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           Title: The Epistle of St James: Greek Text with Introduction,
                  Commentary as Far as Chapter IV, Verse 7, and Additional Notes
      Creator(s): Hort, Fenton John Anthony (1828-1892)
   CCEL Subjects: All; Bible
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                            THE EPISTLE OF ST JAMES

THE GREEK TEXT

  WITH INTRODUCTION, COMMENTARY AS FAR AS CHAPTER IV, VERSE 7, AND ADDITIONAL
  NOTES

BY THE LATE

F. J. A. HORT, D.D., D.C.L., LL.D.

SOMETIME BULSEAN PROFESSOR AND LADY MARGARET'S READER IN DIVINITY
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

  MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED ST MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON

    1909

   All rights reserved

   Cambribge:

   PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
   AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
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CONTENTS

Pages
PREFACE                                                               ii-vii
INTRODUCTION                                                          ix-xxxiii
  Value of the Epistle                                                ix ff.
  Authorship                                                          xi-xxii
  The Readers                                                         xxii ff.
  Circumstances and Date                                              xxiv f.
  Reception                                                           xxv--xxxi.
  Purpose and Contents                                                xxxi ff.
  Style                                                               xxxiii
TEXT AND NOTES                                                        1--101
ADDITIONAL NOTES.
  I. On "Brother" improperly used                                     102 f.
  II. On tes doxes                                                    103 f.
  III. On hulen                                                       104 ff.
  IV. On ton trochon tes geneseos                                     106 f.
  V. On espatalesate                                                  107 ff.

  VI. Peculiarities of vocabulary in the Codex Corbeiensis of St James
                                                                      109 ff.
INDEXES                                                               113-119
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PREFACE

   THE circumstances connected with the origin of this book have already
   been related by Dr Westcott in the preface to the companion edition of
   Dr Hort's Commentary on St Peter i.-ii. 17, published in 1898. It was
   designed to take its place in a Commentary on the whole N.T. planned by
   the three friends, Westcott, Lightfoot, and Hort in 1860.

   Dr Hort's share included the Synoptic Gospels, the Acts, and the
   Epistles of St James, St Peter, and St Jude. After a brief period of
   work on the Gospels, of which only a few unimportant fragments remain,
   Dr Hort set to work on St James. If we may judge from the condition of
   the MS. the Commentary on Chapter I was complete when he came back to
   Cambridge, as a Fellow of Emmanuel College, in 1871. His notes were,
   however, worked over and written out afresh when he chose St James as
   the subject for his first three courses of Lectures as Hulsean
   Professor in 1880, 1881. It is idle now to regret that his attention
   was called away to lecture in 1882 on Tatian's Apology, leaving the
   Commentary incomplete, but within sight of the end. When at length he
   returned to the Epistle in the Summer Term of 1889, he dealt mainly
   with questions of Introduction. The introductory matter printed in this
   volume was prepared for that course of Lectures. It was supplemented by
   condensed notes on select passages from the earlier chapters of the
   Epistle. No further progress was made with the Commentary on the Text.

   The Introduction and Commentary have been printed substantially as they
   stand in the MS., except that for the sake of uniformity English
   renderings have in some cases been supplied at the head of the notes.
   This however has only been done in cases where the note itself gave
   clear indication of the rendering which Dr Hort would himself have
   proposed.

   No one who reads this book with the attention that it requires and
   deserves will feel that any apology is needed for its publication, in
   spite of its incompleteness. In the Introduction no doubt the
   scholarship appears to a certain extent in what Dr Sanday, in the
   Preface to Dr Hort's notes on Apoc. i.-iii. published last year, aptly
   describes as undress.' And some points would naturally have received
   fuller treatment, if the author himself had been spared to prepare his
   own work for publication. But there is no reason to suppose that his
   conclusions would have been seriously modified by anything that has
   been written on the Epistle since his death. His Introduction has, it
   will not be superfluous to point out, an advantage from the appended
   Commentary, inevitably but none the less unfortunately lacking in the
   still more compendious introduction provided, e.g. in such a recognized
   Text-book as Jülicher's. For after all the ultimate appeal on most of
   the vexed questions of Introduction lies to the Text itself. And on one
   point at least Dr Hort's patient and minute examination of the Text
   supplies a conclusive answer to the charge of incoherence [1] not
   uncommonly brought against the Epistle on the ground of the obvious
   abruptness of its style. No one can study these notes consecutively
   without becoming conscious of a subtle harmony underlying the whole
   Epistle, due partly to the consistent application of a few fundamental
   principles characteristic of the author [2] , and partly to the
   recurrence in different forms of the same fundamental failing in the
   people to whom his warnings are addressed [3] .

   In regard to the evidence to be derived from the language in which the
   Epistle is written it is clear that Dr Hort worked habitually on an
   hypothesis, the possibility of which many modern critics either ignore
   or deny. Everything here turns on the extent to which a knowledge of
   Greek may be presupposed among the Jewish inhabitants of Palestine in
   the First Century A.D. Jülicher, for example, regards the excellence of
   the Greek of the Epistle as in itself conclusive against the
   traditional attribution. This seems arbitrary in the case of a man
   whose father according to an early tradition (St Matth. ii.) spent some
   time in Egypt. Dr Hort on the other hand regarded a knowledge of Greek
   as anything but exceptional in Palestine. He thinks it possible to
   identify dialectic peculiarities of Palestinian Greek [4] . He is
   prepared to believe in the currency [5] of Greek paraphrases of the
   O.T. resembling the Hebrew Targums.' The influence that he everywhere
   ascribes to the LXX in moulding N.T. vocabulary presupposes a
   considerable familiarity with the Greek Version of the O.T. in
   Apostolic circles [6] . And he finds the Epistle of St James full of
   implied references to the words of the Lord in their Greek form [7] .
   This point is one of far-reaching importance, and if there are good
   reasons for supposing that a man in St James' position could not have
   had a thorough knowledge of Greek, it would be well that they should be
   produced.

   The Commentary itself, as far as it goes, is finished work in every
   line. Each word and phrase and sentence has been examined in the light
   of the whole available evidence with characteristic freshness, and with
   a singularly delicate sense both of the meaning of words, and of subtle
   variations of grammatical structure. At times, no doubt, in Dr Hort's
   work as in Dr Westcott's, the investigation of a particular word or
   form of thought seems to be carried beyond the limits strictly
   necessary for the interpretation of the passage immediately, under
   discussion. It is however only fair to recal the fact that each
   separate Commentary was meant to form part of an inclusive scheme. Both
   scholars combined a keen sense of the variety of the several parts of
   the N.T. with a deep conviction of the fundamental unity of the whole.
   Their field of view was never limited by the particular passage on
   which they might happen to be commenting. No single fragment, they
   felt, could be fully understood out of relation to the whole Revelation
   of which it formed a part. Conciseness and, as regards the rapid
   apprehension of the salient points in individual books, something of
   sharpness of focus were sacrificed in consequence. But for students of
   the N.T. as a whole, the result is pure gain. The labour entailed in
   following out the suggested lines of thought is amply repaid by a
   growing sense of depth beyond depth of Wisdom hidden under familiar and
   seemingly commonplace forms of expression. And even the several books
   stand out in the end in more clearly defined individuality.

   This characteristic of Dr Hort's method minimizes the disadvantages
   arising from the fragmentariness of the finished work. The discussion
   of representative sections of different writers has given him wider
   scope for the treatment of the various departments of N.T. Theology
   than would have been afforded by a Commentary formally complete on a
   single Epistle. The First Epistle of St Peter occupies no doubt a
   peculiarly central position in N.T. The relation in which it stands to
   the Epistles to the Romans and to the Ephesians' led Dr Hort to treat
   many of the characteristic problems of the Pauline Gospel, and its
   relation to the Epistle of St James is remarkably illustrated by the
   fact that in commenting on St Peter Dr Hort not infrequently summarizes
   the results of investigations recorded in full in this volume. Yet even
   1 St Peter would not have given him the scope afforded by these
   chapters of St James for treating of the fundamental problems of
   individual (as distinct from social) Ethics, and of Psychology.

   In spite therefore of its apparent fragmentariness Dr Hort's work is
   marked by a real unity, and possesses a permanent value for all serious
   students of N.T. In details no doubt both of vocabulary and syntax his
   results will need to be carefully checked in the fresh light which is
   coming from the Papyri. But in work so broadly based, fresh evidence we
   may well believe will confirm far more than it will upset.

   But, some one may say, granted all this, what is meant by the permanent
   value of a Commentary? Are not Commentaries like all scientific
   text-books, only written to be superseded? In every other department of
   study, however gifted a scholar may be, he must be content that his
   particular contribution to the advancement of knowledge shall be merged
   and lost in the general sum. Is there any reason to think that the case
   is different in Theology? Strangely enough there is.

   The subject-matter of the science of Theology is provided by the Bible.
   That standard interpretation [8] ' of the primary Gospel was ordained
   to be for the guidance of the Church in all after ages, in combination
   with the living guidance of the Spirit.' Each age must go back for
   itself to the fountain head. Yet for the thinkers in each age there are
   abiding lessons to be learnt from the labours of their predecessors. It
   is not surprising, therefore, that all the outstanding leaders in
   Theological thought, the men of creative insight, who have moulded the
   minds of their fellows throughout the Christian centuries, e.g. Origen,
   Theodore, and Augustine, have been great primarily as interpreters of
   Scripture, content to sacrifice any glory of originality,' all licence
   of unfettered speculations, that they might be the servants of a Text.
   And the work to which they gave their lives is living work to-day.
   Their Theologies have still a message for us, in spite of antiquated
   method and defective intellectual equipment: full of light which we can
   ill afford to neglect. Though they must remain a dead letter to us,
   till they are interpreted by the thoughts and aspirations of our own
   time, as shone upon by the light of the Spirit who is the teacher of
   Christ's disciples in every age [9] .'

   The fact is that just as in the original communication of the Divine
   Revelation the personality of the writer is an integral part of the
   message which he was chosen to convey, so the personality of each
   interpreter of these living oracles' is a vital element in all the
   fresh light that he is able to perceive in them. Any contribution that
   he makes to their fuller understanding remains to the end of time
   recognisably his, for those who have eyes to see. Here, as in the case
   of all other builders on the one foundation, the fire tries, and the
   day will declare each man's work of what sort it is: though it is only
   the few here and there who are called out by, and exercise a dominant
   influence in, the successive crises in the development of Christian
   thought, whose names survive upon the mouths of men, and whose work is
   studied for its own sake in later generations.

   Now Lightfoot, Westcott and Hort have not left behind them a body of
   systematic Theology. The treatise on Christian Doctrine which was to
   have been the crown of Dr Westcott's work was never completed. They
   founded no school marked by common adherence to any characteristic
   tenets. Their message to their age lay rather in the attitude and
   method than in any specific results of their work. The crisis in
   Christian thought which they were called to face affected primarily the
   Authority, the Inspiration, and the Interpretation of the Bible. And it
   is impossible to over-estimate the debt which English Christianity has
   owed in this perilous period of transition to the steadying influence
   exerted over the minds of their contemporaries by the simple fact of
   their lifelong devotion to the study of the sacred text, their fearless
   faith in Truth, their guileless workmanship,' and their reverent
   humility. At the same time it is hard not to believe that the actual
   results of work done in such a spirit will . be found to possess a
   value in the eyes of other generations besides that which witnessed its
   production.

   It only remains for me to express my heartiest thanks to my colleague,
   the Rev. P. H. L. Brereton, Fellow of St Augustine's College, without
   whose scholarly and ungrudging assistance I should have found it
   impossible in the pressure of multifarious distractions to see this
   book through the press and verify the references: to Professor Burkitt
   for his kind help in the note on the Latin renderings of erithia: and
   to the printers and proof-readers of the University Press for their
   patience and thoroughness.

   J. O. F. MURRAY.

   ST AUGUSTINE'S COLLEGE,

   CANTERBURY.

   St Peter's Day, 1909.
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   [1] On this point it is well worth while to compare A Discussion of the
   General Epistle of St James by R. St John Parry, published by the
   Cambridge University Press in 1903.

   [2] See notes on i. 18, 21, iii. 9 for St James' doctrine of Creation:
   on the true Law i. 25, ii. 12: on his conception of the World i. 27,
   iii. 6, iv. 4.

   [3] E.g. formalism i. 22, 26, 27, ii. 19: censoriousness i. 19, iii. 1,
   9, 12.

   [4] See p. 46 b, 84 a.

   [5] See p. 94 b.

   [6] See esp. p. 97 b.

   [7] See p. 91 a, p. xxxiii. etc.

   [8] p. ix.

   [9] Hort on The Ante-Nicene Fathers, p. 138.
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INTRODUCTION.

   THE Epistle of St James is among the less read and less studied books
   of the N.T.; and this for obvious reasons. With one partial exception
   it has not supplied material for great theological controversies. But
   moreover it is a book that very few Christians on consideration would
   place among the most important books. No one wishing to refer to the
   written records which best set forth what Christian belief and even
   Christian practice is would turn to it as they would turn to the
   Gospels or to some, at least, of St Paul's Epistles. Nay, as we all
   know, even distinctively Christian language in one sense of the phrase,
   i.e. such language as no one but a Christian could use, is used in it
   very sparingly. Thus no wonder that it has been comparatively little
   valued by Christian readers, and comparatively little examined and
   illustrated by Christian commentators.

   Yet on the other hand it has an important place and office of its own
   in the Scriptures of the N.T. Its very unlikeness to other books is of
   the greatest value to us, as shewing through Apostolic example the
   manysidedness of Christian truth. Our faith rests first on the Gospel
   itself, the revelation of God and His redemption in His Only begotten
   Son, and secondly on the interpretation of that primary Gospel by the
   Apostles and Apostolic men to whom was Divinely committed the task of
   applying the revelation of Christ to the thoughts and deeds of their
   own time. That standard interpretation of theirs was ordained to be for
   the guidance of the Church in all after ages, in combination with the
   living guidance of the Spirit. But it could not have discharged this
   office if it had been of one type only, moulded by the mental
   characteristics of a single man, though he were an inspired Apostle. It
   was needed that various modes of apprehending the one Truth should be
   sanctioned for ever as contributing to the completeness of the faith.
   And that mode of apprehending it which we find in St James stamped the
   comprehensiveness of Apostolic Christianity in a marked manner, being
   the furthest removed from that of the Apostle of largest influence, St
   Paul.

   That special type of Christianity which is represented by St James had
   a high intrinsic value apart from its testimony to the various because
   partial character of Divine truth as apprehended by men. One of the
   most serious dangers to Christian faith in the early ages, perhaps we
   may say, in all ages, was the temptation to think of Christ as the
   founder of a new religion, to invert His words "I came not to destroy,
   but to fulfil." St Paul himself was entirely free from such a view of
   Christianity: but the part which he had to take in vindicating Gentile
   freedom against Jewish encroachments made him easily appear to be the
   herald of a new religion. The Divine judgement of the fall of Jerusalem
   and the Jewish State, and also the bitter hatred with which the Jews
   long pursued Christians, would all tend to produce the same impression.
   Thus many influences prepared the way for the influence of Marcion in
   the second century and long afterwards, and made him seem a true
   champion of the purity of the Gospel. When he cast off the worship of
   the Creator, of Jehovah the Lord of Israel, the merely just God of the
   O.T., as he said, and set up the God of the N.T. as a new God, alone in
   the strict sense good, alone to be worshipped by Christians, he could
   not but seem to many to be delivering the faith from an antiquated
   bondage. And so again and again the wild dream of a "Christianity
   without Judaism" has risen up with attractive power. But the Epistle of
   St James marks in the most decisive way the continuity of the two
   Testaments. In some obvious aspects it is like a piece of the O.T.
   appearing in the midst of the N.T.; and yet not out of place, or out of
   date, for it is most truly of the N.T. too. It as it were carries on
   the line of intermediate testimony which starts from John the Baptist,
   and is taken up by the hymns in Lk. i., ii. (Magnificat, Benedictus,
   Nunc Dimittis). As they reach forward towards the Gospel, so the
   Epistle of St James looks upon the elder dispensation as having been in
   a manner itself brought to perfection by the Gospel.

   This distinctive value of St James' Epistle is closely related to the
   distinctive value of the first three Gospels. The relation is not
   merely of affinity, but almost of direct descent. The Epistle is
   saturated with the matter of those Gospels (or narratives akin to
   them). No other book so uses them. And though the completeness of
   Christianity would be maimed if the teaching of the Gospel of St John
   were away, yet the three Gospels give in their own way a true picture.
   Many perversions of Christianity could not have arisen if they had in
   practice as well as theory been taken with the Gospel of St John; and
   so the combination of St James with St Paul is a safeguard against much
   error.

   Besides this general value of the Epistle as a whole, its details are
   full of matter of high interest and importance, often by no means lying
   on the surface. It is also far from being an easy Epistle. Many verses
   of it are easy, but many are difficult enough, and even in the easier
   parts the train of thought is often difficult to catch. Much, though
   not all, of the difficulty comes from the energetic abruptness of
   style, reminding us of the older prophets. Thus for various reasons the
   Epistle is one that will repay close examination and illustration.

   Authorship.

   Two questions arise: (1) What James is intended by Iakobos in [1]i. 1.
   (2) Whether the James so intended did really write the Epistle: is it
   authentic or supposititious?

   There is no need to spend much time on this second question, which is
   almost entirely distinct from the general question of the date of
   important N.T. books. Some critics of ability still uphold a late date,
   but on very slight and intangible grounds. One has urged similarity to
   Hom. Clem., a late book: but such little similarity as there is
   proceeds from the fact that both are by Jewish Christians, though in
   quite different generations. Others refer to the judicial persecutions,
   or to the presbyters. Others, with less reference to date, say that
   though Jewish it is not Jewish enough for the James whom they rightly
   suppose to be intended: but then this image of James they have
   constructed out of problematical materials. Again it is said that it
   contains Orphic language, strange in a Palestinian Jew ( ton trochon
   tes geneseos in [2]iii. 6): but this interpretation of the words cannot
   stand.

   A somewhat more tangible ground is the supposed reference to Hebrews
   and Apocalypse, books apparently (Apoc. certainly) written after St
   James' death. In [3]ii. 25 there is a reference to Rhaab he porne as
   with Abraham an example of justification by works. It is urged that as
   Abraham is taken from St Paul, so Rahab is taken from the Pauline
   Hebrews xi. 31 (cf. Bleek Heb. I. 89 f.). It is quite possible that
   Rahab may have been cited by St Paul or disciples of his as an example
   of faith: but the reference to Heb. is unlikely, for there is no
   question of justification there. She is merely one of a long series (ou
   sunapoleto). But at all events it is enough that she was celebrated by
   the Jews as a typical proselyte (Wünsche, Erläuterung der Evangelien, 3
   f.). As Abraham was the type of Israelite faith, so Rahab was of
   Gentile faith. In [4]i. 12, ton stephanon tes zoes is referred to Rev.
   ii. 10; and ii. 5, kleronomous tes basileias to Rev. i. 6, 9; v. l0.
   "Crown of life" is a striking phrase, not likely to arise independently
   in two places: but probably of Jewish origin, founded on O.T. (see
   further, in loc.). Kleron. t. basil. comes straight from our Lord's
   words Mt. v. 3, 10; Lk. xii. 32, etc. as regards basileia (the poor, as
   here) and both words Mt. xxv. 34; 1 Cor. vi. 9, etc. These supposed
   indications, practically all isolated, crumble into nothing.

   A striking fact is that Kern, who initiated the more vigorous criticism
   of the Epistle in modern times by his essay of 1835, then placed it
   late: yet himself wrote a commentary in 1838 in which he retracted the
   former view, and acknowledged that he had been over hasty.

   It is not necessary at present to say more on authenticity, which will
   come under notice incidentally. But how as to the James intended?
   Practically two only come into consideration: James the son of Zebedee
   and James the Lord's brother. Who James the Lord's brother was is
   another question.

   Was it the son of Zebedee? For this there is hardly any external
   evidence [10] . Cod. Corbeiensis, an interesting ms with an Old Latin
   text, has Explicit epistola Jacobi filii Zebedaei. The date is cent. X
   (Holder ap. Gebhardt Barn.^2 xxiv f.) ; but the colophon is probably
   much more ancient. The Epistle is not part of a N.T. or of Epistles,
   but is in combination with three other Latin books all ancient, the
   four together forming the end (true end) of a vol. of which the first
   three-quarters (69-93) are lost (Bonnell ap. Hilgenf. in Zeitsch. 1871,
   263). Philaster on Heresies (soon after the middle of cent. IV);
   Novatian (called Tert.) de cibis judaicis (cent. III); and an old
   translation of the Ep. of Barnabas, next to which (i.e. last) it
   stands. Thus it is highly probable that the Corb. Ms was copied from
   one written late in cent. IV, or not much later, i.e. at a time when
   the Epistle of St James was treated in the West as a venerable writing,
   but not as part of the N.T. This could hardly have been the case after
   cent. IV, owing to the authority of Jerome, Augustine and the Council
   of Carthage (prob. 397).

   Another probable trace of this tradition in the West is in Isid. Hisp.
   de ortu et obitu patrum 71: Jacobus filius Zebedaei, frater Joannis,
   quartus in ordine, duodecim tribubus quae sunt in dispersion, gentium
   scripsit atque Hispaniae et occidentalium locorum gentibus evangelium
   praedicavit etc. It has been suggested that "scripsit" is an
   interpolation. Apparently the only reason is because (in some MSS (?)
   not noticed by Vallarsi) Jerome de vir. illust. after Matthew has: J.
   Zebedaei filius duodecim tribubus quae sunt in dispersione omnibus
   praedicavit evangelium Dni. nostri J.C. etc. (Martianay, Vulgata, p.
   191: cf. Sabat. III. 944). But this may just as easily be a shortened
   abbreviation of Isidore. This addition in Jerome is by Martianay
   referred to some Greeks (a Graecis nescio quibus); but what Greeks are
   meant? The motive probably was to make him an apostle, the
   identification with the son of Alphaeus not being known to those who
   gave the title; also the connexion of Peter, James and John.
   Practically the same motive still exists; but it is not an argument.
   Plumptre (pp. 7-10) quite sufficiently answers Mr Bassett's reasons.
   They all are merely points in which words said in the Epistle are such
   as might easily have been said by one who saw and heard what the son of
   Zebedee did, but suit equally the other James in question. Besides
   Apostleship the other motive is to obtain an early date, on which more
   hereafter. At all events it is obvious that the existence of recipients
   such as the Epistle presupposes would be inconsistent with all that we
   know of the few years before St James' death. Indeed if he had written,
   it is most strange that no better tradition should exist; most strange
   also that there should be no record of such a special position and
   activity as would lead to his writing in this authoritative tone.

   We come therefore as a matter of course to James the Lord's brother.
   About him a large literature has been written: it is worth while here
   only to take the more important points. To take first what is clear and
   accepted on all hands, he was the James of all but the earliest years
   of the Apostolic age. Three times he appears in the Acts, all memorable
   occasions:--(i) xii. 17. When Peter is delivered from the imprisonment
   which accompanied the death of James the son of Zebedee, he bids his
   friends go tell the news to "James and the brethren," which shews that
   already he was prominent, to say the least. (2) xv. 13. At the
   conference or council at Jerusalem, arising out of the Judaizers'
   attempt to enforce circumcision at Antioch, when Peter has spoken in
   favour of liberty, and Barnabas and Paul have recounted their
   successful mission in Asia Minor, James likewise recognises Gentile
   Christianity, but proposes restrictions which were virtually a
   compromise; finally he refers to the Jews and their synagogues in
   different cities. (3) xxi. 18. When Paul comes to Jerusalem (for the
   last time, as it proved) and is welcomed by the brethren, he goes in
   next day to James, all the elders being present: he greets them and
   recounts his missionary successes. They (James and the elders) glorify
   God for what had happened, and then mentioning the great number of
   Christian Jews at Jerusalem, all zealots for the law, and ill-disposed
   towards St Paul, suggested his performance of a Jewish rite of
   purification in the temple to shew that he himself had not abandoned
   Jewish practice though it was not to be imposed on Gentiles. Thus,
   again, substantially accepting Gentile freedom, but urging subordinate
   concession to Jewish feelings.

   Now as regards St Paul's Epistles:--(1) 1 Cor. xv. 7 (to which we must
   return). Christ was seen by James, then by all the Apostles. (2) Gal.
   i. 19. Referring to the first visit to Jerusalem after the conversion,
   "other of the apostles saw I none, save James the Lord's brother." (3)
   Gal. ii. 9. The second visit to Jerusalem mentioned in Galatians, but
   apparently the third altogether, and probably identical with that of
   Acts xv. (see Lightft. Gal.^10 pp. 123 ff., 303 ff.). Here James,
   Cephas, John, of hoi dokountes stuloi ei?nai, recognising the grace
   given him, give them the right hand of fellowship, that Paul and
   Barnabas should go to the Gentiles, they to the circumcision, with a
   proviso that they should remember the poor (brethren of Judaea), which,
   he says, for this very reason I made it a point to do. (4) Gal. ii. 12.
   Certain came from James (from Jerusalem to Antioch). [See Jud. Christ.
   pp. 79 ff.] Doubtless we must add Jude 1, adelphos de Iakobou: but this
   is of less consequence. Here then we have James as the leading person
   at Jerusalem from the time of Peter's imprisonment to Paul's last
   visit. Here the N.T. leaves him. More we learn from Hegesippus (Eus.
   ii. 23; cf. iv. 22) about his way of life ("the Just"), his reputation
   among the people, and his martyrdom. His death is also mentioned by
   Joseph. Ant. xx. 9. i, for there is no sufficient reason to suspect the
   passage to be interpolated.

   We now come to matters of question and debate. Was he one of the
   Twelve? i.e. Was he the son of Alphaeus? Why was he called the Lord's
   brother? Without attempting to trace out all the intricacies of the
   scriptural argument [11] a word must be said on the cardinal points.

   First Gal. i. 19: heteron de ton apostolon ouk eidon, ei me Iakobon ton
   adelphon tou kuriou. Here, according to the most obvious sense, St Paul
   implies that James was one of the Apostles, while he directly calls him
   the brother of the Lord. Is this obvious sense right? i.e. Can heteron
   ei me reasonably bear another meaning? On the whole, I think not. For
   the very late exchange of ei me and alla in N.T. there is no
   probability whatever. In three other books of the N.T. in less good
   Greek (Mt. xii. 4; Lk. iv. 25 f.; Rev. ix. 4) the meaning looks like
   this, but fallaciously. Either the ei me goes with the preceding clause
   as a general statement, dropping the particular reference, or (more
   probably) there is a colloquial ellipse of another negative (cf. Mt.
   xii. 4, oude tini ei me t. hiereusin monois; Lk. iv. 26, oude pros tina
   ei me eis Sarepta; Rev. ix. 4, oude ti ei me t. anthropous). The force
   is thus not simply "but," but "but only." St Paul himself has some
   rather peculiar uses of ei me. Rom. xiii. 8, ei me to allelous agapan;
   1 Cor. ii. 11, tis gar oiden . . . ta t. anthropou ei me to pneuma
   k.t.l.; (probably not Gal. ii. 16, ou dikaioutai . . . ean me). Again
   with an initial ellipse 1 Cor. vii. 17, ei me hekasto k.t.l. ("only");
   Rom. xiv. 14, ei me to logizomeno; Gal. i. 7, ei me tines eisin k.t.l..
   Thus it is not impossible that St Paul might mean "unless you choose to
   count" etc. But in a historical statement on a delicate matter he would
   probably with that meaning have hinted it by a particle, as by ei me
   ara, ei me ge. Thus it is much more probable that he did simply accept
   James as "an apostle," while yet his mentioning so important a person
   (see ii. 9) only as an after thought, not with Peter, does suggest some
   difference of authority or position between them.

   Next what did he mean by an apostle? Was it necessarily one of the
   Twelve? Here we must walk cautiously, and observe carefully the limits
   of usage. The range of the term in the N.T. is very peculiar. In Mt.
   and Mk. it is confined to the first mission and return of the Twelve,
   and is so introduced as to suggest that the previous narratives had it
   not (Mt. x. i, 2, 5; Mk. iii. 14; vi. 30). In Jn. it is only used in
   its general sense of envoy (xiii. i6), oude apostolos meizon t.
   pempsantos auton. In these three "the Twelve" or " the disciples" take
   its place. But in Lk. it comes in more freely, though still not so
   commonly as "disciples."

   In Acts (from i. 2) it is the frequent and almost (contrast vi. 2)
   exclusive designation of the Twelve and of them alone, with one
   remarkable exception. From xi. 20 Antioch begins to be a centre of
   Christian life and activity external to Jerusalem. Barnabas is sent
   (xi. 22) by the Church at Jerusalem to investigate what was going on.
   He approved it, fetched Paul from Tarsus, and they worked at Antioch
   together; and together they carried a contribution to the brethren in
   Judaea (xi. 28 ff.). Then (xiii. 1-4) in a very marked way they are
   described as set apart by a special command of the Holy Spirit, having
   hands laid on them and being formally sent forth. This was the first
   Missionary Journey: on the course of it they are twice (xiv. 4, 14)
   called "the apostles," but never after. This usage in xiv. is often
   urged to shew the latitude of usage. It seems to me to have quite the
   opposite meaning: it shews that the apostolate of the Twelve was not
   the only office that could bear the name: but the application is to one
   equally definite, though temporary, a special and specially sacred
   commission for a particular mission of vast importance for the history
   of the Church, being the first authoritative mission work to the
   heathen (in contrast to sporadic individuals), the first recorded
   extension of the Gospel beyond Syria, and by its results the occasion
   of bringing to a point the question of Gentile Christianity and the
   memorable decision of the Council or Conference of Jerusalem.

   1 Pet. i. 1; 2 Pet. i. 1: "an apostle of Jesus Christ" (as in St Paul).
   2 Pet. iii. 2; Jude 17: "the apostles" used in a way which neither
   requires nor excludes limitation. Rev. xxi. 14: twelve names of twelve
   apostles of the Lamb on the twelve foundations of the wall of New
   Jerusalem; xviii. 20 (more indeterminately). But ii. 2, the angel of
   the Church at Ephesus has "tried them that say they are apostles, and
   are not, and found them false," which seems to imply both a legitimate
   and illegitimate use outside the Twelve. Heb. iii. 1, Christ Himself
   "apostle and high priest of our profession," equivalent to "envoy" as
   in Jn.

   St Paul emphasizes his own apostleship in salutations etc., and the
   energy with which he asserts his own claim as connected with a special
   mission from Christ Himself on the way to Damascus is really
   incompatible with looseness of usage. The Twelve were confessedly
   apostles: so was he: but this was not worth saying if the title might
   be given to others not having as definite an authority. This comes out
   clearly when we consider the passages in which he acknowledges the
   priority of the Twelve in time (1 Cor. xv. 9; Gal. i. 17; cf. 2 Cor.
   xi. 5; xii. 11). How then about the apparent exceptions in his use?
   Among these we must not reckon Rom. xvi. 7 (hoitines episemoi en t.
   apostolois). The next clause speaks of them (Andronicus and Junius) as
   having become Christians earlier than himself, so that doubtless they
   had been at Jerusalem, and so would be, as the words would quite
   naturally mean [12] , "men of mark in the eyes of the apostles,"
   "favourably known to the apostles." The only real passages are 2 Cor.
   viii. 23 (Titus and others), apostoloi ekklesion between adelphoi hemon
   and doxa Christou; and Phil. ii. 25 (Epaphroditus), t. adelphon kai
   sunergon kai sustratioten mou, humon de apostolon; both marked by the
   added words as used in the limited sense of "envoys of churches,"
   somewhat as in Acts xiv. This throws no light on "other of the
   apostles," apparently absolute and equivalent to apostles of God or of
   Christ.

   Thus far we find St Paul's use not vague at all, but limited to (I) the
   Twelve, (2) himself, (3) envoys of churches, but in this case only with
   other words (defining genitives) added. Yet it does not follow that he
   would refuse it to St James unless he were of the Twelve. Supposing he
   had some exceptional claim like his own, he might allow the name. 1
   Cor. xv. 5-8 seems to shew that it really was so:

   "seen of Cephas, then of the Twelve,

   seen of James, then of all the apostles."

   The use of all implies the Twelve and something more, and it is not
   unlikely that the relations correspond of single names and bodies.

   Whether St James was the only additional apostle, we cannot tell: but
   probably he was. His early and peculiar authority would be accounted
   for if he had some exceptional Divine authorisation analogous to St
   Paul's. Not to speak of confused traditions about this, St Paul's
   mention of Christ's appearance to him (1 Cor. xv. 7) points to a
   probable occasion, and the Gospel according to the Hebrews had a story
   referring to this event (Jerome, de vir. illustr. 2). Such an event as
   the conversion of a brother of the Lord by a special appearance after
   the Resurrection might easily single him out for a special apostleship.

   Thus Galatians i. 19 is compatible either with his being one of the
   Twelve, or an additional member of the apostolate by an exceptional
   title; and 1 Cor. xv. rather suggests the latter.

   The details of the "brotherhood" question must be left to the books on
   the subject. Speaking generally there are four theories:

   (1) Helvidian: brothers strictly, sons of Joseph and Mary.

   (2) Palestinian or Epiphanian: brothers strictly in scriptural sense,
   though not the modern sense, sons of Joseph but not Mary.

   (3) Chrysostom (confusedly) and Theodoret: cousins, as children of
   Clopas.

   (q.) Hieronymian: cousins, as children of Alphaeus.

   The third is of no great historical importance or intrinsic interest:
   it is apparently founded on a putting together of Mt. xxvii. 56 || Mk.
   xv. 40 with Jn. xix. 25 (contrast Ltft. Gal.^10 pp. 289 f.). But in
   modern times it is usually combined with the fourth by the (in itself
   probable) identification of Clopas with Alphaeus.

   The Hieronymian, largely accepted in the Western Church, and with rare
   exceptions in England before Lightfoot, is probably, as Lightfoot
   shews, historically only an ingenious scholar's theory in century iv.
   Intrinsically it gives an unnatural and for any but patriarchal times
   unexampled sense to "brethren" [13] . It occurs in the Gospels, Acts,
   and St Paul: nay (Mt. xii. 46-50 || Mk. iii. 31-35 || Lk. viii. 19-21)
   the original narrative puts it into the mouth of those who told Him
   that His mother and His brethren sought to speak with Him. It makes the
   "unbelief" of the brethren unintelligible, and involves various petty
   difficulties in subordinate details. I mention only one of the details,
   as deserving more attention than it has received, Jn. xix. 25. The
   cousinhood theory turns on Mary wife of Clopas being sister to the
   Virgin, and this on there being only three persons here, not four. Both
   arrangements are possible: two pairs more natural, "mother" the common
   word of the first, "Mary" of the second. But more striking is the
   antithesis of soldiers and women. As Ewald pointed out, the soldiers
   would be four, or a combination of fours (see Wetst. on Acts xii. 4).
   Thus St John would evidently have had dwelling in his mind the two
   contrasted groups of four, the four indifferent Roman soldiers at sport
   and gain, the four faithful women, two kinswomen, two disciples.

   On the whole the biblical evidence, which alone is decisive, is
   definitely unfavourable to the cousinhood theory; and, as far as I can
   see, it leaves open the choice between the Helvidian and the
   Palestinian. Some might say that "brethren," if less inapplicable than
   to cousins, would still be unlikely on the Epiphanian view. But the
   language of Mt. and Lk. is decisive against this predisposition. Joseph
   was our Lord's not genitor but pater. Lk. ii. 33, ho pater autou kai he
   meter; 48, ho pater sou kai ego; 27, 41, 43, hoi goneis [autou]]; and
   both Mt. and Lk. carry the genealogy to Joseph. Yet both assert the
   miraculous conception, and it is impossible on any rational criticism
   to separate the two modes of speech as belonging to different elements.
   The birth from the Virgin Mary exclusively and the (in some true sense)
   fatherhood of Joseph are asserted together; and if Joseph could rightly
   be called father, his children could rightly be called "brethren."
   Still this leaves neutrality only.

   On the other hand the traditional authority is by no means undecided.
   For the Helvidian we have only the guess of the erratic Tertullian and
   obscure Latin writers of century iv. For the Epiphanian we have in the
   earlier times some obscure writings probably connected with Palestine
   as the Protevangelium Jacobi, the Alexandrian Fathers, Clement and
   Origen (sic), and various important writers of the fourth century. It
   was of course possible that such a tradition should grow up, before
   Jerome's solution was thought of, by those who desired to maintain the
   perpetual virginity of Mary. But still the absence of any trace of the
   other, even among Ebionites, is remarkable, and the tradition itself
   has various and good attestation. The evidence is not such as one would
   like to rest anything important upon. But there is a decided
   preponderance of reason for thinking the Epiphanian view to be right.

   Hence the writer of the Epistle was James the Just, bishop or head of
   Jerusalem, brother of the Lord as being son of Joseph by a former wife,
   not one of the Twelve, a disbeliever in our Lord's Messiahship during
   His lifetime, but a believer in Him shortly afterwards, probably in
   connexion with a special appearance vouchsafed to him.

   Before we leave the person of James, we must speak of his death and the
   time of it. According to Josephus (Ant. xx. 9. I) the high priest
   Ananus the younger, "a man of peculiarly bold and audacious character"
   (thrasus t. tropon kai tolmetes diapherontos), a Sadducee, and
   accordingly, Josephus says, specially given to judicial cruelty, took
   advantage of the interregnum between Festus and Albinus to gather a
   sunedrion kriton, at which "James the brother of Jesus, who is (or,
   was) called Christ, and some others" were condemned to be stoned to
   death as transgressors of the law. He adds that the best men of the
   city were indignant, some wrote to King Agrippa, others met Albinus on
   the way to point out the illegality of the act, and the result was that
   Ananus was deposed. An interpolation has been supposed here; but the
   whole story hangs together, and Lightfoot with good reason supports it,
   pointing out that in a real interpolation the language is by no means
   so neutral. The date of these events can be accurately fixed to 62,
   which must therefore be the date of St James' death if the passage
   about him is genuine.

   Hegesippus' account is much more elaborate (see Ltft. Gal.^10 366 f.).
   Dr Plumptre makes a good fight for some of the particulars, on the
   ground that St James was apparently a Nazarite. But on the whole
   Lightfoot seems right in suspecting that the picture is drawn from an
   Ebionite romantic glorification of him, the Anabathmoi Iakobou, part of
   which is probably preserved in the Clementine Recognitions. Hegesippus
   ends with the words kai euthus Ouespasianos poliorkei autous, which is
   commonly understood to mean that St James suffered only just before the
   siege, say in 68 or 69. If so, no doubt this must be taken as an error
   as compared with Josephus. But a writer of a century later might very
   well speak of the judgement as immediate even if eight years
   intervened. At all events we must hold to 62 as the date.

   The Readers.

   These are distinctly described as the Twelve Tribes in the Dispersion.
   Nothing is apparently clearer. Some say to the Church at large, as
   referring to the true Israel. But this comes in very strangely at the
   head of a letter with no indication of a spiritual sense, and coupled
   with en t. diaspora; and especially so from St James. If Gentile
   Christians are intended at all, then they are considered as proselytes
   to Jewish Christians. This however is not likely. Gentile Christians
   were very numerous, and are not likely to be included in so artificial
   a way. Nor do the warnings of the Epistle contain anything applicable
   to them distinctively.

   On the other hand with much more plausibility the Readers have been
   taken as either Jews alone, or Jews plus Jewish Christians. That Jewish
   Christians were at least chiefly meant seems proved by "the faith of
   our Lord Jesus Christ" ([5]ii. 1), probably also by "the good name"
   ([6]ii. 7), and perhaps "the coming of the Lord" ([7]v. 7); and it is
   confirmed by the circumstances of those addressed It is neither
   unnatural nor wrong that St James should regard Jewish Christians
   positively as the true Israel, the true heirs of Abraham. With Gentile
   Christians he was not concerned. Jewish Christians were to him simply
   the only true and faithful Jews. His own position as head of the
   Jerusalem Church gave him a special right to address Jewish Christians,
   but no such special right to address others; though doubtless he would
   not refuse to speak to such as were associated with Christian Jewish
   communities.

   The only question therefore is whether he meant to include unbelieving
   Jews. If the story in Hegesippus is true, he was honoured by all the
   people, and even Josephus' account shews that his death might cause
   offence to men who were not Christians. Still the Epistle contains no
   evidence that he had them in view (neither the dodeka phulais, nor the
   slightness of definitely Christian teaching prove anything), and it is
   fairly certain that he wrote to Christian Jews and to them alone. [Yet
   see on iv. 4.]

   Next to what Christian Jews? "Those in the dispersion." Cf. 1 Pet. i.
   1; Jn. vii. 35. Certainly therefore not those of Palestine, nor
   including them. No others probably are excluded; but it does not follow
   that he sent copies of his Epistle broadcast over the world, to
   wherever Christian Jews might be found. The distribution might have
   been by means of returning visitors to feasts. Neither method is
   unlikely. Perhaps we may go further and say that he would naturally
   chiefly have in view those of Syria beyond Palestine, and possibly
   Babylonia. And in Syria especially those of Antioch. Josephus, B.J.
   vii. 3. 3, speaks of the Jews as sprinkled among the nations kata pasan
   t. oikoumenen, but especially mingled with Syria on account of the
   neighbourhood, and peculiarly numerous at Antioch on account of the
   size of the city. The Acts shew how important Antioch was in the early
   Church. In writing in the first instance to Antioch he would be writing
   to the chief centre of Hellenistic Judaism, from which what he wrote
   would go forth elsewhere. At the same time he might have a good deal in
   view the city itself and its circumstances, which he would know by the
   yearly visitors. This supposition (of course it is not more) agrees
   with the fact that the Epistle was read in the Syriac Canon at the time
   when 1 Pet. and 1 Jn. were the only other Catholic Epistles so
   received. Various explanations of this fact are possible [14] , but a
   very natural one would be that Antioch was itself the primary
   recipient.

   Circumstances and Date.

   These must be inferred from the contents, and do not admit of
   certainty. The two points which have attracted most attention are the
   paucity of Christian language and the passage about justification.

   The first seems to me to afford nothing tangible. The character and
   position of St James make it quite conceivable that a state of feeling
   and language, which with the other leaders of the Church would
   naturally belong only to an early stage of growth, would with him be
   comparatively permanent. The amplest recognition of St Paul's work and
   of Gentile Christianity would be consistent with a preservation of a
   less developed type of Christian doctrine than St Paul's. Hence the
   immature doctrine must be treated as affording no evidence one way or
   the other.

   Next as to the justification passage. This has given rise to endless
   debate. (1) Was it written independently of St Paul? If so, probably
   before St Paul wrote on the subject, and therefore at a very early
   date. Or (2) was it written to correct St Paul? Or (3) to correct a
   perverse misunderstanding of St Paul? (2) and (3) of course imply a
   date subsequent to Galatians and Romans, i.e. after 58.

   (2) may be set aside as highly improbable. Apart from the language of
   the Acts, the Epistle itself cannot be so understood. Laying side by
   side St Paul's Epistles on this matter and St James, in spite of
   resemblances and contrasts it is difficult to believe that one was
   aimed at the other. A real antagonist would have followed St Paul more
   closely, and come definitely into collision, which St James never does.

   For (i) there is much to be said (see Plumptre). Its great difficulty
   is to shew how language so similar in form about dikaiousthai ek
   pisteos could spring up independently in the two sources. It is not a
   question of a mere phrase, but a controversy. There is no substantial
   evidence as yet that it was a Jewish controversy, and St Paul's
   language does not look as if it was.

   For (3) may be urged the facts which throw doubt on (1) and (2). There
   is a similarity of phrase such as makes indirect derivation of one from
   the other probable, and the error which St James combats was not at all
   unlikely to arise from a misuse and misapplication of St Paul. More
   will be said when we come to the passage. If (3) be true then the
   Epistle must belong to the concluding years of St James' life, and this
   is probable for other reasons. The Epistle implies not only a spread of
   Christianity among the Diaspora, but its having taken root there some
   time. The faults marked are those of lukewarmness, of what would arise
   after a time in settled communities that were losing their early
   freshness and vigour. The persecutions to which it refers might
   doubtless have occurred early without our knowing anything about them.
   But the tone of St James on this head reminds us of 1 Pet. and Heb. No
   year can be fixed with any certainty: but 60 or a little after seems
   not far wrong. The essential point is not the year but the period,
   later than the more important part of St Paul's ministry and writings.

   Reception.

   Two things are to be distinguished, use and canonical authority. The
   earliest Bible of the Christian Church was the O.T. The books of the
   N.T. were only added by degrees, and variously in different places;
   sometimes also with various degrees of authority. The Catholic Epistles
   came more slowly to their position, 1 Pet. and 1 Jn. being the
   earliest. The first traces of St James, now recognised almost on all
   hands, are in 1 Clement about 95. He apparently combines Paul and James
   (Westcott, Canon N.T. p. 25). Next in Hermas, also Roman, probably a
   little before 150. In these two there is no distinctly authoritative
   use; but the whole way in which they use N.T. books leaves it uncertain
   how they regarded the Epistle.

   Next Irenaeus, towards the end of the second century, representing
   partly Asia, partly Rome. His use of James has been often denied, and
   quite rightly as regards authoritative use; but I feel sure he knew the
   book, though only as an ancient theological writing. He never cites it,
   but uses phrases from it, which taken singly are uncertain, but they
   confirm each other. Thus it is nothing in itself that he says (iv. 13.
   4) that Abraham "amicus factus est Dei." But it is something that it
   occurs in a passage contrasting the Law of Moses and the Word of Christ
   as an enlargement and fulfilment of the Law, speaking of "superextendi
   decreta libertatis, et augeri subjectionem quae est ad regem," which
   looks very like the nomon teleite basilikon of [8]ii. 8 and nomon
   teleion ton t. eleutherias of [9]i. 25. And this becomes certainty when
   not long afterwards (iv. 16. 2) we get the consecutive words about
   Abraham "credidit Deo et reputatum est illi ad justitiam, et amicus Dei
   vocatus est"; i.e. the justification from Genesis is instantly followed
   by the "Friend" clause, exactly as in [10]Jam. ii. 23. There is no
   reason to suppose that the last words as well as the former were
   borrowed by St James from a traditional form of text. Subsequently (iv.
   34. 4) he uses the peculiar phrase "libertatis lex," explaining it
   thus: "id est, verbum Dei ab apostolis . . . adnuntiatum." Again (v. 1.
   1) we get within 7 lines "factores autem sermonum ejus facti" (cf. i.
   22) and "facti autem initium facturae"(cf. i. 18); neither being likely
   to suggest the other except as being very near in the Epistle. These
   instances give some force to what would otherwise be problematical:
   (iii. 18. 5) "Verbum enim Dei . . . ipse hoc fecit in cruce," and
   shortly afterwards (19. 1) "non recipientes autem verbum
   incorruptionis" (cf. i. 21). As regards authoritative use, we have a
   definite statement from Cosmas (in cent. vi.), Topogr. Christ. vii. p.
   292, that Irenaeus declared 1 Pet, and 1 Jn. alone to be by the
   apostles; and it is highly probable that, taking apostles in the Twelve
   sense, he would accordingly exclude St James. The Epistle is also
   absent from the Muratorian Canon, probably a Roman document of the age
   of Irenaeus.

   Crossing the Mediterranean to the Latin Church of North Africa, we find
   no trace of the Epistle in Tertullian or Cyprian. One allusion to "unde
   Abraham amicus Dei deputatus" (Tert., adv. Jud. 2) proves nothing. The
   early or African old Latin version omitted it.

   Moving eastward to the learned Church of Alexandria, Clem. Alex. is
   difficult. Certainly he did not use the book as Scripture; but I feel
   sure that he knew it, though he does not name it. In Strom. vi. p. 825
   (Potter): "except your righteousness multiply beyond the Scribes and
   Pharisees, who are justified by abstinence from evil, together with
   your being able along with perfection in these things to love and
   benefit your neighbour, ouk esesthe basilikoi, for intensification
   (epitasis) of the righteousness according to the Law shews the
   Gnostic." Here basilikos is coupled with love to neighbour just as in
   [11]ii. 8, and the tone of the passage is quite in St James' strain. In
   Strom. v. p. 650 we have the peculiar phrase ten pistin toinun ouk
   argen kai monen, agreeing with the true reading of [12]ii. 20. There
   are several allusions to Abraham as the "Friend." to nai occurs three
   times as in [13]v. 12, but perhaps from Evangelical tradition. Other
   passages may come from 1 Pet. Cassiodorus, late in cent. vi., says (de
   instit. div. litt. viii.) that Clement wrote notes on the Canonical ( =
   Catholic) Epistles, i.e. 1 Pet., 1 and 2 Jn., Jam. What is certainly a
   form of these notes still exists in Latin, but there are none on Jam.,
   while there are on Jude. So that evidently there is a slip of author or
   scribes, and practically this is additional evidence against Clement
   using Jam. as Scripture.

   It is somewhat otherwise with his disciple Origen, who very rarely, but
   still occasionally, cites Jam., speaking of it as "the current Epistle
   of St James," and again referring to it as if some of his readers might
   demur to its authority. In the Latin works there are more copious
   references, but these are uncertain. On the whole a vacillating and
   intermediate position. Origen's disciple Dionysius Alex. once cites
   [14]i. 13 apparently as Scripture. Another disciple, Gregory of
   Neocaesarea, if the fragment on Jeremiah (Ghislerius i. p. 831) be
   genuine, refers though hardly by way of authority to [15]i. 17.

   These are all the strictly Antenicene references. But there is one
   weighty fact beside them: Jam, is present in the Syriac Version which
   excluded some others. The present state of this version comes from the
   end of cent. III or early IV, and Jam. may have been added then: but it
   is more likely that it had been in the Syriac from the first, i.e. in
   the Old Syriac. The early history of the Egyptian versions is too
   uncertain to shew anything.

   Eusebius places it among the Antilegomena, practically accepted in some
   churches, not in others. In speaking of Jam. (ii. 23. 25), he says that
   "the first of what are named the Catholic Epistles is his. Now it
   should be known that it is treated [by some] as spurious (notheuetai
   men); and indeed not many of the old writers mentioned it, as neither
   did they what is called that of Jude, which itself also is one of what
   are called the seven Catholic Epistles; yet we know that these two with
   the rest have been in public use (dedemosieumenas) in very many
   churches." Thus Eusebius, cautious as always in letting nothing drop
   that had authority, is yet careful not to commit himself.

   From this time forward the book had a firm place in the Greek Churches.
   It was used very freely by Didymus and Cyril Alex.; and the Antiochene
   Fathers (like Chrysostom), who kept to the Syrian Canon and did not use
   books omitted by it, did use Jam. The only exception is a peculiar one.
   Theodore of Mopsuestia was one of the greatest of all theologians and
   specially as a critic of the Bible, whence he became the chosen
   interpreter of the Mesopotamian Churches. He was somewhat erratic and
   rash in his ways, and lies under a kind of ban more easily to be
   explained than justified. Most of his works have perished except
   fragments, so that we have to depend on the report of a bitter
   antagonist, Leontius, nearly two centuries later. After noticing his
   rejection of Job, and referring to the testimony to Job in Jam.,
   Leontius proceeds (c. Nest. et Eut. iii. 14): "For which reason
   methinks he banishes both thisvery epistle of the great James and the
   succeeding Catholic Epistles by the other writers (ton allon)." This
   loose statement occurring in a violent passage needs sifting. It was
   not likely that he would use any Catholic Epistles but Jam., I Pet.,
   and 1 Jn., and this absence of use of 2 Pet., 2 and 3 Jn., and Jude
   would account for Leontius language, while leaving it exaggerated. But
   Jam. is specially mentioned, and doubtless rightly. The Instituta
   regularia (commonly called De partibus divinae legis) of an African
   Latin writer Junilius, long believed to be connected with the Syrian
   school of Nisibis, have lately been shewn to be a more or less modified
   translation of an Introduction to Scripture by Paul of Nisibis, a
   devoted admirer of Theodore, and it is full of Theodorian ideas. Its
   account of the books of the O.T. corresponds with Theodore's, and in
   the N.T. it excludes Jam. but not 1 Pet., 1 Jn. This was doubtless
   Theodore's own view. What was the motive? It might have been knowledge
   of the imperfect early reception of Jam. But in the case of the O.T.
   omissions, Job, Canticles, inscriptions of Psalms, Chronicles, Ezra and
   Nehemiah (and Esther), there is direct evidence that in at least some
   cases be acted on internal evidence (Job, Canticles, Inscr. Ps.): and
   it is quite likely that it was the same here too as with Luther.

   Outside Theodore's own school we have no further omission of Jam. in
   the East. Late in cent. VI Cosmas, having had urged against him a
   passage of 2 Pet., speaks disparagingly of the Catholic Epistles in
   general, and mentions various facts as to past partial rejections (Top.
   Christ. vii. p. 292). His language is altogether vague and confused:
   but he limits himself to urging that "the perfect Christian ought not
   to be stablished on the strength of questioned books (amphiballomena)."

   In the West reception was not so rapid. Towards the end of cent. IV
   Jam. is cited by three or four Italian Latin writers, as the Ambrosiast
   (= Hi1. Rom.) on Gal. v. 10 (dicente Jacobo apostolo in epistola sua);
   perhaps from Jerome's influence. Also Chromatius of Aquileia and
   Gaudentius of Brixia, but without "apostolus"; Jerome himself, and
   abundantly Augustine, whose quotations equal all others put together;
   also the Corbey MS., which may have an even earlier original, the style
   being very rude. But not the earlier Latin writers of the century, as
   Hilary, Lucifer, Ambrose (though in one place a sentence of Jam.
   appears among the texts which he notices as cited by Arians).

   The most striking fact is the language of Victorinus Afer, converted at
   Rome late in life, and seen there by Jerome and Augustine. His Comm. in
   Gal. i. 13 ff.: "From James Paul could not learn"; James "admixto
   Judaismo Christum evangelizabat, quod negat id faciendum." Elaborately
   on "Jacobum fratrem Dei": "The Symmachians make James as it were a
   twelfth apostle, and he is followed by those who to our Lord Jesus
   Christ add the observance of Judaism." "When Paul called him brother
   (of the Lord), he thereby denied him to be an apostle. He had to be
   seen with honour. Sed neque a Jacobo aliquid discere potuit, quippe cum
   alia sentiat; ut neque a Petro, vel quod paucis diebus cum Petro
   moratus est; vel quod Jacobus apostolus non est, et in haeresi sit." He
   goes on to account for the mention of the seeing of James. It was to
   shew that he did not reject the Galatian doctrine from ignorance. "Vidi
   ergo nominatim quid Jacobus tractet et evangelizet: et tamen quoniam
   cognita mihi est ista blasphemia, repudiata a me est, sicut et a vobis,
   o Galatae, repudianda"; and more in the same strain. Something here is
   probably due to the writer's late and imperfect Christian education. It
   is not likely, in the absence of all other evidence, that such language
   would have been used by ordinary well-instructed Christians anywhere.
   But neither could it have been possible if the Epistle had in
   Victorinus' neighbourhood been received as canonical. It attests a
   feeling about the book very unlike that after Jerome and Augustine.

   To resume, the Epistle of St James was known and used from a very early
   time, at least at Rome, but without authority, It was used also, but
   with rather indefinite authority, at Alexandria by Clement and Origen
   and Dionysius. It formed part of the Syriac Canon, and was probably
   used in Syrian Churches. There is no trace of it in North Africa. It is
   placed among the antilegomena in Eusebius. In the west it was neglected
   till late in cent. IV, and then adopted through Jerome and Augustine.
   In the East from Eusebius onwards in all Greek writers except Theod.
   Mops. and his disciples, who probably rejected it on internal grounds.

   Purpose and Contents.

   The purpose is practical not controversial, mainly to revive a
   languishing religious state, a lukewarm formality, and correct the
   corruptions into which it had fallen. Persecution had evidently fallen,
   and was not being met with courage, patience and faith. This last word
   Faith occurs at the beginning, near the end, and throughout chap. 2,
   and expresses much of the purport of the whole. In various forms St
   James deals with the manner of life proceeding from a trustful sense of
   God's presence, founded on a knowledge of His character and purpose.

   There are three main divisions:

   I. (i.) Introduction, on Religion.

   II. (ii. 1-v. 6.) Against (1) Social sins, (2) Presumption before God.

   III. (v. 7-end.) Conclusion, on Religion at once personal and social.

   (I.)

   The Epistle begins with the greeting, which closes with the word
   chairein.

   The next paragraph, [16]i. 2-18, may be called "Religion in feeling:
   experience (trial--temptation), God's character, and the Divine aspects
   of human life." It takes up chara from chairein, and deals with
   peirasmoi, the special trials (cf. 1 Pet. i. 6; iv. 12; also Heb. ii.
   18 etc.) which serve as examples of all peirasmoi.

   First [17]2-4, on patience (cf. Lk. xxi. 19 = Mt. x. 22; xxiv. 13 ||
   Mk. xiii. 13). But in this section there are digressions, the chief
   being [18]5-11; first [19]5-8, on asking without doubting (Mt. xxi. 21
   || Mk. xi. 23), and then [20]9-11, on the humble and the rich (cf.
   Sermon on the Mount). [21]12, The crown of life, the result of patience
   (sothesetai Mt., Mk. = ktesesthe t. psuchas humon Lk.; cf. Heb. x. 34).
   [22]13, Trial not a temptation by God, but ([23]14 f.) by a man's own
   desire. [24]16-18, Digression on God's character, as altogether good,
   and perfect, and the Author of man's high dignity. These verses are
   implied in the rest of the epistle.

   [25]i. 19-27. Religion in action. The moral results of this faith are
   ([26]19-21) quickness to hear, slowness to passionate speech.
   [27]22-25, Hearing, not however as against doing. [28]26 f., Freedom
   from defilement not ceremonial, but temperance of speech, beneficence
   to others, guilelessness of self.

   (II.)

   ii. Insolence of wealth (towards fellow men). [29]1-4, The miscalled
   Christian faith which dishonours the poor in synagogue. This is a
   violation of the principle which follows. [30]5-9, The poor as blessed
   (cf. Sermon on the Mount), and human respect of persons. [31]10-13, The
   integrity or unity of the law as a law of liberty, and its import
   mercy. What follows is the positive side of [32]1-13. [33]14-26, The
   miscalled faith which dispenses with works.

   iii. License of tongue, springing from pride. [34]1, Not "many
   teachers." [35]2-6, The great power of the tongue, though a small
   member. [36]7 f., Its lawlessness and wildness. [37]9-12, Its
   capacities of good and evil, [38]13-14 (in contrast to bitter
   teaching), Wisdom to be shewn in works (cf. [39]17 f.) of gentleness.
   [40]15-18, The difference of the two wisdoms exhibited in bitterness
   and peace.

   [41]iv. 1-12. Strife springing from love of pleasure (polemoi contrast
   to eirene [42]iii. 18). [43]1-3, Wars due to evil desire. [44]4-6, God
   and the world as objects of love. [45]7-10 (digression), Subjection to
   God. [46]11 f., Evil-speaking of others a breach of a law (cf. 1 Pet.
   ii. 1. Probably "love thy neighbour as thyself").

   [47]iv. 13-[48]v. 6. Presumption of wealth (towards God). Prophetic
   warnings to the confident merchants ([49]iv. 13-17) as to stability of
   the future; to the rich ([50]v. 1-3) as to impunity, specially
   ([51]4-6) as oppressors of the poor. This leads back to persecution as
   at the beginning.

   (III.)

   [52]v. 7-end. Trustful patience towards God and towards man (one aspect
   of the inseparableness of the two commandments. Cf. Mt. xxii. 37 ff.).
   [53]7-11, Patience before God (as [54]i. 1-4, [55]12) now with patience
   towards men. [56]12, Reverence towards God, probably as part of
   patience. (Negative.) [57]13-20, The same, positive. The true resource
   Prayer, itself to be social, i.e. intercessory, whether ([58]14 f.) in
   physical or ([59]16) moral evil. ([60]17 f., Digression on prayer in
   general.) [61]19 f. resumes [62]16.

   [St James is full of unities, e.g. the unity of the O.T. and N.T.:

   (a) The logos aletheias ([63]i. 18) is at once the original gift of
   reason, and the voice of God in the Christian conscience enlightened by
   the Gospel, doubtless with the intermediate stages of instruction (cf.
   Ps. cxix.).

   (b) The Law is at once the Mosaic ([64]ii. 11), the Deuteronomic
   ([65]ii. 8, actually Leviticus, but in spirit Deuteronomic; [66]i. 12;
   [67]ii. 5), and the Evangelic ([68]ii. 5).

   (c) The principle of mercy as against judgement ([69]ii. 13).]

   Style.

   The Greek is generally good; the style very short and epigrammatic,
   using questions much. There is great suppressed energy, taking shape in
   vigorous images. Much of the old prophetic spirit (Deuteronomic and
   later Psalms, esp. cxix.), but uniting with it the Greek Judaism found
   in the Apocryphal Sapiential Books and to a certain extent in Philo.
   But the style is especially remarkable for constant hidden allusions to
   our Lord's sayings, such as we find in the first three Gospels.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [10] Syr. often cited, on account of a Syriac note common to the three
   Epistles: Of the Holy Apostles
   James Peter John
   Spectators of the Resurrection of Jesus Christ
   The several Epistles
   printed in the Syriac tongue and characters. But this is now understood
   to be due to Widmanstadt.

   [11] Excellently given in Ltft., and summarised (rather too shortly) by
   Plumptre pp. 10 ff.

   [12] For this use of episemos en, and the opposite asemos en, there is
   good classical analogy. It is analogous to 1 Cor. vi. 2, ei en humin
   krinetai ho kosmos.

   [13] See Additional Note, p. 102.

   [14] It is possible that the language of the Epistle reflects in great
   measure the circumstances of the Church at Jerusalem.
     __________________________________________________________________

IAKOBOU

   ^1IAKOBOU theou kai kuriou Iesou Christou doulos tais dodeka phulais
   tais en te diaspora chairein.

   I. 1. Iakobos] For the person intended see Introd., pp. xi ff. The name
   is Iakob in LXX., but has been doubtless Graecised as a modern name, as
   so many names in Josephus. Probably it was common at this time: three
   are mentioned by Josephus, and curiously one the brother of a Simon
   (Ant. xx. 5, 2), another coupled with a John (B. J. iv. 4, 2). The
   third is an Idumaean (B. J. iv. 9, 6). [James brother of Jesus Christ
   is also mentioned (Ant. xx. 9, 1) (if the passage be genuine). See pp.
   xv, xxi f.]

   theou kai kuriou I. Ch. doulos] The combination theou kai kuriou I.
   Ch., though grammatically possible, is against Scriptural analogy, and
   would involve a very improbable want of balance. The absence of the
   article is due to abbreviation and compression of phrase. See note on 1
   Peter i. i (p. 15 b). An unique phrase as a whole, it unites the O.T.
   theou doulos (-oi) (Acts iv. 29; 1 Pet. ii. 16; Apoc. saepe and esp. i.
   1; and, in greeting, Tit. i. 1 Paulos doulos theou, apostolos de I.
   Ch.) with St Paul's doulos I. Ch. (I. Ch.) (fully in Rom. i. 1; later
   Phil. i. 1, douloi Ch. I..; as also Jude 1; cf. 2 Pet. i. 1).

   This coupling of God and Christ in a single phrase covered by doulos is
   significant as to St James' belief. Without attempting to say how much
   is meant by it, we can see that it involves at least some Divineness of
   nature in our Lord, something other than glorified manhood. This is
   peculiarly true as regards a man with Jewish feelings, unable to admit
   lower states of deity. It thus shews that he cannot have been an
   Ebionite. Even St Paul's salutations contain no such combination except
   in their concluding prayers for grace and peace. An analogous phrase is
   in Eph. v. 5, en te basileia tou Christou kai theou.?.

   The conception is not of two distinct and co-ordinate powers, so to
   speak; as though he were a servant of two lords. But the service of the
   one at once involves and is contained in the service of the other.
   Christ being what He is as the Son of the Father, to be His servant is
   impossible without being God's servant; and the converse is also true.
   kuriou I. Ch. is the full phrase illustrated by the early chapters of
   Acts; esp. ii. 36: God had made Jesus both Lord and Christ. This true
   sense of christos is never lost in N.T.; it is never a mere proper name
   like Iesous, which though a significant name is still a proper name
   like any other. "Christos" has indeed, as a title, a little of the
   defining power of a proper name, because it. represents not merely its
   etymology "Anointed" but msych. I Ch. is not merely "Jesus the
   Anointed" but "Jesus, He who has been looked for under the name the
   Anointed,' having therefore the characteristics already associated with
   the name, and more." Accordingly, though we often find Ch. I. where Ch.
   is intended to have special prominence, we never have k. Ch. I. but
   only k. I. Ch., as here, I. standing between k. and Ch. and thereby
   declared to have the character of both, but specially linked with Ch.,
   k. being prefixed to both together.

   doulos, servant] Probably in the widest sense, answering to Kurios,
   equivalent to "doing His work in His kingdom, in obedience to His will"
   (cf. Acts iv. 29). It is misleading to call doulos "slave," as many do,
   for it lays the whole stress on a subordinate point. It expresses in
   the widest way the personal relation of servant to master, not the mere
   absence of wages or of right to depart. But St John in Apoc. (x. 7)
   uses the O.T. phrase "His own servants the prophets," from Amos iii. 7;
   Dan. ix. 6, 10; Zech. i. 6, and probably has this in mind in calling
   himself "the servant of God" ([70]i. 1). And it is not unlikely that St
   James also has it in view, not necessarily as implying himself to be a
   prophet, as Jn probably does, but. as standing in an analogous relation
   to God and His kingdom.

   tais dodeka phulais] . Equivalent to Israel in its fulness and
   completeness. It has nothing to do with the return or non-return of the
   different tribes from captivity. Josephus believed the ten tribes to
   have remained in great numbers beyond the Euphrates, and in 4 Esdras
   xiii. 45 they are said to be in Arzareth, which Dr Schiller-Szinessy
   (Journ. of Philology, 1870, pp. 113 f.) has shewn to be only the 'rts
   'chrt ("another land") of Deut. xxix. 28, referring to Sanhed., shewing
   that that verse was referred to the ten tribes. They are also the
   subject of later traditions. But whatever may have been thought about
   the actual descendants of the twelve tribes, and their fate, the people
   was thought of as having returned as a whole.

   After the return, when Judah and Benjamin apparently alone returned to
   any very considerable extent, the reference to tribes, as a practically
   existing entity, seems to have come to an end, except as regards the
   descent of individuals through recorded genealogies, and the people
   that had returned was treated as representing the continuity of the
   whole nation, Judah and Israel together. (See Ezek. xlvii. 13; Ezra vi.
   17; viii. 35.) This would have been unnatural if the tribes had been
   previously the primary thing, and the people only an agglomeration of
   tribes: but in reality the true primary unit was the people, and the
   tribes were merely the constituent parts, the union of which expressed
   its unity.

   Accordingly our Lord Himself chose twelve Apostles, and spoke of them
   as to sit on twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel. And
   in the Apocalypse 12,000 are sealed from each of twelve tribes. Cf.
   xxi. 12-14.

   Hence t. d. ph. is equivalent to to dodekaphulon (hemon), Acts xxvi. 7,
   which occurs also Clement i. 55 (cf. 31, to dodekaskeptron tou Israel,
   answering to Test. xii. Patriarch. Napht. 5, ta dodeka skeptra t.
   Israel from 1 Kings xi. 31 ff.; see LXX.), and Joseph. Hypomnesticum
   (Fabricius Cod. Pseud. V.T. ii. p. 3) tous dodeka phularchous ex hon to
   dodekaphulon tou Israel sunistatai. Both forms of speech in Lib. Jacobi
   i. (1, 3).

   By keeping up this phrase St James marked that to him the designation
   of the Israel which believed in Christ as the only true Israel was no
   mere metaphor. To him a Jew who had refused the true Messiah had ceased
   to have a portion in Israel.

   en te diaspora] The term comes from Deut. xxviii. 25 (LXX.), and also
   sparingly from later books; also from the more frequent use of the word
   diaspeiro, which in this connexion is freely used, as well as
   diaskorpizo, for zrh, to scatter, or blow abroad. The cognate zr, to
   sow, is used in this sense only, Zech. x. 9 (LXX. kai spero autous en
   laois). Even here the notion is merely of scattering, not of sowing
   seed destined to germinate, and probably this was all that the LXX.
   anywhere meant. The idea of the Jews among the nations being a blessing
   to them and spreading light is found in the prophets, but not, I think,
   in connexion with the image of seed. The corresponding Hebrew word is
   simply gvlh, exile (lit. stripping), and hence the exiles collectively.

   From the original seat at Babylon, which still continued a main home of
   the Dispersion, it spread under Alexander and his successors westward
   into the Greek world, Syria, Egypt (Alexandria and Cyrene), Armenia,
   Asia Minor, and at last Rome. It was like a network of tracks along
   which the Gospel could travel and find soil ready prepared for it in
   the worship of the true God, and the knowledge and veneration of the
   ancient Scripture.

   chairein] See Otto in Jahrb. f. deutsche Theol., 1867, pp. 678 ff. The
   common greeting in Greek letters. The Semitic was of course slvm or
   (Chald.) slm. In letters in the Apocrypha chairein often occurs, as
   also eirenen or eirene (together, ch. and eirenen agathen, 2 Macc. i.
   1). Hence it must have been freely used by Jews as well as heathens. In
   N.T. it occurs three times: Acts xxiii. 26, Claudius Lysias to Felix
   (heathen); xv. 23, Jerusalem letter to Gentile Christians at Antioch,
   etc.; and here. It has been pointed out that the Jerusalem letter was
   also not improbably written by St James, but nothing can be built on a
   coincidence in itself so natural. Here, the Greek form is probably
   preferred to eirene, etc. for the sake of the next verse.

   ^2Pasan charan hegesasthe, adelphoi mou, hotan peirasmois peripesete
   poikilois,

   2. pasan charan, all joy] Not "every (kind of) joy," as from the
   variety of trials; nor yet "joy and nothing but joy" negatively, but
   simply "all" as expressing completeness and unreservedness. Hence it
   includes "very great," but is not quantitative, rather expressing the
   full abandonment of mind to this one thought. Thus Aristides i. 478
   (224), to de med' ex hon heorakamen axioun pepaideusthai pasa an eie
   snmphora; also Epictetus (ap. Gebser Ep. of James p. 8) 3, 22 eirene
   pasa; 2, 2 pasa soi asphaleia, pasa soi eumareia; 26 pasa euroia; and
   Phil. ii. 29; 2 Cor. xii. 12; Eph. iv. 2.

   charan] Joy, from ground of joy, by a natural figure. The charan
   catches up chairein. "I bid you rejoice. And this I say in the most
   exact sense, though I know how much you have to bear that seems
   anything but matter of rejoicing. Just circumstances like these should
   you account occasions of unreserved joy."

   On the sense, see 1 Peter i. 8 with v. 7. But virtually it comes from
   Lk. vi. 23, and the Beatitudes altogether.

   hotan with aor. subj.] Although suggested by present circumstances, the
   exhortation does not take its form from them. It is not "now that you
   are encountering," but "when ye shall," and probably also, by the
   common frequentative force of hotan, "whensoever ye shall."

   peripesete] Not "fall into" but "fall in with," "light upon," "come
   across." First used of ordinary casual meetings, as of persons in the
   street or ships at sea; then very commonly of misfortunes of all kinds,
   sickness, wounds, a storm, slavery, disgrace, etc. So the two other
   N.T. places: Lk. x. 30; Acts xxvii. 41. The idea then is that, as they
   go steadily on their own way, they must expect to be jostled, as it
   were, by various trials.

   peirasmois, trials] An important and difficult word, entirely confined
   to O.T., Apocr., N.T., and literature founded on them; except Diosc. p.
   3 B, tous epi t. pathon teirasmous, experiments, trials made, with
   drugs in the case of diseases, i.e. to see what their effect will be.

   But the word goes back to peirazo, which is not so closely limited in
   range of authors. First, "tempt" is at the utmost an accessory and
   subordinate sense, on which see on [71]v. 13. It is simply to "try,"
   "make trial of," and peirasmos "trial."

   Nor on the other hand does it, except by the circumstances of context,
   mean "trial" in the vague modern religious and hence popular sense, as
   when we say that a person has had great trials, meaning misfortunes or
   anxieties. Nothing in Greek is said peirazein or called a peirasmos
   except with distinct reference to some kind of probation.

   Young birds are said peirazein t. pterugas (Schol. Aristoph. Plutus
   575). But more to the point, Plutarch (Cleom. 7 p. 808 a) says that
   Cleomenes when a dream was told him was at first troubled and
   suspicious, peirazesthai dokon, supposing himself to be the subject of
   an experiment to find out what he would say or do. And still more to
   the point Plutarch Moralia 15 p. 230 a, Namertes being congratulated on
   the multitude of his friends asked the spokesman ei dokimion echei tini
   tropo peirazetai ho poluphilos; and when a desire was expressed to know
   he said Atuchia.

   The biblical use is substantially the same. In O.T. peirazo stands
   almost always for nsh (also ekpeirazo) and peirasmos for the derivative
   msh. nshis used for various kinds of trying, including that of one
   human being by another, as Solomon by the Queen of Sheba, but
   especially of man by God and God by man. Of man by God for probation,
   under the form of God exploring; of God by man always in an evil sense,
   "tempting" God, trying as it were how far it is possible to go into
   disobeying Him without provoking His anger; with this last sense we are
   not concerned. The trying or "proving" (A.V.) of man by God is
   sometimes, but not always, by suffering. In one chapter (Deut. viii. 2)
   it is coupled with nh, kakoo, "humble" or "afflict"; but the context
   shews that "proving" is meant, as it is also in Judg. ii. 22; iii. 1,
   4. The cardinal instance is Abraham (Gen. xxii. 1). Peirasmos chiefly
   refers to temptations of God by men, also probations of Pharaoh (Deut.
   iv. 34; vii. 19; xxix. 3). There only remains Job ix. 23, very hard and
   probably corrupt (LXX. altogether different, Vulg. poenis), where
   "probations" may possibly be said in bitter irony, but "sufferings" is
   most improbable, considering the derivation.

   In Judith, Wisdom and Ecclus. peirazo similarly has both uses, viz. of
   God by man, and man by God; also peirasmos in Ecclus., not only of
   Abraham (xliv. 20; as also 1 Macc. ii. 52), but more generally; but in
   ii. 1; xxxvi. 1, on the one hand the context implies affliction, on the
   other the stress lies on probations. These two are interesting passages
   as preparing the way for St James. (1) xxxvi. 1, to phoboumeno Kurion
   ouk apantesei kakon; all' en peirasmo (whatever comes will come by way
   of trial), kai `alin exeleitai. Still more (2) ii. 1, Son, if thou
   settest thyself to serve the Lord God, prepare thy soul eis peirasmon
   etc. Cf. ii. 5, en puri dokimazetai chrusos k.tl.

   In the N.T. other shades of meaning appear. Besides the ordinary
   neutral making trial, and God's trial of man, and man's evil trial or
   tempting of God, we have men's evil making trial of one whom they
   regarded as only a man, the Scribes and Pharisees "trying" or tempting
   our Lord, not tempting Him to do evil, but trying to get Him to say
   something on which they could lay hold.

   But further a peculiar sense comes in at what we call our Lord's
   temptation (Mk i. 13, peirazomenos hupo tou Satana; Mk. iv. 1,
   peirasthenai hupo t. diabolou; Lk. iv. 2, peirazomenos hu. t. d.). In
   Mt. (iv. 3) the devil is then called ho teirazon.

   For poikilois, divers, see note on 1 Pet. i. 6 (p. 41).

   ^3gnoskontes hoti to dokimion humon tes pisteos katergazetai hupomonen;

   3. gnoskontes, taking knowledge, recognising] Not necessarily a new
   piece of knowledge, but new apprehension of it.

   dokimion, test] In N.T. only here and, in similar connexion, 1 Pet. i.
   7, a very hard verse. In LXX. only in two places, both rather peculiar.
   (1) Prov. xxvii. 21, representing mtsrph, a "melting-pot"; but the
   change of order shews that "test" was meant by LXX., "there is a
   dokimion for silver and a purosis for gold." (2) Ps. xii. 7, tslyl,
   probably a "furnace," a difficult and perhaps corrupt passage.
   Similarly the cognate words dokimos, dokimazo in LXX. mostly refer to
   silver or gold tried and found pure, to a trial by fire. [See Deissmann
   Bib. Stud. sub voc., and Expositor 1908 p. 566.]

   The rather rare word is always the instrument of probation, never the
   process. Similar places are Herodian ii. 10. 6, dokimion de stratioton
   kamatos: Iamblichus Vita Pythag. 30 p. 185 fin., tauten (t. lethen) de
   moi theon tis eneke, dokimion esomenen tes ses peri sunthekas
   eustatheias.

   katergazetai, worketh] A favourite word with St Paul.

   hupomonen, endurance] The word hupomone (A.V. patience) is hardly used
   by classical writers (an apophthegm in Plutarch Moralia 208 c, and an
   interpolated clause in his Crassus 3) to describe a virtue, though
   frequently for the patient bearing of any particular hardships. It
   stands for qvh and its derivatives in the sense of the object of hope
   or expectation (as Ps. xxxviii. 8, kaii nun tis he hupomone mou; ouchi
   ho kurios;), and perhaps hope itself in the LXX. and Ecclus. (Fritzsche
   on xvi. 13). But late Jewish and Christian writers use it freely for
   the virtue shewn chiefly by martyrs: thus 4 Macc. i. 11, te andreia kai
   te hupomone, and often; Psalt. Solom. ii. 40; Test. xii. Patriarch.
   Jos. 10; in the N.T., Lk. xxi. 19 (cf. Mt. xxiv. 13); St Paul often;
   Hebrews; 2 Peter; and Apoc.; later Clement 1. 5; Ignatius ad Polyc. 6;
   etc.

   No English word is quite strong enough to express the active courage
   and resolution implied in hupomone (cf. Ellicott on 1 Thess. i. 3).
   "Constancy" or "endurance" comes nearest, and the latter has the
   advantage of preserving the parallelism of the verb hupomeno. The
   resemblance of this verse to Rom. v. 3 f. should be noticed, though
   probably accidental.

   ^4he de hupomone ergon teleion echeto, hina ete teleioi kai holokleroi,
   en medeni leipomenoi.

   4. ergon teleion echeto, have a perfect work or result] The sense,
   obscure in the Greek, is fixed almost certainly by the context. The
   phrase is suggested by, and must include the meaning of, katergazetai
   in [72]v. 3. Endurance is represented as having a work to do, a result
   to accomplish, which must not be suffered to cease prematurely.
   Endurance itself is the first and a necessary step; but it is not to be
   rested in, being chiefly a means to higher ends. Here the Stoic
   constancy is at once justified, and implicitly pronounced inadequate,
   because it endeavours to be self-sufficing and leads the way to no
   diviner virtue. The work of the Christian endurance is manifold
   (elicited by divers trials, [73]v. 2) and continuous, not easily
   exhausted; it remains imperfect (so the connexion of the two clauses
   teaches) while we are imperfect. This use of ergon is illustrated by
   the common negative formula ouden ergon, generally translated "no use,"
   as in Plutarch Lysander 11, en de ouden ergon autou tes spoudes
   eskedasmenon ton anthropon: Publicola 13, ouden en ergon autou (tou
   heniochou) katateinontos oude paregorountos. The combination of teleion
   with to ergon occurs Ignat. Smyrn. but it is not a true parallel.

   teleioi, perfect] This word in St James, as applied to man, has
   apparently no reference, as in St Paul, to maturity, and still less to
   initiation. It expresses the simplest idea of complete goodness,
   disconnected from the philosophical idea of a telos. In the LXX. it
   chiefly represents tmym, a variously translated word, originally
   expressing completeness, and occurring in several leading passages as
   Gen. vi. 9 (teleios); xvii. 1 (amemptos); Deut. xviii. 13 (teleios);
   Job i. 1 (amemptos); Ps. cxix. 1 (amomos). The Greek teleios in a moral
   sense, rare in the LXX. and virtually wanting in the Apocrypha, recurs
   with additional meanings in Philo, e.g. Legum Allegoriae iii. 45--49
   (in contrast with ho prokopton. ho asketes).

   It regains its full force and simplicity in Christ's own teaching, Mt.
   v. 48 ("Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father which is in heaven
   is perfect"); xix. 21 ("If thou wilt be perfect" contrasted with "What
   lack I yet?"). These passages are probably the chief sources of St
   James' usage.

   holokleroi, entire] The principal word teleios is reinforced by the
   almost synonymous holokleros, the primary sense of which seems to be
   freedom from bodily defect either in a victim for sacrifice or in a
   priest; that is, it is a technical term of Greek ritual. In extant
   literature we do not find it before Plato, and he may well have
   introduced it into literature. It soon was applied in a wider manner to
   all freedom from defect (cf. e.g. the Stoic use in Diogenes Laert. vii.
   107) being opposed to peros, kolobos, cholos. But the original sense
   was not forgotten, and can be traced in the usage of Josephus and
   Philo, though not in the LXX.

   Thus teleios and holokleros (which are used together somewhat vaguely
   at least once by Philo, Quis rerum div. heres? 23 p. 489) denote
   respectively positive and negative perfection, excellence and complete
   absence of defect (cf. Trench N.T. Synon. § 22). It is quite probable
   however that St James uses holokleros with a recollection of its
   original force in Greek religion, and wished his readers to think of
   perfection and entireness not; merely in the abstract but as the
   necessary aim of men consecrated to God.!

   en medeni leipomenoi, coming behind in nothing] Leipomai with the
   dative means not mere deficiency but falling short whether of a
   standard or of other persons, the latter when expressed being in the
   genitive. Essentially it is to be left behind, as in a race, and it
   comes to be used for the defeat of an army, strictly for its ceasing to
   resist the enemy and throwing up the struggle. There is thus a
   suggestion of acquiescence in shortcoming as a thing to be striven
   against (cf. Gal. vi. 9; Heb. xii. 3; 2 Thess. iii. 13). Compare the
   use of hustero and husteroumai in St Paul and Hebrews (e.g. 1 Cor. i.
   5, 7, en panti eploutisthete en auto, en panti logo kai pase
   gnosei. . . . hoste humas me hustereisthai en medeni charismati).

   The object of comparison is usually expressed, rarely implied (as
   Diodorus Sic. iii. 39; Plutarch Nicias 3); but leipomai is also used
   quite absolutely, as here, in Plutarch Brutus 39 (erromenous chremasin
   hoplon de kai somaton plethei leipomenous); cf. Sophocles Oed. Col. 495
   f. En, commonly omitted, occurs Herodotus vii. 8; Sophocles l.c.; and
   Polybius xxiv. 7 (legat. 50); see also Herod. vii 168.

   This final clause, added in apposition (cf. [74]i. 6, [75]8, [76]14,
   [77]17, [78]22, [79]25; [80]ii. 9; [81]iii. 2, [82]8, [83]17), not only
   reaffirms negatively what has been already said positively, but
   suggests once more the idea of continual progress (a "race" in St
   Paul's language, as Phil. iii. 14; cf. "the crown of life" in [84]v.
   12) implied in the earlier clauses.

   The spiritual force of this and similar verses cannot be reduced within
   the limits of "common sense." An "ideal" interpretation can be excluded
   only by "frittering away a pure and necessary word of Christ Himself.
   The perfection in all good, after which every Christian should strive
   simply as a Christian, is infinite in its nature, like a heavenly
   ladder the steps of which constantly increase the higher we climb: but
   woe to him who would make landings in it out of his own invention and
   on his own behalf" (Ewald, Jahrbücher iii. 259).

   ^5Ei de tis humon leipetai sophias, aiteito para tou didontos theou
   pasin haplos kai me oneidizontos, kai dothesetai auto;

   5. ei de tis humon leipetai sophias, But if any of you lacketh wisdom]
   If any, i.e. whoever. The preceding leipomenoi suggests leipetai with a
   somewhat different sense and construction. Leipomai with the genitive
   meaning to "be wanting in" is rare, this sense being an extension of
   the commoner to "be bereaved of"; it occurs Sophocles Elect. 474
   (gnomas leipomena sophas); Plato Menex. 19, 246 E; Pseud: Plato
   Axiochus 366 D (repeating amoiron); Libanius Progymn. p. 31 A (l. tes
   ton poieton entheou manias); besides Jam. ii. 15.

   sophias] The context fixes, without altogether restricting, the sense
   of wisdom. "True perfectness cannot be where wisdom still is wanting;
   and wisdom, the inward power to seize and profit by outward trials,
   cannot be supplied by the trials themselves: but it may be had of God
   for the asking; He will send it direct into the heart." It is that
   endowment of heart and mind which is needed for the right conduct of
   life. "All salutary wisdom is indeed to be asked of the Lord; for, as
   the wise man says (Ecclus. i. 1), All wisdom is from the Lord God, and
   hath been with Him for ever.' . . . But here there seems to be a
   special reference to that wisdom which we need for use in our trials,
   etc." (Bede).

   This human and practical idea of wisdom is inherited from the
   meditative books of the O.T. and the later works written on their
   model. Compare "the fear of the Lord that is wisdom" (Job xxviii. 28),
   where wisdom is the knowledge of the most essential facts and the power
   to walk instinctively by their light. It is remarkable to find wisdom
   holding this position in the forefront of the epistle, quite in the
   spirit of the elder theology. See further the notes on [85]iii. 13-18.

   haplos, graciously] The combination with giveth early led to the
   assumption that haplos requires here the sense of "abundantly," but
   without authority (cf. Fritzsche Rom. iii. 62 ff.) and against the true
   context. On the other hand, a large body of evidence forbids us to
   admit only the meanings "simply" or "with singleness of heart," and
   establishes a nearer approach to "bounteously" than most good critics
   have been willing to allow (see below).

   In the best Greek authors the guidance of etymology is strictly
   followed, and haplous as a moral epithet denotes only the absence of
   guile or duplicity. Later writers comprehend under the one word the
   whole magnanimous and honourable type of character in which this
   singleness of mind is the central feature. Kindred and associated
   epithets are gennaios (cf. Plato Repub. i. 361 B, andra haploun kai
   gennaion . . . ou dokein all' einai agathon ethelonta), eleutherios.
   (Aeschines, p. 135, Reiske), and megalopsuchos. Truthfulness,
   liberality, and gentleness variously appear as manifesting the same
   high sense of honour.

   The transition may be seen in Xenophon Cyropaed. viii. 4, 32 ff., where
   Cyrus blames alike those who magnify their own fortune (so thinking to
   appear eleutherioteroi) and those who depreciate it, and adds,
   haploustatou de moi dokei einai to ten dunamin phaneran poiesanta ek
   tautes agonizesthai peri kalokagathias. But the usage became clearer
   subsequently. Scipio (Polybius, xxxii. 13, 14) resolved pros men tous
   allotrious ten ek ton nomon akribeian (i.e. his strict legal rights)
   terein, tois de sungenesi kai philois haplos chresthai kai gennaios
   kata dunamin. One of Timon's friends (Lucian Tim. 56) professed that he
   was not one of the flatterers, greedy of gold and banquets, who paid
   their court pros andra hoion se haploikon kai ton onton koinonikon.
   David is said by Josephus (Ant. vii. 13, 4) to have admired Araunah tes
   haplotetos kai tes megalopsuchias, when he offered his threshing-floor
   and oxen. M. Antony's popularity is attributed by Plutarch (c. 43) to
   his eugeneia, logou dunamis, haplotes, to philodoron kai megalodoron,
   he peri tas paidias kai tas homilias eutrapelia. Brutus, having
   tempered his character by education and philosophy, seemed to Plutarch
   (c. 1) emmelestata krathenai pros to kalon, so that after Caesar's
   death the friends of the latter attributed to Brutus ei ti gennaion he
   praxis enenke, considering Cassius haploun to tropo kai katharon ouch
   homoios (cf. Philopoem. 13). The Persians desired Ariaspes for their
   king, as being praos kai haplous kai philanthropos (Plutarch Artaxerx.
   30). Ho men haplousteros, though opposed to ho panourgoteros, is the
   high-minded friend who, when admitted indiscreetly to a knowledge of
   private affairs owing to his too complaisant manners, ouk oietai dein
   oud' axioi sumboulos einai pragmaton telikouton all' hupourgos kai
   diakonos (Plutarch Moralia 63 B). Wine is said to quench polla ton
   allon pathon (besides fear) aphilotima kai agenne), and aoinos aei
   methe kai skuthrope tais ton apaideuton enoikei psuchais,
   epitarattomene hupo orges tinos e dusmeneias e philoneikias e
   aneleutherias; hon ho oinos amblunon ta polla mallon e paroxunon oik
   aphronas oude helithious all' haplous peoei kai apanourgous, oude
   paroratikous tou sumpherontos alla tou kalou proairetikous (ib. 716 A,
   B). We are reminded of this passage of St James by the following: "So I
   think that the gods confer their benefits in secret, it being their
   nature to delight in the mere practice of bounty and beneficence (auto
   to charizesthai kai eu poiein). Whereas the flatterer's work ouden
   echei dilaion oud' alethinon oud' haploun oud' eleutherion" (ib. 63 F).

   There are traces of a similar extension of meaning in Latin, as Horace
   Ep. ii. 2, 193, "quantum simplex hilarisque nepoti Discrepet, et
   quantum discordet parcus avaro" (cf. "the cheerful giver" of Prov.
   xxii. 8, LXX., and 2 Cor. ix. 7); Tacitus, Hist. iii. 86, "inerat tamen
   (Vitellio) simplicitas et liberalitas, quae, ni adsit modus, in vitium
   vertuntur"; and perhaps Vell. Paterc. ii. 125, 5, "vir simplicitatis
   generosissimae."

   Himerius (Ecl. v. 19) affords the nearest verbal parallel to St James:
   ei de haplos didontos labein ouk eulogon, tos ou pleon, hote mede
   proika k.t.l. Here however haplos is not ethical at all, but retains
   its common classical meaning "absolutely," that is (in this connexion)
   "without a substantial equivalent." In St James the need for adopting
   this meaning is removed by the sufficient evidence for "graciously";
   and it is excluded by the contrast with "upbraideth."

   In Jewish writings haplous is generalised in a different direction to
   denote one who carries piety and openness of heart before God into all
   his dealings. So the LXX.: 1 Chron. xxix. 17 for ysr; Prov. xix. 1 (cf.
   x. 9; 2 Sam. xv. 11); Aq.: Gen. xxv. 27; Job iv. 6; Prov. x. 29; Sym.:
   Job xxvii. 5 for tm ,tm, and tmh; Wisd. i. 1; 1 Macc. ii. 37, 60; 3
   Macc. iii. 21; and the whole Test. vii. Patriarch., esp. the Test. of
   Issachar (e.g. 3), not without reference to the original meanings, as
   in opposition to periergos.

   In St James (as in Rom. xii. 8; 2 Cor. viii. 2; ix. 11, 13) the late
   Greek usage and the context certainly determine the chief shade of
   meaning, but with clear reference to singleness. "Liberally" (A.V.)
   would be the best translation, if we could preserve exclusively its
   proper ethical sense; but by "liberally" we now usually mean
   "abundantly," and that is not the particular aspect of God's bounty
   indicated here by the following words, whatever may be the case in the
   passages of St Paul. On the whole graciously, coupled as it is with
   giveth, seems the nearest equivalent.

   kai me oneidizontos, and upbraideth not] The opposition is clearly to
   graciously, not to giveth: to upbraid is not to refuse, or even to
   vouchsafe "a stone for bread," but to accompany a gift with ungenerous
   words or deeds. Oneidizo often has this sense in classical writers from
   Aristotle (Rhet. ii. 6. 10; cf. Demosth. de Coron. § 269) onwards (see
   exx. in Wetstein). In Ecclus. it is a favourite word (with oneidismos),
   and occurs more than once in strictly parallel passages: "My son, give
   not reproach with thy good deeds, neither painful words with every
   gift. Will not dew assuage the hot wind? So is a word better than a
   gift. Lo, is not a word more than a good gift? And both are with a
   gracious man (kecharitomeno). A fool will upbraid ungraciously
   (acharistos oneidiei), and a gift of the envious dissolveth the eyes"
   (xviii. 15-18). "The gift of a fool will profit thee not, for his eyes
   are many, instead of one. He will give little and upbraid much, and
   open his mouth as a crier: to-day he will lend, and to-morrow ask back;
   hated is such a man" (xx. 14, 15). "Have respect . . . unto thy friends
   concerning words of upbraiding, and upbraid not after thou hast given"
   (xli. 17, 22).

   By this contrast of mean and ignoble benefactors, St James leads on
   from the naked idea of God as a giver to the more vital idea of His
   character and mind in giving (cf. [86]i. 13, [87]17 f.; [88]iv. 6;
   [89]v. 7), answering by anticipation a superstitious thought which
   springs up as naturally in the decay of an established faith as in the
   confused hopes and fears of primitive heathenism. The subject is partly
   resumed in [90]v. 17.

   didontos . . . dothesetai] Giveth what? Wisdom doubtless in the first
   instance; but, as the immediate occasion of prayer becomes here the
   text for a universal lesson, St James' meaning is best expressed by
   leaving the object undefined. In like manner the "holy spirit,"
   promised in Lk. xi. 13 to them that ask, is replaced in the parallel
   Mt. vii. 11 by "good things" without restriction.

   This verse has much in common with some of Philo's most cherished and
   at the same time most purely biblical thoughts on God as a free giver
   and on wisdom as specially the gift of God. But his language, beautiful
   and genuine as it often is, suffers much from being overlaid with a
   philosophical contrast between this wisdom (virtually "intuition") and
   the knowledge and discernment which come by processes of education. The
   wisdom of St James, for all its immediate descent from heaven, excludes
   no lesson of experience in thought or life.

   ^6aiteito de en pistei, meden diakrinomenos, ho gar diakrinomenos
   eoiken kludoni thalasses anemizomeno kai rhipizomeno;

   6. aiteito de en pistei, meden diakrinomenos, but let him ask in faith,
   nothing wavering] Taken from our Lord's words in Mt. xxi. 21, Mk xi.
   23; cf. Jam. v. 15. Not the mere petition avails, but the mind of the
   asker, the trust in God as One who delights to give. Wavering is no
   doubt the right translation of diakrinomenos in this verse (as Mt. Mk,
   ll. cc.; Acts x. 20; Rom. iv. 20; xiv. 23), though singularly enough
   this sense occurs in no Greek writing, except where the influence of
   the N.T. might have led to its use. It is supported by the versions,
   the Greek commentators on the N.T. from Chrysostom and Hesychius, as
   well as by the context of all the passages. It is probably derived from
   the common meaning to "dispute" (Jer. xv. 10; Acts xi. 2; Jude 9; cf.
   Ezek. xvii. 20 codd.; xx. 35 f.; Joel iii. 2), of which there is a
   trace in the passages of Romans. Compare the use of dialogizomai, to
   "dispute with oneself," in the Gospels.

   eoiken kludoni thalasses, is like a rough sea] Kludon appears never
   (not even Polyb. x. 10. 3) to mean a "wave," but always "rough water"
   ("the rough sea" A.V. Wisd. xiv. 5) or "roughness of water"; it is
   frequently coupled with salos.

   anemizomeno kai rhipizomeno, blown and raised with the wind] This
   appears to be the nearest approach to the meaning of the Greek allowed
   by the English idiom. Anemizo, occurs nowhere else in Greek literature,
   and might by its etymology express any kind of action of the wind. The
   equally rare analogous verb pneumatizo is used where fanning is
   intended (Antigonus Caryst. ap. Wetst.). The compound exanemizo is
   preserved only in the Scholia on Homer Il. xx. 440 (eka mala psuxasa,
   interpreted te kinesei tes cheiros herema exanemisasa: Steph. s.v.),
   where likewise it denotes the gentle air made by a wave of the hand.
   The cognate anemoumai is to "be breathed through (or, swelled out) by
   the wind" (whence a singular derivative use peculiar to writers on
   Zoology), except in one passage; and its compound exanemoumai has the
   same range, with the further meaning to "be dissolved into wind." An
   epigram in the Anthology (A. P. xiii. 12) applies henemomenos to the
   sea, described as roaring (bromos deinos) and causing a shipwreck. With
   this exception the evidence, such as it is, implies a restriction of
   anemizo to gentler motions of the air: and in St James the
   improbability of an anticlimax forbids it being taken as a stronger
   word than rhipizo.

   Still more definitely, rhipizo means strictly to fan either a fire or a
   person. It is formed not from rhipe, a "rushing motion" (as applied to
   air, a "blast"), but from the derivative rhipis, a fire-fan; and
   consequently expresses only the kind of blast proper to a fan. This
   restriction appears to be observed in a few passages of a rather wider
   range. Thus rhipizomai is applied to dead bodies allowed to sway freely
   (?) in the air (Galen. x. 745 ed. Kahn); to sea foam carried inland
   (Dion Cass. lxx. 4); to spacious and airy chambers (huperoa rhipista,
   Jerem. xxii. 14); to water preserved by motion from the "death" that
   would follow stagnation (Philo, de incor. mundi 24). Lastly an unknown
   comic poet (Meineke iv. 615) calls the people an unstable evil thing
   (demos astaton kakon), which altogether like the sea is blown by the
   wind (hup' anemou rhipizetai) and from being calm raises its crest at a
   trifling breeze (kai galenos . . . pneuma brachu korussetai. These
   leading words are clear, though the line is corrupt). The compound
   anarripizo always means to "fan a flame" literally or figuratively.

   The prima facie notion of billows lashed by a storm is therefore
   supported by hardly any evidence; and indeed the restless swaying to
   and fro of the surface of the water, blown upon by shifting breezes, is
   a truer image of a waverer (cf. Dion Cass. lxv. 16, Vitellius emplektos
   ano kai kato ephereto, hosper en kludoni). In the tideless
   Mediterranean even a slight rufflement would be noticed in contrast
   with the usually level calm, and the direct influences of disturbing
   winds are seen free from the cross effects of other agencies.

   ^7me gar oiestho ho anthropos ekeinos hoti lepsetai ti para tou kuriou
   [15] ^8 aner dipsuchos, akatastatos en pasais tais hodois autou.

   7, 8. We have to choose here between three constructions, each marked
   by a different way of punctuating between the verses. (a) With a colon,
   making two separate sentences (A.V.); "let not that man think that he
   shall receive anything from the Lord: a man of two minds is unstable in
   all his ways." (b) With a comma making [91]v. 7 a complete sentence,
   with [92]v. 8 added in apposition (R.V. text); "let not that man think
   that he shall receive anything from the Lord, a man of two minds,
   unstable in all his ways." (c) Without a stop, making [93]v. 7
   incomplete without part of [94]v. 8 (R.V. marg.); "let not that man
   think that a man of two minds, unstable in all his ways, shall receive
   anything from the Lord."

   In (a) and (b) it is "that man" that is said not to receive from the
   Lord, and so that is blamed. Now who is "that man" -- "he that
   wavereth" or "if any of you etc."? The whole context excludes him that
   merely "lacketh wisdom" from blame: blame here attaches not to the
   absence of wisdom, but to the failure to ask for it, or to the asking
   without faith. Therefore the constructions (a) and (b) require "that
   man" to mean the waverer. As an independent proof that he is meant, it
   is urged that "that man" is itself a reproachful designation.
   Undoubtedly it might be so employed; but St James' usage does not
   favour the supposition. He has the same word for man (anthropos) in six
   other places, but nowhere with a trace of reproach and apparently
   always in emphatic opposition to other beings. Thus the opposition is
   to God's other "creatures" in [95]i. 19; to "the devils" in [96]ii. 20
   and probably [97]24; to "every kind of beasts etc." in [98]iii. 8 f.;
   to beings not "of like passions" [99]v. 17; and so here to "the Lord."
   Likewise there is no force in a cumbrous reproachful description (ho
   anthropos ekeinos) thus closely preceding an explicit rebuke: in Mt.
   xii. 45; xxvi. 24 the weight of the words is in harmony with the
   peculiar solemnity of the subjects. If no reproach is implied, the
   phrase is still more inexplicable by Greek usage as applied to the
   person last mentioned.

   On the other hand, if he that "lacketh wisdom" be intended, all
   difficulty vanishes. The obvious way of setting aside the last person
   and pointing back to the person mentioned before him would be in Greek
   the use of the pronoun "that" (ekeinos); and the insertion of "man" we
   have already seen to be explained by the opposition to "the Lord."

   Since then "that man" must naturally mean him that merely "lacketh
   wisdom," and so cannot be identified with the subject of rebuke, the
   constructions (a) and (b) (of which (b) is certainly the more natural)
   are excluded, and the two verses become one unbroken sentence. I am not
   aware of any intrinsic advantage of the constructions (a) or (b) that
   would lead us to set aside this conclusion, though habit makes us
   assume a pause at the end of [100]v. 7. Perhaps a feeling that the
   words "unstable in all his ways" must denote a punishment, not a sin,
   may have introduced the construction (a) into late MSS. of the Vulgate
   (inconstans est), and so into A.V.: in reality this instability is
   strictly neither sin nor punishment, but in some sense the transition
   from the one to the other. The position of the verb (in the Greek) at
   the beginning of the clause is explained by the length and
   elaborateness of its subject.

   Although the man deficient in wisdom is not directly rebuked, the form
   of the sentence implies that he is concerned in the words spoken of
   others. Though not assumed to be a waverer, he is virtually warned that
   he may easily become liable to the reproach, and reminded of the nature
   of his relation as a "man" to "the Lord" of men.

   8. aner, man] A different word from that used in [101]v. 7, and wholly
   without emphasis.

   dipsuchos, of two minds] The image of dipsuchos (lit. "two-souled")
   represents either dissimulation (suggested to modern ears by
   "double-minded" in A.V.), or various kinds of distraction and doubt.
   Here faithless wavering is obviously meant, the description in
   [102]verse 6 being made more vivid by an additional figure. Perhaps, as
   Calvin suggests, there is an intentional contrast with the manner of
   God's giving; "graciously" (aplos) being according to the primitive
   meaning of the Greek "simply": Ita erit tacita antithesis inter Dei
   simplicitatem, cujus meminit prius, et duplicem hominis animum. Sicut
   enim exporrecta manu nobis Deus largitur, ita vicissim sinum cordis
   nostri expansum esse decet. Incredulos ergo, qui recessus habent, dicit
   esse instabiles etc. There may also be an allusion to "loving God with
   all the soul" or "the whole soul," en hole te psuche sou (Deut. vi. 5;
   Mt xxii. 37). The idea was familiar to the Greeks (dicha thumon or noon
   echein etc.) from Homer and Theognis (910 Bergk); cf. Xenoph. Cyropaed.
   vi. 1. 41. It appears less distinctly in 1 Kings xviii. 21, and perhaps
   1 Chr. xii. 33 (Heb. "a heart and a heart," not LXX.). We are reminded
   of St James by Ecclus. i. 28, "Disobey not the fear of the Lord, and
   approach Him not with a double heart" (en kardia disse).

   The word itself dipsuchos dipsuchia, dipsucheo) occurs here and
   [103]iv. 8 for the first time. It is sprinkled over the early Fathers
   rather freely, and is found occasionally in later times in the novelist
   Eustathius (viii. 7; xi. 17 f.), as well as in ecclesiastical writers.
   Probably all drew directly or indirectly from St James (Philo, Fragm.
   ii. 663 Mangey, uses dichonous epamphoteres, where St John Damascene
   has the heading peri deilon kai dipsuchon). The early references are
   Clem. I. 11, 23; in both cases distazontes is added as if to explain an
   unfamiliar word: the latter passage (talaiporoi eisin hoi dipsuchoi,
   hoi distazontes te psuche k.t.l.) seems quoted from an earlier writing
   (as it is likewise in Ps.-Clem. II. 11); the reference in this passage
   is conjectured by Lightfoot to be to the prophecies of Eldad and Medad
   referred to in Hermas, Vis. ii. 3, and therefore current early at Rome:
   they are said to have prophesied to the people in the wilderness, so
   that it is probably a Jewish, though possibly a Christian, book; Ep.
   Barnab. 19 (cf. dignomos, diglossos ib.; diplokardia 20); Const. Ap.
   vii. 11 ("Be not of two minds in thy prayer (doubting) whether it shall
   be or not (cf. Herm. Vis. iii. 4. 3); for the Lord saith to me Peter
   upon the sea, O thou of little faith, wherefore didst thou doubt?");
   Ps.-Ignat. ad Heron. 7; Hermas passim; and Didache Ap. iv. 4 ou
   dipsucheseis poteron estai e ou (whence the usage in Barnabas, Hermas,
   and Const. Ap.). The reproof to Peter literally "on the sea"
   (oligopiste, eis ti edistasas; Mt. xiv. 31) may have been present to St
   James' mind, as he had just drawn a comparison from the sea,

   ak. en pasais t. hodois autou] As "a man of two minds" is a slightly
   varied repetition of "he that wavereth," in like manner "unstable in
   all his ways" answers to "like a rough sea etc." This parallelism is in
   itself enough to prove that the absence of the conjunction after "two
   minds" is expressive, and denotes not simple co-ordination but
   sequence: "a man of two minds and so unstable in all his ways."

   akatastatos, unstable] Things properly are called akatastata, when they
   do not follow an established order of any kind (kathestekota: cf.
   Aristot. Probl. xxvi. 13). The word is rarely applied to persons.
   Polybius (cf. Demosth. de fals. legat. p. 383) seems to mean by it
   "fickle" or "easily persuaded" (vii. 4. 6); he couples the substantive
   with madness (mania) a few lines further on. Other examples are
   Epictetus (Diss. ii. 1. 12: phobesetai, akatastatesei, tarachthesetai)
   "in a state of trepidation"; Pollux "fickle" (vi. 121), and also
   "disorderly," i.e. "stirring up disorder" (vi. 129); the translators of
   the O.T. "staggering" or "reeling": Gen. iv. 12 (Sym.) anastatos kai
   akatastatos with varr., saleuomenos kai akatastaton (stenon kai tremon
   LXX.), Lam. iv. 14 (Sym.), akatastatoi egenonto LXX.) tuphloi en tais
   exodois, Isa. liv. 11 (LXX.), "tossed with tempest" (A.V.), of Zion
   compared to a ship, and apparently Hos. viii. 6 (Sym.) where the
   "Quinta Editio" has rhembeuon; Plut. II. 714 E, says that wine makes t.
   gnomen episphale kai akatastaton; cf. Skotomaina nux estin en he
   mainetai kai akatastatei ta ourania in Etym. Magn. 719, 34. The verbal
   resemblance of Tob. i. 15 (ebasileusen Sennacherim ho huios ant' autou,
   kai hai hodoi autou [al. hai hod. tes Medias] hekatastatesan [so B; A
   katestesa, ' apestesan], kai ouketi hedunasthen poreuthenai eis ten
   Median) is curious but hardly more: the meaning seems to be "his roads"
   (possibly "his ways of government") "were full of disorder and
   therefore unsafe."

   On the whole it can scarcely be doubted that St James intended, or at
   all events had in view, the physical meaning of akatastatos employed by
   the translators of the O.T.; so that the two leading words of the
   phrase make up a vigorous metaphor, "staggering in all his ways." But
   the English word "staggering" hardly suits the tone of the verse; and
   "unsteady" has other disturbing associations. "Unstable" (A. V.),
   though somewhat feebler than the Greek, must therefore be retained, and
   has the advantage of covering the alternative meaning "fickle." Compare
   Ecclus. ii. 12, "Woe to cowardly hearts and faint hands, and a sinner
   that walketh upon two paths."

   en pasais tais hodois autou, in all his ways] Hodois retains its
   original force as "roads" or "journeys" more distinctly than the
   English equivalent. "In all his ways" is perhaps, as Bede says, in
   prosperity and adversity alike; whether suffering trial or not, he has
   no firm footing. The formula occurs Ps. xci. 11 and elsewhere.

   The last two sentences may be thus paraphrased: "A prayer for wisdom,
   to be successful, must be full of trust and without wavering. Wisdom
   comes not to him that asks God for it only as a desperate chance,
   without firm belief in His power and cheerful willingness to give. Such
   a one is always tossed to and fro by vague hopes and fears; he is at
   the mercy of every blast and counterblast of outward things. While he
   allows them to hide from him the inner vision of God's works and ways,
   he cannot go straight forward with one aim and one mind, and therefore
   lacks the one condition of finding wisdom; he is a stranger to that
   converse with God, in which alone the mutual act of giving and
   receiving can be said to exist."

   A passage of Philo deserves to be appended; much of the context is
   necessarily omitted. "Whatsoever things nature gives to the soul need a
   long time to gain strength; as it is with the communication of arts and
   the rules of arts by other men to their pupils. But when God, the
   fountain of wisdom, communicates various kinds of knowledge (tas
   epistemas) to mankind, He communicates them without lapse of time
   (achronos); and they, inasmuch as they have become disciples of the
   Only Wise, are quick at discovering the things which they sought. Now
   one of the first virtues thus introduced is the eager desire of
   imitating a perfect teacher, so far as it is possible for an imperfect
   being to imitate a perfect. When Moses said (to Pharaoh, Ex. viii. 9)
   Command me a time that I may pray for thee and thy servants etc.,' he
   being in sore need ought to have said, Pray thou at once.' But he
   delayed, saying, To-morrow,' that so he might maintain his godless
   feebleness (ten hapaloteta tes atheotetos) to the end. This conduct is
   like that of almost all waverers (epamphoteristais), even though they
   may not acknowledge it in express words. For, when any undesired event
   befalls them, inasmuch as they have had no previous firm trust in the
   Saviour God, they fly to such help as nature can give, to physicians,
   to herbs, to compound drugs, to strict regimen, in short to every
   resource of perishable things. And if a man say to them, Flee, O ye
   wretched ones, to the only Physician of the maladies of the soul, and
   forsake the help which mutable (pathetes) nature can give,' they laugh
   and mock with cries of To-morrow,' as though in no case would they
   supplicate the Deity to remove present misfortunes" (De Sacrif. Ab. et
   Caini, 17-19).

   ^9Kauchastho de [ho] adelphos ho tapeinos en to hupsei autou, ^10 ho de
   plousios en te tapeinosei autou, hoti hos anthos chortou pareleusetai.
   ^11 aneteilen gar ho helios sun to kausoni kai exeranen ton chorton,
   kai to anthos autou exepesen kai he euprepeia tou prosopou autou
   apoleto; houtos kai ho plousios en tais poreiais autou maranthesetai.

   9-11. A return to the original theme of [104]v. 2, bringing in the
   characteristic contrast of rich and poor as a special application of
   the principle of rejoicing in trials. There is probably a reference to
   the Beatitudes such as they appear in St Luke (vi. 20, 24). An indirect
   opposition (marked by But and also by the brother) to the waverer of
   [105]v. 8 is doubtless also intended. Poverty, riches, and the change
   from one to the other may be among the "ways," in all of which the
   waverer is found unstable.

   9. The order in the Greek is important. ho adelphos belongs equally to
   ho tapeinos and ho plousios, so that "let the brother boast" is common
   to both verses. As St James bids his "brethren" count it all joy when
   they fell in with trials, so he here points out the appropriate grounds
   of boasting to each member of the brotherhood, the body who might be
   expected to take a truer view of life than the outer world.

   kauchastho, glory] In the O.T. and Ecclus. "glorying" or "boasting"
   drops altogether its strict sense, and signifies any proud and exulting
   joy: so hthll (epainoumai) Ps. xxxiv. 3; lxiv. 11 etc.; and kauchomai
   Ps. v. 11; cxlix. 5; Ecclus. xxxix. 8 etc. In the N.T. the word is
   confined to the Epp. and common there; but rarely loses its original
   force, probably out of St James only in the parallel Rom. v. 2, 3, 11
   and in Heb. iii. 6; in other apparently similar cases the effect is
   produced merely by obvious paradox. Possibly the extension had its
   origin in Jerem. ix. 23 f., quoted 2 Cor. x. 17. Here kauchastho
   repeats the charan of [106]v. 2 with a slight change, meaning joy
   accompanied with pride.

   tapeinos, of low estate] Poverty is intended, but poverty in relation
   to "glorying" and contempt, a state despised by the mass of mankind.
   Tapeinos means indifferently "poor" and "poor in spirit" i.e. "meek,"
   two notions which the later Jews loved to combine: it is often used in
   both senses in Ecclus.

   to hupsei autou, his height] Not any future elevation in this or the
   other world, but the present spiritual height conferred by his outward
   lowness, the blessing pronounced upon the poor, the possession of the
   Kingdom of God. Continued poverty is one of the "trials" to be rejoiced
   in.

   10. te tapeinosei autou, his being brought low] Suffering the loss not
   of wealth only, but of the consideration which wealth brings.
   Tapeinosis might mean "low estate," as in the LXX.(and Lk. i. 48 from 1
   Sam. i. 11); but St James' language is not usually thus incorrect, and
   the classical sense is borne out by the context. The correlation with
   [107]v. 9 is not meant to be exact. The rich brother is to glory in his
   being brought low whenever that may be, now or at any future day (see
   [108]v. 1). If the "trials" of the times included persecution, the rich
   would be its first victims. This is a marked feature in the persecution
   of the Jews by the mob of Alexandria under the Emperor Gaius (Philo,
   Leg. ad Gai. 18; e.g. penetas ek plousion kai aporous ex euporon
   gegenesthai meden adikountas exaiphnes kai anoikous kai anestious,
   exeosmenous kai pephugadeumenous ton idion oikion k.t.l.).

   hoti, since) This introduces not an explanation of being brought low,
   but one reason why the rich brother should glory in it, or more
   strictly why he should not be startled at the command to glory in it.
   Perfection ([109]v. 4) is assumed to be his aim: our Lord taught that
   riches are a hindrance in the way of perfection (Mt. xix. 21 ff.): and
   this doctrine loses no little of its strangeness, when the separable,
   and so to speak accidental, nature of riches is remembered.

   hos anthos chortou, as the bloom of grass] Taken from the LXX.
   rendering of Isa. xl. 6: pasa sarx chortos pasa doxa anthro'pou hos
   anthos chortou. chortos, properly "fodder," means in the LXX. such
   grass, or rather herbage, as makes fodder. It stands rightly for chtsyr
   (cf. Job xl. 15), in the first place here as in the two following
   verses. But anthos chortou is put for tsyts hsdh, which is rightly
   translated anthos tou agrou, "the flower of the field," in the parallel
   Ps. ciii. 15. The LXX. nowhere else translate sdh by chortos, nor will
   it bear that meaning: hence chortou is merely an erroneous repetition.
   The unique image taken from the flower of grass had therefore an
   accidental origin, though it yields a sufficient sense.

   Grass is frequently used in the poetical books of the O.T. to
   illustrate the shortness of life, or the swift fall of the wicked. To
   understand the force of the image we must forget the perpetual verdure
   of our meadows and pastures under a cool and damp climate, and recall
   only the blades of thin herbage which rapidly spring up and as rapidly
   vanish before the Palestine summer has well begun. By "the flower of
   the field" the prophet (and the LXX. translator) doubtless meant the
   blaze of gorgeous blossoms which accompanies the first shooting of the
   grass in spring, alike in the Holy Land and on the Babylonian plain
   (Stanley Sin. and Pal. 138 f.; Layard Nineveh i. p. 78).

   pareleusetai, pass away] Parerchomai and "pass" answer strictly to each
   other in their primary and their metaphorical senses: the Greek word
   here, as often in classical writers, means to "pass away," i.e. pass by
   and so go out of sight; it is employed in precisely similar comparison,
   Wisd. ii. 4; v. 9.

   Which passes away, the rich man or his riches? Notwithstanding the form
   of the sentence, we might be tempted by the apparent connexion with
   [110]v. 9 to say his riches (ho ploutos included in ho plousios). But
   in that case the only way to avoid unmeaning tautology is to take the
   comparison as justifying the mention of impoverishment rather than the
   exhortation to glorying in impoverishment; "let the rich man glory in
   his being brought low, for brought low be assuredly will be, sooner or
   later." This gives an intelligible sense; but no one having this in his
   mind would have clothed it in the language of vv. [111]10, [112]11. St
   James must therefore mean to say not that riches leave the rich man but
   that he leaves his riches. This is the interpretation suggested by the
   natural grammar of [113]v. 10, and no other will suit the last clause
   of [114]v. 11.

   But a difficulty remains. St James would hardly say that the rich man
   is more liable to death than the poor, and the shortness of life common
   to both is in itself no reason why the rich should glory in being
   brought to poverty. Probably the answer is that St James has in view
   not death absolutely but death as separating riches from their
   possessor, and shewing them to have no essential connexion with him.
   "Be not thou afraid when one is made rich, when the glory of his house
   is increased; for when he dieth he shall carry nothing away: his glory
   shall not descend after him" (Ps. xlix. 16, 17). "Whose shall those
   things be which thou hast provided?" (Lk. xii. 20). The perishableness
   was familiar to heathens of all nations: cf. Horace Od. ii. 14
   "Linquenda tellus et domus et placens Uxor; neque harum, quas colis,
   arborum" etc. The argument goes no further than to lower the relative
   value set upon wealth, and cannot by itself sustain the exhortation of
   [115]v. 10. But the exaggerated estimate of wealth here combated
   involved much more than exaggeration. It set up riches as the supreme
   object of trust and aspiration, and fostered the vague instinct that
   there was a difference of nature corresponding to the distinction of
   rich and poor. Thus in effect it substituted another god for Jehovah,
   and denied the brotherhood of men. To a rich man in this state of mind
   the lesson of the prophet was a necessary preparation for receiving the
   teaching of Christ.

   I1. aneteilen, riseth] This is the common classical (gnomic) aorist of
   general statements founded on repeated experience. There is no clear
   instance of this use in the N.T. except here and [116]v. 24. Rapid
   succession is perhaps also indicated by the series of aorists, though
   too strongly expressed in A.V. Not unlike is Ps. civ. 22, aneteilen ho
   helios, kai sunechthesan (so all MSS. except B).

   sun to kausoni, with the scorching wind] A rare word in ordinary Greek,
   and there chiefly used for some very inflammatory kind of fever
   (kausonos, thetmes -- Suid. where Bernhardy refers to Herod. Epim. p.
   196); in Athen. iii. p. 73 A it denotes noontide heat. This seems also
   to be the meaning in Gen. xxxi. 40 (A all.; kaumati E) and Song of 3
   Child. 44 (A Compl. al.^3; kauma B all., kausos all.); also in Mt. xx.
   12; Lk. xii. 55 (aestas latt.); and perhaps Isa. xlix. 10, where the
   Hebrew has nothing to do with wind.

   On the other hand in the O.T. kauson is a frequent translation of qdym
   (often also rendered notos) the east wind of Palestine (the Simoom)
   destructive alike by its violence and its dry heat acquired in passing
   over the desert. This sense alone occurs in all the chief Greek
   translations of the O.T., and again apparently in Ecclus. and Judith.
   The only trace of it out of the Bible is in the Schol. to Aristoph.
   Lysist. 974, where a whirlwind is probably intended. St Jerome on Hos.
   xii. 1 recognises both senses ("sequique kausona, hoc eat aestum," and
   further on "sequuntur kausona, id est ariditatem sive ventum urentem"),
   describing the wind as "injurious to the flowers and destroying every
   budding thing." Again on Ezek. xxvii. 26 he notices willowy, "which we
   may translate burning wind," as an appropriate rendering of qdym
   ("Auster"), and then goes on to refer to Mt. xx. 12 with apparently
   only the heat in view ("totius diei calorem et aestum"). On the whole
   there can be little doubt that the O.T. sense is that intended here
   ("the sun with the scorching wind"). In Jonah iv. 8 the east wind
   (kauson) that beat upon Jonah rose with the sun. For its effects on
   vegetation see Gen. xli. 6, 23, 27; Ezek. xvii. l0; xix. 12. It is said
   to blow from February to June [v. Enc. Bib. pp. 5304 f.].

   exepesen, fadeth away] This is one of the words in this verse derived
   from Isa. xl. 7, where (as in xxviii. 1, 4) it stands for nvl, to fade
   or droop away. The notion of dropping off is not distinctly contained
   in the Hebrew, as it is in Job xiv. 2; xv. 33, where ekpipto is equally
   applied to flowers. The strictest parallel is Job xv. 30 in the LXX.,
   but the Hebrew is different. Possibly various metaphors combined (cf.
   Fritzsche Rom. ii. 281) to give ekpipto its genuine Greek sense of
   ending in failure or nothingness; so Ecclus. xxxi. 7; Rom. ix. 6; and
   the "received" reading of 1 Cor. xiii. 8. But the same force belongs to
   the root prior to all special applications. pipto itself has a hardly
   distinguishable sense (to "fail" as well as to "fall"), which is
   associated with parerchomai [117]v. 10) in Lk. xvi. 17. Hence exepesen
   was probably intended to convey, and will certainly bear, the sense of
   withering away rather than falling off.

   7') he euprepeia tou prosopou autou, the glory of its pride] Each of
   the principal words will bear two renderings. Euprepeia might mean
   "comeliness," "grace," "beauty." Prosopon might be simply the face' of
   the grass or flower, by a common metaphor for its outward appearance or
   fashion.' Euprepeia, however (used in O.T. for various Hebrew words),
   usually includes a notion of stateliness, or majesty. So Ps. xciii. 1,
   ho kurios ebasileusen, euprepeian enedusato; Ps. civ. 1, exomologesin
   kai euprepeian eneduso (', B); Jerem. xciii. 9, egenethen hos aner
   suntetrimmenos . . . apo prosopou Kuriou kai apo prosopou heuprepeias
   doxes autou: Bar. v. 1 endusai (Ierousalem) ten euprepeian tes para tou
   theou doxes eis ton aiona: Wisd. v. 16, to basileion tes euprepeias:
   Wisd. vii. 29, estin gar haute (sophia) euprepestera heliou: etc.

   The varied figurative use of pnym ("face") in the O.T. was closely
   followed in the LXX. by prosopon, which brought in with it from prior,
   though late, Greek usages the secondary notion of a person in a drama,
   or a representative. In late Jewish Greek the old Hebrew idiom to
   "accept the face" (i.e. "receive with favour") obtained fresh
   extensions, and thus in various ways the associations of the word
   prosopon became more complex. It seems to mean a "person"
   ("personage"), as the possessor of dignity or honour, in Ecclus. xxxii.
   (xxxv.) 15 (12), me epeche thusia adiko, hoti kurios krites estin kai
   ouk estin par' auto doxa prosopou, i.e. "the glory which distinguishes
   one person from another has no existence in His sight." Compare Wisd.
   vi. 7, ou gar huposteleitai prosopon ho panton despotes, oude
   entrapesetai megethos Not unlike is Ecclus. xxix. 27, exelthe, paroike,
   apo prosopou doxes: cf. 2 Macc. xiv. 24, kai eichen ton Ioudan dia
   pantos en prosopo, psuchikos to andri prosekeklito. "Person" in this
   rather loose sense would accordingly seem to be the most exact
   translation here, but would involve too harsh a figure in English; and
   "pride" nearly expresses what is meant.

   On the whole clause cf. Isa. xxviii. 1-5. The rendering here given has
   the advantage of recalling [118]v. 9 ("glorying," "low estate,"
   "height").

   maranthesetai, wither away] Marainomai denoted originally the dying out
   of a fire (cf. Aristot. de vita et morte, 5), but came to be used of
   many kinds of gradual enfeeblement or decay. In classical Greek there
   are but slight traces of its application to plants (Plutarch, Dion, 24;
   Lucian, de Domo, 9; Themistius, Or. xiii. p. 164 C, anthos amudron
   aretes marainesthai). But this is the exact sense in Wisd. ii. 8; and
   Job xxiv. 24, emaranthe hosper moloche (al. chloe) en kaumati e hosper
   stachus apo kalames automatos apopeson, which curiously resembles the
   text. Hence probably also the meaning "scorch" in the only remaining
   instance in the O.T. and Apocrypha, Wisd. xix. 20.

   The idea of gradual passing away, which is characteristic of the
   classical use, is out of place here, where the rapid disappearance of
   the grass is dwelt upon. The fitness of the word comes solely from its
   association with the image just employed: it can mean no more than "die
   or vanish as the grass does."

   poreiais, goings] The known evidence for the reading poriais is
   insufficient; but in any case it is merely a variation of spelling.
   There is no authority for the existence of a word poria signifying
   "gain" (porismos), which is a blunder of Erasmus founded on a false
   analogy of aporia and euporia. Poreia means a "journey," and is very
   rarely used in any secondary sense, unless by a conscious metaphor
   indicated in the context. The only clear cases discoverable are Ps.
   lxviii. 24; (Isa. viii. 11;) and Hab. iii. 6 (whence the interpolation
   in Ecclus. i. 5). This is the more remarkable as triboi and hodoi are
   abundantly so used in the LXX. Herder's ingenious suggestion that there
   is an allusion to travelling merchants (as undoubtedly [119]iv. 13 f.)
   has great probability. At all events the common interpretation of
   "goings" as a mere trope for "doings" seems too weak here. The force
   probably lies in the idea that the rich man perishes while he is still
   on the move, before he has attained the state of restful enjoyment
   which is always expected and never arrives. Without some such hint of
   prematurity the parallel with the grass is lost.

   The addition of the elaborate description in [120]v. 11 to the simple
   comparison in [121]v. 10 seems to shew how vividly St James' mind had
   been impressed by the image when himself looking at the grass: what had
   kindled his own imagination he uses to breathe life into the moral
   lesson. In the last clause of the verse he returns, as it were, from
   the contemplation to his proper subject, and ends with an echo of the
   last words of [122]v. 8.

   "Let God alone be thy boast and thy greatest praise (Deut. x. 21), and
   pride not thyself upon riches, neither upon honour, neither etc.,
   considering that these things . . . are swift to change, withering away
   (marainomena) as it were before they have fully bloomed." Philo, de
   vict. off. 10 (ii. 258).

   ^12 Makarios aner hos hupomenei peirasmon, hoti dokimos genomenos
   lepsetai ton stephanon tes zoes, hon epengeilato tois agaposin auton.

   12. The parenthesis (vv. [123]5-[124]11) ended, St James returns to his
   first theme, trials. He has dealt with them (vv. [125]3, [126]4) as to
   their intended effects on human character, as instruments for training
   men to varied perfection. He has spoken (vv. [127]5-8) of the process
   as one carried on through a wisdom received from God in answer to
   trustful prayer, depending therefore on a genuine faith, which in its
   turn depends on a true knowledge of God's character. He has spoken (vv.
   [128]9-11) of the true estimate of poverty and riches, or rather of the
   contempt and honour which they confer, as characteristic of the right
   mind towards men, which should accompany and express the right mind
   towards God. Now he returns to trials, once more in relation to God,
   but from quite a new point of view, not as to their effects on
   character, but as to the thoughts which they at the time suggest to one
   who has no worthy faith in God.

   makarios, happy] Not "blessed," but as we say "a happy man." Cf. its
   use in the Psalms (e.g. i. 1) and in the Beatitudes. St James drops the
   paradoxical form of the original theme in [129]v. 2. Not now trial, but
   the patient endurance of trial is pronounced "happy." Thus the
   explanations in vv. [130]3, [131]4 are incorporated with the primary
   exhortation in [132]v. 2.

   hupomenei, endureth] Not "has to bear," but "bears with endurance," the
   verb recalling hupomonen ([133]v. 3). So Mt. xxiv. 13; Mk xiii. 13
   compared with Lk. xxi. 19. In 1 Pet. ii. 20 the force is very apparent.
   The phrase Makarios ho hupomenon (B: hupomeinas A, etc.) occurs Dan.
   xii. 12 (Thdn). Compare [134]v. 11.

   dokimos, approved] Again this word recalls the dokimion of [135]v. 3.
   It means one who has been tested, as gold or silver is tested (Zech.
   xi. 13, LXX.; cf. Ps. lxvi. 10), and not found wanting. "Approved" is
   not quite a satisfactory rendering in modern English, though it is the
   best available here. "Proved" or "tried" in their adjectival sense
   would be less ambiguous, if the form of the sentence did not render
   them liable to be taken for pure participles, expressing not the result
   but the process of trial.

   ton stephanon tes zoes, the crown of life] The precise force of this
   phrase is not easy to ascertain. One of the most ancient and widely
   spread of symbols is a circlet round the head; expressing chiefly joy
   or honour or sanctity. There are two principal types, the garland of
   leaves or flowers (stephanos) and the linen fillet (diadema, mitra).
   From one or other of these two, or from combinations of both, are
   probably derived all the various "crowns" in more durable or precious
   materials, sometimes enriched with additional ornaments or symbols.
   Each type is represented by a familiar instance. The chaplet with which
   the victor was crowned at the Greek games is a well-known illustration
   as used by St Paul. A fillet under the name of "diadem" was one of the
   insignia of royalty among the Persians, and was adopted by the Greek
   and Graeco-Asiatic kingdoms after Alexander. This ancient original of
   the modern kingly crown is never called stephanos in classical Greek;
   but the same Hebrew word trh, which is always rendered stephanos by the
   LXX., denotes some royal headdress of gold (shape unknown) in 2 Sam.
   xii. 30 (the golden crown of the Ammonite king taken at Rabbah) || 1
   Chr. xx. 2; (Ps. xxi. 3;) Esth. viii. 15; as well as the symbol of
   glory, pride, or beauty (cf. Lam. v. 16), stephanos sometimes standing
   alone, sometimes being followed by a defining word (stephanos, doxes,
   truphes, kaucheseos, tes hubreos, kallous, chariton; Ecclus. vi. 31;
   xv. 6). This idiom clearly comes from the general popular use of
   chaplets, not from any appropriation to particular offices.

   Which then of the various uses of crowns or chaplets has supplied St
   James with his image? In such a context we should naturally think first
   of the victor's crown in the games, of which St Paul speaks. On the
   other hand, the O.T. contains no instance of that use (it would be
   impossible to rely on the LXX. mistranslation of Zech. vi. 14, ho de
   stophanos estai tois hupomenousin, really the proper name Helem); and
   apparently the Apocrypha has no other instance than the description of
   virtue, in Wisd. iv. 2, which en to aioni stephanephorousa pompeuei,
   ton ton amianton athlon agona nikesasa. In any case we must take St
   James' use with that of St John in Apoc. ii. 10, where again we have
   the crown of life. The phrase probably came from Jewish usage not now
   recorded. But when the two contexts are compared it is difficult to
   doubt that the Greek victor's crown is an element in the image. Even in
   Palestine Greek games were not unknown; and at all events St James
   writing to the Dispersion, and St John to the Churches of Proconsular
   Asia, could have no misgiving about such an allusion being
   misunderstood. There is of course no thought of a competitive contest;
   all alike might receive the crown. It is simply the outward token of
   glad recognition from the Heavenly Lord above, who sits watching the
   conflict, and giving timely help in it. It expresses in symbol what is
   expressed in words in the greeting, "Well done, good and faithful
   servant!" The martyrs of Vienna and Lugdunum are said in the well-known
   epistle (Euseb. H. E. v. 1. 36) to receive "the great crown of
   incorruption" as "athletes." "The crown of incorruption" is also spoken
   of in the Mart. Polyc. 17, 19. (So also Orac. Sibyll. ii. pp. 193, 201,
   quoted by Schneckenburger.)

   Life is itself the crown, the genitive being that of apposition. There
   is no earlier or contemporary instance of this genitive with stephanos,
   except 1 Pet. v. 4: but the form of expression recals Ps. ciii. 4.
   "Life" is probably selected here in contrast to the earthly
   perishableness dwelt on in vv. 10 f. But it does not follow that
   perpetuity is the only characteristic in view. Fulness and vividness of
   life are as much implied. The life is an imparting of God's life:
   "enter thou into the joy of thy Lord [16] " The idea cannot be made
   definite without destroying it. The time when the reception of the
   crown of life begins is likewise not defined, except that it follows a
   period of trial. Its fulness comes when the trials are wholly passed.

   hon epengeilato, which He promised] "The Lord" is a natural
   interpolation. The subject of the verb is to be inferred from the sense
   rather than fetched from [136]v. 5 or [137]7; it is doubtless God. The
   analogy of [138]ii. 5 shews that words of Christ would be to St James
   as promises of God; and such sayings as that in Mt. xix. 29; Lk. xviii.
   29 f. may be intended here. But equally pertinent language may be found
   in the O.T., as Ps. xvi. 8-11, where the comprehensive idea of "life"
   well illustrates that of St James: see also Prov. xiv. 27; xix. 23.
   Zeller (Hilgenfeld, J. B. 1863, 93 ff.) tries to shew that the
   reference here is to the Apocalypse passage. Probably the promise comes
   from Deut. xxx. 15, 16, 19, 20.

   tois agaposin auton, them that love Him] This phrase is common in the
   O.T., usually joined with "keeping of God's commandments"; but
   singularly absent from the prophets (exc. Dan. ix. 4), who speak much
   of God's love to men. Here see Ps. xxxi. 23; cxlv. 20; also Ecclus.
   xxxi. 19; Bel and Drag. 38. As St James describes endurance as leading
   to the crown promised to those who love God, he must have regarded it
   as at least one form, or one mark, of the love of Him. But then all the
   preceding verses shew that he considered endurance when perfected to
   involve trust in Him, unwavering conviction of His ungrudging goodness,
   and boasting in that low estate which Christ had de-dared to be height
   in His Kingdom. Probably, specially chosen, the words sum up in the
   Deuteronomic phrase adopted by Christ the Law as towards God (Deut. vi.
   5, ap. Matt. xxii. 37 || Mk. xii. 30 || Lk. x. 27), just as we have the
   second part of the Law in [139]ii. 8, conforming with St James'
   treatment of the Law as spiritualised in the Gospel.

   Agaposin in 1 Cor. ii. 9 is substituted for hupomenouin eleon in Isa.
   lxiv. 4. Compare Jam. ii. 5 (on which see Exod. xix. 5, 6); Rom. viii.
   28 (t. ag. ton theon); 2 Tim. iv. 8 (t. hegap. t. epiphaneian autou);
   also the use of 'hv itself in Ps. xl. 17 || lxx. 5 (hoi ag. to soterion
   sou).

   ^13medeis peirazomenos legeto hoti Apo theou peirazomai; ho gar theos
   apeirastos estin kakon, peirazei de autos oudena.

   13. In contrast to him who endures trial, bears it with hupomone, and
   thereby receives life, the opposite way of meeting trial, yet
   accompanied with a certain recognition of God, is to yield and play a
   cowardly and selfish part, and to excuse oneself by throwing the blames
   on God as the Author of the trial. Of course this, like most of the
   ways rebuked by St James, is a vice of men whose religion has become
   corrupt, not of men who have none at all.

   As far as the first clause is concerned, the use of language is easy.
   The peirazomenos of [140]v. 13 takes up the peirasmon; of [141]12, and
   that the peirasmois of [142]2. Peirasmos is still simply "trial,"
   "trying," the sense of suffering being, as we saw, probably latent, as
   in Ecclus., but quite subordinate.

   apo theou, from God] Not a confusion of apo and hupo, which would be
   unlike St James' exactness of language; the idea is origin not agency:
   "from God comes my being tried." The words in themselves are ambiguous
   as to their spirit. They might be used as the justification of faithful
   endurance: the sense that God was the Author of the trial and probation
   would be just what would most sustain him, as the Psalms shew. But here
   the true phrase has been corrupted into an expression of falsehood. The
   sense of probation, which implies a personal faith in the Divine
   Prover, has passed out of the word peirazomai: just as God's giving
   was; thought of nakedly, without reference to His gracious ungrudging
   mind in giving, so here His proving is thought of nakedly, without
   reference to His wise and gracious purpose in proving. Somewhat similar
   language occurs in Ecclus. xv. 11, 12.

   peirazomai, tempted or tempted by trial] Now comes the difficulty: we
   have passed unawares from the idea of trial to that of temptation, by
   giving what is apparently a neutral, practically an evil, sense to
   "trial." Trial manifestly may have either result: if it succeeds in its
   Divinely appointed effect, it results in perfectness: but it may fail,
   and the failure is moral evil. If we think of it only in relation to
   this evil when referring it to God, we mentally make Him the Author of
   the moral evil, in other words a tempter.

   We are so accustomed to associate the idea of temptation with
   peirasmos, that we forget how secondary the sense is. It is worth while
   to see what evidence it has from usage. We saw that the only O.T. and
   Apocryphal senses are: (1) trying of men by God (good); (2) trying of
   God by men (evil); (3) trying of men by man, which nay be either
   neutral as in the case of the Queen of Sheba, or with evil purpose, but
   not properly a "temptational" purpose, as those who tried to entangle
   our Lord in His words. But the N.T. has another use. Three times in the
   Gospels the idea of tempting comes in, not as the sole sense but still
   perceptibly; viz. in the Temptation, the Lord's Prayer, and "Watch and
   pray, that ye enter not into temptation" (Mt. xxvi. 41 and parallels).
   To see the exact force and connexion we must go back to the O.T. In
   Genesis God stands face to face with Abraham; He alone is visible as
   trying him. But not so later. The Book of Job does not apply the words
   "try," "trial" (Heb. or Gk) to Job: but it is a record of a typical
   trial, recognised as such in Jam. v. 11; and while the result of the
   trial is perfectly good, the agency of Satan is interposed: the same
   process is carried on for his evil purpose and for God's good purpose,
   so that he is an unconscious tool in God's hand.

   Exactly similar is the passage in Lk. xxii. 31, on Satan desiring to
   have the apostles to sift them as wheat: his evil purpose there stands
   in subordination to the Divine purpose for perfecting Apostleship.
   Probably so also in the Temptation: Mt. iv. 1 peirasthenai
   (peirazomenos Mk i. 13, Lk. iv. 2) hupo tou diabolou (Satana Mk i. 13),
   i.e. the appointed probation of the Messiah takes place through the
   adversary who strives to tempt Him with the ways of false Messiahship.
   But in Mt. we have further ho peirazon, and this in connexion with 1
   Thess. iii. 5, me epeirasen humas ho teirazon, probably means not the
   Divinely ordained agent of probation, but he who tries with evil
   intent, i.e. the Tempter, "lest it prove that ye have been tried by the
   Tempter" (by him and not by God only). Cf. 1 Cor. vii. 5 (1 Cor. x. 13;
   Gal. vi. 1 are not certain); also peirasmos 1 Tim. vi. 9; 2 Pet. ii. 9;
   Apoc. iii. 10.

   So also in the Lord's Prayer peirasmon doubtless starts from trial, but
   trial considered as a source of danger rather than of effectual
   probation, as seems to be implied by the antithesis of (masc.) tou
   ponerou. The Lord's Prayer virtually rules the sense of me eiselthete
   (Mt. xxvi. 41 and parallels). This implication of evil in the idea of
   trial apparently came from this idea of Satan's part in Divine trials.
   Thus the notion is not so much tempt in the sense of "allure,"
   "seduce," as "try with evil intent."

   It is difficult to find traces of Jewish influence going as far as the
   N.T. goes, but we do find "trial" with an evil sense attached, as the
   Evening Prayer in Berachoth 60 B, where sin, transgression, trial,
   disgrace stand in a line (cf. Taylor 141 f.).

   apeirastos . . . kakon, untried in evil] The meaning of apeirastos has
   been much discussed. It appears in this shape in St James for the first
   time in Greek literature, though Boeckh has recognised it in the
   shortened apeiratos (as thaumastos, thaumatos, etc.) of Pindar, Olymp.
   vi. 54. The preceding words at first sight suggest an active force
   "incapable of tempting to evil" (so Origen on Exod. xv. 25). A few
   cases of verbals in -tos in an active sense governing cases occur, but
   only in the tragedians. Aprosdoketos (Thuc.) and apraktos with two or
   three other doubtful instances are used actively by prose writers, but
   without governing a case. Considerable internal evidence would
   therefore be required before such a sense could be accepted here, while
   in fact it would reduce the next clause to an unmeaning repetition.
   Apeirastos therefore, being from peirazo, ought in strictness to be
   only a true passive, "not tried or tempted," "unattempted" (so Joseph.
   B. J. vii. 8. 1, met' ergon apeiraston paraleipontes; Galen, in Hip.
   Aph. i. 1 [xvii. B 354 ed. Kühn] peirasthai ton apeiraston ouk
   asphales, or "incapable of being tried or tempted": and ap. kakon might
   well be "incapable of being tempted by evil things," i.e. virtually "to
   evil," though the phrase would in this sense be singular; so apparently
   Ps.-Ignat. ad Philip. 11 pos peirazeis ton apeiraston; (? Leuc.) Act.
   Joh. 190, Zahn [c. 57* Bonnet] ho gar se (John) peirazon ton apeiraston
   peirazei; and a scholium in Oecumenius. In this way we gain a forcible
   antithesis to the following clause, but with the loss of causal
   connexion with the preceding.

   The active and passive senses being then excluded by the context, the
   neuter remains, if only it can be sustained philologically. Now while
   peirazo belongs to Epic and to late Greek, and has no middle except
   once in Hippoc. de Morb. iv. 327 T. ii. (Lob. ap. Buttm. ii. 267) [17]
   , the Attics used peirao and also the middle peiromai, whence they had
   the verbal apeiratos in both passive and neuter senses, which cannot
   always be distinguished. The phrase apeiratos kakon, meaning "having
   had no experience of evils," "free from evils," seems to have been
   almost proverbial: it occurs in Diod. Sic. i. 1; Plut. Moral. 119 F;
   Joseph. B. J. ii. 21, 4 (cf. iii. 4, 4): Athenag. de resur. 18 (where
   the Strasburg MS. has apeirastos); Themist. vii. p. 92 B (Wetst.). It
   is quite possible that the two forms, having the strict passive sense
   in common, were at length used indiscriminately, apeirastos borrowing
   from apeiratos its wider range: and so we find in Theodoret de Prov. v.
   (iv. 560 Schulze), oude gar an edeisamen, ei pantelos apeirastos auton
   (sc. venomous serpents) he hemetera phusis memenekei. But, even without
   supposing St James to have lost the distinction, we can readily
   understand that he may have seized the familiar apeiratos kakon, and by
   a permissible license substituted the kindred apeirastos in conformity
   with the peirazo and peirasmoi of his context.

   Similarly his kaka are not, as usual in this phrase, misfortunes, but
   moral evils. In English the force is best given by the abstract
   singular, "untried in evil," i.e. without experience of anything that
   is evil. The argument doubtless is: -- God's own nature is incapable of
   contact with evil, and therefore He cannot be thought of as tempting
   men, and so being to them the cause of evil. Compare M. Aurel. vi. 1 ho
   de tauten (ten ton holon ousian) dioikon logos oudemian en heauto
   aitian echei tou kakopoiein, kakian gar ouk echei.

   autos, Himself] That is, He for His part (not so others). This the
   proper sense of autos is compatible with a neuter as well as with a
   passive rendering of apeirastos: the order is not autos de peirazei.

   peirazei de autos oudena] This statement cannot possibly be taken in
   the original sense of peirazei. The whole passage rests on the
   assumption that peirasmos as trial does come from God. The word has
   therefore in this place acquired a tinge partly from the misuse of it
   in the mouth of the man excusing himself, partly from the kakon of the
   following clause; it means "tries" in the sense that the man talks of
   "trying," tries for evil, i.e. tempts.

   At first sight it looks strange, taking this verse with the next, that
   St James in denying that God tempts is silent about Satan as the
   tempter, while yet he does in antithesis speak of a man's own desire as
   tempting him. The silence cannot possibly arise from any hesitation to
   refer to Satan or to his temptations: that supposition is historically
   excluded by the general language of the N.T. St James as a Jew of this
   time would be more, not less, ready than others to use such language;
   and it lies on the surface of the early Gospel records on which his
   belief was mainly founded.

   It is striking that the Clementine Homilies, representing a form of
   Ebionism, i.e. the exaggeration of St James' point of view, lean so
   greatly on the idea of Satan as the tempter that they say absolutely,
   what St James here says only with a qualification, that God does not
   peirazein at all. In contrasting sayings of Christ with false teaching,
   it says (iii. 55) tois de oiomenois hoti ho theos peirazei, hos hai
   graphai legousin, ephe, Ho poneros estin ho peirazon; ho kai auton
   peirasas, probably from an apocryphal Gospel. And so on the theory that
   any doctrine of the O.T. which the writer thought false must be an
   interpolation, he calls it a falsehood (iii. 43) to say that the Lord
   tried Abraham, hina gno hei hupomenei; and (xvi. 13) with reference to
   Deut. xiii. 3 he boldly substitutes ho peirazon epeirazen for the LXX.
   peirazei Kurios ho theos sou humas eidenai ei k.t.l.

   This illustrates St James' caution. He was as anxious as Hom. Clem. to
   maintain at all hazards the absolute goodness of God, but he entirely
   believed and upheld the O.T. language. Meanwhile to have spoken here of
   Satan would have been only substituting one excuse for another. It was
   as practical unbelief to say, I sin because Satan tempts me, as to say,
   I sin because God tempts me. In each case it was an external power.
   What was needed to bring forward was the third factor, that within the
   man himself, and subject to his own mastery. The whole subject involved
   two mysteries, that of God as good in relation to evil, that of God as
   Providence in relation to human responsibility. Explicitly and
   implicitly St James recognises both sides of each antinomy: he refuses
   to cut either knot by the sacrifice of a fundamental truth.

   ^14hekastos de peirazetai hupo tes idias epithumias exelkomenos kai
   deleazomenos;

   14. hekastos de peirazetai hupo tes idias epithumias, but each man is
   tempted by his own desire] Here the particular temptation belonging to
   the peirasmoi of persecution is expanded into temptation generally, to
   doing evil acts, not merely not persisting in good. It is violent to
   connect hupo tes idias epithumias exclusively with the following
   participles: hupo goes naturally with a passive transitive verb
   immediately preceding, unless the sense forbids. There is no need to
   take either verb or participles quite absolutely: as often happens hupo
   k.t.l., standing between both, belongs to both, but especially to the
   verb as standing first.

   epithumias, desire] This must be taken in its widest sense (cf.
   [143]iv. 1) without special reference to sensuality: such desires as
   would lead to unfaithfulness under the peirasmoi of of persecution, to
   which the Epistle refers at the outset, are not likely to be excluded.
   It is not abstract desire, but a man's own desire, not merely because
   the responsibility is his, not God's, but also because it substitutes
   some private and individual end for the will of God: kata tas idias
   epithumias occurs 2 Pet iii. 3 (cf. Jude 16, 18); 2 Tim. iv. 3.

   The meaning of the Greek words needs nothing beyond themselves to
   explain them. But it is likely enough that St James had in mind, when
   he was writing, hytsr hr, or "the evil impulse," often spoken of in
   Jewish literature, starting from Gen. vi. 5; viii. 21 ("imagination"),
   properly the set or frame (plasma) of the heart or of its thoughts,
   occasionally identified with Satan, but oftener not. Cf. Weber, Syst.
   der alt-synagog. Pal. Theol. 204 ff., 223 ff.

   The representation of the desire as a personal tempter, probably
   implied in this verse and clearly expressed in the next, may contain
   the idea that, not being evil intrinsically, it becomes evil when the
   man concedes to it a separate voice and will instead of keeping it
   merged in his own personality, and thus subject to his authority. The
   story of Eve, with the Jewish allegories on the same subject, can
   hardly have been absent from St James' mind: but it does not meet his
   purpose sufficiently to affect his language. On the other hand he
   probably pictured to himself the tempter desire as a harlot. Here too a
   Christian distinction may be latent in the image: the desire tempts not
   by evil but by misused good (cf. [144]v. 17).

   exelkomenos kai deleazomenos, being enticed and allured (by it)]
   Deleazo, to allure by a bait (delear), is frequently used
   metaphorically, as here. Exelko, a rather rare word, is not known to
   occur in any similar passage. The sense of Aristotle's plegas labon kai
   para tes gunaikos exelkustheis (Pol. V. 10, p. 1311 b 29) is too
   obscure to supply illustration. Several commentators cite as from Plut.
   De sera num. vind. (no ref.), to gluku tes epithumias hosper delear
   exelkein: Plutarch's real words are (p. 554 F), to gluku tes adikias
   hosper delear euthus exededoke. The combination with deleazo, has
   naturally suggested here the image of fish drawn out of the water by a
   line (hoi de elkousi; epean de exelkusthe es gen -- Herod. ii. 70, of
   the crocodile), in spite of the obvious difficulty that the bait ought
   to precede the line: but the whole conception is unsuitable to the
   passage. The simple helko is used for the drawing or attracting
   operation of a love-charm (iunx: so Pind. Nem. iv. 56; Xen. Mem. iii.
   11, 18; Theocrit. ii. 17 ff.; as duco Verg. Ecl. viii. 68); and soon
   came to be applied to any pleasurable attraction (Xen. Symp. i. 7;
   Plat. Rep. v. p. 458 D with peithein, but erotikais anankais; vii 538
   D, epitedeumata hedonas echonta, ha kolakeuei men hemon ten psuchen kai
   helkei eph' heauta, peithei de ou tous kai hopeoun metrioths; Philostr.
   Ep. 39, kalos ei, kan me theles, kai pantas helkeis to ameloumeno,
   hosper hoi botrues kai ta mela kai ei ti allo automaton kalon; Athan.
   Or. cont. Gentes 30 on men leaving the way of truth, on which they have
   been set dia tas exoiem autous helkousas hedonas tou biou; Ael. N. A.
   vi. 31). It is associated with delear, deleazo, in Plut. Moral. 1093 D,
   hai d' apo geometrias kai astrologias kai harmonikes drimu kai poikilon
   echousai to delear [hedonai] oudenos ton agogimon apodeousin, helkousai
   kathaper iunxi tois diagrammasin. Philo says (i. 512), epithumia men
   gar, holkon echousa dunamin, kai an pheuge to pothoumenon diokein
   anankazei. Such seems to be the sense here, ek being prefixed to denote
   the drawing out of the right place or relation or the drawing aside out
   of the right way: cf. ekklino, ekpipto, ekstrephomai, ektrepomai, and
   especially (though not in N.T.) exago. The present tense of the
   participles expresses only the enticing and alluring action of the
   desire, antecedently to its being obeyed or resisted. Renderings of
   exelkomenos like "drawn astray," though in themselves more expressive
   than "enticed," would therefore involve an erroneous anticipation of
   the next verse. Cf. on this use of helko Creuzer in Plotin. de pulchr.
   pp. 249 ff.

   ^15eita he epithumia sullabousa tiktei hamartian, he de hamartia
   apotelestheisa apokuei thanaton.

   15. eita, next] Eita, when historical (in Heb. xii. 9 it is logical),
   marks a fresh and distinct incident, whether immediate or, as in the
   parable of the Sower (Mk iv. 17; Lk. viii. 12), after an interval. Thus
   here it separates the temptation from the yielding to temptation
   implied in sullabousa.

   he epithumia, the desire] That is, either his desire generally, as the
   article in [145]v. 14 suggests, or that particular desire of his which
   tempted him; not desire in the abstract.

   sullabousa tiktei, conceiveth and bringeth forth] The double image
   distinguishes the consent of the will (the man) to the desire from the
   resulting sinful act, which may follow either instantly or at a future
   time. On the other hand the compact phrase adopted from the O.T. (Gen.
   iv. 1, 17 etc.) participle and verb brings thought and act together as
   a single stage between the temptations on the one hand and the death on
   the other: the sin dates its existence from the moment of consent,
   though it is by act that it is born into the world.

   hamartian, a sin] This might of course be "sin": but the individual
   sense suits the passage better; each special desire has a special sin
   for its illegitimate offspring. The personified sin of this verse is
   neither momentary thoughts nor momentary deeds, but has a continuous
   existence and growth, a parasitical life: it is what we call a sinful
   state, a moral disease which once generated runs its course unless
   arrested by the physician.

   he de hamartia apotelestheisa, and the sin, when it is fully formed]
   Apotelestheisa is not exactly "full-grown," a sense for which there is
   no authority, but denotes completeness of parts and functions either
   accompanying full growth as opposed to a rudimentary or otherwise
   incomplete state, e.g. of the winged insect in contrast to the
   chrysalis and the grub (Plato Tim. 73 n; Pseud.-Plato Epinom. 981 C;
   Aristot. H. A. v. 19, p. 552 a 28; Generat. Animal. ii. 1, p. 732 a 32;
   iii/ 11. p. 762 b 4), or possessed by beings of high organisation
   (Aristot. H. A. ix. 1, p. 608 b 7, man as compared with other animals
   echei ten phusin apotetelesmenen). Similarly it is used of mental or
   moral accomplishment (gen. Hipparch. vii. 4; Oecon. xiii. 3; Lucian
   Hermot. 8, hos an apotelesthe pros areten). In virtue of its morbid
   life the sin goes on acquiring new members and faculties (cf. Rom. vi.
   6; Col. iii. 5) till it reaches the perfection of destructiveness. It
   may be safely assumed that apoteleisthai does not mean, as some
   suppose, the carrying out of a sinful thought into act, though
   purposes, desires, hopes, prayers are said apotelestheisa. The image
   requires in this place a sense applicable to a living being.

   apokuei thanaton, giveth birth to death] The precise force of apokueo,
   here and in [146]v. 18, is not altogether certain. Tikto, which St
   James has just employed, is the usual literary word for the bearing of
   a son or daughter by the mother (only poets employ it of the father):
   it has reference to parentage, the relation of mother to child.
   Apokueo, as most commonly used, is the medical or physical word
   denoting the same fact, but chiefly as the close of pregnancy (kueo):
   thus a person named is very rarely said apokueisthai; while this verb
   is often applied to the young of animals, and in the case of human
   births the accompanying substantive is usually brephos or some other
   neuter form. Perhaps in consequence of this neuter and so to speak
   impersonal reference, apokueo seems further (though the evidence is
   scanty) to have been specially applied to cases of births abnormal in
   themselves or in their antecedents; as of Athene from the brain of Zeus
   (Et. Mag. 371, 35) of misshapen animals (Herodian i. 14, 1); or of one
   species from another (Phlegon passim) etc. Here there is no father. The
   birth of death follows of necessity when once sin is fully formed, for
   sin from its first beginnings carried death within.

   For other images of the relation of sin to death see Gen. ii. 17; Ezek.
   xviii. 4; Rom. v. 12; vi. 21 (the nearest in sense to St James'
   language), 23; vii. 11, 13; 1 Cor. xv. 56; cf. 1 Jn v. 16.

   ^16Me planasthe, adelphoi mou agapetoi.

   16. me planasthe, be not deceived] Occurs similarly 1 Cor. vi. 9; xv
   33; Gal. vi. 7: in each case the danger lies in some easy
   self-deception, either springing up naturally within or prompted by
   indulgent acceptance of evil examples without. The "wandering"
   forbidden is not wandering from right action, but from a right habit of
   mind concerning action. The middle sense "go not astray" is possible
   here, but the passive "be not led astray "is preferable (2 Tim. iii.
   13; cf. 1 Jn iii. 7). Delusions like these, St James means to say,
   would not be possible to men fully embracing the fundamental truth
   "Every gift" etc.

   adelphoi mou agapetoi, my beloved brethren] So [147]v. 19; [148]ii. 5.
   The simple adelphoi or adelphoi mou recurs often in the Epistle.

   ^17pasa dosis agathe kai pan dorema teleion anothen estin, katabainon
   apo tou patros ton photon, par' ho ouk eni parallage e tropes
   aposkiasma.

   17. The first part of this verse admits several constructions. The
   commonest makes anothen the predicate, and katabainon k.t.l.
   epexegetic, "every good gift (or, giving) etc. is from above,
   descending etc.": anothen estin is however a weak and unlikely phrase;
   contrast ek ton ano eimi (Jn viii. 23) with anothen erchomenos (iii.
   31); en dedomenon soi anothen (xix. 11). This difficulty is removed by
   making anothen dependent on katabainon etc., which is thus taken into
   the predicate: but the substitution of esti, katabainon for katabainei
   either is unmeaning or enfeebles the sense; in [149]iii. 15, ouk estin
   haute he sophia anothen katerchomene , the participle is adjectival or
   qualitative, as the next clause shews, while here a statement of fact
   is required. Both constructions are liable to a more fatal objection,
   incongruity with the context. The doctrine contained in them is clearly
   enunciated in the Apocrypha and still more by Philo, being an obvious
   inference from O. T. language; and little if at all less clearly by
   heathen writers; but it is out of place here. Though every good gift
   were from above, yet evil gifts might proceed from the same source; and
   if so, the good God might remain the tempter. A perception of the
   difficulty has led Bengel and others into forcing an impossible meaning
   upon pasa dosis agathe, "a gift (giving) altogether good," and then
   extorting from this translation the sense "nothing but good gifts."

   The true construction was pointed out by Mr Thomas Erskine (The
   unconditional freeness of the Gospel, Edinburgh, 1829 [ed. 3] pp. 239
   ff.). The predicate is agathe and teleion anothen, "every giving is
   good and every gift perfect from above (or, from its first source),
   descending etc."; paraphrased by Mr Erskine, "there are no bad gifts,
   no bad events; every appointment is gracious in its design, and
   divinely fitted for that design." Anothen is more completely
   appropriate to teleios than to agathos (cf. Symb. Antioch. Macrost. ap.
   Athan. de Synod. 26, p. 740 D [732 B Migne], ouden gar prosphaton ho
   christos proseilephen axioma, all' anothen teleion auton kai to Patri
   kata panta homoion einai pepisteukamen): but had its force been
   intentionally limited to teleion (as Mr Erskine apparently assumes), it
   would hardly have been placed at the end; and it makes. excellent sense
   with both adjectives. On this view St James must mean by "every gift"
   every gift of God: the limitation is supplied by the context, and is
   further justified by the absolute use of he orge, [to] thelema (see
   Lightfoot, On Revision of the N.T., 105 f.), and by the converse use of
   doron absolute for an offering of man to God (Mt. xv. 5; Mk vii. 11;
   Lk. xxi. 4 [true text]). Thus [150]i. 5 and this verse complete each
   other: God's giving is gracious and ungrudging in respect of His own
   mind; it is good and perfect in respect of its work and destination:
   dosis and agathe form the intermediate link.

   dosis . . . dorema, giving . . . gift] These cannot possibly be
   synonyms: rhetorical repetition of identical sense in other diction is
   incompatible with the carefully economised language of all writers of
   the N.T., and here the words are emphatically distinguished by means of
   pasa, pan, and the separate adjectives. The difference is probably
   double. Since dosis is often not less concrete than doma, and dorea (as
   always in Acts) than dorema, the variety of termination might have had
   no significance. But it was easy to use either dosis and dorea or doma
   and dorema; so that the contrast of forma and genders would be
   singularly clumsy if it was not intentional Aoalr occurs elsewhere in
   the N.T. only in Phil. iv. 15, where it is verbal, doseos kai lempseos:
   so Ecclus. xli. 19; xlii. 7. It is also verbal in Philo (Leg. Alleg.
   iii. 20, p. 100; de Cherub. 25, p. 154), being in the second place
   treated, like dorea, as a species of charis. In one passage (Rom. v. 15
   f.) St Paul distinctly employs dorea in the same relation to dorema as
   charis to charisma (cf. Mart. Polyc. xx. 2); and the other places where
   he uses dorea gain force if it is taken as qualitative or semi-verbal
   (Rom. v. 17; 2 Cor. ix. 15; Eph. iii. 7; iv. 7: so probably also Jn iv.
   10; Heb. vi. 4). On this evidence, direct and indirect, the relation of
   "giving" (so the Geneva and "Bishops" Bibles) to "gift" must be
   accepted as distinguishing dosis from dorema.

   Another difference, probably here subordinate, is independent of the
   termination. In the second passage cited above, and also Leg. Alleg.
   iii. 70, p. 126, Philo distinguishes the dora and domata of the LXX. in
   Numb. xxviii. 2 by value, calling dora "perfect good things," and
   stating that dosis is a "moderate grace" (charis mose), dorea a
   "better" grace: but this conception is otherwise unsupported. On the
   other hand doroumai, dorea, dorema usually imply free giving, sometimes
   with anticipation of a return but still not as matter of barter; and
   Aristotle (Top. iv. 4, p. 125 a 17) chooses dosis as an illustration of
   a "genus," dorea of a "species"; "for dorea," he says, "is a dosis
   without repayment" (anapodotos). This secondary difference cannot be
   rendered concisely in English without exaggeration: and indeed dorema
   merely gives prominence to what in this context is already latent in
   dosis. Moreover in good Attic writers dosis when not used technically
   is chiefly applied to Divine benefits, e.g. several times in Plato: so
   Plutarch (C. Mar. 46, p. 433 A) represents Antipater of Tarsus as
   counting up the happinesses (makarion) of his life at its end, katharer
   philochrestou tes tuches hapasan dosin eis megalen charin tithemenon.

   agathe, good] Agathos denotes properly what is good in operation and
   result to things outside itself, utility in the utmost generality (Mt.
   vii. 17 pan dendron agathon karpous kalous poiei), and hence
   beneficence where there is a personal agent. So Ecclus. xxxix. 33, "All
   the works of Jehovah are good (agatha;), and he (or, they) will supply
   every need in its season." "Good" gifts in particular (not deceptive
   gifts of evil effect), and that as given by God, are the subject of a
   saying by our Lord (Mt. vii. 11; Lk. xi. 13) which St James may have
   had in view: but the conception is widely spread.

   teleion, perfect] As agathos expresses the character of the gifts,
   derived from the Giver, so teleios expresses the completeness of their
   operation when they are not misused. Philo says themis de ouden ateles
   auto charizesthai, hosth' halokleroi kai panteleis hai tou agennetou
   doreai pasai (i. 173); charizetai de ho theos tois hupekoois ateles
   ouden, plere de kai teleia panta (i. 447).

   anothen, from the beginning or from their source] The commonest sense
   "from above," found in various similar passages, is harsh here in
   combination with the adjectives, though the etymology may have dictated
   the choice of the word, as specially appropriate to the subject of the
   verse. It is rather, as often, "from the beginning" (so Lk. i. 3; Acts
   xxvi. 5; Gal. iv. 9); or, with a slight modification, "from their
   source," origin suggesting the ground antecedent to origin. Nearly
   similar is the use in Dion Cass. xliv. 37: hosois de anothen ("from
   their ancestry," as the context shews) ek pollou sperma andragathias
   huparchei; Ps.-Demosth. p. 1125, poneros houtos anothen ek tou Anakeiou
   kadikos; Athenag. de Res. 17, haute gar ton anthropon he phusis,
   anothen kai kata gnomen tou toiesantos sunkekleromenen echousa ten
   anomalian; Clem. Alex. Protrept. iv. p. 50, chrusos esti to agalma sou,
   . . . lithos estin, ge estin ean anothen noeses. God's gifts are
   inherently good and perfect in virtue of His nature.

   katabainon, descending] Sc. "as they do." This clause is explanatory of
   anothen. They are good and perfect, because their source is good and
   perfect.

   tou patros ton photon, the Father of lights] In Greek literature and in
   Philo pater is sometimes hardly more than a rhetorical synonym for
   "Maker," usually coupled with a more exact word such as poietes or
   demiourgos: but this lax use finds no precedent in Scripture, and
   leaves the sense imperfect here. God's relation to finite things must
   include authorship; but the authorship required by St James' argument
   must be combined with likeness, and a higher perfection in the
   likeness. Every light is an offspring of the perfect and primal Light,
   and in some sense bears His image: its character as a light fits it to
   set forth that character of God to which St James makes appeal. Philo
   calls God "an archetypal Splendour (auge), sending forth numberless
   beams" (i. 156); "not only Light, but also [a light] archetypal of
   every other light, nay rather elder and more original (anoteron) than
   an archetype" (i. 632); and "the primary most perfect Good, the
   perpetual fountain of wisdom and righteousness and every virtue," "an
   archetypal exemplar of laws and Sun [? archetypal] of sun, intellectual
   [Sun] of material [sun], supplying from His invisible fountains streams
   of visible light to all that we see" (horata phenge to blepomeno) (ii.
   254).

   The plural phota has various applications, to lamps or torches, to
   windows, and to days. In the O.T. 'vr, "light," and m'vr, "a light" or
   "a luminary," are distinguished (markedly in Gen. i. 3 ff., 18.;
   contrast 14 ff.). But the phrase 'vrym occurs once (Ps. cxxxvi. 7), the
   subject being the heavenly luminaries, and there the LXX. also has
   phota (in place of the usual phosteres), as it has again in Jer. iv. 23
   with the same sense, but apparently not reading the Massoretic text.
   The next clause suggests that the luminaries of the sky were present to
   St James' mind, nor indeed could he have forgotten the chief of visible
   lights: it does not however follow that they alone were meant to be
   denoted by ton photon, which would more naturally include all lights,
   and that invisible as well as visible (see next verse and [151]iii. 15,
   [152]17). The words "Father" and "lights" taken in their proper sense
   illustrate each other. Plutarch (ii. 930) uses the phrase polla ton
   photon quite generally, so far as appears, while his immediate subject
   is the moon.

   par' ho, with whom] This peculiar use of para, too lightly treated by
   commentators, occurs in two other phrases of the N.T., both repeated
   more than once; para anthropois adunaton all' ou para theo, panta gar
   dunata para [to] theo (Mk x. 27; with Mt. xix. 26; Lk. xviii. 27); ou
   gar estin prosopolepsia para to theo (Rom. ii. 11; and virtually Eph.
   vi. 9). In the Gospel saying para anthropois is probably formed only in
   antithesis to para to theo, itself taken from the common or Alexandrine
   text of Gen. xviii. 14, me adunatei para to theo rhema, where the
   original reading (Dov, Hil. a deo, B being deficient here) seems to be
   para tou theou, as the Hebrew suggests, followed by the best MSS. of
   Lk. i. 37. The usage probably comes from the Hebrew instinct of
   reverence which preferred "in the presence of God," "with God" (m) to
   "in God" (b); so Ps. xxxvi. 10, para soi pege zoes; cxxx. 7, para to
   kurio to eleos kai polle par' auto lutrosis; Job xxvii. 11, anangelo
   humin ti estin en cheiri Kuriou, ha estin para Pantokratori ou
   pseusomai. Winer's reference (p. 492 Moulton) to the "metaphysical"
   conception of possession, power etc. (penes) is forced; and the
   frequent meaning "in the sight of" (v. 27) is still less applicable. In
   the only classical passage cited (Matthiae, Winer) Demosthenes uses
   para with depreciative circumlocution analogous to but not identical
   with the biblical diction, ei d' oun esti kai par' emoi tis empeiria
   toiaute (De Cor., p. 318), "if indeed any such skill does reside with
   me."

   ouk eni, can be no or there is no room for] Eni is not a contraction of
   enesti, eneisi, but simply eni, the Ionic form of en, retained in this
   Attic idiom like para without the substantive verb: so P. Buttmann Gr.
   Gr. ii. 375; Winer-Moulton, p. 96; Lightfoot on Gal. iii. 28, where as
   in Col. iii. 11 the use is identical. The same force adds indignant
   irony to St Paul's question in 1 Cor. vi. 5, houtos houk eni en humin
   oudeis sophos hos k.t.l.; "is it impossible that there should be among
   you etc.?", as it adds playful irony to the suggestion in Plato's
   Phaedo (77 E), mallon de me hos hemon dedioton, all' isos eni tis kai
   en hemin pais hostis ta toiauta phobeitai, "perhaps it is not
   impossible that even among us etc.": there is no reason to think that
   eni ever becomes a bare equivalent of estin.

   parallage, variation] Parallasso, parallaxis, parallage, are words of
   wide range, perhaps starting from the notion of alternation or
   succession attached to the adverb parallax, but in common use applied
   to all kinds of variations (different states of a single thing), and
   then all differences as between one thing and another; not to speak of
   several derivative senses. The various periodic changes of the heavenly
   bodies are doubtless chiefl intended here. In the North of Scotland the
   emperor Severus, says Dion Cassius (lxxvi.13), ten te tou helion
   parallaxin kai to ton hemeron, ton te nukton kai ton therinon kai ton
   cheimerinon megethos akribestata katephorasen. There is of course no
   reference to parallax in the modern sense, though it was known
   (parallaxis) to at least the later Greek astronomy. For the doctrine
   cf. Mal. iii. 6; Ps. cii. 25 ff.

   tropes, change] Though trope often means a solstice and sometimes also
   an equinox, this sense is excluded by the combination with "shadow,"
   which must be intelligible through obvious phenomena without
   astronomical lore. Trope is a favourite word with Philo, usually
   coupled with metabole, denoting any change undergone by any object.
   Some passages approach this verse, as i. 80, "When the mind has sinned
   and removed itself far from virtue, it lays the blame on things divine
   (ta theia), attributing to God its own change (trope)"; i. 82, "How
   shall a man believe God? If he learn that all other things change
   (trepetai), but He alone is unchangeable (atreptos)"; ii. 322, "It is
   unlawful that he [the high priest, Num. xxxv. 25] should have any
   defilement whatever attaching to him, either owing to deliberate act or
   in virtue of a change in the soul without purpose (kata propen tes
   psuches abouleton: cf. bouletheis in v. 18)."

   St James may have had chiefly in view either night and day (cf. Bas.
   Hex. Hom. ii. p. 20 B, kai nux skiasma ges apokruptomenou heliou
   ginomenon), or the monthly obscurations of the moon, or even the casual
   vicissitudes of light due to clouds.

   aposkiasma, shadow] Either the shadow cast by an object (more commonly
   skiasma, as several times in Plutarch, to skiasma tes ges, the shadow
   cast by the earth on the moon in an eclipse), or a faint image or copy
   of an object. On the strength of this second sense some late writers
   supposed St James to mean "not a trace (ichnos) of change": but usage
   gives them no support, and shadow no less than change must form part of
   the primary image. The genitive doubtless expresses "belonging to
   change," "due to change" ("shadowing by turning," Geneva).

   The whole verse may be compared with 1 Jn i. 5 ff.: here temptation to
   evil, there indifference to evil, is declared impossible for the
   Perfect Light. But here the name Father introduces an additional
   conception, illustrated in the next verse.

   A few lines may be quoted from a striking Whitsun Day sermon of
   Andrewes on the present verse (p.752, ed. 1635). "Yet are there
   varyings and changes, it cannot be denied; we see them daily. True: but
   the point is per quem, on whom to lay them. Not on God. Seems there any
   recess? it is we forsake Him, not He us: it is the ship that moves;
   though they that be in it think the land goes from them, not they from
   it. Seems there any variation, as that of the night? it is umbra terrae
   makes it: the light makes it not. Is there anything resembling a
   shadow? a vapour rises from us, makes the cloud, which is as a
   penthouse between, and takes Him from our sight: that vapour is our
   lust; there is the apud quem. Is any tempted? it is his own lust doth
   it: that entices him to sin, that brings us to the shadow of death: it
   is not God; no more than He can be tempted, no more can He tempt any.
   If we find any change the apud is with us, not Him: we change; He is
   unchanged. Man walks in a vain shadow: His ways are the truth; He
   cannot deny Himself." [iii. p. 374.]

   ^18bouletheis apekuesen hemas logo aletheias, eis to einai hemas
   aparchen tina ton autou [18] ktismaton

   18. The details of this verse are best approached by asking to whom it
   refers. Does St James mean by hemas "us" men, the recipients of God's
   word of reason; or "us" sons of Israel (Jew and Christian not
   distinguished), the recipients of God's word of revelation generally;
   or "us" Christians, the recipients of God's word of the Gospel? Several
   considerations appear to shew decisively that he meant mankind
   generally. First, the natural sense of ktismaton: a chosen race or
   Church would surely have been called a firstfruit of "men" (as Apoc.
   xiv. 4: cf. Jam. iii. 9), not of God's "creatures"; the force of
   ktismaton is pointed by apekuesen ("gave . . . birth"). Second, the
   connexion with vv. [153]12-[154]17, which evidently refer to God's
   dealings with men generally: a statement applicable only to Christians,
   or Jews and Christians, could not have been affixed to them with such
   close structure of language, or without at least some word of clear
   distinction. Third, the absence of articles with logo aletheias: a Jew,
   much more a Christian, could not fail to call the revelation made to
   him "the word of [the] truth"; St James never indulges in lax omission
   of articles; and the sense excludes explanation of the omission by a
   specially predicative emphasis. Fourth, a comparison with [155]v. 21:
   if, as we shall find, ton emphuton logon can mean only "the inborn
   word," not any word proclaimed from without, there is a strong
   presumption that the "word of truth" of the earlier verse is the same.
   This conclusion is free from difficulty except on the assumption that
   St James could not call an inward voice of God "a word of truth," which
   will be examined below; and no other words of the verse favour, even in
   appearance, a more restricted reference.

   bouletheis, of set purpose] Boulomai and thelo, though largely
   coincident in sense, and often capable of being interchanged, never
   really lose the distinction indicated by Ammonius, De diff. verb. p.
   31, boulesthai men epi monou lekteon tou logikou, to de thelein kai epu
   alogou zoou, and again (p. 70), thelein kai boulesthai ean lege tis,
   delosei hoti akousios te kai eulogos oregetai tinos (quoted though not
   accepted by W. Dindorf in Steph. Thes.). Thelo expresses the mere fact
   of volition or desire, neither affirming nor denying an accompanying
   mental process: boulomai expresses volition as guided by choice and
   purpose. Hence boule, "counsel," agrees exactly in sense with boulomai,
   and the derivative bouleuomai differs only by accentuating deliberation
   of purpose still further: accordingly bouleuomai is substituted for
   boulomai in inferior MSS. of Acts, v. 33; xv. 37; 2 Cor. i. 17.

   A distinction the inverse of this has been for many years traditional,
   founded on a part of Buttmann's acute but not quite successful
   exposition of Homeric usage in the Lexilogus (194 ff. E.T.). He
   observed that thelo is applied to "a desire of something the execution
   of which is, or at least appears to be, in one's own power"; while
   boulomai expresses "that kind of willingness or wishing in which the
   wish and the inclination toward a thing are either the only thing
   contained in the expression, or are at least intended to be
   particularly marked": and he assumed purpose or design to be involved
   in the former kind of desire. But the observation does not sustain the
   inference. The cases in which we naturally speak simply of volition are
   just those in which action either follows instantly or is suspended
   only by another volition of the same agent: while the separation of
   wish and inclination from fulfilment exactly corresponds with the
   separation of the mental process leading to a volition from the
   volition itself, which is not in strictness formed till action becomes
   possible. This view is in like manner illustrated by two accessory
   observations. In Homer the gods are said boulesthai, not thelein,
   although their action is unimpeded. Buttmann explains this peculiarity
   by a respectful intention to emphasize "the inclination, the favour,
   the concession"; but it seems rather due to a feeling that the
   volitions of gods are always due to some provident counsel (Dios d'
   eteleieto boule). On the other hand the antithesis an hoi te theoi
   thelosi kai humeis boulesthe (Demosth. Olynth. ii. 20, p. 24, cited by
   Dindorf) probably rests on the contrast between the absoluteness of the
   Divine volitions and the human need of deliberation before decision.
   Again the meaning of inclination latent in boulomai is often extended
   so as to include preference or relative inclination: but as a rule
   preference implies comparison, and comparison belongs to the mental
   antecedents of volition, not to volition itself.

   Bouletheis, like boulomenos, might doubtless mean "of His own will,"
   i.e. spontaneously, without compulsion or suggestion from without: but
   such a sense is feeble in this context. On the other hand it cannot by
   itself express graciousness of will, as some have supposed. If we give
   boulomai its proper force, an adequate sense is at once obtained. Man's
   evil thoughts of God are inconsistent with a true sense of his own
   nature and destiny, as determined for him from the beginning by God's
   counsel. Thus the words "that we might be a kind of firstfruits of his
   creatures" would by themselves shew why St James might place the Divine
   counsel or purpose in the forefront. But there is much reason for
   thinking that bouletheis further refers to the peculiarity of man's
   creation in the Mosaic narrative, as having been preceded by the
   deliberative words "Let us make man," etc. It is morally certain that
   the rest of the verse is a paraphrase of what had been said about the
   creation in God's image: and if so, St James, in recalling God's
   purpose concerning man, might naturally point to the mysterious
   language of Genesis which seemed to invest man's creation with special
   glory on this very ground as well as on the other. It is at least
   certain that the same interpretation was placed on these words of
   Genesis by several of the gathers (Philo's explanation is quite
   different), and that without any apparent dependence on St James. It is
   probably implied in Tertullian's remarkable fifth chapter against
   Praxeas (e.g. Nam etsi Deus nondum Sermonem suum miserat, proinde eum
   cum ipsa et in ipsa Ratione intra semetipsum habebat tacite cogitando
   et disponendo secum quae per Sermonem mox erat dicturus; cum Ratione
   enim sua cogitans atque disponens Sermonem eam efficiebat quam sermone
   tractabat). The language of others is quite explicit. Macarius Magnes
   (Fragm. Ham. in Gen., Duchesne De Macario Magnete, p. 39): kai ta men
   alla ktismata rhemati mono parektai. ho de anthropos eschen exaireton
   ti kata ten poiesin para tauta. Boules gar proegoumenes ektisthe, hina
   ek toutou deichthe hotiper ktisma timion uparchei; to gar Poiesomen
   anthropon kat' eikona hemeteran kai kath' homoiosin ouden heteron
   deiknusin e hoti sumboulo echresato ho pater to monogenei autou to huio
   epi te toutou kataskeue k.t.l. ... boules gar energeia to pan [p. 1397
   B-D, Migne].

   apekuesen hemas, gave us birth] i.e. at the outset, antecedently to
   growth. We are His children, made in His likeness. See note on v. 15.

   logo aletheias, by a word of truth] This phrase is evidently capable of
   various senses, according to context. In O.T. (Ps. cxix. 43; Prov.
   xxii. 21 bis; Eccl. xii. l0) it is a word of truth uttered by men in
   the common ethical sense, words of veracity or of
   faithfulsteadfastness. In 2 Cor. vi. 7, en logo aletheias, it means
   "utterance of truth" in speaking such things as are true and recognised
   as true; the matter of it having been previously called ho logos tou
   theou (ii. 17; and esp. iv. 2, te phanerosei t. aletheias). This
   message of truth as a whole is called ho logos tes aletheias Eph. i.
   13; 2 Tim. ii. 15. In this last sense St James is understood by those
   who assume him to refer here directly to the Gospel. As seen above,
   this agrees neither with the absence of articles nor with the context.
   We must at least see whether the words cannot naturally bear a meaning
   which connects them with the original creation of man.

   It is at first sight tempting to have recourse to the Jewish conception
   of the Creation as accomplished by ten Words of God ("And God said").
   So Aboth v. 1, " By ten Sayings the world was created," and refit in
   Taylor; Aristob. ap. Euseb. Pr. Ev. xiii. p.664 says that "Moses has
   spoken of the whole creation (genesin) of the world as theou logous."
   In this case log. al. would be the actual words described as spoken.
   But it is not easy to see how they could be called log. al., and
   moreover this sense, while it would suit well with ektisen or epoiesen,
   does not harmonise with epekuesen.

   We must therefore seek the explanation rather in the distinctive
   feature of man's creation in Gen. ii. 7, the special imbreathing from
   God Himself, by which man became, in a higher sense than the animals,
   "a living soul." But how was this a word, a word of truth? The answer
   is given by looking back from the word of truth in the special
   Christian sense. St Peter (i. 23) speaks of Christians as
   anagegennemenoi not by (ek) a corruptible seed but an incorruptible,
   dia logou zontos theou kai menontos: he goes on to quote Is. xl. 6-8 on
   the abidingness of the word of the Lord, and adds that this rhema is to
   euangelisthen eis humas: in other words, the essence of the Gospel was
   an utterance (rhema) of God's Word or speech to mankind. Here the
   abiding word of God stands to the new birth, or renewal, in the same
   position as log. al. in St James to the original Divine birth, and the
   word is called a seed. This large view of God's revelation is, next,
   what we find in e.g. Ps. cxix., where the spiritual conception of God's
   law, which pervades the psalm (and of which we shall find much in St
   James), is exchanged occasionally for a similar conception of His
   "word" or utterance (v. 142 compared with 160), the word which abideth
   for ever in heaven. And now thirdly St James looks back beyond the Law
   to the original implanting of a Divine seed in man by God. By this
   Divine spark or seed God speaks to man, and speaks truth. This is the
   conception of Eph. iv. 24, ton kata theon ktisthenta . . . tes
   aletheias, and Col. iii. 10, eis epignosin kat' eikona tou ktisantos
   autun. And so Aug. De Gen. ad lit. iii. 30 enquiring wherein consists
   the image of God says "Id autem est ipsa ratio vel mens vel
   intelligentia, vel si quo alio vocabulo commodius appellatur. Unde et
   Apostolus dicit, Renovamini etc."; and again (32) "Sicut enim post
   lapsum peccati homo in agnitione Dei renovatur secundum imaginem ejus
   qui creavit eum, ita in ipsa agnitione creatus est, ante quam delicto
   veterasceret, unde rursum in eadem agnitione renovaretur." Here the
   human agnitio is correlative to the Divine logos. Philo (De opif. 28,
   p. 20) says gennesas auton (Adam) ho pater hegemonikon phusei zoon ouk
   ergo monon alla kai te dia logou cheirotonia kathistesi ton upo selenen
   hapanton basilea. Thus the distinctly perceived word of truth of the
   Gospel enables St James to look back to the creation, and regard that
   too not only as a Divine birth, but as a Divine birth in virtue of a
   Divine seed which was also a Word of truth, the means by which all
   other words of truth were to enter man. [See on 1 Pet. l.c.]

   eis to, in order that] It is needless here to consider the debated
   question whether eis to with infinitive following a verb denotes always
   purpose, or sometimes only result ("so that"). Here Divine purpose is
   clearly meant (cf. [156]iii. 3): the relation of man to the world is
   part of God's plan, and cannot indeed be separated from His purpose
   respecting man himself.

   aparchen tina ton autou (v. eautou) ktismaton, a kind of firstfruits of
   his creatures] Here again the phrase has force at all three stages of
   revelation. It is manifestly true of Christians (cf. Rom. xi. 16): true
   also of Israel, as Jer. ii. 3 hagios Israel. to kurio, arche (r'syt)
   genematon autou; and again Philo de const. princ. 6 (ii. 366) to sumpan
   Ioudaion ethnos . . . tou sumpantos anthropon genous apeoemethe hoia
   tis aparche to poiete kai patri; and lastly of the human race (cf. Rom.
   viii.)

   ktismaton] Wisdom ix. 2, kai te sophia sou kataskeua'sas [kataskeuasas]
   anthropon hina despoze ton hupo sou genomenon ktismaton. Amb. Hex. vi.
   75, Sed jam finis sermoni nostro sit, quoniam completus est dies sextus
   et mundani operis summa conclusa est, perfecto videlicet homine in quo
   principatus est animantium universorum, et summa quaedam universitatis,
   et omnis mundanae gratia creaturae. . . . Fecerat enim hominem,
   rationis capacem, imitatorem sui, virtutum aemulatorem, cupidum
   caelestium gratiarum.

   ^19Iste, adelphoi mou agapetoi. esto de pas anthropos tachus eis to
   akousai, bradus eis to lalesai, bradus eis orgen,

   19. Iste and esto de] So read for Hoste and esto without de, which is
   Syrian only, the connexion between the clauses not being perceived.

   Iste may be either indicative or imperative. But St James ([157]iv. 4)
   has the other form oidate in indicative; and probably used this shorter
   and sharper form for distinction, to mark the imperative; this being
   also the best sense. The N.T. writers commonly use oidate; but iste
   occurs in two other places (Eph. v. 5; Heb. xii. 17), both of which
   gain by being taken imperatively, the former in particular.

   Here St James repeats positively what he has said negatively in [158]v.
   16. In vv. [159]13-[160]15 he was combating error; and then he finally
   says Me planasthe as introductory to his fundamental doctrine of
   [161]17, [162]18. That doctrine being now set forth, he a second time
   calls attention to it on the positive side, as the basis of what he is
   going to say. "Know it well, my beloved: brethren (the old address
   repeated). And on the other hand" (de, with tacit reference to the
   acquiescence in evil hinted at in [163]v. 13).

   pas anthropos] There is force in ianthropos with reference to [164]v.
   18. The expression is not equivalent to pas, but everyone of the human
   race, that race which is God's offspring and endowed by Him with a
   portion of His own light.

   tachus eis to akousai] There are two grounds for this admonition: (1)
   suggested by logo aletheias (see [165]v. 21); (2) the love of violent
   and disputatious speech was to be a special object of attack in the
   Epistle (c. iii.).

   The admonition itself is common enough among moralists (Greek exx. in
   Wetstein, Theile, etc.), and especially in Ecclus. as v. 11-13; iv. 29
   (reading tachus with A'*, not trachus); xx. 5 ff. etc., and indeed in
   O.T. (Prov. xiii. 3 etc.). But in this connexion the sense must be more
   special, as also [166]v. 20 shews; and the reference must be to
   speaking in God's name or on God's behalf. What is desired is a quick
   and attentive ear to catch what God has spoken or is speaking, to be
   alive to any logos aletheias of His, rather than to be eager to dictate
   to others about His truth and will in a spirit of self-confidence and
   arrogance.

   Then he goes on in a secondary way to bradus eis orgen, because this
   arrogance of magisterial speech was closely mixed up with violence of
   speech, zeal for God being made a cloak for personal animosities.

   ^20orge gar andros dikaiosunen theou ouk ergazetai.

   20. orge gar andros, for a man's wrath] Not "the wrath of man." It is
   not exactly the broad distinction of human as against Divine wrath,
   which would require anthropou or ton anthropon; but a single man's
   anger, the petty passion, of an individual soul (cf. t. idias
   epithumias, [167]v. 14). Contrast Rom. xii. 19, te orge, the one
   central universal anger, which is only a particular form of the
   universal righteousness.

   dikaiosunen theou ouk ergazetai, worketh no righteousness of God] Not
   "the righteousness of God," but no righteousness which is a true part
   and vindication of God's righteousness. The late text has ou
   katergazetai by a natural correction: this would more distinctly
   express result. Result is of course included in ergazetai, but the main
   point is that a man's anger is not a putting in force, a giving
   operation to, any true righteousness of God, as it professed to be.

   ^21dio apothemenoi pasan rhuparian kai perisseian kakias en prauteti
   dexasthe ton emphuton logon ton dunamenon sosai tas psuchas humon.

   21. dio clearly marks the connexion of the verses, shewing that [168]19
   f. must be so understood as to prepare for dexasthe and the
   accompanying words.

   rhuparian kai perisseian, defilement and excrescence] These illustrate
   each other, being cognate though not identical images. perisseia is by
   no means to be confounded with the semi-medical perissoma, as it were
   the refuse of the body. The proper or usual sense of perisseia is
   simply abundance, superfluity; usually in a good sense as overflow;
   sometimes in a bad sense, as beyond measure.

   The special image here is evidently rank and excessive growth. So Philo
   interprets peritemnesthe t. sklerokardias as t. perittas phuseis tou
   hegemonikoi which are sown and increased by the unmeasured impulses of
   the passions (De vict. offer. ii. 258); also blastai perittai . . . t.
   blaberan epiphurin (De somn. i. 667); and other passages have the idea
   without the word. For the contrast to the original proper growth see
   Ps.-Just. De Monarch. i.: tes anthropines phuseos to kat' archen
   suzugian suneseos kai soterias labouses eis epignosin aletheias
   threskeias te tes eis ton hena kai panton despoten, pareisdusa eis
   eidolopoiias exetrepse baskania to huperballon tes ton anthropon
   megaleiotetos, kai pollo chrono meinan to perisson ethos hos oikeian
   kai alethe ten planen tois pollois paradidosi.

   Whether St James has trees particularly in view may be doubted, but he
   probably means simply "excrescence." The violent speech was not, as it
   was supposed to be, a sign of healthy life: it was a mere defilement
   and excrescence on a man considered in his true character as made in
   God's image.

   kakias, malice] It might be quite general, "evil"; but it seems here to
   have the proper sense of "malice": what was called "holy anger" was
   nothing better than spite.

   prauteti, meekness] The word is contrasted with kakias: the temper full
   of harshness and pride towards men destroyed the faculty of perceiving
   whatever God spoke.

   ton emphuton logon, the inborn word] A simple phrase, made difficult by
   the context. Heisen has 120 pages on it. Its proper meaning is
   "inborn," or rather "ingrown," "congenital," "natural" (often coupled
   with phusikos). It is used in opposition (Heisen 671) to didaktos,
   epiktetos, epeisaktos, etc. This agrees with the derivation. Phuo or
   phuomai is to grow, or causatively, to make to grow, as of a living
   being putting forth fresh growings (growing teeth, beard, etc.), or a
   higher being creating that which grows, or a parent producing
   offspring. So emphuoaai almost always is to be inborn in, to grow as
   part of. Where the causative use occurs (with one peculiar figurative
   exception Ael. N. A. xiv. 8 of eels fixing their teeth in a bait), it
   is always said of a higher power (God, nature, fate) who causes some
   power or impulse to grow up in a man or other living being from birth.

   Occasionally there is a secondary ingrowth, a "second nature," as we
   say; and both verb and adjective have this sense too. Thus Clem. Str.
   vi. 799, lambanei toinun trophen men pleiona he enkentristheisa elaia
   dia to agria emphuesthai, i.e. "grows into" a wild olive, not "is
   grafted into," which would be mere tautology after enkentristheisa.
   Also emphutos Herod. ix. 94 of Evenius, kai meta tauta autika emphuton
   mantiken eichen, i.e. he had a Divine gift of prophecy, not as a
   receiver of prophecies, but as the possessor of a power within himself.
   Such passages as these are useless for shewing that the word can mean
   implanted. So also passages in which God's bestowal of the gift is
   spoken of in the context. Thus Ps-Ign. Eph. 17, dia ti logikoi ontes ou
   ginometha phronimoi; dia ti emphuton to peri theou para christou
   labontes kriterion eis agnoian katapiptomen, ex ameleias agnoountes to
   charisma ho eilephamen anoetos apollumetha; Similarly Barn. ix. 9,
   oiden ho ten emphuton dorean tes didaches autou themenos en hemin:
   where t. didaches cannot be doctrine or revelation imparted to us, but
   an inward Divine teaching to interpret allegory, as is shewn by the
   parallel vi. 10, eulogetos ho kurios hemon, adelphoi, ho sophian kai
   noun themenos en hemin t. kruphion autou: and still more the corrupt
   passage i. 2, houtos (or, hou to) emphuton tes doreas pneumatikes
   charin eilephate (<tes before dor. C).

   It is therefore impossible to take ton emphuton logon as the outward
   message of the Gospel. He could never have used in that sense a word
   which every one who knew Greek would of necessity understand in the
   opposite sense. It may be that the idea of reception (dexasthe) is
   transferred from the external word: but in any case it has an
   intelligible meaning. The word is there, always sounding there; but it
   may be nevertheless received or rejected. This notion of the reception
   of a word already within is like ktesasthe tas psuchas (Lk. xxi. 19),
   or ktasthai to skeuos (1 Th. iv. 4). There is special force in emphuton
   contrasted with rhuparian kai periss.: these are unnatural, accidental;
   the voice of the word within is original and goes back to creation.

   This sense (Schulthess and as against the wrong sense Heinsius in loc.)
   has ancient authority. Oecum. (? e Did. Al.) has emphuton logon kalei
   ton diakritikon tou beltionos kai tou cheironos, kath' ho kai logikoi
   esmen kai kaloumetha. Cf. Athan. Or. c. Gent. 34, epistrepsai de
   dunantao ean hon enedusanto rhupon pases epithumias apothontai kai
   tosouton aponipsontai heos an apothontai pan to sumbebekos allotrion te
   psuche, kai monen auten hosper gegonen apodeixosin, hin' houtos en aute
   theoresai ton tou patros logon, kath' hon kai gegonasin ex arches
   dunethosin. kat' eikona gar theou pepoietai kai kath' homoiosin gegonen
   . . . hothen kai hote panta ton epichuthenta rhupon tes hamartias aph'
   eautes apotithetai, kai monon to kat' eikona katharon phulattei,
   eikotos dialamprunthentos toutou hos en katoptro theorei ten eikona tou
   patros ton logon, kai en auto ton patera, hou kai estin eikon ho soter,
   logizetai k.t.l. See also 33 fin., dia touto goun kai tes peri theou
   theorias echei ten ennoian, kai aute heautes ginetai hodos, ouk
   exothen, all' ex heautes lambanousa ten tou theou logou gnosin kai
   katalepsin. Also Vit. Anton. 20 (812 AB).

   ton dunamenon sosai tas psuchas humon] The simplest sense is right. The
   contrast is between life and death, the "soul" being the living
   principle; as Mt. xvi. 25 etc., but esp. Lk. vi. 9. [See note on 1
   Peter i. 9.]

   This life-giving power as ascribed to the inborn word becomes
   intelligible if we consider it as differing at different ages of the
   world according to the stages of experience and of revelation. It is
   always the testimonium animae naturaliter Christianae (cf. Rom. i. 19
   ff.), but the testimony becomes enlightened and enriched ns time goes
   by. To Christians the inborn word speaks with the increased force and
   range derived from the Gospel: but what St James is referring to here
   is not the original reception of the Gospel as a word from without, but
   the renewed reception of the word within whatever its message may be:
   it is the original capacity involved in the Creation in God's image
   which makes it possible for man to apprehend a revelation at all. Cf.
   also Deut. xxx. 14 and St Paul's comment on it in Rom. x. 6 ff.

   ^22Ginesthe de poietai logou kai me akroatai monon paralogizomenoi
   eautous

   22. Thus far we have had the relation of hearing to speaking, and
   hearing has been commended before speaking. But the formalistic spirit
   of the Jewish Christians could give this too a wrong turn, as though
   hearing were all that were needed. There remained another antithesis,
   hearing and doing, and to this St James turns by way of precaution.

   ginesthe, shew yourselves] i.e. in hearing, to prove that you hear
   rightly.

   poietai, doers] Cf. Rom. ii. 13; and Jam. himself vv. [169]23, [170]25;
   [171]iv. 11. So with t. nomou 1 Macc. ii. 67. It is founded on our
   Lord's sayings Mt. vii. 24 etc., the close of the Sermon on the Mount,
   just as teleioi in [172]v. 4 expresses the close of its first chapter
   (v. 48) on the Old and New Law.

   poietai logou] Not the Word whether external or internal, but any word
   that has authority. It is almost adjectival, "word-doers," as we say
   "law-abiding," "law-breakers."

   akroatai] used in N.T. only in the same passages, Rom. ii. 13 and Jam.
   i. 23, 25. It expresses listening, but is specially used of the
   disciples or hearers of philosophers; and probably. also in Judea,
   where the attendance on the rabbinical schools was strongly inculcated.

   Cf. R. Shimeon son of Gamaliel in Aboth i. 18, "All my days I have
   grown up amongst the wise, and have not found aught good for a man but
   silence: not learning but doing is the groundwork, and whose multiplies
   words occasions sin." So also v. 20, "There are four characters in
   college-goers. He that goes and does not practise, the reward of going
   is in his hand. He that practises and does not go, the reward of
   practice is in his hand. He that goes and practises is pious. He that
   goes not and does not practise is wicked." And again v. 18, "There are
   four characters in scholars. Quick to hear and quick to forget, his
   gain is cancelled by his loss. Slow to hear and slow to forget, his
   loss is cancelled by his gain. Quick to hear and slow to forget is
   wise. Slow to hear and quick to forget; this is an evil lot." But St
   James uses the common language in a wider sense.

   paralogizomenoi] The word occurs Col. ii. 4, where the context rather
   suggests "delude by false reasoning." But it is very doubtful whether
   the word has that force. It has two chief meanings, not to be confused,
   from two meanings of logizomai, to misreckon, cheat in reckoning, and
   so cheat in any way; and to misinfer, draw a wrong conclusion from the
   premises, but without implication of evil intent. It is used several
   times in LXX. for simple beguiling, though by words. Lightfoot refers
   to Dan. xiv. [Bel and D.] 7. Cf. Ps. Salom. iv. 12, 14 (parelogisato en
   logois hoti ouk estin horon kai krinon), 25.

   ^23hoti ei tis akroates logou estin kai ou poietes, houtos eoiken andri
   katanoounti to prosopon tes geneseos autou en esoptro,

   23. katanoounti, taking note of] Not merely to see passively, but to
   perceive: as Plato (Soph. 233 A) gar po katanoo to nun erotomenon, "I
   do not catch the question." Cf. Mt. vii. 3; Acts vii. 31, etc.

   to prosopon tes geneseos autou, the face of his creation] Not
   altogether easy. The phrase must be taken with t. trochon t. geneseos
   ([173]iii. 6), but I speak only of the simpler case here presented.
   Here it is often understood as "his natural face" (A.V.), lit the face
   of his birth, with which he was born, i.e. his bodily face. But if such
   a meaning were intended, no such circuitous and obscure phrase would
   have been used; t. prosopon autou, would have been enough, no other
   face being mentioned. Also the image so presented has no force: if it
   is merely a case of hasty looking or intent looking, all that is said
   in [174]v. 24 is otiose.

   The genesis is his birth strictly, in antithesis to later degeneracy;
   but the face is the invisible face, the reflexion of God's image in
   humanity. St James is still consistently referring to Gen. i. The face
   which a man beholds when he receives the Divine word is the
   representation of what God made him to be, though now defaced by his
   own wrong doings. So Eustathius in Od. xix. 178, kai houto men he
   Penelope oknei diorthousthai ten phusin, kai perittotera phainesthai
   hautes, kai t. eikona tou ek geneseos prosopou diagraphein eite
   metagrephein, where the contrast is between Penelope's natural face and
   its disfigurement by artificial cosmetics.

   There is special fitness in the word because it is used in LXX. for
   tvldvt and mvldt, and has thus (from Gen. ii. 4; v. 1) given Genesis
   its Greek name. In itself the word is neuter in force, and in Greek
   philosophy it rather represents natural processes as governed by
   necessity, not by Divine will. But to a Christian Jew the only genesis
   could be that of the Pentateuch, Psalms and Prophets, the beginnings of
   things as coming from the hand of God; so that it virtually carries
   with it the association of our word "creation"; and it is to be
   observed that ktisis, though found in Apocr. for "creation," is never
   so used in LXX. proper, though ktizo (as well as poieo) is; there being
   no Hebrew substantive meaning "creation." Cf. 2 Macc. vii. 23, ho t.
   kosmou Ktistes, ho plasas anthropou genesin kai panton exeuron genesin.

   ^24katenoesen gar heauton kai apeleluthen kai eutheos epelatheto
   hopoios en.

   24. katenoesen, he takes note of ] The verb as before: he sees himself
   and knows that it is himself that he sees, the new man kata theon
   ktisthenta. The aorist denotes the instantaneous and quickly passing
   character of the seeing.

   apeleluthen, is gone away] He went away and remains away: a contrast to
   parameinas. It was a passing glance, not taken up into his life, but
   relinquished.

   eutheos epelatheto, straightway forgetteth] Again the aorist because
   the forgetting was a single and immediate act.

   hopoios en, what manner of man he was] I.e. his original image
   antecedent to change and becoming. Cf. Apoc. iv. 11, dia to thelema sou
   esan (not eisin) kai ektisthesan, where esan perhaps expresses the
   Divine idea, realised visibly in ktisis.

   On the whole thought of the verse cf. Origen Hom. in Gen. i. § 13,
   "Semper ergo intueamur istam imaginem Dei, ut possimus ad ejus
   similitudinem reformari. Si enim ad imaginem Dei factus homo, contra
   naturam intuens imaginem diaboli, per peccatum similis ejus effectus
   est; multo magis intuens imaginem Dei, ad cujus similitudinem factus
   est a Deo, per verbum et virtutem ejus recipiet formam illam quae data
   ei fuerat per naturam." Also Athan. (Or. cont. Gent. ii. p. 3) speaks
   of man as having nothing to hinder him from attaining to the knowledge
   concerning the Divinity, for by his own purity (katharotetos) he always
   contemplates the image of the Father, the God-Word, in whose image also
   he is made, . . . hikane de he t. psuches katharotes esti ton theon di
   heautes katoptrizesthai, as the Lord also says, Blessed are the pure,
   etc." See also the passage cited above on [175]v. 21.

   So also virtually (though confusedly) Oecum., but supposing the word to
   be the Mosaic Law (dia t. nomou manthanontes hoioi gegonamen) and again
   speaking of a spiritual (noeton) mirror.

   ^25ho de parakupsas eis nomon teleion ton tes eleutherias kai
   parameinas, ouk akroates epilesmones genomenos alla poietes ergou,
   houtos makarios en te poiesei autou estai.

   25. parakupsas, looketh into] The notion of a steady gaze has been
   imported into the word from the context, and prematurely. It seems
   never to have any such meaning. Kupto and all its compounds express
   literally some kind of stretching or straining of the body, as up,
   down, or forward. Parakuptois the stretching forward the head to catch
   a glimpse, as especially through a window or door, sometimes inwards,
   oftener outwards. When used figuratively, as here, it seems always to
   imply a rapid, hasty, and cursory glance. So Luc. Pisc. 30, kapeide
   monon parekupsa eis ta humetera, the speaker says to the philosophers:
   "As soon as ever I had merely looked into your world, I began to admire
   you, etc."; Bas. Ep. lxxi. § 1, ei de ho deina arti parakupsai
   philotimoumenos pros t. bion t. Christianon: "If so and so making it
   his ambition just now to cast a glance at the life of Christians, and
   then thinking that his sojourn with us confers on him some dignity,
   invents what he has not heard, and expounds what he has not understood"
   : where all turns on the slightness and superficiality of the
   acquaintance; Philo, Leg. ad Gai. 8, p. 554, pou gar tois idiotais pro
   mikrou themis eis hegemonikes (imperial) psuches parakupsai bouleumata;
   Ach. Tat. ii. 35 [cf. Jacobs, p. 593] of beauty that parakupsan monon
   oichetai; D. Cass. lxii. 3, Boadicea of the Romans, ex houper es ten
   Bretannian houtoi parekupsan, "from the time that these men put their
   heads into Britain"; lxvi. 17, of emperors who partly reigned together,
   each of them believed himself to be emperor aph' hou ge kai es touto
   parekupsen, "from the time that he put his head into this," i.e. began
   at all to reign (lii. to is not quite so clear); Demosth. Phil. i. 24
   (p. 46 fin.) auxiliary troops parakupsanta epi ton t. poleos polemon,
   pros Artabazon kai pantachoi mallon oichetai pleonta; they just shew
   themselves for the war, and then sail off.

   St James could not have used such a word to contain within itself
   steady looking, and it must therefore have a meaning analogous to Lk.
   ix. 62, putting hand to the plough, the stress being on parameinas. It
   answers to katenoesen heauton. [See on 1 Pet. i. 12.]

   nomon teleion ton tes eleutherias, a perfect law, even that of liberty]
   Here the word has become a law, but a perfect law, just as they are
   interchanged in Ps. cxix. The starting point is language such as we
   find in that Psalm, also Ps. xix. 7: but Christ's word in the Sermon on
   the Mount (Mt. v. 48), itself founded on Deut. xviii. 13, is the main
   source, that being the sum and climax of Mt. v., the subject of the new
   or rather subjacent Law. (On the recognition of the heathen as having a
   law and covenant see Isa. xxiv. 5 and Delitzsch and Cheyne.) Thus St
   James refers at once to the Gospel and to what was before the Law (cf.
   Rom. ii. 14 as to the heathen): his "perfect Law" unites both. It is
   perfect, as expounded by our Lord, because it deals not with single
   acts but with universal principles.

   ton tes eleutherias] In what sense? Irenaeus thinks of free-will: but
   that is not in the context. In LXX. eleutheria is never used in any
   such figurative or ethical sense. The nearest approach in sense is in
   Ps. cxix. 32, 44 f., 96 (rchv ,rchv, "broad," platuno, platusmos,
   plateia, where the reception of God's law is represented as giving
   spacious room in which to walk, removing the narrowing bondage of petty
   personal desires (cf. Wordsworth's Ode to Duty). The idea of the Law as
   a source of freedom was not strange to the later Jews: so Aboth iii. 8
   (R. Nechoniah Ben Ha-Kanah), "Whoso receives upon him the yoke of
   Thorah, they remove from him the yoke of royalty and the yoke of
   worldly care," etc. (p. 60); also Perek R. Meir (=Aboth vi.) 2 (R.
   Joshua Ben Levi), "It (the Bath Kol) saith, And the tables were the
   work of God, and the writing was the writing of God, graven upon the
   tables (Ex. xxxii. 16); read not charuth graven' but cheruth freedom,'
   for thou wilt find no freeman but him who is occupied in learning of
   Thorah" (p. 114, with Taylor's note); and also Philo, Q. omn. prob.
   lib. 7 (ii. 452), hosoi de meta nomou zosin eleutheroi: but he has also
   the Stoic language about the freedom of the wise man: cf. Sacr. Ab. et
   Cain, 37 (i. 188). But St James seems to mean more than ethical result;
   rather the character of the law, as positive not negative ("Thou shalt
   love . . .") and depending on expansive outflow, not on restraint and
   negation.

   kai parameinas, and there continueth] The first meaning is to "stay
   where one is": then to "stay with a person loyally": also absolutely to
   "persevere," esp. in contrast to others who fall away. Diod. Sic. (ii.
   29), contrasting the Greeks with the Chaldaeans and their hereditary
   lore says: para de tois Hellesin ho polus aparaskeuos prosion opse pote
   tes philosophias haptetai, kai mechri tinos philoponesas apelthe,
   perispastheis hupo biotikes chreias, oligoi de pantelos epi
   philosophian apoduntes ergolabias heneken paramenousin en to mathemati.
   The idea then probably is "perseveres in" the law, not perseveres
   looking at it, nor abides beside it. So Ps. i. 2, kai en t. nomo autou
   meletesei hemeras kai nuktos.

   genomenos, shewing himself] As ginesthe in [176]v. 22.

   akroates epilesmones . . . poietes ergou, a hearer that forgetteth...a
   doer that worketh] The first genitive must be adjectival: not exactly
   an adjective "a forgetful hearer," but a hearer in contrast to a doer,
   and so characterised by forgetting. This sense of a characteristic, or
   even something stronger, is always to be traced in these Hebraistic
   genitives in Greek. In like manner ergou is quasi adjectival, and so
   without the article: with the article it would have to be in the
   plural.

   makarios] not eulogetos. "Happy" in the sense "to be envied." He may
   have delight in it or he may not: the state itself is good and
   desirable: if he is in a right mind, he cannot but delight in it. This
   makarios hardly goes back to the Sermon on the Mount (it comes nearer
   Jn xiii. 17): rather it is to be referred, if any whither, to the
   Psalms, not least to Ps. i.

   en te poiesei, in his doing] Not dia ten p. Not a reward, but a life.
   His action is the action that is right and therefore makaria. It refers
   back to poietes.

   ^26Ei tis dokei threskos einai me chalinagogon glossan heautou [19]
   alla apaton kardian heautou, toutou mataios he threskeia.

   26. dokei, seemeth] Sc. to himself, as often.

   threskos, religious] An interesting but extremely rare word. Not known
   except here and in Lexicographers; Latt. religiosus. The derivation is
   probably directly from treo, and it seems to mean one who stands in awe
   of the gods, and is tremulously scrupulous in what regards them. The
   actual renderings in Lexx. are strange: Hesych. heterodoxos, eugenes
   (?); Et. Nag. and Suid. heterodoxos; Et. Gud. ho heterodoxos,
   hairetikos. Oecum. (Did.), having previously said that threskeia
   denotes something more than faith, a knowledge of secret things
   (kruphion, interprets threskos as "one who knows and exactly keeps the
   things hidden (aporreton) in the Law." We get more help from other
   glosses in Hesych. threxato ephulaxato, esebasthe; threske hagne, panta
   eulaboumeen; threskos perittos, deisidaimon. None can come from this
   passage: so that they attest other lost passages, all having the idea
   of cautious observance of religious restrictions, sometimes spoken of
   with praise, sometimes with blame. This exactly answers to the proper
   meaning of religiosus, as of religio which is properly the gathering up
   of oneself in awe, and consequent scrupulousness. It thus belongs to an
   early stage of what we now call religion, containing indeed elements
   which are and must be permanent, but still as a whole narrow and
   immature, not including faith in God or love of God. Now this was just
   the; spirit of much of the later Judaism, notwithstanding its
   opposition to the spirit of the prophets and of much else in the O.T.,
   and it was apparently getting the better of the Jewish Christians. Men
   prided themselves on a special religiousness because (as in the
   Gospels) they made clean the outside of the cup and of the platter and
   tithed mint and cummin. Thus the word, though not here used in an evil
   sense, is used probably in a limited sense, in the sense which these
   persons would use for themselves. threskos would be the word which they
   would choose to express their ideal man.

   These two concluding verses of c. i. bring together the two points of
   Christian conduct, which he has been dwelling on since [177]v. 19. From
   [178]19 to [179]21 he taught slowness to speak and so here he teaches
   the bridling of the tongue. From [180]22 to [181]25 he taught doing as
   against barren hearing: and; so here and in [182]v. 27 he gives
   illustrations of rightful doing.

   chalinagogon glossan heautou, bridling his tongue] A very common
   figure, worked out more fully in [183]iii. 2 ff.

   apaton kardian heautou, deceiving his heart] This answers to
   paralogizomenoi heautous in [184]v. 22. He again, as in [185]20,
   implies that the unbridledness of tongue aimed at was one which was
   defended as the speech of uncompromising zeal.

   mataios, vain, to no purpose] At once unreal in itself and ineffectual.
   Cf. mataia he pisti humon (1 Cor. xv. 17). It is much used in the O.T.
   for the futility of idols and idolatry (and hence in N.T., Acts xiv.
   15; cf. 1 Pet. i. 18), and so Jer. x. 3, ta nomima t. ethnon mataia.
   But still more Isa. xxix. 13 (repeated by our Lord Mt. xv. 8 f.; Mk
   vii. 6 f.), maten de sebontai me, etc. (LXX. not Heb.); especially
   applicable here to a depravation of the true religion.

   threskeia, religion] A far commoner word than threskos, and probably of
   wider sense, but still a word of very limited history. It occurs twice
   in Herod. ii. 18, 37, both times with reference to the Egyptians, first
   about an abstinence from certain flesh, and the second time (allas te
   threskias epiteleousi) about white robes, circumcision, shaving,
   frequent washings, etc., all cases of personal ceremonial (so also
   threskeuo ii. 64). It is apparently absent, as also threskeuo, from
   Attic literature: but like many words found in Herod. came into use in
   late days. It is doubtful whether there is any earlier instance than
   this, except Wisd. xiv. 18, 27 (-euo xi. 16; xiv. 16), all of worship
   of idols or lower creatures. In N.T. in a good sense, t. hemet.
   threskeias, Acts xxvi. 5, which illustrates the use of ei tis . . .
   threskos: and in St Paul (Col. ii. 18) thr. t. angelon (also 23,
   ethelothreskeia). It has a more positively bad sense in Philo, Quod
   deter. pot. 7 (i. 195), where a man who uses purifications or lavishes
   wealth on temples and hecatombs and votive offerings is called
   threskeian anti hosiotetos hegoumenos. But shortly afterwards Clem.
   Rom. uses it freely in a good sense (x1v. 7), ton threskeuonton t.
   megaloprepe kai endoxon threskeian t. hupsistou, and lxii.1, peri men
   ton anekonton te threskeia hemon, the virtuous life "suitable to our
   worship" of God, as just expounded by a prayer. And still more strongly
   Melito, p. 413 Otto, ouk esmen lithon therapeutai, alla monon theou tou
   pro panton . . . kai t. christou autou . . . esmen threskeutai: where
   therapeutai is equal to or better than therapeutai. And so often in the
   Fathers and other later writers. What is commonly said that threskeia
   means only ritual is not exact. threskeia is simply reverence of the
   gods or worship of the gods, two sides of the same feeling. The
   reverence gives rise to ceremonial rites, not of worship but of
   abstention, which are often called threskeia. The worship was expressed
   in ritual acts, which sometimes are called threskeia, esp. in the
   plural threskeiai. But the fundamental idea is still what underlies
   both. Besides, however, the exx. already cited, there are others which
   especially connect it with Jewish ceremonial religion, as 4 Macc. v. 6,
   of refusal to eat pork or things offered to idols. Thus St James is
   still using the word preferred by the Jewish Christians, not that which
   he would have chosen independently.

   ^27threskeia kathara kai hamiantos para to theo kai patri haute estin,
   episkeptesthai orphanous kai cheras en to thlipsei auton, aspilon
   eauton terein apo tou kosmou.

   27. threskeia kathara kai hamiantos, a pure and undefiled religion] It
   is not he kath. kai am. thr. He does not say or mean that what follows
   includes all that can be called pure and undefiled religion.

   Why these particular words, kathara and hamiantos, rather than
   alethineor some such word? Because he is still keeping in view the
   pretension made on behalf of the vain religion, viz. that it was pure
   and free from pollution. This alone would suffice to shew that St James
   had chiefly in view ceremonial threskeia, the washings and
   purifications of late Judaism, multiplying Levitical ordinances. These
   terms which you claim, he means, for your vain threskeia do really
   belong to something very different (Lk. xi. 41).

   para] In His sight, in His presence, and so in His eyes.

   to theo kai patri] The two names are probably combined with reference
   both to what has preceded and to what is going to follow. The false
   religion spoke much of God, but forgot that He was also Father. A true
   sense of being His children would lead to a different conception of Him
   and of the kind of service acceptable to Him. And again, to think of
   Him as Father was to think of men as brethren; a point of view
   forgotten in this threskeia which set no store on such brotherliness as
   is involved in the visiting of orphans and widows.

   episkeptesthai, to visit] The word is often used in O.T. of God
   visiting individual persons or His people: but no case like this.
   Ecclus. vii. 35 has it of visiting the sick, and so Test. Sim. i; Mt.
   xxv. 36, 43 (the latter en phulaee as well as asthenounta): and it
   seems an ordinary Greek usage as Xen. Cyr. v. 4. 10; Mem. iii. 11. 10;
   Plut. Mor. (ii. 129 C, t. philous asthenountas; Luc. Philops. 6.

   The word must doubtless then be taken literally: not the mere bestowal
   of alms, but the personal service. The Bible represents God as
   specially taking thought for the fatherless and widow, as their
   "father," Ps. lxviii. 5 (cf. Deut. xxvii. 19; Isa. i. 17; Ecclus. iv.
   10). In contrast Mk xii. 4o (|| Lk. xx. 47), the devouring widows'
   houses is a mark of the scribes.

   aspilon, unstained] Quite a late word, apparently not extant before N.T
   The force of the word here is that after St James has noticed the acts
   of brotherly care towards orphans and widows, he returns to the claim
   of purity, as though to point out that there was indeed a purity and
   undefiledness in the strictest sense to be pursued, not from fictitious
   and artificial pollutions, but from a power able to infect and pollute
   the inward self.

   apo tou kosmou, from the world] The use of kosmos here is remarkable.
   The word can hardly be used neutrally here, as though St James meant
   only that the kosmos contained things that might bring moral
   defilement. The kosmos is evidently thought of as itself defiling. The
   same comes out yet more strongly in [186]iv. 4, and probably also in
   the difficult [187]iii. 6. We are used to this language as
   conventional. But it needs investigation as to its strict meaning and
   origin. There is nothing of the kind in the first three Gospels or in
   the Acts or (strange to say) the Apocalypse or Hebrews: very abundant
   in St John's Gospel and first Epistle; and 1 Jn. ii. 15 furnishes a
   remarkable parallel to [188]iv. 4. It is not very clear in St Paul (2
   Cor. vii. 10), ho k. houtow [1 Cor. iii. 19; v. 10; vii. 31; Eph. ii.
   2] being, at least partly, a different conception; but it is found in 2
   Peter, distinctly in ii. 20, ta miasmata t. kosmou (ct. aspilon), and
   indirectly i. 4; ii. 5 (bis); iii. 6. Thus it is clear in St John's
   Gospel and Epistle, 2 Peter, and St James. There is nothing to be made
   of the common Greek sense as the visible universe, or the order of it.
   This physical sense seems to belong to some places where the word is
   used, but not to those where the kosmos is in any sense evil.

   The conception must be Jewish: can it be traced back to the O.T.?
   Certainly not the Greek word from the LXX., for there it has only the
   "order" or "ornament" meanings. In the Apocr. it is the world, but not
   in an evil sense. In the LXX. its place is apparently taken by
   oikoumene, which represents the Heb. tvl, a curious ancient word,
   always used without the article, meaning apparently at first the
   fruitful soil of the earth, and then as a virtual synonym of "earth,"
   but esp. earth as the habitation of men. Sometimes, like "world," it is
   naturally transferred to the collective races of men. Hence we get an
   intermediate sense in Ps. ix. 8, where God appears as judging tvl in
   righteousness, and the phrase is repeated in the later psalms, xcvi.
   13; xcviii 9. But it acquires a more distinctly bad sense in the early
   chapters of Isaiah, xiii. 11; xiv. 17 (21); xviii. 3; xxiv. 4 (see
   foll. vv. for sense); xxvi. 9, 18. In these passages it means the sum
   of the fierce surrounding heathen nations, the powers of the heathen
   world at once destructive and corruptive (xxvi. 9), and see Cheyne's
   note, who calls attention to two points: "(1) the Jews are in constant
   inter-course with the heathen; (2) they suffer, not merely by their
   political subjugation, but by the moral gulf between themselves and the
   heathen." Thus tvl is virtually the ideal Babylon of the prophets and
   still more of the Apocalypse. Delitzsch (Isa. xxvi. 18) rightly calls
   it a kosmos: and conversely we may say that the N.T. kosmos probably
   came from this source.

   To Jewish Christians scattered through the Empire, to the Christians of
   Ephesus (1 Jn), the contact with the heathen world would be a perpetual
   source of moral danger, and they would be tempted to all sorts of risks
   from trying to avoid collisions with it. Its injurious effects would be
   many; but their prevailing characteristic would be defilement. In St
   John, and perhaps to some extent here, we have the paradox of the holy
   people itself becoming the world, by putting on in other forms the
   maxims and practice of an outer world. At all events the evil is
   conceived of as residing not in anything physical, but in a corrupt and
   perverted society of men. This is probably always the true ethical
   sense of "world." Thus the two clauses answer to each other in respect
   of the outward objects of the two forms of pure religion: the one is a
   duty of communication with men for good, the other a duty of avoiding
   such evil as comes from communication with men.

   The whole verse has doubtless a paradoxical shape, though this is
   explained by the latent antithesis to the spurious threskeia. But in
   any case the conception is that of Isa. lviii. 3-7 (esp. 6); Zech. vii.
   4-10.

   It closes the paragraph [189]19-[190]27 with a general statement as to
   religion, corresponding to vv. [191]17, [192]18, which form a general
   statement as to theology concluding the first section.

   II. ^1Adelphoi mou, me en prosopolepsiais echete ten pistin tou kuriou
   hemon Iesou Christou [20] tes doxes;

   II. 1. adelphoi mou] The preface being ended St James turns to the
   special points of practice which he had directly in view. He makes no
   further exordium, but breaks at once in medias res with this personal
   appeal, putting ad. mou in the forefront. It does not occur again at
   the beginning of a sentence till the close ([193]v. 19).

   In what follows in this verse three points of construction require
   consideration: the mood and general force of en . . . echete; the
   nature of the genitive tou kuriou in connexion with ten pistin; and the
   construction and consequent interpretation of tes doxes.

   e en prosopolepsiais echete] This is often, naturally enough, taken as
   an imperative: but this gives a rather tame sense, and gives no exact
   sense to en pr. echete, and especially to the position of en pr. as
   coming before echete. It is more natural to take it as an interrogative
   appeal to their consciences: " Can you really think en prosopolepsiais
   that you are having or holding the faith etc."

   The plural -ais probably expresses "in (doing) acts of:" When words
   having an abstract sense are in the plural, the meaning is either
   different kinds (as "ambitions" = different kinds of ambition) or
   different concrete acts or examples. The abstract has no number
   strictly speaking: but a plural at once implies a number of singulars
   to make it up, and (apart from kinds) things concrete can alone be
   numbered.

   prosopolepsiais, acts of partiality] This group of words has a Hebrew
   origin. ns' phny, "to receive the face of," is much used in different
   books of the O.T. for receiving with favour an applicant, whether in a
   good or bad sense. The exact force of the phrase is not clear. ns' has
   not the strong sense "accept," "welcome," but rather either simply
   "take" or "lift up," and some accordingly adopt "lift up." Against this
   Gesen. Thes. 915 f. (cf. Hupfeld on Ps. lxxxii. 2) has argued with much
   force: but he has not succeeded in explaining the precise manner in
   which "taking the face of" comes to have the required meaning. From the
   sense of receiving a particular person with favour would naturally come
   the perversion, the receiving with undue favour, i.e. favouritism,
   partiality. In some of the passages the partiality is spoken of as due
   to bribes: but this is an accident: the partiality itself is what the
   phrase denotes. It is variously rendered by the LXX. as lambano
   prosopon, prosdechomai pr., thaumazo pr. etc. The N.T. has lamb.,
   thaum., blepo eis. From the commonest rendering were formed a group of
   compound words, prosopolemptes Acts x. 34; aprosopolemptos 1 Pet. i.
   17; prosopolempteo, Jam. ii. 9; and prosopolempsia here and three times
   in St Paul. They are doubtless words of Palestinian Greek.

   echete ten pistin tou kuriou hemon k.t.l.] The two most obvious senses
   of the genitive here are the subjective, the faith which our Lord
   Himself had, and the objective, the faith in Him. The former is not a
   likely sense to be meant without some special indication of it: the
   latter is not supported by any clear parallels, and (taken thus
   nakedly) gives a not very relevant turn to the sentence. The true sense
   is doubtless more comprehensive, and answers to an idea widely spread
   in the N.T.; "which comes from Him, and depends on Him," "the faith
   which He taught, and makes possible, and bestows": it is a faith in
   God, enlarged and strengthened by the revelation of His Son; the faith
   in God which specially arises out of the Gospel and rests on Him of
   whom the Gospel speaks. It thus includes a faith in Christ: but this is
   only the first step on the way to a surer and better faith in God. "He
   that hath seen me hath seen the Father." This is the probable sense
   always where pistis is followed by Iesou or similar words. Even Mk xi.
   22, echete pistin theou, is not so much "Have faith in God" as "Have
   faith from God. Trust on, as men should do to whom God is a reality."

   tou kuriou hemon] It is impossible to determine precisely how much
   meaning St James put into these words. But they do not differ from St
   Paul's formula, and probably to say the least go much beyond what the
   disciples meant by kurios in the days of the ministry. They must be
   taken with [194]i. 1.

   tes doxes, who is the Glory] Doxes is very difficult in this position.
   Some take it with pistin, changing the meaning of pistin: Have ye the
   faith in respect of glory? equivalent to, Do ye take the same view of
   true glory and dignity? This gives a fair sense; but imports an
   unnatural force into pistin, and leaves the transposition of t. doxes
   inexplicable, besides disturbing the connexion between t. pistin and t.
   kuriou etc. The other interpretations, "faith in the glory," "glorious
   faith," are evidently impossible.

   Another favourite way is to take it with t. kuriou (so A.V.). The
   possibility of two genitives, hemon and t. doxes, cannot be denied: so
   in 1 Tim. iv. 2 daimonion and pseudologon are probably independent
   genitives governed by didaskaliais: also Acts v. 32 (T.R.); 2 Cor. v.
   1; Phil. ii. 30; Mt. xxvi. 28: (Winer-Moulton 239). But t. kuriou t.
   doxes is itself a phrase at once so compact and so nearly unique (1
   Cor. ii. 8; cf. ho theos t. doxes Ps. xxix. 3, and probably thence Acts
   vii. 2) that the division of it into two distant parts is not probable,
   and can only be taken as a possible interpretation.

   It is needless to examine the combination with Christou, or with the
   whole phrase t. kuriou hemon I. Ch.

   There remains the possibility of not taking it as directly dependent on
   any preceding words, but in apposition to I. Ch., "our Lord Jesus
   Christ, who is the Glory": so Bengel. Several passages of the Epistles
   give a partial confirmation. Rom. ix. 4, he doxa seems to be the glory
   of the Divine presence (O.T.); 1 Cor. xi. 7, a man is said to be eikon
   kai doxa theou, which may be taken with v. 3, kephale de gunaikos ho
   aner, kephale de tou christou ho theos; Eph. i. 17, ho theos tou kuriou
   hemon I. Ch. ho pater tes doxes, where the two clauses seem to stand in
   precise parallelism and it seems impossible to give the second an
   intelligible sense except it means that the Son was Himself the Glory;
   Tit. ii. 13, ten makarian elpida kai epiphaneian tes doxes tou megalou
   theou kai soteros hemon Ch. I., where it is on the whole easiest to
   take Ch. I. as in apposition to t. doxes t. megalou theou k. soteros
   hemon. Illustrative passages are 2 Cor. iv. 6; Heb. i. 3 (apaugasma t.
   doxes, He who is an effulgence of the Father's glory being thereby
   Himself the Glory); possibly 1 Pet. iv. 14; also Apoc. xxi. 11, 23,
   where note the parallelism to kai ho luchnos autes to arnion. [See Add.
   Note.]

   But was there anything to lead to such a representation? The O. T.
   speaks much of the kvvd of the Lord. From this and from the late dread
   of connecting God too closely with lower things arose the Jewish
   conceptions of the Glory yqr', and the Shechinah. See Weber 160 on the
   Glory as in Heaven; 179 ff. on the Glory and the Shechinah, and the
   relation of the Shechinah to the Word in the Targums (cf. Westcott,
   Introd.^6 152); and 182 ff. the combination of both conceptions (Word
   and Shechinah) in the Shechinah in Talmud and Midrash. Now the Word of
   the Targums is the true antecedent of the Logos in St John, much more
   so than the Logos of Philo; and it would be only natural that the other
   great conception which linked God to men, that of the Glory, should be
   transferred to Christ as the true fulfiller of it.

   The force then of the title here would probably be that the faith of
   Christ as the Glory was peculiarly at variance with this favouritism
   shewn to the rich: since He who represented the very majesty of heaven
   was distinguished by His lowliness and poverty: cf. Phil. ii. 5 ff.; 2
   Cor. viii. 9. As St James ([195]iii. 9) rebukes the cursing of men who
   are made in the likeness of God, so here he rebukes the contemptuous
   usage of poor men, even such as the Incarnate Glory of God Himself
   became.

   ^2ean gar eiselthe eis sunagogen humon aner chrusodaktulios en estheti
   lampra, eiselthe de kai ptochos en rhupara estheti,

   2. eis sunagogen humon, into your (place of) assembly] The word means
   either the assembly or the building which held the assembly, and either
   makes sense: in Jn vi. 59, xviii. 20 it is the assembly clearly.

   Two subjects of historical interest, the thing and the word, demand
   notice. As regards the thing synagogue see Plumptre in Smith's Dict.;
   Schürer ii. § 27. The date when the synagogue-system arose is unknown.
   It is remarkable that there are no clear traces of it in the Apocrypha;
   yet probably there is a reference in Ps. lxxiv. 8 (Maccabaean). But it
   was widely spread in the first century in all places where Jews were to
   be found.

   The name "synagogue." The origin is doubtless the LXX., but in a
   confused way. There are two chief words in O.T. (cf. Schürer l.c. [and
   Hort, Christian Ecclesia]) for kindred meanings, qhl, "congregation,"
   and dh, "assembly": in this sense dh is almost always rendered
   sunagoge, qhl ekklesia about 70 times, sunagoge about half as many,
   other words very rarely. Probably ekklesia was, chosen for qhl, because
   both words express the calling or summoning of a public assembly
   (convocation) by a herald. Both dh and sunagoge are somewhat more
   general words. But the difference in usage was very slight. They stand
   side by side in Prov. v. 14 (where see Delitzsch), also (Heb.) Exod.
   xii. 6; and [ex]ekklesiazein sunagogen occurs several times; also
   sunechthesan . . . ekklesia (sic) 2 Ezra x. 1, and episunechthe
   ekklesia 1 Macc. v. 16. This O.T. double use recurs in Apocrypha,
   especially Ecclus. and 1 Macc. The late traces of ekklesia is shew that
   it must have survived, apparently as the body of men making up a
   congregation, the religious community so to speak; and also as the
   community of the whole nation (Mt. xvi. 18), as in the O.T. (For the
   Hebrew words used see Schürer l.c.) The late use of sunagoge was
   apparently limited to the individual buildings, or to the congregation
   as assembled in them. There is some evidence of its being employed to
   denote some religious associations among the Greeks (see Harnack cited
   below), but probably this had nothing to do with the selection. It is
   very common for Jewish synagogues in N.T.; three times in Josephus;
   also Philo, Q. omn. prob. lib. 12 (ii. 458), "The seventh day is
   reckoned holy, on which abstaining from other works, kai eis hierous
   aphiknoumenoi popous, hoi kalountai sunagogai, they sit in ranks
   according to age, the younger below the older, placed for listening
   with the fitting order."

   Now, as far as evidence goes, the Christian usage was to adopt ekklesia
   both for single congregations and for a whole community. For the
   building it is not used in the apostolic age, though it was afterwards.
   On the other hand the Christian use of sunagoge is very limited: see a
   long note in Harnack Hermas Mand. xi. 9. He shews how rarely and as it
   were etymologically only it was used by ordinary Christian writers, and
   it at last became definitely the synagoga contrasted with ecclesia as
   in Augustine; and in earlier writers it some-times is used in a
   depreciatory sense like our "conventicle." What however especially
   concerns us here is the evidence for its use among Jewish Christians,
   see Lightfoot, Phil. 190: Epiph. (xxx. 18) states that the Ebionites
   call their church sunagogen and not ekklesian; and Jer. Ep. 112. 13
   says of the Ebionites, "To the present day through all the synagogues
   of the E. among the Jews there is a heresy called of the Minaei" etc.
   This makes it very likely that Jewish Ebionites inherited the name from
   the purer days of Jewish Christianity, and that St James does here
   distinctly mean "synagogue": and since he elsewhere ([196]v. 14) speaks
   of t. presbuterous tes ekklesias, i.e. the living congregation, the
   difference of word suggests that here the building is meant.

   chrusodaktulios] Not known elsewhere. The adjective was doubtless
   chosen to express that the wearing of gold rings, probably a multitude
   of them (ton daktulion plethos echon, Luc. Nigr. xiii.), was
   characteristic of the kind of man.

   estheti lampra contrasted with rhupara estheti] The two words are
   strictly opposed, as often; practically new glossy clothes and old
   shabby clothes. Lampros has nothing to do with brilliance of colour,
   being in fact often used of white robes. Artemidorus (ii. 3 s. fin.),
   after enumerating the omens from garments of all sorts of colours,
   concludes aei de ameinon kathara kai lampra himatia echein kai
   peplumena kalos e rhupara kai apluta, plen ton tas rhupodeis ergasias
   ergazomenon.

   ^3epiblepsete de epi ton phorounta ten estheta ten lampran kai eipete
   Su kathou hode kalos, kai to ptocho eipete Su stethi e kathou ekei [21]
   hupo to hupopodion mou,

   3. epiblepsete de epi, and ye look with favour on] Epiblepo epi is
   often used in LXX. of God looking with favour on men; not apparently of
   men on men. But Aristotle (Eth. Nic. iv. 2, p. 1120 b 6) says (in
   giving) to gar me epiblepein eph' heauton eleutheriou, to pay no regard
   to oneself and one's own interest.

   kalos, in a good place] Ael. V. H. ii. 13, kai de kai en kalo t.
   theatrou ekatheto; xiii. 22, Ptolemy having built a temple for Homer
   auton men kalon kalos ekathise, kuklo de tas poleis periestese t.
   agalmatos.

   stethi e kathou] It is uncertain whether to read stethi e kathou ekei
   hupo to hupopodion (B ff), or stethi ekei e kathou hupo to hupopodion.
   Probably the former, notwithstanding the want of verbal balance. Stand
   anywhere contrasted with sit in a particular humble place.

   hupo to hupopodion mou, below my foot-stool] Hupo might be "down
   against," i.e. close up to, with the accessory sense of lowness. But
   more probably "below" in the sense of in a lower place, as Plutarch
   Artax. v. (i. 1013 E) kathezomenon tes men hup' auton, tes de metros
   huper auton.

   ^4ou diekrithete en heautois kai egenesthe kritai dialogismon poneron
   [22] ;

   4. No kai before ou; perhaps omit ou (B* ff) which gives the same
   sense, substituting affirmation for question.

   diekrithete en heautois, divided in your own minds] As [197]i. 6;
   explained by Mt. xxi. 21, ean echete pistin kai me diakrithete,
   appearing in Mk xi. 23 as kai me diakrithe en te kardia autou alla
   pisteue hoti k.t.l.; cf. Acts x. 20; Rom. iv. 20; xiv. 23 (hoti ouk ek
   pisteos): cf. Jude 22. The idea is that the singleness and strength of
   faith is split up and shattered by the divided mind, professing
   devotion to God yet reaching away to a petty and low standard. En
   heautois is in antithesis to what follows: the wrong-doing to others is
   traced back to its root within, just as in [198]iv. 1.

   kritai dialogismon poneron, judges swayed by evil deliberations] The
   genitive is not unlike [199]i. 25. The idea seems to be "judges swayed
   by evil deliberations or thinkings": contrast Prov. xii. 5, logismoi
   dikaion krimata. dialogismos is a very elastic word. In Mt. xv. 19
   dialogismoi poneroi (|| Mk. vii. 21, hoi dialogismoi hoi kakoi) stand
   at the head of the evil things that come forth from the heart, and
   probably mean malicious evil plottings (cf. 1 Tim. ii. 8, choris orges
   kai dialogismou), answering apparently to the single Hebrew word mzmh,
   properly only a thought, device, but usually an evil device. In various
   places of St Luke it is used of the plotting of the Pharisees and the
   imperfect faith of the disciples. Probably the mere suggestion that
   they made themselves kritai contained a reproach: cf. [200]iv. 11: they
   broke the command of the Sermon on the Mount (Mt. vii. 1). But further
   the office of a true judge is to divide, to sever right from wrong: but
   here the division was dictated not by justice according to the facts,
   but by evil divisions within their own minds (cf. Rom. xiv. 10, 13), by
   evil calculations, as we might say. Contrast Lk. xiv. 12 ff. Such moral
   distraction is a form of dipsuchia, and opposed to the singleness of
   faith.

   ^5Akousate, adelphoi mou agapetoi. ouch ho theos exelexato tous
   ptochous to kosmo plousious en pistei kai kleronomous tes basileias hes
   epengeilato tois agaposin auton;

   5. akousate, hearken] An imperative like iste in [201]i. 19, but with a
   sharper tone, as of a warning prophet: cf. especially Isa. li. 1, 4, 7.
   It introduces an appeal to a truth that could not be denied by any who
   accepted Christ's Gospel. It is softened at once by adelphoi mou
   agapetoi, of which agap. here occurs for the last time (previously in
   [202]i. 16; [203]i. 19, where likewise there are appeals to accepted
   but practically belied truths).

   ouch ho theos exelexato, did not God choose] What choice by God is
   meant here? In our Lord's apocalyptic discourse Mt. xxiv. 22 (with
   ||^8) He spoke of the shortening of the days of tribulation for the
   elect's sake, and Mk adds ohus exelexato, which is virtually implied in
   the verbal eklektous. The conception doubtless is that the infant
   church or congregation of Christians owed their hearing and reception
   of the Gospel to God's choice. Here as elsewhere it is not a simple
   question of benefit bestowed on some and refused to others: those on
   whom it is bestowed receive it for the sake of the rest: they are God's
   instruments for the diffusion of His truth and salvation. This choice
   of Christians by God from among heathenism or unbelieving Judaism is
   spoken of by St Paul 1 Cor. i. 27 f. (a passage much resembling this)
   and Eph. i. 4. It is implied in various places where eklektos or ekloge
   is spoken of. Both words occur often in St Paul, ekloge in 2 Pet. i.
   10, and eklektos especially in 1 Pet. viz. i. 1; ii. 4, 6, 9, where St
   Peter carries it back to two passages of Isaiah, one xxviii. 16 LXX.
   only (cf. Prov. xvii. 3 LXX.) properly "well-tried"; the other xliii.
   20, where as in neighbouring chapters and some Psalms it refers to
   Israel as the object of God's choice. But exelexato itself stands in a
   still more fundamental passage, Deut. xiv. 1, 2. [See further on 1
   Peter ll. cc.]

   St James does not however refer directly to Christians but to the poor.
   The reference is doubtless to the special manner in which Christ's own
   preaching was addressed to the poor. The Gospel was not intended to be
   confined to them; but they were to be its first and its strictly
   primary recipients, the recipients who would best shew its true
   character. "Blessed are ye poor" are the first words of the Sermon on
   the Mount: ptochoi euangelizontai is the culminating mark of Christ's
   true Messiahship, founded about Isa. lxi. 1, which is quoted in full in
   the words spoken in the synagogue at Nazareth which head the ministry
   in St Luke (iv. 18), as the Sermon on the Mount does in St Matthew.

   tous ptochous to kosmo, the poor in the eyes of the world] To kosmo
   might be taken as "in relation to the world": but more probably in the
   eyes of "the world"' (cf. 1 Cor. i. 18, t. apollumenois k.t.l.; 2 Cor.
   x. 4 dunata to theo; Acts vii. 20 asteios t. theo). Cf. Lk. xvi. 15 to
   en anthropois hupselon, said to the philarguroi Pharisees. "The world"
   is used in the same sense as before, here as judging by an external and
   superficial standard.

   plousious en pistei, to be rich in virtue of faith] Not "as being," but
   "to be" expressed more explicitly in Eph. i. 4 by einai hemas agious
   kai amomous k.t.l.

   The meaning is not "abounding in faith," which would weaken the force
   of plousious in this connexion, but "rich in virtue of faith": their
   faith of itself constituted them not only powerful, able to move
   mountains, but rich: see 2 Cor. vi. 10; viii. 9; Apoc. ii. 9; iii. 18;
   and esp. 1 Pet. i. 7. The explanation is that the use and enjoyment of
   riches contain two elements, the thing used and enjoyed, and the inward
   power of using and enjoying it; and this inward power is so intensified
   and multiplied by a strong and simple faith in God that it so to speak
   extracts more out of external poverty than can without it be extracted
   out of external riches. Cf. Ps. xxxvii. 16 and in spirit the whole
   Psalm; Test. Gad 7, ho gar penes kai aphthonos, epi pasi Kurio
   eucharisoton, autos para pasi ploutei, hoti ouk echei ton poneron
   perispasmon ton anthropon.

   kleronomous tes basileias, heirs of the kingdom] The kingdom of heaven
   is what in the Sermon on the Mount is especially pronounced to belong
   to the poor. The Gospel preached to them is the Gospel of the kingdom.
   In Lk. xii. 32 we have "Fear not, little flock; for it is your Father's
   good pleasure to give you the kingdom"; and less distinct passages
   abound. The combination kleron. tes basil.. occurs in Mt. xxv. 34 and
   in St Paul (I Cor. vi. 9 f.; xv. 50; Gal. v. 21: cf. Eph. v. 5), but
   not in connexion with the poor. The conception of inheritance is common
   however in similar contexts, and especially in the O. T. It is involved
   in the conception of sonship, as Gal. iv. 7.

   hes epengeilato tois agaposin auton, which He promised to them that
   love Him] This corresponds exactly to the use of the same phrase with
   ton stephanon t. zoes in [204]i. 12. Even with that peculiar phrase
   derivation from the Apocalypse was seen to be unlikely: much more this
   commoner phrase from Apoc. i. 6; v. 10. The promise referred to is
   probably Dan. vii. 18, 27, though our Lord's language may possibly be
   meant, or may at least give definiteness to the older language. Tois
   agaposin is, as before, the general Deuteronomic term expressing
   fulfilment of the new and perfect Law.

   ^6humeis de hetimasate ton ptochon. ouch hoi plousioi katadunasteuousin
   humon, kai autoi helkousin humas eis kriteria;

   6. humeis de] in the strongest contrast.

   hetimasate] Sc. in that act. Not merely failed to give him honour, but
   treated him with dishonour. So Prov. xiv. 21; xxii. 22; and cf. 1 Cor.
   xi. 22.

   ouch hoi plousioi, do not the rich] What follows shews that rich men
   not Christians are meant. But this does not force us to take the rich
   and poor of [205]v. 2 as other than Christians. Within the Christian
   body there were both classes: but further the whole body was bound to
   regard itself emphatically as a band of poor men in the face of the
   wealth and power of the encompassing heathen or even Jewish world. The
   whole passage reminds us that the name Ebionites for the Jewish
   Christians of Palestine has nothing to do with an imaginary Ebion, but
   is simply the Ebionim, the Poor Men.

   katadunasteuousin humon, oppress you] Dunasteuo is to "be a potentate,"
   "have" or "exercise mastery," either absolutely or over some one in
   particular: sometimes in a neutral sense, sometimes with a bad sense
   "lord it over." Katadunasteuo expresses the same more strongly, violent
   exercise of mastery, tyranny. It occurs in Xen. and often in late
   Greek: much in LXX., chiefly for ynh, to oppress; as the poor Ezek.
   xviii. 12; xxii. 29; (LXX. Amos viii. 4); also Wisd. ii. 10. The case
   is usually (always in LXX.) the accusative, but the genitive occurs
   Diod. Sic. xiii. 73 fin. and Symm. apparently (Ps. lxiv. 4), cf.
   Wyttenb., as often happens with compounds into which kata enters.

   kai autoi helkousin humas, and are not they the men that drag you] Not
   "drag you in person," as is shewn by [206]v. 7. The pretext of law
   covered violent usage: cf. suro Acts viii. 3; xvii. 6. [Swete on
   Ps.-Pet. iii.]

   eis kriteria, into courts of justice] Here the meaning can hardly be
   "suits," though kriteria may mean this. Better, as sometimes, courts of
   justice, though we should have expected epi rather than eis.

   It can hardly be doubted that this means judicial persecutions, whether
   formally on the ground of being Christians, we cannot tell for that
   time. No definite law against Christians is likely to have then
   existed. But if they had become objects of dislike, it was easy to find
   legal pretexts.

   ^7ouk autoi blasphemousin to kalon onoma to epiklethen eph' humas;

   7. ouk autoi blasphemousin, are not they the men who abuse] Blasphemeo
   carries with it nothing of our sense of "blaspheme" as containing some
   extreme irreverence towards God. It is simply abusive and scurrilous
   language whether directed against God or men. Very rare in LXX. It
   comes here from Isai. lii. 5 where the word is n'ts, properly
   expressive of contempt, usually rendered paroxuno (even with to onoma)
   or some such word (one derivative is once blasphemia, Ezek. xxxv. 12).

   to kalon onoma, the honourable name] Worthy of admiration, not contempt
   and contumely. Kalos is what is good as seen, as making a direct
   impression on those who come in contact with it; contrast agathos which
   is good in result.

   to epiklethen eph' humas, by the which ye are called] From the LXX. of
   Amos ix. 12 (quoted Acts xv. 17) literally following the Hebrew, but
   also Jer. xiv. 9. The phrase is adopted for its vividness. The name was
   as it were laid upon them, stamping them with a special allegiance.

   What name does he mean? Probably Christos or Christianos, as 1 Pet. iv.
   14, 16; cf. Acts xxvi. 28. That is, the watchword, as seen in the Acts,
   was "Jesus is Christ": and so in the more important and significant
   name of the two the whole sense became concentrated. If the Epistle was
   indeed addressed first to Antioch, it is an interesting fact that there
   the disciples were first called Christians. It matters little for St
   James' meaning whether the name was chosen by Christians themselves or
   given by others in reproach (Tac. Ann. xv. 44, quos per flagitia
   invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat). It would soon be willingly
   accepted: and if this had not taken place when St James wrote, it would
   at least contain the kalon onoma Christos. [See Lightfoot, Ignatius
   vol. I. p. 400.]

   ^8ei mentoi nomon teleite basilikon kata ten graphen Agapeseis ton
   plesion sou hos seauton, kalos poieite;

   8. mentoi, indeed, really] Not an easy use of this particle, which
   occurs Jn five times; 2 Tim. ii. 19; Jud. 8. In St John and St Paul it
   clearly has its commonest (adversative) sense "however," "howbeit," and
   perhaps also in St Jude. Hence commentators naturally try to find the
   same sense here. A sharp and intelligible adversativeness is obtained
   by supposing St James to be replying to an imagined plea of the Jewish
   Christians that they were shewing their love to their neighbours by
   their civility to the man with the gold rings. It is hardly credible
   however that so absurd a plea, of which there is not the least hint in
   the text, should be contemplated by St James; and it is difficult to
   find any other way of satisfactorily justifying an adversative sense.
   It seems more likely that mentoi retains its original force of a strong
   affirmation, which is not confined to answers to questions, though they
   furnish the commonest examples. It is virtually little more than a
   strengthened men, and a de naturally follows. It thus becomes equal to
   "if you indeed," "if you really." This kind of sense is common in Xen.
   especially the Memorabilia (as i. 3. 10 with ei; i. 4. 18 with en; see
   Kühner: also his Gr. ii. 694 f.: of. Sturz Lex. Xen. iii. 114 f.). The
   force of the particle seems to lie in an implied reference to a
   contradiction between the respect of persons and a virtue specially
   claimed, namely fulfilment of the Law. Thus just as St James had
   rebuked the unreal akroasis, the unreal threskeia, the unreal pistis,
   so here he rebukes an unreal keeping of the law.

   teleite, fulfil] As Rom. ii. 27. In both places the peculiar word was
   probably chosen to express that it is not a direct performance, but a
   virtual fulfilment: cf. Rom. ii. 14 f.

   nomon . . . basilikon, a royal law] The order shews that either
   basilikon is accessory ("a law, a royal law"), or has a special force,
   a law which well deserves to be called "royal." But in what sense
   royal? Probably not in the vague figurative sense common in Greek to
   denote anything specially high or worthy (sometimes basilikos kai
   theios); nor again in the Greek application to laws, perhaps starting
   from Pindar's famous nomos panton basileus (on which see Thompson Gorg.
   484 B), of which the most interesting for our purpose are in Xen. Oec.
   xiv. 6 f. and Ps.-Plat. 317 C. Probably one of two senses, either fit
   to guide a king, a law such as a true king would take for his own
   government as Ps. lxxii., Zech. ix. 9, and the Gospels in so far as
   they set forth our Lord as a king; -- or, more probably perhaps, a law
   which governs other laws, and so has a specially regal character. This
   sense gains in probability if taken with the context. St James does not
   deny that there was an obedience to a law of some rank or other. When
   our Lord rebuked the Pharisees (Mt. xxiii. 23), it was for tithing
   herbs on the one hand and leaving ta barutera t. nomou, judgment,
   mercy, and faith, on the other, adding "these ought ye to have done
   etc."; thereby implying the existence of less weighty parts of the law.
   So here the law, fulfilling which was made a boast, was not denied, but
   with it was contrasted by implication the neglect of the higher and
   more fundamental law of love. One of the two commandments, of which our
   Lord had said that on them hung all the Law and the Prophets, might
   well be called royal.

   There is no difficulty in thus applying so wide a term as nomos to a
   single precept, since the precept itself was so comprehensive. Thus in
   Rom. xiii. 8 ff. the separate commandments are called entolai, but this
   the sum of them is called a nomos, and by one not improbable
   interpretation ton heteron nomon.

   kata ten graphen, according to the Scripture] Doubtless the O.T. (Lev.
   xix. 18) : the saying had a double sanction, Scripture, and the Lord's
   ratification of it.

   kalos poieite, ye do well] This has no sarcasm, as some suppose: simply
   "ye do well" (cf. [207]v. 19; Mk vii. 37; Acts x. 33; 1 Cor. vii. 37
   f.; 2 Pet. i. 19; 3 Jn 6). "I do not complain of you for seeking to
   fulfil a law, but for neglecting the true value of one law as compared
   with another: if you are fulfilling a law of the high kind, you are
   indeed doing well."

   ^9ei de prosopolepteite, hamartian ergazesthe, elenchomenoi hupo tou
   nomou hos parabatai.

   9. prosopolepteite, ye have respect of persons] Apparently hapax
   legomenon.

   hamartian ergazesthe] A strong phrase, which must mean more than "ye
   commit sin." Probably a reminiscence of Mt. vii. 23 (Sermon on the
   Mount), where those who say "Lord, Lord" are at last addressed, "I
   never knew you, depart from me of ergazomenoi ten anomian" (from Ps.
   vi. 8). St James never uses anomos, anomia; and hamartia is often used
   as virtually a synonym, though the conceptions are different. Moreover
   (see [208]v. 10) it is quite possible that he refers to a willingness
   to treat this conduct as no sin at all.

   elenchomenoi, convicted, shewn to be guilty.

   tou nomou] The definite concrete law of Moses.

   parabatai, transgressors] Cf. Rom. ii. 25, 27; Gal. ii. 18. Parabates
   is not used in LXX.; though parabaino much (and parabasis once),
   chiefly of covenants but also of laws and commandments, just as in
   classical usage: the strict sense is to "over-step." The point is that
   the sticklers for law are marked as essentially "law-breakers," and
   that on the chewing of legality itself. Probably there is no reference
   to such places in the Law itself as Exod. xxiii. 2; Deut. xvi. 19:
   otherwise the following yelp would lose force.

   ^10Hostis gar holon ton nomon terese, ptaise de en heni, gegonen panton
   enochos.

   10. holon ton nomon terese, keep the whole law] The subjunctives terese
   . . . ptaise are certainly right according to the best MSS. It is the
   only quite certain N. T. example of hostis or hos with subjunctive
   without an, though it has some good authority in Mt. x. 33 (not xviii.
   4). But it certainly occurs occasionally in good Greek authors. There
   is no real difference of sense, though a"v marks the indefiniteness
   more explicitly. See Kühner ii. 205 f., better than Winer-Moulton 386.

   This is probably said with reference to the plea that the whole Law had
   been observed. The verse seems to be a reminiscence of our Lord's
   answer, Mk x. 21, hen se husterei; Lk. xviii. 22, eti en soi leitei
   (cf. Mt. xix. 21, ei th?leis teleios einai), said after an enumeration
   of the commandments of the second table, and the profession that they
   had been kept. The selling of goods and giving to the poor there
   corresponds antithetically to the neglect of the poor here.

   terese] No longer telese. The more formal word is appropriate here.

   ptaise, trip or stumble] As [209]iii. 2 bis. It is incipient falling
   (Romans xi. 11): cf. Deut. vii. 25. Common in Philo.

   gegonen panton, is become (makes himself) guilty of all] Enochos is
   used with genitive or dative of crimes, or punishments, or, as here,
   precepts. Properly speaking it means simply "bound by," "subject to,"
   "coming under."

   The force of panton is determined by heni: it is all separate points or
   items that make up the Law.

   Various Jewish writings contain sayings like this verse (Schöttg. 1016
   ff.); as Shabbath (R. Jochanan): "If a man do all (of the 39 works
   prescribed by Moses), but omit one, he is guilty for all and each."
   There is nothing in the O. T. exactly answering to this: but Deut.
   xxvii. 26, after the various specific curses on Mt Ebal, ends with
   "Cursed be he that confirmeth not (all) the words of this law to do
   them," where the LXX. and Samar. insert pasin, and St Paul (Gal. iii.
   10) so quotes the passage. The insertion is partially supported by
   Deut. xi. 32 (taken with vv. 26, 28) as Delitzsch points out. The same
   principle of the Law being one whole is implied in Mt v. 18 f., iota
   hen e mia keraia . . . mian t. entolon touton t. elachiston.

   ^11ho gar eipon me moicheuses eipen kai me phoneuseis; ei de ou
   moicheuseis phoneuseis de, gegonas parabates nomou.

   11. ho gar eipon k.t.l.] It is very unlikely that the two commandments
   are chosen at random, as though both were unconnected with
   prosopolempsia. If this were the case, there would be no clear and
   coherent course of thought. It is quite possible that Me moicheuses
   implies that such sins as adultery were really avoided and condemned by
   those who dishonoured the poor; and that they made their condemnation
   of fleshly sins an excuse for indulgence towards spiritual sins. At all
   events Me phoneuseis is directly connected with the matter in hand,
   because murder is only the extreme outcome of want of love to
   neighbours or brethren. Our Lord (Mt. v. 21-26) had carried back murder
   to the expression of anger (cf. Jam. i. 19 f.), and though St Paul
   (Rom. xiii. 8, 9) had carried back all commandments of the second table
   alike to love of the neighbours, the 6th was evidently the most direct
   expression of the principle common to all, for ([210]v. 10) "love
   worketh no ill to a neighbour."

   ^12houtos laleite kai houtos poieite hos dia nomou eleutherias
   mellontes krinesthai.

   12. houtos laleite kai houtos poieite, so speak ye, and so do] The two
   chief spheres of shewing forth love or its absence. We have had them
   paired already in [211]i. 19-[212]21 contrasted with [213]22-[214]25,
   [215]i. 26 contrasted with [216]27; and are now going to have them on a
   larger scale, in inverted order, [217]ii. 14-[218]26 contrasted with
   [219]iii. 1-[220]12. Both are exemplified in the treatment of the poor
   in the synagogues, the contemptuous language accompanying the loveless
   acts.

   hos dia nomou eleutherias, as by a law of liberty] This use of dia with
   krinesthai is singular, though disguised by the ambiguity of "by,"
   which denotes kata with acc., or hupo with gen. (cf. Jn vii. 51, "Doth
   our law judge a man?"), as well as dia with gen. Apparently it comes
   from Rom. ii. 12, hosoi en nomo hemarton dia nomou krithesontai, where
   it apparently means "on terms of," "in a state depending on," and
   corresponds to some other peculiar uses of dia by St Paul, as dia
   grammatos kai peritomes (Rom. ii. 27); di' akrobustias (iv. 11); dia
   proskommatos (xiv. 20); (?) dia doxes (2 Cor. iii. 11); (?) di'
   epangelias (Gal. iii. 18). Thus the sense would seem to be not that the
   law of liberty is the standard or the instrument by which they are to
   be judged, but that they are to be judged as men who have lived in an
   atmosphere, as it were, of a law of liberty, and subject to its
   conditions. The two conceptions are closely related, but dia seems to
   lay stress chiefly on the present state rather than on the future
   judgment. It is probably for this reason that dia nomou el. stands
   before mellontes.

   A law of liberty, exactly as [221]i. 25: viz. Christ's Law, as
   distinguished from the Mosaic. The transition from the Mosaic Law in
   vv. [222]10, [223]11 to the Christian Law here corresponds precisely to
   the transition in the Sermon on the Mount from the one jot or tittle,
   one of these least commandments of Mt. v. 18 f., to "Except your
   righteousness etc." of Mt. v. 20, where the exceeding righteousness of
   the Christian disciple consists not in the performance of a greater
   number of positive precepts than the Scribes and Pharisees, but in the
   inner subjection of the spirit to the law of love, taking possession
   not of individual acts or abstinences, but of the whole life.

   The whole passage implies that under the unity of the external law
   there lies a much deeper unity of the spiritual law. If the whole
   external law was broken by the murderous conduct of a man who kept
   himself clean from adultery, much more was wrong done to the whole
   spiritual and free law of love by the attempt to keep any part of
   conduct exempt from it.

   ^13he gar krisis aneleos to me poiesanti eleos; katakauchatai eleon
   kriseos.

   13. he gar krisis] To be interpreted by krinesthai: the Divine
   judgment: cf. [224]v. 9.

   aneleos to me poiesanti eleos, without mercy to him that hath shewed no
   mercy] The requital is in kind, cf. Mt. vii. 1, 2, and the parable of
   the Two Debtors, Mt. xviii. 21-35, esp. 33. Here not love but mercy or
   pity is named. It is quite possible that St James is not thinking
   exclusively of the treatment of the poor in the synagogue, but going on
   to a wider range of kindred conduct (cf. [225]i. 27), and the absence
   of tenderness which is a common mark of the Pharisaical or perverted
   religious spirit. But in any case the word is in place, for while love
   is the universal fundamental attitude between man and man according to
   the Divine plan of the world, the characteristic form which love takes
   when directed to the poor is pity. To suffer with their suffering is
   the test of its reality.

   katakauchatai, glorieth against] This is the true as well as the common
   reading: another ancient reading is katakauchastho, and another, less
   attested, katakauchasthe. The abrupt introduction of this apophthegm
   gave rise to various conjunctions, de the best attested, also (T. R.)
   kai, also quoniam or "for."

   The verb itself recurs [226]iii. 14, and is found Rom. xi. 18; also
   three times in LXX., scarcely at all elsewhere. The sense of the image
   will depend on the interpretation of eleos and kriseos. The opposition
   of the two words is singular, because they are coupled in the O. T.,
   Ps. ci. (c.) 1; (LXX. xxxiii. (xxxii.) 5); virtually Hos. xii. 6; Mic.
   vi. 8; Zech. vii. 9. In these places krisis, mspt, means the quality by
   which justice is done, as by an actual or virtual judge. eleos is in
   like manner coupled with righteousness, and with truth. The same
   combination with near appears Mt. xxiii. 23 (with faith added), these
   being the weightier matters of the law neglected by the Scribes and
   Pharisees. This cannot however be St James' sense. Except as applied to
   God's judgment, he never uses krino, krisis, krites in a good sense;
   but always as governed by "Judge not that ye be not judged." Here, as
   the previous he krisis suggests, there must be at least some reference
   to the Divine judgment on its condemnatory side, as krima [227]iii. 1,
   and krithete [228]v. 9. The image then probably is that krisis comes so
   to speak as the accuser before the tribunal of God, and eleos stands up
   fearlessly and as it were defiantly to resist the claim. Is it then
   human or Divine eleos, the plea of the mercy that has been shewn in
   life or the Divine mercy resisting the Divine condemnation? Probably
   neither without the other: the two mercies are coupled as in Mt. v. 7,
   in the Lord's Prayer, and the Two Debtors.

   There is a somewhat similar use of kauchomai (not katakauch.) in
   Ecclus. xxiv. 1, 2. Schneckenburger well refers for a similar virtual
   kauchesis to 1 Cor. xv. 55. On the general sense cf. Or. Sib. ii. 81,
   Rhuetai ek thanatou eleos, krisis hoppot' an elthe.

   It is however probable that in so far as St James contemplates this
   sense of the defying of judgment by mercy, it is only as a particular
   case of a universal truth. That is, he may mean that this final triumph
   of mercy proceeds from the previous and inherent superiority of mercy
   to krisis, human as well as Divine, answering to the superiority of
   mercy to sacrifice (Mt. ix. 13; xii. 7). Mercy is greater and better
   than human krisis in this narrower sense (an echo of kritai dialogismon
   poneron in [229]v. 4), just as the Gospel is greater and better than
   the Law: and they who recognise and act on this truth become recipients
   of the Divine mercy, and have passed beyond condemnation by the Divine
   judgment in so far as it is embodied in the Law.

   Unless this sense is present, it is difficult to account for the
   absence of de. Since there is no conjunction, this clause can hardly be
   merely antithetical to the preceding, but must supply its foundation:
   the quoniam gives the truer connexion, though not the whole of it.

   ^14Ti ophelos, adelphoi mou, ean pistin lege tis echein erga de me
   eche; me dunatai he pistis sosai auton;

   14. We now come to the section on faith and works.

   adelphoi mou] Marking a fresh appeal, though closely connected with
   what precedes.

   ean pistin lege tis echein, if a man say he hath faith] We have already
   had ([230]i. 22 ff.) hearing without doing: here we have believing
   without doing. We have also had a spurious threskeia: here we have a
   spurious pistis. The profession of a pistis has been already presumed
   in [231]ii. 1, where St James implies that the true faith of Jesus
   Christ was absent or defective. Our Lord in St Luke's account of the
   explanation of the Parable of the Sower (viii. 13) had spoken of a
   temporary believing, which fell away in time of peirasmos. The
   expression of it is "Lord, Lord"; and the ferga me eche here exactly
   answers to Lk. vi. 46 (kai ou poieite ha lego), just as the listening
   to words without doing in [232]i. 22 f. answers to Mt. vii. 24, 26. The
   hearing the word, which is also spoken of in the Parable of the Sower,
   is the first step of reception; and belief marks another step: the
   failure may take place at either stage.

   It is to be observed that here at least St James does not say ean
   pistin eche tis but e. p. lege tis echein: it is not faith without
   works but the profession of faith without works that thus far is
   pronounced unprofitable.

   There is no reason for referring this spurious claim to faith to a
   Jewish origin. There is no clear evidence for anything answering to it
   among the Jews. It would on the other hand be a natural accompaniment
   of a slackening Christian devotion. "Faith" or "believing" was
   emphatically the Christian watchword, hardly less prominent in the
   first three Gospels than in St Paul or St John. And the corruption of
   the Christian type of religion would need reprobation by the authority
   of one in St James' position quite as much as the corruption of so much
   of the Jewish type of religion as the Jewish Christians retained. The
   question of justification introduces a fresh element; but we do not
   reach that till [233]v. 21.

   he pistis] Naturally "the faith," "that faith," the faith which is
   compatible with the absence of works. The phrase doubtless implies that
   there was something to which the name might in some sense be given;
   though it is not what St James recognises as genuine faith.

   sosai] As [234]i. 21.

   ^15ean adelphos e adelphe gumnoi huparchosin kai leipomenoi tes
   ephemerou trophes,

   15. This verse shews the connexion with what precedes. The examples of
   deficient works to which St James at once flies are taken from the
   treatment of the poor, quite as much as all that has been said about
   places in the synagogues.

   adelphos e adelphe] The explicit notice of both sexes brings out two
   degrees, as it were, in the helplessness which craved the sympathy and
   support of Christians. The women, as in the special example of the
   widows in [235]i. 27, would have all the needs and difficulties of the
   men, and the additional needs and difficulties falling naturally to
   their sex, especially in ancient times.

   The term "brother" "sister," repeated from [236]i. 9, calls attention
   to the special ties between those who by believing in the Son had
   acquired a closer and deeper tie of brotherhood as alike children of
   the Father. There was a true sense in which it was applied to all
   mankind: but in those days when the little community was surrounded by
   a more or less hostile population, the specially Christian sense had
   peculiar force. Christ too had in this connexion spoken of His own
   brethren, Mt. xxv. 35 f., 40, 42 f.

   gumnoi, naked] In the conventional sense of Scripture, as needing
   clothing, corresponding to the next phrase on the need of food.

   huparchosin] Huparcho denotes not simple being, but being in a state or
   condition as distinguished from what is temporary or accidental: it is
   used properly with reference to antecedent states. Often it means what
   one is by nature: but that specially strong force comes from the
   context. The prior continuity is the main thing. Hence what is implied
   here is that not some casual poverty but habitual poverty is meant.

   leipomenoi, in lack of] With the gen. just as in [237]i. 5. In this
   sense of outward destitution Just. Mart. uses it absolutely. Ap. i. 67,
   hoi echontes tois leipomenois pasin epikouroumen; and again, kai autos
   epikourei orphanois te kai cherais, kai tois dia noson e di' allen
   aitian leipomenois.

   Omit osin after leipomenoi; the participle instead of leipontai
   continues the indication of huparchosin, expressing a habitual
   condition, not an accidental want of food.

   tes ephemerou trophes] Simply the food needed day by day, daily food.

   ^16eipe de tis autois ex humon Hupagete en eirene, thermainesthe kai
   chortazesthe, me dote de autois ta epitedeia tou somatos, ti ophelos;

   16. eipe de tis autois ex humon] He first begins indefinitely, "if a
   man say to them," and then after autois adds ex humon, implying that
   such a speech would really be the speech expressive of the temper of
   their own minds, though only one here or there might have the boldness
   to put it into these words.

   Hupagete en eirene, Go in peace] A common Jewish farewell (Judg. xviii.
   6 etc.: and used by our Lord Lk. vii. 50 etc.): here a dismissal, a
   sending away, in euphemistic and seemly form.

   thermainesthe kai chortazesthe, be ye warmed and filled] These words
   are usually taken as imperatives. Plumptre ingeniously suggests that
   they are indicatives; the unreal assertion that the poor are warmed and
   fed being a repetition of the unreal assertion that they had faith when
   they shewed such a lack of love. But it is difficult to get this sense
   out of the words as actually put into the mouth of the speaker, not as
   another's description of his act. We must therefore keep to the
   imperative sense. It is not a mere substitution for the optative, "I
   hope you may somehow get warmed and fed," but an exhortation to go and
   get for themselves the means of doing this. It reminds us to a certain
   extent of "Send the multitude away that they may buy for themselves
   victuals" (Mt. xiv. 15 and parallels). Not that there is any clear
   reflexive force in the middle, which is probably rather a passive, or
   at least not distinguish-able from such: but it does lie in the use of
   the imperative. The use of the present tenses, not aorists, goes with
   huparchosin and leipomenoi, as marking the reference to a continuous
   state, "get your food and clothing now and always."

   thermaino, chortazo. Two strong words seem to be purposely chosen.
   "Warming" (Heb. and LXX.) is spoken of as an effect of clothes: Job
   xxxi. 20; Hag. i. 6 (cf. 1 Kin. i. i). Plut. Symp. 691 D speaks of the
   same garment as warming in winter, cooling in summer. Galen, V. M. S.
   ii. (ap. Wetst.) speaks of it as a common incorrect custom to speak of
   a thing as warming, because it hinders chilling.

   chortazo, originally of pasturing cattle, is used in late Greek of
   feeding men: but usually, perhaps always, with the sense of feeding to
   the full, satisfying.

   Thus the warm garments and satisfying food correspond to en eirene.

   me dote de, and yet ye give not] Transition to the full plural. Though
   one alone might be ready to speak the words, the general line of
   conduct was common to a large number.

   ta epitedeia tou somatos, the things needful to the body] Epitedeios is
   properly what is convenient or fitting, useful. But ta epited. by usage
   are ordinary necessaries, sometimes called ta anankaia epitedeia.

   tou somatos has force in relation to the following comparison (houtos
   kai). It is an appeal to an example from the obvious realm "of the
   body."

   ^17houtos kai he pistis, ean me eche erga, nekra estin kath' heauten.

   17. houtos kai, even so] What is the precise comparison? i.e. what is
   it that in vv. [238]15, [239]16 is compared to faith as being liable to
   be dead? The result spoken of is that the body is, as a matter of fact,
   chilled and starved if it has not necessaries. Presently, in [240]v.
   26, St James says, in a similar comparison about the deadness of faith
   without works, that the body without spirit is dead. One is tempted to
   assume that he meant the love or beneficence is dead if it contents
   itself with words. But there would be no real image there, merely a
   repetition of the dead faith in a particular application. Moreover ti
   ophelos points not to the unreality of the beneficence but to the
   absence of result in the way of starvation prevented. Apparently the
   comparison is to the words spoken: they are dead words inasmuch as they
   produce no effect on the supposed need. This is Grotius' explanation,
   and although not altogether satisfactory, it seems to be the best. Most
   commentators overlook the need of explanation altogether. Wetstein
   quotes from Plaut. Epidic. i. 2. 13 f. A man asks another for money:
   the reply is "If I had it, I certainly would not refuse it"; and then
   comes the rejoinder, Nam quid to igitur rettulit Beneficum ease
   oratione, si ad rem auxilium emortuum est?

   eche erga, have works] A remarkable phrase, but very expressive of St
   James' true meaning. The works are not something added on to the faith,
   but elements of it, parts of itself.

   nekra estin, is dead] Again the same, not merely "useless" or
   "unacceptable" but "dead." It is no question of faith v. works, but
   whether faith is faith if it has no works.

   kath' heauten, in itself] This brings out the same yet more
   emphatically, "in and by itself," not merely in relation to other
   things, not merely in its utility, so to speak; but in its own very and
   inherent nature.

   ^18all' erei tis Su pistin echeis; [23] khago erga echo. deixon moi ten
   pistin sou choris ton ergon, kago soi deixo ek ton ergon mou ten
   pistin.

   18. all' erei tis, But some one will say] An extremely difficult verse,
   The natural way of taking all' erei tis is as the words of an objector,
   and then it is difficult to see how the next words could be put into an
   objector's mouth. It is then suggested that the tis is virtually St
   James himself, like "so that a man shall say etc." (Ps. lviii. 11) as
   often wrongly interpreted (the true meaning being "men shall say"); but
   this is very unnatural from every point of view. Accordingly it is
   often now supposed that a third person is introduced, mainly on St
   James' side. This however only lessens, by no means removes, the
   difficulty. (1) It is very unlike St James to favour the broad positive
   statement addressed to those whom he is rebuking, "Thou hast faith, and
   I have works"; (2) all' erei tis is a most unlikely phrase for
   introducing one who is more for than against the writer; and (3) the
   supposed speaker disappears thenceforward, and it is difficult to see
   what good purpose would be served by this momentary introduction.

   Not only the most natural but the only natural way to understand all'
   erei tis is as introducing an objector, one of the persons rebuked (tis
   . . . ex humon), as in 1 Cor. xv. 35 (cf. Rom. ix. 19; xi. 19). Indeed
   it is difficult otherwise to understand the su, of [241]v. 19, o anth.
   kene of [242]20, and blepeis of [243]22, but especially [244]20. In
   [245]24 there is a return to the plural in horate, but the intermediate
   singular 2nd person singles out someone for rebuke, who can be no other
   than the tis of [246]18, for the tis of [247]16 belongs exclusively to
   the illustration.

   A very fair and, to say the least, not improbable sense may then be
   obtained by taking Su to echo alone as put into the objector's mouth,
   the rest of the verse being taken as St James' own reply; and further
   by taking Su pistin echeis by itself as a question. Questions of this
   kind are very common in St James, and [248]19 is best so interpreted.
   The sense will then be "Thou, James, hast thou faith, that thing which
   thou slightest in me? I for my part as well as thou (kago) have works";
   that is, "I do not allow that I have no works, I have works (sc. works
   of the law) in addition to my faith: can you conversely say that you
   have faith in addition to your works?" St James' reply then attacks the
   notion that faith and works are two separate things. All turns on
   choris, which does not mean simply "without," but "apart from,"
   "separated from." "Shew me," he says, "thy faith apart from the works,
   the works that properly belong to it and should characterise it";
   implying that this is an impossibility; "and I will shew thee by my
   works the faith, the faith belonging to them and inspiring them." That
   is, he turns the tables, and pleads that it is he alone, not the
   antagonist, who can shew both. The form deixon moi . . . kago soi deixo
   occurs Theoph. Ant. i. 2, Alla kai ean phes Deixon moi ton theon sou,
   kago soi eipoimi an Deixon moi ton anthropon sou kago soi deixo ton
   theon mou; where two impossibilities are set against each other: but in
   St James the kago soi is positive, not merely contingent on the other
   shewing. The whole is little more than a paraphrase of "By their fruits
   ye shall know them."

   ^19su pisteueis hoti eis theos estin [24] ; kalos poieis; kai ta
   daimonia pisteuousin kai phrissousin

   19. su pisteueis, thou believest, dost thou not?] The sense is not very
   different whether we take it as indicative or interrogative: but
   interrogative is more forcible.

   hoti eis theos estin, that there is (exists) one God] MSS. much
   divided. The best attested readings are eis theos estin and eis ho
   theos estin (or, inverted, in the common form, eis estin ho theos). The
   second (and third) would mean "that God is one.' Cf. Deut. vi. 4 etc.
   On the whole it is more probable that St James is not singling out the
   detached affirmation of unity, but taking all together thefirst article
   in the creed of Jew and Christian alike, an article not first only but
   fundamental. The meaning apparently is "you claim to have a belief
   detached from works, though you claim likewise to have works
   independently: well, what is that belief? Take it in its simplest and
   most fundamental form, the belief that there is One God. A belief
   without works necessarily consists in belief in a proposition; belief
   not in One God, but that there is One God. Well, so far so good: thou
   doest well."

   kai ta daimonia pisteuousin, the devils also believe this] Kai is of
   course not "and" but "also," they as well as thou.

   pisteuousin] Sc. this, believe that this is true.

   ta daimonia] Here as in the Gospels we must not think simply of "powers
   of evil," as such, but of the pneumata ponera or akatharta by which
   those called demoniacs were possessed. The reference is probably to the
   Gospel narratives, "What have we to do with thee, Jesus of Nazareth?
   Art thou come to destroy us? We know thee who thou art, the Holy One of
   God" (Mk i. 24 etc.).

   phrissousin, shudder] Properly the same as the Latin horror, the
   standing of hair on end with fear. Specially used of awe of a
   mysterious Divine power, as often of the adepts in the Greek mysteries.
   Cf. Plat. Phaedr. 251 A, proton men ephrixe kai ti ton tote hupelthen
   auton deimaton, eita prosoron hos theon sebetai. It is something at
   once more distant and more prostrate than worship. Cf. Ast on the above
   p. 449 and Wytt. on Plut. ii. 26B. An Orphic fragment quoted by Clem.
   Alex. Str. v. 724 and Euseb. P.E. xiii. 13 (Hermann pp. 453 f.) on God:
   Daimones hon phrissousi, theon de dedoiken homilos; an oracle ap. Lact.
   de ira Dei xxiii. (and in Latin Aug. Civ. Dei xix. 23), Wolff Proph.
   Orac. p. 143:


   Es de theon basilea kai eis genetera propanton,

   Hon tromeei kai gaia kai ouranos hede thalassa

   Tartarioi te muchoi kai daimones ekphrissousin;

   and a magical invocation (Oneiropompos Agathokleus (sic) in A.
   Dieterich Papyrus magica Mus. Lugd. Bat. p. 800: Lips. 1888), Thoth,
   hon pas theos proskunei kai pas daimon phrissei. There is thus no force
   of "and yet" in kai before phr.: it is rather "their belief" is so
   strong and undeniable that it ends in a kind of strong homage. It is a
   proof that they believe, not something done in spite of it.

   Thus the force of the clause lies on the word daimonia (cf. daimoniodes
   [249]iii. 15). A belief such as this, even though its contents are so
   true and important as a belief in One God, cannot be a very Divine
   thing when it can be shared by the daimonia.

   The whole then turns on the real nature of the belief or faith
   supposed, and Bede seems to have understood it rightly, when, taking up
   language of Augustine, he says: "Sed nec Deum credere et contremiscere
   magnum est, si non et in eum credatur, hoc est si non ejus in corde
   amor teneatur. Aliud est enim credere illi, aliud credere illum, aliud
   credere in illum. Credere illi est credere vera esse quae loquitur:
   credere illum credere quod ipse sit Deus: credere in ilium est diligere
   illum. Credere vera esse quae loquitur multi et mali possunt, credunt
   enim esse vera, et nolunt ea facere, quia ad operandum pigri sunt.
   Credere autem ipsum esse Deum, hoc et daemones potuerunt. Credere vero
   in Deum soli novere qui diligunt Deum, qui non solo nomine sunt
   Christiani sed et factis et vita." (For reff. to Aug. see Pearson Creed
   p. 16.)

   ^20theleis de gnonai, o anthrope kene, hoti he pistis choris ton ergon
   arge estin;

   20. theleis de gnonai, but wilt thou gain the knowledge] He is now
   going to prove his point by reference to Scripture. The words are
   equivalent to "Do you ask me what proof I have that . . ."

   o anthrope kene, O vain man] Anthrope probably in contrast to daimonia,
   a being who shouldest have such a much better faith than daimonia.

   Kenos (by itself) is not at all common as applied to men: it denotes
   pretentiousness, hollowness accompanying display. Thus Epictet. ii. 19.
   8, "But if I am kenos, especially at a banquet, I astonish the visitors
   by enumerating the writers (on a particular subject)"; iv. 4. 35,
   kenon, eph' hois hou dei epairomenon. Plutarch Sertor. xxvi. (581 F),
   "to despise Mallius hos kenou kai alazonos; Moral. 81 B,
   agriculturalists like to see ears of corn bending down, but those that
   are lifted by lightness kenous hegountai kai alazonas; and so of youths
   intending to philosophise, those who are most kenoi and deficient in
   baros thrasos echousi, and a gait and walk and countenance full of
   scorn and contempt. The use of andras kenous (lit. empty) in Judg. ix.
   4 does not help. Probably the sense is rather analogous to the Greek
   sense than identical. It is doubtful whether personal arrogance is
   intended here. Rather the unreality of the kind of faith professed, a
   faith which had no inner core to it.

   hoti he pistis choris ton ergon] Probably as before ([250]v. 18) this
   faith separated from the works belonging to it.

   arge, worthless] So best MSS., not nekra, which comes from [251]v. 26;
   argos is worthless, i.e. either not working, idle, lazy, or producing
   no works in the sense of results, hence useless, fruitless,
   ineffectual, as 2 Peter i. 8, ouk argous oude akarpous; and perhaps Mt.
   xii. 36, pan rhema argon. This sense would suit the context: but as
   there is an apparent contrast to sunergei in [252]v. 22, it is better
   to refer it rather to the act of working than to the result. Ton ergon
   are the concrete works capable of being spoken of separately; so that
   there is no tautology, the working being thought of with reference to
   the agent, and arge here meaning "inactive," putting forth no powers.

   ^21Abraam ho pater hemon ouk ex ergon edikaiothe, anenenkas Isaak ton
   huion autou epi to thusiasterion;

   21. St James comes now to his examples to prove his point.

   Abraam ho pater hemon] These words stand first, before ouk, in the
   sense "Take Abraham our father for instance, was not he," etc. "Abraham
   our father" in a combination of senses, as the father of the old Israel
   (Mt. iii. 9, etc.), as the father of the new Israel which had arisen
   out of the old Israel (claimed by Stephen, Acts vii. 2), and above all
   as the father of those who have shewn faith (Rom. iv. ii, 12, 16; Gal.
   iii. 7 ff.). The context seems to shew that this last is chiefly meant.
   Abraham's example is important for this purpose just because he was the
   typical instance of faith.

   ouk ex ergon] The words do not express whether he means that works had
   a share in it, or that works alone were concerned: but the former sense
   alone can be reconciled either with the general argument or with the
   quotation in [253]v. 23.

   edikaiothe] This word is manifestly to be interpreted in the first
   instance by its O.T. usages. The active voice dikaioo represents the
   Piel and Hiphil of tsdq both causative, to cause to be tsdyq (dikaios),
   just as dikaioo) as applied ethically to persons is properly to make
   dikaios. The passive voice dekaiousthai is one of the representatives
   of the Kal of the same verb, to be tsdyq or dikaios, a word chiefly
   though not exclusively used in Job (see especially Isa. xliii. 9, 26;
   xlv. 25), and sometimes rendered dikaios eimi, or in English "to be
   righteous." So far all is etymologically clear: the active is to make
   righteous, the passive to be made righteous. But then comes the
   question, does tsdyq or dikaios or righteous mean always simply a
   quality in a man without reference to the recognition of it? Certainly
   not. Various passages (e.g. Ps. cxliii. 2) express or imply the sense
   of being righteous in God's sight, and this is almost the only sense of
   the active, chiefly with the force "defending the cause of," "pleading
   for the righteousness" or "innocence of." The same senses reappear
   freely in Ecclus. So in N.T.: Mt. xii. 37; Lk. vii. 29; x. 29; xvi. 15;
   xviii. 14 (not to count edikaiothe he sophia etc., Mt. xi. 19; Lk. vii
   35); besides all the passages in St Paul, and also Acts xiii. 39 where
   St Paul is the speaker.

   Leaving then for the present St Paul out of sight, that we may not
   disturb St James' argument, we have naturally here the sense "Did not
   Abraham appear righteous in God's sight on the ground of works?"

   anenenkas k.t.l.] From a combination of Gen. xxii. 2 (enenenkon) and 9,
   epetheken auton epi to thusiasterion. There is sometimes doubt when epi
   stands before to thusiaster. whether it means "to" or "upon": but here
   doubtless, as the Hebrew suggests, it is "upon," as Mt. v. 23; 1 Pet.
   ii. 24. The meaning is that this act was distinctly a work. The faith
   in God which Abraham felt was carried out in a piece of conduct which
   tried it to the utmost.

   ^22blepeis hoti he pistis sunergei tois ergois autou kai ek ton ergon
   he pistis eteleiothe,

   22. blepeis, thou perceivest] It is so obvious, when looked at, that
   there is no room for doubt.

   he pistis, the faith] Sc. in this case: the faith in antithesis to the
   works was not separate from them but wrought with them.

   sunergei, worked with] A bold image. The faith not only was followed or
   accompanied by works -- that is expressed in tois ergois autou -- but
   itself worked with his works. Not for faith plus works does St James
   plead, but for faith at work, living, acting in itself, apart from any
   value in its results; sunergeo is properly to be a sunergos: not used
   in LXX., but twice in Apocr. and in four other places of the N.T.

   kai ek ton ergon, and by the works] Ek as before, in consequence of, by
   effects proceeding from.

   he pistis eteleiothe, the faith was made perfect] So long as the faith
   was not exercised, it was in a manner imperfect. It gained maturity and
   completeness by being thoroughly acted out. This is the only place
   where St James uses this verb (common in N.T., especially Jn, 1 Jn,
   Heb.), but teleios, as we have seen, he has five times, and this nearly
   answers to ergon teleion echeto in [254]i. 4. It is to be observed that
   the two clauses are exactly complementary to each other. The works
   received the co-operation of a living power from the faith: the faith
   received perfecting and consummation from the works into which it grew.

   ^23kai eplerothe he graphe he legousa Episteusen de Abraam to theo. kai
   elogisthe auto eis dikaiosunen, kai philos theou eklethe.

   23. kai eplerothe he graphe he legousa, and there was a fulfilment of
   the Scripture which saith] The usual phrase, as Lk. iv. 21, etc. The
   Divine word spoken is conceived of as receiving a completion so to
   speak in acts or events which are done or come to pass in accordance
   with it. This idea of filling, or giving fullness to, is always
   contained in the biblical use of fulfilling, though not always in
   precisely the same sense. he graphe probably the individual saying of
   Scripture (he graphe haute in Lk.).

   The passage Gen. xv. 6 was the one which most clearly expressed the
   faith of Abraham and which at the same time connected it with the
   accounting it on the part of God as righteousness. The words elogisthe
   auto eis dik. are equivalent to saying edikaiothe (he, not the faith).
   Philo, Leg. All. iii. 81 (p. 132) paraphrases them, Abraam ge toi
   episteuse to theo, kai dikaios enomisthe. The two passages are brought
   together also in 1 Macc. ii. 52, Abraam ouchi en peirasmo heurethe
   pistos, kai elogisthe auto eis dikaiosunen; for the peirasmos doubtless
   refers to Gen. xxii. 1, ho theos epeirazen ton Abraam.

   kai philos theou eklethe, and (so) he was called the friend of God]
   Probably the meaning is that this was another result of the faith which
   be shewed in the sacrifice of Isaac, the first result being the
   fulfilling of the words spoken of him with reference to an earlier
   exhibition of faith. The reference itself is doubtless mainly, if not
   wholly, to Isa. xli. 8 (Heb. Sym., not LXX. hon hegapesa) "who loved
   me," not "whom I loved" (see Cheyne); 2 Chr. xx. 7 (Heb. not LXX. to
   hegapemeno sou); but v.l. to philo apud Field), and eklethe means not
   "acquired the human title," but "was Divinely stamped" with that unique
   name. At the same time the name, though doubtless originating in Isaiah
   if not earlier, was widely spread, and St James may have had Greek
   authority for it. See the authorities in Lightfoot on Clem. Rom. 10
   (Clement refers to it 17 also); and Rönsch in Hilg. Z. S. 1873 iv. 583
   ff., and Wetst. Philo uses it, even substituting it once for tou paidos
   mou in Gen. xviii. 17. Judith viii. 26=22 in lat. vg., "quomodo pater
   nester Abraham tentatus est, et per multas tribulationes probatus Dei
   amicus factus est." Cf. Wisd. vii. 27; Clem. Hom. xviii. 13; Recog. i.
   32. So also Lib. Jubil. 19, Ber. R. on Gen. xiii. 8, etc.; and the name
   is still in use among the Arabs, El Khalil. Weil, cited by Rönsch 585,
   quotes "When Abraham by Nimrod's command was to be thrown into the
   fire, the heaven with its angels and the earth with all the creatures
   therein cried out with one voice, God of Abraham, Thy friend, who alone
   on earth adores Thee, is thrown into the fire' etc." This various use
   shews by the way that the occurrence of the phrase in a Christian
   author is no sufficient proof that he employed the Epistle of St James.

   It is very doubtful whether the name is etymological, though a writer
   against the Jews called Molon, cited by Alex. Polyhistor ap. Euseb. P.
   E. 9. 19, p. 420, says, hon de methermeneuesthai Patros philon; and
   Rönsch argues that ch being changed into h, rchm represents philos,
   though more properly "one on whom God had mercy."

   ^24horate hoti ex ergon dikaioutai anthropos kai ouk ek pisteos monon.

   24. horate, ye see] St James now turns from the "empty man" to the
   brethren whom he was previously addressing. Toinun is spurious.
   Elsewhere in the N.T. horate is always imperative, but in the sense
   "see to it," "beware," which will not do here. It is not likely to be
   used in the sense "take note," "observe," so that the indic. is the
   most natural. The sense must be "ye see by this example of Abraham":
   otherwise homoios de kai has no force.

   ex ergon dikaioutai] The same phrase as in [255]v. 21: but here the
   important explanatory clause is added, kai ouk ek pisteos monon;
   shewing that with him it was no question of faith contrasted with
   works, but of faith without works contrasted with faith with works: the
   faith as a ground of justification is assumed as a starting point.

   ^25homoios de kai Rhaab he porne ouk ex ergon edikaiothe, hupodexamene
   tous angelous kai hetera hodo ekbalousa;

   25. homoios de kai] This introduces another example, not needing such
   full exposition. Abraham the father of the Jewish people was the first;
   now St James cites a heathen, a Canaanitess, as a type of the other
   branch of Israelites and of Christians, the proselyte Jews, the Gentile
   Christians; nay the first of all proselytes, for her act took place at
   the very entrance into the Promised Land. In doing this, St James
   doubtless was building on a Jewish traditional view. Setting aside Heb.
   xi. 31, the remarkable introduction of Rahab's name in Mt. i. 5 (as
   also Tamar, Ruth, Bathsheba) implies a tradition as to her marriage to
   Salmon which marks her out in a signal manner. See Wetst. (i. 226) and
   better Wünsche Erl. der Ev. 3 f. Thus Megilla 14 b, "Eight prophets who
   were also priests are descended from the harlot Rahab, etc." (ten
   prophets and prophetesses according to Midrash, Ruth i.): another
   Midrash says priests. Midr. Cant. "As long as the Israelites do the
   will of God, He brings every righteous man whom He sees among the other
   peoples, and joins him to Israel, as came to pass with Jethro and
   Rahab.

   The precise purpose of adding he porne (added also in Heb.) is not
   clear. Perhaps her occupation is meant to point to her heathen origin,
   and as marking the extreme form of a faith which was due to a change or
   conversion, not part of an orderly and continuous growth, as in Abraham
   or Samuel.

   ouk ex ergon edikaiothe] The force of this lies in what is implied,
   that she was justified in virtue of her faith in that she embraced the
   belief in the one true God, and risked all on the belief. This very
   faith, he says, was not one barren of works: it shewed its strength by
   her willingness to risk her life to save the servants of the true God.

   hupodexamene, hospitably entertained.

   tous angelous] Called kataskopous in Heb., and tous kataskopeusantas
   Josh. vi. 25. The more favourable word is perhaps chosen to suggest
   that in receiving them she was as it were receiving angels.

   hetera hodo] Probably no more than "different different from the way by
   which they came."

   ekbalousa, dismissed them] So probably. The word is a stronger one than
   we should expect to find used, but the same thing happens in other
   places of the N.T., as Mt. ix. 38, Lk. x. 2, ergatas; Jn x. 4, probata;
   Mt. xii. 35, xiii. 52, ek t. agathou thesaurou ta agatha, etc.

   ^26hosper [25] to soma choris pneumatos nekron estin, houtos kai he
   pistis choris ergon nekra estin.

   26. gar is very doubtful: some authority for de: but no conjunction
   most likely. It is a general summing up, not standing in very near
   relation to [256]v. 25, but referring alike to the whole passage from
   [257]v. 14.

   choris pneumatos, separated from (the) spirit] Not spirit in the higher
   sense, but simply the breath of life. The body with the breath in it
   has all the difference from the body out of which the breath has
   departed that life has from death, although externally the body is
   nearly the same. So too the same contents of faith, that there is one
   God, or to go on to all that is contained in [258]ii. 1, the faith of
   the Lord Jesus Christ the Glory, is a dead thing if it is separated
   from works, in other words, from active energy. The paradox must be
   intentional. The opposite is what most would be tempted to say: but it
   would be only superficially true. True faith is a faith that aims at
   work and motion; false faith is virtually a corpse. He uses nekra here
   where he had said arge before. The idea is much the same, but nekra
   expresses it by a strong image.

   Now as regards the relation of this section to St Paul, the examples
   cited are certainly not enough to imply that St Paul had already
   written. St Paul mentions Abraham: but who could do otherwise in
   speaking of faith? St Paul does not mention Rahab; and though the
   Pauline author of Heb. does, it is not in connexion with justification
   or with any controversial purpose but simply as one of a series of
   examples of faith. It is remarkable that Philo, de nobil. 5 (ii. 442),
   first speaks strongly of Abraham (dio kai pisteusai legetai to theo
   protos, epeide kai protos akline kai bebaian eschen hupolepsin, hos
   estin hen aition to anotato kai pronoei tou te kosmou kai ton en auto),
   and then proceeds Tauten ten eugeneian ou monon theophileis andres alla
   kai gunaikes ezelosan, and then gives as an instance Tamar, who appears
   in Mt. with Rahab, using language that might be applied at once to
   Rahab, how she was an inhabitant of Palestine, a woman brought up in a
   city full of many gods, full of images etc.: and then how out of deep
   darkness she was able to see a little dawn of light, and how she waxed
   strong unto piety, little heeding life if she were not to live nobly.
   Thus both examples might come quite naturally to St James simply from
   his Jewish education.

   But the phrase ex ergon edikaiothe, taken in its juxtaposition to
   faith, is very hard to explain without reference to St Paul. There is
   no real evidence for any similar Jewish language. Justification is not
   part of St James' original argument: but he brings it in from vv.
   [259]21-[260]24 in a way which implies that he is arguing against some
   actual plea. If he had been intending to argue against St Paul he would
   have used language which struck at St Paul's doctrine. But this he
   avoids. His language is indeed formally inconsistent with St Paul's,
   since St Paul altogether declined to speak of any justification by
   works. But this language of St Paul may easily have been used, even by
   men opposed to him, in a manner at variance with his true purpose. Such
   verbal contradictions are sometimes inevitable for the expression of
   the fulness of the truth: and laying aside the insoluble question
   whether St James personally would have accepted every word that St Paul
   used, or St Paul every word that St James used, we are justified in
   considering both, not merely to have been needful as leaders of the
   Church in the Apostolic age, but as having contributed two forms of
   teaching, each of which is permanently necessary for the completeness
   of truth.

   III. ^1Me polloi didaskaloi ginesthe, adelphoi mou, eidotes hoti meizon
   krima lepsometha;

   III. 1. St James takes up now a fresh point: wrong speech after wrong
   action.

   me polloi didaskaloi, not many teachers] There is no need to correct to
   poludidaskaloi or otherwise. The phrase is peculiar, but forcible and
   clear enough as interpreted by the context and by vv. [261]13 ff. It is
   assumed that for the good of the community there should be teachers,
   discharging a special function for the rest (1 Cor. xii. 29, me pantes
   didaskaloi; cf. 28, triton didaskalous), and then implied that many set
   up as teachers not from a sense of responsibility but from a vain or
   censorious spirit. Thus the single notion "many teachers" practically
   involves the idea that the teaching arose from low personal motives.

   The context would allow didaskaloi to be used vaguely, as if ordinary
   social censoriousness were intended. But it is hardly likely that this
   word would have been chosen except with reference to actual public
   teaching. The sense is illustrated by the whole of 1 Cor. xii.-xiv.,
   but especially by xiv. 26; though it is true that we cannot conclude
   too rapidly from the ways of Corinthian Greeks to the Jews of the
   Dispersion. Still what follows in the rest of the chapter is strikingly
   analogous to much that St Paul says in 1 Cor. about sophia and logos,
   and to the manner in which he connects together the misuse of both. The
   disputatiousness of Greeks may well have had much in common with the
   disputatiousness of Jewish Christians, more especially as many of them
   were of Greek race.

   This precise tendency has no distinct echo in the Gospels, except the
   warning against idle words. Mt. xxiii. 8-10 refers rather to the honour
   of rabbiship than to the pride of the exercise of the office of
   teacher,

   adelphoi mou] This again introduces a fresh point, softening off at the
   outset the sharpness of what St James had to say.

   eidotes] Not "taking note," "observing," but "knowing as ye already
   do."

   meizon krima lepsometha, shall receive greater judgment] The word of
   Christ on idle words (Mt. xii. 36 f.) pronounced that account should be
   given en hemera kriseos; "for by thy words . . . thou shalt be
   condemned (katadikasthese)."

   krima lepsometha] This phrase occurs in a different context Mk xii. 40
   || Lk. xx. 47, with perissoteron for meizon. There perissoteron seems
   to mean that those who combined the pretensions of scribeship with
   these faults and vices should be condemned yet more than ordinary
   offenders. Here meizon must have much the same force, but perhaps also
   a special reference to the just retribution involved in "Judge not that
   ye be not judged": that is, it seems to be implied that wrong judging
   was a characteristic of the much teaching. This seems to follow from
   gar in [262]v. 2, which cannot be otiose. We all stumble and therefore
   come under judgment: but the judgment is greater if we have been taking
   on ourselves to judge others.

   ^2polla gar ptaiomen apantes. ei tis en logo ou ptaiei, houtos teleios
   aner dunatos chalinagogesai kai holon to soma.

   2. polla gar ptaiomen apantes, For in many things we all stumble] Ptaio
   as before ([263]ii. 10).

   polla] Lies between polu and pollakis: it is "much" with the idea of
   plurality and repetition introduced: so Mt. ix. 14 v.1. (nesteuomen);
   Mk iii. 12 (epetima); v. 10 (parekalei), 38 (alalazontas), 43
   (diesteilato), etc.

   apantes] "one and all."

   ei tis en logo ou ptaiei, If any stumbleth not in speech] Not me but
   ou, = "succeeds in escaping stumbling," the two words being taken
   together. For the phrase cf. Ps. xxxix. 1, tou me amartanein en glosse
   mou; Ecclus. xix. 16, kai tis ouch hemarten en te glosse autou; (Cf.
   Philo de nom. mut. 1082 C; de Abr. 352 C.) The image was applied to the
   tongue by Zeno ap. Diog. Laert. vii. 26 (Wetst.), kreitton einai t.
   posin olisthein e te glotte: cf. Eustathius in Od. viii. 171.

   The previous sentence spoke of moral stumbling of any kind. Here it
   becomes narrowed to speech: stumbling in speech is peculiarly easy and
   common: but the misuse of speech in pride and bitterness of teachership
   is something much worse than ordinary stumbling in speech. Here then St
   James drops for a while the subject begun in [264]v. 1, to be taken up
   again in [265]13-[266]18. The vicious teachership suggested to him the
   vicious use of the tongue in general, and so he launches out into this
   wider subject.

   teleios aner, a perfect man] The adjective as before, consecrated by
   Mt. v. 48. Aner cannot have the sense that anthropos would have, "one
   shewing the perfection of humanity": it is simply "one that is
   perfect."

   dunatos chalinagogesai kai holon to soma, able to bridle the whole body
   also] The force of kai is that his stumbling not in speech arises from
   his bridling his tongue; and that a man who can bridle his tongue can
   also bridle his whole body. This may be in two senses, that the tongue
   is so difficult to bridle that it is an easier thing to bridle the
   whole body, and that in the bridling of the tongue the bridling of the
   body is virtually accomplished at the same time. The comparison to the
   horses' bridle in [267]v. 3 and to the rudder in [268]v. 4 and the
   whole language of [269]6 prevent the exclusion of the second sense,
   while the form of this sentence rather suggests the first. Probably St
   James meant both senses to be included.

   The bridling of the tongue (already named [270]i. 26) is naturally one
   of the commonest of images in various languages: but it is especially
   associated with me hamartanein en glosse in Ps. xxxix. 1 (Heb. not
   LXX.).

   ^3ei de ton hippon tous chalinous eis ta stomata ballomen eis to
   peithesthai autous hemin, kai holon to soma auton metagomen;

   3. ei de] True reading, not ide (or as T.R. with a few idou) derived
   from supposed parallelism to idou in [271]v. 4. The de is equivalent to
   the logical "now": the verse is really an inference from the force of
   the word chalinagogesai. St James has used it completely metaphorically
   of the whole body, when he might have said in general terms "keep in
   order": but it occurs to him that the word has a special force for his
   purpose because it is just through the mouth, the source of speech,
   that the process of bridling takes place.

   ton hippon] Put first because horses are the direct subjects of
   comparison with teleios aner: it thus is equivalent to "in the case of
   horses" though of course governed not only by ta stomata but also by
   tous chalinous: the mouths are the part of the horses into which we put
   the bits by which we mean to restrain them. This accounts for the two
   articles.

   eis to peithesthai (not pros), to make them obey us] St James doubtless
   means to express not merely result but purpose. The reason why the
   phrase is introduced is probably because St James is thinking how far
   control of the tongue goes towards producing control of the whole body.

   metagomen, we turn about] Metago as commonly used means to "transfer"
   or "transport" in a strong sense, as prisoners to a strange land, or
   the power of government from one class to another. It is also used of
   turning men to a better mind (still transference) Plut. ii. 225 F;
   Epict. Ench. xxxiii. 3. Apparently here simply in the sense of leading
   not from one place to another but from one direction to another, though
   it is not satisfactory to have no clear authority for it. Lexicons and
   commentaries pass the point over.

   ^4idou kai ta ploia, telikauta onta kai hupo anemon skleron elaunomena,
   metagetai hupo elachistou pedaliou hopou he horme tou euthunontos
   bouletai;

   4. The example of the ships and rudders comes in by way of addition,
   apparently as suggested by the last words of [272]v. 3.

   telikauta onta kai hupo anemon skleron elaunomena, though they are so
   great, and though they are driven by rough winds] This is the most
   natural construction according to the form of the sentence. On the
   other hand it is somewhat singular that the size and the driving by
   winds, which would not be always rough, are coupled together; and it is
   possible that kai means not "and" but "even," "the ships, great as they
   are, even when they are being driven by rough winds, are turned about,"
   etc.

   pedaliou, rudder] From the Odyssey onwards.

   horme, impulse] This might be either the impulse in the mind of the
   steersman or the impulse which his hand communicates to the helm: but
   the whole phrase would be rather feeble if referred to the mind only:
   moreover there would be almost a contradiction between the
   "impulsiveness "and the purpose (boule).

   tou euthunontos, the steersman] Euthuno, first to make straight, is
   then used of any kind of guidance, shepherd of sheep, charioteer of
   chariot, steersman of ship (Plato etc.); and of the rudder itself (Luc.
   Dial. Mort. x. 10, euthune, o porthmeu, to pedalion; Eur. Cyc. 15,

   en prumne d' akra
   autos labon euthunon ampheres doru).

   bouletai, willeth] By a bold figure the deliberation and decision is
   transferred to the last point at which the steersman's action passes
   into that of the rudder by the movement of his hand. Boulomai as before
   implies not mere will but intention: the steersman turns the helm this
   way or that because he knows which way his course lies. Rudders and
   steersmen have furnished many images. This combination of the horse's
   bridle and the ship's rudder as illustrative of the government of the
   tongue is found in Ps.-Plat. Axioch. [? ap. Theoph. Simoc. Ep. 70] and
   in Plutarch and Philo [see Wetst. and Mayor].

   ^5outos kai he glossa mikron melos estin kai megala auchei. idou
   helikon pur heliken hulen anaptei;

   5. Apparently a direct comparison with [273]v. 4. What is not easy is
   megala auchei (so better than megalauchei).

   megala auchei, hath great things whereof to boast] Aucheo is properly
   to stretch the neck and hold up the head in pride, and hence to speak
   with proud confidence. Megalaucheo seems always to be used in a
   disparaging sense, to denote "boastfulness." The difficulty is that the
   comparison seems to require not great pretension but great performance
   to be ascribed to the tongue. Oecumenius has megala ergazetai by way of
   paraphrase, and something like this is doubtless what we should expect.
   It does not help much to say that the pretension comes first, the
   performance next, viz. in the following verses. The true solution lies
   probably in the wider use of aucheo than of megalaucheo. Though aucheo
   never loses the sense of boast, it frequently, both in early and late
   Greek, is used without sense of unreality in the boast, and virtually
   as equivalent to "having cause to boast." The only question then is as
   to the use of megala, which prima facie has an adverbial force,
   "greatly." Now auchei used absolutely without reference to any object
   could refer only to boastfulness, pretence; and megala as an adverb
   would only accentuate this force, by the association with megalaucheo.
   But in late Greek aucheo is not infrequently used with the accusative
   of things boasted of, where the classical usage would be with dative
   with or without epi. Thus Aristid. i. 103, monois d' humin huparchei
   katharan eugeneian te kai politeian auchesai: just as we use the verb
   "boast" transitively: "that country boasts many great cities." So here
   m. auchei doubtless means "hath great things whereof to boast," or
   shortly "great are its boasts" (i.e. the concrete subjects for
   boasting, auchemata, not the boastings, aucheseis). This sense is
   supported by the analogy of katakauchatai in [274]ii. 13, where the
   glorying of mercy against judgment is no mere vain boasting, but a true
   position proudly held. It is thus quite doubtful whether there is even
   an indirect reference to arrogance of tongue. What follows gives
   examples of the "great things."

   idou helikon (not olegon) pur heliken hulen anaptei, Behold how much
   wood is kindled by how small a fire] Helikos expresses magnitude in
   either direction, quantus or quantillus (Luc. Hermot. 5): the
   antithesis explains that with pur it means "how little," with hulen
   "how great." This is a good example of St James' pregnant enigmatic
   style, leaving much to the reader's intelligence.

   hulen] Etymologically = silva, and answers fairly to both the English
   words "wood" and "timber." It is used either of dead wood or living,
   and either will make sense here. But it never means a wood, a forest.
   As applied to living wood it is either woodland as opposed to mountains
   and cultivated plains, specially the rough bushy skirts of the hills,
   or brushwood. Thus Plat. Polit. 272 A says, karpous te aphthonous
   eichon apo te dendron kai polles hules akkes. A spark setting fire to
   the brush might suggest the image, or it may be (as often) simply a
   great mass of cut timber ready for the carpenter. The word is
   interesting on account of Plato's use, answering to materia, materies.
   [See Additional Note.]

   The image was probably taken from the Hebrew Proverbs of Ben Sira
   (trans]. in Drusius ap. Crit. Sacr. viii. p. 1899) cf. Ecclus. xi. 32.
   "A burning fire kindles many heaps of corn." On which the Scholiast has
   "There is nothing which more devastates the world than an evil tongue:
   for a tongue of this kind, though it be not very evil, is the ruin of
   many just and pious men. (Example of Doeg.) Wherefore the wise Hebrews
   declare that in an evil tongue lurks deadly poison, and that because of
   it the world suffers chastisement," etc.

   ^6 kai he glossa pur, ho kosmos tes adikias he glossa kathistatai en
   tois melesin hemon, he spilousa holon to soma kai phlogizousa ton
   trochon tes geneseos kai phlogizomene hupo tes geennes.

   6. A very difficult verse. Houtos is spurious before he glossa
   kathistatai, and misleading also. It is impossible Greek to take he
   spilousa as predicate to the sentence he glossa kathist. as though it
   were to spiloun. The best punctuation is to take kai he glossa pur as a
   separate clause, "the tongue also is a fire,' introductory to what
   follows. Then ho k. t. ad. he gl. kathist. en t. mel. hem.; then he
   spilousa . . .geennes, in which last clause references to fire appear
   again. Hence he glossa (the 2nd) must be the subject, ho kosmos t. ad.
   the predicate; and the reason why ho kosmos t. ad. is put first is
   because he glossa must be put last in order to connect it distinctly
   with the following participles. Thus the arrangement of words is
   exactly analogous to that of [275]i. 7, [276]8.

   kai he glossa pur, The tongue also is a fire] Cf. Prov. xvi. 27; Ps.
   cxx. 4; Ecclus. xxviii. 21-23; also Ps. Sol. xii. 2.

   ho kosmos tes adikias, the unrighteous world] Certainly a difficult
   phrase. The article must of course have its full force, "a world of
   iniquity" cannot be right. Some take kosmos as "ornament":
   understanding it to mean that the tongue gives a specious and seductive
   colour or gloss to what is evil by means of plausible words. But though
   words might by a rather bold figure be called the adornment of
   iniquity, the tongue that utters them could not: nor has that sense any
   special force here. The commonest interpretation is to take it as
   "world" in the sense of universe, "that world of iniquity." The article
   here acquires a possible sense with the other construction, in
   apposition with pur; but not as the predicate after kathistatai. The
   sense itself too is at once exaggerated and vague. It is not the
   comprehensiveness of the tongue within itself that the context refers
   to, but its power of acting upon what is without it.

   There remains the "evil" sense of kosmos, found already [277]i. 27, and
   recurring [278]iv. 4. To repeat very briefly. This sense of something
   called the kosmos as not only containing evil elements but itself in
   some sense evil is chiefly found in Jn and 1 Jn, also 2 Pet.; perhaps
   not elsewhere (2 Cor. vii. 10 doubtful). It is not derived from the
   physical universe, but a Jewish image taken from the tvl of the early
   chapters of Isaiah (cf. Ps. ix. 8 etc.), rendered oikoumene in LXX.,
   denoting the heathen nations around, the heathen world at once as
   destructive and as corruptive: hence it is human society in a corrupt
   and perverted state. As applied to the tongue then, the meaning is that
   the tongue is to the rest of the body what the corrupt society is to
   mankind, and especially to the Church as the representative of mankind
   in its true state. Thus t. adikias may be compared to its use in Lk.
   xvi. 8, ton oikonomon tes adikias and 9, mamona t. ad. and xviii. 6, ho
   krites t. ad.: the world which gives itself up to unrighteousness,
   which takes its form from unrighteousness and obeys it: somewhat
   similar are the genitives in [279]i. 25. Much the same ultimate sense
   would be obtained by taking kosmos as the sphere or region, the domain
   as it were in which unrighteousness obtains a footing. But this is not
   a natural sense of the word, which is more easily interpreted by the
   other passages of this Epistle referred to.

   kathistatai, is constituted, shews itself, makes itself, acts the part
   of] The exact force is shewn by [280]iv. 4. Kathistasthai eis is to
   come into a certain state, or kath. with nominative to become (contrast
   kathesteka to have become, to be). Thus Plut. ii. 2 E, trees if
   neglected strebla phuetai kai akarpa kathistatai, tuchonta de orthes
   paidagogias enkarpa ginetai kai telesphora (cf. 6 F).

   en tois melesin hemon, among our members] Apparently not merely with
   reference to its action on the other members; but as being that one
   among the members which has this special power.

   he spilousa, that stainer of] The article has the effect of giving a
   substantive force to the participle, as it were, the tongue that
   stainer of the body. The use of this word agrees with the
   interpretation just given of kosmos, when compared with aspilos . . .
   apo t. kosmou in [281]i. 27. The image however is difficult: in what
   sense can the tongue be said to stain the body? Apparently with
   reference to the idea that runs through chap. i. that there is a Divine
   image received by man at creation, a true ideal form derived from
   likeness to God, and that all moral evil is to be regarded in relation
   to this as ([282]i. 21) a rhuparia or defilement and a perisseia or
   excrescence (unnatural growth). Still why "the body," for St James
   certainly regarded the Divine image as (at least in the first instance)
   inward and spiritual? Probably because he regarded the body as the
   outward expression of the inward mind; and the, external deformities of
   passion as true types as well as results of the invisible deformities
   from which they spring. Moreover the action of the tongue might be
   regarded as staining the action of the whole body, the total conduct of
   which the body is the organ. Cf. also Eccles. v. 5.

   kai phlogizousa ton trochon tes geneseos, and it setteth on fire the
   wheel of man's creation] Here we reach one of the hardest phrases in
   the Bible. To discuss it fully would take too long. We must be content
   to deal with the leading points. At the outset Grotius' suggestion that
   trochon should be read trochon, a running or course, must be set aside.
   The word, chiefly poetic, is never used figuratively; and at all events
   phlogizousa points to some physical image. The suggestion comes from
   too prosaic a dealing with the imagery of a prophet. Phl. t. trochoe
   must mean "setting on fire the wheel."

   But then what is t. geneseos, and what wheel is meant? Attention was
   called eight years ago by Hilgenfeld (ZWT. 1873. 20; cf. Einl. 539 f.)
   to the certainly curious fact that Simplicius on Arist. de caelo ii. p.
   91 B in allegorising Ixion's wheel says, "and he hath been bound by God
   to tes moiras trocho kai tes geneseos, hon adunaton metallaxai kat'
   Orphea (what follows is hopelessly corrupt, but ends with tas
   anthropinas psuchas), clearly referring to an Orphic doctrine. The
   sense comes out more clearly, but with kuklos for trochos, in Procl.
   Tim. v. 330 A (on Plato's words te tautou kai homoiou periodo, "This is
   the one salvation of the soul which is held forth by the Creator,
   delivering it tou kuklou t. geneseos and from the great error and from
   the ineffectual life, namely the ascent of the soul to the spiritual
   region (to noeron eidos) and its flight from all things which cleave to
   us ek tes geneseos; and lower down (B) . . . apo tes peri ten genesin
   planes, hes kai hoi par' Orphei to Dionuso kai te Kore teloumenoi
   tuchein euchontai

   Kuklou t' au lexai kai anapneusai       kakotetos.

   There is somewhat similar language in Procl. Tim. i. 32 E and Theol.
   Pl. vi. 3 p. 351; cf. Verg. Aen. vi. 748, Hos omnes ubi mille rotam
   volvere per annos. For geneseos we have anankes in the statement of
   Diog. Laert. viii. 14, Vit. Pyth., "They say that he was the first to
   declare the soul kuklon anankes ameibousan allote allois endeisthai
   zoois. So more vaguely, without reference to any one in particular,
   Chrys. Mt. lxxv. 728 C, periphoran kai genesin legontes. Also Philo de
   Somn. ii. 6, p. 664 of Pharaoh's gold chain round Joseph's neck,
   anchonen epiphane, kuklon kai trochon anankes ateleutetou, . . . ouk
   akolouthian kai to hexes en bio kai ton heirmon ton tes phuseos
   pragmaton, hos he Thamar, ou gar kloios, all' hormiskos autes ho kosmos
   (cf. de mut. nom. 23 p. 598). In the first places cited the reference
   is certainly to the Orphic or Pythagorean doctrine of a cycle of
   metempsychosis: Chrys. and Philo are ambiguous. Another passage of
   Simplicius (Comm. in Epict. Ench. p. 177 C) gives it a distinctly wider
   sense, "The dissolution of compounds and the change of simples one into
   another is good for the whole; since the destruction of one is the
   origin (genesis) of another; and this is the cause why ton tes geneseos
   kuklon remains imperishable (anekleipton).

   But it is most improbable that St James should use a phrase of this
   origin to convey a doctrine with which he can have had no sympathy. The
   Orphic doctrine would be entirely alien to him (notwithstanding
   Hilgenfeld's references to threskos), and the vaguer doctrine hardly
   less. Genesis in this connexion was the word used in late Greek
   philosophy to express natural necessity; the necessary chain of
   causation; and it was especially opposed to any religious view of the
   world.

   An equal improbability lies in the mode of use: this setting on fire of
   the trochon t. geneseos is evidently spoken of as an evil thing; but to
   a believer in God this interruption of the wheel of earthbound destiny
   would be no subject for regret. The interpretation thus just inverts
   the purport of the sentence.

   Moreover it is difficult to think that tes geneseos should recur in two
   places of the Epistle (here and [283]i. 23) in very peculiar phrases,
   yet be entirely different in sense: for whatever sense we give to
   geneseos with to prosopon, it cannot possibly be destiny.

   Another simpler image occurs in various classical writers, partly again
   in connexion with Ixion, that of human life as a wheel rolling down
   hill over all sorts of inequalities: thus Sil. Ital. vi. 120. But here
   too there is no special force in the setting fire, and t. geneseos
   remains inexplicable. The same may be said of the vaguer senses "course
   of life," "course of nature."

   The true clue is doubtless to be found in t. geneseos which we saw (on
   [284]i. 23) to refer to the original creation of man. It is not in
   classical but in biblical language that we should naturally expect to
   find the explanation. Not the heathen godless genesis but the genesis
   of revelation, the origin of the world in the will and purpose of God,
   is denoted by the word for St James. It is the tldt or mldt (see Gen.
   ii. 4; v. 1), whence Genesis has its Greek name. Ktisis is not used in
   LXX. (though ktizo is): see 2 Macc. vii. 23, ho tou kosmou ktistes, ho
   plasas anthropou genesin kai panton exeuron genesin. It thus is
   equivalent to what in modern language we call Creation. The phrase "the
   wheel of creation" is limited by the sense of the rest of the sentence
   to "the wheel of man's creation," i.e. the wheel of man's nature
   according to its original Divine purpose, just as ti prosopon t.
   geneseos autou is "the face of his creation," the face reflecting the
   Divine image in which he was created.

   What then is meant by the wheel? It can hardly be the detached wheel
   rolling uselessly along, as in the classical image. It must be the
   chariot wheel of man as he advances on the way of life, fulfilling his
   appointed course. Probably, I do not say more, but probably there is an
   allusion to the wheel in the vision of Ezekiel (i. 15, 16b, 19-21).
   This may sound fanciful till we remember that this vision of Ezekiel,
   called the Chariot by the later Jews, was in Jewish thought associated
   with the Creation. According to the imagery of the vision, the wheel
   might be the body and all its activities, by means of which the spirit
   moves upon the earth. This is represented as set on fire by the tongue,
   because its orderly Divinely-appointed motion is made violent and
   irregular by the passions which the tongue excites: it catches fire,
   and loses its power to fulfil its proper course. [See Additional Note.]

   kai phlogizomene hupo tes geennes, and is set on fire by hell] The fire
   is not a fire from above but from beneath. This seems to be the true
   force of the reference to Gehenna, which usually in the N.T. appears
   simply as the place of punishment for evil (whether we mean by
   punishment retribution only, or retribution combined with
   purification), not excepting perhaps Mt. xxiii. 15, huion geennes, as
   itself so to speak a realm of evil. The fire lighted at the nether
   fires is a simpler and broader image, answering in some degree to the
   lower wisdom of [285]v. 15. Wetstein quotes the Targum on Ps. cxx. 2
   (where the hot burning coals may be taken as describing either the
   operation of the tongue or its punishment, or indeed both, i.e. its
   appropriate punishment) Lingua dolosa . . . cum carbonibus juniperi,
   qui incensi sunt in gehenna inferne.

   ^7 pasa gar phusis therion te kai peteinon herpeton te kai enalion
   damazetai kai dedamastai te phusei te anthropine;

   7. gar, For] The purpose of gar seems to be to introduce an explanation
   and justification of the strong language just used. From the word
   "bridle" in [286]v. 2 St James has been led to the idea of a small
   agency exercising great power, and especially to the image of fire as
   representing the tongue: and now he proceeds to explain this, pointing
   first to its unbridledness, and then to its strange inconsistency of
   action.

   pasa gar phusis, every nature] Phusis is often used periphrastically
   with the genitive, so that this might mean simply "all beasts and
   birds," etc. And it is also sometimes used for "kind." Thus Diod. Sic.
   i. 10, he ge palin ex arches kainas enenke ton zoon phuseis; Plut. ii.
   636 E, zoon de pollas phuseis tou kosmou periechontos, ouden, hos
   eipein, genos amoiron esti tes ex oou geneseos. But even in such places
   the original sense is latent, "many kinds" as dependent on "many
   natures." Here, at all events, the strict sense is required by te
   phusei te anthropine; for although anthropine phusis is occasionally,
   though very rarely, equivalent to "mankind," the periphrasis would have
   a rhetorical unnaturalness here, especially in the resolved form te ph.
   te anth. (not te anth. ph.). The meaning doubtless is that the inherent
   nature of man, that nature which proceeds from the Divine image, has
   proved its kingship over the natures of different classes of animals,
   probably with reference to Gen. i. 28; ix.2. The meaning cannot be that
   every kind, or the nature of every kind, of animals has been tamed;
   which would be manifestly untrue: but each of these four great classes
   is considered as having a special nature. An exact parallel is 1 Cor.
   xv. 39, alle de sarx ktenon k.t.l. What is there said of the outward
   flesh is here implied as to the inward nature.

   therion te kai peteinon herpeton te kai enalion, of beasts and birds,
   of creeping things and things in the sea] These classes are exactly and
   almost verbally taken from Gen. ix. 2, which is a modification of
   [287]i. 28. Theria probably includes both theria and ktene of [288]i.
   28, the fiercest and least tameable of quadrupeds being taken as
   representatives of the whole class: peteina and erpeta are taken as
   they stand.

   In the second pair erpeton answers to therion in the first, and
   doubtless was intended especially to include serpents, with especial
   reference to the tongue (see [289]v. 8). The allusion may be to the
   sacred tame serpents which were kept in different temples, for instance
   in those of Asclepius. Tame fish, sacred and other, were also known to
   the ancients (see Ael. Nat. An. viii. 4; xii. 30). Enalia answer to
   ichthues. A poetic word, used in prose in this general manner in late
   writers only, as Ps.-Arist. de mundo 5, houtos enalion zoon kai pezon
   kai aerion phuseis echorisen; Plut. ii. 911 D, to ton enalion genos
   contrasted with ta chersaia; also 729 E, epheidonto malista ton
   enalion.

   damazetai kai dedamastai te phusei te anthropine, is tamed and hath
   been tamed into subjection to the nature that is human] First comes the
   general statement that they are tamed: then the thought occurs that
   there are domestic races which have been tamed long ago; and so the
   present acquires a more precise sense.

   There is a long-established conquest by the human race transmitted by
   hereditary instinct, and it is being perpetually renewed. Damazo is
   sometimes applied to the mere crushing of a foe: its proper sense is
   taming, subduing not for destruction but for orderly use, as with
   horses and oxen. There is no clear indication that use is contemplated
   here: but rather the general notion of taming, involving obedience and
   restraint. There is probably a reminiscence of what has been said above
   of the bridling of horses.

   The taming is part of the lordship of the earth bestowed in Gen. i. 28,
   and corresponds to the government (archete LXX.) over the lower animals
   which there follows: cf. Ps. viii. 6 ff. This is brought out by the
   emphatic form te phusei te anth.; lit. "the nature that is human," i.e.
   the conquest is connected with the characteristic prerogative of the
   living soul which God breathed into man. The dative is probably not the
   simple dative of agency with a passive verb, of which (except with
   passive participles) there is no clear case in the N.T. All the
   instances seem to fall under one of two heads, including the idea
   either of appearing to (as a heuretho humin 2 Cor. xii. 20; auto
   heurethenai 2 Pet. iii. 14; egnosthe Lk. xxiv. 35; Phil. iv. 5) or of
   being subjected to (here, and ho tis hettetai 2 Pet. ii. 19). Thus the
   sense is not simply tamed by the human nature, but tamed into
   subjection to it. See the chorus in the Antigone 332 ff., esp. 342-351.

   ^8ten de glossan oudeis damasai dunatai anthropon; akatastaton kakon,
   meste iou thanatephorou.

   8. ten de glossan oudeis damasai dunatai anthropon, but the tongue can
   no one, even of men, tame] By a vivid image the tongue is projected, as
   it were, out of human nature and spoken of as though it had a separate
   life of itsown, over which no one can gain complete mastery. And though
   in strictness the tongue is nothing more than the organ by which what
   is in the heart and mind is expressed, yet experience shews that speech
   or utterance, as such, has what may well be called a magic power which
   acts reflexly on the mind within: so that St James' language does
   express a true fact, though it does not attempt to explain all the
   grounds of it. There may be, that is, a kind of conflict between a man
   and his own tongue, or his own impulse of utterance, in which his true
   self gets worsted.

   The position of anthropon is at once secondary and emphatic; it might
   be "the tongue no one can tame, -- no one, that is, of men"; but is
   rather "no one, even of men," even of those beings so highly endowed,
   of whom he has been just speaking.

   akatastaton kakon, a disorderly evil] This is the true reading, not
   akatascheton, which would be merely a feeble repetition of oudeis
   damasai dunatai. St James has used the word already in [290]i. 8, and
   akatastasia in [291]iii. 16, where it is coupled with pan phaulon
   pragma. To his mind it expressed the utmost evil, the disorder which is
   the entire opposite of God's perfect purpose and man's single-minded
   surrender to God's purpose. Cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 33.

   Not akatastaton only, but ak. kakon. It is startling to hear the tongue
   called "an evil," rather than its misuse. But (1) the adjective
   explains how it becomes an evil; and (2) its evil arises from the very
   fact of its independence, i.e. from its isolation from the integrity of
   humanity. There is just the same abnormal and morbid independence as in
   the case of a desire which in like manner can be conceived of as
   something distinct from the man in whom it arises ([292]i. 14 f.).

   meste, full of] Not meston: it cannot therefore agree with kakon, but
   goes back to he glossa. The tongue not merely contains deadly venom, it
   is charged with it: cf. Ps. lviii. 4; cxl. 3. There must be an indirect
   reference to a poisonous serpent, as in these Psalms; the image
   probably being derived in the first instance from the flexibility and
   mobility of the actual tongue.

   ^9en aute eulogoumen ton kurion kai patera, kai en aute katarometha
   tous anthropous tous kath' homoiosin theou gegonotas;

   9. en aute (bis), therein] The phrase is remarkable. The purely
   instrumental use of en is Hebraistic, and found only in such writers of
   the N.T. as admit a certain (not very large) amount of Hebraism. It
   does not agree with the general colour of St James' language. Nor does
   this passage come well under the rather vague "causal" use of en (Jelf
   246 f.; Kühner ii. 403 f.). But St James' purpose is probably to
   identify ourselves with the tongue. If he had said di' autes, it would
   have expressed a pure instrumentality: we should have appeared solely
   as the speakers, the tongue as our organ merely. Now the whole passage
   implies a kind of independent power over us exerted by the faculty of
   utterance; so that St James intentionally makes the tongue an actual
   speaker as well as an organ of speech: in the tongue we bless God,
   almost in the sense "in the person of the tongue." The nearest parallel
   is in Rom. xv. 6, en heni stomati doxazete k.t.l..: cf. also Mt. ix.
   34, en to archonti ton daimonion; and Acts xvii. 31, krinein t.
   oikoumenen . . . en andri ho horisen.

   eulogoumen, we bless] This is the highest function of speech. As man's
   relation to God is the supreme fact of his nature which alone puts all
   others into their right place, so blessing God for His goodness and His
   benefits is the supreme use of the powers of utterance. Thus (Lk. i.
   64) this is the first use which Zacharias makes of the recovered power,
   aneochthe de to stoma . . . kai he glossa autou, kai elalei eulogon ton
   theon. Cf. Ps. li. 15.

   ton kurion (not theon) kai patera, the Lord and Father] The less common
   phrase is the true reading. The kurion expresses God's majesty and His
   rule over all His creatures, and especially over men who have the
   privilege of being able to render conscious obedience. Patera expresses
   both rule and love, and also all the associations connected with the
   human word, in reference ([293]i. 18) to the first origin of man as not
   merely owing his existence to God's fiat but a partaker of the Divine
   nature as being made in God's image.

   katarometha, we curse] Kataromai originally took the accusative of the
   thing, the dative of the person: "imprecate this or that against a
   man," the thing imprecated being sometimes omitted. But in late writers
   (Plutarch, Lucian) it succumbs to the general tendency to pure
   transitiveness. The first person katarometha (as well as eulogoumen) is
   singular, because St James does not seem to be speaking directly of a
   universal human shortcoming (polla ptaiomn hapantes [294]v. 2).

   As far as this verse goes, the meaning might be only that blessing and
   cursing are both utterances of the tongue: but [295]v. 10 shews that St
   James meant to say that they come from the very same tongue, and that
   he is in fact attacking not merely a vice of the tongue but a false
   kind of religion. He is dealing with a tendency, close akin to that
   which he combated at the end of chapter i., to a loveless religiosity,
   the combination of professed devotion to God with indifference and even
   hatred to men. He implies that the utterance of blessing must be
   spurious if it does not include men as its objects as well as God: cf.
   1 Pet. iii. 9; Rom. xii. 14; 1 Cor. iv. 12; and their source, the use
   of the word in Lk. vi. 28, where it has a stronger force than appears
   at first sight.

   It is to be observed that ton kurion kai patera here repeats the to
   theo kai patriof [296]i. 27.

   tous anthropous, men] Not simply individual men, but mankind: the curse
   uttered against the hated or despised individual persons was in effect
   a wrong done to mankind, and sprang from an evil spirit as towards
   mankind, a disregard of the second law, the law of love to neighbours.
   It was the temper of the Pharisees in Jn vii. 49, "This people which
   knoweth not the law are accursed."

   tous kath' homoiosin theou gegonotas, which are made after the likeness
   of God] Here the latent doctrine of the Epistle breaks out into plain
   words. The connexion between the two supreme forms of love which
   together make up the sum of human duty is not accidental: the love of
   man is founded on the love of God. The tenderness and mercy shewn to
   the lower animals form but a small part in that true love of men which
   attaches itself to the Godlike in them, hidden as the image may often
   be; so that the cursing of them is a cursing of that which bears the
   stamp of the Creator's own nature.

   St James chooses not the kat' eikona, but the second phrase kath'
   homoiosin, not elsewhere found in the N.T. On these words it is worth
   while to refer to Delitzsch New Comm. on Genes. E.T. i. pp. 99 f., on
   the words tslm eikon, and dmvt homoiosis. In image, he says, the
   representation of the primitive form or model predominates, in likeness
   the representation of the pattern or ideal. He accordingly treats the
   difference as justifying the interpretation common in the Fathers, by
   which likeness is the gradual process of assimilation to the archetypal
   image; image belonging to fundamental nature, likeness to progressive
   character. The distinction is an important one, whether it was intended
   in Genesis or not; a point very hard to determine. There does not
   appear, however, to be any trace of it here, where the reference is
   rather to what God originally made men to be than to what they have
   grown to be under His fatherly nurture.

   Gegonotas with kath' homoiosin expresses at once the primitive origin
   and the present continuance of the state which it introduced: in St
   James' eyes mankind are still in the likeness of God for all their sin
   and evil. Beresh. Rabb. 24 fin. (on Gen. v. i), "According to R. Akiba
   the words Lev. xix. 18, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself,' are
   a comprehensive principle of the Law. Thou shouldest not say Because I
   have been despised, may my neighbour be despised with me; and because I
   have been cursed, may my neighbour be cursed with me.' If thou attest
   so, said R. Tanchuma, know that he whom thou despisest is made after
   the image of God." On the image cf. Ecclus. xvii. 3 (and context).

   ^10ek tou autou stomatos exerchetai eulogia kai katara. ou chre,
   adelphoi mou, tauta houtos ginesthai.

   10. ek tou autou stomatos, from the same mouth] This merely states
   clearly and emphatically what was implied in [297]v. 9. It excludes the
   notion of different tongues blessing and cursing: it is not "from the
   same source," but definitely "from the same mouth."

   Cf. Testam. Benj. 6, he agathe dianoia ouk echei duo glossas eulogias
   kai kataras.

   ou chre, adelphoi mou, tauta houtos ginesthai, It is not fitting, my
   brethren, that these things should so be] Here St James turns from his
   statement to direct expostulation, intermitted since [298]v. 1; so that
   the division of verses is very awkward, though modern editions of the
   A.V. have partially mended it by putting a full stop in the middle.

   Adelphoi mou marks the sudden turn of language, kept up by the
   repetition in [299]v. 12.

   chre occurs here alone in the N.T., not at all in the LXX. or
   Apocrypha. Though St James does not use dei, chre is not a synonym. It
   is a somewhat vague word, apparently starting from the sense "there is
   need." In ethical applications it comes nearer to prepei or kathekei
   than to dei, meaning rather "fitting," "congruous to a law or rather
   standard." Hence St James probably does not mean " this conduct of
   yours is wrong," but "this doubleness in the use of the tongue is an
   unnatural monstrous thing." Then tauta has probably the definite sense,
   the blessing on the one hand and the cursing on the other: it is a
   monstrous state to be in that this blessing and this cursing should be
   constantly arising on this footing of identical origin, from the same
   tongue, the organ of the same mind. Thus, there is no redundance in the
   two words tauta houtos; and the present ginesthai has also its force,
   for he is speaking not of casual sins but of a settled and deliberate
   habit.

   ^11meti he pege ek tes autes opes bruei to gluku kai to pikron;

   11. meti, Can it be that] The ti added to me strengthens it, suggesting
   impossibility. Two similar uses of it in the N.T. are Mk iv. 21 and Lk.
   vi. 39. In other places it is used where the possibility is recognised
   by the side of the unexpectedness.

   he pege, the fountain] The force of the article is not obvious: suke
   has none, and a fountain, as such, has no particular title to be spoken
   of generically. The true reason probably is that St James is thinking
   of what the fountain stands for, the heart. The reference to he pege in
   itself proves that the tongue was to him merely the organ of a power
   within. Doubtless he remembered (Mt. xii. 34) ek gar tou perisseumatos
   tes kardias to stoma lalei, the overflow. And so he pege = he kardia
   (cf. ho ophthalmos, to soma).

   opes, crevice] Ope is properly a chink in a wall for looking through.
   It then comes to be applied to holes and burrows in the ground, as
   those of ants and of hibernating animals, or somewhat larger clefts in
   the rock (Heb. xi. 38, etc.). Here too it is probably the crevice in a
   face of rock through which a stream bursts forth. The pege is not to be
   confounded with the well. On the springs of Palestine see Stanley Sinai
   and Palestine pp. 123, 146, and Grove's App. 500 ff.

   bruei, sends forth] Bruo is chiefly used of the fresh and vigorous
   putting forth of herbage by the earth, or of leaves, flowers, or fruits
   by plants and trees; but also sometimes of the shooting forth of water
   by a source (cf. Clem. Alex. Paed. i. 6. 45; iii. 7. 39). Usually also
   it occurs with a dative, but occasionally in late writers, as here,
   with an accusative.

   to gluku kai to pikron, that which is sweet and that which is bitter]
   The articles are not easy. If we supply nothing, and understand merely
   "that which is sweet," etc., the articles are quite justified, and on
   the whole this is best, the most general abstract opposites being used
   here in the first instance, and then halukon afterwards substituted.
   The mere omission of hudor would create no difficulty: but a
   generalisation of water "the sweet water," "the bitter water" does not
   seem natural here.

   St James would be familiar with bitter springs from those of Tiberias
   (see Reland Palest. 301 ff., 1039 f.; Robinson Bibl. Res. ii. 384).

   ^12me dunatai, adelphoi mou, suke elaias poiesai e ampelos suka; oute
   halukon gluku poiesai hudor.

   12. Not only a new image comes in here, but a new point of view,
   prepared for by part of [300]v. 11. In [301]9-[302]11 St James has
   dwelt on the inconsistency of the two kinds of speech as coming forth
   from the same tongue, as though bitter and sweet came alike from the
   same spring. But he pege has carried us back from the springs to the
   inner reservoirs, from the mouth to the heart; and so now a comparison
   between the heart and its utterance, rather than between two
   utterances, comes into view. The image is formed by examples of our
   Lord's words, Lk. vi. 44, "Each tree is known by its own fruit."
   Wishing to treat them gently, he keeps within the limits of that single
   sentence of Christ, as though it were only one kind of fruit tree as
   against another, all three being good and useful. But doubtless he
   intended them to apply the associated words, which spoke of "corrupt
   trees" and of "thorns" and "thistles "(Lk. vi. 43 f. || Mt. vii.
   16-20). In so doing he was indirectly implying that the curses uttered
   by their tongues expressed the contents of their hearts more truly than
   the blessings, which he assumes to be unreal words. The same comes out
   more clearly in the next image.

   oute halukon gluku poiesai hudor, neither can salt water yield sweet]
   So we must read for houtos and oudemia pege al. kai gluku, a vapid
   repetition of [303]v. 11. Oute is hard and some good MSS. naturally
   substitute oude, but by a manifest grammatical correction. In late
   Greek the original difference of oute and oude, mete and mede, became
   to a great extent broken down. This may be seen in the N.T. (as Acts
   xxiii. 8), and still more in later MSS. of the N.T. See Win.-Moult. 614
   if. Probably the best way to explain this oute, which Lachmann thought
   corrupt, and which seems to have no exact parallel, is to treat the
   previous questions as equivalent to negative assertions: "the fountain
   does not, the fig tree cannot, nor can," etc.

   halukon] Simply "salt" as an adjective: doubtless hudor, kept to the
   end, goes with both al. and gluku. Poiesai is borrowed from above,
   being used of natural producing. As applied to hudor it means to rain,
   and this is a rare use. Doubtless St James purposely retained the same
   word as an image in the sense, out of a reservoir of salt water springs
   forth no fountain of sweet water. Thus he distinctly implies, though he
   still leaves the rebuke to implication, that not the verbal blessing of
   God but the cursing of men was a true index to what lay within. It is
   no longer merely a difference of kinds placed on a level, but one is
   evil, the other good. Thus this sentence is no mere repetition of
   [304]v. 11, but goes far beyond it.

   ^13Tis sophos kai epistemon en humin; deixato ek tes kales anastrophes
   ta erga autou en prauteti sophias.

   13. Here the long digression on the tongue ends, and St James returns
   with full recollection of what he has said in the interval, to the
   interrupted warning of [305]v. 1 against being "many teachers." The
   excuse for this ambitious teachership was the possession of wisdom, and
   so he goes on now to consider the true and the false wisdom. Speech and
   wisdom, as good things liable to grievous abuse, appear in like manner
   in 1 Corinthians (i. 5, 17, and thence on through ii.; also iii. 18 f.,
   etc.).

   Tis is by no means equivalent to hos. The only passage in the N.T.
   where this can be, and this at best is doubtful, is Acts xiii. 25. But
   it shews how the one sense can pass over into the other. St James
   rather calls upon anyone who makes this claim to come forward, and hear
   what the true demand upon him is. Cf. Ps. xxxiv. 12, LXX.

   sophos kai epistemon, wise and understanding] As Deut. i. 13; iv. 6.
   Epistemon especially expresses personal acquaintance with things,
   conversance with them: it thus includes experience.

   deixato, let him shew] Cf. [306]ii. 18 bis; ek also as there.

   kales, good] As directly beheld and contemplated, as distinguished from
   agathos good in fruit or result. Thus here it manifestly refers to a
   goodness which can be seen and recognised. This comes out strongly in
   the parallel but more limited passage 1 Pet. ii. 12, where conduct
   which even the heathen must honour and admire is expressed by kalos
   (also anastrophe): on this application of letting the light shine
   before men cf. Rom. xii. 17; 2 Cor. viii. 21.

   anastrophes, behaviour] Anastrophe is "manner of life." Perhaps
   "behaviour" is the most exact rendering. Anastrephesthai (=versari) is
   first used of externals, to have your employment in a place, be going
   to and fro in it. Then in later Greek as Polybius it is used ethically:
   the verb, not the substantive, occurs once or twice in this sense in
   LXX., but the substantive in Apocr. In the N.T. in the Epistles
   generally (not Evv., Act., Apoc.), and doubtless widely used at that
   time. Chiefly, and perhaps wholly, it means in the N.T. acts performed
   towards others, social conduct, whether as towards fellow Christians or
   towards the world at large.

   ta erga autou, his works] This is no tautology: his works are not
   simply his acts, but the utterance and outcome of his wisdom and
   understanding. It is assumed that the use of wisdom and understanding
   is practical (so [307]i. 5 in connexion with [308]i. 4); so that ta
   erga autou are equivalent to "the works of the wise man." Just as works
   in chap. ii. were the manifestation of faith, so they are here of
   wisdom. The works are to be shewn forth in contrast to the words to
   which vv. [309]1-[310]12 refer.

   en prauteti sophias, in meekness of wisdom] Here comes in the
   controlling spirit, the mention of which indicates what it was that
   vitiated the supposed wisdom. It was pride and bitterness, exaltation
   of self and not contempt only but hatred of others. Both of these
   characteristics are negatived together by "meekness," including at once
   humility towards self, and gentleness and forbearance towards others
   (contrast with [311]v. 14). The word itself stands twice in the Gospels
   as spoken by Christ, Mt. v. 5, "Blessed are the meek"; xi. 29, "for I
   am meek"; and in Zech. ix. 9, quoted by Mt. xxi. 5, it is a
   characteristic of King Messiah as He comes to Jerusalem. It occurs a
   few times in LXX. (chiefly for nv), and is the word applied to Moses
   (Numb. xii. 3). In [312]i. 21 St James had dwelt on meekness as a
   condition of receptivity in hearing: here conversely he speaks of it as
   a condition of the true shewing forth to others for their instruction.

   At first sight en prauteti sophias is a paradox. The arrogant disputer
   is ready to praise meekness as a fitting virtue for the weak and
   foolish; but thinks it out of place for himself St James lays down on
   the other hand that it is a fruit and mark of wisdom. He who is wise in
   a true sense of the word, he means, cannot but be meek. By meekness of
   behaviour wisdom will be displayed rather than disguised. St James
   leaves untouched the question whether the possession of wisdom is a
   sufficient ground for assuming the responsibilities of teaching. He
   implies that the kale anastrophe must come first, and then much at
   least of the ostentatious teaching will disappear.

   ^14ei de zelon pikron echete kai erithian en te kardia humon, me
   katakauchasthe kai pseudesthe kata tes aletheias.

   14. zelon, jealousy] A word that oscillates between a good and an evil
   sense, both occurring in the N.T. Arist. (Rhet. ii. 11. 1)
   distinguishes it from phthonos, as emulation from envy; he says, kai
   epieikes estin ho zelos kai epieikon, to de phthonein phaulon kai
   phaulon, etc.; and classical writers generally incline to an at least
   not distinctly evil sense, which they express rather by phthonos or
   zelotupia. But in the Acts zelos is distinctly evil, and so in at least
   St Paul and St James. St James, however, though in [313]v. 16 he uses
   zelos absolutely as St Paul does, here precludes mistake by adding
   pikron.

   erithian, ambition, rivalry] Combined with zelos likewise in Gal. v.
   20. A curious word with an obscure history: see Fritzsche Rom. 143-8,
   the best account, but very imperfect. Erithos (derivation doubtful) in
   Homer's time is a hired labourer, apparently an agricultural labourer
   (Etym. Mag. kurios de ho ten gen ergazomenos ergates epi mistho): and a
   gloss of Hesychius (eritheuei, eike, ergaze maten) seems to shew that
   labour or work was the main idea. The same is always the force of the
   somewhat commoner compound sunerithos. The fundamental passage is
   Odyss. vi. 32, where Athene tells Nausicaa that she will accompany her
   kai toi ego sunerithos ham' hepsomai, when she goes with the
   housemaidens to wash the linen. This one passage apparently gave rise
   to many others, one in Aristoph. Pax 785 and many in late poets; also
   Plat. Rep. vii. 533 D; Leg. x. 889 D of the arts cooperative,
   coancillary with, philosophy, whence also Orig. Ep. ad Greg. i.
   Afterwards, probably from wrong etymology, it was used of women
   servants spinning wool. But in Arist. Polit. v. 2, 3 we find eritheia,
   -euomai in a quite different sense. Speaking of changes of political
   constitution, some he says take place from arrogance, some from fear;
   some from preeminence, some from contempt and so on: and then some di'
   eritheian. The term is explained by the next chapter: "Constitutions
   change without sedition also dia tas eritheias, as at Heraea, ex
   haireton gar dia touto epoiesan klerotas, hoti hepounto tous
   eritheuomenous" i.e. apparently they changed the mode of appointment to
   offices from election to lot, because they chose tous eritheuomenous:
   this may mean either candidates who bribed, or who courted and gained a
   following in other ways. Suidas says, erithia; he dia logon
   philoneikia, legetai de kai he mistharnia. More definitely speaking of
   dekazesthai (bribery) he says, homoion kai to eritheuesthai to
   dekazesthai estin, kai he eritheia eiretai apo tes tou misthou doseos
   (cf. Etym. Mag. 254). This points to the gaining of followers and
   adherents by gifts. It might, however, be by arts as well as gifts: see
   Ezek. xxiii. 5, 12, kai heritheusato (Sym.). But apparently the word
   came to be used not merely of the manner of winning followers, but of
   the seeking of followers itself. Thus Hesych., hepritheumenon
   pephilotimemenon, heritheueto ephiloneikei: hence to be ambitious,
   indulge in ambitious rivalry. The Scholl on Soph. Ajax 833, ho de
   Sophokles eritheusai men ti hos presbutero (sc. Aeschylus) me
   bouletheis, ou men paralipein auto dokimazon psilos phesi k.t.l.;
   Polyb. x. 25. 9, hoi de tes strategias oregomenoi dia tautes tes arches
   exeritheuontai tous neous, kai paraskeuazousin eunous sunagonistas eis
   to mellon. It is likewise implicitly coupled with philotimia in Philo
   Leg. ad Caium 10 (ii. 555), hegemonia d' aphiloneikos kai aneritheutos
   orthe mone. (The passages in Eust. Opusc. ap. Stephan. suit either
   "ambition "or " faction." Cf. C.I.G. 2671. 46, aneritheutoi)

   What sense the earlier Greek Fathers attached to it in St Paul does not
   appear. Chrys. on Rom. ii. 8 seems to identify it with philoneikias
   tinos kai rhathumias as if he had eris in mind: in the four other
   places we learn nothing, nor do we from Theodore: Didymus on 2 Cor. has
   eridas te kai eritheias. Theodoret on Rom. is strange and obscure. The
   Latin evidence is as follows:

   Rom. ii. 8, contentione d g vg pp

   2 Cor. xii. 20, dissensions d g r vg Ambst

   Gal. v. 20, provocationes simultates Cyp^2 (em. Nemesianus) simultates
   Ambst inritationes d g Iren rixae Luc Hier vg

   Phil. i. 17, aemulatione Tert dissensione d contentione g Ambst vg
   contumaciam r Aug^3 invidia(m) et contentione(m) Aug^2

   Phil. ii. 3, contentionem d g vg Aug Amb al aemulationem Hil
   irritationem Ambst

   Jam. iii. 14, contentionem (es) f s vg Aug

   Jam. iii. 16, contentio f s vg Aug

   Most of these renderings suggest the erroneous association with eris
   (also "contention" syr vg): but aemulatio (Tert Hil) may have another
   force. Some of the N.T. places are ambiguous: but wherever the context
   has a defining force, it is in favour of the sense found in Polyb. etc.
   The difficult Rom. ii. 8 must be taken with Phil. i. 17, which seems to
   point to the Judaizing leaders, who intrigued against St Paul. In 2
   Cor. xii. 20 it is separated from eris by zelos and thumoi and precedes
   katalaliai, so also in Gal., though followed by dichostasiai. In Phil.
   ii. 3 it is coupled with kenodoxia and contrasted with tareinophrosune:
   so here with zelos. Thus all points to the personal ambition of rival
   leaderships. There is no real evidence for "party spirit," "faction,"
   etc., i.e. for the vice of the followers of a party: erithia really
   means the vice of a leader of a party created for his own pride: it is
   partly ambition, partly rivalry.

   en te kardia humon, in your heart] Here what answers to the pege is at
   last distinctly expressed.

   me katakauchasthe, boast not] The imperative is not the most obvious
   mood: we should rather have expected some statement of the natural
   consequences of having bitter jealousy in the heart, viz. "how can ye
   do other than boast, etc.?" Me with a question cannot mean "Do ye not?"
   so that the imperative is unquestionable. The meaning seems to be this,
   "Do not set up for teachers, for then your teaching will be a boasting,
   etc." It is thus in antithesis to deixato in [314]v. 13. He asks "Who
   is wise etc.?" The possession of wisdom was made a claim to
   teachership. He deals with it first positively. There is a right way to
   show forth wisdom. But, he goes on, if when searching your hearts you
   find bitter jealousy and ambition there, do not speak and teach, for in
   shewing forth what you regard as your wisdom you will be boasting etc.

   katakauchasthe] As in [315]ii. 13 (cf. [316]1. 9; [317]iv. 16), but
   here followed by an additional kata. This one word exactly expresses
   the true spirit and purpose of the ambitious teachership. It was
   boasting against other men, partly against the multitude, still more
   against rival teachers. But St James unexpectedly puts in another
   object. The boasting directed against other men would in effect be a
   boasting against the truth itself which was supposed to be spoken. Nay
   it would be more, it would turn to falsehood uttered against the truth.

   kai pseudesthe kata, and lie not against] If necessary the kata might
   be repeated in sense from katakauchasthe (Kühner ii. 1073 f.): but a
   better sense is given by the words as they stand: the adverse boast
   turns to simple falsehood, and the truth suffers from both.

   tes aletheias, the truth] For somewhat similar contexts of he aletheia
   see Rom. i. 18; ii. 8 (also ex erithias), 20; 1 Jn i. 6, 8. The implied
   doctrine is a paradox, but amply attested by experience. The mere
   possession of truth is no security for true utterance of it: all
   utterance is so coloured by the moral and spiritual state of the
   speaker that truth issues as falsehood from his lips in proportion as
   he is himself not in a right state: the correct language which be
   utters may carry a message of falsehood and evil in virtue of the
   bitterness and self-seeking which accompanies his speaking. At bottom
   such speakers do not cherish the truth except as a possession of their
   own, or a missile of their own.

   ^15ouk estin haute he sophia anophen katerchoµene, alla epigeios,
   psuchike, daiµoniodes

   15. ouk estin haute he sophia, This wisdom is not] These words are
   enough to confirm the interpretation of [318]v. 14 just given. No evil
   wisdom has been directly spoken of. But it is implied in katakauchasthe
   etc.: the speech there spoken of is the speech which claims to be the
   speech of wisdom: now therefore St James will say what the wisdom is.
   Wisdom as such is what he specially prized ([319]i. 5; [320]iii. 17),
   which made him all the more hostile to its counterfeit.

   anophen katerchoµene, a wisdom that cometh down from above] estin . . .
   katerchoµene is not equivalent to ou katerchetai. The participle is
   qualitative, i.e. in effect an adjective: "is not one that cometh
   down," "is not of a kind that cometh down": it is not such a wisdom as
   God gives ([321]i. 5). Cf. Philo Leg. All. iii. 58 (i. 120), toutois
   (tried ascetes) sumbibeke me tois geinois alla tais epouraniais
   epistemais trephesthai.

   alla epigeios, but is earthly] Opposed to epouranios. It belongs to the
   earthly sphere. However it may discourse about heavenly things, it
   derives its aims and its measures from a mere transfer of things
   earthly to a higher sphere: it has none of the large vision which
   belongs to the spirit. Compare ta epigeia phronountes of Phil. iii. 19,
   likewise said, I believe, of Judaizers, and Col. iii. 2, which
   manifestly refers to them, and has the same context (ii. 23) logon m?n
   echonta sophias. Speaking to Greeks St Paul analogously refers to he
   sophia tou kosmou toutou (1 Cor. i. 20; iii. 19), tou aionos toutou
   (ii. 6). All these three words gain their proper sense only when
   understood in antithesis to characteristics of the true wisdom. The
   spurious wisdom, in relation to its source and sphere, is earthly not
   from heaven.

   psuchike, of the mind] A remarkable word, not known in this sense
   before the N.T. It occurs in four passages: 1 Cor. ii. 14, ps.
   anthropos contrasted with ho pneumatikos; 1 COr. xv. 44 (bis), 46, soma
   ps. contrasted with soma pneumatikon; Jude 19, psuchikoi, pneuma me
   echontes. These all contain express opposition to pneumatikos, and the
   same is doubtless implied here. It is not likely that St James and St
   Jude borrowed it, in such different connexions, from St Paul; and St
   Paul's own manner of using it in both places does not suggest that he
   was giving it a new sense. Most probably all three writers took it from
   the Greek religious language of Palestine. In earlier usage the word
   means simply of or belonging to the psuche; and this is fundamentally
   the biblical sense, the only peculiar colouring coming from the way in
   which the psuche was regarded as not identical with the pneuma but
   inferior to it. On this head there is very little Jewish evidence
   (Delitzsch seems to know of none: Hor. Hebr. on 1 Cor. ii. 14 in Z. S.
   f. Luth. Th. 1897 p. 209). But Joseph. Ant. i. 1. 2 describing the
   Creation says that God kai pneuma eneken auto (man) kai psuchen; and in
   4 Macc. i. 32 (perhaps from a Platonic basis) it is said that of
   desires some are psuchikai, some somarikai; and reason (ho logismos)
   appears to rule over both; which implies the inferiority of the psuche
   to reason. Cf. Iren. v. 6. 1; Orig. on Ezek. Schol. (iii. 727 Migne).
   What is implied then is that this wisdom does not rise above the lower
   parts of the mind. The rendering "sensual" is so far wrong that it
   suggests sensuality in the common sense: the Latin animalis is in like
   manner correct as taken from anima, but suggests "bestial," which is
   not the true sense, which is simply "of the mind" in contrast to "of
   the spirit."

   daimoniodes, demon-like] The word requires care. -odes properly denotes
   (1) fullness, (2) similarity. The word itself, a rare word, in all the
   known examples means "demon-like," except in two very late writers,
   where (like daimonios) it means "supernaturally sent." The
   interpretation "inspired by demons" is not unnaturally suggested by
   katothen erchomene and [322]v. 6 phlogizomene hupo tes geannes; cf. 1
   Tim. iv. 1, didaskaliais daimonion. But that sense is stronger than
   really suits the context; and the more correct sense "demon-like" or
   rather "such as demons have" makes the triad more natural and complete.
   The origin and sphere of the spurious wisdom is the earth not heaven;
   its seat in man is his soul, not his spirit; the beings with whom he
   shares it are the demons, not the angels: thus the wisdom shared by
   demons answers to the faith shared by demons of [323]ii. 19.

   ^16hopou gar zelos kai erithia, ekei akatastasia kai pan phaulon
   pragma.

   16. hopou gar, For where] A necessary justification of what has just
   been said : St James has just used strong language respecting the
   professed wisdom of these teachers, and the reasonableness of his
   language did not lie on the surface, but had to be explained. Hopou and
   ekei express presence. Though wisdom is God's gift, it is also an
   energy of the human mind and heart, and therefore takes its colour from
   the condition of the human heart and mind. If jealousy and rivalry are
   present there, these other things inconsistent with a truly Divine
   wisdom must be present there likewise.

   akatastasia, disorder] A Stoic word. Cf. akatastatos [324]i. 8;
   [325]iii. 8. In Lk. xxi. 9 (cf. 2 Cor. vi. 5) it is coupled with
   polemous, as outward commotions and disorders. In 1 Cor. xiv. 33 it is
   contrasted with eirene with reference to orderliness in assemblies of
   the Church. In 2 Cor. xii. 20 (me pos eris, zelos, thumoi, erithiai,
   katalaliai, psithurismoi, phusioseis, akatastasiai) it follows
   psithurismoi, phusioseis. The meaning here seems to be that the
   presence of jealousy and rivalry implies a disorderly state of mind
   leading to disorder of spiritual vision; so that everything is seen in
   a distorted and disarranged light, the true mark of wisdom being to
   discern the inward order of things.

   kai pan phaulon pragma, and every worthless matter] Pragma is a vague
   word, properly an act, a thing performed, but often used only as "a
   matter." Cf. Herm. Vis. i. 1. 8, e ou dokei soi andri dikaio poneron
   pragma einai ean anabe autou epi ten kardian he ponera epithumia;

   Phaulos expresses not so much moral evil as worthlessness; it is
   applied to what is poor, paltry, worthless (four times in N.T. of acts
   and mostly contrasted with ta agatha: Jn iii. 20, contrasted with t.
   aletheian; v. 29; Rom. ix. 11; 2 Cor. v. 10. Tit. ii. 8 is different).
   Here apparently we have another antithesis to true wisdom: wisdom
   discerns not only the order of things, but their relative worth and
   dignity: and the presence of what is low and worthless in the heart and
   mind incapacitates it for this discernment. Both akatastasia and
   phaulon exactly agree with epigeios etc., implying not so much positive
   evil as the limitations and paltrinesses that belong to a low order of
   things.

   ^17he de anothen sophia proton men agne estin, epeita eirenike,
   epieikes, eupeithes, meste eleous kai karpon agathon, adiakritos,
   anupokritos;

   17. he de anothen sophia, But the wisdom that is from above] That there
   is such a wisdom is not only implied in [326]v. 15, but stated in
   [327]i. 5.

   proton men, epeita] Apparently express first the purely inward personal
   character, second the social character of the true wisdom, the conduct
   which it inspires towards others.

   agne, pure] The word answers very nearly to "pure," katharos being
   rather "clean." It is an ancient word of Greek religion, denoting
   freedom from any kind of defilement, whether of sensuality or of things
   supposed to be of a defiling nature. Cf. Plut. Qu. Rom. i. (ii. 263 E),
   Dia ti ten gamoumenen haptesthai puros kai hudatos keleuousin; . . . e
   hoti to pur kathairei kai to hudor hagnizei, dei de katharan kai hagnen
   diamenein ten gametheisan; It thus expresses religious purity,
   combining katharos and agios. But in due time it acquired an ethical
   sense. Theoph. (Bernays 68) and Clem. Alex. 652 quote an inscription
   from the temple at Epidaurus,

   agmon chre naoio thuodeos entos ionta emmenai; hagneie d' esti phronein
   hosia.

   Cf. Clem. 629 with reference to washings, eu goun kakeino eiretai Isthi
   me loutro alla noo katharos. hagneia gar, oimai, teleia he tou nou kai
   ton ergon kai ton dianoematon, pros de kai ton logon eilikrineia ("Let
   all thy converse be sincere"). 1 Jn iii. 3 applies it even to God
   Himself (= hagios). Thus here it seems to mean purity from every kind
   of inward stain or blemish (the positive side of aspilog heauton terei
   apo tou kosmou), and that on the ground of consecration to God. A
   similar sense and sequence occur 1 Pet. i. 22, tas psuchas humon
   hegnikotes hen te hupakoe tes aletheias (leading on to) eis
   philadelphian etc. [See note in loc.] Also [328]Jam. iv. 8.

   eirenike, peaceable] The most general exhibition of wisdom inspired by
   love. The true purpose of wisdom is not to gain victories over others,
   which in an unchristian state of society is implicitly the purpose of
   speech, but to promote peace: Mt. v. 9, "Blessed are the peacemakers";
   cf. 1 Cor. xiv. 33 already cited (contrasted with akatastasia): also
   Eph. iv. 3; Phil. iv. 7 ff.; Col. iii. 15.

   epieikes, forbearing] Originally "fitting," "appropriate": then "fair"
   or "reasonable," "justly just"; see Aristot. Rhet. i. 13. 13, to gar
   epieikes dokei dikaion einai, esti de epieikes to para ton gegrammenon
   nomon dikaion . . . (17) kai to tois anthropinois sunginoskein epieikes
   (cf. Eth. Nic. v. 14). Cf. Plato passim. It may thus be sometimes
   rendered by gentleness; but expresses rather forbearance, unwillingness
   to exact strict claims.

   eupeithes, compliant] This word is tolerably common in the sense
   "compliant," "obedient," especially as towards laws or morality. It is
   apparently confined to action, not extended to belief in the sense
   "docile." The precise force here is probably to be gathered by
   antithesis. The false wisdom would be domineering and imperious: the
   true wisdom shews itself in willing deference within lawful limits.

   meste eleous, full of mercy] Perhaps in contrast to meste iou
   thanatephorou ([329]iii. 8); at all events the two passages illustrate
   each other. Filled with mercy and good fruits, so that they break forth
   in overflow.

   On eleos see [330]ii. 13 (cf. Mt. ix. 13; xii. 7 from Hos. vi. 6). The
   true wisdom takes account of the actual wants and sufferings of men,
   and never loses sight of practical aims. It is not self-contained, but
   of necessity issues forth in good fruits. "Good" in the sense of our
   Lord (Mt. vii. 17 ff., etc.), though here agathous, not kalous, because
   the benefits to others are specially here in view.

   adiakritos, without dividings of mind] This word usually takes its
   sense from the active diakrino to "distinguish," and means (passive or
   neuter) "without distinction," "promiscuous," or (active) "without
   making distinctions"; in which sense it is usually employed as a term
   of blame, though rarely by some Fathers as a term of praise (implicit
   obedience). But no such senses are possible here; and we may fairly
   take it as negativing any sense of either diakrino or -omai. This being
   the case, the meaning is virtually fixed by [331]i. 6 bis, [332]ii. 4,
   founded on Mt. xxi. 21 || Mk xi. 23; Acts x. 20; Rom. iv. 20; xiv. 23.
   The prominent meaning there is doubting, but doubting as a result of
   division of mind. Adiakritos is "without dividings of mind"; the
   negative form of singleness or wholeness of heart; cf. [333]i.
   5[334]-8. These last two negative epithets seem parallel to hagne on
   the one side and eirenike etc. on the other; and adiakritos to the
   inward character of the wisdom in relation to God alone.

   anupokritos, without hypocrisy or feigning] This word expresses the
   relation to men. The true wisdom requires not only singleness before
   God but truthfulness towards men, and is incompatible with all playing
   of parts. We may recognise here a warning against the pharisaic leaven
   still lingering among Jewish Christians.

   ^18karpos de dikaiosunes en eirene speiretai tois poiousin eirenen.

   18. karpos de dikaiosunes, But the fruit which is righteousness] For
   the whole verse cf. Heb. xii. 11: for this phrase cf. Prov. xi. 30;
   Amos vi. 12; (also Phil. i. 11); and Isa. xxxii. 17 (but with erga not
   karpos). It might be either (as apparently in Isaiah) the fruit which
   springs from righteousness, or the fruit which is righteousness,
   righteousness as fruit. The latter alone suits this sentence. It is as
   though St James feared that the force of the one comprehensive word
   eirenike might be lost in the additional cognate epithets; and so
   returned to it with a fresh expansion for the emphatic close of the
   paragraph. Karpos dikaiosunes in like manner catches up the meste
   karpon agathon: St James cannot too often reiterate his warning,
   founded on our Lord's, against anything that bears no fruit, an
   unfruitful religion, an unfruitful faith, and now an unfruitful wisdom.
   He had said before ([335]i. 20) "the wrath of man worketh no
   righteousness of God"; now he shews in contrast how righteousness is
   produced, for the warning of those who professed to be champions of
   righteousness. It is not the product of angry vindications: but it
   grows slowly up as the corn from the seed, the seed which is inevitably
   and always sown by those who make peace.

   en eirene, in peace] It might be doubted whether this goes with karpos
   dik. or speiretai or both. It is difficult to see any clear force in
   connexion with speiretai, and the order rather suggests at least a
   primary connexion with dikaiosunes. The righteousness which thus
   springs up is a righteousness in peace. Righteousness and peace are
   connected Ps. lxxxv. 10; lxxii. 7. Usually the relation would be
   reversed, as it were eirene en dikaiosune, righteousness the foundation
   of peace, as Ps. lxxii. 3; Isa. xxxii. 17 (already cited). But the
   other relation is true also: peace is the condition required for the
   growth of righteousness, though it may be peace in the midst of turmoil
   and trouble (cf. Lk. i. 74 f.). Compare the use of the cognate en agape
   in Ephesians (i. 4; iii. 17; iv. 15 f.). As the sowing is peaceful by
   the very fact that the sowers are the peacemakers, so the harvest of
   righteousness is in peace too. The dative tois as before probably does
   not denote pure agency, but also what redounds to them: they have this
   fruit of their labour.

   tois poiousin eirenen, for them that make peace] Only a resolved form
   of hoi eirenopoioi (Mt. v. 9). They who make peace shew likeness to God
   the great maker of peace. They do His work.

   IV. ^1Pothen polemoi kai pothen machai en humin; ouk enteuthen, ek ton
   hedonon humon ton strateuomenon en tois melesin humon;

   IV. 1. The true reading has pothen twice.

   polemoi] This of course is suggested by the preceding eirenen. A new
   paragraph begins here, the last of the middle or principal part of the
   book, its subject being strife as proceeding from the inward strife of
   desire. Till [336]v. 11 the tongue is not mentioned again: St James is
   now about to deal more directly with the inward nature, as he has
   already spoken of action and of speech. The word polemoi is the
   simplest and broadest that could be used in opposition to "peace." He
   probably was not thinking of the wars of nations, though they too, on
   one side or on both, might usually be traced to the same origin; but of
   the factions which divided one set of Christians from another. What the
   factions of the Jews of Palestine were, almost every page of Josephus
   shews; and the temper may well have spread to the Jews of other lands,
   and have kept its hold even on those of them who became Christians.

   kai pothen machai] Battles bear the same relation to wars that single
   conflicts do to standing animosities and hostile states. Thus if
   polemoi are here the factions and antagonisms among Christians, the
   machai are their casual quarrels. mache in late Greek is often applied
   to philosophical disputes, and even to contradictions or
   inconsistencies in logic. But the context does not point to doctrinal
   disputes; rather to more ordinary quarrels and factiousnesses.

   en humin] This might be either "among you" or "within you": but what
   follows fixes the sense to "among you."

   ouk enteuthen] Probably only preparatory to what follows: "from this
   source, viz."

   ek ton hedonon humon] It is not easy to seize the precise force; it is
   not likely to mean simply "desires," which is expressed by epithumia in
   [337]i. 14 f. Nor can it be concrete pleasures, i.e. pleasant things,
   for they could hardly be said strateuesthai. Apparently it means
   "indulgence of desires," "indulged desires." There is no limitation to
   sensual "pleasures," which only supply as it were imagery for the rest.
   Possessions and places of dignity or fame ([338]v. 2) may be as sweet
   (hedone) to the soul as anything else; and in [339]i. 14 f. there is a
   similar description of all kinds of desires in terms specially
   applicable to desires belonging to the senses. So also St Paul (e.g.
   Gal. v. 19) includes among the works of the flesh such vices as
   enmities, strife, jealousy, anger etc.

   ton strateuomenon, that war] Strateuomai like strateuo is used either
   of the general or of the soldiers who serve under him: chiefly the
   latter. But it is difficult here to see either command or service
   implied with en following. Further against whom? The somewhat parallel
   passage, 1 Pet. ii. 11, has ton sarkikon epithumion, haitines
   strateuontai kata tes psuches, but that does not of necessity rule the
   sense here. "Against each other" is difficult to explain, what follows
   having nothing to do with the occasional conflict of pleasure with
   pleasure; and we should then expect "against each other" to be
   expressed; indeed strateuomai absolute probably could not mean this.

   The answer to both questions is found by taking strateuomenon en tois
   melesin strictly together. The pleasures are represented as making war
   in the members, i.e. as invading them as a territory. Though eis would
   be the preposition generally used of invading a territory, en is quite
   suitable here where the invading power does not come from an extraneous
   region. It is not that the war is made against the members: properly
   war is not said to be made against the territory invaded, but against
   its owners. So here the war is against the true lord of the members,
   i.e. the human spirit acknowledging and obeying the will of God, since
   the true nature of man is formed to do God's will. Cf. Rom. vii. 23,
   eteron nomon en tois melesin mou antistrateuomenon to nomo tou noos
   mou. Thus 1 Pet. ii. 11 agrees, if we give tes psuches its highest
   sense. [See note in loc.]

   en tois melesin humon, in your members] In contrast to en umin. The
   outer strife is only a product of an inner strife. The very reference
   to "members" implies the compositeness of human nature, and the need of
   acting with reference to the relation of the parts to each other and to
   the whole. Reflexly it calls attention to the fact that in the larger
   body, the body corporate in which the polemoi and machai arise, we are
   strictly "members one of another."

   ^2epithumeite, kai ouk echete; phoneuete. [26] kai zeloute, kai ou
   dunasthe epituchein; machesthe kai polemeite. ouk echete dia to me
   aiteisthai umas;

   2. epithumeite, ye covet] "Desire" in the widest sense. But in
   reference to dealings with others it becomes limited to "coveting,"
   i.e. desiring what is another's. Compare St Paul's reference to
   Commandment X. in Rom. vii. 7; xiii. 9.

   kai ouk echete, and have not] The order quite excludes that prior want
   which leads to desire. The words must mark the intermediate stage.
   First comes the desire, next the desire finds no satisfaction.

   phoneuete, ye commit murder] This has long been recognised as a serious
   difficulty, because it is a strange word to couple with zeloute, more
   especially as preceding it. Jealousy or envy would be the cause, not
   the result, of murder. Moreover "murder" is a kind of crime that we
   should hardly look for among any early Christians. Accordingly Erasmus
   and many after him have proposed to read phthoneite. There is
   absolutely no MS. authority for this; and though it is possible that
   slight errors occur here and there in all MSS., and there are some
   passages where this does appear to be the case, it must not be accepted
   in any single instance without clear evidence. Now though phthoneite is
   certainly possible here, it would not really be as natural a word as it
   appears at first sight. St James has already used zeloute in a very
   strong sense, strong enough for his purpose, so that phthoneo is not
   wanted; and if it were to be used, being the more clearly disparaging
   word, it ought to stand after zeloute, not before it. Cf. Plat. Menex.
   242 A: "From prosperity," he says, "there came upon the city proton men
   zelos, apo zelou de phthonos." Plut. ii. 796 A says of phthonos that
   "this passion, which befits no time of life, yet among the young is
   rich in specious names, being called competition (hamilla) and zelos
   and ambition (philotimia)."

   Thus phthoneite followed by zeloute makes an anticlimax, though not so
   startling an anticlimax as phoneuete zeloute. The true solution seems
   to lie in a change of punctuation. St James' style is abrupt and
   condensed: and apparently he intended phoneuete to be taken by itself
   as the single consequent to epithumeite kai ouk echete, and kai zeloute
   to be the beginning of a fresh series, not part of the conclusion of
   the first. This view is also taken by Hofmann. It has, I think, but two
   difficulties worth consideration. (1) The presence of kai before
   zeloute, where a sharper antithesis would have seemed to be given by
   the absence of a conjunction: but zeloute to say the least contains a
   fresh element not in epithumeite, and really expresses a different
   idea, and Hebrew precedent is favourable to either presence or absence
   of the conjunction. (2) The reference to murder remains. This
   difficulty must remain if phoneuete is genuine, whatever be the
   punctuation; and it is hardly greater than what moichalides in [340]v.
   4 presents, if taken literally, as it doubtless must be. Murder and
   adultery were both contemplated as fast approaching those to whom the
   Epistle was written, if not, as the strictest interpretation of the
   words would imply, actually among them. Of such murder Ahab and
   Naboth's vineyard would be a well remembered type. It is not unlikely
   that he first gives the extreme example of what leads to murder (in the
   spirit of the Sermon on the Mount; cf. 1 Jn iii. 15), and then
   (zeloute) turns to what was clearly and widely present. Analogously the
   adulteresses of [341]v. 4 seem to be an extreme example, leading to the
   widely spread and unquestionable friendship with the world.

   As positive evidence for this punctuation independent of phoneuete, may
   be noted its throwing kai ou dunasthe epituchein into exact analogy
   with kai ouk echete, and its giving machesthe kai polemeite force by
   making them correspond to phoneuete. The whole verse should, I believe,
   be read thus: "Ye covet, and have not: ye commit murder. And ye envy,
   and cannot attain: ye fight and war." The usual punctuation gives the
   whole verse a loose and apparently inconsequent structure.

   kai zeloute, and ye envy] The verb like the substantive has both a good
   and an evil sense. The evil is clearly meant here, as Acts vii. 9; 1
   Cor. xiii. 4. As we have seen zelos might be simply the first stage of
   phthonos, and both might mean envy of possessions. But comparison with
   [342]iii. 14 on the one hand, where zelos is used and ambition not
   covetousness is in question, and with epithumeite . . . phoneuete on
   the other, which clearly refers to covetousness, shews that zeloute
   expresses not envy of possessions but envy of position or rank or fame.
   It is sordid and bitter personal ambition. In this sense much is said
   of zelos in Clem. Rom., not only in the enumeration iii. 2, but iv.
   7-13; v. 2 ff.; vi. 1 ff. etc. (On the word see Lightfoot on iii. 2 and
   Trench Syn. i.) The passage quoted above from Plutarch specially
   illustrates the true sense here.

   kai ou dunasthe epituchein, and cannot attain] Epitunchano does not
   properly mean to "obtain," i.e. get possession, but to "attain," i.e.
   either fall in with or hit the mark, and is specially used absolutely
   of being successful. Here then it will be "succeed in attaining" the
   position of the rivals.

   machesthe kai polemeite, ye fight and war] These words stand in exactly
   the same relation to kai zeloute . . . epituchein as phoneuete to
   epithumeite . . . exete. The words are repeated from [343]v. i, here
   naturally in inverse order, because the single and casual machai are a
   step to the settled and continuous polemoi.

   ouk echete, ye have not] St James goes back to the former ouk echete.
   The desire, in so far as it included no coveting towards others, was
   not (or need not be) in itself evil. Men have various wants, and it is
   by Divine appointment that they have desires that these wants should be
   supplied. And so it is also of Divine appointment that these wants
   should be carried before God in prayer, and desires take the form of
   petitions. Except by prayer, men stand in this, as in all things, in a
   false relation to God and therefore to all things.

   dia to me aiteisthai umas, because ye ask not] It is remarkable that
   the middle is used here and in the next line, but the active between.
   aiteo is properly to ask a person, what is asked for being often added
   in a second accusative; it is as it were to "petition." aitoumai is
   properly to ask for a thing: the person asked is sometimes also
   inserted, but rarely. Thus the two forms approach each other from
   different sides, and it is often difficult to distinguish them. Thus
   compare 1 Jn iii. 22 with v. 14 f. Here aitoumai retains its proper
   force. dapanesete requires an implied object, spending must be a
   spending of something; and the same object seems to be implied
   throughout, viz. "what things ye desire." "Ye have not what things ye
   desire because ye ask not [for them]," and again, "ye ask [for them]
   amiss, that ye may spend them" etc.

   ^3aiteite kai ou lambanete, dioti kakos aiteisthe, hina en tais
   hedonais humon dapanesete.

   3. Then the intermediate aiteite is probably due to an intentional
   reference to our Lord's words in their Greek form (Mt. vii. 7 f. || Lk.
   xi. 9 f.; Jn xvi. 24); he wishes the apparent contradiction of them to
   be patent, that he may explain it. Thus aiteite kai ou lambanete, "ye
   ask, and ye do not receive." The apparent contradiction of [344]v. 2
   must also be noticed; but it is impossible to explain it by difference
   of active and middle: St James could never mean to say that they did
   aitein though they did not aiteisthai. The true solution is simpler. In
   a sense they did ask, but it was an evil asking, and therefore not a
   true asking. We had a similar ambiguity in the language about faith.

   dioti kakos aiteisthe, because ye ask in evil wise] Not all asking from
   God is prayer. Asking is but the external form of prayer, and no asking
   from God which takes place in a wrong frame of mind towards Him or
   towards the object asked has anything to do with prayer. It is an evil
   asking.

   hina en tais hedonais humon dapanesete, that ye may consume what ye
   desire in your pleasures] The usual preposition with dapanao is eis,
   and no other example of en seems to be known: but it is difficult to
   take dapanesete alone as the primary predicate, and doubtless en tais
   hedonais dap. must be taken together, not precisely in the sense
   "consume upon your pleasures," but literally "consume in your
   pleasures," i.e. by using for your pleasures. Throughout "what ye
   desire" is to be understood as the object. There is force in
   dapanesete; not simply spend, but consume, expend, dissipate. This
   force is explained by en tais hed. humon, which as before must be taken
   in the widest sense, not limited to pleasures of the senses. God's
   gifts, when rightly used, are not dissipated in the using: they are
   transmuted as it were to some fresh form of energy, which lives on, and
   turns to fresh use. But the use which consists in nothing more than
   individual gratification, not tending in any way to improve and enlarge
   the person gratified, is pure waste, dissipation, destruction. God
   bestows not gifts only, but the enjoyment of them: but the enjoyment
   which contributes to nothing beyond itself is not what He gives in
   answer to prayer; and petitions to Him which have no better end in view
   are not prayers.

   ^4moichalides, ouk oidate hoti he philia tou kosmou echthra tou theou
   estin; hos ean oun boulethe philos einai tou kosmou, echthros tou theou
   kathistatai.

   4. moichalides, ye adulteresses] Moichoi kai is spurious (Syrian). The
   first question here is whether the word is used literally or
   figuratively. It is a common late word for "adulteress." It is usually
   taken figuratively for these reasons, that adulterers are omitted, that
   friendship with the world seems too slight and too inappropriate a
   charge to bring against adultery, and that adultery was not a kind of
   offence likely to be found in early Christian societies. Hence it is
   assumed that moichalides is to be interpreted with reference to the
   O.T. language, in which all sin and apostasy are spoken of as adultery,
   in reference to such language as "thy Maker is thy husband." On that
   view the reference may either be to whole communities (backsliding
   Israel) or to individuals (adulterous souls). The difficulty of
   moichalides is undeniable. But it is hardly credible that this
   figurative view should have been brought in by a single word, without
   any mark of its figurative intention; and moreover phoneuete and
   moichalides in a literal sense confirm each other, and both stand on
   the same footing as the passage [345]iv. 13-[346]v. 6, which likewise
   does not read as if addressed to Christians, least of all [347]v. 6. It
   would seem as though in all this part of the Epistle St James extended
   his vision beyond the immediate state of things among those to whom he
   was writing and contemplated likewise that which would naturally spring
   from the roots which already were there, and what did indeed already
   exist among the unbelieving Jews. The other alternative would be to
   treat the Epistle as written to all Jews of the Dispersion, not
   Christian Jews only: and that is apparently excluded by [348]ii. 1.

   The mention of adulteresses alone may be founded on, and is at least
   illustrated by Mal. iii. 5, a passage which is probably referred to in
   [349]v. 4: there in LXX. tas moichalidas represents a masculine in the
   Hebrew. But there is also a fitness in the word used. The whole passage
   is not exhaustive, it deals with representative evils. Peace has
   suggested war, war has suggested first wrong deeds of aggression
   (murder etc.) due to the action of indulged pleasures, which in this
   case are aptly represented as themselves making war. But St James
   wishes to point to another class of evils likewise due to pleasures but
   not of the aggressive type. Now a male adulterer as such is an
   aggressor, a maker of war, an invader of that which belongs to another
   man; so that he would not so well serve as an ex-ample for this second
   illustration. Unfaithfulness, disloyalty, breach of a sacred bond and
   covenant are the essence of this second type of evil; and of these the
   faithless wife serves as the clearest example, since the faithless
   husband, who as such is doubly an adulterer, does not exhibit this
   characteristic detached from the other.

   ouk oidate hoti he philia] Here we reach the remaining difficulty, the
   connexion between literal adultery and love of the world. The
   difficulty is greatly diminished when we remember that both in the
   Bible and in actual fact adultery includes much more than impurity. The
   broken bond and the price paid for the breach of the bond are doubtless
   here contemplated. The price might be gifts, or pride, or distinction,
   or other such things: they would at all events often belong to the
   world even more than to the flesh. (Cf. Ezek. xxiii. 5 f., 12, 14 ff.;
   also Hos. ii. 12; ix. 1 f.) Guinevere's disloyalty to Arthur for the
   sake of Lancelot has not a little in common with disloyalty to God for
   the sake of the world. It is the surrender to the glory and strength of
   visible things in forgetfulness of simple inward love and duty.

   he philia tou kosmou, the friendship of the world] To be compared with
   1 John ii. 15, Me agapate ton kosmon k.t.l.; both being closely
   connected with Mt. vi. 24 || Lk. xvi. 13. Yet the conceptions of the
   three passages, as represented by the three words leuein, agapate,
   philia, are different. philia, not occurring elsewhere in N.T. but
   several times in Prov. (LXX.), and in Apocr., is best rendered by
   "friendship," though it goes beyond it in Greek usage. It is used (see
   Rost and Palm) for any kind of family affection, but especially for
   friendship proper (see the singularly interesting and beautiful
   discussion in Aristotle's Eth. Nicom. viii.). As between God and men St
   James has already recognised it in the person of Abraham ([350]ii. 23).
   The friendship of the world (i.e. standing on terms of friendship with
   it) in those days would mean or involve conformity to heathen standards
   of living (see on [351]i. 27; [352]iii. 6). At the time when St James
   wrote this, the eyes of all Jews must have been turned on one signal
   example illustrating this verse. The Empress Poppaea, the wife of Nero,
   one of the vilest of women, was conspicuous at Rome; and there is
   reason to believe that she had embraced Judaism (Friedlander i. 413),
   for Josephus calls her theosebes (Ant. xx. 8. 11), and she was the
   patroness and friend of the Jews at Rome.

   Both philia and echthra doubtless denote here rather states than
   feelings. To be on terms of friendship with the world involves living
   on terms of enmity with God. It is neither simply hatred of God nor the
   being hated by God; but being on a footing of hostility. This explains
   the genitive.

   hos ean oun boulethe, whosoever therefore chooses] Here we pass from
   the footing to the state of mind. There might be much thoughtless and
   as it were casual love of the world of which St James might hesitate to
   use this language. But he wishes the contradiction to be recognised and
   faced. The relation between the two states as such being what he has
   described, any one who deliberately chooses the one makes himself to
   belong to the other. Boulomai implies purpose, intention, not mere
   will, but will with premeditation as [353]i. 18. kathistataivirtually
   "makes himself" as [354]iii. 6.

   ^5e dokeite hoti kenos he graphe legei, Pros phthonon epipothei to
   pneuma ho katokisen en hemin;

   5. dokeite hoti, think ye that] With a different subject, as Mt. xxvi.
   53; Mk vi. 49; Lk. xii. 51; xiii. 2.

   kenos, in vain] Cf. o anthrope kene [355]ii. 20; and kenos is often
   used with logos and rhema, a word void of meaning.

   he graphe legei] These words and those that follow stand almost on a
   level with [356]iii. 6 for difficulty, and the number of solutions
   proposed is great (see Theile). It is impossible here to examine them
   in detail. As regards the general construction, pros phthonon k.t.l.
   may be joined to what precedes, as the quotation referred to, or it may
   be taken as a separate sentence affirmative or interrogative: and
   further to pneuma may be taken either as the subject to epipothei or as
   governed by it, and pros phthonon may be variously understood.

   At the outset katokisen, not -esen, is the reading: so that the verse
   contains a distinct reference to God, "which He caused to dwell in us."
   This of itself makes it highly probable that epipothei has the same
   subject, making to pneuma accusative, "He longs for the spirit which He
   caused to dwell." The reference here is certainly, as in other parts of
   the Epistle, to God's breathing into man's nostrils the breath of life
   ; probably also to Gen. vi. 3, where the LXX. and other versions [Jer.
   Onk. Syr. Sah.; but Sym. krinei] have ou me katameine to pneuma mou en
   tois anthropois toutois eis ton aiona for the difficult ydvn, for which
   they perhaps had another Hebrew word: also Job xxvii. 3 (cf. xxxiii. 4;
   xxxiv. 14). epipothei is well illustrated by Alford, though he inverts
   the construction: it expresses God's yearning over the human spirit.
   which He not only made but imbreathed as a breath from His own Spirit:
   for His yearning see Deut. xxxii. 11.

   pros phthonon, jealously] This makes another step. Apparently it can
   only mean "jealously," in the same way that pros orgen means "angrily,"
   pros aletheian "truly" etc. This is the only place in the N.T. where
   pros is so used: but there can be no real doubt about it here.

   Is then phthonon used in a good or an evil sense? If we follow the
   usage of the word itself, it should have an evil sense. But in that
   case pros phthonon k.t.l. must form a question expecting a negative
   answer "Is it jealously (or, for jealousy) that He yearns" etc., with
   the meaning "It is not from jealousy of others but for some other
   reason, as simply love to men, that He yearns" etc. But this does not
   suit the context: e dokeite hoti clearly shews that St James is still
   pursuing the stern strain of [357]v. 4, and maintaining the
   incompatibility of friendship with God and the world together. Now this
   is exactly what the Bible calls jealousy (see 2nd Commandment), and the
   difficulty here arises not from the conception of jealousy, but from
   the word used. This being the case it seems tolerably certain that St
   James does mean to attribute phthonos to God (not of course in the
   sense in which Herodotus i. 32; iii. 40 said phthoneron to theion and
   Plato Phaedr. 247 A, phthonos gar exo theiou chorou histatai, denied
   it, i.e. as grudging mankind happiness or prosperity), but in the sense
   that He does grudge the world or any other antagonistic power such
   friendship and loyalty as is due to Himself alone. We may therefore
   render the words "jealously (or, with jealousy) doth He yearn after the
   spirit which He caused to dwell in us."

   Lastly, are these words independent or a quotation? No one probably
   would doubt that the form of language suggests a quotation. hoti kenos
   he graphe legei certainly does not sound as if it were meant to stand
   absolutely, and there are no words of the O.T. which could readily
   occur to any one as so clearly expressing the substance of [358]v. 4 as
   not to need quotation. Also pros phthonon k.t.l. comes in abruptly as
   St James' own words; though fitly enough if they belonged originally to
   another context.

   The difficulty is that no such words can be found. The passages already
   cited contain however their substantial purport; so that our O.T.
   Scripture does in a manner furnish them. But it is likely enough that
   they come directly from some intermediate source now lost to us. There
   are other reasons for supposing the N.T. writers to have used Greek
   paraphrases of the O.T. resembling the Hebrew Targums, and the words
   may have come literally from one of these. In their vocabulary such
   paraphrases would certainly not always follow the same limitation as
   the LXX.; and though the LXX. sedulously uses zelos etc. only (there is
   no trace of phthonos as a rendering of qn'h in Hexapla), and avoids
   phthonos in speaking of God, it by no means follows that a Palestinian
   paraphrase would do the same.

   ^6meizona de didosin charin; dio legei, Ho theos huperephanois
   antita'ssetai, tapeinois de didosin charin.

   6. Before examining the first six words of the verse, it will be well
   to consider the quotation which follows, from which the words didosin
   charin are derived. The form in which St James quotes Prov. iii. 34,
   dio legei, Ho theos huperephanois antita'ssetai, tapeinois de didosin
   charin, differs from the LXX. only by the substitution of ho theos (so
   also 1 Pet. v. 5, doubtless from Jam.) for Kurios. Both subjects of the
   verbs are absent from the Hebrew, but both come from the LXX. of 32
   (Kuriou), 33 (Theou), Jehovah in both places. The verse in the original
   is rather peculiarly worded, but probably means (contrast Delitzsch)
   "Though to the scorners He sheweth Himself a scorner, yet to the lowly
   He giveth grace." That is, unlike the scorners of the earth, who are
   specially scornful to the lowly, He is scornful only to scorners and to
   the lowly on the contrary a giver of grace.

   huperephanois, scorners] huperephanos belongs to all periods of Greek
   in the sense "insolent," being especially used of such evil effects as
   follow from wealth or position (Arist. Rhet. ii. 16. 1. Trench Syn.
   § 29 is worth reading, but he makes huperephanos too purely inward). In
   N.T. the substantive stands Mk vii. 22 between blasphemia (not
   "blasphemy" but "reviling") and aphrosune (for this sequence cf. Arist.
   Rhet. ii. 17. 6 huperephanoteroi kai alegistoteroi). The adjective (not
   to speak of Lk. i. 51, derived from Ps. lxxxix. 10) stands in 2 Tim.
   iii. 2 between alazones and blasphemoi, and in Rom. i. 30 between
   hubristas and alazonas. This last collocation (adopted also by Trench,
   though in a peculiar way) best illustrates the force of huperephanos,
   as is seen in a passage of "Callicratidas" (Neo-Pythagorean) in Stob.
   Fl. 85. 16 (iii. 141 f. Mein.) ananka gar tos polla echontas
   tetuphosthai praton, tetuphomenos de alazonas gignesthai, alazonas de
   genomenos huperephanos emen kai mete homoios mete isos hupolambanen tos
   sungeneas k.t.l., huperephanos de genomenos hubristas emen (cf. Teles,
   ib. 93. 31 (p. 187.6) huperephanos ex alazoneias). The alazon is
   personally arrogant, and gives expression to his arrogance; in the
   huperephanos the personal arrogance has become insolence towards
   others, whether in thought, word or deed; in the hubristes the impulse
   to assert self by actual contumely or violence to others has become the
   dominant characteristic. The whole range of the three words is
   exemplified in [359]iv. 13-[360]v. 6, which ends with antitassetai
   humin, best explained as an echo of [361]iv. 6.

   The original of huperephanoi is ltsym, the scorners or scoffers, a word
   much used in Proverbs and occasionally elsewhere: see especially
   Hupfeld on Ps. i. 1. It is rendered in various ways by LXX., never very
   successfully; here alone by huperephanos, which fairly represents the
   temper expressed outwardly by ltsym.

   antita'ssetai, withstands] Possibly for ytytsv, "withstands," stands in
   the way." But the words in Prov. are hv' ylyts, "himself sheweth
   scorn," of which antita'ssetai cannot be a direct translation, but may
   perhaps be a paraphrase, in the sense "To the scorners God sets himself
   face to face," i.e. meets scorn with scorn (cf. the probable meaning of
   me antistenai to ponero in Mt. v. 39). However this may be
   antita'ssetai was probably taken by St James in its common and obvious
   sense of facing for resistance, as Esther iii. 4, and (by corruptions
   of the Hebrew text) 1 Kings xi. 34; Hos. i. 6. Antita'ssomai is
   properly a military word, to set or be set in battle array, but often
   used figuratively, in the singular no less than the plural.

   tapeinois de, but to those of low estate] The K'thibh here has nyym,
   the Q'ri nvym. It is usually said (the case is well stated by Delitzsch
   on Ps. ix. 12) that the former word has a physical sense, outwardly
   lowly, afflicted, poor; the latter an ethical sense, inwardly lowly,
   humble, meek. Hupfeld i.e. has shewn the difficulty of carrying out the
   distinction consistently. Lowliness (downcastness, depression) is the
   fundamental idea in both cases. On the whole, whatever be the Hebrew
   reading, probably the physical sense was intended in Prov, if not
   always in O.T. The nyym are the helpless or poor trampled on or
   insulted by the insolent rich or powerful. The same sense on the whole
   suits best in St James. The strictly ethical sense can never be clearly
   traced in the N.T. in the absence of some qualifying adjunct (papeinos
   te kardia Mt. xi. 29; papeinophron, tapeinophrosune Acts, 1 Peter, St
   Paul). Elsewhere papein?s, tapeinoo, tapeinosis denote always some kind
   of external lowliness or abasement. Here we are especially reminded of
   ho adelphos ho tapeinos in [362]i. 10, and the strong sympathy with the
   poor ('vyvnym) perceptible in the Epistle, as in early Jewish
   Christianity generally.

   didosin charin, giveth grace or acceptance] Not to be interpreted as
   referring to "grace" in the traditional theological sense. Still less
   can the phrase did. charin bear here the meaning found in classical
   writers (Eur. Suppl. 414; Plat. Leg. 702 C; 877 A; and later authors),
   to gratify, do a pleasure or favour to (gratificor). In the LXX. charis
   almost always represents chn, the primary force of which is seen in the
   phrase "find grace in the eyes of," common in the historical books. The
   same books four times have "give grace," but always with the same
   adjunct "in the eyes of," the giver of the grace or favourable
   estimation being thus distinct from the person whose favourable
   estimation is given. Of a phrase "give grace" in a sense directly
   correlative to that of "finding grace" i.e. "shew favour," there is no
   example with chn in the O.T., though it finds place in the solitary
   instance of the cognate chnynh (LXX. with a change of person dosousin
   eleos) Jer. xvi. 13: cf. Tob. vii. 17. On the other hand the Psalms and
   Proverbs three times speak of "giving grace" in a sense arising out of
   the absolute use of the word "grace" (almost always without any
   defining adjunct) in these books and in Ecclesiastes. The fundamental
   sense "acceptance," which predominates a few times (Prov. iii. 4; xxii.
   1; xxxiii. 23; Eccl. ix. 11), is usually more or less merged in the
   sense of the quality or qualities which lead to acceptance and
   constitute acceptability, whether it be graciousness of speech and
   demeanour or the lesser "grace" of gracefulness, adornment, beauty.
   Acceptability and acceptance are blended in the two passages which most
   concern us here; Prov. xiii. 15 "Good understanding giveth grace" (cf.
   [363]iii. 4 "So [by devotion to "mercy and truth "] shalt thou find
   grace and good understanding in the sight of God and man"; also Ecclus.
   xxi. 16; xxxvii. 21); and Ps. lxxxiv. 11 "The Lord will give grace and
   glory" (cf. Prov. iv. 9 "a garland of grace" parallel to "a crown of
   glory"; also Ecclus. xxiv. 16 of oi kladoi mou kladoi doxes kai
   charitos). In like manner here, Prov. iii. 34, God is represented as
   granting to the lowly a "grace" or acceptance (before the more
   discerning of men as well as before Himself) doubtless founded on a
   disposition worthy of such acceptance, a lowliness of spirit (Prov.
   xvi. 19; xxix. 23; Mt. v. 3), which He denies to the scornful men of
   power, externally the monopolists of "grace" or acceptance.

   This the original sense of Proverbs, illustrated by an almost
   immediately preceding verse, iii. 31, "Envy thou not the oppressor, and
   choose none of his ways," is also the sense of St James. He is giving a
   warning against the danger of courting the friendship of the world, the
   society ruled by powerful scorners. Refusal to seek that friendship
   meant acceptance of the lowly estate, held in no visible honour by God
   or men. But the ancient wisdom of Israel had pronounced the true
   judgement. Those who looked below the surface of things would find that
   the powerful scorners have God Himself set against them (cf. echthros
   tou theou kathistatai) while it is to the lowly ones that He gives
   "grace" or acceptance.

   The introductory words meizona de didosin charin can now hardly have
   any other meaning than this, "But He giveth a greater grace or
   acceptance than the world or its friendship can give": that is, their
   connexion is with [364]v. 4, [365]v. 5 being parenthetic. To connect
   them directly with [366]v. 5, in the sense "He gives a (spiritual)
   grace to aid men to cleave to Him, proportionate to the jealousy with
   which He yearns after His spirit within them," renders the whole of the
   quotation irrelevant except the two words already cited, besides
   involving a complete departure from the sense of Proverbs. The subject
   of the verb is naturally identical with the implied subject of the
   preceding principal verb epipothei. By "greater" St James doubtless
   means worthier, higher, as 1 Cor. xii. 31 (right text); Heb. ix. 11;
   xi. 26.

   dio, wherefore] The employment of dio in the introductory formula of a
   quotation is elsewhere found only in Eph. iv. 8; v. 14 (dio legei both
   times, as here); while the more obvious dioti, "because," is confined
   to 1 Peter. It seems to be derived from a Rabbinic usage (Surenhuis
   Bibl. katal. 9), but ultimately it may be traced to Gen. x. 9; Num.
   xxi. 14 (lkn y'mr, LXX. dia touto erousin, d. t. legetai). The idea
   probably meant to be suggested is that the truth stated is presupposed
   in the quotation appealed to, forming as it were the basis, on which it
   rests.

   legei, the Scripture saith] Legei may have as a subject he graphe from
   [367]v. 5, or the implied subject of didosin, that is, God; or again it
   may be virtually impersonal, as in Eph. v. 14, and probably iv. 8. This
   use of legei (or other such words) without an expressed or directly
   implied subject, for introducing quotations from Scripture or
   quasi-Scriptural books, is not identical with the common interposition
   of an impersonal ephe (inquit) after the opening words of quotations of
   all kinds: it doubtless implies an appeal to an authoritative voice.
   The Rabbinical illustrations cited by Surenhuis, p. 11, belong only to
   cases (like Rom. xv. 10) where another quotation has immediately
   preceded. To supply mentally either "God" or "the Scripture" is in
   strictness to define too much as there is no real ellipse, but in
   translation into modern languages some supplement is needed, and for
   this purpose "the Scripture" gives the truest impression. E graphe is
   also the more probable of the two possible subjects furnished by the
   preceding context.

   ^7Hupotagete oun to theo; anti'stete de to diabolo, kai pheuxetai aph'
   humon;

   7. From [368]vv. 7 to [369]10 we have a hortatory digression, starting
   from the suggestions of [370]v. 6.

   hupotagete oun to theo, Submit yourselves therefore to God] It is
   hardly credible that St James should use this phrase without a
   conscious reference to its associations in the Psalm from which (LXX.)
   it virtually comes, and that Psalm xxxvii. Noli aemulari. See vv. 7, 9,
   hupotagethi to kurio kai hiketeuson auton; mee parazelou en to
   kateuodoumeno en te zoe, k.t.l. hoi de hupome'nontes ton kurion autoi
   kleronomesousin ten gen: so again Ps. lxii. 1, 5, Ouchi to theo
   hupotagesetai he psuche mou; par' autou gar to soterion mou. . . . plen
   to theo hupotagethi, he psuche mou, hoti par' autou he hupomone mou.
   This is but a paraphrastic rendering of the original, the Hebrew (dvmyh
   ,dmm) meaning "to be silent (or, still: sigeson Aq., hesuchaze Sym.) to
   the Lord," i.e. the going forth of the soul to Him not in speech
   (whether clamour to Him or murmur against Him) but in resolute
   suppression of speech. Similarly Lam. iii. 26, "It is good that a man
   wait and be still to the salvation (saving help) of Jehovah" (LXX.
   hupomenei kai hesuchasei eis to soterion Kuriou); and with another
   reference, Job xxix. 21, "men . . . kept silence to my counsel" (LXX.
   esiopesan epi). Compare Ps. iv. 4; cxxxi. 2. This deeply felt idea of a
   strenuous silence to God, the expression of perfect trust, loses
   somewhat by translation into the common thought of submission, which
   need imply no more than a sense of inability to resist: but St James
   might well assume that readers of the LXX. Psalter would recognise the
   "submission" of which he spoke to be one aspect of faithful endurance
   under trials.

   Yet doubtless St James' primary meaning was the simple Greek meaning
   "submit yourselves." In 2 Mac. ix. 12 the dying Antiochus Epiphanes is
   made to say, Dikaion hupotassesthai to theo kai me thneton onta
   huperephana phronein Epictetus uses the same word, applying it to both
   the fact of subjection to God (Diss. iii. 24. 65, hos tou Dios diakonon
   edei, hama men kedomenos, hama d' hos to theo hupotetagmenos) and the
   duty of submission to Him (iv. 12. 11, ego d' echo tini me dei
   areskein, tini hupotetachthai, tini peithesthai, to theo kai tois met'
   ekeinon). In the N.T., which dwells much on submission as among men,
   human submission to God is spoken of only here and Heb. xii. 9
   (hupotagesometha to patri ton pneumaton). Here as oun indicates, it is
   doubtless suggested by huperephanois (cf. 2 Mac. above). The insolence
   of the powerful implies a sense at once of having others in subjection
   and of being in subjection to none (cf. Ps. xii. 3-5). The lowly then
   are bidden to find refuge for their subjection to the tyrannous and too
   visible "world," not in wooing its friendship but in cherishing the
   submission or accepted subjection to the invisible God (compare Ign.
   Eph. 5, gegraptai gar, Huperephanois ho theos antitassetai; spoudasomen
   oun me antitassesthai to episkopo, hina omen theo hupotassomenoi). The
   same word expresses both the external fact (subjection) and the
   voluntary acceptance of it (submission): -- "be ye subject (in mind),
   as being already subject (in destiny); take up the attitude belonging
   to the position."

   The aorist imperative (used in this verb by 1 Pet. ii. 13; v. 5; but
   not by St Paul) has here the force of a call out of a degenerate state,
   and it is repeated in nine succeeding verbs.

   anti'stete de to diabolo, but resist the devil] De is omitted in the
   Rec. Text after the later Syrian text, doubtless because the following
   initial imperatives have no connecting particles.

   The name ho diabolos is used much in the N.T., somewhat more than the
   transliterated original ho Satanas. Both names occur in Mt., Lk., Jn,
   Acts, St Paul and Apoc. Apparently in most if not all cases the use of
   the Greek diabolos involves a distinct reference to the etymology.

   The precise force of the Hebrew name is not free from doubt. Apparently
   the verb stn (also stm) meant originally to "lie in ambush for," and so
   to "bear a chronic grudge against" or "be a treacherous enemy to." The
   subst. stn stands in Numbers for the angel waylaying Balaam, and in
   Samuel and Kings for (apparently secret) enemies, as it were thorns in
   the side. In the later books it becomes a proper name for the evil
   spirit, as an accuser (Ps. cix. 6; Zech. iii. 1, 2), as an insidious
   enemy (1 Chr. xxi. 1), and as both (Job i., ii.). The occurrence of the
   derivative, stnh for "an accusation" in Ezra iv. 6 is sufficient proof
   that in the late language the original sense had become specialised to
   express in particular that form of insidious hostility which consists
   in malicious accusation; and there is ample evidence (see e.g.
   Levy-Fleischer, N. Heb. W. B. iii. 500 f.) that malicious accusation
   came to be regarded as a characteristic of Satan, as indeed appears by
   Apoc. xii. 10 (see Schöttgen, Hor. Heb. i. 1121 ff.). The Fathers
   usually interpret the name simply as ho antikeimenos, adversarius, in
   accordance with a possible latitude of interpretation in several places
   where the verb or the substantive used appellatively occurs; and
   similarly [ho] antikeimenos is the rendering of Theodotion in Job, and
   of both him and Symmachus in Zech. iii. 2, as they also (and Aquila
   likewise) use antikeimai and its participle in passages of less direct
   bearing. But (except in the later revised text, once or twice) not so
   the LXX., which employs diaballo, diabole, endiaballo, epiboulos,
   satan, and for the evil spirit exclusively [ho] diabolos.

   There can be little doubt that the writers of the N.T. adopted the term
   diabolos directly or indirectly from the LXX.; and this consideration
   seems to set aside the tempting interpretation suggested by abundant
   Greek usage as regards the verb, the "severer," "putter at variance,"
   in opposition to a "reconciler." For the equally tempting
   interpretation "perverter," that is, "one who turns good to evil,"
   there is no Greek evidence beyond the occasional sense of dia in
   composition (as it were, one who casts awry). The biblical origin of
   the name fixes upon it the sense "malicious accuser," "of God to men,
   and of us to God, and again of ourselves to each other" (Chrys. 2 Cor.
   p. 438 D). There is a special fitness in the word, because it is
   oftener applied in ordinary Greek to suggested disparagement, whether
   open or secret, to words or acts intended to produce an unfavourable
   impression (see Aristotle's account of diabole as a department of
   forensic rhetoric, Rhet. iii. 15. 1, with Cope's note), than to formal
   and definite accusation.

   This the proper biblical sense of ho diabolos, of which the sense in
   which he is called ho peirazon is only another aspect, agrees well with
   the context here. Trustful submission to God involves resistance to him
   who tempts men to faithlessness by insinuating disparagement of God's
   power or His goodness, backed up with suggestion of the safer and
   pleasanter friendship of "the world."

   ^8engisate to theo, kai thngisei humin. katharisate cheiras, amartoloi,
   kai hagnisate kardias, dipsuchoi. ^9 talaiporesate kai penthesate kai
   klausate; ho gelos humon eis penthos metastrapeto [27] kai he chara eis
   katepheian; ^10 tapeinothete enopion Kuriou, kai hupsosei humas. ^11 Me
   katalaleite allelon, allelon, adelphoi; ho katalalon adelphou e krinon
   ton adelphon autou katalalei nomou kai krinei nomon; ei de nomon
   krineis, ouk ei poietes nomou alla krites. ^12 heis estin [28]
   nomothetes kai krites, ho dunamenos sosai kai apolesai; su de tis ei,
   ho krinon ton plesion;

   ^13 Age nun hoi legontes Semeron e aurion poreusometha eis tende ten
   polin kai poiesomen ekei eniauton kai emporeuoometha kai kerdesomen;
   ^14 hoitines ouk epistasthe tes aurion poia he zoe humon; atmis gar
   este [29] pros oligon phainomene epeita kai aphanizomene; ^15 anti tou
   legein humas Ean ho kurios thele, [30] kai zesomen kai poiesomen touto
   e ekeino

   ^16 nun de kauchasthe en tais alazoniais humon; pasa kauchesis toiaute
   ponera estin. ^17 eidoti oun kalon poiein kai me poiounti, hamartia
   auto estin. V. ^1 Age nun hoi plousioi, klausate ololuzontes epi tais
   talaiporiais humon tais eperchom?nais. ^2 ho ploutos humon sesepen, kai
   ta himatia humon setobrota gegonen, ^3 ho chrusos humon kai ho arguros
   katiotai, kai ho ios auton eis marturion humin estai kai phagetai tas
   sarkas humon; hos pur [31] ethesaurisate en eschatais hemerais. ^4 idou
   ho misthos ton ergaton ton amesanton tas choras humon ho aphusteremenos
   aph' humon krazei, kai hai boai ton therisanton eis ta ota Kuriou
   Sabaoth eiseleluthasin; ^5 etruphesate epi tes ges kai espatalesate,
   ethrepsate tas kardias humon en hemera sphages. ^6 katedikasate,
   ephoneusate ton dikaion. ouk antitassetai humin; [32]

   ^7 Makrothumesate oun, adelphoi, heos tes parousias tou kuriou. idou ho
   georgos ekdechetai ton timion karpon tes ges, makrothumon ep' auto heos
   labe proimon kai opsimon ^8 makrothumesate kai humeis, sterixate tas
   kardias humon, hoti he parousia tou kuriou engiken ^9 me stenazete,
   adelphoi, kat' allelon, hina me krithete; idou ho krites pro ton thuron
   hesteken. ^10 hupodeigma labete, adelphoi, tes kakopathias kai tes
   makrothumias tous prophetas, hoi elalesan en to onomati Kuriou. ^11
   idou makarizomen tous hupomeinantas; ten hupomonen Iob hekousate, kai
   to telos Kuriou eidete, hoti polusplanchnos estin ho kurios [33] kai
   oiktirmon. ^12 Pro panton de, adelphoi mou, me omnuete, mete ton
   ouranon mete ten gen mete allon tina horkon; eto de humon to Nai nai
   kai to Ou ou, hina me hupo krisin pesete. ^13 Kakopathei tis en humin;
   proseuchestho; euthumei tis; psalleto ^14 asthenei tis en humin;
   proskalesastho tous presbuterous tos ekklesias, kai proseuxasthosan ep'
   auton aleipsantes elaio en to onomati [tou kuriou]; ^15 kai he euche
   tes pisteos sosei ton kamnonta, kai egerei auton ho kurios; kan
   hamartias e pepoiekos, aphethesetai auto. ^16 exomologeisthe oun
   allelois tas hamartias kai proseuchesthe [34] huper allelon, hopos
   iathete. polu ischuei deesis dikaiou energoumene. ^17 Elias anthropos
   en homoiopathes hemin, kai proseuche proseuxato tou me brexai, kai ouk
   ebrexen epi tes ges eniautous treis kai menas hex; ^18 kai palin
   proseuxato, kai ho ouranos hueton edoken [35] kai he ge eblastesen ton
   karpon autes. ^19 Adelphoi mou, ean tis en humin planethe apo tes
   aletheias kai epistrepse tis auton, ^20 ginoskete [36] hoti ho
   epistrepsas amartolon ek planes hodou autou sosei psuchen autou ek
   thanatou [37] kai kalupsei plethos hamartion

   Note on "Brother" improperly used (see p. xx).

   Gen. xiv. 14, 16, Abram and Lot (really nephew), LXX. adolphos A etc.,
   anepsios g n, uhuos t. adelphou m, adolphidous codd. Cf. xiii. 8, "for
   we be men, brethren," anthropoi adelphoi; xiii. 11, ekastos apo tou
   adelphou autou. Contra, xii. 5; xiv. 12; "brother's son," (ton) huion
   tou adelphou (autou).

   Gen. xxix. 12, Jacob Rachel's "father's brother" (i.e. father's
   sister's son), LXX. adelphos tou patros autes; xxix. 15, Laban to
   Jacob, "thou art my brother" (i.e. sister's son), adelphos mou. Contra,
   xxix. 10 ter, Laban Jacob's "mother's brother."

   Gen. xxxi. 23, (32), 37, Laban's "brethren," and vv. (32), 37, 46, 54,
   Jacob's "brethren"; i.e. apparently all attached to their households.

   2 Chron. xxxvi. 10, Zedekiah (Mattaniah) Jehoiachin's brother (i.e.
   father's brother, LXX. adelphon tou patros autou). Contra, 2 Kings
   xxix. 17, "father's brother" (LXX. unintelligibly huion). 1 Chron. iii.
   15 has the genealogy rightly.

   Gen. ix. 25, Shem and Japheth Canaan's "brethren" (i.e. uncles), LXX.
   tois adelphois autou.

   Gen. xvi. 12, Ishmael is to dwell "in the presence of all his
   brethren," LXX. kata prosopon panton ton adelphon autou. Cf xxv. 18.

   Numb. xx. 14, Israel (people) brother of (the king of ?) Edom.

   Amos i. 9, Israel and Tyrus apparently brothers, perhaps from Hiram's
   friendship and brotherhood (1 Kings ix. 13, cf. xx. 32; both cases of
   brotherhood of kings).

   Neh. v. 10, 14, Nehemiah's brethren (i.e.? household).

   Job vi. 15, "My brethren" (i.e.? Job's friends), LXX. hoi engutatoi
   mou, Allos; adelphoi mou.

   Job xix. 13, adelphoi mou; Ps. xxxv. 14; cxxii. 8; either friends or
   relatives.

   Isa. lxvi. 20, "your brethren," apparently fellow-worshippers of
   Jehovah from other nations.

   Persons or things in pairs, Gen. xiii. 11; xxvi. 31; (xliii. 33 LXX.);
   Exod. xxv. 20; xxxvii. 9; (1 Sam. xx. 41 Thdn): of the same nature, Job
   xxx. 29; Prov. xviii. 9.

   Fellow-descendants of Israel, Exod. ii. 11; iv. 8; (xxii. 25 LXX.);
   Lev. xix. 17 (?); xxv. 35 etc.; and esp. Deut. xv. 2 (contrasted with
   ho allotrios); Jud. xiv. 3. Fellow-descendants of a tribal head, Judah
   2 Sam. xix. 12; Levi Numb. viii. 26; xvi. 10; Nehem. iii. 1; (Gk Ezra
   passim); 2 Chron. xxxi. 15.

   2 Sam. i. 26, David and Jonathan.

   Cf. Tobit passim.

   Similarly "sister."

   (Gen. xxiv. 60, Laban and his mother both say to Rebecca "thou art our
   sister": but apparently only by a zeugma. The LXX. in consequence
   alters "thy brother" in v. 55 into hoi adelphoi autes.)

   Job xlii. 11, Job's brethren and sisters (?). Nations of like nature
   and character, Ezek. xvi. 46; xxiii. 31. Metaphorically, of the same
   nature, Job xvii. 14; Prov. vii. 4. Term of endearment, Cant. passim.
   Things in pairs, Exod. xxvi. 3, 5, 6, 17; Ezek. i. 9; iii. 13. Member
   of the same nation (Midianite), Numb. xxv. 18.

   Note on tes doxes (see [371]ii. 1).

   [The following is a note by Dr Hort on Tit. ii. 13 (tes doxes tou
   megalou theou kai soteros hemon, Christou Iesou).]

   Christou Iesou is best taken as in apposition to tes doxes, not to tou
   megalou theou kai soteros hemon. The obvious difficulties of the latter
   in reference to St Paul's usage are much increased by megalou, partly
   by its sense, partly as an adjective merely.

   By its sense: cf. 1 Tim. i. 11; vi. 15, 16 [see below].

   As an adjective, because it compels theou to be a pure substantive, and
   thus individualises it. It to say the least suggests "division" of
   "substance," a separate Deity, the Deity of Tritheism, not the equally
   perfect Deity of a Person of the One Godhead [38] . This is very unlike
   St Paul and the N.T.

   St Paul does not elsewhere categorically call our Lord the glory of the
   Father; but various phrases of his have the same effect. In 2 Cor. iv.
   4 we have ton photismon tou euangeliou tes doxes tou christou, hos
   estin eikon tou theou, while in 1 Cor. xi. 7 eikon and doxa are coupled
   (aner, . . . eikon kai doxa theou huparchon, he gune de doxa andros
   estin. In the same context in 2 Cor. (iv. 6) we have pros photismon tes
   gnoseos tes doxes tou theou en prosopo o Christou, which must go along
   with 2 Cor. ii. 10, kai gar ego ho kecharismai, ei ti kecharismai, di'
   humas en prosopo Christou, meaning in both cases in the person of
   Christ, so that St Paul describes God's glory as set forth (or as
   being) in the person of Christ. The sense is given without the word in
   1 Tim. vi. 15, 16, where much stress is laid on the height and
   invisibility of the Father, phos oikon aprositon, who kairois idiois
   will shew (deixei) the epiphaneia of I. Ch.: unseen Himself, He
   manifests His Son as His glory. There is less certainty about 1 Tim. i.
   11, to euangelion tes doxes tou makariou theou, though makarios
   probably denotes the supreme unapproachableness; and about Eph. i. 17,
   ho theos tou kuriou hemon I. Ch., ho pater tes doxes (a remarkable
   juxtaposition when compared with ho theos kai pater tou kuriou hemon I.
   Ch. in Eph. i. 3 etc.). Still more doubtful is 1 Cor. ii. 8, ton kurion
   tes doxes, and perhaps even Jam. ii. 1, ten pistin tou kuriou hemon I.
   Ch. tes doxes, where the order becomes quite easy if we may take tes
   doxes, used quite absolutely, as in apposition to I. Ch. In Rom. ix. 4
   he doxa is thus used absolutely, and seems to mean the Shechinah, and
   it is by no means unlikely that our Lord would be spoken of by the
   Apostles as the true Shechinah. In any case Apoc. xxi. 10, 11 is quite
   in point. Heb. i. 3 gives the same sense under the form apaugasma tes
   doxes.

   Note on hulen ([372]iii. 5).

   [The following represents Dr Hort's notes from his letter to Dean Scott
   of January 28, 1878, written in answer to the Dean's list of passages
   intended to show that hule may mean "a forest."]

   In St James "how great a forest" might be tolerated as a paraphrase of
   "how much woodland," but not as a literal rendering. Hence a reference
   to living wood seems rather unlikely, as often fire is connected with
   hule meaning "cut wood."

   Odyss. v. 63 f.,

   hule de speos amphipephukei telethoosa,

   klethre t', aigeiros te, kai euodes kuparissos.

   Rather "luxuriant tree-age" (like herbage) about the cave: so Il. vi.
   147 f.,

   phulla ta men t' anemos chamadis cheei, alla de th' hule telethoosa
   phuei.

   Il. xi. 155 ff., wood and a wood equally pertinent:

   hos d' ite pur aidelon en axulo empese hule,
   pante t' eiluphoon anemos pherei, hoi de te thamnoi
   prorrizoi piptousin epeigomenoi puros horme.

   Hes. op. 506 ff.,

   memuke de gaia kai hule;
   pollas de drus hupsikomous elatas te pacheias
   oureos en besses pilna chthoni pouluboteire
   empipton, kai pasa boa tote neritos hule.

   "Woodland" (the forest region) is more coordinate with gaia than "a
   forest" would be: cf. also neritos, 509.

   Thuc. ii. 77. If the sentence, ede gar en oresin hule triphtheisa hup'
   anemon pros hauten apo thautomatou pur kai phloga ap' autou aneken,
   stood alone, it would be Il. xi. 155 over again. But just before hule
   twice means "wood" indefinitely (cut wood): hence there is a
   presumption that here again hule is "wood" indefinitely. The same thing
   is spoken of in two states, cut and living: a transition from cut wood
   to a forest would be much more violent. Lucretius (i. 896 ff.) probably
   had the passage in view, but throws no light: the described phenomenon
   is the same on either view:

   At saepe in magnis fit montibus, inquis, ut altis
   Arboribus vicina cacumina summa terantur
   Inter se, validis facere id cogentibus austris,
   Donec flammai fulserunt flore coorto.

   Aristot. H. A. ix. 11. 3 (615 a 15), enioi de ton ornithon en tois
   oresi kai te hule katoikousin, is distinctly in favour of the
   indefinite use. He coordinates tois oresi with te hule (the forest
   region). So still more c. 32 (618 b 21), houtos (sc. the white-tailed
   eagle) kata ta pedia kai ta alse kai peri tas poleis ginetai . . .
   petetai de kai eis ta ore kai eis ten hulen dia to tharsos, where ta
   alse bears the same relation to ta pedia that he hule does to ta ore.

   Theocr. xxii. 36,

   pantoien d' en orei theeumenoi agrion hulen.

   Pantoien favours the same use.

   Soph. O. T. 476 ff.,


   phoita gar hup' agrian

   hulan ana t' antra kai

   petras hate tauros.

   The sing. hulan with plur. antra: hupo irrelevant, whether as "seeking
   the covert of," or simply "under the covert of."

   Eur. Hipp. 215,

   pempete m' eis oros; eimi pros hulan
   kai para peukas,

   forest region, like "the (collective) mountain." Cf. Scott, Lady of the
   Lake, iii 16,

   "He is gone on the mountain,

   He is lost to the forest."

   On the other hand, Herodian's use, vii. 2. 4 (lithon men gar par'
   autois (sc. the Germans) e plinthon opton spanis, hulai d' eudendroi),
   5 (hoi de Germanoi apo men ton pedion kai eitines esan chorai adendroi
   anakechorekesan; en de tais hulais ekruptonto, peri teta hele
   dietribon), also viii. 1. 2 (en koilasin oron e lochmais hulais te), is
   at first sight individual, and may be so. But in the absence of other
   clear evidence, I suspect that it is collective. Thus Plutarch Pyrrh.
   25, daseian hulais hodon; while also Aratus 32, popon hules gemonta.
   Aristotle just after the above place has (618 b 28) houtos oikei ore
   kai hulas, though the evidence already given makes a strictly
   individual sense improbable.

   Aristotle's collective sense of the singular with the article is well
   illustrated by Xenoph. Cyn. vi. 12 (desanta d' ek tes hules tas kunas);
   ix. 2 (tas men kunas desai apothen ek tes hules), 19 (^is dikroas tes
   hules); x. 7 (epiballontas tous brochous epi aposchalidomata tes hules
   dikra); Plato Crit. 107 C (gen men kai ore kai potamous kai hulen
   ouranon te xumpanta); Polit. 272 A (karpous de aphthonous eichon apo te
   dendron kai polles hules alles. No doubt forest trees were included,
   but the predominating and sometimes exclusive meaning is brushwood or
   even mere weeds of a shrubby or woody nature. Its leading idea, when it
   is used of living wood, seems to be nearly that of loca silvestria, the
   indeterminate wild rough country on the flanks of the hills, as
   distinguished from the cultivated land below.

   Note on ton trochon tes geneseos ([373]iii. 6).

   [The following references in further illustration of this phrase have
   been taken from the marginal notes in Dr Hort's Greek Testament and
   from his other MSS.]

   On the wheel or circle of human affairs (their reverses) see a large
   collection of passages in Gataker on Marcus Aurelius ix. 28.

   On the Orphic and Pythagorean wheel or circle of Genesis
   (metempsychosis) see Lobeck, Aglaophamus, 797-800.

   On the general cycle of growth and decay see Simplicius Comm. in Epict.
   Ench. p. 94 B, all' oute te psuche kakon estin he tou somatos nosos,
   eiper iatreia ousa tes psuches dedeiktai kai phainetai pollachou
   enargos aute. kai ei epiblabes de to meriko somati he nosos en kai he
   phthora autes, hophelimos de ousa ephaineto te te tou chromenou psuche,
   kai te tou pantos sustasei ton en auto stoicheion, kai to aperanto tes
   geneseos kuklo, dia touto ep' apeiron proionti, dia to ten allou
   phthoran allou genesin einai. So ho tes geneseos potamos, Plutarch, de
   consolat. (ii. 106 F).

   Plato, Leg. x. p. 898 (Jowett's translation), "Of these two kinds of
   motion, that which moves in one place must move about a centre like
   globes (mimema ti kuklon) made in a lathe, and is most entirely akin
   and similar to the circular movement of mind (te tou nou
   periodo). . . . In saying that both mind and the motion which is in one
   place move in the same and like manner, in and about the same, and in
   relation to the same, and according to one proportion and order, and
   are like the motion of a globe (sphairas entornou apeikasmena phorais),
   we invented a fair image, which does no discredit to our
   ingenuity. . . . Then, after what has been said, there is no difficulty
   in distinctly stating, that since soul carries all things round (epeide
   psuche men estin he periagousa hemin panta), either the best soul or
   the contrary must of necessity carry round and order and arrange the
   revolution of the heaven" (ten de ouranou periphoran ex anankes
   periagein phateon epimeloumenen kai kosmousan etoi ten aristen psuchen
   e ten enantian).

   Iamblichus de myster. viii. 6, legeis toinun hos Aiguption hoi oleious,
   kai to eph' hemin ek tes ton asteron anepsen kineseos. to de pos echei
   dei dicha pleionon apo ton Herraikon soi noematon diermeneusai. duo gar
   echei psuchas, hos tauta phesi ta grammata, ho anthropos. kai he men
   estin apo tou protou noetou metechousa kai tes tou demiourgou dunameos,
   he de, endidomene ek tes ton ouranion periphoras, eis hen epeiserpei he
   theoptike psuche. touton de houtos echonton, he men apo ton kosmon eis
   hemas kathekousa psuche, tais periodois sunakolouthei ton kosmon; he de
   apo tou noetou noetos parousa, tes genesiourgou kineseos huperechei,
   kai kat' auten he te lusis ginetai tes heimarmengs, kai he pros tous
   noetous theous anodos, theourgia te, hose pros to agenneton anagetai,
   kata ten toiauten zoen apoteleitai..

   Clement Strom. v. 8 (pp. 672 f.), alla kai Dionusios ho Thrax ho
   grammatikos en to Peri tes emphaseos peri tou ton trochiskon sumbolou
   phesi kata lexin; esemainon goun ou dia lexeos monon, alla kai dia
   sumbolon enioi tas praxeis, dia lexeos men hos echei ta legomena
   Delphika parangelmata, to meden agan kai to gnothi sauton kai ta
   toutois homoia, dia de sumbolon hos ho te trochos ho strephomenos en
   tois ton theon temenesin heilkusmenos para Aiguption kai to ton thallon
   ton didomenon tois proskunousi. phesi gar Orpheus ho Thrakios;

   thallon d' hossa brotoisin epi chthonos erga memelen,
   houden echei mian aisan epi phresin, alla kukleitai,
   panta perix, stenai de kath' hen meros ou themis estin,
   all' echei, hos erxanto, dromou meros ison hekastos.

   Cf. Plutarch Numa 14 (i. 69 f.) tois Aiguptiois trochois ainittetai ti.

   Nilus Sentent. 193 (Orelli Opusc. Sent. i. 344) [1245 A, B, Migne],
   Gela men tou biou ton trochon, ataktos kuliomenon; phulattou de ton
   bothron [trochon, Migne] eis hon kuliei tous en auto nustazontas. Cf.
   122, p. 334 [1260 D], Skia kai trocho ta lupera tou biou kai ta phaidra
   paraballe; hos gar skia ou menei, kai hos trochos kulietai; and 140, p.
   338 [1240 C], Ei ten zoen ten ontos potheis, prosdechou aei ton
   anthropinon thanaton, kai misei ton paronta bion; horas gar ton trochon
   ataktos kuliomenon.

   On the whole passage cf. Andrewes, Sermons 603 f. [Library Ang. Grath.
   Th. iii. p. 122], "The tongue is the substantive and subject of all the
   rest. It is so; and God can send from Heaven no better thing, nor the
   devil from hell no worse thing than it. The best member we have,' saith
   the Prophet [Ps. cviii. 1 P. B. V.]; the worst member we have, saith
   the Apostle: -- both, as it is employed.

   "The best, if it be of God's cleaving; if it be of His lightening with
   the fire of Heaven; if it be one that will sit still, if cause be. The
   worst, if it come from the devil's hands. For he, as in many other, so
   in the sending of tongues, striveth to be like God; as knowing well
   they are every way as fit instruments to work mischief by, as to do
   good with."

   Note on espatalesate ([374]v. 5).

   Ezek. xvi. 49, en plesmone arton kai en euthenia (oinou A) espatalon
   haute (Sodom) kai hai thugateres autes. hsqt, to be at rest, A.V.
   "idleness."

   Ecclus. xxi. 15, logon sophon . . . ekousen ho spatalon kai aperesen
   auto (contrasted with epistemon,); xxvii. 13, ho gelos auton (moron) en
   spatale hamartias.

   Deut. xxviii. 54, "the man that is tender and very delicate (hrk vhng)
   among you." Sym. ho spatalos, LXX. ho trupheros, Aq. truphetes.

   Eccles. ii. 8 (Sym.) spatalas, tngvt, the delights of the sons of men.
   LXX. entruphemata, Aq. truphas.

   Cant. vii. 7 (6): Allos (? Sym.), agapete, en spatalais, tnvgym. LXX.,
   Aq. truphais (on), "O love, for delights." The same Hebrew word occurs
   elsewhere only Prov. xix. 10; Mic. 1. 16; ii. 9, and is rendered
   truphe, truphera, truphes by LXX.

   Amos vi. 4, hoi katheudontes epi klinon elephantinon kai
   kataspatalontes ep? tais stromnais auton, srchym, Jer. lascivitis. In
   vi. 7 the same Hebrew word is truphpheton in Sym., lascivientium Jer.,
   LXX. having another reading. The word seems to mean "hang" or "stretch
   languidly and effusely."

   Prov. xxix. 21, hos kataspatala ek paidos oiketes estai, mphnq (cf.
   Arab. root "live softly").

   Ps.-Theano Ep. 1 [p. 741] (Gale Opusc. mythol. 86), eiduia hoti ta
   spatalonta ton paidion, hotan akmase pros andras, andrapoda ginetai,
   tas toiautas hedonas aphairei. The epistle is all about luxurious and
   indulgent education.

   Nilus Sentent. 319 (Orelli i. 368) ho de emplatunon heauton en to
   paronti bio dia spatales kai methes kai doxes apanthouses k.t.l.

   Anthologia Palatina xi. 402 spatale bis, kataspatalas, with reference
   to luxurious eating; ix. 642, spatalema, of luxurious food.

   Gloss ap. Steph., spatalao delicias ago.

   Polybius excerpta Vaticana p. 451 [xxxvii. 4, 6 ed. Didot] plousious
   to?tous katalipein (t. paidas) kai spatalontas threpsai.

   Clement Strom. iii. 7 (p. 538): We must practise enkrateia not only
   peri ta aphrobisia, but also peri ta alla hosa spatalosa epithumei he
   psuche hemon, ouk arkoumene tois anankaiois, periepgazomene de ten
   chliden.

   Eustathius bis ap. Steph., ton spatalonton mnesteron.

   Anth. Pal. v. 18: tois spatalois klemmasi, . . . ek spatales, of the
   ointments and other luxurious equipments of rich ladies (ton sobaron).

   Ib. v. 27. 6,

   kai sobaron tarson chrusophoros spatale
   nun penichre k.t.l.
   tauta ta ton spatalon termata pallakidon.

   Ib. vii. 206. 6 (on a cat killed for eating a partridge),

   hoi de mues nun
   orchountai tes ses draxamenoi spatales.

   Ib. vi. 74. 8,

   parripsasa de kisson
   cheira perisphinxo chrusodeto spatale.

   Ib. v. 271. 2,

   ten chrusokrotalo seiomenen spatale.

   Epiphanius i. 812 A, ei heora tina en truphe kai spatale.

   "Bardesanes" ap. Euseb. Prep. En. vi. 10 (p. 276 A): From the
   conjunction of Ares and Paphia in Crius of hoi Chaldaizontes say are
   born tous andreious kai spatalous. Cureton says the corresponding
   Syriac word is unknown to him: dissolutos is the Latin of Rufinus.

   Philo de sept. spect. i. 5, spatalon kai basilikon to philotechnema
   (the Hanging Gardens).

   Chrysostom (on 1 Tim. v. 6) evidently takes gluttony as the leading
   idea, but sometimes includes drunkenness, and apparently once
   over-sleep.

   Barnabas x. 3, hotan spatalosin men as swine.

   Hermas Sim. vi. 1, ta probata tauta hosei truphonta en kai lian
   spatalonta, kai hilara en skirtonta hode kakeise.

   Ps.-Chrysost. de poen. (ix. 777 E), ho spatalistes ekeinos, sc. Dives
   in the parable.

   N.T. latt. (1) Jam. v. 5: fruiti estis super terram et abusi estis, ff;
   epulati estis super terram et in luxuriis (no verb), vg. (2) 1 Tim. v.
   6:

   delicata est Cyp Tert 171
   in deliciis agit d pp
    "      "      est vg pp
    "      "      vivit pp g^1
   deliciosa    "      g^2

   All the biblical passages and some of the others suggest simply
   luxurious and self-indulgent living. The leading idea is probably
   luxurious feeding, as several times in Anth. Pal. and in Chrysostom.

   Perhaps "ye lived delicately on the earth and were luxurious" (Jam. v.
   5), and "she that is luxurious" (1 Tim. v. 6).

   None of the passages bear out the supposed connexion with spathao, to
   lavish. Rather (as Lobeck) from spao, to suck down.

   Peculiarities of vocabulary in the Codex Corbeiensis of
   St James.

   i. [375]3 (also [376]4; [377]v. 11) [39] hupomone suferentia [40]
   [378]4 bis (also [379]25; [380]iii. 2) [41] teleios consummatus
   [381]7 oiestho speret
   [382]10 (also [383]11; [384]ii. 5; [385]v. 1) [42] plousios locuples
   [386]11 euprepeia dignitas
     poreiais actu
   [387]13 apeirastos (estin) temptator non (est)
   [388]14 deleazetai elicitor (cod. eliditur)
   [389]15 apokuei [43] (?) adquirit
   [390]17 dosis
   parallage datio
   permutatio
   trope (? rhope) (?) momentum (cod. modicum)
   aposkiasma obumbratio
   [391]18 ktismaton conditionum
   [392]21 apotithemai expono
   [393]21 (also [394]iii. 13) praites clementia
   [395]22 paralegizom^noi (heautous) (?) aliter consiliantes
   [396]23 genesis [44] natale
   [397]24 eutheos in continenti
   [398]25 akroates [45] audiens
   [399]26 threskos religiosus
   [400]26, [401]27 threskeia religio
   [402]27 thlipsis tribulatio
   ii. [403]1 prosopolempsiais acceptione personarum
   [404]9 prosopolempteo personas accipio
   [405]1 tes doxes honoris (cod. honeris)
   [406]3 hupopodion scamellum
   [407]4 diakrinomai [46] dijudicer
   [408]5 epangellomai [47] expromitto
   [409]6 hetimasate frustrastis (cod. -atis)
   katadunasteuousin humon potentantur in vobis
   [410]8 teleite consummamini [48]
   [411]9 elencho traduco
   [412]12 eleutheria [49] liberalitas
   [413]13 katakauchomai [50] superglorior
   [414]14 (also [415]i. 21; [416]iv. 12; [417]v. 15, [418]20 sozo salvo
   [419]16 chortazesthe estote satulli
   [420]22 sunergeo communico
   [421]23 logizo aestimo
   [422]25 porne
   angelous fornicaria
   exploratores
   iii. [423]3 peithomai consentio [51]
   [424]4 (hopou) ubicumque [52]
   [425]6 genesis [53] nativitas
   [426]7 enalion natantium
   [427]11 bruo bullio (trans.)
   [428]12 pikron
   halukon } salmacidum
   [429]13 epistemon disciplinosus
   [430]14 (kata)kauchasthe [54] alapamini
   [431]15 psuchikos
   daimoniodes animalis
   demonetica
   [432]17 epieikes verecundie
   eupeithes consentiens [55]
   adiakritos sine dijudicatione
   (?) inreprehensibilis
   anupokritos sine hypocrisi
   iv. [433]2 zeloute zelatis
   machesthe rixatis
   [434]3 hedonai [56] libidines
   dapanao erogo
   [435]4 moichalides fornicatores
   [436]5 epipotheo (?) convalesco
   (?) concupisco as vg.)
   [437]8 hagnizo sanctifico
   [438]11 ter katalaleo retracto de
   [439]12 nomothetes legum positor
   [440]13 (also [441]v. 1) age nun jam nunc
   [442]14 atmis momentum [57]
   pros oligon per modica (? per modicú)
   aphanizo extermino
   [443]16 kauchesis [58] gloria (? gloriatio for talis follows)
   v. [444]2 setobrota gegonen tiniaverunt
   [445]3 katiotai aeruginavit
   phagetai manducabit (of rust)
   [446]4 ton therisanton qui araverunt in
   [447]5 spatalao abutor
   trepho cibo
   [448]7 timion karpon honoratum fructum
   [449]8 sterizo conforto
   engizo adpropio
   [450]10 hupodeigma experimentum
   tes kakopathias [59] de malls passionibus
   [451]11 polusplanchnos (? -os) visceraliter
   [452]12 allog tina alterutrum
   [453]13 kakopatheo [60] anxio
   psalleto psalmum dicat
   [454]16 energoumene frequens
   [455]17 homoiopathes similis
   [456]18 blastano germino (trans.)
   [457]19, [458]20 epistrepho revoco
     __________________________________________________________________

   [15] kuriou] kuriou,

   [16] [For the way in which the N.T. fills out the older image of life
   see Hort's Hulsean Lectures, pp. 100 ff.]

   [17] Moreover the difference in sense was broken down: peirazo =
   peiromai in Acts xvi. 7; xxiv. 6; (reading) ix. 26. peiromai only in
   Acts xxvi. 21. In Heb. iv. 15 for pepeirasmenon tempted' many MSS. have
   pepeipamenon.

   [18] autou] eautou

   [19] heautou bis] autou

   [20] Christou] Christou,

   [21] e kathou ekei] ekei e kathou

   [22] ou diekrithete . . . poneron] diekrithete . . . poneron

   [23] echeis;] echeis

   [24] theos estin] ho theos estin

   [25] hosper] + gar

   [26] phoneuete.] phoneuete

   [27] metastrapeto] metastrapheto

   [28] estin] estin ho

   [29] tes aurion . . . gar este] ta tes aurion; poia gar he zoe humon;
   atmis este he

   [30] thele] thelese

   [31] humon; hos pur] humon hos pur;

   [32] humin;] humin.

   [33] ho kurios] Kurios

   [34] proseuchesthe] euchesthe

   [35] hueton edoken] edoken hueton

   [36] ginoskete] ginosketo

   [37] autou ek thanatou] ek thanatou autou

   [38] As if Quicunque vult had said "sicut unamquamque personam esse
   singillatim (or, per se) Deum et Dominum confitemur," not "sicut
   singillatim unamquamque personam Deum et Dominum confitemur."

   [39] All the passages in Jam. in which hupomone occurs.

   [40] Occurs besides in vg. of v. 11 and twice in d (Lk. viii. 15; xxi.
   19).

   [41] In i. 17 perfectus; ii. 22 eteleihothe

   [42] But in ii. 6 divites.

   [43] In i. 18 apekuesen, peperit.

   [44] In iii. 6 nativitas.

   [45] But in vv. 22, 23 auditor.

   [46] But in i. 6 bis dubito.

   [47] In i. 12 promitto.

   [48] Cf. i. 4,

   [49] But in i. 25 libertas.

   [50] Cf. i. 9 kauch?stho, glorietur; iv. 16 kauchasth9e, gloriamini;
   kauchesis, gloria, (?) gloriatio; but iii. 14 ?atakauchasthe,
   alapamini.

   [51] Cf. iii. 17,

   [52] Apparently in the sense "anywhere."

   [53] In i. 23 natale.

   [54] Cf. ii. 13.

   [55] Cf. iii. 3.

   [56] But in iv. i voluptates.

   [57] [Dr Hort suggested, flamentum. See Studia Biblica (first series),
   p. 140.]

   [58] Cf. ii. 13.

   [59] But see v. 13.

   [60] But see v. 10.
     __________________________________________________________________

GREEK INDEX

   (The references in brackets are to the occurrences in James of
   annotated words.)

   agathos 29, 52, 86 ([459]i. 17; [460]iii. 17)

   agapao 21, 51 ([461]i. 12; [462]ii. 5, [463]8)

   angelos 66 ([464]ii. 25)

   hagnos 85 f. ([465]iii. 15)

   adelphe 58 ([466]ii. 15)

   adelphos 14, 27, 45, 57, 58, 67, 78, 102 ([467]i. 2, [468]9, [469]16,
   [470]19; [471]ii. 1, [472]5, [473]14, [474]15; [475]iii. 1, [476]10,
   [477]12; [478]iv. 11 ter; [479]v. 7, [480]9, [481]10, [482]12, [483]19)

   adiakritos 86 f. ([484]iii. 17)

   adikia. 71f. ([485]iii. 6)

   aiteo 90 f. ([486]i. 5, [487]6; [488]iv. 2, [489]3 bis)

   akatastasia 85 ([490]iii. 16)

   aktastatos 13, 76 ([491]i. 8; [492]iii. 8)

   akouo 50 ([493]i. 19; [494]ii. 5; [495]v. 11)

   akroates 38, 41 f. ([496]i. 22, [497]23, [498]25)

   alazon contrasted with huperephanos 95

   aletheia 33f., 83 ([499]i. 18; [500]iii. 14; [501]v. 19)

   halukon 80 ([502]iii. 12)

   hamartia 26, 54 ([503]i. 15 bis; [504]ii. 9; [505]iv. 17; [506]v. 15,
   [507]16, [508]20)

   amiantos 43 f. ([509]i. 27)

   Anabathmoi Iakobou xxii

   anastrophe 80 ([510]iii. 13)

   anatello 16 ([511]i. 11)

   anaphero 63 ([512]ii. 21)

   aneleos 56 ([513]ii. 13)

   anemizo 10 ([514]i. 6)

   aner 12, 36, 68 ([515]i. 8, [516]12, [517]20, [518]23; [519]ii. 2;
   [520]iii. 2)

   anthos 15 ([521]i. 10, [522]11)

   anthropinos 75 ([523]iii. 7)

   anthropos 35, 62, 77 ([524]i. 7, [525]19; [526]ii. 20, [527]24;
   [528]iii. 8, [529]9; [530]v. 17)

   antitassomai 95 ([531]iv. 6; [532]v. 6)

   anupokritos 87 ([533]iii. 17)

   anothen 29 ([534]i. 17; [535]iii. 15, [536]17)

   aparche 35 ([537]i. 18)

   hapas 68 ([538]iii. 2)

   apatao 43 ([539]i. 26)

   apeirastos 22 f. ([540]i. 13)

   aperchomai 40 ([541]i. 24)

   haplos 7 ff. ([542]i. 5)

   apo c. gen. 21

   apokueo 26f., 33 ([543]i. 15, [544]18)

   aposkiasma 31 ([545]i. 17)

   apoteleo 26 ([546]i. 15)

   argos 62 f. ([547]ii. 20)

   atimazo 51 ([548]ii. 6)

   autos 23 ([549]i. 13)

   aucheo 70 ([550]iii. 5)

   basilikos xxvi f., 53f. ([551]ii. 8)

   blasphemeo 52 ([552]ii. 7)

   blepo 63f. ([553]ii. 22)

   boulomai 32 f., 69 f., 93 ([554]i. 18; [555]iii. 4; [556]iv. 4)

   bradus 36 ([557]i. 19 bis)

   bruo 79 ([558]iii. 11)

   geenna 74 ([559]iii. 6)

   genesis 39, 72 ff., 106 f. ([560]i. 23; [561]iii. 6)

   ginomai 38, 41, 77 f. ([562]i. 12, [563]22, [564]25; [565]ii. 4,
   [566]10, [567]11; [568]iii. 1, [569]9, [570]10; [571]v. 2)

   ginosko 5, 62 ([572]i. 3; [573]ii. 20; [574]v. 20)

   glossa 71, 75 f. ([575]i. 26; [576]iii. 5, [577]6 bis, [578]8)

   graphe, he 54, 64, 93 f. ([579]ii. 8, [580]23; [581]iv. 5)

   gumnos 58 ([582]ii. 15)

   daimonion 61 f. ([583]ii. 19)

   daimoniodes 84 f. ([584]iii. 15)

   damazo 75 ([585]iii. 7 bis, [586]8)

   dapanao 91 ([587]iv. 3)

   dei contrasted with chre 78

   deiknumi 80 ([588]ii. 18 bis; [589]iii. 13)

   deleazo 25 ([590]i. 14)

   dia c. gen. 55f.

   diabolos 98 f. ([591]iv. 7)

   diakrinomai l0, 49 ([592]i. 6 bis; [593]ii. 4)

   dialogizomai in the Gospels 10

   dialogismos 50 ([594]ii. 4)

   diaspora xxii. f., 3, 67, 92 ([595]i. 1)

   didaskalos 67 ([596]iii. 1)

   didomi 9 f., 96 ([597]i. 5 bis; [598]ii. 16; [599]iv. 6 bis; [600]v.
   18)

   dikaiosune 36, 87 ([601]i. 20; [602]ii. 23; [603]iii. 18)

   dikaioo 63, 65 ([604]ii. 21, [605]24, [606]25)

   dio 36, 97 ([607]i. 21; [608]iv. 6)

   dipsuchos 12 f. ([609]i. 8; [610]iv. 8)

   dokeo 93 ([611]i. 26; [612]iv. 5)

   dokimion 5 ([613]i. 3)

   dokimos 19 ([614]i. 12)

   doxa, he 47 f., 103 f. ([615]ii. 1)

   dosis 28 ([616]i. 17)

   doulos 1 f. ([617]i. 1)

   dodeka xxiii. 2 ([618]i. 1)

   dorema 28 ([619]i. 17)

   eikon contrasted with homo?osis 77 f.

   eirene 3, 59, 87 ([620]ii. 16; [621]iii. 18 bis)

   eirenikos 86 ([622]iii. 17)

   ei to c. infin. 35, 69

   eita 26 ([623]i. 15)

   ekballo 66 ([624]ii. 25)

   ekeinos 11 ([625]i. 7; [626]iv. 15)

   ekklesia 48 f. ([627]v. 14)

   eklegomai 50 ([628]ii. 5)

   ekpipto 17 ([629]i. 11)

   elencho 54 ([630]ii. 9)

   eleos 56 f., 86 ([631]ii. 13 bis; [632]iii. 17)

   eleutheria 41, 56 ([633]i. 25; [634]ii. 12)

   helko 52 ([635]ii. 6)

   emphutos 37 f. ([636]i. 21)

   en 76, 88, 91

   enalios 75 ([637]iii. 7)

   eni 30 ([638]i. 17)

   enochos 55 ([639]ii. 10)

   exelko 25 f. ([640]i. 14)

   epangellomai 20 ([641]i. 12; [642]ii. 5)

   epiblepo epi 49 ([643]ii. 3)

   epigeios 84 ([644]iii. 15)

   epieikes 86 ([645]iii. 17)

   epithumeo 89 ([646]iv. 2)

   epithumia 24 ff. ([647]i. 14, [648]15)

   epikaloumai 52 ([649]ii. 7)

   epilesmone 41 f. ([650]i. 25)

   episkeptomai 44 ([651]i. 27)

   epistemon 80 ([652]iii. 13)

   epitedeios 59 ([653]ii. 16)

   epitunchano 90 ([654]iv. 2)

   ergazomai 36, 54 ([655]i. 20; [656]ii. 9)

   ergon 5 f., 41 f., 57-67, 80 f. ([657]i. 4, [658]25; [659]ii. 14,
   [660]17, [661]18 ter, [662]20, [663]21, [664]22 bis, [665]24, [666]25,
   [667]26; [668]iii. 13)

   erithia 81 ff. ([669]iii. 14, [670]16)

   herpeton 75 ([671]iii. 7)

   esthes 49 ([672]ii. 2 bis, [673]3)

   heteros 66 ([674]ii. 25)

   euthuno 69 ([675]iii. 4)

   eulogeo 76 f. ([676]iii. 9)

   eupeithes 86 ([677]iii. 17)

   euprepeia 38 ([678]i. 11)

   ephemeros 58 ([679]ii. 15)

   echo 46, 89 f. ([680]i. 4; [681]ii. 1, [682]14, [683]17, [684]18;
   [685]iii. 14; [686]iv. 2 bis)

   zelos 81, 89 f., 94 ([687]iii. 14, [688]16)

   zeloo 89 f. ([689]iv. 2)

   zoe 20 ([690]i. 12; [691]iv. 14)

   hedone 88, 91 ([692]iv. 1, [693]3)

   helikos 70 ([694]iii. 5)

   thanatos 26 f. ([695]i. 15; [696]v. 20)

   thelo 32 f., 62 ([697]ii. 20; [698]iv. 15)

   theos kai pater 44; heis theos estin 61

   thermaino 59 ([699]ii. 16)

   therion 75 ([700]iii. 7)

   threskeia 43 f. ([701]i. 26, [702]27)

   threskos 42 ([703]i. 26)

   Iesous Christos 1 f., 47 ([704]i. 1; [705]ii. 1)

   hippos 69 ([706]iii. 3)

   katharos 43 f. ([707]i. 27)

   kathistamai 72, 93 ([708]iii. 6; [709]iv. 4)

   kakos, kakos 23, 76, 91 ([710]i. 13; [711]iii. 8; [712]iv. 3)

   kalos, kalos 49. 52, 80 ([713]ii. 3, [714]7, [715]8, [716]19; [717]iii.
   13; [718]iv. 17)

   kardia 83 ([719]i. 26; [720]iii. 14; [721]iv. 8; [722]v. 5, [723]8)

   karpos 87 ([724]iii. 17, [725]18; [726]v. 7, [727]18)

   katabaino 29 ([728]i. 17)

   katadunasteuo, 52 ([729]ii. 6)

   katakauchomai 56 f., 70, 83 ([730]ii. 13, [731]iii. 14)

   katanoeo 39 f. ([732]i. 23, [733]24)

   kataromai 77 ([734]iii. 9)

   katergazomai 5 ([735]i. 3)

   kauson 16 f. ([736]i. 11)

   kauchomai 14 f. ([737]i. 9; [738]iv. 16)

   kenos, kenos 62, 93 ([739]ii. 20; [740]iv. 5)

   kleronomoi tes basileias xii. 51 ([741]ii. 5)

   kludon 10 ([742]i. 6)

   kosmos 44 f., 51, 71 f., 92 f. ([743]i. 27; [744]ii. 5; [745]iii. 6;
   [746]iv. 4 bis)

   krima 67 f. ([747]iii. 1)

   krisis 56 f. ([748]ii. 13 bis; [749]v. 12)

   kriteria 52 ([750]ii. 6)

   krites 50 ([751]ii. 4; [752]iv. 11, [753]12; [754]v. 9)

   ktisis and genesis 39

   ktisma 35 ([755]i. 18)

   kurios 1 f., 47, 77 (cum art. [756]i. 7; [757]ii. 1; [758]iii. 9;
   [759]iv. 15; [760]v. 7, [761]8, [[762]11], [[763]14], [764]15: sine
   art. [765]i. 1; [766]iv. 10; [767]v. 4, [768]10, [769]11)

   lampros 49 ([770]ii. 2, [771]3)

   legei (sc. he graphe) 97 ([772]iv. 7: cf. [773]ii. 23; [774]iv. 5)

   leipomai 6 f., 58 ([775]i. 4, [776]5; [777]ii. 15)

   logos 33 f., 37 f., 38, 68 ([778]i. 18, [779]21, [780]22, [781]23;
   [782]iii. 2)

   makarios 19, 42 ([783]i. 12, [784]25)

   marainomai 18 ([785]i. 11)

   mataios 43 ([786]i. 26)

   mache 88 ([787]iv. 1)

   machomai 90 ([788]iv. 2)

   megal9aucheo 70 (megala auchei, [789]iii. 5)

   melos 72, 89 ([790]iii. 5, [791]6; [792]iv. 1)

   mentoi 53 ([793]ii. 8)

   mestos 76, 86 ([794]iii. 8, [795]17)

   metago 69 ([796]iii. 3, [797]4)

   meti 78 ([798]iii. 11)

   moichalides 91 f. ([799]iv. 4)

   nekros 60 ([800]ii. 17, [801]26 bis)

   nomos 41, 53-56 ([802]i. 25; [803]ii. 8, [804]9, [805]10, [806]11,
   [807]12; [808]iv. 11 quater)

   hodos 13 ([809]i. 8; [810]ii. 25; [811]v. 20)

   oida 35, 67 ([812]i. 19; [813]iii. 1; [814]iv. 4, [815]17)

   holokleros 6 ([816]i. 4)

   homoiosis 77 f. ([817]iii. 9)

   oneidizo 9 ([818]i. 5)

   onoma 52 f. ([819]ii. 7; [820]v. 10, [821]14)

   ope 79 ([822]iii. 11)

   horao 65 ([823]ii. 24)

   orge 36 ([824]i. 19, [825]20)

   horme 69 ([826]iii. 4)

   hotan 3 ([827]i. 2)

   para c. dat. 30, 44 ([828]i. 17, [829]27)

   parabates 54 ([830]ii. 9, [831]11)

   parakupto 40 f. ([832]i. 25)

   parallage 30 f. ([833]i. 17)

   paralogizomai 39 ([834]i. 22)

   parameno 41 ([835]i. 25)

   parerchomai 16 ([836]i. 10)

   pas 3, 35, 74 ([837]i. 2, [838]5, [839]8, [840]17 bis, [841]19,
   [842]21; [843]ii. 10; [844]iii. 7, [845]16; [846]iv. 16; [847]v. 12

   pater 29 f., 44, 77 ([848]i. 17, [849]27; [850]ii. 21; [851]iii. 9)

   peirazo 4 f., 21 ff. ([852]i. 13 ter, [853]14)

   peirasmos 4 f., 21 f. ([854]i. 2, [855]12)

   peripipto 3 f. ([856]i. 2)

   perisseia 36 ([857]i. 21)

   peteinon 75 ([858]iii. 7)

   pege 78 f. ([859]iii. 11)

   pedalion 69 f. ([860]iii. 4)

   pikros 79 ([861]iii. 11, [862]14)

   pisteuo 61 ([863]ii. 19 bis, [864]23)

   pistis 10, 46, 57-67 ([865]i. 3, [866]6; [867]ii. 1, [868]5, [869]14
   bis, [870]17, [871]18 ter, [872]20, [873]22 bis, [874]24, [875]26;
   [876]v. 15)

   planao 27 ([877]i. 16; [878]v. 19)

   pleroo 64 ([879]ii. 23)

   plousios 51f. ([880]i. 10, [881]11; [882]ii. 5, [883]6; [884]v. 1)

   pneuma 66, 93 ([885]ii. 26; [886]iv. 5)

   poieo (as used in [887]iii. 12) 80

   poiesis 42 ([888]i. 25)

   poietes 38, 41 f. ([889]i. 22, [890]23, [891]25; [892]iv. 11)

   poikilos 5 ([893]i. 2)

   polemeo 90 ([894]iv. 2)

   polemos 87 f. ([895]iv. 1)

   polus 68 ([896]iii. 1, [897]2; [898]v. 16)

   poneros 50 ([899]ii. 4; [900]iv. 16)

   poreia 18 ([901]i. 11)

   porne 65 ([902]ii. 25)

   pragma 85 ([903]iii. 16)

   prautes 36 f., 81 ([904]i. 21; [905]iii. 13)

   prosopolempteo 54 ([906]ii. 9)

   prosopolempsia 46 ([907]ii. 1)

   prosopon 17 f., 39 ([908]i. 11, [909]23)

   ptaio 55, 68 ([910]ii. 10; [911]iii. 2 bis)

   pur 71 ([912]iii. 5 bis; [913]v. 3)

   Rhaab 65 f. ([914]ii. 25)

   rhipizo 10 f. ([915]i. 6)

   rhuparia 36 ([916]i. 21)

   rhuparos 49 ([917]ii. 2)

   sophia 7, 81, 83, 85 ([918]i. 5; [919]iii. 13, [920]15, [921]17)

   sophos 80 ([922]iii. 15)

   spatalao 107 ff. ([923]v. 5)

   spiloo 72 ([924]iii. 6)

   stephanos t. zoes, ho xii. 19 f. ([925]i. 12)

   strateuomai 88 ([926]iv. 1)

   sullambano 26 ([927]i. 15)

   sunagoge 48 f. ([928]ii. 2)

   sunergeo 64 ([929]ii. 22)

   sozo 38, 58 ([930]i. 21; [931]ii. 14; [932]iv. 12; [933]v. 15, [934]20)

   tapeinos 15, 95 f. ([935]i. 9; [936]iv. 6)

   tapeinosis 15 ([937]i. 10)

   tachus 35 f. ([938]i. 19)

   teleios 6, 29, 41, 68 ([939]i. 4 bis, [940]17, [941]25; [942]iii. 2)

   teleioo 64 ([943]ii. 22)

   teleo 53 ([944]ii. 8)

   tereo 55 ([945]i. 27; [946]ii. 10)

   tikto 26 ([947]i. 15)

   tis distinguished from hos 80

   trope 31 ([948]i. 17)

   trochon t. geneseos, ho xii, 72 ff., 106 f. ([949]iii. 6)

   hubristes contrasted with huperephanos 95

   hule 70 f., 104 f. ([950]iii. 5)

   hupago 59 ([951]ii. 16)

   huparcho 58 ([952]ii. 15)

   huperephanos 94 f. ([953]iv. 6)

   hupo c. acc. 49 ([954]ii. 3; [955]v. 12)

   hupodechomai 66 ([956]ii. 25)

   hupomeno 19 ([957]i. 12; [958]v. 11)

   hupomone 5 ([959]i. 3, [960]4; [961]v. 11)

   hupotassomai 97 f. ([962]iv. 7)

   hupsos 15 ([963]i. 9)

   phaulos 85 ([964]iii. 16)

   phthoneo 89 (see [965]iv. 2)

   phthonos 93 f. ([966]iv. 5)

   philia 92 f. ([967]iv. 4)

   philos 64 f. ([968]ii. 23; [969]iv. 4)

   phlogizo 72, 74 ([970]iii. 6 bis)

   phoneuo 89 ([971]ii. 11 bis; [972]iv. 2; [973]v. 6)

   phrisso 61 ([974]ii. 19)

   phusis 74 ([975]iii. 7)

   chairein 3 ([976]i. 1)

   chalinagogeo 43, 68 f. ([977]i. 26; [978]iii. 2)

   chara 3, 15 ([979]i. 2; [980]iv. 9)

   charis 96 ([981]iv. 6 bis)

   chortazo 59 ([982]ii. 16)

   chortos 15 f. ([983]i. 10, [984]11)

   chre 78 ([985]iii. 10)

   Christianos 52 f.

   chrusodaktulios 49 ([986]ii. 2)

   choris 66 ([987]ii. 18, [988]20, [989]26 bis)

   psuche 38 ([990]i. 21; [991]v. 20)

   psuchikos 84 ([992]iii. 15)
     __________________________________________________________________

ENGLISH INDEX

   Aboth 34, 38 f., 41

   Abraham xxvi f., 4, 63 ff.

   Achilles Tatius 40

   Acta Johannis 23

   Aelian 25, 37, 49, 75

   Alexander Polyhistor 65

   Alford (Dean) 93

   Ambrose xxx, 35

   Ambrosiaster xxix

   Ammonius 32

   Andrewes (Bp) 31, 107

   Anthologia Palatina 10, 108

   Antioch xxiii f., 52

   aorist tense 16, 39 f.

   "apostle," meaning of xvi ff.

   Apostolic Constitutions 12 f.

   Aristobulus 34

   Artemidorus 49

   Arzareth 2

   Ast 61

   Athanasius 25, 37 f., 40

   Athenagoras 23, 29

   Augustine xiii, xxix, 34, 48, 62

   Bardesanes 108

   Barnabas, Epistle of xiii, 12 f., 37, 108

   Basil 31, 40

   Bassett (F. T.) xiv

   Bede 7, 13, 62

   Bengel 27, 47

   Berachoth 22

   Bereshith Rabba 65, 78

   Bonnell xiii

   Brethren of the Lord xix ff.

   "Brother" improperly used 102

   Buttmann 32 f.

   Calvin 12

   Carthage, Council of xiii

   Cassiodorus xxvii

   Cheyne (Dr) 41, 45, 64

   "Christianity without Judaism" x

   Chromatius xxix

   Chrysostom xix, xxviii, 10, 72, 83, 99, 108, (109)

   Clement of Alexandria xxi, xxvii, 29, 37, 79, 85 f., 107, 108

   Clement of Rome and Pseudo-Clement xxv f., 2, 5, 12, 43, 64, 90

   Clementine Homilies xi, 24, 65

   Clementine Recognitions xxii, 65

   Clopas xix f.

   Codex Corbeiensis xiii, xxx, 109 ff.

   Cosmas xxvi, xxix

   Creuzer 26

   Cyprian xxvii

   Cyril of Alexandria xxviii

   dative case 75

   Delitzsch (Franz) 41, 45, 48, 55, 77 f., 84, 94, 95

   Didaché 13

   Didymus xxviii, 82

   Dindorf (W.) 32 f.

   Diodorus Siculus 7, 23, 41, 52, 74

   Diogenes Laertius 6, 68, 73

   Dion Cassius 10, 11, 29, 30 f., 40

   Dionysius of Alexandria xxvii f.

   Dioscorides 4

   Drusius 71

   Ebionism xxi f., 1, 24, 49, 52

   Ellicott (Bp) 5

   Epictetus 3, 13, 62, 69, 98, 106

   Epiphanius xix ff., 49, 108

   Erasmus 18, 89

   Erskine (Thomas) 27 f.

   Eusebius xxviii

   Eustathius 12, 39, 68, 108

   Ewald xx, 7

   Friedländer 93

   Fritzsche 5, 7, 17, 81

   Galen l0, 23, 59

   Gataker 106

   Gaudentius xxix

   genitive case 42, 50, 72

   Gregory of Neocaesarea xxviii

   Grotius 60, 72

   Harnack 48

   Hebrews, Gospel according to the xix

   Hegesippus xv, xxii f.

   Heinsius 37

   Heisen 37

   Helvidian theory xix ff.

   Herder 18

   Hermas xxvi, 12, 48, 85, 109

   Herodian (grammarian) 16

   Herodian (historian) 5, 27, 105

   Hesychius 10, 42, 81 f.

   Hilary of Poictiers xxx

   Hilgenfeld 72 f.

   Himerius 8

   Hofmann 89

   Holder xiii

   Hupfeld 46, 95

   Iamblichus 5, 106

   Ignatius and Pseudo-Ign. 5, 6, 13, 23, 37, 98

   Irenaeus xxvi f., 41, 84

   Isidore of Seville xiii

   James (St) the son of Zebedee xiii f.

   James (St) the son of Alphaeus xiv, xvi

   James (St) the Just, the Lord's brother xiii ff, 1

   James (St), The Epistle of, relation to O. and N.T. x f., xxxiii; to St
   Paul x f., xxiv f., 66 f.; to Synoptic Gospels xi, xxxiii, et al.;
   authorship xi ff.; readers xxii ff.; circumstances and date xxiv f.;
   reception xxv ff.; purpose and contents xxxi ff.; style xxxiii

   Jerome xiii f., xix ff., xxix, 17, 49

   John of Damascus 12

   Josephus xv, xxi ff., 1, 2, 6, 8, 23, 48, 84, 93

   Jude (St) xv

   Junilius xxix

   Justin and Pseudo-Just. 36, 58

   Kern xii

   Lactantius 62

   Leontius xxviii

   Libanius 7

   Liber Jacobi 2

   Liber Jubilaeorum 65

   Lightfoot (Bp) xv, xix f., xxii, 12, 28, 30, 39, 49, 53, 64, 90

   Lobeck 106, 109

   Lucian 8, 18, 26, 40, 49, 69, 70

   Lucifer of Calaris xxx

   Luther xxix

   Macarius Magnes 33

   Marcion x

   Marcus Aurelius 23, 106

   Martianay xiv

   Mary wife of Clopas xx

   Megilla 65

   Melito 43

   Messiah 1

   Midrash on Canticles 65

   Muratorian Canon xxvii

   mysteries, the Greek 61

   Nilus 107, 108

   Novatian xiii

   Oecumenius 23, 37, 40, 42, 70

   Origen xxi, xxvii, 22, 40, 82, 84

   Orphic doctrine xii, 61, 72 f., 106 f.

   Otto 3

   Paul (St) and St James x f., xxiv f., 66 f.

   Paul of Nisibis xxix

   persecution xxxi

   Philaster xiii

   Philo Judaeus xxxiii, 6, 9 f., 14, 15, 19, 25, 29, 31, 48, 64, 66, 73,
   et al.

   Philo de sept. spect. 108

   Philostratus 25

   Phlegon 27

   Plumptre (Dean) xiv, xxii, xxv, 48

   Plutarch 4, 6, 8, 25, 28, 30 f., 44, 62, 74 f., 85, 89 f., et al.

   Pollux 13

   Polybius 7, 8, 10, 13, 82, 108

   Polycarp, Martyrium 20, 28

   Poppaea 92 f.

   Proclus 72 f.

   Protevangelium Jacobi xxi

   Psalmi Solomonis 5, 39, 71

   Pythagorean doctrine 106

   Reland 79

   religio, religiosus 42

   Robinson (Dr E.) 79

   Rönsch 64 f.

   Schiller-Szinessy 2

   Schneckenburger 20, 57

   Schöttgen 55, 98

   Schulthess 37

   Schürer 48

   Sermon on the Mount xxxi f., 6, 38, 50 f., 54, 79, 90, et al.

   Shabbath 55

   Shechinah 47, 104

   Sibylline Oracles 20, 57

   simoom 17

   simplex, simplicitas 8

   Simplicius 72 f., 106

   Stanley (Dean) 79

   subjunctive mood 54

   Suidas 16, 42, 82

   Surenhuis 97

   Syriac Canon and versions xiii, xxiv, xxviii, xxx

   Taylor (Dr Charles) 22, 34, 41

   Tertullian xvii, 33

   Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs 2, 5, 9, 44, 51, 78

   Theile 35, 93

   Themistius 18, 23

   Theodore of Mopsuestia xxviii f., xxxi

   Theodoret xix, 23, 82

   Theophilus of Antioch 61

   Trench (Archbp) 6, 90, 95

   Victorinus Afer xxx

   Weber 25, 47

   Weil 65

   Westcott (Bp) xxvi, 47

   Wetstein 60, 74, et al.

   Wünsche xii, 65

   Wyttenburg 52, 61

   Zeller 20 f.
     __________________________________________________________________

HEBREW INDEX

   'vyvnym ?96

   'hv ?21

   m'vr ,'vrym ,'vr ?29 f.

   'rts 'chrt ?2

   gvlh ?3

   dmvt ?77

   dvmyh ,dmm ?97

   hthll ?14

   zrh and zr 3

   chn and chnynh ?96

   chtsyr ?15

   chrvt (for chrvt) ?41

   ydvn (in Gen. vi. 3) ?93

   ynh ?52

   ytsv ?95

   ytsr ?25

   yqr' ?47

   ysr ?9

   kvvd ?47

   lyts ,ltsym ?95

   mzmh ?50

   mtsrph ?5

   msych ?1

   mspt ?56

   n'ts ?52

   nvl ?17

   msh ,nsh ?4

   ns' phny ?46

                           srch ?108

                           dh ?48

                           trh ?19

                           lkn y'mr ? 97

                           tslyl ?5

                           m ? forb ?(of God) 30

                           ng ?107

                           nh ?4

                           ny ,nv ?81, 95

                           pnym ?17, 46

                           tsdyq ,tsdq ?63

                           tsyts hsdh ?15

                           tslm ?77

                           qdym ?17

                           qhl ?48

                           qvh ?5

                           qn'h ?94

                           r'syt ?35

                           rchv ,rchv ?41

                           rchm ?65

                           stnh ,stn ,stn ?98

                           slm) slvm) ?3

                           sqt ?107

                           tvl ?45, 71

                           tvldvt and mvldt ?39, 73

                           tmym ?6

                           tmh ,tm ,tm ?9

   Cambridge

    PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, MA.
    AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
     __________________________________________________________________

                                    Indexes
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References

   Genesis

   [993]1   [994]1:1-31   [995]1:3-5   [996]1:14-16   [997]1:18
   [998]1:28   [999]1:28   [1000]2:4   [1001]2:4   [1002]2:7
   [1003]2:17   [1004]4:1   [1005]4:12   [1006]4:17   [1007]5
   [1008]5:1   [1009]5:1   [1010]6:3   [1011]6:3   [1012]6:5   [1013]6:9
   [1014]8:21   [1015]9:2   [1016]9:2   [1017]9:25   [1018]10:9
   [1019]12:5   [1020]13:8   [1021]13:8   [1022]13:11   [1023]13:11
   [1024]14:12   [1025]14:14   [1026]14:16   [1027]15:6   [1028]16:12
   [1029]17:1   [1030]18:14   [1031]18:17   [1032]22:1   [1033]22:1
   [1034]22:2   [1035]22:9   [1036]24:55   [1037]24:60   [1038]25:18
   [1039]25:27   [1040]26:31   [1041]29:10   [1042]29:12   [1043]29:15
   [1044]31:23   [1045]31:32   [1046]31:32   [1047]31:37   [1048]31:37
   [1049]31:40   [1050]31:46   [1051]31:54   [1052]41:6   [1053]41:23
   [1054]41:27   [1055]43:33

   Exodus

   [1056]2:11   [1057]4:8   [1058]8:9   [1059]12:6   [1060]15:25
   [1061]19:5-6   [1062]22:25   [1063]23:2   [1064]25:20   [1065]26:3
   [1066]26:5   [1067]26:6   [1068]26:17   [1069]32:16   [1070]37:9

   Leviticus

   [1071]19:17   [1072]19:18   [1073]19:18   [1074]25:35

   Numbers

   [1075]8:26   [1076]12:3   [1077]16:10   [1078]20:14   [1079]21:14
   [1080]25:18   [1081]28:2   [1082]35:25

   Deuteronomy

   [1083]1:13   [1084]4:6   [1085]4:34   [1086]6:4   [1087]6:5
   [1088]6:5   [1089]7:19   [1090]7:25   [1091]8:2   [1092]10:21
   [1093]11:26   [1094]11:28   [1095]11:32   [1096]13:3   [1097]14:1-2
   [1098]15:2   [1099]16:19   [1100]18:13   [1101]18:13   [1102]27:19
   [1103]27:26   [1104]28:25   [1105]28:54   [1106]29:3   [1107]29:28
   [1108]30:14   [1109]30:15-16   [1110]30:19   [1111]30:20
   [1112]32:11

   Joshua

   [1113]6:25

   Judges

   [1114]2:22   [1115]3:1   [1116]3:4   [1117]9:4   [1118]14:3
   [1119]18:6

   Ruth

   [1120]1

   1 Samuel

   [1121]1:11   [1122]20:41

   2 Samuel

   [1123]1:26   [1124]12:30   [1125]15:11   [1126]19:12

   1 Kings

   [1127]1:1   [1128]9:13   [1129]11:31-33   [1130]11:34   [1131]18:21
   [1132]20:32

   2 Kings

   [1133]29:17

   1 Chronicles

   [1134]3:15   [1135]12:33   [1136]20:2   [1137]21:1   [1138]29:17

   2 Chronicles

   [1139]20:7   [1140]31:15   [1141]36:10

   Ezra

   [1142]4:6   [1143]6:17   [1144]8:35

   Nehemiah

   [1145]3:1   [1146]5:10   [1147]5:14

   Esther

   [1148]3:4   [1149]8:15

   Job

   [1150]1:1   [1151]1:1-22   [1152]2:1-13   [1153]4:6   [1154]6:15
   [1155]9:23   [1156]14:2   [1157]15:30   [1158]15:33   [1159]17:14
   [1160]19:13   [1161]24:24   [1162]27:3   [1163]27:5   [1164]27:11
   [1165]28:28   [1166]29:21   [1167]30:29   [1168]31:20   [1169]33:4
   [1170]34:14   [1171]40:15   [1172]42:11

   Psalms

   [1173]1:1   [1174]1:1   [1175]1:1-6   [1176]1:2   [1177]4:4
   [1178]5:11   [1179]6:8   [1180]8:6-8   [1181]9:8   [1182]9:8
   [1183]9:12   [1184]12:3-5   [1185]12:7   [1186]16:8-11   [1187]19:7
   [1188]21:3   [1189]29:3   [1190]31:23   [1191]33:5   [1192]34:3
   [1193]34:12   [1194]35:14   [1195]36:7   [1196]36:9   [1197]36:10
   [1198]37:1-40   [1199]37:16   [1200]38:8   [1201]39:1   [1202]39:1
   [1203]40:17   [1204]49:16-17   [1205]51:15   [1206]58:4   [1207]58:11
   [1208]61:2   [1209]61:6   [1210]64:4   [1211]64:11   [1212]66:10
   [1213]68:5   [1214]68:24   [1215]70:5   [1216]72:1-20   [1217]72:3
   [1218]72:7   [1219]74:8   [1220]82:2   [1221]84:11   [1222]85:10
   [1223]89:10   [1224]91:11   [1225]92:1   [1226]96:13   [1227]98:9
   [1228]101:1   [1229]102:25-27   [1230]103:1   [1231]103:4
   [1232]103:15   [1233]103:22   [1234]108:1   [1235]109:6   [1236]119:1
   [1237]119:1-176   [1238]119:1-176   [1239]119:1-176   [1240]119:1-176
   [1241]119:32   [1242]119:43   [1243]119:44-45   [1244]119:96
   [1245]119:142   [1246]119:160   [1247]120:2   [1248]120:4
   [1249]122:8   [1250]129:7   [1251]131:2   [1252]136:7   [1253]140:3
   [1254]143:2   [1255]145:20   [1256]149:5

   Proverbs

   [1257]3:4   [1258]3:31   [1259]3:32   [1260]3:33   [1261]3:34
   [1262]3:34   [1263]4:9   [1264]5:14   [1265]7:4   [1266]10:9
   [1267]10:29   [1268]11:30   [1269]12:5   [1270]13:3   [1271]13:15
   [1272]14:21   [1273]14:27   [1274]16:19   [1275]16:27   [1276]17:3
   [1277]18:9   [1278]19:1   [1279]19:10   [1280]19:23   [1281]22:1
   [1282]22:8   [1283]22:21   [1284]22:22   [1285]27:21   [1286]29:21
   [1287]29:23   [1288]33:23   [1289]43:20

   Ecclesiastes

   [1290]2:8   [1291]5:5   [1292]9:11

   Song of Solomon

   [1293]7:7   [1294]65

   Isaiah

   [1295]1:17   [1296]8:11   [1297]13:11   [1298]14:17   [1299]18:3
   [1300]24:4   [1301]24:5   [1302]26:9   [1303]26:9   [1304]26:18
   [1305]26:18   [1306]28:1   [1307]28:1-5   [1308]28:4   [1309]28:16
   [1310]29:13   [1311]32:17   [1312]32:17   [1313]40:6   [1314]40:6-8
   [1315]40:7   [1316]41:8   [1317]43:9   [1318]43:26   [1319]45:25
   [1320]49:10   [1321]51:1   [1322]51:4   [1323]51:7   [1324]52:5
   [1325]58:3-7   [1326]61:1   [1327]64:4   [1328]66:20

   Jeremiah

   [1329]2:3   [1330]4:23   [1331]9:24-24   [1332]10:3   [1333]14:9
   [1334]15:10   [1335]16:13   [1336]22:14   [1337]93:9

   Lamentations

   [1338]4:14   [1339]5:16

   Ezekiel

   [1340]1:9   [1341]1:15-16   [1342]1:19-21   [1343]3:13   [1344]16:46
   [1345]16:49   [1346]17:20   [1347]18:4   [1348]18:12   [1349]20:35-36
   [1350]22:29   [1351]23:5   [1352]23:5-6   [1353]23:12   [1354]23:12
   [1355]23:14-16   [1356]23:31   [1357]27:26   [1358]35:12
   [1359]47:13

   Daniel

   [1360]7:18   [1361]7:27   [1362]9:4   [1363]9:6   [1364]9:10
   [1365]12:12   [1366]14:7

   Hosea

   [1367]1:6   [1368]2:12   [1369]6:6   [1370]8:6   [1371]9:1-2
   [1372]12:1   [1373]12:6

   Joel

   [1374]3:2

   Amos

   [1375]1:9   [1376]3:7   [1377]6:4   [1378]6:7   [1379]6:12
   [1380]8:4

   Jonah

   [1381]4:8

   Micah

   [1382]1:16   [1383]2:9   [1384]6:8

   Habakkuk

   [1385]3:6

   Haggai

   [1386]1:6

   Zechariah

   [1387]1:6   [1388]3:1-2   [1389]3:2   [1390]6:14   [1391]7:4-10
   [1392]7:9   [1393]9:9   [1394]9:9   [1395]10:9   [1396]11:13

   Malachi

   [1397]3:5   [1398]3:6

   Matthew

   [1399]1:5   [1400]2   [1401]3:9   [1402]4:1   [1403]4:3
   [1404]5:1-48   [1405]5:3   [1406]5:3   [1407]5:5   [1408]5:7
   [1409]5:9   [1410]5:9   [1411]5:10   [1412]5:18-19   [1413]5:18-19
   [1414]5:20   [1415]5:21-26   [1416]5:23   [1417]5:39   [1418]5:48
   [1419]5:48   [1420]5:48   [1421]5:48   [1422]6:24   [1423]7:1
   [1424]7:1-2   [1425]7:3   [1426]7:7-8   [1427]7:11   [1428]7:11
   [1429]7:16-20   [1430]7:17   [1431]7:17-19   [1432]7:23   [1433]7:24
   [1434]7:24   [1435]7:26   [1436]9:13   [1437]9:13   [1438]9:14
   [1439]9:34   [1440]9:38   [1441]10:22   [1442]10:33   [1443]11:19
   [1444]11:29   [1445]11:29   [1446]12:4   [1447]12:4   [1448]12:7
   [1449]12:7   [1450]12:34   [1451]12:35   [1452]12:36   [1453]12:36-37
   [1454]12:37   [1455]12:45   [1456]12:46-50   [1457]13:52
   [1458]14:15   [1459]14:31   [1460]15:5   [1461]15:8-9   [1462]15:19
   [1463]16:18   [1464]16:25   [1465]18:4   [1466]18:21-35   [1467]18:33
   [1468]19:21   [1469]19:21   [1470]19:21-23   [1471]19:26
   [1472]19:29   [1473]20:12   [1474]20:12   [1475]21:5   [1476]21:21
   [1477]21:21   [1478]21:21   [1479]21:21   [1480]22:37   [1481]22:37
   [1482]22:37-39   [1483]23:8-10   [1484]23:15   [1485]23:23
   [1486]23:23   [1487]24:8   [1488]24:13   [1489]24:13   [1490]24:13
   [1491]24:22   [1492]25:34   [1493]25:34   [1494]25:35-36
   [1495]25:36   [1496]25:40   [1497]25:42-43   [1498]25:43
   [1499]26:24   [1500]26:28   [1501]26:41   [1502]26:41   [1503]26:53
   [1504]27:56

   Mark

   [1505]1:13   [1506]1:13   [1507]1:13   [1508]1:24   [1509]3:12
   [1510]3:14   [1511]3:31-35   [1512]4:1   [1513]4:17   [1514]4:21
   [1515]5:10   [1516]5:38   [1517]5:43   [1518]6:30   [1519]6:49
   [1520]7:6-7   [1521]7:11   [1522]7:21   [1523]7:22   [1524]7:37
   [1525]10:21   [1526]10:27   [1527]11:22   [1528]11:23   [1529]11:23
   [1530]11:23   [1531]11:23   [1532]12:30   [1533]12:40   [1534]13:13
   [1535]13:13   [1536]15:40

   Luke

   [1537]1:3   [1538]1:37   [1539]1:48   [1540]1:51   [1541]1:64
   [1542]1:74-75   [1543]2:27   [1544]2:33   [1545]2:41   [1546]2:43
   [1547]2:48   [1548]4:2   [1549]4:2   [1550]4:18   [1551]4:21
   [1552]4:25-26   [1553]4:26   [1554]6:9   [1555]6:20   [1556]6:23
   [1557]6:24   [1558]6:28   [1559]6:39   [1560]6:43-44   [1561]6:44
   [1562]6:46   [1563]7:29   [1564]7:35   [1565]7:50   [1566]8:12
   [1567]8:13   [1568]8:15   [1569]8:19-21   [1570]9:62   [1571]10:2
   [1572]10:27   [1573]10:29   [1574]10:30   [1575]11:9-10   [1576]11:13
   [1577]11:13   [1578]11:41   [1579]12:20   [1580]12:32   [1581]12:32
   [1582]12:51   [1583]12:55   [1584]13:2   [1585]14:12-14   [1586]16:8
   [1587]16:9   [1588]16:13   [1589]16:15   [1590]16:15   [1591]16:17
   [1592]18:6   [1593]18:14   [1594]18:22   [1595]18:27   [1596]18:29-30
   [1597]20:47   [1598]20:47   [1599]21:4   [1600]21:9   [1601]21:19
   [1602]21:19   [1603]21:19   [1604]21:19   [1605]21:19   [1606]22:31
   [1607]24:35

   John

   [1608]3:20   [1609]3:31   [1610]4:10   [1611]5:29   [1612]6:59
   [1613]7:35   [1614]7:49   [1615]7:51   [1616]8:23   [1617]10:4
   [1618]13:16   [1619]13:17   [1620]16:24   [1621]18:20   [1622]19:11
   [1623]19:25   [1624]19:25

   Acts

   [1625]1:2   [1626]2:36   [1627]4:29   [1628]4:29   [1629]5:32
   [1630]5:33   [1631]6:2   [1632]7:2   [1633]7:2   [1634]7:9
   [1635]7:20   [1636]7:31   [1637]8:3   [1638]9:26   [1639]10:20
   [1640]10:20   [1641]10:20   [1642]10:33   [1643]10:34   [1644]11:2
   [1645]11:20   [1646]11:22   [1647]11:28-29   [1648]12:4   [1649]12:17
   [1650]13:1-4   [1651]13:25   [1652]13:39   [1653]14:1-28   [1654]14:4
   [1655]14:4   [1656]14:14   [1657]14:14   [1658]14:15   [1659]15
   [1660]15:13   [1661]15:17   [1662]15:23   [1663]15:37   [1664]16:7
   [1665]17:6   [1666]17:31   [1667]21:18   [1668]23:8   [1669]23:26
   [1670]24:6   [1671]26:5   [1672]26:5   [1673]26:7   [1674]26:21
   [1675]26:28   [1676]27:41

   Romans

   [1677]1:1   [1678]1:18   [1679]1:19-21   [1680]1:20   [1681]1:30
   [1682]2:8   [1683]2:8   [1684]2:8   [1685]2:8   [1686]2:11
   [1687]2:12   [1688]2:13   [1689]2:13   [1690]2:14   [1691]2:14-15
   [1692]2:25   [1693]2:27   [1694]2:27   [1695]2:27   [1696]3:62-64
   [1697]4:11   [1698]4:20   [1699]4:20   [1700]4:20   [1701]5:2-3
   [1702]5:3-4   [1703]5:11   [1704]5:12   [1705]5:15-16   [1706]5:17
   [1707]6:6   [1708]6:21   [1709]6:23   [1710]7:7   [1711]7:11
   [1712]7:13   [1713]7:23   [1714]8:1-39   [1715]8:28   [1716]9:4
   [1717]9:4   [1718]9:6   [1719]9:11   [1720]9:19   [1721]10
   [1722]10:6-8   [1723]11:11   [1724]11:16   [1725]11:18   [1726]11:19
   [1727]12:8   [1728]12:14   [1729]12:17   [1730]12:19   [1731]13:8
   [1732]13:8-9   [1733]13:8-10   [1734]13:9   [1735]14:10   [1736]14:13
   [1737]14:14   [1738]14:20   [1739]14:23   [1740]14:23   [1741]14:23
   [1742]15:6   [1743]15:10   [1744]16:7

   1 Corinthians

   [1745]1:5   [1746]1:5   [1747]1:7   [1748]1:17   [1749]1:18
   [1750]1:20   [1751]1:27-28   [1752]2:1-16   [1753]2:6   [1754]2:8
   [1755]2:8   [1756]2:9   [1757]2:11   [1758]2:14   [1759]2:14
   [1760]3:19   [1761]4:12   [1762]5:10   [1763]6:2   [1764]6:5
   [1765]6:9   [1766]6:9   [1767]6:9-10   [1768]7:5   [1769]7:17
   [1770]7:31   [1771]7:37-38   [1772]10:13   [1773]11:3   [1774]11:7
   [1775]11:7   [1776]11:22   [1777]12:1-14:40   [1778]12:28
   [1779]12:29   [1780]12:31   [1781]13:4   [1782]13:8   [1783]14:26
   [1784]14:33   [1785]14:33   [1786]14:33   [1787]15:7   [1788]15:7
   [1789]15:7   [1790]15:9   [1791]15:17   [1792]15:33   [1793]15:35
   [1794]15:39   [1795]15:44   [1796]15:46   [1797]15:50   [1798]15:55
   [1799]15:56

   2 Corinthians

   [1800]1:17   [1801]2:10   [1802]2:17   [1803]3:11   [1804]4:2
   [1805]4:4   [1806]4:6   [1807]4:6   [1808]5:1   [1809]5:10
   [1810]6:5   [1811]6:7   [1812]6:10   [1813]7:10   [1814]7:10
   [1815]8:2   [1816]8:9   [1817]8:9   [1818]8:21   [1819]8:23
   [1820]9:7   [1821]9:11   [1822]9:13   [1823]9:15   [1824]10:4
   [1825]10:17   [1826]11:5   [1827]12:11   [1828]12:12   [1829]12:20
   [1830]12:20   [1831]12:20   [1832]12:20

   Galatians

   [1833]1:7   [1834]1:17   [1835]1:19   [1836]1:19   [1837]1:19
   [1838]2:9   [1839]2:9   [1840]2:12   [1841]2:16   [1842]2:18
   [1843]3:7-9   [1844]3:10   [1845]3:18   [1846]3:28   [1847]4:7
   [1848]4:9   [1849]5:10   [1850]5:19   [1851]5:20   [1852]5:20
   [1853]5:21   [1854]6:1   [1855]6:7   [1856]6:9

   Ephesians

   [1857]1:3   [1858]1:4   [1859]1:4   [1860]1:4   [1861]1:13
   [1862]1:17   [1863]1:17   [1864]2:2   [1865]3:7   [1866]3:17
   [1867]4:2   [1868]4:3   [1869]4:7   [1870]4:8   [1871]4:8
   [1872]4:15-16   [1873]4:24   [1874]5:5   [1875]5:5   [1876]5:5
   [1877]5:14   [1878]5:14   [1879]6:9

   Philippians

   [1880]1:1   [1881]1:11   [1882]1:17   [1883]1:17   [1884]2:3
   [1885]2:3   [1886]2:5-7   [1887]2:25   [1888]2:29   [1889]2:30
   [1890]3:14   [1891]3:19   [1892]4:5   [1893]4:7-9   [1894]4:15

   Colossians

   [1895]2:4   [1896]2:18   [1897]2:23   [1898]3:2   [1899]3:5
   [1900]3:10   [1901]3:11   [1902]3:15

   1 Thessalonians

   [1903]1:3   [1904]3:5   [1905]4:4

   2 Thessalonians

   [1906]3:13

   1 Timothy

   [1907]1:11   [1908]1:11   [1909]2:8   [1910]4:1   [1911]4:2
   [1912]5:6   [1913]5:6   [1914]5:6   [1915]6:9   [1916]6:15-16
   [1917]6:15-16

   2 Timothy

   [1918]2:15   [1919]2:19   [1920]3:2   [1921]3:13   [1922]4:3
   [1923]4:8

   Titus

   [1924]1:1   [1925]2:8   [1926]2:13   [1927]2:13

   Hebrews

   [1928]1:3   [1929]1:3   [1930]2:18   [1931]3:1   [1932]3:6
   [1933]4:15   [1934]6:4   [1935]9:11   [1936]10:34   [1937]11:26
   [1938]11:31   [1939]11:31   [1940]11:38   [1941]12:3   [1942]12:9
   [1943]12:9   [1944]12:11   [1945]12:17

   James

   [1946]1:19-20   [1947]1:23   [1948]1:25   [1949]2:1   [1950]2:1-26
   [1951]2:5   [1952]2:9   [1953]2:15   [1954]2:23   [1955]3:1-18
   [1956]3:9   [1957]3:14   [1958]3:16   [1959]4:8   [1960]5:5
   [1961]5:5   [1962]5:11   [1963]5:11   [1964]5:15

   1 Peter

   [1965]1   [1966]1:1   [1967]1:1   [1968]1:1   [1969]1:1   [1970]1:6
   [1971]1:6   [1972]1:7   [1973]1:7   [1974]1:8   [1975]1:9
   [1976]1:12   [1977]1:17   [1978]1:18   [1979]1:22   [1980]1:23
   [1981]2:1   [1982]2:4   [1983]2:6   [1984]2:9   [1985]2:11
   [1986]2:11   [1987]2:12   [1988]2:13   [1989]2:16   [1990]2:20
   [1991]2:24   [1992]3:9   [1993]4:12   [1994]4:14   [1995]4:14
   [1996]4:16   [1997]5:4   [1998]5:5   [1999]5:5

   2 Peter

   [2000]1:1   [2001]1:1   [2002]1:4   [2003]1:8   [2004]1:10
   [2005]1:19   [2006]2:5   [2007]2:9   [2008]2:19   [2009]2:20
   [2010]3:2   [2011]3:3   [2012]3:6   [2013]3:14

   1 John

   [2014]1:5-8   [2015]1:6   [2016]1:8   [2017]2:15   [2018]2:15
   [2019]3:3   [2020]3:7   [2021]3:15   [2022]3:22   [2023]5:14-15
   [2024]5:16

   3 John

   [2025]1:6

   Jude

   [2026]1:1   [2027]1:1   [2028]1:8   [2029]1:9   [2030]1:16
   [2031]1:17   [2032]1:18   [2033]1:19   [2034]1:22

   Revelation

   [2035]000   [2036]1   [2037]1:1   [2038]1:6   [2039]2:2   [2040]2:5
   [2041]2:9   [2042]2:10   [2043]2:10   [2044]3:10   [2045]3:18
   [2046]4:11   [2047]5:10   [2048]9:4   [2049]9:4   [2050]10:7
   [2051]12   [2052]12:10   [2053]14:4   [2054]18:20   [2055]21:10-11
   [2056]21:11   [2057]21:12-14   [2058]21:14   [2059]21:23

   Tobit

   [2060]1:15   [2061]7:17

   Judith

   [2062]8:26

   Wisdom of Solomon

   [2063]1:1   [2064]2:4   [2065]2:8   [2066]2:10   [2067]4:2
   [2068]5:9   [2069]5:16   [2070]6:7   [2071]7:27   [2072]7:29
   [2073]9:2   [2074]11:16   [2075]14:5   [2076]14:16   [2077]14:18
   [2078]14:27   [2079]19:20

   Baruch

   [2080]5:1

   Prayer of Azariah

   [2081]1:44

   1 Maccabees

   [2082]2:37   [2083]2:52   [2084]2:52   [2085]2:60   [2086]2:67
   [2087]5:16

   2 Maccabees

   [2088]1:1   [2089]7:23   [2090]7:23   [2091]9:12   [2092]14:24

   3 Maccabees

   [2093]3:21

   4 Maccabees

   [2094]1:11   [2095]1:32   [2096]5:6

   Sirach

   [2097]1:1   [2098]1:5   [2099]1:28   [2100]2:1   [2101]2:1
   [2102]2:5   [2103]2:12   [2104]4:10   [2105]4:29   [2106]5:11-13
   [2107]6:31   [2108]7:35   [2109]11:32   [2110]12:17   [2111]12:22
   [2112]15:6   [2113]15:11-12   [2114]17:3   [2115]18:15-18
   [2116]19:16   [2117]20:5-7   [2118]20:14-15   [2119]21:15
   [2120]21:16   [2121]24:1-2   [2122]24:16   [2123]27:13
   [2124]28:21-23   [2125]29:27   [2126]31:7   [2127]31:19   [2128]33:1
   [2129]35:11-12   [2130]36:1   [2131]37:21   [2132]39:8   [2133]39:33
   [2134]41:19   [2135]42:7   [2136]44:20
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Greek Words and Phrases

     * Age nun hoi legontes Semeron e aurion poreusometha eis tende ten
       polin kai poiesomen ekei eniauton kai emporeuoometha kai
       kerdesomen;: [2137]1
     * Gegonotas: [2138]1
     * Doxes: [2139]1
     * Eita: [2140]1
     * Euprepeia: [2141]1 [2142]2
     * Leipomai: [2143]1
     * Makrothumesate oun, adelphoi, heos tes parousias tou kuriou. idou
       ho georgos ekdechetai ton timion karpon tes ges, makrothumon ep'
       auto heos labe proimon kai opsimon: [2144]1
     * Makarios: [2145]1
     * Metago: [2146]1
     * Me: [2147]1
     * Prosopon: [2148]1
     * Pragma: [2149]1
     * Su pistin echeis: [2150]1
     * Tapeinos: [2151]1
     * Trope: [2152]1
     * To kosmo: [2153]1
     * Ch. I.: [2154]1
     * Ch., k.: [2155]1
     * Christou: [2156]1
     * aitein: [2157]1
     * aiteisthai: [2158]1
     * autois: [2159]1
     * auchei: [2160]1
     * basilikon: [2161]1
     * bradus eis orgen: [2162]1
     * gar: [2163]1
     * daimonion: [2164]1
     * daimonia: [2165]1 [2166]2
     * damazetai kai dedamastai te phusei te anthropine: [2167]1
     * dapanao: [2168]1
     * dapanesete: [2169]1 [2170]2
     * deixon moi . . . kago soi deixo: [2171]1
     * didaskaloi: [2172]1
     * dia: [2173]1 [2174]2 [2175]3
     * dia grammatos kai peritomes: [2176]1
     * dia nomou el.: [2177]1
     * diabolos: [2178]1 [2179]2
     * dorea: [2180]1 [2181]2 [2182]3 [2183]4 [2184]5
     * did. charin: [2185]1
     * didosin charin: [2186]1
     * dipsuchos: [2187]1
     * doma: [2188]1 [2189]2
     * ei me: [2190]1 [2191]2
     * eis ho theos estin: [2192]1
     * theou: [2193]1
     * threskeia: [2194]1 [2195]2 [2196]3 [2197]4 [2198]5
     * threskeiai: [2199]1
     * threskos: [2200]1
     * k.: [2201]1
     * kathara: [2202]1
     * kath' homoiosin: [2203]1
     * kakias: [2204]1
     * kakoo: [2205]1
     * kale anastrophe: [2206]1
     * katabainon: [2207]1
     * katakauchastho: [2208]1
     * katakauchasthe: [2209]1 [2210]2 [2211]3
     * kata: [2212]1
     * kauchomai: [2213]1
     * kai: [2214]1
     * kai zeloute . . . epituchein: [2215]1
     * kai pan phaulon pragma: [2216]1
     * kai he glossa pur, ho kosmos tes adikias he glossa kathistatai en
       tois melesin hemon, he spilousa holon to soma kai phlogizousa ton
       trochon tes geneseos kai phlogizomene hupo tes geennes.: [2217]1
     * kai: [2218]1
     * kauson: [2219]1
     * kausona: [2220]1 [2221]2
     * kleron. tes basil.: [2222]1
     * kritai: [2223]1
     * kriteria: [2224]1
     * ktismaton: [2225]1 [2226]2
     * kosmos: [2227]1 [2228]2 [2229]3 [2230]4 [2231]5 [2232]6
     * kosmos : [2233]1
     * leipetai: [2234]1
     * logizomai: [2235]1
     * megala: [2236]1 [2237]2
     * megala auchei: [2238]1
     * megala ergazetai: [2239]1
     * megalou: [2240]1
     * machai: [2241]1
     * mellontes: [2242]1
     * nun de kauchasthe en tais alazoniais humon; pasa kauchesis toiaute
       ponera estin.: [2243]1
     * ouden en ergon autou (tou heniochou) katateinontos oude
       paregorountos.: [2244]1
     * ouk echete: [2245]1
     * oute: [2246]1
     * papein?s, tapeinoo, tapeinosis: [2247]1
     * peirasmon: [2248]1
     * peirasmos: [2249]1
     * peirazesthai dokon: [2250]1
     * peirazomai: [2251]1
     * peirazo: [2252]1
     * peirao: [2253]1
     * peiromai: [2254]1
     * perisseia: [2255]1
     * perissoma: [2256]1
     * pikron: [2257]1
     * poludidaskaloi: [2258]1
     * pros: [2259]1
     * pros phthonon: [2260]1
     * pistin: [2261]1 [2262]2 [2263]3
     * polemoi: [2264]1
     * pur : [2265]1
     * strateuomenon en tois melesin: [2266]1
     * strateuomai: [2267]1
     * stephanos: [2268]1
     * stethi ekei e kathou hupo to hupopodion: [2269]1
     * stethi e kathou ekei hupo to hupopodion: [2270]1
     * sullabousa: [2271]1
     * sunergos: [2272]1
     * tauta houtos: [2273]1
     * terese . . . ptaise: [2274]1
     * ti: [2275]1
     * tis: [2276]1
     * trope: [2277]1
     * trochon: [2278]1
     * ta epited.: [2279]1
     * tas moichalidas: [2280]1
     * to spiloun: [2281]1
     * ton trochon tes geneseos: [2282]1
     * tes doxes: [2283]1 [2284]2
     * phlogizousa: [2285]1
     * charis: [2286]1
     * charisma: [2287]1
     * chortou: [2288]1
     * agathos : [2289]1
     * agap.: [2290]1
     * adelphoi mou: [2291]1
     * akatastatos : [2292]1
     * akatastata: [2293]1
     * akatascheton: [2294]1
     * apekuesen: [2295]1
     * apeirastos: [2296]1
     * apokueo: [2297]1
     * apostoloi ekklesion: [2298]1
     * hamiantos: [2299]1
     * anthos chortou: [2300]1
     * antra: [2301]1
     * anothen estin: [2302]1
     * Antita'ssomai: [2303]1
     * Apeirastos: [2304]1
     * ekei: [2305]1
     * eleutheria: [2306]1
     * en eirene: [2307]1
     * en pr. echete: [2308]1
     * exelexato: [2309]1
     * exomologeisthe oun allelois tas hamartias kai
       proseuchestheproseuchesthe] euchesthe: [2310]1
     * epithumeite . . . phoneuete: [2311]1
     * epithumeite . . . exete: [2312]1
     * epouranios: [2313]1
     * ergazomenoi ten anomian: [2314]1
     * esti, katabainon: [2315]1
     * ean pistin eche tis: [2316]1
     * emphuton: [2317]1
     * eni: [2318]1
     * ergou: [2319]1
     * echete: [2320]1
     * echete pistin theou: [2321]1
     * heteron ei me: [2322]1
     * Epiblepo epi: [2323]1
     * he spilousa: [2324]1
     * Iesous Christos: [2325]1
     * ho peirazon: [2326]1
     * ho adelphos: [2327]1
     * hos: [2328]1
     * huperephanoi: [2329]1
     * huperephanos: [2330]1 [2331]2 [2332]3 [2333]4 [2334]5
     * hupomone: [2335]1 [2336]2
     * hupomeno: [2337]1
     * hudor: [2338]1
     * hule: [2339]1
     * hulen: [2340]1
     * rhupara estheti: [2341]1
     * (kata)kauchasthe: [2342]1
     * (ton) huion tou adelphou (autou): [2343]1
     * (hopou): [2344]1
     * -ais: [2345]1
     * -euo : [2346]1
     * -esen: [2347]1
     * -omai: [2348]1
     * -tos: [2349]1
     * -odes: [2350]1
     * . . . apo tes peri ten genesin planes, hes kai hoi par' Orphei to
       Dionuso kai te Kore teloumenoi tuchein euchontai : [2351]1
     * . . . hikane de he t. psuches katharotes esti ton theon di heautes
       katoptrizesthai: [2352]1
     * [ex]ekklesiazein sunagogen: [2353]1
     * [ho] diabolos: [2354]1
     * [ho] antikeimenos: [2355]1
     * ^is dikroas tes hules: [2356]1
     * ?atakauchasthe: [2357]1
     * Abraam: [2358]1
     * Abraam ho pater hemon: [2359]1
     * Age nun hoi plousioi, klausate ololuzontes epi tais talaiporiais
       humon tais eperchom?nais.: [2360]1
     * Adelphoi mou, ean tis en humin planethe apo tes aletheias kai
       epistrepse tis auton,: [2361]1
     * Aucheo: [2362]1
     * Bibl. katal.: [2363]1
     * Blasphemeo: [2364]1
     * Bouletheis: [2365]1
     * Boulomai: [2366]1 [2367]2 [2368]3
     * Bruo: [2369]1
     * Gela men tou biou ton trochon, ataktos kuliomenon; phulattou de ton
       bothron [trochon, Migne] eis hon kuliei tous en auto nustazontas.:
       [2370]1
     * Genesis: [2371]1
     * Ginesthe de poietai logou kai me akroatai monon paralogizomenoi
       eautous: [2372]1
     * Damazo: [2373]1
     * Daimones hon phrissousi, theon de dedoiken homilos: [2374]1
     * Deleazo: [2375]1
     * Dia ti ten gamoumenen haptesthai puros kai hudatos keleuousin;
       . . . e hoti to pur kathairei kai to hudor hagnizei, dei de
       katharan kai hagnen diamenein ten gametheisan: [2376]1
     * Dios d' eteleieto boule: [2377]1
     * Dunasteuo: [2378]1
     * De: [2379]1
     * Dikaion hupotassesthai to theo kai me thneton onta huperephana
       phronein: [2380]1
     * Ei de tis humon leipetai sophias, aiteito para tou didontos theou
       pasin haplos kai me oneidizontos, kai dothesetai auto;: [2381]1
     * Ei ten zoen ten ontos potheis, prosdechou aei ton anthropinon
       thanaton, kai misei ton paronta bion; horas gar ton trochon ataktos
       kuliomenon.: [2382]1
     * Ei tis dokei threskos einai me chalinagogon glossan heautouheautou
       bis: [2383]1
     * Euthuno: [2384]1
     * Theou: [2385]1
     * Theria: [2386]1
     * Thelo: [2387]1
     * Thoth, hon pas theos proskunei kai pas daimon phrissei.: [2388]1
     * IAKOBOU: [2389]1
     * IAKOBOU theou kai kuriou Iesou Christou doulos tais dodeka phulais
       tais en te diaspora chairein.: [2390]1
     * Kathistasthai eis: [2391]1
     * Kakopathei tis en humin; proseuchestho; euthumei tis; psalleto:
       [2392]1
     * Kalos: [2393]1
     * Karpos dikaiosunes: [2394]1
     * Katadunasteuo: [2395]1
     * Kataromai: [2396]1
     * Kauchastho de [ho] adelphos ho tapeinos en to hupsei autou: [2397]1
     * Kai: [2398]1
     * Kenos: [2399]1
     * Kleron. t. basil.: [2400]1
     * Kludon: [2401]1
     * Ktisis: [2402]1
     * Kuriou: [2403]1
     * Kuklou t' au lexai kai anapneusai       kakotetos.: [2404]1
     * Kupto: [2405]1
     * Kurios: [2406]1 [2407]2
     * Lampros: [2408]1
     * Leipomai: [2409]1
     * Legei: [2410]1
     * Makarios ho hupomenon: [2411]1
     * Marainomai: [2412]1
     * Megalaucheo: [2413]1
     * Moichoi kai: [2414]1
     * Me katalaleite allelon, allelon, adelphoi; ho katalalon adelphou e
       krinon ton adelphon autou katalalei nomou kai krinei nomon; ei de
       nomon krineis, ouk ei poietes nomou alla krites.: [2415]1
     * Me moicheuses: [2416]1
     * Me planasthe: [2417]1
     * Me planasthe, adelphoi mou agapetoi.: [2418]1
     * Me polloi didaskaloi ginesthe, adelphoi mou, eidotes hoti meizon
       krima lepsometha;: [2419]1
     * Me phoneuseis: [2420]1
     * Me agapate ton kosmon k.t.l.: [2421]1
     * Ouchi to theo hupotagesetai he psuche mou; par' autou gar to
       soterion mou. . . . plen to theo hupotagethi, he psuche mou, hoti
       par' autou he hupomone mou.: [2422]1
     * Oute: [2423]1
     * Houtos: [2424]1
     * Pantoien: [2425]1
     * Parabates: [2426]1
     * Parakupto: [2427]1
     * Parallasso, parallaxis, parallage: [2428]1
     * Parerchomai: [2429]1
     * Patera: [2430]1
     * Paulos doulos theou, apostolos de I. Ch.: [2431]1
     * Peirasmos: [2432]1 [2433]2
     * Poiesai: [2434]1
     * Poreia: [2435]1
     * Pro panton de, adelphoi mou, me omnuete, mete ton ouranon mete ten
       gen mete allon tina horkon; eto de humon to Nai nai kai to Ou ou,
       hina me hupo krisin pesete.: [2436]1
     * Ptaio: [2437]1
     * Pothen polemoi kai pothen machai en humin; ouk enteuthen, ek ton
       hedonon humon ton strateuomenon en tois melesin humon;: [2438]1
     * Pasan charan hegesasthe, adelphoi mou, hotan peirasmois peripesete
       poikilois: [2439]1
     * Satana : [2440]1
     * Skia kai trocho ta lupera tou biou kai ta phaidra paraballe; hos
       gar skia ou menei, kai hos trochos kulietai: [2441]1
     * Skotomaina nux estin en he mainetai kai akatastatei ta ourania:
       [2442]1
     * Strateuomai: [2443]1
     * Su: [2444]1
     * Tapeinosis: [2445]1
     * Tartarioi te muchoi kai daimones ekphrissousin: [2446]1
     * Tauten ten eugeneian ou monon theophileis andres alla kai gunaikes
       ezelosan: [2447]1
     * Toinun: [2448]1
     * Tois agaposin: [2449]1
     * Ti ophelos, adelphoi mou, ean pistin lege tis echein erga de me
       eche; me dunatai he pistis sosai auton;: [2450]1
     * Tikto: [2451]1
     * Tis: [2452]1
     * Tis sophos kai epistemon en humin; deixato ek tes kales anastrophes
       ta erga autou en prauteti sophias.: [2453]1
     * Ton ergon: [2454]1
     * Phaulos: [2455]1
     * Phl. t. trochoe: [2456]1
     * Phusis: [2457]1
     * Phuo: [2458]1
     * Ch.: [2459]1 [2460]2
     * Ch. I.: [2461]1
     * Christianos: [2462]1 [2463]2
     * Christou Iesou: [2464]1
     * Christos: [2465]1 [2466]2
     * aiteo: [2467]1
     * aiteito de en pistei, meden diakrinomenos: [2468]1
     * aiteito de en pistei, meden diakrinomenos, ho gar diakrinomenos
       eoiken kludoni thalasses anemizomeno kai rhipizomeno;: [2469]1
     * aiteite: [2470]1
     * aiteite kai ou lambanete: [2471]1
     * aiteite kai ou lambanete, dioti kakos aiteisthe, hina en tais
       hedonais humon dapanesete.: [2472]1
     * aitoumai: [2473]1 [2474]2
     * aiteo: [2475]1
     * hai d' apo geometrias kai astrologias kai harmonikes drimu kai
       poikilon echousai to delear [hedonai] oudenos ton agogimon
       apodeousin, helkousai kathaper iunxi tois diagrammasin: [2476]1
     * auge: [2477]1
     * autos: [2478]1
     * auton men kalon kalos ekathise, kuklo de tas poleis periestese t.
       agalmatos: [2479]1
     * autos: [2480]1 [2481]2
     * autos de peirazei: [2482]1
     * auto heurethenai : [2483]1
     * auto to charizesthai kai eu poiein: [2484]1
     * aucheo: [2485]1
     * aucheo: [2486]1 [2487]2 [2488]3
     * auchemata: [2489]1
     * aucheseis: [2490]1
     * haute gar ton anthropon he phusis, anothen kai kata gnomen tou
       toiesantos sunkekleromenen echousa ten anomalian: [2491]1
     * basileia: [2492]1
     * basilikos: [2493]1
     * basilikos kai theios: [2494]1
     * basilikos: [2495]1
     * blepo: [2496]1
     * blastai perittai . . . t. blaberan epiphurin: [2497]1
     * blastano: [2498]1
     * blasphemeo: [2499]1
     * blasphemia: [2500]1 [2501]2
     * blasphemoi: [2502]1
     * blepeis: [2503]1 [2504]2
     * blepeis hoti he pistis sunergei tois ergois autou kai ek ton ergon
       he pistis eteleiothe,: [2505]1
     * bouleuomai: [2506]1 [2507]2
     * bouletheis apekuesen hemas logo aletheias, eis to einai hemas
       aparchen tina ton autouautou] eautou: [2508]1
     * bouletheis: [2509]1 [2510]2 [2511]3
     * boule: [2512]1 [2513]2
     * boulomenos: [2514]1
     * boulomai: [2515]1
     * boulesthai: [2516]1
     * boulesthai men epi monou lekteon tou logikou, to de thelein kai epu
       alogou zoou: [2517]1
     * bouletai: [2518]1
     * boulomai: [2519]1 [2520]2 [2521]3 [2522]4 [2523]5 [2524]6
     * bradus: [2525]1
     * bruo: [2526]1
     * brephos: [2527]1
     * bromos deinos: [2528]1
     * bruei: [2529]1
     * bruo: [2530]1
     * baros thrasos echousi: [2531]1
     * geenna: [2532]1
     * genesis: [2533]1
     * ginomai: [2534]1
     * gaia: [2535]1
     * gennaios: [2536]1
     * gennesas auton (Adam) ho pater hegemonikon phusei zoon ouk ergo
       monon alla kai te dia logou cheirotonia kathistesi ton upo selenen
       hapanton basilea: [2537]1
     * geneseos: [2538]1 [2539]2
     * genomenos: [2540]1
     * ginosko: [2541]1
     * ginosketeginoskete] ginosketo: [2542]1
     * gluku: [2543]1
     * glossa: [2544]1
     * gnomas leipomena sophas: [2545]1
     * gnoskontes: [2546]1
     * gnoskontes hoti to dokimion humon tes pisteos katergazetai
       hupomonen;: [2547]1
     * graphe, he: [2548]1
     * gumnoi: [2549]1
     * gumnos: [2550]1
     * gar: [2551]1 [2552]2
     * gar: [2553]1
     * gar po katanoo to nun erotomenon: [2554]1
     * gegonen panton: [2555]1
     * gegraptai gar, Huperephanois ho theos antitassetai; spoudasomen oun
       me antitassesthai to episkopo, hina omen theo hupotassomenoi:
       [2556]1
     * genesin: [2557]1
     * genesis: [2558]1 [2559]2 [2560]3 [2561]4 [2562]5 [2563]6
     * ginesthai: [2564]1
     * ginesthe: [2565]1 [2566]2
     * gen men kai ore kai potamous kai hulen ouranon te xumpanta: [2567]1
     * didomi: [2568]1
     * dipsuchos: [2569]1
     * daimoniodes: [2570]1 [2571]2
     * daimoniodes : [2572]1
     * daimonion: [2573]1
     * daimonia: [2574]1 [2575]2
     * daimonios: [2576]1
     * damazo: [2577]1
     * dapanao: [2578]1
     * dapanao: [2579]1
     * dapanesete: [2580]1
     * daseian hulais hodon: [2581]1
     * deiknumi: [2582]1
     * dedemosieumenas: [2583]1
     * deixato: [2584]1 [2585]2
     * dekaiousthai: [2586]1
     * dekazesthai: [2587]1
     * deleazo: [2588]1
     * deleazetai: [2589]1
     * deleazo: [2590]1
     * deixei: [2591]1
     * dei: [2592]1 [2593]2
     * dei, chre: [2594]1
     * demiourgos: [2595]1
     * dia: [2596]1
     * diabolos: [2597]1
     * diabole: [2598]1
     * diaballo, diabole, endiaballo, epiboulos, satan: [2599]1
     * diakrinomai: [2600]1
     * diakrinomenos: [2601]1
     * diakrinomai: [2602]1
     * diakrino: [2603]1 [2604]2
     * dialogismoi poneroi: [2605]1
     * dialogismos: [2606]1
     * dialogismos: [2607]1
     * dialogizomai: [2608]1 [2609]2
     * diaskorpizo: [2610]1
     * diaspeiro: [2611]1
     * diaspora: [2612]1
     * didaskalos: [2613]1
     * didaktos, epiktetos, epeisaktos: [2614]1
     * didaskaliais: [2615]1
     * didaskaliais daimonion: [2616]1
     * didontos . . . dothesetai: [2617]1
     * diekrithete en heautois: [2618]1
     * diesteilato: [2619]1
     * dikaiosune: [2620]1
     * dikaiosunen theou ouk ergazetai: [2621]1
     * dikaiosunes: [2622]1
     * dikaiousthai ek pisteos: [2623]1
     * dikaioo: [2624]1
     * dikaioo: [2625]1 [2626]2
     * diplokardia: [2627]1
     * distazontes: [2628]1
     * dichonous epamphoteres: [2629]1
     * dichostasiai: [2630]1
     * dipsuchia: [2631]1
     * dio: [2632]1
     * dia: [2633]1
     * dia doxes: [2634]1
     * dia logou zontos theou kai menontos: [2635]1
     * dia proskommatos : [2636]1
     * dia t. nomou manthanontes hoioi gegonamen: [2637]1
     * dia touto goun kai tes peri theou theorias echei ten ennoian, kai
       aute heautes ginetai hodos, ouk exothen, all' ex heautes lambanousa
       ten tou theou logou gnosin kai katalepsin: [2638]1
     * dia touto erousin, d. t. legetai: [2639]1
     * dia tas eritheias: [2640]1
     * dia tas exoiem autous helkousas hedonas tou biou: [2641]1
     * dia ten p.: [2642]1
     * dia ti logikoi ontes ou ginometha phronimoi; dia ti emphuton to
       peri theou para christou labontes kriterion eis agnoian
       katapiptomen, ex ameleias agnoountes to charisma ho eilephamen
       anoetos apollumetha: [2643]1
     * dia to thelema sou esan (not eisin) kai ektisthesan: [2644]1
     * dia to me aiteisthai umas: [2645]1
     * dia: [2646]1
     * diadema, mitra: [2647]1
     * dio kai pisteusai legetai to theo protos, epeide kai protos akline
       kai bebaian eschen hupolepsin, hos estin hen aition to anotato kai
       pronoei tou te kosmou kai ton en auto: [2648]1
     * dio legei, Ho theos huperephanois antita'ssetai, tapeinois de
       didosin charin: [2649]1
     * dio: [2650]1 [2651]2 [2652]3
     * dio legei: [2653]1
     * dio apothemenoi pasan rhuparian kai perisseian kakias en prauteti
       dexasthe ton emphuton logon ton dunamenon sosai tas psuchas humon.:
       [2654]1
     * dioti: [2655]1
     * dioti kakos aiteisthe: [2656]1
     * di' autes: [2657]1
     * di' akrobustias: [2658]1
     * di' epangelias: [2659]1
     * di' eritheian: [2660]1
     * dokeo: [2661]1
     * dokimion: [2662]1
     * dokei: [2663]1
     * dokeite hoti: [2664]1
     * dokimion: [2665]1 [2666]2 [2667]3
     * dokimion de stratioton kamatos: [2668]1
     * douloi Ch. I.: [2669]1
     * doulos: [2670]1 [2671]2 [2672]3 [2673]4
     * doulos I. Ch.: [2674]1
     * dunata to theo: [2675]1
     * dunatos chalinagogesai kai holon to soma: [2676]1
     * dor.: [2677]1
     * dorea: [2678]1 [2679]2 [2680]3
     * doroumai, dorea, dorema: [2681]1
     * dokimos: [2682]1
     * doxa, he: [2683]1
     * dosis: [2684]1
     * dodeka: [2685]1
     * dorema: [2686]1
     * de: [2687]1
     * de: [2688]1 [2689]2 [2690]3 [2691]4 [2692]5 [2693]6
     * delear: [2694]1
     * delear, deleazo: [2695]1
     * dexasthe: [2696]1 [2697]2
     * desanta d' ek tes hules tas kunas: [2698]1
     * dignomos, diglossos: [2699]1
     * didosin: [2700]1
     * didosin charin: [2701]1
     * dikaios: [2702]1 [2703]2 [2704]3 [2705]4
     * dikaios eimi: [2706]1
     * dicha thumon: [2707]1
     * dipsuchos: [2708]1
     * dipsuchos dipsuchia, dipsucheo: [2709]1
     * dokimos: [2710]1
     * dokimos, dokimazo: [2711]1
     * domata: [2712]1
     * doxa: [2713]1
     * doxa Christou: [2714]1
     * doseos kai lempseos: [2715]1
     * dosis: [2716]1 [2717]2 [2718]3 [2719]4 [2720]5 [2721]6 [2722]7
       [2723]8 [2724]9
     * dosis . . . dorema: [2725]1
     * dosis parallage: [2726]1
     * dodeka phulais: [2727]1
     * dorema: [2728]1 [2729]2 [2730]3 [2731]4 [2732]5
     * dosousin eleos: [2733]1
     * demos astaton kakon: [2734]1
     * dora: [2735]1 [2736]2
     * doron: [2737]1
     * ei de tis humon leipetai sophias: [2738]1
     * ei: [2739]1
     * ei dokimion echei tini tropo peirazetai ho poluphilos: [2740]1
     * ei de: [2741]1
     * ei de zelon pikron echete kai erithian en te kardia humon, me
       katakauchasthe kai pseudesthe kata tes aletheias.: [2742]1
     * ei de prosopolepteite, hamartian ergazesthe, elenchomenoi hupo tou
       nomou hos parabatai.: [2743]1
     * ei de ton hippon tous chalinous eis ta stomata ballomen eis to
       peithesthai autous hemin, kai holon to soma auton metagomen;:
       [2744]1
     * ei de haplos didontos labein ouk eulogon, tos ou pleon, hote mede
       proika k.t.l.: [2745]1
     * ei de ho deina arti parakupsai philotimoumenos pros t. bion t.
       Christianon: [2746]1
     * ei d' oun esti kai par' emoi tis empeiria toiaute: [2747]1
     * ei th?leis teleios einai: [2748]1
     * ei mentoi nomon teleite basilikon kata ten graphen Agapeseis ton
       plesion sou hos seauton: [2749]1
     * ei me: [2750]1
     * ei me to allelous agapan: [2751]1
     * ei me to logizomeno: [2752]1
     * ei me ara, ei me ge: [2753]1
     * ei me hekasto k.t.l.: [2754]1
     * ei me tines eisin k.t.l.: [2755]1
     * ei to: [2756]1
     * ei en humin krinetai ho kosmos: [2757]1
     * ei heora tina en truphe kai spatale.: [2758]1
     * eiduia hoti ta spatalonta ton paidion, hotan akmase pros andras,
       andrapoda ginetai, tas toiautas hedonas aphairei.: [2759]1
     * eidotes: [2760]1
     * eidoti oun kalon poiein kai me poiounti, hamartia auto estin.:
       [2761]1
     * eikon kai doxa theou: [2762]1
     * eikon: [2763]1 [2764]2 [2765]3
     * eirene: [2766]1
     * eirenikos: [2767]1
     * eirenike: [2768]1 [2769]2 [2770]3
     * eirene: [2771]1 [2772]2 [2773]3
     * eirene : [2774]1
     * eirene pasa: [2775]1
     * eirene en dikaiosune: [2776]1
     * eirenen: [2777]1 [2778]2
     * eirenen agathen: [2779]1
     * eis: [2780]1 [2781]2 [2782]3
     * eis kriteria: [2783]1
     * eis peirasmon: [2784]1
     * eis sunagogen humon: [2785]1
     * eis to: [2786]1 [2787]2
     * eis to peithesthai: [2788]1
     * eis epignosin kat' eikona tou ktisantos autun: [2789]1
     * ei ti gennaion he praxis enenke: [2790]1
     * ei tis . . . threskos: [2791]1
     * ei tis en logo ou ptaiei: [2792]1
     * eipe de tis autois ex humon: [2793]1
     * eipe de tis autois ex humon Hupagete en eirene, thermainesthe kai
       chortazesthe, me dote de autois ta epitedeia tou somatos, ti
       ophelos;: [2794]1
     * einai hemas agious kai amomous k.t.l.: [2795]1
     * eis theos estin: [2796]1
     * eis estin ho theos: [2797]1
     * eita: [2798]1 [2799]2
     * eita he epithumia sullabousa tiktei hamartian, he de hamartia
       apotelestheisa apokuei thanaton.: [2800]1
     * heis theos estin: [2801]1
     * heis estinestin] estin ho: [2802]1
     * eu goun kakeino eiretai Isthi me loutro alla noo katharos. hagneia
       gar, oimai, teleia he tou nou kai ton ergon kai ton dianoematon,
       pros de kai ton logon eilikrineia: [2803]1
     * eugeneia, logou dunamis, haplotes, to philodoron kai megalodoron,
       he peri tas paidias kai tas homilias eutrapelia: [2804]1
     * euthuno: [2805]1
     * eutheos: [2806]1
     * eutheos epelatheto: [2807]1
     * eulogeo: [2808]1
     * eulogetos ho kurios hemon, adelphoi, ho sophian kai noun themenos
       en hemin t. kruphion autou: [2809]1
     * eulogetos: [2810]1
     * eulogoumen: [2811]1 [2812]2
     * eupeithes: [2813]1
     * eupeithes: [2814]1 [2815]2
     * euporia: [2816]1
     * euprepeia: [2817]1
     * euprepeia: [2818]1
     * heuretho humin : [2819]1
     * euthune, o porthmeu, to pedalion: [2820]1
     * zelotupia: [2821]1
     * zeloute: [2822]1 [2823]2 [2824]3 [2825]4 [2826]5 [2827]6 [2828]7
       [2829]8 [2830]9
     * zeloo: [2831]1
     * zoe: [2832]1
     * zoon de pollas phuseis tou kosmou periechontos, ouden, hos eipein,
       genos amoiron esti tes ex oou geneseos: [2833]1
     * zelon: [2834]1
     * zelos: [2835]1 [2836]2 [2837]3 [2838]4 [2839]5 [2840]6 [2841]7
       [2842]8 [2843]9 [2844]10 [2845]11
     * thanatos: [2846]1
     * thelo: [2847]1
     * thallon d' hossa brotoisin epi chthonos erga memelen, houden echei
       mian aisan epi phresin, alla kukleitai, panta perix, stenai de
       kath' hen meros ou themis estin, all' echei, hos erxanto, dromou
       meros ison hekastos.: [2848]1
     * thaumastos, thaumatos: [2849]1
     * theosebes: [2850]1
     * theou doulos (-oi): [2851]1
     * theou kai kuriou I. Ch.: [2852]1
     * theou kai kuriou I. Ch. doulos: [2853]1
     * theou logous: [2854]1
     * therapeutai: [2855]1 [2856]2
     * thermaino: [2857]1
     * thermainesthe kai chortazesthe: [2858]1
     * thermaino, chortazo: [2859]1
     * theos kai pater: [2860]1
     * therion: [2861]1
     * theria: [2862]1
     * therion: [2863]1
     * therion te kai peteinon herpeton te kai enalion: [2864]1
     * thlipsis: [2865]1
     * thr. t. angelon: [2866]1
     * thrasus t. tropon kai tolmetes diapherontos: [2867]1
     * threskeia: [2868]1
     * threskeia: [2869]1 [2870]2 [2871]3 [2872]4 [2873]5 [2874]6 [2875]7
       [2876]8
     * threskeia kathara kai hamiantos: [2877]1
     * threskeia kathara kai hamiantos para to theo kai patri haute estin,
       episkeptesthai orphanous kai cheras en to thlipsei auton, aspilon
       eauton terein apo tou kosmou.: [2878]1
     * threskeian anti hosiotetos hegoumenos: [2879]1
     * threskeuo: [2880]1 [2881]2
     * threskos: [2882]1
     * threskos: [2883]1 [2884]2 [2885]3 [2886]4 [2887]5
     * threxato ephulaxato, esebasthe; threske hagne, panta eulaboumeen;
       threskos perittos, deisidaimon: [2888]1
     * thumoi: [2889]1
     * thelein: [2890]1
     * thelein kai boulesthai ean lege tis, delosei hoti akousios te kai
       eulogos oregetai tinos: [2891]1
     * theleis de gnonai: [2892]1
     * theleis de gnonai, o anthrope kene, hoti he pistis choris ton ergon
       arge estin;: [2893]1
     * thelo: [2894]1 [2895]2
     * themis de ouden ateles auto charizesthai, hosth' halokleroi kai
       panteleis hai tou agennetou doreai pasai: [2896]1
     * k. Ch. I.: [2897]1
     * k. I. Ch.: [2898]1
     * kath.: [2899]1
     * kathistamai: [2900]1
     * katharos: [2901]1
     * katharos: [2902]1 [2903]2
     * katharotetos: [2904]1
     * kathezomenon tes men hup' auton, tes de metros huper auton: [2905]1
     * kathestekota: [2906]1
     * katharer philochrestou tes tuches hapasan dosin eis megalen charin
       tithemenon: [2907]1
     * kathesteka: [2908]1
     * kathekei: [2909]1
     * kathistatai: [2910]1 [2911]2 [2912]3
     * kath' heauten: [2913]1
     * kath' homoiosin: [2914]1
     * kairois idiois: [2915]1
     * kaii nun tis he hupomone mou; ouchi ho kurios: [2916]1
     * kakopatheo: [2917]1
     * kakos, kakos: [2918]1
     * kaka: [2919]1
     * kakias: [2920]1
     * kakon: [2921]1
     * kakon: [2922]1
     * kalous: [2923]1
     * kalon onoma Christos: [2924]1
     * kalos ei, kan me theles, kai pantas helkeis to ameloumeno, hosper
       hoi botrues kai ta mela kai ei ti allo automaton kalon: [2925]1
     * kalos: [2926]1
     * kalos, kalos: [2927]1
     * kales: [2928]1
     * kalos: [2929]1
     * kalos poieite: [2930]1
     * kardia: [2931]1
     * karpous de aphthonous eichon apo te dendron kai polles hules alles:
       [2932]1
     * karpous te aphthonous eichon apo te dendron kai polles hules akkes:
       [2933]1
     * karpos: [2934]1
     * karpos: [2935]1
     * karpos dik.: [2936]1
     * karpos de dikaiosunes: [2937]1
     * karpos de dikaiosunes en eirene speiretai tois poiousin eirenen.:
       [2938]1
     * katabainei: [2939]1
     * katabaino: [2940]1
     * katabainon: [2941]1
     * katabainon k.t.l.: [2942]1
     * katadikasthese: [2943]1
     * katadunasteuo: [2944]1
     * katadunasteuousin humon: [2945]1 [2946]2
     * katakauch.: [2947]1
     * katakauchasthe: [2948]1
     * katakauchatai: [2949]1 [2950]2
     * katakauchomai: [2951]1 [2952]2
     * katalaliai: [2953]1
     * katalaleo: [2954]1
     * katanoounti: [2955]1
     * katanoeo: [2956]1
     * katarometha: [2957]1 [2958]2
     * kataromai: [2959]1
     * kataskopous: [2960]1
     * kataspatalas: [2961]1
     * katedikasate, ephoneusate ton dikaion. ouk antitassetai: [2962]1
     * katenoesen: [2963]1
     * katenoesen gar heauton kai apeleluthen kai eutheos epelatheto
       hopoios en.: [2964]1
     * katenoesen heauton: [2965]1
     * katergazomai: [2966]1
     * katergazetai: [2967]1 [2968]2
     * kata theon ktisthenta: [2969]1
     * kata propen tes psuches abouleton: [2970]1
     * kata prosopon panton ton adelphon autou: [2971]1
     * kata pasan t. oikoumenen: [2972]1
     * kata ta pedia kai ta alse kai peri tas poleis ginetai . . . petetai
       de kai eis ta ore kai eis ten hulen dia to tharsos: [2973]1
     * kata tas idias epithumias: [2974]1
     * kata ten graphen: [2975]1
     * kata: [2976]1 [2977]2 [2978]3
     * katiotai: [2979]1
     * kat' eikona: [2980]1
     * katokisen: [2981]1
     * kauch?stho: [2982]1
     * kauchastho: [2983]1 [2984]2
     * kauchasth9e: [2985]1
     * kauchomai: [2986]1
     * kauchomai : [2987]1
     * kai: [2988]1 [2989]2 [2990]3
     * kai `alin exeleitai: [2991]1
     * kai autoi helkousin humas: [2992]1
     * kai autos epikourei orphanois te kai cherais, kai tois dia noson e
       di' allen aitian leipomenois: [2993]1
     * kai galenos . . . pneuma brachu korussetai: [2994]1
     * kai gar ego ho kecharismai, ei ti kecharismai, di' humas en prosopo
       Christou: [2995]1
     * kai de kai en kalo t. theatrou ekatheto: [2996]1
     * kai eis hierous aphiknoumenoi popous, hoi kalountai sunagogai:
       [2997]1
     * kai eichen ton Ioudan dia pantos en prosopo, psuchikos to andri
       prosekeklito: [2998]1
     * kai euthus Ouespasianos poliorkei autous: [2999]1
     * kai zeloute: [3000]1 [3001]2
     * kai meta tauta autika emphuton mantiken eichen: [3002]1
     * kai me diakrithe en te kardia autou alla pisteue hoti k.t.l.:
       [3003]1
     * kai me oneidizontos: [3004]1
     * kai nux skiasma ges apokruptomenou heliou ginomenon: [3005]1
     * kai ou dunasthe epituchein: [3006]1 [3007]2
     * kai ou poieite ha lego: [3008]1
     * kai ouk ek pisteos monon: [3009]1
     * kai ouk echete: [3010]1 [3011]2
     * kai houto men he Penelope oknei diorthousthai ten phusin, kai
       perittotera phainesthai hautes, kai t. eikona tou ek geneseos
       prosopou diagraphein eite metagrephein: [3012]1
     * kai parameinas: [3013]1
     * kai pneuma eneken auto (man) kai psuchen: [3014]1
     * kai palin proseuxato, kai ho ouranos hueton edokenhueton edoken]
       edoken hueton: [3015]1
     * kai pothen machai: [3016]1
     * kai sobaron tarson chrusophoros spatale nun penichre k.t.l. tauta
       ta ton spatalon termata pallakidon.: [3017]1
     * kai spero autous en laois: [3018]1
     * kai ta daimonia pisteuousin: [3019]1
     * kai ta men alla ktismata rhemati mono parektai. ho de anthropos
       eschen exaireton ti kata ten poiesin para tauta. Boules gar
       proegoumenes ektisthe, hina ek toutou deichthe hotiper ktisma
       timion uparchei; to gar Poiesomen anthropon kat' eikona hemeteran
       kai kath' homoiosin ouden heteron deiknusin e hoti sumboulo
       echresato ho pater to monogenei autou to huio epi te toutou
       kataskeue k.t.l. ... boules gar energeia to pan: [3020]1
     * kai tis ouch hemarten en te glosse autou: [3021]1
     * kai te sophia sou kataskeua'sas [kataskeuasas] anthropon hina
       despoze ton hupo sou genomenon ktismaton: [3022]1
     * kai phlogizomene hupo tes geennes: [3023]1
     * kai phlogizousa ton trochon tes geneseos: [3024]1
     * kai philos theou eklethe: [3025]1
     * kai pseudesthe kata: [3026]1
     * kai ek ton ergon: [3027]1
     * kai en t. nomo autou meletesei hemeras kai nuktos: [3028]1
     * kai epieikes estin ho zelos kai epieikon, to de phthonein phaulon
       kai phaulon: [3029]1
     * kai he glossa pur: [3030]1 [3031]2
     * kai he euche tes pisteos sosei ton kamnonta, kai egerei auton ho
       kurios; kan hamartias e pepoiekos, aphethesetai auto.: [3032]1
     * kai heritheusato: [3033]1
     * kai ho luchnos autes to arnion: [3034]1
     * kai: [3035]1
     * kai toi ego sunerithos ham' hepsomai: [3036]1
     * kai eplerothe he graphe he legousa: [3037]1
     * kai eplerothe he graphe he legousa Episteusen de Abraam: [3038]1
     * kaumati: [3039]1
     * kauson: [3040]1 [3041]2
     * kausonos, thetmes: [3042]1
     * kauchesis: [3043]1 [3044]2 [3045]3
     * kauma: [3046]1
     * kausos: [3047]1
     * kenodoxia: [3048]1
     * kenoi: [3049]1
     * kenous hegountai kai alazonas: [3050]1
     * kenon, eph' hois hou dei epairomenon: [3051]1
     * kenos: [3052]1 [3053]2
     * kenos, kenos: [3054]1
     * kenos: [3055]1
     * kephale de gunaikos ho aner, kephale de tou christou ho theos:
       [3056]1
     * kecharitomeno: [3057]1
     * kleronomoi tes basileias: [3058]1
     * kleronomous tes basileias: [3059]1 [3060]2
     * klethre t', aigeiros te, kai euodes kuparissos: [3061]1
     * kludon: [3062]1
     * kreitton einai t. posin olisthein e te glotte: [3063]1
     * krithete : [3064]1
     * krinei: [3065]1
     * kritai dialogismon poneron: [3066]1 [3067]2
     * kriteria: [3068]1
     * krites: [3069]1
     * kruphion: [3070]1
     * krima: [3071]1
     * krima : [3072]1
     * krima lepsometha: [3073]1
     * krinein t. oikoumenen . . . en andri ho horisen: [3074]1
     * krinesthai: [3075]1 [3076]2
     * krino, krisis, krites: [3077]1
     * kriseos: [3078]1
     * krisis: [3079]1 [3080]2 [3081]3 [3082]4 [3083]5
     * ktismaton: [3084]1 [3085]2
     * ktesasthe tas psuchas: [3086]1
     * ktene: [3087]1
     * ktesesthe t. psuchas humon: [3088]1
     * ktizo: [3089]1 [3090]2
     * ktisis: [3091]1 [3092]2 [3093]3
     * ktisma: [3094]1
     * ktasthai to skeuos: [3095]1
     * kuriou I. Ch.: [3096]1
     * kurios de ho ten gen ergazomenos ergates epi mistho: [3097]1
     * kueo: [3098]1
     * kago: [3099]1
     * kago soi: [3100]1
     * katothen erchomene: [3101]1
     * kosmos: [3102]1 [3103]2 [3104]3 [3105]4 [3106]5
     * kuklon anankes ameibousan allote allois endeisthai zoois.: [3107]1
     * kuklos: [3108]1
     * kurion: [3109]1
     * kurios: [3110]1 [3111]2
     * kapeide monon parekupsa eis ta humetera: [3112]1
     * l. tes ton poieton entheou manias: [3113]1
     * lamb., thaum., blepo eis: [3114]1
     * lambanei toinun trophen men pleiona he enkentristheisa elaia dia to
       agria emphuesthai: [3115]1
     * lambano prosopon, prosdechomai pr., thaumazo pr.: [3116]1
     * lampros: [3117]1
     * leipomenoi: [3118]1 [3119]2 [3120]3
     * leipomai: [3121]1 [3122]2
     * leipontai: [3123]1
     * leipomenoi: [3124]1
     * leuein, agapate, philia: [3125]1
     * logismoi dikaion krimata: [3126]1
     * logizo: [3127]1
     * legei: [3128]1 [3129]2
     * legei (sc. he graphe): [3130]1
     * legeis toinun hos Aiguption hoi oleious, kai to eph' hemin ek tes
       ton asteron anepsen kineseos. to de pos echei dei dicha pleionon
       apo ton Herraikon soi noematon diermeneusai. duo gar echei psuchas,
       hos tauta phesi ta grammata, ho anthropos. kai he men estin apo tou
       protou noetou metechousa kai tes tou demiourgou dunameos, he de,
       endidomene ek tes ton ouranion periphoras, eis hen epeiserpei he
       theoptike psuche. touton de houtos echonton, he men apo ton kosmon
       eis hemas kathekousa psuche, tais periodois sunakolouthei ton
       kosmon; he de apo tou noetou noetos parousa, tes genesiourgou
       kineseos huperechei, kai kat' auten he te lusis ginetai tes
       heimarmengs, kai he pros tous noetous theous anodos, theourgia te,
       hose pros to agenneton anagetai, kata ten toiauten zoen
       apoteleitai.: [3131]1
     * lithon men gar par' autois: [3132]1
     * log. al.: [3133]1 [3134]2 [3135]3
     * logon m?n echonta sophias: [3136]1
     * logon sophon . . . ekousen ho spatalon kai aperesen auto: [3137]1
     * logos: [3138]1 [3139]2 [3140]3 [3141]4
     * logos aletheias: [3142]1 [3143]2
     * logo aletheias: [3144]1 [3145]2 [3146]3
     * m. auchei: [3147]1
     * makaria: [3148]1
     * makarion: [3149]1
     * makrothumesate kai humeis, sterixate tas kardias humon, hoti he
       parousia tou kuriou engiken: [3150]1
     * makarios: [3151]1 [3152]2 [3153]3 [3154]4 [3155]5
     * mamona t. ad.: [3156]1
     * mania: [3157]1
     * marainomena: [3158]1
     * maranthesetai: [3159]1
     * marainomai: [3160]1
     * mataia he pisti humon: [3161]1
     * megal9aucheo: [3162]1
     * megalopsuchos: [3163]1
     * megala auchei: [3164]1 [3165]2
     * megalauchei: [3166]1
     * megalaucheo: [3167]1 [3168]2
     * meste karpon agathon: [3169]1
     * meste eleous: [3170]1
     * meste iou thanatephorou: [3171]1
     * meste: [3172]1
     * meston: [3173]1
     * mestos: [3174]1
     * metabole: [3175]1
     * metagomen: [3176]1
     * metago: [3177]1
     * meizona de didosin charin: [3178]1
     * meizona de didosin charin; dio legei, Ho theos huperephanois
       antita'ssetai, tapeinois de didosin charin.: [3179]1
     * meizon: [3180]1 [3181]2
     * meizon krima lepsometha: [3182]1
     * medeis peirazomenos legeto hoti A: [3183]1
     * mede: [3184]1
     * moichalides: [3185]1 [3186]2 [3187]3 [3188]4 [3189]5 [3190]6
       [3191]7
     * moichalides, ouk oidate hoti he philia tou kosmou echthra tou theou
       estin; hos ean oun boulethe philos einai tou kosmou, echthros tou
       theou kathistatai.: [3192]1
     * mataios: [3193]1 [3194]2
     * maten de sebontai me: [3195]1
     * machai: [3196]1 [3197]2
     * machesthe: [3198]1
     * machesthe kai polemeite: [3199]1 [3200]2
     * mache: [3201]1 [3202]2
     * machomai: [3203]1
     * melos: [3204]1
     * memuke de gaia kai hule; pollas de drus hupsikomous elatas te
       pacheias oureos en besses pilna chthoni pouluboteire empipton, kai
       pasa boa tote neritos hule: [3205]1
     * men: [3206]1
     * mentoi: [3207]1 [3208]2 [3209]3
     * me gar oiestho ho anthropos ekeinos hoti lepsetai ti para tou
       kuriou: [3210]1
     * me dunatai, adelphoi mou, suke elaias poiesai e ampelos suka; oute
       halukon gluku poiesai hudor.: [3211]1
     * me dote de: [3212]1
     * me eiselthete: [3213]1
     * me katakauchasthe: [3214]1
     * me planasthe: [3215]1
     * me polloi didaskaloi: [3216]1
     * me pantes didaskaloi: [3217]1
     * me stenazete, adelphoi, kat' allelon, hina me krithete; idou ho
       krites pro ton thuron hesteken.: [3218]1
     * me adunatei para to theo rhema: [3219]1
     * me antistenai to ponero: [3220]1
     * me hamartanein en glosse: [3221]1
     * me epeirasen humas ho teirazon: [3222]1
     * me epeche thusia adiko, hoti kurios krites estin kai ouk estin par'
       auto doxa prosopou: [3223]1
     * me: [3224]1 [3225]2
     * me pos eris, zelos, thumoi, erithiai, katalaliai, psithurismoi,
       phusioseis, akatastasiai: [3226]1
     * mete: [3227]1
     * meti: [3228]1 [3229]2
     * meti he pege ek tes autes opes bruei to gluku kai to pikron; :
       [3230]1
     * met' ergon apeiraston paraleipontes: [3231]1
     * mimema ti kuklon: [3232]1
     * monois d' humin huparchei katharan eugeneian te kai politeian
       auchesai: [3233]1
     * mallon de me hos hemon dedioton, all' isos eni tis kai en hemin
       pais hostis ta toiauta phobeitai: [3234]1
     * nekra: [3235]1 [3236]2 [3237]3
     * nekra estin: [3238]1
     * nekros: [3239]1
     * nesteuomen: [3240]1
     * noeton: [3241]1
     * notheuetai men: [3242]1
     * nomothetes: [3243]1
     * neritos: [3244]1
     * nomon . . . basilikon: [3245]1
     * nomon teleite basilikon: [3246]1
     * nomon teleion ton t. eleutherias: [3247]1
     * nomon teleion ton tes eleutherias: [3248]1
     * nomos: [3249]1 [3250]2 [3251]3
     * nomos panton basileus: [3252]1
     * noon echein: [3253]1
     * notos: [3254]1
     * oi kladoi mou kladoi doxes kai charitos: [3255]1
     * oikoumene: [3256]1 [3257]2
     * oiestho: [3258]1
     * hoi Chaldaizontes: [3259]1
     * hoi goneis [autou]: [3260]1
     * hoi dialogismoi hoi kakoi: [3261]1
     * hoi dokountes stuloi ei?nai: [3262]1
     * hoi de Germanoi apo men ton pedion kai eitines esan chorai adendroi
       anakechorekesan; en de tais hulais ekruptonto, peri teta hele
       dietribon: [3263]1
     * hoi de mues nun orchountai tes ses draxamenoi spatales.: [3264]1
     * hoi de tes strategias oregomenoi dia tautes tes arches
       exeritheuontai tous neous, kai paraskeuazousin eunous sunagonistas
       eis to mellon: [3265]1
     * hoi de elkousi; epean de exelkusthe es gen: [3266]1
     * hoi eirenopoioi: [3267]1
     * hoi katheudontes epi klinon elephantinon kai kataspatalontes ep?
       tais stromnais auton, : [3268]1
     * hoi ag. to soterion sou: [3269]1
     * hoi adelphoi autes: [3270]1
     * hoi engutatoi mou, Allos; adelphoi mou: [3271]1
     * hoi echontes tois leipomenois pasin epikouroumen: [3272]1
     * oidate: [3273]1 [3274]2
     * hoitines ouk epistasthe tes aurion poia he zoe humon; atmis gar
       estetes aurion . . . gar este] ta tes aurion; poia gar he zoe
       humon; atmis este he: [3275]1
     * hoitines episemoi en t. apostolois: [3276]1
     * oida: [3277]1
     * oiden ho ten emphuton dorean tes didaches autou themenos en hemin:
       [3278]1
     * ou: [3279]1 [3280]2 [3281]3
     * ou gar huposteleitai prosopon ho panton despotes, oude entrapesetai
       megethos: [3282]1
     * ou gar estin prosopolepsia para to theo: [3283]1
     * ou diekrithete en heautois kai egenesthe kritai dialogismon
       poneron: [3284]1
     * ou dikaioutai . . . ean me: [3285]1
     * ou dipsucheseis poteron estai e ou: [3286]1
     * ou katergazetai: [3287]1
     * ou katerchetai: [3288]1
     * ou me katameine to pneuma mou en tois anthropois toutois eis ton
       aiona: [3289]1
     * ou sunapoleto: [3290]1
     * ou chre, adelphoi mou, tauta houtos ginesthai: [3291]1
     * oudemia pege al. kai gluku: [3292]1
     * oudeis damasai dunatai: [3293]1
     * oude gar an edeisamen, ei pantelos apeirastos auton (sc. venomous
       serpents) he hemetera phusis memenekei: [3294]1
     * oude pros tina ei me eis Sarepta: [3295]1
     * oude apostolos meizon t. pempsantos auton: [3296]1
     * ouden gar prosphaton ho christos proseilephen axioma, all' anothen
       teleion auton kai to Patri kata panta homoion einai pepisteukamen:
       [3297]1
     * ouden ergon: [3298]1
     * ouden echei dilaion oud' alethinon oud' haploun oud' eleutherion:
       [3299]1
     * oude: [3300]1 [3301]2
     * oude ti ei me t. anthropous: [3302]1
     * oude tini ei me t. hiereusin monois: [3303]1
     * ouk: [3304]1
     * ouk autoi blasphemousin: [3305]1
     * ouk autoi blasphemousin to kalon onoma to epiklethen eph' humas;:
       [3306]1
     * ouk oidate hoti he philia: [3307]1
     * ouk oietai dein oud' axioi sumboulos einai pragmaton telikouton
       all' hupourgos kai diakonos: [3308]1
     * ouk argous oude akarpous: [3309]1
     * ouk enteuthen: [3310]1
     * ouk ex ergon: [3311]1
     * ouk ex ergon edikaiothe: [3312]1
     * ouk esmen lithon therapeutai, alla monon theou tou pro panton . . .
       kai t. christou autou . . . esmen threskeutai: [3313]1
     * ouk eni: [3314]1
     * ouk esesthe basilikoi: [3315]1
     * ouk estin haute he sophia: [3316]1
     * ouk estin haute he sophia anophen katerchoµene, alla epigeios,
       psuchike, daiµoniodes: [3317]1
     * ouk estin haute he sophia anothen katerchomene: [3318]1
     * ouk echete: [3319]1
     * ouch hoi plousioi: [3320]1
     * ouch ho theos exelexato: [3321]1
     * ohus exelexato: [3322]1
     * oute: [3323]1
     * oute halukon gluku poiesai hudor: [3324]1
     * outos kai he glossa mikron melos estin kai megala auchei. idou
       helikon pur heliken hulen anaptei;: [3325]1
     * houtos: [3326]1
     * houtos (or, hou to) emphuton tes doreas pneumatikes charin
       eilephate: [3327]1
     * houtos kai: [3328]1 [3329]2
     * houtos kai he pistis, ean me eche erga, nekra estin kath' heauten.:
       [3330]1
     * houtos laleite kai houtos poieite: [3331]1
     * houtos laleite kai houtos poieite hos dia nomou eleutherias
       mellontes krinesthai.: [3332]1
     * houtos houk eni en humin oudeis sophos hos k.t.l.: [3333]1
     * oun: [3334]1
     * houtos: [3335]1
     * houtos oikei ore kai hulas: [3336]1
     * houtos enalion zoon kai pezon kai aerion phuseis echorisen: [3337]1
     * pistis: [3338]1
     * pathetes: [3339]1
     * pantoien d' en orei theeumenoi agrion hulen: [3340]1
     * papeinos te kardia : [3341]1
     * papeinophron, tapeinophrosune : [3342]1
     * para: [3343]1
     * parerchomai: [3344]1
     * parabates: [3345]1
     * parabaino: [3346]1
     * parabatai: [3347]1
     * parakupto: [3348]1
     * parakupsan monon oichetai: [3349]1
     * parakupsanta epi ton t. poleos polemon, pros Artabazon kai
       pantachoi mallon oichetai pleonta: [3350]1
     * parakupsas: [3351]1
     * paralegizom^noi (heautous): [3352]1
     * parallage: [3353]1
     * parallage: [3354]1
     * parallax: [3355]1
     * paralogizomai: [3356]1
     * paralogizomenoi: [3357]1
     * paralogizomenoi heautous: [3358]1
     * parameno: [3359]1
     * parameinas: [3360]1 [3361]2
     * parekalei: [3362]1
     * pareleusetai: [3363]1
     * parelogisato en logois hoti ouk estin horon kai krinon: [3364]1
     * paroxuno: [3365]1
     * parripsasa de kisson cheira perisphinxo chrusodeto spatale: [3366]1
     * para: [3367]1 [3368]2
     * para de tois Hellesin ho polus aparaskeuos prosion opse pote tes
       philosophias haptetai, kai mechri tinos philoponesas apelthe,
       perispastheis hupo biotikes chreias, oligoi de pantelos epi
       philosophian apoduntes ergolabias heneken paramenousin en to
       mathemati: [3369]1
     * para soi pege zoes: [3370]1
     * para tou theou: [3371]1
     * para to theo: [3372]1
     * para to kurio to eleos kai polle par' auto lutrosis: [3373]1
     * para anthropois: [3374]1
     * para anthropois adunaton all' ou para theo, panta gar dunata para
       [to] theo: [3375]1
     * para: [3376]1
     * parabasis: [3377]1
     * parallaxis: [3378]1
     * parerchomai : [3379]1
     * par' ho: [3380]1
     * pater: [3381]1
     * pater: [3382]1
     * peirazo: [3383]1
     * peirazomenos: [3384]1
     * peirazomenos : [3385]1
     * peirazomenos hu. t. d.: [3386]1
     * peirazomenos hupo tou Satana: [3387]1
     * peirasthenai: [3388]1
     * peirasthenai hupo t. diabolou: [3389]1
     * peirasmoi: [3390]1 [3391]2 [3392]3 [3393]4 [3394]5
     * peirasmois: [3395]1 [3396]2
     * peirasmos: [3397]1
     * peirasmon;: [3398]1
     * peirasmos: [3399]1 [3400]2 [3401]3 [3402]4 [3403]5 [3404]6 [3405]7
     * peirasmos : [3406]1
     * peirazei: [3407]1
     * peirazei Kurios ho theos sou humas eidenai ei k.t.l.: [3408]1
     * peirazei de autos oudena: [3409]1
     * peirazein: [3410]1 [3411]2
     * peirazein t. pterugas: [3412]1
     * peirazomai: [3413]1
     * peirazo: [3414]1 [3415]2 [3416]3 [3417]4 [3418]5
     * peirazo = peiromai: [3419]1
     * peirasthai ton apeiraston ouk asphales: [3420]1
     * peiromai: [3421]1
     * pepeipamenon: [3422]1
     * pepeirasmenon: [3423]1
     * peripipto: [3424]1
     * peripesete: [3425]1
     * perisseia: [3426]1
     * perisseia: [3427]1 [3428]2
     * perissoteron: [3429]1 [3430]2
     * peritemnesthe t. sklerokardias: [3431]1
     * periphoran kai genesin legontes: [3432]1
     * peri deilon kai dipsuchon: [3433]1
     * peri men ton anekonton te threskeia hemon: [3434]1
     * peri ta aphrobisia: [3435]1
     * peri ta alla hosa spatalosa epithumei he psuche hemon, ouk
       arkoumene tois anankaiois, periepgazomene de ten chliden.: [3436]1
     * periergos: [3437]1
     * peteinon: [3438]1
     * peteina: [3439]1
     * peithein: [3440]1
     * peithomai: [3441]1
     * pege: [3442]1
     * pege: [3443]1 [3444]2
     * pedalion: [3445]1
     * pedaliou: [3446]1
     * peros, kolobos, cholos: [3447]1
     * pikros: [3448]1
     * pikron halukon : [3449]1
     * pisteuo: [3450]1
     * pisteuousin: [3451]1
     * planao: [3452]1
     * platuno, platusmos, plateia: [3453]1
     * plegas labon kai para tes gunaikos exelkustheis: [3454]1
     * pleroo: [3455]1
     * plousious: [3456]1
     * plousious to?tous katalipein (t. paidas) kai spatalontas threpsai.:
       [3457]1
     * plousious en pistei: [3458]1
     * plousios: [3459]1
     * plousios: [3460]1
     * plasma: [3461]1
     * pneumatikos: [3462]1
     * pneumatizo: [3463]1
     * pneumata ponera: [3464]1
     * pneuma: [3465]1 [3466]2
     * poieo: [3467]1
     * poietes: [3468]1
     * poietai: [3469]1
     * poietai logou: [3470]1
     * poietes: [3471]1 [3472]2
     * poikilos: [3473]1
     * poikilois: [3474]1
     * poieo: [3475]1
     * poiesis: [3476]1
     * polemeo: [3477]1
     * polla: [3478]1
     * polla gar ptaiomen apantes: [3479]1
     * polla gar ptaiomen apantes. ei tis en logo ou ptaiei, houtos
       teleios aner dunatos chalinagogesai kai holon to soma.: [3480]1
     * polla ptaiomn hapantes : [3481]1
     * polla ton photon: [3482]1
     * polla ton allon pathon (besides fear) aphilotima kai agenne:
       [3483]1
     * pollakis: [3484]1
     * polus: [3485]1
     * polemous: [3486]1
     * polu: [3487]1
     * polusplanchnos (? -os): [3488]1
     * poneros: [3489]1
     * poneros houtos anothen ek tou Anakeiou kadikos: [3490]1
     * poreia: [3491]1
     * poreiais: [3492]1 [3493]2
     * porismos: [3494]1
     * poria: [3495]1
     * poriais: [3496]1
     * pou gar tois idiotais pro mikrou themis eis hegemonikes (imperial)
       psuches parakupsai bouleumata: [3497]1
     * prautes: [3498]1
     * praites: [3499]1
     * prauteti: [3500]1
     * prosopolempteo: [3501]1
     * prosopolempteo: [3502]1 [3503]2
     * prosopolempsia: [3504]1
     * prosopolempsia: [3505]1 [3506]2
     * prosopolempsiais: [3507]1
     * prosopolepteite: [3508]1
     * prosopolepsiais: [3509]1
     * prosopolemptes : [3510]1
     * prosopon: [3511]1
     * prepei: [3512]1
     * pros men tous allotrious ten ek ton nomon akribeian: [3513]1
     * pros phthonon: [3514]1
     * pros phthonon k.t.l.: [3515]1 [3516]2 [3517]3
     * pros photismon tes gnoseos tes doxes tou theou en prosopo o
       Christou: [3518]1
     * pros aletheian: [3519]1
     * pros andra hoion se haploikon kai ton onton koinonikon: [3520]1
     * pros oligon: [3521]1
     * pros orgen: [3522]1
     * probata: [3523]1
     * pros: [3524]1
     * prosopon: [3525]1 [3526]2
     * pragma: [3527]1
     * praos kai haplous kai philanthropos: [3528]1
     * proton men zelos, apo zelou de phthonos.: [3529]1
     * proton men ephrixe kai ti ton tote hupelthen auton deimaton, eita
       prosoron hos theon sebetai.: [3530]1
     * proton men, epeita: [3531]1
     * ptaio: [3532]1
     * ptaise: [3533]1
     * ptochoi euangelizontai: [3534]1
     * polemos: [3535]1
     * porne: [3536]1
     * panton: [3537]1
     * para: [3538]1
     * pempete m' eis oros; eimi pros hulan kai para peukas: [3539]1
     * penetas ek plousion kai aporous ex euporon gegenesthai meden
       adikountas exaiphnes kai anoikous kai anestious, exeosmenous kai
       pephugadeumenous ton idion oikion k.t.l.: [3540]1
     * petras hate tauros.: [3541]1
     * pipto: [3542]1
     * pistis: [3543]1 [3544]2 [3545]3 [3546]4
     * pothen: [3547]1
     * polemoi: [3548]1 [3549]2 [3550]3 [3551]4 [3552]5
     * popon hules gemonta: [3553]1
     * porne angelous: [3554]1
     * purosis: [3555]1
     * pan dendron agathon karpous kalous poiei: [3556]1
     * pan phaulon pragma: [3557]1
     * pan rhema argon: [3558]1
     * pas: [3559]1 [3560]2
     * pas anthropos: [3561]1
     * pasa gar phusis: [3562]1
     * pasa gar phusis therion te kai peteinon herpeton te kai enalion
       damazetai kai dedamastai te phusei te anthropine;: [3563]1
     * pasa dosis agathe kai pan dorema teleion anothen estin, katabainon
       apo tou patros ton photon, par' ho ouk eni parallage e tropes
       aposkiasma.: [3564]1
     * pasa dosis agathe: [3565]1
     * pasa euroia: [3566]1
     * pasa sarx chortos pasa doxa anthro'pou hos anthos chortou. chortos:
       [3567]1
     * pasa, pan: [3568]1
     * pasan charan: [3569]1
     * pasin: [3570]1
     * pasa soi asphaleia, pasa soi eumareia: [3571]1
     * pur: [3572]1 [3573]2
     * pos peirazeis ton apeiraston: [3574]1
     * saleuomenos kai akatastaton: [3575]1
     * setobrota gegonen: [3576]1
     * skiasma: [3577]1
     * sophia: [3578]1
     * sophos: [3579]1
     * sophia: [3580]1
     * sophias: [3581]1
     * sophos kai epistemon: [3582]1
     * spathao: [3583]1
     * spatalao: [3584]1
     * spatalao: [3585]1 [3586]2
     * spatalas: [3587]1
     * spatale: [3588]1
     * spatalema: [3589]1
     * speiretai: [3590]1 [3591]2
     * spiloo: [3592]1
     * spatalon kai basilikon to philotechnema: [3593]1
     * spao: [3594]1
     * stephanos t. zoes, ho: [3595]1
     * sterizo: [3596]1
     * strateuomai: [3597]1
     * strateuesthai: [3598]1
     * strateuo: [3599]1
     * strebla phuetai kai akarpa kathistatai, tuchonta de orthes
       paidagogias enkarpa ginetai kai telesphora: [3600]1
     * stenon kai tremon : [3601]1
     * stephanos: [3602]1 [3603]2 [3604]3 [3605]4
     * stephanos, doxes, truphes, kaucheseos, tes hubreos, kallous,
       chariton: [3606]1
     * stethi e kathou: [3607]1
     * suke: [3608]1
     * sullabousa tiktei: [3609]1
     * sullambano: [3610]1
     * sunagoge: [3611]1
     * sunagoge: [3612]1 [3613]2 [3614]3 [3615]4 [3616]5
     * sunagogen: [3617]1
     * sunergeo: [3618]1
     * sunergeo: [3619]1
     * sunedrion kriton: [3620]1
     * sunerithos: [3621]1
     * sunergei: [3622]1 [3623]2
     * sunergeo: [3624]1
     * sunechthesan . . . ekklesia: [3625]1
     * sphairas entornou apeikasmena phorais: [3626]1
     * sothesetai : [3627]1
     * somarikai: [3628]1
     * sozo: [3629]1
     * salos: [3630]1
     * sigeson: [3631]1
     * su pisteueis: [3632]1
     * su pisteueis hoti eis theos estintheos estin] ho theos estin:
       [3633]1
     * sun to kausoni: [3634]1
     * su: [3635]1
     * suro : [3636]1
     * sozo: [3637]1
     * soma pneumatikon: [3638]1
     * soma ps.: [3639]1
     * sosai: [3640]1
     * t. geneseos: [3641]1 [3642]2 [3643]3
     * t. gnomen episphale kai akatastaton: [3644]1
     * t. d. ph.: [3645]1
     * t. didaches: [3646]1
     * t. doxes: [3647]1 [3648]2
     * t. doxes t. megalou theou k. soteros hemon: [3649]1
     * t. kuriou: [3650]1 [3651]2
     * t. kuriou t. doxes: [3652]1
     * t. kuriou hemon I. Ch.: [3653]1
     * t. nomou : [3654]1
     * t. perittas phuseis tou hegemonikoi: [3655]1
     * t. presbuterous tes ekklesias: [3656]1
     * t. prosopon autou: [3657]1
     * t. pistin: [3658]1
     * t. trochon t. geneseos: [3659]1
     * t. philous asthenountas: [3660]1
     * t. ag. ton theon: [3661]1
     * t. adelphon kai sunergon kai sustratioten mou, humon de apostolon:
       [3662]1
     * t. adikias: [3663]1
     * t. aletheian: [3664]1
     * t. apollumenois k.t.l.: [3665]1
     * t. hegap. t. epiphaneian autou: [3666]1
     * t. hemet. threskeias: [3667]1
     * t. idias epithumias: [3668]1
     * teleios: [3669]1
     * tikto: [3670]1
     * ta stomata: [3671]1
     * talaiporesate kai penthesate kai klausate; ho gelos humon eis
       penthos metastrapetometastrapeto] metastrapheto: [3672]1
     * talaiporoi eisin hoi dipsuchoi, hoi distazontes te psuche k.t.l.:
       [3673]1
     * tapeinosis: [3674]1
     * tapeinois de: [3675]1
     * tapeinos: [3676]1
     * tapeinos: [3677]1
     * tapeinothete enopion Kuriou, kai hupsosei humas.: [3678]1
     * tareinophrosune: [3679]1
     * tachus: [3680]1
     * tachus eis to akousai: [3681]1
     * tachus : [3682]1
     * tauten (t. lethen) de moi theon tis eneke, dokimion esomenen tes
       ses peri sunthekas eustatheias: [3683]1
     * tais dodeka phulais: [3684]1
     * tauta: [3685]1
     * teleo: [3686]1
     * teleioo: [3687]1
     * teleite: [3688]1 [3689]2
     * telese: [3690]1
     * telikauta onta kai hupo anemon skleron elaunomena: [3691]1
     * tereo: [3692]1
     * terein, tois de sungenesi kai philois haplos chresthai kai gennaios
       kata dunamin: [3693]1
     * terese: [3694]1
     * ti prosopon t. geneseos autou: [3695]1
     * tis: [3696]1 [3697]2 [3698]3
     * tis . . . ex humon: [3699]1
     * tous dodeka phularchous ex hon to dodekaphulon tou Israel
       sunistatai: [3700]1
     * tous kath' homoiosin theou gegonotas: [3701]1
     * tous kataskopeusantas : [3702]1
     * tous ptochous to kosmo: [3703]1
     * tous chalinous: [3704]1
     * tous angelous: [3705]1
     * tous andreious kai spatalous: [3706]1
     * tous anthropous: [3707]1
     * tous epi t. pathon teirasmous: [3708]1
     * tous eritheuomenous: [3709]1
     * toutois (tried ascetes) sumbibeke me tois geinois alla tais
       epouraniais epistemais trephesthai: [3710]1
     * tois: [3711]1
     * tois Aiguptiois trochois ainittetai ti.: [3712]1
     * tois de oiomenois hoti ho theos peirazei, hos hai graphai legousin,
       ephe, Ho poneros estin ho peirazon; ho kai auton peirasas: [3713]1
     * tois poiousin eirenen: [3714]1
     * tois spatalois klemmasi, . . . ek spatales: [3715]1
     * tois agaposin auton: [3716]1
     * tois adelphois autou: [3717]1
     * tois ergois autou: [3718]1
     * tois oresi: [3719]1
     * tou aionos toutou: [3720]1
     * tou euthunontos: [3721]1
     * tou kuriou: [3722]1
     * tou kuriou hemon: [3723]1
     * tou kuklou t. geneseos: [3724]1
     * tou megalou theou kai soteros hemon: [3725]1
     * tou me amartanein en glosse mou: [3726]1
     * tou nomou: [3727]1
     * tou paidos mou: [3728]1
     * tou patros ton photon: [3729]1
     * tou ponerou: [3730]1
     * tou somatos: [3731]1
     * trachus: [3732]1
     * trope: [3733]1
     * trope: [3734]1
     * trope (? rhope: [3735]1
     * tropes: [3736]1
     * trochon t. geneseos, ho: [3737]1
     * trochon t. geneseos: [3738]1
     * trochos: [3739]1
     * truphais (on): [3740]1
     * truphetes: [3741]1
     * truphpheton: [3742]1
     * truphas: [3743]1
     * truphe, truphera, truphes: [3744]1
     * trepetai: [3745]1
     * trepho: [3746]1
     * treo: [3747]1
     * triboi: [3748]1
     * triton didaskalous: [3749]1
     * trochon: [3750]1
     * tuphloi en tais exodois: [3751]1
     * ta barutera t. nomou: [3752]1
     * ta daimonia: [3753]1
     * ta dodeka skeptra t. Israel: [3754]1
     * ta theia: [3755]1
     * ta miasmata t. kosmou: [3756]1
     * ta nomima t. ethnon mataia: [3757]1
     * ta pedia: [3758]1
     * ta probata tauta hosei truphonta en kai lian spatalonta, kai hilara
       en skirtonta hode kakeise: [3759]1
     * ta chersaia: [3760]1
     * ta agatha: [3761]1
     * ta anankaia epitedeia: [3762]1
     * ta alse: [3763]1
     * ta epitedeia tou somatos: [3764]1
     * ta epigeia phronountes: [3765]1
     * ta erga autou: [3766]1 [3767]2
     * ta ore: [3768]1
     * tas men kunas desai apothen ek tes hules: [3769]1
     * tas psuchas humon hegnikotes hen te hupakoe tes aletheias (leading
       on to) eis philadelphian: [3770]1
     * tas anthropinas psuchas: [3771]1
     * tas epistemas: [3772]1
     * teleioi: [3773]1 [3774]2
     * teleion: [3775]1 [3776]2 [3777]3
     * teleion anothen: [3778]1
     * teleios: [3779]1 [3780]2 [3781]3 [3782]4 [3783]5 [3784]6 [3785]7
       [3786]8 [3787]9
     * teleios aner: [3788]1 [3789]2
     * telos: [3790]1
     * ten de glossan oudeis damasai dunatai anthropon: [3791]1
     * ten de glossan oudeis damasai dunatai anthropon; akatastaton kakon,
       meste iou thanatephorou.: [3792]1
     * ten de ouranou periphoran ex anankes periagein phateon
       epimeloumenen kai kosmousan etoi ten aristen psuchen e ten
       enantian: [3793]1
     * ten makarian elpida kai epiphaneian tes doxes tou megalou theou kai
       soteros hemon Ch. I.: [3794]1
     * ten pistin: [3795]1
     * ten pistin toinun ouk argen kai monen: [3796]1
     * ten pistin tou kuriou hemon I. Ch. tes doxes: [3797]1
     * ten chrusokrotalo seiomenen spatale.: [3798]1
     * ten hapaloteta tes atheotetos: [3799]1
     * ten te tou helion parallaxin kai to ton hemeron, ton te nukton kai
       ton therinon kai ton cheimerinon megethos akribestata katephorasen:
       [3800]1
     * ti ophelos: [3801]1
     * timion karpon: [3802]1
     * tis gar oiden . . . ta t. anthropou ei me to pneuma k.t.l.: [3803]1
     * to basileion tes euprepeias: [3804]1
     * to gluku kai to pikron: [3805]1
     * to gluku tes adikias hosper delear euthus exededoke: [3806]1
     * to gluku tes epithumias hosper delear exelkein: [3807]1
     * to gar me epiblepein eph' heauton eleutheriou: [3808]1
     * to gar epieikes dokei dikaion einai, esti de epieikes to para ton
       gegrammenon nomon dikaion . . . (17) kai to tois anthropinois
       sunginoskein epieikes: [3809]1
     * to dodekaskeptron tou Israel: [3810]1
     * to dodekaphulon (hemon): [3811]1
     * to de med' ex hon heorakamen axioun pepaideusthai pasa an eie
       snmphora: [3812]1
     * to euangelisthen eis humas: [3813]1
     * to euangelion tes doxes tou makariou theou: [3814]1
     * to thusiaster.: [3815]1
     * to kalon onoma: [3816]1
     * to noeron eidos: [3817]1
     * to pneuma: [3818]1 [3819]2
     * to prosopon: [3820]1
     * to prosopon tes geneseos autou: [3821]1
     * to skiasma tes ges: [3822]1
     * to sumpan Ioudaion ethnos . . . tou sumpantos anthropon genous
       apeoemethe hoia tis aparche to poiete kai patri: [3823]1
     * to ton enalion genos: [3824]1
     * to en anthropois hupselon: [3825]1
     * to epiklethen eph' humas: [3826]1
     * to ergon: [3827]1
     * to onoma: [3828]1
     * ton dunamenon sosai tas psuchas humon: [3829]1
     * ton kata theon ktisthenta . . . tes aletheias: [3830]1
     * ton kurion (not theon) kai patera: [3831]1
     * ton kurion kai patera: [3832]1
     * ton kurion tes doxes: [3833]1
     * ton oikonomon tes adikias: [3834]1
     * ton stephanon t. zoes: [3835]1
     * ton stephanon tes zoes: [3836]1 [3837]2
     * ton trochon tes geneseos: [3838]1
     * ton tes geneseos kuklon: [3839]1
     * ton tes eleutherias: [3840]1
     * ton photismon tou euangeliou tes doxes tou christou, hos estin
       eikon tou theou: [3841]1
     * ton emphuton logon: [3842]1 [3843]2 [3844]3
     * ton heteron nomon: [3845]1
     * to nai: [3846]1
     * ton trochon tes geneseos: [3847]1
     * tes: [3848]1
     * tes geneseos: [3849]1
     * tes doxes: [3850]1 [3851]2 [3852]3 [3853]4
     * tes doxes tou megalou theou kai soteros hemon, Christou Iesou:
       [3854]1
     * tes kakopathias: [3855]1
     * tes psuches: [3856]1
     * tes aletheias: [3857]1
     * tes anthropines phuseos to kat' archen suzugian suneseos kai
       soterias labouses eis epignosin aletheias threskeias te tes eis ton
       hena kai panton despoten, pareisdusa eis eidolopoiias exetrepse
       baskania to huperballon tes ton anthropon megaleiotetos, kai pollo
       chrono meinan to perisson ethos hos oikeian kai alethe ten planen
       tois pollois paradidosi: [3858]1
     * tes haplotetos kai tes megalopsuchias: [3859]1
     * tes ephemerou trophes: [3860]1
     * te kinesei tes cheiros herema exanemisasa: [3861]1
     * te tapeinosei autou: [3862]1
     * te tautou kai homoiou periodo: [3863]1
     * te tou nou periodo: [3864]1
     * te ph. te anth. (not te anth. ph.): [3865]1
     * te phanerosei t. aletheias: [3866]1
     * te phusei te anth.: [3867]1
     * te phusei te anthropine: [3868]1
     * te andreia kai te hupomone: [3869]1
     * te orge: [3870]1
     * te hule: [3871]1
     * ton daktulion plethos echon: [3872]1
     * ton therisanton: [3873]1
     * ton threskeuonton t. megaloprepe kai endoxon threskeian t.
       hupsistou: [3874]1
     * ton sarkikon epithumion, haitines strateuontai kata tes psuches:
       [3875]1
     * ton sobaron: [3876]1
     * ton spatalonton mnesteron: [3877]1
     * ton strateuomenon: [3878]1
     * ton photon: [3879]1
     * ton anthropon: [3880]1
     * ton allon: [3881]1
     * ton hippon: [3882]1
     * to theo kai patri: [3883]1
     * to theo kai patri: [3884]1
     * to tes moiras trocho kai tes geneseos, hon adunaton metallaxai kat'
       Orphea: [3885]1
     * to phoboumeno Kurion ouk apantesei kakon; all' en peirasmo: [3886]1
     * to philo: [3887]1
     * to hegapemeno sou: [3888]1
     * to hupsei autou: [3889]1
     * huion geennes: [3890]1
     * huion: [3891]1
     * uhuos t. adelphou: [3892]1
     * philos: [3893]1
     * phaulon: [3894]1
     * phaulos: [3895]1
     * phthoneo: [3896]1
     * phthoneron to theion: [3897]1
     * phthoneite: [3898]1 [3899]2 [3900]3
     * phthoneo: [3901]1
     * phthonos: [3902]1
     * phthonon: [3903]1
     * phthonos: [3904]1 [3905]2 [3906]3 [3907]4 [3908]5 [3909]6 [3910]7
     * phthonos gar exo theiou chorou histatai: [3911]1
     * philia: [3912]1
     * philoneikias tinos kai rhathumias: [3913]1
     * philotimia: [3914]1
     * philotimia: [3915]1
     * philarguroi: [3916]1
     * philia: [3917]1 [3918]2
     * phlogizo: [3919]1
     * phlogizomene hupo tes geannes: [3920]1
     * phobesetai, akatastatesei, tarachthesetai: [3921]1
     * phoita gar hup' agrian: [3922]1
     * phoneuo: [3923]1
     * phoneuete: [3924]1 [3925]2 [3926]3 [3927]4 [3928]5 [3929]6 [3930]7
     * phoneuete zeloute: [3931]1
     * phr.: [3932]1
     * phrisso: [3933]1
     * phrissousin: [3934]1
     * phusikos: [3935]1
     * phosteres: [3936]1
     * phusis: [3937]1
     * phagetai: [3938]1
     * philos: [3939]1
     * phulla ta men t' anemos chamadis cheei, alla de th' hule telethoosa
       phuei: [3940]1
     * phuomai: [3941]1
     * phos oikon aprositon: [3942]1
     * phota: [3943]1 [3944]2
     * ch.: [3945]1
     * charis: [3946]1
     * chairein: [3947]1
     * chalinagogeo: [3948]1
     * chalinagogesai: [3949]1
     * chalinagogon glossan heautou: [3950]1
     * chara: [3951]1
     * chara: [3952]1
     * charan: [3953]1 [3954]2 [3955]3
     * charizetai de ho theos tois hupekoois ateles ouden, plere de kai
       teleia panta: [3956]1
     * chairein: [3957]1 [3958]2 [3959]3 [3960]4 [3961]5
     * chortazo: [3962]1
     * chortazesthe: [3963]1
     * chortazo: [3964]1
     * chre: [3965]1
     * christos: [3966]1
     * chrusodaktulios: [3967]1
     * chrusodaktulios: [3968]1
     * chrusos esti to agalma sou, . . . lithos estin, ge estin ean
       anothen noeses.: [3969]1
     * chre: [3970]1 [3971]2
     * choris: [3972]1
     * choris pneumatos: [3973]1
     * choris: [3974]1
     * choris orges kai dialogismou: [3975]1
     * chortos: [3976]1
     * charis: [3977]1 [3978]2
     * charis mose: [3979]1
     * chortos: [3980]1
     * ps. anthropos: [3981]1
     * psalleto: [3982]1
     * pseudologon: [3983]1
     * psithurismoi, phusioseis: [3984]1
     * psuche: [3985]1
     * psuchikai: [3986]1
     * psuchikoi, pneuma me echontes: [3987]1
     * psuchikos: [3988]1
     * psuchike: [3989]1
     * psuchikos daimoniodes: [3990]1
     * psuche: [3991]1 [3992]2 [3993]3
     * agathous: [3994]1
     * agathos: [3995]1
     * agatha;: [3996]1
     * agathe: [3997]1 [3998]2 [3999]3
     * agathos: [4000]1 [4001]2 [4002]3
     * agapao: [4003]1
     * agmon chre naoio thuodeos entos ionta emmenai; hagneie d' esti
       phronein hosia.: [4004]1
     * agne: [4005]1
     * anchonen epiphane, kuklon kai trochon anankes ateleutetou, . . .
       ouk akolouthian kai to hexes en bio kai ton heirmon ton tes phuseos
       pragmaton, hos he Thamar, ou gar kloios, all' hormiskos autes ho
       kosmos: [4006]1
     * ad. mou: [4007]1
     * adelphe: [4008]1
     * adelphoi hemon: [4009]1
     * adelphoi: [4010]1
     * adelphoi mou: [4011]1 [4012]2 [4013]3 [4014]4
     * adelphoi mou agapetoi: [4015]1 [4016]2
     * adelphos: [4017]1
     * adelphon tou patros autou: [4018]1
     * adelphos de Iakobou: [4019]1
     * adelphos tou patros autes: [4020]1
     * adelphos e adelphe: [4021]1
     * adelphos mou: [4022]1
     * adiakritos: [4023]1
     * adikia: [4024]1
     * adiakritos: [4025]1 [4026]2 [4027]3
     * adolphidous: [4028]1
     * adolphos: [4029]1
     * aei de ameinon kathara kai lampra himatia echein kai peplumena
       kalos e rhupara kai apluta, plen ton tas rhupodeis ergasias
       ergazomenon: [4030]1
     * ak. kakon: [4031]1
     * ak. en pasais t. hodois autou: [4032]1
     * akatastasia: [4033]1
     * akatastasia: [4034]1 [4035]2 [4036]3
     * akatastasia: [4037]1
     * akatastatoi egenonto: [4038]1
     * akatastaton: [4039]1
     * akatastaton kakon: [4040]1
     * akatastatos: [4041]1 [4042]2
     * akouo: [4043]1
     * akousate: [4044]1
     * akroates: [4045]1
     * akroatai: [4046]1
     * akroates epilesmones . . . poietes ergou: [4047]1
     * akroates: [4048]1
     * akroasis: [4049]1
     * aktastatos: [4050]1
     * akatharta: [4051]1
     * al.: [4052]1
     * aletheia: [4053]1
     * alazonas: [4054]1
     * alazones: [4055]1
     * alazon: [4056]1 [4057]2
     * alalazontas: [4058]1
     * alethine: [4059]1
     * alla kai Dionusios ho Thrax ho grammatikos en to Peri tes emphaseos
       peri tou ton trochiskon sumbolou phesi kata lexin; esemainon goun
       ou dia lexeos monon, alla kai dia sumbolon enioi tas praxeis, dia
       lexeos men hos echei ta legomena Delphika parangelmata, to meden
       agan kai to gnothi sauton kai ta toutois homoia, dia de sumbolon
       hos ho te trochos ho strephomenos en tois ton theon temenesin
       heilkusmenos para Aiguption kai to ton thallon ton didomenon tois
       proskunousi. phesi gar Orpheus ho Thrakios;: [4060]1
     * alla epigeios: [4061]1
     * alla: [4062]1
     * all' oute te psuche kakon estin he tou somatos nosos, eiper iatreia
       ousa tes psuches dedeiktai kai phainetai pollachou enargos aute.
       kai ei epiblabes de to meriko somati he nosos en kai he phthora
       autes, hophelimos de ousa ephaineto te te tou chromenou psuche, kai
       te tou pantos sustasei ton en auto stoicheion, kai to aperanto tes
       geneseos kuklo, dia touto ep' apeiron proionti, dia to ten allou
       phthoran allou genesin einai.: [4063]1
     * all' erei tis: [4064]1 [4065]2 [4066]3 [4067]4
     * all' erei tis Su pistin echeis;echeis;] echeis: [4068]1
     * amiantos: [4069]1
     * amphiballomena: [4070]1
     * aneleos: [4071]1
     * aner: [4072]1
     * anangelo humin ti estin en cheiri Kuriou, ha estin para
       Pantokratori ou pseusomai: [4073]1
     * anagegennemenoi: [4074]1
     * anapodotos: [4075]1
     * anarripizo: [4076]1
     * anastrophe: [4077]1
     * anastrophe: [4078]1
     * anastrophes: [4079]1
     * anatello: [4080]1
     * anaphero: [4081]1
     * anemizo: [4082]1
     * anemizomeno kai rhipizomeno: [4083]1
     * anemoumai: [4084]1
     * anemizo: [4085]1
     * anenenkas k.t.l.: [4086]1
     * aneritheutoi: [4087]1
     * anepsios: [4088]1
     * aneochthe de to stoma . . . kai he glossa autou, kai elalei eulogon
       ton theon: [4089]1
     * anthropine phusis: [4090]1
     * anthropinos: [4091]1
     * anthropou: [4092]1
     * anthropon: [4093]1
     * anti'stete de to diabolo: [4094]1
     * antilegomena: [4095]1
     * antitassomai: [4096]1
     * antita'ssetai: [4097]1 [4098]2 [4099]3
     * antitassetai humin: [4100]1
     * anti tou legein humas Ean ho kurios thele,thele] thelese: [4101]1
     * antikeimai: [4102]1
     * anupokritos: [4103]1
     * anupokritos: [4104]1 [4105]2
     * anothen erchomenos: [4106]1
     * ananka gar tos polla echontas tetuphosthai praton, tetuphomenos de
       alazonas gignesthai, alazonas de genomenos huperephanos emen kai
       mete homoios mete isos hupolambanen tos sungeneas k.t.l.,
       huperephanos de genomenos hubristas emen: [4107]1
     * anankes: [4108]1
     * anastatos kai akatastatos: [4109]1
     * anekleipton: [4110]1
     * aneleos to me poiesanti eleos: [4111]1
     * aneteilen: [4112]1
     * aneteilen ho helios, kai sunechthesan: [4113]1
     * aner: [4114]1
     * aner, . . . eikon kai doxa theou huparchon, he gune de doxa andros
       estin: [4115]1
     * anoteron: [4116]1
     * ap. kakon: [4117]1
     * aperchomai: [4118]1
     * aparche: [4119]1
     * aparchen tina ton autou (v. eautou) ktismaton: [4120]1
     * apatao: [4121]1
     * apaton kardian heautou: [4122]1
     * apaugasma t. doxes: [4123]1
     * apaugasma tes doxes: [4124]1
     * apeirastos: [4125]1
     * apekuesen: [4126]1
     * apekuesen hemas: [4127]1
     * apeleluthen: [4128]1
     * apeirastos: [4129]1 [4130]2 [4131]3 [4132]4
     * apeirastos (estin): [4133]1
     * apeirastos . . . kakon: [4134]1
     * apeiratos: [4135]1
     * apeiratos kakon: [4136]1 [4137]2
     * apeiratos: [4138]1 [4139]2
     * aplos: [4140]1
     * apokuei: [4141]1
     * apokuei thanaton: [4142]1
     * apokueisthai: [4143]1
     * apokueo: [4144]1 [4145]2
     * aporreton: [4146]1
     * aporia: [4147]1
     * aposkiasma: [4148]1
     * aposkiasma: [4149]1 [4150]2
     * apoteleo: [4151]1
     * apotelestheisa: [4152]1
     * apoteleisthai: [4153]1
     * apotithemai: [4154]1
     * aprosopolemptos : [4155]1
     * apo: [4156]1
     * apo: [4157]1
     * apo theou: [4158]1
     * apo tou kosmou: [4159]1
     * argos: [4160]1
     * arge: [4161]1 [4162]2 [4163]3
     * argos: [4164]1
     * asthenei tis en humin; proskalesastho tous presbuterous tos
       ekklesias, kai proseuxasthosan ep' auton aleipsantes elaio en to
       onomati [tou kuriou];: [4165]1
     * asthenounta: [4166]1
     * asteios t. theo: [4167]1
     * atimazo: [4168]1
     * atmis: [4169]1
     * aphanizo: [4170]1
     * aphrosune: [4171]1
     * aph' hou ge kai es touto parekupsen: [4172]1
     * acharistos oneidiei: [4173]1
     * achronos: [4174]1
     * hagnos: [4175]1
     * hagne: [4176]1
     * hagnizo: [4177]1
     * halukon: [4178]1
     * halukon: [4179]1 [4180]2
     * hamartia: [4181]1
     * hamartia: [4182]1
     * hamartian: [4183]1
     * hamartian ergazesthe: [4184]1
     * haploustatou de moi dokei einai to ten dunamin phaneran poiesanta
       ek tautes agonizesthai peri kalokagathias: [4185]1
     * haploun to tropo kai katharon ouch homoios: [4186]1
     * haplous: [4187]1 [4188]2
     * haplos: [4189]1 [4190]2 [4191]3 [4192]4
     * an hoi te theoi thelosi kai humeis boulesthe: [4193]1
     * angelos: [4194]1
     * age nun: [4195]1
     * agios: [4196]1
     * allas te threskias epiteleousi: [4197]1
     * alle de sarx ktenon k.t.l.: [4198]1
     * allog tina: [4199]1
     * amemptos: [4200]1 [4201]2
     * amoiron: [4202]1
     * amomos: [4203]1
     * an: [4204]1
     * andra haploun kai gennaion . . . ou dokein all' einai agathon
       ethelonta: [4205]1
     * andras kenous: [4206]1
     * anthos: [4207]1
     * anthos tou agrou: [4208]1
     * anthos amudron aretes marainesthai: [4209]1
     * anthropoi adelphoi: [4210]1
     * anthropos: [4211]1 [4212]2 [4213]3 [4214]4
     * anomos, anomia: [4215]1
     * anothen: [4216]1 [4217]2 [4218]3 [4219]4 [4220]5
     * anophen katerchoµene: [4221]1
     * aoinos aei methe kai skuthrope tais ton apaideuton enoikei
       psuchais, epitarattomene hupo orges tinos e dusmeneias e
       philoneikias e aneleutherias; hon ho oinos amblunon ta polla mallon
       e paroxunon oik aphronas oude helithious all' haplous peoei kai
       apanourgous, oude paroratikous tou sumpherontos alla tou kalou
       proairetikous: [4222]1
     * apantes: [4223]1
     * apraktos: [4224]1
     * archete : [4225]1
     * asemos en: [4226]1
     * aspilog heauton terei apo tou kosmou: [4227]1
     * aspilon: [4228]1 [4229]2
     * aspilos . . . apo t. kosmou: [4230]1
     * atreptos: [4231]1
     * hagios: [4232]1
     * hagios Israel. to kurio, arche (r'syt: [4233]1
     * hamilla: [4234]1
     * hapax legomenon: [4235]1
     * hapas: [4236]1
     * Abraam ouchi en peirasmo heurethe pistos, kai elogisthe auto eis
       dikaiosunen: [4237]1
     * Abraam ge toi episteuse to theo, kai dikaios enomisthe: [4238]1
     * Agathos: [4239]1
     * Agaposin: [4240]1
     * Adelphoi mou: [4241]1
     * Adelphoi mou, me en prosopolepsiais echete ten pistin tou kuriou
       hemon Iesou ChristouChristou] Christou, : [4242]1
     * Adiakritos: [4243]1
     * Akousate, adelphoi mou agapetoi. ouch ho theos exelexato tous
       ptochous to kosmo plousious en pistei kai kleronomous tes basileias
       hes epengeilato tois agaposin auton;: [4244]1
     * Alla kai ean phes Deixon moi ton theon sou, kago soi eipoimi an
       Deixon moi ton anthropon sou kago soi deixo ton theon mou: [4245]1
     * Anabathmoi Iakobou: [4246]1 [4247]2
     * Anastrophe: [4248]1
     * Anastrephesthai: [4249]1
     * Anemizo: [4250]1
     * Aner: [4251]1
     * Apokueo: [4252]1
     * Apotelestheisa: [4253]1
     * Aprosdoketos: [4254]1
     * Atuchia: [4255]1
     * Allos (? Sym.), agapete, en spatalais: [4256]1
     * Anthrope: [4257]1
     * Anothen: [4258]1
     * e. p. lege tis echein: [4259]1
     * ebasileusen Sennacherim ho huios ant' autou, kai hai hodoi autou
       [al. hai hod. tes Medias] hekatastatesan [so B; A katestesa, ':
       [4260]1
     * engizo: [4261]1
     * engisate to theo, kai thngisei humin. katharisate cheiras,
       amartoloi, kai hagnisate kardias, dipsuchoi.: [4262]1
     * egenethen hos aner suntetrimmenos . . . apo prosopou Kuriou kai apo
       prosopou heuprepeias doxes autou: [4263]1
     * enkentristheisa: [4264]1
     * enkrateia: [4265]1
     * egnosthe : [4266]1
     * ego d' echo tini me dei areskein, tini hupotetachthai, tini
       peithesthai, to theo kai tois met' ekeinon: [4267]1
     * edikaiothe: [4268]1 [4269]2
     * edikaiothe he sophia: [4270]1
     * ethelothreskeia: [4271]1
     * ek: [4272]1 [4273]2 [4274]3
     * ek gar tou perisseumatos tes kardias to stoma lalei: [4275]1
     * ek pollou sperma andragathias huparchei: [4276]1
     * ek t. agathou thesaurou ta agatha: [4277]1
     * ek tou autou stomatos: [4278]1
     * ek tou autou stomatos exerchetai eulogia kai katara. ou chre,
       adelphoi mou, tauta houtos ginesthai.: [4279]1
     * ek tes geneseos: [4280]1
     * ek ton ano eimi: [4281]1
     * ek ton hedonon humon: [4282]1
     * ekballo: [4283]1
     * ekbalousa: [4284]1
     * ekeinos: [4285]1 [4286]2
     * ekklesia: [4287]1
     * ekklesia: [4288]1 [4289]2 [4290]3 [4291]4
     * ekklesian: [4292]1
     * ekklino, ekpipto, ekstrephomai, ektrepomai: [4293]1
     * eklegomai: [4294]1
     * eklektous: [4295]1
     * eklektos: [4296]1 [4297]2
     * ekloge: [4298]1 [4299]2
     * eklethe: [4300]1
     * ekpipto: [4301]1
     * ekpeirazo: [4302]1
     * ekpipto: [4303]1 [4304]2
     * elencho: [4305]1
     * elenchomenoi: [4306]1
     * eleutheria: [4307]1
     * eleutherioteroi: [4308]1
     * eleutheria: [4309]1
     * eleutherios: [4310]1
     * elogisthe auto eis dik.: [4311]1
     * elencho: [4312]1
     * emaranthe hosper moloche (al. chloe) en kaumati e hosper stachus
       apo kalames automatos apopeson: [4313]1
     * emmelestata krathenai pros to kalon: [4314]1
     * emplektos ano kai kato ephereto, hosper en kludoni: [4315]1
     * emphuoaai: [4316]1
     * en: [4317]1 [4318]2 [4319]3 [4320]4 [4321]5 [4322]6 [4323]7
     * en . . . echete: [4324]1
     * en aute: [4325]1
     * en aute eulogoumen ton kurion kai patera, kai en aute katarometha
       tous anthropous tous kath' homoiosin theou: [4326]1
     * en eirene: [4327]1
     * en kardia disse: [4328]1
     * en koilasin oron e lochmais hulais te: [4329]1
     * en logo aletheias: [4330]1
     * en medeni leipomenoi: [4331]1
     * en panti eploutisthete en auto, en panti logo kai pase
       gnosei. . . . hoste humas me hustereisthai en medeni charismati:
       [4332]1
     * en plesmone arton kai en euthenia (oinou A) espatalon haute (Sodom)
       kai hai thugateres autes. : [4333]1
     * en pr.: [4334]1
     * en prauteti sophias: [4335]1 [4336]2
     * en prosopolepsiais: [4337]1
     * en prumne d' akra autos labon euthunon ampheres doru: [4338]1
     * en puri dokimazetai chrusos k.tl.: [4339]1
     * en pasais tais hodois autou: [4340]1
     * en t. diaspora: [4341]1
     * en tais hed. humon: [4342]1
     * en tais hedonais dap.: [4343]1
     * en tois melesin hemon: [4344]1
     * en tois melesin humon: [4345]1
     * en te basileia tou Christou kai theou.?: [4346]1
     * en te diaspora: [4347]1
     * en te kardia humon: [4348]1
     * en te poiesei: [4349]1
     * en to aioni stephanephorousa pompeuei, ton ton amianton athlon
       agona nikesasa: [4350]1
     * en to archonti ton daimonion: [4351]1
     * en phulaee: [4352]1
     * en agape: [4353]1
     * en heni stomati doxazete k.t.l.: [4354]1
     * en hemera kriseos: [4355]1
     * en hole te psuche sou: [4356]1
     * en umin: [4357]1
     * en humin: [4358]1
     * enalios: [4359]1
     * enalion: [4360]1
     * energoumene: [4361]1
     * entolai: [4362]1
     * entruphemata: [4363]1
     * enenenkon: [4364]1
     * eni: [4365]1
     * ex haireton gar dia touto epoiesan klerotas, hoti hepounto tous
       eritheuomenous: [4366]1
     * ex houper es ten Bretannian houtoi parekupsan: [4367]1
     * ex erithias: [4368]1
     * ex ergon dikaioutai: [4369]1
     * ex ergon edikaiothe: [4370]1
     * ex humon: [4371]1
     * exelko: [4372]1
     * exanemoumai: [4373]1
     * exanemizo: [4374]1
     * exelkomenos: [4375]1
     * exelkomenos kai deleazomenos: [4376]1
     * exomologesin kai euprepeian eneduso: [4377]1
     * exago: [4378]1
     * exepesen: [4379]1 [4380]2
     * epigeios: [4381]1
     * epangellomai: [4382]1
     * epangellomai: [4383]1
     * epainoumai: [4384]1
     * epamphoteristais: [4385]1
     * epeide psuche men estin he periagousa hemin panta: [4386]1
     * epekuesen: [4387]1
     * epetima: [4388]1
     * epiblepo epi: [4389]1
     * epiblepsete de epi: [4390]1
     * epiblepsete de epi ton phorounta ten estheta ten lampran kai eipete
       Su kathou hode kalos, kai to ptocho eipete Su stethi e kathou ekeie
       kathou ekei] ekei e kathou: [4391]1
     * epiballontas tous brochous epi aposchalidomata tes hules dikra:
       [4392]1
     * epieikes: [4393]1
     * epieikes: [4394]1 [4395]2
     * epithumeo: [4396]1
     * epithumia: [4397]1
     * epithumeite: [4398]1 [4399]2
     * epithumeite kai ouk echete: [4400]1
     * epithumeite, kai ouk echete; phoneuete.phoneuete.] phoneuete:
       [4401]1
     * epithumia: [4402]1
     * epithumia men gar, holkon echousa dunamin, kai an pheuge to
       pothoumenon diokein anankazei: [4403]1
     * epithumias: [4404]1
     * epikaloumai: [4405]1
     * epilesmone: [4406]1
     * epipothei: [4407]1 [4408]2 [4409]3 [4410]4
     * epipotheo: [4411]1
     * episkeptomai: [4412]1
     * episkeptesthai: [4413]1
     * epistemon: [4414]1
     * epistrepho: [4415]1
     * epistrepsai de dunantao ean hon enedusanto rhupon pases epithumias
       apothontai kai tosouton aponipsontai heos an apothontai pan to
       sumbebekos allotrion te psuche, kai monen auten hosper gegonen
       apodeixosin, hin' houtos en aute theoresai ton tou patros logon,
       kath' hon kai gegonasin ex arches dunethosin. kat' eikona gar theou
       pepoietai kai kath' homoiosin gegonen . . . hothen kai hote panta
       ton epichuthenta rhupon tes hamartias aph' eautes apotithetai, kai
       monon to kat' eikona katharon phulattei, eikotos dialamprunthentos
       toutou hos en katoptro theorei ten eikona tou patros ton logon, kai
       en auto ton patera, hou kai estin eikon ho soter, logizetai k.t.l.:
       [4416]1
     * epistemon: [4417]1
     * epistemon,: [4418]1
     * episunechthe ekklesia : [4419]1
     * epitedeios: [4420]1
     * epitedeumata hedonas echonta, ha kolakeuei men hemon ten psuchen
       kai helkei eph' heauta, peithei de ou tous kai hopeoun metrioths:
       [4421]1
     * epitunchano: [4422]1
     * epiphaneia: [4423]1
     * epoiesen: [4424]1
     * epetheken auton epi to thusiasterion: [4425]1
     * epi: [4426]1
     * epi: [4427]1 [4428]2
     * epigeios: [4429]1
     * episemos en: [4430]1
     * epitasis: [4431]1
     * ergazomai: [4432]1
     * ergazetai: [4433]1
     * ergatas: [4434]1
     * erithia: [4435]1
     * eritheia, -euomai: [4436]1
     * eritheuei, eike, ergaze maten: [4437]1
     * erithia: [4438]1 [4439]2
     * erithia; he dia logon philoneikia, legetai de kai he mistharnia:
       [4440]1
     * erithian: [4441]1
     * erpeta: [4442]1
     * erpeton: [4443]1
     * erromenous chremasin hoplon de kai somaton plethei leipomenous:
       [4444]1
     * erotikais anankais: [4445]1
     * esthes: [4446]1
     * estheti lampra: [4447]1
     * esiopesan epi: [4448]1
     * espatalesate: [4449]1 [4450]2
     * estin gar haute (sophia) euprepestera heliou: [4451]1
     * eteleihothe: [4452]1
     * etruphesate epi tes ges kai espatalesate, ethrepsate tas kardias
       humon en hemera sphages: [4453]1
     * ephemeros: [4454]1
     * epheidonto malista ton enalion: [4455]1
     * echthros tou theou kathistatai: [4456]1
     * ean gar eiselthe eis sunagogen humon aner chrusodaktulios en
       estheti lampra, eiselthe de kai ptochos en rhupara estheti,:
       [4457]1
     * ean pistin lege tis echein: [4458]1
     * ean adelphos e adelphe gumnoi huparchosin kai leipomenoi tes
       ephemerou trophes,: [4459]1
     * ean echete pistin kai me diakrithete: [4460]1
     * heni: [4461]1
     * herpeton: [4462]1
     * heterodoxos: [4463]1
     * heterodoxos, eugenes: [4464]1
     * hetera hodo: [4465]1
     * ekastos apo tou adelphou autou: [4466]1
     * ektisen: [4467]1
     * eleos: [4468]1 [4469]2 [4470]3 [4471]4 [4472]5 [4473]6
     * emphuton logon kalei ton diakritikon tou beltionos kai tou
       cheironos, kath' ho kai logikoi esmen kai kaloumetha: [4474]1
     * emphutos: [4475]1 [4476]2
     * endusai (Ierousalem) ten euprepeian tes para tou theou doxes eis
       ton aiona: [4477]1
     * enesti, eneisi: [4478]1
     * eni: [4479]1
     * enioi de ton ornithon en tois oresi kai te hule katoikousin:
       [4480]1
     * enochos: [4481]1
     * exelthe, paroike, apo prosopou doxes: [4482]1
     * eoiken kludoni thalasses: [4483]1
     * erga: [4484]1
     * erga me eche: [4485]1
     * ergon: [4486]1 [4487]2
     * ergon teleion echeto: [4488]1 [4489]2
     * eridas te kai eritheias: [4490]1
     * eris: [4491]1 [4492]2 [4493]3
     * estin: [4494]1
     * estin . . . katerchoµene: [4495]1
     * esto: [4496]1
     * esto de: [4497]1
     * eteron nomon en tois melesin mou antistrateuomenon to nomo tou noos
       mou: [4498]1
     * eti en soi leitei: [4499]1
     * ephe: [4500]1
     * echei ten phusin apotetelesmenen: [4501]1
     * echete ten pistin tou kuriou hemon k.t.l.: [4502]1
     * echthra: [4503]1
     * echo: [4504]1 [4505]2
     * eche erga: [4506]1
     * hekastos de peirazetai hupo tes idias epithumias: [4507]1
     * hekastos de peirazetai hupo tes idias epithumias exelkomenos kai
       deleazomenos;: [4508]1
     * helko: [4509]1 [4510]2 [4511]3
     * hen se husterei: [4512]1
     * heteron de ton apostolon ouk eidon, ei me Iakobon ton adelphon tou
       kuriou: [4513]1
     * heteros: [4514]1
     * Ek: [4515]1
     * En: [4516]1
     * En heautois: [4517]1
     * Enalia: [4518]1
     * Exelko: [4519]1
     * Epistemon: [4520]1
     * Epitunchano: [4521]1
     * Epitedeios: [4522]1
     * Es de theon basilea kai eis genetera propanton, : [4523]1
     * Eni: [4524]1
     * Enochos: [4525]1
     * Erithos: [4526]1
     * he glossa: [4527]1 [4528]2 [4529]3
     * he glossa kathist.: [4530]1
     * he glossa kathistatai: [4531]1
     * he graphe haute: [4532]1
     * he graphe legei: [4533]1
     * he graphe: [4534]1 [4535]2
     * he gar krisis: [4536]1
     * he gar krisis aneleos to me poiesanti eleos; katakauchatai eleon
       kriseos.: [4537]1
     * he ge palin ex arches kainas enenke ton zoon phuseis: [4538]1
     * he de hamartia apotelestheisa: [4539]1
     * he de anothen sophia: [4540]1
     * he de anothen sophia proton men agne estin, epeita eirenike,
       epieikes, eupeithes, meste eleous kai karpon agathon, adiakritos,
       anupokritos; : [4541]1
     * he de hupomone ergon teleion echeto, hina ete teleioi kai
       holokleroi, en medeni leipomenoi.: [4542]1
     * he doxa: [4543]1 [4544]2
     * he euprepeia tou prosopou autou: [4545]1
     * he kath. kai am. thr.: [4546]1
     * he krisis: [4547]1
     * he pege: [4548]1 [4549]2 [4550]3
     * he pege = he kardia: [4551]1
     * he pistis: [4552]1 [4553]2
     * he pistis eteleiothe: [4554]1
     * he porne: [4555]1
     * he sophia tou kosmou toutou: [4556]1
     * he spilousa: [4557]1
     * he spilousa . . .geennes: [4558]1
     * he philia tou kosmou: [4559]1
     * he agathe dianoia ouk echei duo glossas eulogias kai kataras.:
       [4560]1
     * he aletheia: [4561]1
     * he epithumia: [4562]1
     * he orge, [to] thelema: [4563]1
     * he hule: [4564]1
     * hegemonia d' aphiloneikos kai aneritheutos orthe mone: [4565]1
     * hedone: [4566]1
     * hedonai: [4567]1
     * hedone: [4568]1
     * helikos: [4569]1
     * hemas: [4570]1
     * hemon: [4571]1
     * henemomenos: [4572]1
     * hepritheumenon pephilotimemenon, heritheueto ephiloneikei: [4573]1
     * hesuchaze: [4574]1
     * hetimasate: [4575]1 [4576]2
     * e dokeite hoti: [4577]1
     * e dokeite hoti kenos he graphe legei, Pros phthonon epipothei to
       pneuma ho katokisen en hemin: [4578]1
     * e ou dokei soi andri dikaio poneron pragma einai ean anabe autou
       epi ten kardian he ponera epithumia: [4579]1
     * e plinthon opton spanis, hulai d' eudendroi: [4580]1
     * ede gar en oresin hule triphtheisa hup' anemon pros hauten apo
       thautomatou pur kai phloga ap' autou aneken: [4581]1
     * en: [4582]1
     * eka mala psuxasa: [4583]1
     * en dedomenon soi anothen: [4584]1
     * en de ouden ergon autou tes spoudes eskedasmenon ton anthropon:
       [4585]1
     * esan: [4586]1
     * hes epengeilato tois agaposin auton: [4587]1
     * Elias anthropos en homoiopathes hemin, kai proseuche proseuxato tou
       me brexai, kai ouk ebrexen epi tes ges eniautous treis kai menas
       hex;: [4588]1
     * Helikos: [4589]1
     * E graphe: [4590]1
     * idou kai ta ploia, telikauta onta kai hupo anemon skleron
       elaunomena, metagetai hupo elachistou pedaliou hopou he horme tou
       euthunontos bouletai;: [4591]1
     * idou makarizomen tous hupomeinantas: [4592]1
     * idou helikon (not olegon) pur heliken hulen anaptei: [4593]1
     * idou ho misthos ton ergaton ton amesanton tas choras humon ho
       aphusteremenos aph' humon krazei: [4594]1
     * idou: [4595]1 [4596]2
     * ide: [4597]1
     * ichthues: [4598]1
     * iota hen e mia keraia . . . mian t. entolon touton t. elachiston:
       [4599]1
     * iste: [4600]1 [4601]2
     * iunx: [4602]1
     * ichnos: [4603]1
     * hina gno hei hupomenei: [4604]1
     * hina en tais hedonais humon dapanesete: [4605]1
     * hippos: [4606]1
     * I Ch.: [4607]1
     * I.: [4608]1
     * I. Ch.: [4609]1 [4610]2 [4611]3 [4612]4
     * Iakob: [4613]1
     * Iesou: [4614]1
     * Iesous: [4615]1
     * Iakobos: [4616]1 [4617]2
     * Iste: [4618]1 [4619]2
     * Iste, adelphoi mou agapetoi. esto de pas anthropos tachus eis to
       akousai, bradus eis to lalesai, bradus eis orgen,: [4620]1
     * oligopiste, eis ti edistasas: [4621]1
     * oneidizo: [4622]1
     * oneidismos: [4623]1
     * ope: [4624]1
     * opes: [4625]1
     * orge: [4626]1
     * orge gar andros: [4627]1
     * orge gar andros dikaiosunen theou ouk ergazetai.: [4628]1
     * ho Satanas: [4629]1
     * ho gar eipon k.t.l.: [4630]1
     * ho gar eipon me moicheuses: [4631]1
     * ho gar penes kai aphthonos, epi pasi Kurio eucharisoton, autos para
       pasi ploutei, hoti ouk echei ton poneron perispasmon ton
       anthropon.: [4632]1
     * ho gar se (John) peirazon ton apeiraston peirazei: [4633]1
     * ho gelos auton (moron) en spatale hamartias: [4634]1
     * ho diabolos: [4635]1 [4636]2
     * ho de Sophokles eritheusai men ti hos presbutero (sc. Aeschylus) me
       bouletheis, ou men paralipein auto dokimazon psilos phesi k.t.l.:
       [4637]1
     * ho de parakupsas eis nomon teleion ton tes eleutherias kai
       parameinas, ouk akroates epilesmones genomenos alla poietes ergou,
       houtos makarios en te poiesei autou estai.: [4638]1
     * ho de stophanos estai tois hupomenousin: [4639]1
     * ho de tauten (ten ton holon ousian) dioikon logos oudemian en
       heauto aitian echei tou kakopoiein, kakian gar ouk echei.: [4640]1
     * ho de emplatunon heauton en to paronti bio dia spatales kai methes
       kai doxes apanthouses k.t.l.: [4641]1
     * ho theos kai pater tou kuriou hemon I. Ch.: [4642]1
     * ho theos t. doxes : [4643]1
     * ho theos tou kuriou hemon I. Ch. ho pater tes doxes: [4644]1
     * ho theos tou kuriou hemon I. Ch., ho pater tes doxes: [4645]1
     * ho theos epeirazen ton Abraam: [4646]1
     * ho theos: [4647]1
     * ho k. houtow: [4648]1
     * ho k. t. ad. he gl. kathist. en t. mel. hem.: [4649]1
     * ho krites t. ad.: [4650]1
     * ho kosmos t. ad.: [4651]1 [4652]2
     * ho kosmos tes adikias: [4653]1
     * ho kurios ebasileusen, euprepeian enedusato: [4654]1
     * ho logismos: [4655]1
     * ho logos tou theou: [4656]1
     * ho logos tes aletheias : [4657]1
     * ho panourgoteros: [4658]1
     * ho pater autou kai he meter: [4659]1
     * ho pater sou kai ego: [4660]1
     * ho peirazon: [4661]1
     * ho peirazon epeirazen: [4662]1
     * ho plousios: [4663]1 [4664]2
     * ho ploutos: [4665]1
     * ho ploutos humon sesepen, kai ta himatia humon setobrota gegonen,:
       [4666]1
     * ho pneumatikos: [4667]1
     * ho prokopton. ho asketes: [4668]1
     * ho spatalistes ekeinos: [4669]1
     * ho spatalos: [4670]1
     * ho t. kosmou Ktistes, ho plasas anthropou genesin kai panton
       exeuron genesin: [4671]1
     * ho tapeinos: [4672]1
     * ho teirazon: [4673]1
     * ho tou kosmou ktistes, ho plasas anthropou genesin kai panton
       exeuron genesin.: [4674]1
     * ho trupheros: [4675]1
     * ho tes geneseos potamos: [4676]1
     * ho chrusos humon kai ho arguros katiotai, kai ho ios auton eis
       marturion humin estai kai phagetai tas sarkas humon; hos pur:
       [4677]1
     * ho adelphos ho tapeinos: [4678]1
     * ho allotrios: [4679]1
     * ho antikeimenos: [4680]1
     * ho anthropos ekeinos: [4681]1
     * ho heterodoxos, hairetikos: [4682]1
     * ho ophthalmos, to soma: [4683]1
     * hodoi: [4684]1
     * hodos: [4685]1
     * holokleros: [4686]1
     * holokleroi: [4687]1
     * holokleros: [4688]1 [4689]2 [4690]3
     * homo?osis: [4691]1
     * homoiosis: [4692]1
     * homoiopathes: [4693]1
     * homoios de kai: [4694]1 [4695]2
     * homoios de kai Rhaab he porne ouk ex ergon edikaiothe, hupodexamene
       tous angelous kai hetera hodo ekbalousa;: [4696]1
     * homoiosis: [4697]1
     * hopoios en: [4698]1
     * horata phenge to blepomeno: [4699]1
     * horme: [4700]1
     * horme: [4701]1
     * horao: [4702]1
     * horate: [4703]1 [4704]2 [4705]3
     * horate hoti ex ergon dikaioutai anthropos kai ouk ek pisteos
       monon.: [4706]1
     * hon de methermeneuesthai Patros philon: [4707]1
     * hon epengeilato: [4708]1
     * hon hegapesa: [4709]1
     * hos kataspatala ek paidos oiketes estai: [4710]1
     * hos an apotelesthe pros areten: [4711]1
     * hos ean oun boulethe: [4712]1
     * onoma: [4713]1
     * holon ton nomon terese: [4714]1
     * homoion kai to eritheuesthai to dekazesthai estin, kai he eritheia
       eiretai apo tes tou misthou doseos: [4715]1
     * hopou gar zelos kai erithia, ekei akatastasia kai pan phaulon
       pragma.: [4716]1
     * hopou gar: [4717]1
     * hos: [4718]1 [4719]2
     * hosoi de meta nomou zosin eleutheroi: [4720]1
     * hosoi en nomo hemarton dia nomou krithesontai: [4721]1
     * hosois de anothen: [4722]1
     * hostis: [4723]1
     * hotan: [4724]1 [4725]2 [4726]3
     * hotan spatalosin: [4727]1
     * hoti: [4728]1
     * hoti ei tis akroates logou estin kai ou poietes, houtos eoiken
       andri katanoounti to prosopon tes geneseos autou en esoptro:
       [4729]1
     * hoti eis theos estin: [4730]1
     * hoti kenos he graphe legei: [4731]1
     * hoti ouk ek pisteos: [4732]1
     * hoti he pistis choris ton ergon: [4733]1
     * Oneidizo: [4734]1
     * Oneiropompos Agathokleus: [4735]1
     * Ope: [4736]1
     * Ho men haplousteros: [4737]1
     * Hodois: [4738]1
     * Hon tromeei kai gaia kai ouranos hede thalassa: [4739]1
     * Hopou: [4740]1
     * Hostis gar holon ton nomon terese, ptaise de en heni, gegonen
       panton enochos.: [4741]1
     * hubristas: [4742]1
     * hubristes: [4743]1 [4744]2
     * humeis de: [4745]1
     * humeis de hetimasate ton ptochon. ouch hoi plousioi
       katadunasteuousin humon, kai autoi helkousin humas eis kriteria; :
       [4746]1
     * hupago: [4747]1
     * huparcho: [4748]1
     * huperephanos: [4749]1 [4750]2
     * huperephanoteroi kai alegistoteroi: [4751]1
     * huperephanois: [4752]1 [4753]2
     * huperephanos: [4754]1
     * huperephanos ex alazoneias: [4755]1
     * huperoa rhipista: [4756]1
     * hupodechomai: [4757]1
     * hupodexamene: [4758]1
     * hupomeno: [4759]1
     * hupomenei kai hesuchasei eis to soterion Kuriou: [4760]1
     * hupomeinas: [4761]1
     * hupomone: [4762]1
     * hupomone: [4763]1 [4764]2 [4765]3
     * hupomonen: [4766]1 [4767]2
     * hupomenei: [4768]1
     * hupomenouin eleon: [4769]1
     * hupopodion: [4770]1
     * hupotassomai: [4771]1
     * hupotagesometha to patri ton pneumaton: [4772]1
     * hupotagethi to kurio kai hiketeuson auton; mee parazelou en to
       kateuodoumeno en te zoe, k.t.l. hoi de hupome'nontes ton kurion
       autoi kleronomesousin ten gen: [4773]1
     * hupotagete oun to theo: [4774]1
     * hupo: [4775]1
     * huparchosin: [4776]1 [4777]2 [4778]3
     * hupo k.t.l.: [4779]1
     * hupo tou diabolou: [4780]1
     * hupo to hupopodion mou: [4781]1
     * hupo tes idias epithumias: [4782]1
     * hupo: [4783]1 [4784]2 [4785]3 [4786]4
     * hupodeigma: [4787]1
     * hupodeigma labete, adelphoi, tes kakopathias kai tes makrothumias
       tous prophetas, hoi elalesan en to onomati Kuriou.: [4788]1
     * hup' anemou rhipizetai: [4789]1
     * husteroumai: [4790]1
     * hustero: [4791]1
     * hudor: [4792]1 [4793]2
     * hulan: [4794]1
     * hulan ana t' antra kai : [4795]1
     * hule: [4796]1 [4797]2 [4798]3 [4799]4
     * hule de speos amphipephukei telethoosa: [4800]1
     * hulen: [4801]1 [4802]2 [4803]3
     * hupsos: [4804]1
     * Hupotagete oun to theo; anti'stete de to diabolo, kai pheuxetai
       aph' humon;: [4805]1
     * Hupagete en eirene: [4806]1
     * Huparcho: [4807]1
     * Hupo: [4808]1
     * hos dia nomou eleutherias: [4809]1
     * hos d' ite pur aidelon en axulo empese hule, pante t' eiluphoon
       anemos pherei, hoi de te thamnoi prorrizoi piptousin epeigomenoi
       puros horme: [4810]1
     * hos kenou kai alazonos: [4811]1
     * hos tou Dios diakonon edei, hama men kedomenos, hama d' hos to theo
       hupotetagmenos: [4812]1
     * hos anthos chortou: [4813]1
     * hosperhosper] + gar: [4814]1
     * o anth. kene: [4815]1
     * o anthrope kene: [4816]1
     * o anthrope kene : [4817]1
     * osin: [4818]1
     * Hoste: [4819]1
     * e en prosopolepsiais echete: [4820]1
     * ho tis hettetai : [4821]1
     * rhembeuon: [4822]1
     * rhipizo: [4823]1
     * rhipe: [4824]1
     * rhipizomai: [4825]1
     * rhipizo: [4826]1 [4827]2
     * rhipis: [4828]1
     * rhuparia: [4829]1
     * rhuparos: [4830]1
     * rhuparia: [4831]1
     * rhuparian kai periss.: [4832]1
     * rhuparian kai perisseian: [4833]1
     * rhema: [4834]1 [4835]2 [4836]3
     * Rhaab: [4837]1
     * Rhaab he porne: [4838]1
     * Rhuetai ek thanatou eleos, krisis hoppot' an elthe.: [4839]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Hebrew Words and Phrases

     * mtsrph: [4840]1
     * ': [4841]1 [4842]2 [4843]3
     * 'vyvnym: [4844]1 [4845]2
     * 'rts 'chrt: [4846]1 [4847]2
     * 'hv: [4848]1 [4849]2
     * 'vr: [4850]1
     * 'vrym: [4851]1
     * b: [4852]1 [4853]2
     * gvlh: [4854]1 [4855]2
     * dmvt: [4856]1
     * dmvt : [4857]1
     * dvmyh ,dmm: [4858]1 [4859]2
     * h: [4860]1
     * hthll: [4861]1 [4862]2
     * hytsr hr: [4863]1
     * hsqt: [4864]1
     * hrk vhng: [4865]1
     * hv' ylyts: [4866]1
     * zr: [4867]1 [4868]2
     * zrh: [4869]1 [4870]2
     * ch: [4871]1
     * chnynh: [4872]1 [4873]2
     * chn: [4874]1 [4875]2 [4876]3
     * chrvt: [4877]1
     * chtsyr: [4878]1 [4879]2
     * chrvt: [4880]1
     * yqr': [4881]1 [4882]2
     * ytytsv: [4883]1
     * ytsr: [4884]1
     * ydvn: [4885]1 [4886]2
     * ynh: [4887]1 [4888]2
     * ytsv: [4889]1
     * ysr: [4890]1 [4891]2
     * kvvd: [4892]1 [4893]2
     * lyts ,ltsym: [4894]1
     * ltsym: [4895]1 [4896]2
     * mzmh: [4897]1 [4898]2
     * mphnq: [4899]1
     * mspt: [4900]1 [4901]2
     * msh: [4902]1
     * msh ,nsh: [4903]1
     * mtsrph: [4904]1
     * m'vr: [4905]1
     * m'vr ,'vrym ,'vr: [4906]1
     * msych: [4907]1 [4908]2
     * mvldt: [4909]1 [4910]2
     * mldt: [4911]1
     * nsh: [4912]1 [4913]2
     * n'ts: [4914]1 [4915]2
     * nvl: [4916]1 [4917]2
     * ns': [4918]1
     * ns' phny: [4919]1 [4920]2
     * srchym: [4921]1
     * srch: [4922]1
     * trh: [4923]1 [4924]2
     * nvym: [4925]1
     * nyym: [4926]1 [4927]2
     * m: [4928]1 [4929]2
     * nh: [4930]1
     * dh: [4931]1 [4932]2 [4933]3
     * dh : [4934]1
     * lkn y'mr: [4935]1 [4936]2
     * ny ,nv: [4937]1
     * nv: [4938]1
     * ng: [4939]1
     * nh: [4940]1
     * pnym: [4941]1 [4942]2
     * tslyl: [4943]1 [4944]2
     * tsyts hsdh: [4945]1 [4946]2
     * tslm: [4947]1
     * tslm : [4948]1
     * tsdyq: [4949]1 [4950]2 [4951]3
     * tsdyq ,tsdq: [4952]1
     * tsdq: [4953]1
     * qn'h: [4954]1 [4955]2
     * qdym: [4956]1 [4957]2 [4958]3
     * qhl: [4959]1 [4960]2 [4961]3
     * qhl : [4962]1
     * qvh: [4963]1 [4964]2
     * r'syt: [4965]1 [4966]2
     * rchm: [4967]1 [4968]2
     * rchv ,rchv: [4969]1 [4970]2
     * stm: [4971]1
     * stn: [4972]1 [4973]2
     * slm: [4974]1
     * slm) slvm): [4975]1
     * sqt: [4976]1
     * slvm: [4977]1
     * stnh: [4978]1
     * stnh ,stn ,stn: [4979]1
     * sdh: [4980]1
     * tvl: [4981]1 [4982]2 [4983]3 [4984]4 [4985]5
     * tngvt: [4986]1
     * tnvgym: [4987]1
     * tm ,tm: [4988]1
     * tmym: [4989]1 [4990]2
     * tmh: [4991]1
     * tmh ,tm ,tm: [4992]1
     * tvldvt: [4993]1 [4994]2
     * tldt: [4995]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Latin Words and Phrases

     * Quicunque vult: [4996]1
     * At saepe in magnis fit montibus, inquis, ut altis Arboribus vicina
       cacumina summa terantur Inter se, validis facere id cogentibus
       austris, Donec flammai fulserunt flore coorto: [4997]1
     * Explicit epistola Jacobi filii Zebedaei: [4998]1
     * Hos omnes ubi mille rotam: [4999]1
     * Id autem est ipsa ratio vel mens vel intelligentia, vel si quo alio
       vocabulo commodius appellatur. Unde et Apostolus dicit, Renovamini
       etc.: [5000]1
     * Ita erit tacita antithesis inter Dei simplicitatem, cujus meminit
       prius, et duplicem hominis animum. Sicut enim exporrecta manu nobis
       Deus largitur, ita vicissim sinum cordis nostri expansum esse
       decet. Incredulos ergo, qui recessus habent, dicit esse instabiles
       etc.: [5001]1
     * J. Zebedaei filius duodecim tribubus quae sunt in dispersione
       omnibus praedicavit evangelium Dni. nostri J.C. etc.: [5002]1
     * Jacobum fratrem Dei: [5003]1
     * Jacobus filius Zebedaei, frater Joannis, quartus in ordine,
       duodecim tribubus quae sunt in dispersion, gentium scripsit atque
       Hispaniae et occidentalium locorum gentibus evangelium praedicavit
       etc.: [5004]1
     * Lingua dolosa . . . cum carbonibus juniperi, qui incensi sunt in
       gehenna inferne.: [5005]1
     * Linquenda tellus et domus et placens Uxor; neque harum, quas colis,
       arborum: [5006]1
     * Magnificat, Benedictus, Nunc Dimittis: [5007]1
     * Nam etsi Deus nondum Sermonem suum miserat, proinde eum cum ipsa et
       in ipsa Ratione intra semetipsum habebat tacite cogitando et
       disponendo: [5008]1
     * Nam quid to igitur rettulit Beneficum ease oratione, si ad rem
       auxilium emortuum: [5009]1
     * Sed jam finis sermoni nostro sit, quoniam completus est dies sextus
       et mundani operis summa conclusa est, perfecto videlicet homine in
       quo principatus est animantium universorum, et summa quaedam
       universitatis, et omnis mundanae gratia creaturae. . . . Fecerat
       enim hominem, rationis capacem, imitatorem sui, virtutum
       aemulatorem, cupidum caelestium gratiarum.: [5010]1
     * Sed nec Deum: [5011]1
     * Sed neque a Jacobo aliquid discere potuit, quippe cum alia sentiat;
       ut neque a Petro, vel quod paucis diebus cum Petro moratus est; vel
       quod Jacobus apostolus non est, et in haeresi sit.: [5012]1
     * Semper ergo intueamur istam imaginem Dei, ut possimus ad ejus
       similitudinem reformari. Si enim ad imaginem Dei factus homo,
       contra naturam intuens imaginem diaboli, per peccatum similis ejus
       effectus est; multo magis intuens imaginem Dei, ad cujus
       similitudinem factus est a Deo, per verbum et virtutem ejus
       recipiet formam illam quae data ei fuerat per naturam.: [5013]1
     * Sicut enim post lapsum peccati homo in agnitione Dei renovatur
       secundum imaginem ejus qui creavit eum, ita in ipsa agnitione
       creatus est: [5014]1
     * Verbum: [5015]1
     * Vidi ergo nominatim quid Jacobus tractet et evangelizet: et tamen
       quoniam cognita mihi est ista blasphemia, repudiata a me est, sicut
       et a vobis, o Galatae, repudianda: [5016]1
     * a Graecis nescio quibus: [5017]1
     * abutor: [5018]1
     * acceptione personarum: [5019]1
     * actu: [5020]1
     * admixto Judaismo Christum evangelizabat, quod negat id faciendum.:
       [5021]1
     * adpropio: [5022]1
     * adquirit: [5023]1
     * adversarius: [5024]1
     * aemulatio: [5025]1
     * aeruginavit: [5026]1
     * aestimo: [5027]1
     * agnitio: [5028]1
     * alapamini: [5029]1 [5030]2
     * aliter consiliantes: [5031]1
     * alterutrum: [5032]1
     * amicus factus est Dei: [5033]1
     * anima: [5034]1
     * animalis: [5035]1
     * animalis demonetica: [5036]1
     * anxio: [5037]1
     * apostolus: [5038]1
     * apud: [5039]1
     * apud quem: [5040]1
     * audiens: [5041]1
     * auditor: [5042]1
     * bullio: [5043]1
     * cibo: [5044]1
     * clementia: [5045]1
     * communico: [5046]1
     * concupisco: [5047]1
     * conditionum: [5048]1
     * conforto: [5049]1
     * consentiens: [5050]1
     * consentio: [5051]1
     * consummamini: [5052]1
     * consummatus: [5053]1
     * convalesco: [5054]1
     * credidit Deo et reputatum est illi ad justitiam, et amicus Dei
       vocatus est: [5055]1
     * datio permutatio: [5056]1
     * de malls passionibus: [5057]1
     * delicias ago: [5058]1
     * dicente Jacobo apostolo in epistola sua: [5059]1
     * dignitas: [5060]1
     * dijudicer: [5061]1
     * disciplinosus: [5062]1
     * dissolutos: [5063]1
     * divites: [5064]1
     * dubito: [5065]1
     * elicitor : [5066]1
     * erogo: [5067]1
     * estote satulli: [5068]1
     * experimentum: [5069]1
     * expono: [5070]1
     * expromitto: [5071]1
     * extermino: [5072]1
     * facti autem initium facturae: [5073]1
     * factores: [5074]1
     * flamentum: [5075]1
     * fornicaria exploratores: [5076]1
     * fornicatores: [5077]1
     * frequens: [5078]1
     * fruiti estis super terram et abusi estis, ff; epulati estis super
       terram et in luxuriis: [5079]1
     * frustrastis: [5080]1
     * genitor: [5081]1
     * germino: [5082]1
     * gloria: [5083]1 [5084]2
     * gloriamini: [5085]1
     * gloriatio: [5086]1 [5087]2
     * glorietur: [5088]1
     * gratificor: [5089]1
     * honeris: [5090]1
     * honoratum fructum: [5091]1
     * honoris: [5092]1
     * horror: [5093]1
     * id est, verbum Dei ab apostolis . . . adnuntiatum: [5094]1
     * in continenti: [5095]1
     * in medias res: [5096]1
     * inconstans est: [5097]1
     * inerat tamen (Vitellio) simplicitas et liberalitas, quae, ni adsit
       modus, in vitium vertuntur: [5098]1
     * inquit: [5099]1
     * inreprehensibilis: [5100]1
     * jam nunc: [5101]1
     * lascivientium: [5102]1
     * lascivitis: [5103]1
     * legum positor: [5104]1
     * liberalitas: [5105]1
     * libertas: [5106]1
     * libertatis lex: [5107]1
     * libidines: [5108]1
     * locuples: [5109]1
     * manducabit: [5110]1
     * materia, materies: [5111]1
     * modicum: [5112]1
     * momentum: [5113]1 [5114]2
     * natale: [5115]1 [5116]2
     * natantium: [5117]1
     * nativitas: [5118]1 [5119]2
     * non recipientes: [5120]1
     * obumbratio: [5121]1
     * pater: [5122]1
     * penes: [5123]1
     * peperit: [5124]1
     * per modica: [5125]1
     * per modicú: [5126]1
     * per quem: [5127]1
     * perfectus: [5128]1
     * personas accipio: [5129]1
     * poenis: [5130]1
     * potentantur in vobis: [5131]1
     * prima facie: [5132]1 [5133]2
     * promitto: [5134]1
     * psalmum dicat: [5135]1
     * quantillus: [5136]1
     * quantum simplex hilarisque nepoti Discrepet, et quantum discordet
       parcus avaro: [5137]1
     * quantus: [5138]1
     * qui araverunt in: [5139]1
     * quomodo pater nester Abraham tentatus est, et per multas
       tribulationes probatus Dei amicus: [5140]1
     * quoniam: [5141]1 [5142]2
     * quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appellabat: [5143]1
     * religio: [5144]1 [5145]2
     * religio, religiosus: [5146]1
     * religiosus: [5147]1 [5148]2 [5149]3
     * retracto de: [5150]1
     * revoco: [5151]1
     * rixatis: [5152]1
     * saepe: [5153]1
     * salmacidum: [5154]1
     * salvo: [5155]1
     * sanctifico: [5156]1
     * scamellum: [5157]1
     * scripsit: [5158]1
     * sequique kausona: [5159]1
     * sequuntur kausona: [5160]1
     * silva: [5161]1
     * similis: [5162]1
     * simplex, simplicitas: [5163]1
     * sine dijudicatione: [5164]1
     * sine hypocrisi: [5165]1
     * speret: [5166]1
     * suferentia: [5167]1
     * superextendi decreta libertatis, et augeri subjectionem quae est ad
       regem: [5168]1
     * superglorior: [5169]1
     * talis: [5170]1
     * temptator non: [5171]1
     * testimonium animae naturaliter Christianae: [5172]1
     * tiniaverunt: [5173]1
     * totius diei calorem et aestum: [5174]1
     * traduco: [5175]1
     * tribulatio: [5176]1
     * ubicumque: [5177]1
     * umbra terrae: [5178]1
     * unde Abraham amicus Dei deputatus: [5179]1
     * verecundie: [5180]1
     * versari: [5181]1
     * vir simplicitatis generosissimae: [5182]1
     * visceraliter: [5183]1
     * voluptates: [5184]1
     * zelatis: [5185]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Pages of the Print Edition

   [5186]01  [5187]02  [5188]03  [5189]i  [5190]ii  [5191]iii  [5192]iv
   [5193]v  [5194]vi  [5195]vii  [5196]viii  [5197]ix  [5198]x  [5199]xi
   [5200]xii  [5201]xiii  [5202]xiv  [5203]xv  [5204]xvi  [5205]xvii
   [5206]xviii  [5207]xix  [5208]xx  [5209]xxi  [5210]xxii  [5211]xxiii
   [5212]xxiv  [5213]xxv  [5214]xxvi  [5215]xxvii  [5216]xxviii
   [5217]xxix  [5218]xxx  [5219]xxxi  [5220]xxxii  [5221]xxxiii
   [5222]xxxix  [5223]1  [5224]2  [5225]3  [5226]4  [5227]5  [5228]6
   [5229]7  [5230]8  [5231]9  [5232]10  [5233]11  [5234]12  [5235]13
   [5236]14  [5237]15  [5238]16  [5239]17  [5240]18  [5241]19  [5242]20
   [5243]21  [5244]22  [5245]23  [5246]24  [5247]25  [5248]26  [5249]27
   [5250]28  [5251]29  [5252]30  [5253]31  [5254]32  [5255]33  [5256]34
   [5257]35  [5258]36  [5259]37  [5260]38  [5261]39  [5262]40  [5263]41
   [5264]42  [5265]43  [5266]44  [5267]45  [5268]46  [5269]47  [5270]48
   [5271]49  [5272]50  [5273]51  [5274]52  [5275]53  [5276]54  [5277]55
   [5278]56  [5279]57  [5280]58  [5281]59  [5282]60  [5283]61  [5284]62
   [5285]63  [5286]64  [5287]65  [5288]66  [5289]67  [5290]68  [5291]69
   [5292]70  [5293]71  [5294]72  [5295]73  [5296]74  [5297]75  [5298]76
   [5299]77  [5300]78  [5301]79  [5302]80  [5303]81  [5304]82  [5305]83
   [5306]84  [5307]85  [5308]86  [5309]87  [5310]88  [5311]89  [5312]90
   [5313]91  [5314]92  [5315]93  [5316]94  [5317]95  [5318]96  [5319]97
   [5320]98  [5321]99  [5322]100  [5323]101  [5324]102  [5325]103
   [5326]104  [5327]105  [5328]106  [5329]107  [5330]108  [5331]109
   [5332]110  [5333]111  [5334]112  [5335]113  [5336]114  [5337]115
   [5338]116  [5339]117  [5340]118  [5341]119  [5342]120
     __________________________________________________________________

            This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal
               Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org,
                   generated on demand from ThML source.

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