haue spoken my conscience in most plaine and fewe wordes, so to stand content with a simple proofe of euerie membre, bringing in for my witnesse Goddes ordinance in nature, his plaine will reueled in his worde, and the mindes of such as be moste auncient amongest godlie writers.
And first, where that I affirme the empire of a woman to be a thing repugnant to nature, I meane not onlie that God by the order of his creation hath spoiled woman of authoritie and dominion, but also that man hath seen, proued and pronounced iust causes why that it so shuld be. Man, I say, in many other cases blind, doth in this behalfe see verie clearlie. For the causes be so manifest, that they can not be hid. For who can denie but it repugneth to nature, that the blind shal be appointed to leade and conduct such as do see? Causes why women shuld not have preeminence ouer men. That the weake, the sicke, and impotent persones shall norishe and kepe the hole and strong, and finallie, that the foolishe, madde and phrenetike shal gouerne the discrete, and giue counsel to such as be sober of 12mind? And such be al women, compared vnto man in bearing of authoritie. For their sight in ciuile regiment, is but blindnes: their strength, weaknes: their counsel, foolishenes: and iudgement, phrenesie, if it be rightlie considered.
Priuate example do not breake the generall
ordinance. I except such as God by singular priuiledge, and for certein causes
knowen onlie to him selfe, hath exempted from the common ranke of women,
and do speake of women as nature and experience do this day declare them.
Nature I say, doth paynt them furthe to be weake, fraile, impacient, feble
and foolishe: and experience hath declared them to be vnconstant, variable,
cruell and lacking the spirit of counsel and regiment. And these notable faultes haue men in all ages espied in that kinde, for the whiche not onlie
they haue remoued women from rule and authoritie, but also some haue thoght
that men subiect to the counsel or empire of their wyues were vn worthie
of all publike office. For this writeth Aristotle in the seconde of his
Politikes:2 Politicorum Aristotelis. what difference shal we put, saith he, whether
that women beare authoritie, or the husbanesd that obey the empire of their
wyues be appointed to be magistrates? For what insueth the one, must nedes
folowe the other, to witte, iniustice, confusion and disorder. The same
author further reasoneth, that the policie or regiment of the Lacedemonians
(who other wayes amongest the Grecians were moste excellent) was not worthie
to be reputed nor accompted amongest the nombre of common welthes, that
were well gouerned, because the magistrates, and rulers of the same were
to[o] muche geuen to please and obey their wyues. What wolde this writer
(I pray you) haue said to that realme or nation, where a woman sitteth crowned
in parliament amongest the middest of men. Reade
De statu hominum Titul. 8. In the first boke of the digestes, it is pronounced that the condition of the woman in many cases is worse then of the man. As in iurisdiction (saith the lawe) Fromme women power is taken away by the Ciuile lawe ouer their own children. in receiuing of care and tuition, in adoption, 14in publike accusation, in delation, in all popular action, and in motherlie power, which she hath not vpon her owne sonnes. The lawe further will not permit, that the woman geue any thing to her husband, Dig. lib. 24. de donatione inter virum et foeminane because it is against the nature of her kinde, being the inferiour membre to presume to geue any thing to her head. The lawe doth more ouer pronounce womankinde to be the most auariciouswomen be couetous therefore vnmete gouernors (which is a vice intolerable in those that shulde rule or minister iustice). And Aristotle[17], as before is touched, doth plainly affirme, Lib. 1. Digest. de le gib. et senatuscon Titul. 3. Politic. 2. that wher soeuer women beare dominion, there must nedes the people be disorded, liuinge and abounding in all intemperancie, geuen to pride, excesse, and vanitie. And finallie in the end, England and Scotland beware. that they must nedes come to confusion and ruine.
Wold to god the examples were not so manifest, Great
imperfections of women. to the
further declaration of the imperfections of women, of their naturall weaknes, and inordinat appetites. I might adduce histories, prouing
some women to haue died for sodein ioy, some for vnpaciencie to haue murthered
them selues, some to haue burned with such inordinat lust, that for the
quenching of the same, they haue betrayed Romilda the wife of Gisulphus betrayed to Cacanus
the dukedome of friaul in Italie, to strangiers their
countrie and citie: and some to haue bene so desirous of dominion, that
for the obteining of the same, they haue murthered the children of their
owne sonnes. Yea and some haue killed with crueltie their owne husbandes
and children.Iane quene of Naples hanged her husband.
Athalia,
Answer to an obiection. I am not ignorant, that the most part of men do vnderstand this malediction
of the subiection of the wife to her husband, and of the dominion, which;
he beareth aboue her: but the holie ghost geueth to vs an
other interpretation of this place, taking from all women all. kinde of
superioritie, authoritie and power ouer man, speaking as foloweth, by the
mouth of saint Paule.
A strong argument. The apostle taketh power frome all woman to speake in the assemblie. Ergo he permitteth no woman to rule aboue man. The former parteis euident, whereupon doth the conclusion of necessitie folowe. NOTE. For he that taketh from woman the least parte of authoritie, dominion or rule, will not permit vnto her that whiche is greatest: But greater it is to reigne aboue realmes and nations, to publish and to make lawes, and to commande men of all estates, and finallie to appoint iudges and ministers, then to speake in the congregation. For her iudgement, sentence, or opinion proposed in the congregation, may be iudged by all, may be corrected by the learned, and reformed by the godlie. But woman being promoted in souereine authoritie, her lawes must be obeyed, her opinion folowed, and her tyrannic mainteined: supposing that it be expreslie against God, and the prophet [profit] of the common welth, as to[o] manifest experience doth this day witnesse. And therfore yet againe I repete that, whiche before I haue affirmed: to witt, that a woman promoted to sit in the seate of God, that is, to teache, to iudge or to reigne aboue man, is amonstre in nature, contumelie to God, and a thing most repugnant to his will and ordinance. For he hath depriued them as before is proued, of speakinge in the congregation, and hath expreslie forbidden them to vsurpe any kinde of authoritie aboue man. Howe then will he suffer them to reigne and haue empire aboue realmes and nations? He will neuer, I say, approue it, because it is a thing most repugnant to his perfect ordinance, as after shalbe declared, and as the former scriptures haue plainlie geuen testimonie. To the whiche, to adde any thing were superfluous, were it not that the worlde is almost nowe comen to that blindnes, that what soeuer 19pleaseth not the princes and the multitude, the same is reiected as doctrine newelie forged, and is condemned, for heresie. I haue therfore thoght good to recite the mindes of some auncient writers in the same mater, to the end that suche as altogither be not blinded by the deuil, may consider and vnderstand this my iudgement to be no newe interpretation of Goddes scriptures, but to be the vniforme consent of the most parte of godlie writers, since the time of the apostles. Tertullian Tertullian de habitu mulierum. in his boke of womens apparell, after that he hath shewed many causes why gorgious apparell is abominable and odiouse in a woman, addeth these wordes, speaking as it were to euery woman by name: Dost thou not knowe (saith he) that thou art Heua? the sentence of God liueth and is effectuall against this kind, and in this worlde of necessity it is, that the punishment also liue. Thou art the porte and gate of the deuil. Thou art the first transgressor of goddes law. thou diddest persuade and easely deceiue him whome the deuil durst not assault.Let women hearken what Tertullian an olde Docto saith. For thy merit (that is for thy death) it behoued the son of god to suffre the death, and doth it yet abide in thy mind to decke the aboue thy skin coates? By these and many other graue sentences, and quicke interrogations, did this godlie writer labour to bring euerie woman in contemplation of her selfe, to the end that euerie one depelie weying, what sentence God had pronounced against the hole race and doughters of Heua, might not onely learne daily to humble and subiect them selues in the presence of God, but also that they shulde auoide and abhorre what soeuer thing might exalte them or puffe them vp in pride, or that might be occasion, that they shuld forget the curse and malediction of God. And what, I pray you, is more able to cause woman to forget her owne condition, then if she be lifted vp in authoritie aboue man? It is a thingverie difficile to a man, (be he neuer so constant) promoted to honors, not to be tickled some what with pride (for the winde of vaine glorie doth easelie carie vp the drie dust of the earth). NOTE. But as for woman, it is no more possible, that she being set aloft in authoritie aboue man, shall resist the motions of pride, then it is able to the weake reed, or to the turning wethercocke, not to bowe or turne at the vehemencie of the vnconstant wind. And 20therfore the same writer expreslie forbiddeth all woman to intremedle with the office of man. For thus he writeth in his book de virginibus velandis:Tertull. lib. 8. de virginilis verlandis.: It is not permitted to a woman, to speake in the congregation, nether to teache, nether to baptise, nether to vendicate to her selfe any office of man. The same he speaketh yet more plainly in the preface of his sixte boke writen against Marcion,In proæmio 6. lib. contra Marcionem. where he recounting certain monstruous thinges, whiche were to be sene at the sea called Euxinum, amongest the rest, he reciteth this as a greate monstre in nature, that women in those partes, were not tamed nor embased by consideration of their own sex and kind: but that all shame laide a parte, they made expenses vpon weapons and learned the feates of warre, hauinge more pleasure to fight, then to mary and be subiect to man. Thus farre of Tertullian, whose wordes be so plain, that they nede no explanation. For he that taketh from her all office apperteining to man, will not suffre her to reigne aboue man: and he that iudgeth it a monstre in nature, that a woman shall exercise weapons, must iudge it to be a monstre of monstres, that a woman shalbe exalted aboue a hole realme and nation. Of the same minde is Origen, and diuers others. Yea euen till the dayes of Augustine, whose sentences I omit to auoide prolixitie.
Augustine in his 22. boke writen against Faustus,August.
lib. 22. contra Faustum, c. 31. proueth
that a woman oght to serue her husband as vnto God: affirming that in no
thing hath woman equall power with man, sauing that nether of both haue
power ouer their owne bodies. By whiche he wold plainlie conclude, that
a woman oght neuer to pretend nor thirst for that power and authoritie which
is due to man. For so he doth explane him selfe in an other place,De Trinitat. lib. 12
cap. 7.
affirming that woman oght to be repressed and brideled be times, if she
aspire to any dominion: alledging that dangerous and perillous it is to
suffre her to procede, althogh it be in temporall and corporall thinges.
And therto he addeth these wordes: God seeth not for a time, nether is there
any newe thinge in his sight and knowledge, meaninge therby, that what God
hath sene in one woman (as concerning dominion and bearing of authoritie)
the same he seeth in all. And what he hath forbidden to one, the same he
also forbiddeth to all. And this most euidentlie yet in an other place he
21writeth, mouing this question: howe can woman be the image of God, seing
(saith heIn quæct. veteris Testamenti, quaest. 45.) she is subiect to man, and hath none authoritie,
nether to teache, nether to be witnesse, nether to iudge, muche lesse to
rule, or beare empire? These be the verie wordes of Augustine, of which
it is euident that this godlie writer, NOTE. doth not onelie agree
withe Tertullian before recited, but also with the former sentence of the
lawe, whiche taketh frome woman not onelie all authoritie amongest men,
but also euerie office apperteining to man. To the question howe she can
be the image of God, he answereth as foloweth. Woman (saith he) compared
to other creatures is the image of God, for she beareth dominion ouer them:
but compared vnto man, she may not be called the image of God, for she beareth
not rule and lordship ouer man, but oght to obey him &c. And howe that woman
oght to obey man, he speaketh yet more clearlie in these words: the woman
shalbe subiect to man as vnto Christ. For woman (saith heLib.
de Continentia cap. 4.)
hath not her example frome the bodie and from the fleshe, that so she shalbe
subiect to man, as the fleshe is vnto the spirite. Because that the flesh
in the weaknes and mortalitie of this life, lusteth and striueth against
the spirit, and therfore wold not the holie ghost geue example of subiection
to the woman of any suche thing &c. This sentence of Augustine oght to be
noted of all women, for in it he plainlie affirmeth, that woman oght to
be subiect to man, that she neuer oght, more to desire preeminence aboue
him, then that she oght to desire aboue Christe Iesus. With Augustine agreeth
in euerie point S. Ambrose, who thus writeth in his Hexaemeron:Ambros. in Hexaemero lib. 5.
c. 7.
Adam was deceiued by Heua, and not Heua by Adam, and therfore iust it is,
that woman receiue and acknowledge him for gouernor whom she called to sinne,
lest that again she slide and fall by womanlie facilitie. And writing vpon
the epistle to the Ephesians,
Chrysostome amongest the Grecian writers of no small credit, speaking in rebuke of men, who in his dayes, were becdmen inferior to some women in witt and in godlines, saith:Chrysost. homil. 17. in genes. for this cause was woman put vnder thy power (he speaketh to man in generall) and thou wast pronounced Lorde ouer her, that she shulde obey the, and that the head shuld not folowe the feet. But often it is, that we see the contrary, that he who in his ordre oght to be the head, doth not kepe the ordre of the feet (that is, doth not rule the feet) and that she, that is in place of the foote, is constitute to be the head. He speaketh these wordes as it were in admiration, NOTE that man was becomen so brutish, that he did not consider it to be a thing most monstruouse, that woman shulde be preferred to man in any thing, whom God had subiected to man in all thinges. He procedeth saying: Neuer the lesse it is the parte of the man, with diligent care to repel the woman, that geueth him wicked 24counsel: and woman, whiche gaue that pestilent counsel to man, oght at all times to haue the punishment, whiche was geuen to Heua, sounding in her eares. And in an other place he induceth God speaking to the woman in this sorte:Homil. 15 in Genes. Because thou left him, of whose nature thou wast participant, and for whome thou wast formed, and hast had pleasure to haue familiaritie with that wicked beast, and wold take his counsel: therfore I subiect the to man, and I apointe and affirme him to be thy Lorde, that thou maist acknowledge his dominion, and because thou couldest not beare rule learne well to be ruled. Why they shulde not beare rule, he declareth, in other places, saying:God graunt all womens hartes to understand and folow this sentence. womankinde is imprudent and soft, (or flexible) imprudent because she can not consider withe wisdome and reason the thinges which she heareth and seeth: and softe she is, because she is easelie bowed. I knowe that Chrysostome bringeth in these wordesIn Mat. cap. 23. homil. 44. to declare the cause why false prophetes do commonlie deceiue women: because they are easelie persuaded to any opinion, especiallie if it be against God, and because they lacke prudence and right reason to iudge the thinges that be, spoken. But hereof may their nature be espied, and the vices of the same, whiche in no wise oght to be in, those, that are apointed to gouerne others: For they oght to be constant, stable, prudent and doing euerie thing with discretion and reason, whiche vertues women can not haue in equalitie with men. For that he doth witnesse in an other place, saying: women haue in them selues a tickling and studhe of vaine glorie, and that they may haue common with men: they are sodeinlie moued to anger, and that they haue also common with some men. woman can no haue vertue in equalitie with man. Ad Ephe. cap. 4. sermone 13. But vertues in which they excell, they haue not common with man, and therfore hath the apostle remoued them from the office of teachinge, which is an euident proof that in vertue they farre differ frome man. NOTE. Let the reasons of this writer be marked, for further he yet procedeth: after that he hath in many wordes lamented the effeminate maners of men, who were so farre degenerate to the weaknes of women, that some might haue demanded: why may not women teache amongest suche a sorte of men, who in wisdome and godlines are becomen inferior vnto women? We finallie concludeth: that 25not withstanding that men be degenerate, yet may not women vsurpe any authoritie aboue them, and in the end, he addeth these wordes: These thinges do not I speake to extolle them (that is women) but to the confusion and shame of our selues, and to admonish vs to take again the dominion, that is mete and conuenient for vs, not onelie that power which is according to the excellencie of dignitie: but that which is accordinge to prouidence, and according to helpe, and vertue. The body lackinge the head, can not be well gouerened nether can common welth lackinge man. For then is the bodie in best proportion, when it hath the best gouernor. O that both man and woman shulde consider the profound counsel and admonition of this father! He wolde not that man for appetit of any vaine glorie shuld desire preeminence aboue woman. For God hath not made man to be heade for any suche cause: but hauing respecte to that weaknes and imperfection which alwayes letteth woman to gouerne. He hath ordeined man to be superior, and that meaneth Chrysostome, saying: then is the bodie in best proportion, when it hath the best gouernor. But woman can neuer be the best gouernor, by reason that she being spoiled of the spirit of regiment, can neuer attein to that degree, to be called or iudged a good gouernor. Because in the nature of all woman, lurketh suche vices, as in good gouernors are not tolerable. Which the same writes expresseth in these wordes:In ca. 22. Ioh. homil. 87. womankind (saith he) is rashe and foolhardie, and their couetousnes is like the goulf of hell, that is, insaciable. And therfore in an other place,In Ioh. homil. 41. he will that woman shall haue no thing to do in iudgement, in common affaires, or in the regiment of the common welth, because she is impacient of troubles, but that she shall liue in tranquillitie; and quietnes. And if she haue occasion to go frome the house, that yet she shal haue no matter of trouble, nether to, folowe her, nether to be offered vnto her, as commonlie there must be to such as beare authoritie: And with Chrysostome fullie agreeth Basilius Magnus in a sermonBasilius Mag. in aliquot scripturae locos. which he maketh vpon some places of scripture, wherin he reproueth diuers vices and amongest the rest, he affirmeth woman to be a tendre creature, flexible, soft and pitifull: whiche nature, God hath geuen vnto her, that she may be apt to norishe children. The which facilitie of the woman, did 26Satan abuse, and therby broght her frome the obedience of God. And therfore in diuers other places doth he conclude, that she is not apt to beare rule, and that she is forbidden to teache. Innumerable mo testimonies, of all sortes of writers may be adduced for the same purpose, but withe these I stand content: iudgeing it sufficient to stoppe the mouthe of such as accuse and condemne all doctrine, as hereticall, which displeaseth them in any point that I haue proued, by the determinations and lawes of men illuminated onelie by the light of nature, by the ordre of Goddes creation, by the curse and malediction pronounced against woman, by the mouth of saint Paule, who is the interpreter of Goddes sentence, and lawe, and finallie by the mindes of those writers, who in the church of God, haue bene alwayes holden in greatest reuerence: that it is a thing moste repugnant to nature, to Goddes will and apointed ordinance, (yea that it can not be without contumelie committed against God) that a woman shuld be promoted to dominion or empire to reigne ouer man, be it in realme, nation, prouince or citie. Now resteth it in few wordes, to be shewed, that the same empire of women is the subuersion of good ordre equitie and iustice.
Augustine definethDe ordine lib. 1 c. 10 ordre to be that thing, by the whiche God hath appointed and ordeined all thinges. Note well reader, that Augustine will admit no ordre, where Goddes apointment is absent and lacketh.
And in an other place he saith,De ciuit. Dei, lib. 19
cap. 13. that ordre is a disposition,
geuing their owne propre places to thinges that be vnequall, which he termeth
in Latin Parium et disparium, that is, of thinges equall or
like, and thinges vnequall or vnlike. Of whiche two places and of the hole
disputation, which is conteined in his second boke de ordine, it
is euident,what soener done withowt the appointment of Goddes
will is done withowt ordre. that what soeuer is done ether whithout the assurance
of Goddes will, or elles against his will manifestlie reueled in his word,
is done against ordre. But suche is the empire and regiment of all woman
(as euidentlie before is declared) and therfore, I say; it is a thing plainlie
repugnant to good ordre, yea it is the subuersion of the same. If any list
to reiect the definition of Augustin, as ether not propre to this purpose,
or elles as insufficient to proue mine intent: let the 27same man vnderstand,
that in so doinge, he hath infirmed mine argument nothinge. For as I depend
not vpon the determinations of men, so think I my cause no weaker, albeit
their authoritie be denied vnto me. Prouided that god by his will reueled,
and manifest worde, stand plain and euident on my side. That God hath subiected
womankinde to man by the ordre of his creation, and by the curse that he
hath pronounced against her is before declared. Two
mirrors, in which we may beholde the ordre
of nature. Besides these, he hath set
before our eyes, two other mirrors and glasses, in whiche
he will, that we shulde behold the ordre, which he hath apointed and established
in nature: the one is, the naturall bodie of man: the other is the politik
or ciuile body of that common welth, in which God by his own word hath apointed
an ordre. In the natural body of man God hath apointed an ordre, that the
head shail occupie the vppermost place. And the head hath he ioyned with
the bodie, that frome it, doth life and motion flowe to the rest of the
membres. In it hath he placed the eye to see, the eare to hear, and the
tonge to speake, which offices are apointed to none other membre of the
bodie. The rest of the membres, haue euery one their own place and office
apointed: but none may haue nether the place nor office of the heade. For
who wolde not iudge that bodie to be a monstre, where there was no head
eminent aboue the rest, but that the eyes were in the handes, the tonge
and mouth beneth in the belie, and the eares in the feet. Men, I say, shulde
not onlie pronounce this bodie to be a monstre: but assuredlie they might
conclude that such a bodie coulde not long indure.
Common welthes under the rule of women, lacke
a laufull heade And no lesse monstruous
is the bodie of that common welth, where a woman beareth
empire. For ether doth it lack a laufull heade (as in very dede it doth)
or els there is an idolIdol. exalted in the place of the true
head. An idol I call that, which hath the forme and apparance, but lacketh
the vertue and strength, which the name and proportion do resemble and promise.
As images haue face, nose, eyes, mouth, handes and feet painted, but the
vse of the same, can not the craft and art of man geue them: as the holy
ghost by the mouth of Dauid teacheth vs, saying:
But iust and rightuouse, terrible and fearfull are thy iudgements, o
Lorde! For as some times thou diddest so punishe men for vnthankfulnes,
NOTE. The seconde glasse, whiche God hath set before the eyes of man,
wherein he may beholde the ordre, whiche pleaseth his wisdome, concerning
authoritie and dominion, is that common welth, to the whiche it pleaseth
his maiestie to apoint, and geue lawes, statutes, rites and ceremonies not
onelie concerninge religion, but also touching their policie and 33regiment
of the same. And against that ordre it doth manifestly repugne, that any
woman shall occupie the throne of God, that is, the royall seate, whiche
he by his worde hath apointed to man. As in geuing the lawe to Israel, concerning
the election of a king, is euident. For thus it is writen:
NOTE. The gentil no lesse bounde to the lawe moral then the Iewe. Nowe if the lawe morall, be the constant and vnchangeable will of God, to the which the gentil is no lesse bounde, then was the Iewe; and if God will that amongest the gentiles, the ministres and executors of his lawe be nowe apointed, as somtimes they were apointed amongest the Iewes: further if the execution of iustice 35be no lesse requisite in the policie of the gentiles, then euer it was amongest the Iewes: what man can be foolishe to suppose or beleue, that God will nowe admit those persons, to sit in iudgement or to reigne ouer men in the common welth of the gentiles, whom he by his expressed word and ordinance, did before debarre and seclude from the same? And that women were secluded from the royall seate, the which oght to be the sanctuarie to all poore afflicted, and therfore is iustlie called the seat of god (besides the place before recited of the election of a king, and besides the places of the newe testament, whiche be moste euident) the ordre and election which was kept in Iuda and Israel, doth manifestlie declare. NOTE. For when the males of the kinglie stocke failed, as oft as it chaunced in Israel and sometimes in Iuda, it neuer entered in to the hartes of the people to chose and promote to honors any of the kinges doughters, (had he neuer so many) but knowing Goddes vengeance to be poured furth vpon the father by the away taking of his sonnes, they had no further respect to his stocke, but elected suche one man or other, as they iudged most apt for that honor and authoritie. Of whiche premisses, I conclude (as before) that to promote a woman heade ouer men, is repugnant to nature, and a thinge moste contrarious to that ordre, whiche God hath approued in that common welth, whiche he did institute and rule by his worde. But nowe to the last point, to wit, that the empire of a woman is a thing repugnant to iustice, and the destruction of euerie common welth, where it is receiued. In probation whereof, because the mater is more then euident, I will vse fewe wordes. First, I say, if iustice be a constant and perpetuall will to geue to euerie person, their own right (as the moste learned in all ages haue defined it to be) then to geue, or to will to geue to any person, that whiche is not their right, must repugne to iustice. The first argument that the authoritie of women repungeth to iustice. But to reigne aboue man, can neuer be the right to woman: because it is a thinge denied vnto her by God, as is before declared. Therfore to promote her to that estat or dignitie, can be no thing els but repugnancie to iustice. If I shulde speake no more, this were sufficient. For except that ether they can improue the definition of iustice, or els that they can intreate God to reuoke and call backe his sentence pronounced against woman, they shalbe 36compelled to admit my conclusion. If any finde faute with iustice, as it is defined, he may well accuse others, but me he shall not hurt. For I haue the shield, the weapon, and the warrant of him, who assuredlie will defend this quarel, and he commandeth me to crie:
The second argument. What soeuer repugneth to the will of god expressed in his most sacred
worde, repugneth to iustice: but that women haue authoritie
ouer men repugneth to the will of God expressed in his worde: and therfore
mine author commandeth me to conclude without feare, that all suche authoritie
repugneth to iustice. The first parte of the argument I trust dare nether
Iewe nor gentile denie: for it is a principle not onelie vniuersallie confessed,
but also so depelie printed in the hart of man, be his nature neuer so corrupted,
that whether he will or no, he is compelled at one time or other, to acknowledge
and confesse, Nature doth confesse that repugnancie to Goddes
will is iniustice. that justice is violated, when thinges are
done against the will of God, expressed by his worde. And to this confession
are no lesse the reprobate coacted and constrained, then be the chosen children
of god, albeit to a diuers end. The elect with displeasure of their facte,
confesse their offense, hauing accesse to grace and mercie, as did Adam,
Dauid, Peter, and all other penitent offenders. Howe the reprobat confesse Goddes will iust. But the reprobat,
not withstanding they are compelled to acknowledge the will of God to be
iust the which they haue offended, yet are they neuer inwardlie displeased,
with their iniquitie, but rage, complain and storme against God, whose vengeance
they can not escape:
Here might I bring in the oppression and iniustice, which is committed against realmes and nations, whiche some times liued free, and now are broght in bondage of forein nations, by the reason of this monstriferous authoritie and empire of women. But that I delay till better oportunitie. And now I think it expedient to answer such obiections, as carnal and worldlie men, yea men ignorant of God, vse to make for maintenance of this tyrannic (authoritie it is not worthie to be called) and most vniuste empire of woman.
Secondarily they do obiect the lawe made by Moses for
the doughters of zalphead.
Answer to the first obiection. To the first, I answer, that particular examples do establishe no common
lawe. The causes were knowen to God alon, why he toke the
spirite of wisdome and force frome all men of those ages, and did so mightely
assist women against nature, and against his ordinarie course: that the
one he made a deliuerer to his afflicted people Israel: and to the other
he gaue not onlie perseuerance in the true religion, when the moste parte
of men had declined from the same, but also to her he gaue the spirit of
prophecie, to assure king Iosias of the thinges which were to come. With
these women, I say, did God worke potentlie, and miraculouslie, yea to them
he gaue moste singular grace and priuiledge. But who hath commanded, that
a publike, yea a tyrannicall and moste wicked lawe be established vpon these
examples? The men that obiect the same, are not altogether ignorant, that
examples haue no strength, when the question is of lawe.
Examples against lawe haue no strength when
the question is of lawe. As if I shuld aske, what mariage is laufull? and it shulde be answered that
laufull it is to man, not onelie to haue manie wiues at ones, but also it
is laufull to marie two sisters, and to enioye them both liuing at ones,
because that Dauid, Iacob, and Salomon, seruantes of God did the same. I
trust that no man wold iustifie the vanitie of this reason. Or if the question
were demanded, if a Christian, with good conscience may defraude, steale
or deceiue: and answer were made that so he might by the example of the
Israelites, who at Goddes commandement, deceiued the Egyptians, and spoiled
them of their garmentes, golde and syluer. I thinke likewise this reason
shuld be mocked. And what greater force, I pray you, hath the former argument?
Debora did rule in Israel, and Hulda spoke prophecie in Iuda: Ergo it is laufull for women to reigne aboue realmes and nations, or to teache in the
presence of men. NOTE. The consequent is vain and of none effect.
For of examples, as is before declared, we may establishe 39no lawe, but we
are alwayes bounde to the lawe writen, and to the commandement expressed
in the same. And the lawe writen and pronounced by God, forbiddeth no lesse
that any woman reigne ouer man, then it forbiddeth man to take pluralitie
of wiues, to mary two sisters liuing at ons, to steale, to robbe, to murther
or to lie. If any of these hath bene transgressed, and yet God hath not
imputed the same: it maketh not the like fact or dede lawfull vnto vs. For
God being free, may for suche causes as be approued by his inscrutable wisdome,
dispense with the rigor of his lawe, and may vse his creatures at his pleasure.
But the same power is not permitted to man, whom he hath made subiect to
his lawe, and not to the examples of fathers. And this I thinke sufficient
to the reasonable and moderate spirites. But to represse the raging of womans
madnes, I will descend somwhat deeper in to the mater, and not feare to
affirme: that as we find a contrarie spirit in all these moste wicked women,
that this day be exalted in to this tyrannouse authoritie, to the spirite
that was in those godly matrons: so I feare not, I say, to affirme, that
their condition is vnlike, and that their end shalbe diuers. In those matrones
we finde that the spirit of mercie, truthe, iustice and of humilitie did
reigne. Antithesis betwixt the former matrones, and
our Iesabelles. Vnder them we finde that God did shewe mercie to
his people, deliuering them frome the tyrannie of strangiers, and from the
venom of idolatrie by the handes and counsel of those women: but in these
of our ages, we finde crueltie, falshed, pride, couetousnes, deceit, and
oppression. In them we also finde the spirit of Iesabel, and Athalia, vnder
them we finde the simple people oppressed, the true religion extinguished,
and the blood of Christes membres most cruellie shed. And finallie by their
practises and deceit, we finde auncient realmes and nations geuen and betrayed
in to the handes of strangiers, the titles and liberties of them taken frome
the iuste possessors. Which one thinge is an euident testimonie, howe vnlike
our mischeuous Maryes be vnto Debora, vnder whome were strangiers chased
owt of Israel, God so raising her vp to be a mother and deliuerer to his
oppressed people. NOTE. But (alas) he hath raised vp these Iesabelles to be the
vttermoste of his plagues, the whiche mans vnthankfulnes
hath long deserued. But his secret and most iust iudgement, 40shal nether
excuse them, neither their mainteiners, because their counsels be diuers.
But to prosecute my purpose, let such as list to defend these monstres in
their tyrannie, prbue first, that their souereine maistresses be like to
Debora in godlines and pitie: and secondarilie, that the same successe doth
folowe their tyrannie, which did folowe the extraorelinarie regiment of
that godlie matrone. Which things althogh they were able to do
NOTE.
(as they neuer shalbe, let them blowe til they brust) yet shall her example
profet them nothing at all. For they are neuer able to proue that ether
Debora, or any other godlie woman No godlie woman did euer claime authoritie ouer
man by reason of her birth and blood. (hauing the commendation
of the holie ghoste within the scriptures) hath vsurped authoritie aboue
any realme or nation, by reason of their birth and blood. Nether yet did
they claime it by right or inheritance: but God by his singular priuiledge,
fauor, and grace, exempted Debora from the common malediction geuen to women
in that behalf: and against nature he made her prudent in counsel, strong
in courage, happie in regiment, and a blessed mother and deliuerer to his
people. The whiche he did partlie to aduance and notifie the power of his
maiestie as well to his ennemies, as to his owne people:
why God sometimes worketh by extraordinarie
meanes.
in that that he declared himself able to geue saluation and deliuerance,
by meanes of the moste weake vesselles: and partlie he did it to confound
and ashameall man of that age, because they had for the moste part declined
frome his true obedience. And therfore was the spirit of courage, regiment,
and boldnes taken from them for a time to their confusion and further humiliation.
But what maketh this for Mary and her matche Phillippe? One thing I wold
aske of suche as depend vpon the example of Debora, whether she was widowe
or wife, when she iudged Israel, and when that God gaue that notable victorie
to his people vnder her? If they answer she was widowe, I wold lay against
them the testimonie of the holie ghost, witnessinge that she was wife to
Lapidoth.
An answer to the second obiection. But now to the second obiection. In whiche women require (as to them appeareth) nothing but equitie and iustice. Whilest they and their patrones for them, require dominion and empire aboue men. For this is their question: Is it not lauful, that women haue their right and inheritance, like as the doughters of Zalphead were commanded by the mouth of Moses to haue their portion of grounde in their tribe?
I answer, it is not onlie laufull that women possesse their inheritance,
but I affirme also that iustice and equitie require, that so they do. But
therwith I adde that whiche gladlie they list not vnderstand:
what woman wold not gladly heare. that to beare rule or authoritie ouer man, can neuer be right nor inheritance
to woman. For that can neuer be iust inheritance to any person, whiche God
by his word hath plainlie denied vnto them: but to all women hath God denied
authoritie aboue man, as moste manifestlie is before declared: Therfore
to her it can neuer be inheritance. And thus must the aduocates of our ladies
prouide some better example and strongar argument. For the lawe made in
fauor of the doughters of Zalphead, will serue them nothing. And assuredlie
greate wonder it is, that in so greate light of Goddes truthe, men list
to grope and wander in darknes. For let them speak of conscience:
the daughters of Zalphead desired to reigne
ouer no man in Israel. if the petition of any of these fore named women was to reigne ouer any
one tribe, yea or yet ouer any one man within Israel. Plain it is, they
did not, but onelie required, that they might haue a portion of ground amonge
the men of their tribe, lest, that the name of their father shuld be abolished.
And this was graunted vnto them without respect had to any ciuil regiment.
And what maketh this, I pray you, for the establishing of this monstruous
empire of women? The question is not: if women may not succede to possession,
substance patrimonie or inheritance, such as fathers may leaue to their
children, for that I willinglie grant: women may succede to inheritance but not to
office. But the question
is: if women may succede to their fathers in offices, and chieflie to 45that
office, the executor wherof doth occupie the place and throne of God. And
that I absolutelie denie: and feare not to say, that to place a woman in
authoritie aboue a realme, is to pollute and prophane the royall seate,
the throne of iustice, which oght to be the throne of God: and that to mainteine
them in the same, is nothing els, but continuallie to rebell against God.
One thing there is yet to be noted and obserued in the lawe
The consent, say they, of realmes and lawes pronounced and admitted in this behalfe, long consuetude and custorne, together with felicitie of some women in their empires haue established their authoritie. Answer to the third obiection. To whome, I answer, that nether may the tyrannie of princes, nether the foolishnes of people, nether wicked lawes made against God, nether yet the felicitie that in this earthe may herof insue, make that thing laufull, whiche he by his word hath manifestlie condemned. For if the approbation of princes and people, lawes made by men, or the consent of realmes, may establishe any thing against God and his word, then shuld idolatrie be preferred to the true religion. For mo realmes and nations, mo lawes and decrees published by Emperours with common consent of their counsels, haue established the one, then haue approued the other. And yet I thinke that no man of sounde iudgement, will therfore iustifie and defend idolatrie. No more oght any man to mainteine this odious empire of women, althogh that it were approued of all men by their lawes. For the same God that in plain wordes forbiddeth idolatrie, 48doth also forbidde the authoritie of women ouer man. As the wordes of saint Paule before rehearsed do plainly teach vs. And therfore whether women be deposed from that vniust authoritie women may and oght to be deposed from authoritie. (haue they neuer vsurped it so long) or if all such honor be denied vnto them, I feare not to affirme that they are nether defrauded of right, nor inheritance. For to women can that honor neuer be due nor laufull (muche lesse inheritance) whiche God hath so manifestlie denied vnto them.
I am not ignorant that the subtill wittes of carnall men (which can
neuer be broght vnder obedience of Goddes simple preceptes to maintein this
monstruous empire) haue yet two vaine shiftes. the
fourth obiection. First they alledge, that albeit women may not absolutelie reigne by themselues, because
they may nether sit in iudgement, nether pronounce sentence, nether execute
any publike office: yet may they do all such thinges by their lieutenantes,
deputies and iudges substitute. Secondarilie, say they, a woman borne to
rule ouer anyrealme, may chose her a husband, and to him she may transfer
and geue her authoritie and right. To both I answer in fewe wordes. First
that frome a corrupt and venomed fountein can spring no holsome water: Secondarilie
that no person hath power to geue the thing, which doth not iustlie appertein
to them selues: women can make no laufull officer. But the authoritie of a woman is a corrupted
fountein, and therfore from her can neuer spring any lauful officer. She
is not borne to rule ouer men: and therfore she can apointe none by her
gift, nor by her power (which she hathn ot) to the place of a laufull magistrat.
And therfore who soeuer receiueth of a woman, Let
England and Scotland take hede. office or authoritie, are adulterous and bastard officers before God. This may appeare
straunge at the first affirmation, but if we will be as indifferent and
equall in the cause of God, as that we can be in the cause of man, the reason
shall sodeinlie appeare. The case suposed, that a tyranne by conspiracie
vsurped the royall seat and dignitie of a king, and in the same did so established
him selfe, that he apointed officers, and did what him list for a time,
and in this meane time, the natiue king made streit inhibition to all his
subiectes, that none shuld adhere to this traitor, nether yet receiue any
dignitie of him, yet neuer the lesse they wold honor the same traitor as
king, and becomme 49his officers in all affaires of the realme. If after,
the natiue prince did recouer his iust honor and possession, shuld he repute
or esteme any man of the traitors apointement for a laufull magistrate?
or for his frende and true subiect? or shuld he not rather with one sentence
condemne the head with the membres? And if so he shuld do, who were able
to accuse him of rigor? much lesse to condemne his sentence of iniustice.
And dare we denie the same power to God in the like case? For that woman
reigneth aboue man, she hath obteined it by treason and conspiracie committed
against God. Howe can it be then, that she being criminall and giltie of
treason against God committed, can apointe any officer pleasing in his sight?
It is a thing impossible. woman in authoritie is rebel against God. Wherefore let men that receiue
of women authoritie, honor or office, be most assuredly persuaded, that
in so mainteining that vsurped power, they declare them selues ennemies
to God. If any thinke, that because the realme and estates therof, haue
geuen their consentes to a woman, and haue established her, and her authoritie:
that therfore it is laufull and acceptable before God: let the same men
remembre what I haue said before, to wit, that God can not approue the doing
nor consent of any multitude, concluding any thing against his worde and
ordinance, and therfore they must haue a more assured defense against the
wrath of God, then the approbation and consent of a blinded multitude, or
elles they shall not be able to stand in the presence of the consuming fier:
that is, they must acknowledge that the regiment of a woman is a thing most
odious in the presence of God. They must refuse to be her officers,
what the nobilite oght to do in this behalf. because she is a traitoresse and rebell against God. And finallie they must
studie to represse her inordinate pride and tyrannie to the vttermost of
their power. The same is the dutie of the nobilitie and estates, by whose
blindnes a woman is promoted. First in so farre, as they haue moste haynouslie
offended against God, placing in authoritie suche as God by his worde hath
remoued frome the same, vnfeinedly they oght to call for mercie, and being
admonished of their error and damnable fact, in signe and token of true
repentance, with common consent they oght to retreate that, which vnaduisedlie
and by ignorance they haue pronounced, and oght without further 50delay to remoue from authority all such persones, as by vsurpation, violence, or
tyrannie, do possesse the same. For so did Israel and Iuda after they had
reuolted from Dauid, and Iuda alone in the dayes of Athalia.
And nowe to put an end to the first blast, seing that by the ordre of
nature, by the malediction and curse pronounced against woman, by the mouth
of S. Paule the intrepreter of Goddes sentence, by the example of that common
welth, in whiche God by his word planted ordre and policie, and finallie
by the iudgement of the most godlie writers, God hath deiected woman frome
rule, dominion, empire, and authoritie aboue man. Moreouer, seing that nether
the example of Debora, nether the lawe made for the doughters of Zalphead,
nether yet the foolishe consent of an ignorant multitude, be able to iustifie
that whiche God so plainlie hath condemned: An
admonition. let all men take hede what quarell
and cause frome hence furthe they do defend. 51If God raise vp any noble harte to vendicat the libertie of his countrie, and to suppresse
the monstruous empire of women, let all suche as shal presume to defend
them in the same, moste certeinlie knowe, that in so doing, they lift their
hand against God, and that one day they shall finde his power to fight against
their foolishnes. Let not the faithfull, godlie, and valiant hartes of Christes
souldiers be vtterlie discouraged, nether yet let the tyrannes reioise,
albeit for a time they triumphe against such asstudie to represse their
tyrannie, and to remoue them from vniust authoritie. For the causes alone,
why he suffereth the souldiers to fail in batel, whome neuerthelesse he
commandeth to fight as somtimes did Israel fighting against Beniamin. The
cause of the Israelites was most iust: for it was to punishe that horrible
abomination of those sonnes of Belial,
The secret cause of this, I say, is knowen to God alone. But by his euident scriptures we may assuredly gather,
Why God permitteth somtimes his owne souldiers to fall in batel. that by such
means doth his wisdome somtimes, beat downe the pride of the flesh (for
the Israelites at the firste trusted in their multitude, power and strength)
and somtimes by such ouerthrowes, he will punish the offenses of his owne
children, and bring them, to the vnfeined knowledge of the same, before
he will geue them victorie against the manifest contemners, whom he hath
apointed neuerthelesse to vttermost perdition: as the end of that batel
did witnesse. For althogh with greate murther the children of Israel did
twise fall before the Beniamites, yet after they had wept before the Lorde,
after they had fasted and made sacrifice in signe of their vnfeined repentance,
they so preuailed against that proude tribe of Beniamin,
Praise God ye that feare him.
54 55John Knoxe to the Reader.
The following postscript occurs at p. 78 of John Knox's Appellation &c., which is dated “From Geneua. The 14 of Iuly, 1558.”
Because many are offended at the first blast of the trompett, in whiche I affirme, that to promote a woman to beare rule, or empire aboue any realme, nation or citie, is repugnant to nature, contumelie to God, and a thing moste contrariouse to his reuealed and approued ordenance: and because also, that somme hath promised (as I vnderstand) a confutation of the same, I haue delayed the second blast, till such tyme as their reasons appere, by the which I either may be reformed in opinion, or els shall haue further occasion more simply and plainly to vtter my iudgement. Yet in the meane tyme for the discharge of my conscience; and for auoyding suspition, whiche might be ingendred by reason of my silence, I could not cease to notifie these subsequent propositions, which by Gods grace I purpose to entreate in the second blast promised.
1 It is not birth onely nor propinquitie of blood, that maketh a kinge lawfully to reign aboue a people professing Christe Iesus, and his eternall veritie, but in his election must the ordenance, which God hath established, in the election of inferiour iudges be obserued.
562 No manifest idolater nor notoriouse transgressor of gods holie preceptes o[u]ght to be promoted to any publike regiment, honour or dignitie in any realme, prouince or citie, that hath subiected the[m] self to Christe lesus and to his blessed Euangil.
3 Neither can othe nor promesse bynd any such people to obey and maintein tyrantes against God and against his trueth knowen.
4 But if either rashely they haue promoted any manifest wicked personne, or yet ignorantly haue chosen suche a one, as after declareth him self vnworthie of regiment abouc the people of God (and suche be all idolaters and cruel persecuters) moste iustely may the same men depose and punishe him, that vnaduysedly before they did nominate, appoint and electe.
If the eye be single, the whole body shalbe clere.
[Underlying these Propositions is the great truth that the Rulers exist for the people, and not the people for the Rulers.]
57Appendix.
JOHN KNOX’s apologetical Defence of his First Blast &c. to Queen ELIZABETH.
12 July 1559. John Knox to Sir William Cecil.
The spreit of wisdom heall your hart to the glorie of God and to the comforte of his afflicted mind.
On[e] caus[e] of my present writing is ryght honorable humblie to requyr you to Deliuer this other lettre enclosed to the quenes grace quilk conteaneht in few and sempill wordes my confession what I think of her authoritie, how far it is Just, and what may make it odious in goddis presence.
I hear there is a confutation sett furht in prent against the first blast. God graunt that the writar haue no more sought the fauours of the world, no less the glory of God and the stable commoditie of his country then did him who interprised in that blast to vt[t]er his Conscience. When I shall haue tym[e] (which now Is Dear and straitt vnto me) to peruse that work I will communicat[e] my Judgement with you concernying the sam[e]. The tym[e] Is now sir that all that eyther thrust Christ Jesus to r[e]ing in this yle, the liberties of the sam [e] to be keapt, to the inhabitantes therof, and theire hartis to be joyned together in love vnfeaned ought rather to study how the sam[e] may be brought to pass then vainly to trauall for the maintenance of that wharof allready we have seen the daunger, and felt the smart.
State Papers, Scotland, Vol. Art. 57. in Public Record office, London.
20 July 1559. John Knox’S Declaration to Queen Elizabeth.
To the verteuus and godlie Elizabeht by the grace of GOD quen of England etc John Knox desireht the perpetuall Encrease of the Holie Spiritt. etc.
As your graces displeasur against me most Iniustlie conceaned, hath be[en] and is to my wretched hart a burthen grevous and almost intollerabill, so is the testimonye of a clean conscience to me a stay and 58vphold that in desperation I sink not, how vehement that ever the temptations appear, for in GODDis presence my conscience beareht me reacord that maliciouslie nor of purpose I inoffended your grace, nor your realme. And therfor how so ever I be ludged by man, I am assured to be absolued by him who onlie knoweht the secreatis of hartes.
I can not Deny the Writeing of a booke against the vsurped aucthoritie and Iniust regiment of wemen, neyther yet am I mynded to retract or to call any principall point or proposition of the sam[e], till treuth and veritie do farther appear, but why that eyther your grace, eyther yit ony such as vnfeanedlie favourthe libertie of England should be offended at the aucthor of such a work I can perceaue no iust occasion.
For first my booke tuchheht not your graces person in especiall, neyther yit is it preiudiciall till any libertie of the realme yf the tyme and my Writing be indifferently considered. How could I be enemy to your graces person? for deliuerance quhairof I did mor[e] study, and interprise farther, than any of those that now accuse me. And as concerning your regiment how could? or can I envy that? which most I haue thrusted and for the which (as obliuion will suffer) I render thankis vnfeanedlie unto GOD that is, that it hath pleased Him of His eternall goodnes to exalt your head (which tymes wes in Daunger) to the manifestation of his glorie and extirpation of Idolatrie.
And as for any offence whiche I haf committed against England eyther in writeing that or of any other werk I will not refuse that moderate and indifferent men Iudge and decerne betwixt me and thost that accuse me. To witt Whither of the partijs Do most hurt the libertie of England, I that afferme that no woman may be exalted above any realme to mak[e] the libertie of the sam[e] thrall to a straunge, proud, and euell nation, or thai that approve whatsoeuir pleaseth princes for the tyme.
Yf I were wer[e] asweall disposed till accuse, as som of them (till thair owne schame) haue declared thame selves I nothing dowbt but that in few wordis I should lett ressonabill men vnderstand that som that this Day lowlie crouche to your grace, and lauboure to make me odious in your eyes, did in your aduersitie neyther shew thame selvis faithfull frendis 59to your grace, neyther yit so loving and cairfull ouer thair native cuntry as now thai wold be esteamed.
But omitting the accusation of others for my owne purgation and for your graces satisfaction I say. That nothyng in my booke conceaued Is, or can be preiudiciall to your graces iust regiment prouided that ye be not found vngrate unto GOD. Vngrate ye shalbe proued in presence of His throne, (howsoeuir that flatterairs Iustifie your fact) yf ye transfer the glory of that honour in which ye now stand to any other thing, then to the dispensation of His mercy which onelye mackethe that lauthfull to your grace Which nature and law Denyeth to all woman. Neyther wold I that your grace should fear that this your humiliation befoir GOD should in any case infirm or weaken your Iust and lauthfull authoritie befoir men. Nay madam such vnfeaned confession of goddis benefittis receaued shalbe the establishment of the sam[e] not onelye to your self, bot also to your sead and posteritie. Whane contrariwise a prowd conceat, and eleuation of your self shalbe the occasion that your reing shalbe vnstabill, trublesum and schort.
GOD is witness that vnfeanedlie I both love and reverence your grace, yea I pray that your reing may be long, prosperous, and quyet. And that for the quyetnes which Christis membris before persecuted haue receaued vnder yow but yit yf I should flatter your grace I were no freind, but a deceavabill trater. And therfor of conscience I am compelled to say, that neyther the consent of peopill, the proces of tyme, nor multitude of men, can establish a law which GOD shall approve, but whatsoeuer He approveht (by his eternall word) that shalbe approued, and whatsoeuer he dampneth shalbe condampneth, though all men in earth wold hasard the iustification of the sam[e]. And therfor[e] madam the onlie way to retean and to keap those benefittes of GOD haboundandlie powred now of laitt Dayis vpon yow, and vpon your realme is vnfeanedlie to rendir vnto GOD, to His mercy and vndeserued grace the [w]holl glory of this your exaltatioun, forget your byrth and all tytill which thervpon doth hing[e], and considder deaplie how for feir of your lyfe ye did declyne from GOD, and bow till Idolatrie. Lett it not appear a small offence in your eyis, that ye haue declyned from Christ Iesus in the Day of his battale, 60neyther yit wold I that ye should esteam that mercy to be vulgar and commone which ye haue receaued. To witt, that GOD hath covered your formar offence, hath presented yow when ye were most unthankfull, and in the end hath exalted and raised yow vp not onlie from the Dust, but also from the portes [gates] of death to reull above his people for the confort of his kirk. It aperteaneth to yow thairfor to ground the iustice of your aucthoritie not vpon that law which from year to year Doth change, but vpon the eternall prouidence of Hym who contrarfy to nature, and without your deserving hath thus exalted your head.
Yf thus in GODDis presence ye humill [humble] your self, as in my hart I glorifie GOD for that rest granted to His afflicted flock within England under yow a weak instrument, so will I with toung and pen iustifie your aucthoritie and regiment as the HOLIE GHOST hath iustified the same In DEBORA, that blessed mother in Israeli, but yf these premisses (as GOD forbid) neglected, ye shall begyn to brag of your birth, and to build your aucthoritie vpon your owne law, flatter yow who so list youre felicite shalbe schort. Interpret my rud[e] wordis in the best part as written by him who is no ennemye to your grace.
By diuerse letters I haue required licence to vesitt your realme not to seik my self neyther yit my owen ease, or commodite. Whiche yf ye now refuse and. deny I must remit my [?] to GOD, adding this for conclusioun, that commonlie it is sein that such as luf not the counsall of the faithfull (appear it never so scharp) are compelled to follow the Deceat of flatteraris to thair owen perdition. The mighty Spreit of the Lord Iesus move your hart to vnderstand what is said, geve vnto yow the discretion of spirittes, and so reull yow in all your actlonis and interprisis that in yow GOD may be glorified, His church edified, and ye your self as a livelie member of the sam[e] may be an exempill and mirroure of vertew and of godlie Lief till others.
So be it. Off Edinburgh the 20. Day of Julij. 1559.
By your graces [w]holly to command in godlynes.
Endorsed. John Knox.
To the ryght myghty ryght high and ryght excellent princesse Elzabeth quen of England, etc.
Be these Deliuered State Papers, Scotland, Vol. 1 Art. 65.
6120 March 1561. Thomas Randolph to Sir William Cecil. [From Berwick on Tweed.]
Master Knox in certayne articles geuen vnto my Lord James at this tyme hath mytigated some what the rigour of his booke, referringe myche vnto ye tyme that the same was wrytten /
State Papers, Scotland, Vol. 6, Art. 37.
5 AUG. 1561. John Knox's second Defence to Queen Elizabeth.
Grace from GOD the Father throught our Lord Jesus with perpetuall Encrease of his holie spiritt.
May it please your maiestie that it is heir certainlie spoken that the Queen of Scotland [Mary Queen of Scots] travaleht earnestlie to have a treatise intituled the first blast of the trompett confuted by the answere of the learned in Diuerse realmes, And farther that she lauboureht to inflambe the hartes of princes against the writar. And because that it may appear that your maiestie hath interest, that she myndeht to trauall with your grace, your graces counsell, and learned men for Judgement against such a common enemy to women and to thair regiment. It were but foolishnes to me to prescribe vnto your maiestie what is to be done in any thing but especialie in such thinges as men suppose Do tuoch my self. But of on[e] thing I think my self assured and therefor I Dar[e] not conceall it. To witt that neyther Doht our soueraine so greatlie fear her owen estate by reasson of that book, neyther yet Doth she so vnfeanedlie fauour the tranquilitie of your maiesties reing and realme that she wo[u]lde tack so great and earnest paines onles that her crafty counsall in so Doing shot att a farther marck.
Two yeres ago I wrote vnto your maiestie my full Declaration tuoching that work, experience since hath schawen that I am not Desirous of Innovations [i.e. in Government], so that Christ Jesus be not in his members openlie troden vnder the feitt of the vngodlie. With furthie purgation I will not trouble your maiestie for the present. Besechinge the Eternall so to assist your Highnes in all affaires, that in his sight you may be found acceptable, your regiment profitable to your common wealht, and your factes [deeds] to be such that Iustlie thei may be praised of all godlie vnto the cuming of the lord Jesus to whose mighty protection I unfeanedlie 62committ your maiestie.
From Edinburgh the 5 of August 1561
Your maiesties suruand to command in godlines
Endorsed John Knox.
To the myghty and excellent princess Elizabeth the Quenes maiestie of England be these deliuered.
State Papers, Scotland, Vol. 6, Art 55.
Despite this triumphant appeal to his quiet citizenship under Mary Stuart, the following description of her mother shows that the great Scotchman never altered his private opinion on this subject.
The peace as said is contracted. The Queene Dowager past by sea to F[r]aunce with gallies that for that purpose were prepared and tooke with her diuerse of the nobilitie of Scotland. The Earles Huntly, Glencairne, Mershell, Cassilles. The Lordes Maxwell, flying, Sir George Dowglasse, together with all the kings sonnes, and diuerse Barrones, and gentlemen of Ecclesiasticall estate: the Bishop of Galloway, and manie others, with promise that they should be rechlie rewarded for their good seruice. What they receaued we can not tell, but few were made rich at their returning. The Dowager had to practise somewhat with her brethren, the Duke of Gwyse and the Cardinal of Lora[i]ne. The weight wherof the gouernour after felt: for shortlie after his returning, was the gouernour deposed of the gouernement (Iustlie by GOD, but most iniustlie by man) and she made regent, in the yere of our Lord 1554. And a crowne put vpon her head, as seemelie a sight (if men had eyes) as to put a saddle vpon the back of an vnruly cow. And so beganne she to practise, practise vpon practise, how Fraunce might be aduanced, hir friends made rich, and she brought to immortall glorie. For that was her common talke, “So that I may procure the wealth and honour of my friendes, and a good fame vnto my selfe, I regarde not what GOD doe after with me.” And in verie deede in deepe dissimulation to bring her owne purpose to effect she passed the common sort of women, as we will after heare. But yet GOD to whose Gospell she declared her selfe enemie, in the end [did] frustrate her of her deuises. The Historie of the Church of Scotland, pp. 192-193. [Ed. 1584].
Indexes
Index of Scripture References
Genesis
Numbers
Deuteronomy
2:4-5 17:14-15 17:18-19 32:1-52
Joshua
Judges
4:1-24 4:4 4:4 20:1-48 20:1-48
1 Kings
2 Kings
2 Chronicles
Psalms
Isaiah
2:1-22 3:1-26 5:1-30 23:1-18 42:1-25
Jeremiah
Ezekiel
2:1-10 7:1-27 8:1-18 9:1-11 16:1-63 20:1-49 22:1-31 23:1-31 33:1-33 34:1-31 36:1-38
Micah
Matthew
Luke
Acts
4:1-37 17:1-34 18:1-28 21:1-40
Romans
1 Corinthians
9:1-27 11:3 11:3 11:8-10 14:34
Ephesians
1 Timothy
Revelation
Index of Pages of the Print Edition