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           Title: The Christian Ecclesia: A Course of Lectures on the Early
                  History and Early Conceptions of the Ecclesia and One Sermon
      Creator(s): Hort, Fenton John Anthony (1828-1892)
   CCEL Subjects: All;
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                                      THE
                               CHRISTIAN ECCLESIA

  A COURSE OF LECTURES

ON THE EARLY HISTORY AND
EARLY CONCEPTIONS OF
THE ECCLESIA

  AND ONE SERMON

    BY

FENTON JOHN ANTHONY HORT D.D.

    LADY MARGARET'S READER IN DIVINITY IN THE
    UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE

  MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
  ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON

  1914

   COPYRIGHT

   First Edition, 1897.
   Reprinted 1898, 1900, 1908.
   Shilling Theological Library, 1914.
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Prefatory Material
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PREFACE.

   THIS book consists in the first place of a course of lectures delivered
   by Dr Hort as Lady Margaret Professor in the Michaelmas Terms of 1888
   and 1889 on The Early History and the Early Conceptions of the
   Christian Ecclesia'. The plan of the lectures is the same as that of
   the Lectures on Judaistic Christianity.

   They contain a careful survey of the evidence to be derived from the
   literature of the Apostolic age for the solution of a fundamental
   problem.

   The title Ecclesia' was chosen, as the opening lecture explains,
   expressly for its freedom from the distracting associations which have
   gathered round its more familiar synonyms. It is in itself a sufficient
   indication of the spirit of genuine historical enquiry in which the
   study was undertaken.

   The original scheme included an investigation into the evidence of the
   early Christian centuries, and the book is therefore in one sense no
   doubt incomplete. On the other hand it is no mere fragment. The
   lectures as they stand practically exhaust the evidence of the New
   Testament, at least as far as the Early History of Christian
   institutions is concerned. And Dr Hort's conclusions on the vexed
   questions with regard to the Origines' of the different Orders in the
   Christian Ministry will no doubt be scanned with peculiar interest. It
   is however by no means too much to say that it was the other side of
   his subject, the Early Conceptions of the Ecclesia', that gave it its
   chief attraction for Dr Hort. And on this side unfortunately the
   limitations of lecturing compelled him to leave many things unsaid to
   which he attached the greatest importance.

   *    *    *    *    *    *    *    *    *    *    *    *    *    *
   *

   The course in 1889 began with a somewhat full recapitulation of the
   course delivered in 1888. I have not thought it worth while to print
   this recapitulation at length. A few modifications have however been
   introduced from it into the text of the original lectures, and a few
   additions appended as footnotes. Otherwise the Lectures are printed,
   with a few necessary verbal alterations, as they stand in the Author's
   MSS. I am further responsible for the divisions of the text, for the
   titles of the Lectures, and for the headings of the separate
   paragraphs.

   My best thanks are due to the Rev. F. G. Masters, formerly scholar of
   Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, for much help in revising the
   proof-sheets and for the compilation of the index.

   J. O. F. MURRAY.

   EMMANUEL COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.

   March 12th, 1897.
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LECTURE I.

   THE WORD ECCLESIA.

   THE subject on which I propose to lecture this term is The early
   conceptions and early history of the Christian Ecclesia. The reason why
   I have chosen the term Ecclesia is simply to avoid ambiguity. The
   English term church, now the most familiar representative of ecclesia
   to most of us, carries with it associations derived from the
   institutions and doctrines of later times, and thus cannot at present
   without a constant mental effort be made to convey the full and exact
   force which originally belonged to ecclesia. There would moreover be a
   second ambiguity in the phrase the early history of the Christian
   Church arising out of the vague comprehensiveness with which the phrase
   History of the Church' is conventionally employed.

   It would of course have been possible to have recourse to a second
   English rendering congregation', which has the advantage of suggesting
   some of those elements of meaning which are least forcibly suggested by
   the word church' according to our present use. Congregation' was the
   only rendering of ekklesia in the English New Testament as it stood
   throughout Henry VIII.'s reign, the substitution of church' being due
   to the Genevan revisers; and it held its ground in the Bishops' Bible
   in no less primary a passage than Matt. xvi. 18 till the Jacobean
   revision of 1611, which we call the Authorized Version. But
   congregation' has disturbing associations of its own which render it
   unsuitable for our special purpose; and moreover its use in what might
   seem a rivalry to so venerable, and rightly venerable, a word as
   church' would be only a hindrance in the way of recovering for church'
   the full breadth of its meaning. Ecclesia' is the only perfectly
   colourless word within our reach, carrying us back to the beginnings of
   Christian history, and enabling us in some degree to get behind words
   and names to the simple facts which they originally denoted.

   The larger part of our subject lies in the region of what we commonly
   call Church History; the general Christian history of the ages
   subsequent to the Apostolic age. But before entering on that region we
   must devote some little time to matter contained in the Bible itself.
   It is hopeless to try to understand either the actual Ecclesia of
   post-apostolic times, or the thoughts of its own contemporaries about
   it, without first gaining some clear impressions as to the Ecclesia of
   the Apostles out of which it grew; to say nothing of the influence
   exerted all along by the words of the apostolic writings, and by other
   parts of Scripture. And again the Ecclesia of the Apostles has likewise
   antecedents which must not be neglected, immediately in facts and words
   recorded by the Evangelists, and ultimately in the institutions and
   teaching of the Old Covenant.

   In this preliminary part of our subject, to say the least, we shall
   find it convenient to follow the order of time.

   I am sorry to be unable to recommend any books as sufficiently
   coinciding with our subject generally. Multitudes of books in all
   civilised languages bear directly or indirectly upon parts of it: but I
   doubt whether it would be of any real use to attempt a selection. In
   the latter part of the subject we come on ground which has been to a
   certain extent worked at by several German writers within the last few
   years, and I may have occasion from time to time to refer to some of
   them: they may however be passed over for the present.

   The sense of the word in the Old Testament.

   The Ecclesia of the New Testament takes its name and primary idea from
   the Ecclesia of the Old Testament. What then is the precise meaning of
   the term Ecclesia as we find it in the Old Testament?

   The word itself is a common one in classical Greek and was adopted by
   the LXX. translators from Deuteronomy onwards (not in the earlier books
   of the Pentateuch) as their usual rendering of qahal.

   Two important words are used in the Old Testament for the gathering
   together of the people of Israel, or their representative heads, edhah
   [R.V. congregation] and qahal [R.V. assembly].

   Sunagoge [Synagogè] is the usual, almost the universal, LXX. rendering
   of edhah, as also in the earlier books of the Pentateuch of qahal. So
   closely connected in original use are the two terms Synagogue and
   Ecclesia, which afterwards came to be fixed in deep antagonism!

   Neither of the two Hebrew terms was strictly technical: both were at
   times applied to very different kinds of gatherings from the gatherings
   of the people, though qahal had always a human reference of some sort,
   gatherings of individual men or gatherings of nations. The two words
   were so far coincident in meaning that in many cases they might
   apparently be used indifferently: but in the first instance they were
   not strictly synonymous. edhah (derived from a root ydh used in the
   Niphal in the sense of gathering together, specially gathering together
   by appointment or agreement) is properly, when applied to Israel, the
   society itself, formed by the children of Israel or their
   representative heads, whether assembled or not assembled.

   On the other hand qahal is properly their actual meeting together:
   hence we have a few times the phrase q^eha?l edhah the assembly of the
   congregation' (rendered by the LXX. translators in Ex. xii. 6 pan to
   plethos sunagoges huion Israel in Num. xiv. 5 where no equivalent is
   given for q^eha?l pases sunagoges huion Israel) and also q^eha?l a?m
   the assembly of the people' (rendered in Judg. xx. 2 en ekklesia tou
   laou tou theou, in Jer. xxvi. (LXX. xxxiii.) 17 pase te sunagoge tou
   laou). The special interest of this distinction lies in its accounting
   for the choice of the rendering ekklesia: qahal is derived from an
   obsolete root meaning to call or summon, and the resemblance to the
   Greek kaleo naturally suggested to the LXX. translators the word
   ekklesia, derived from kaleo (or rather ekkaleo) in precisely the same
   sense.

   There is no foundation for the widely spread notion that ekklesia means
   a people or a number of individual men called out of the world or
   mankind. In itself the idea is of course entirely Scriptural, and
   moreover it is associated with the word and idea called,' calling,'
   call.' But the compound verb ekkaleo is never so used, and ekklesia
   never occurs in a context which suggests this supposed sense to have
   been present to the writer's mind. Again, it would not have been
   unnatural if this sense of calling out from a larger body had been as
   it were put into the word in later times, when it had acquired
   religious associations. But as a matter of fact we do not find that it
   was so. The original calling out is simply the calling of the citizens
   of a Greek town out of their houses by the herald's trumpet to summon
   them to the assembly and Numb. x. shews that the summons to the Jewish
   assembly was made in the same way. In the actual usage of both qahal
   and ekklesia this primary idea of summoning is hardly to be felt. They
   mean simply an assembly of the people; and accordingly in the Revised
   Version of the Old Testament assembly' is the predominant rendering of
   qahal.

   So much for the original and distinctive force of the two words, in
   Hebrew and Greek. Now we must look a little at their historical
   application in the Old Testament.

   edhah is by far the commoner word of the two in Exodus, Leviticus,
   Numbers and Joshua, but it is wholly absent from Deuteronomy. The two
   words are used in what appears to be practically the same sense in
   successive clauses of Lev. iv. 13; Num. xvi. 3; and they are coupled
   together, en meso ekklesias kai sunagoges, in Prov. v. 14 (LXX.). Both
   alike are described sometimes as the congregation or assembly of
   Israel, sometimes as the congregation or assembly of Jehovah; sometimes
   as the congregation or the assembly absolutely. In the later books
   edhah goes almost out of use. It is absent from Chronicles except once
   in an extract from Kings or the source of Kings (2 Chr. v. 6). It
   recurs (in the sense of congregation of Israel, I mean) but two or
   three times in the Psalms and the same in the Prophets.

   In these, and in the poetical books, qahal is hardly more common, but
   it abounds in Chronicles, Ezra and Nehemiah. It would seem that after
   the return from the Exile this, the more definite and formal word, came
   to combine the shades of meaning belonging to both. Thus ekklesia, as
   the primary Greek representative of qahal would naturally for
   Greek-speaking Jews mean the congregation of Israel quite as much as an
   assembly of the congregation.

   In the Apocrypha both sunagoge and ekklesia are to be found: but it
   would take too long to examine the somewhat intricate variations of
   sense to be found there [1] . But with regard to these words, like many
   others of equal importance, there is a great gap in our knowledge of
   the usage of Greek Judaism. Philo gives us no help, the thoughts which
   connect themselves with the idea of a national ekklesia being just of
   the kind which had least interest for him; and Josephus's ostentatious
   classicalism deprives us of the information which a better Jew in his
   position might have afforded us. For our purpose it would be of
   peculiar interest to know what and , how much the term ekklesia meant
   to Jews of the Dispersion at the time of the Christian Era: but here
   again we are, I fear, wholly in the dark.

   The sense of the word in the Gospels.

   It is now time to come to the New Testament and its use of ekklesia,
   bearing in mind that it is a word which had already a history of its
   own, and which was associated with the whole history of Israel. It is
   also well to remember that its antecedents, as it was used by our Lord
   and His Apostles, are of two kinds, derived from the past and the
   present respectively. Part, the most important part, of its meaning
   came from its ancient and what we may call its religious use, that is
   from the sense or senses which it had borne in the Jewish Scriptures;
   part also of its meaning could not but come from the senses in which it
   was still current in the everyday life of Jews. We may be able to
   obtain but little independent evidence on this last head: but it needs
   only a little reflexion to feel sure that in this as in other cases
   contemporary usage cannot have been wholly inoperative.

   The actual word ekklesia, as many know, is in the Gospels confined to
   two passages of St Matthew. This fact has not unnaturally given rise to
   doubts as to the trustworthiness of the record. These doubts however
   seem to me to be in reality unfounded. If indeed it were true that
   matter found in a single Gospel only is to be regarded with suspicion
   as not proceeding from fundamental documents common to more than one,
   then doubtless these passages would be open to doubt. But if, as I
   believe to be the true view, each evangelist had independent knowledge
   or had access to fresh materials by which he was able to make
   trustworthy additions to that which he obtained from previous records,
   then there is no a priori reason for suspecting these two passages of
   the First Gospel.

   It is further urged that these passages have the appearance of having
   been thrust into the text in the Second Century in order to support the
   growing authority of the Ecclesia as an external power. An
   interpolation of the supposed kind would however be unexampled, and
   there is nothing in the passages themselves, when carefully read, which
   bears out the suggestion. Nay, the manner in which St Peter's name
   enters into the language about the building of Messiah's Ecclesia could
   not be produced by any view respecting his office which was current in
   the Second Century. In truth, the application of the term ekklesia by
   the Apostles is much easier to understand if it was founded on an
   impressive saying of our Lord. On the other hand, during our Lord's
   lifetime such language was peculiarly liable to be misunderstood by the
   outer world of Jews, and therefore it is not surprising if it formed no
   part of His ordinary public teaching.

   It will be convenient to take first the less important passage, Matt.
   xviii. 17. Here our Lord is speaking not of the future but the present,
   instructing His disciples how to deal with an offending brother. There
   are three stages of elenxis, or bringing his fault home to him; first
   with him alone, next with two or three brethren; and if that fails,
   thirdly with the ekklesia, the whole brotherhood. The principle holds
   good in a manner for all time. The actual precept is hardly
   intelligible if the ekklesia meant is not the Jewish community,
   apparently the Jewish local community, to which the injured person and
   the offender both belonged.

   We are on quite different ground in the more famous passage, Matt. xvi.
   18. At a critical point in the Ministry, far away in the parts of
   Cæsarea Philippi, our Lord elicits from Peter the confession, "Thou art
   the Messiah, the Son of the Living God," and pronounces him happy for
   having been Divinely taught to have the insight which enabled him to
   make it: "Yea and I say to thee," He proceeds, "that thou art Peter
   (Petros, kepha'), and on this petra I will build my Ecclesia and the
   gates of Hades shall not prevail against it."

   Here there is no question of a partial or narrowly local Ecclesia. The
   congregation of God, which held so conspicuous a place in the ancient
   Scriptures, is assuredly what the disciples could not fail to
   understand as the foundation of the meaning of a sentence which was
   indeed for the present mysterious. If we may venture for a moment to
   substitute the name Israel, and read the words as on this rock I will
   build my Israel,' we gain an impression which supplies at least an
   approximation to the probable sense. The Ecclesia of the ancient Israel
   was the Ecclesia of God; and now, having been confessed to be God's
   Messiah, nay His Son, He could to such hearers without risk of grave
   misunderstanding claim that Ecclesia as His own.

   What He declared that He would build was in one sense old, in another
   new. It had a true continuity with the Ecclesia of the Old Covenant;
   the building of it would be a rebuilding [2] . Christ's work in
   relation to it would be a completion of it, a bestowal on it of power
   to fulfil its as yet unfulfilled Divine purposes.

   But it might also be called a new Ecclesia, as being founded on a new
   principle or covenant, and in this sense might specially be called the
   Ecclesia of Messiah, Messiah actually manifested; and under such a
   point of view building rather than rebuilding would be the natural verb
   to use. It is hardly necessary to remind you how these two contrasted
   aspects of the Gospel, as at once bringing in the new, and fulfilling
   and restoring the old, are inseparably intertwined in our Lord's
   teaching.

   Hence we shall go greatly astray if we interpret our Lord's use of the
   term Ecclesia in this cardinal passage exclusively by reference to the
   Ecclesia known to us in Christian history. Speaking with reference to
   the future, He not only speaks (as the phrase is) "in terms of" the
   past, but emphatically marks the future as an outgrowth of the past.
   Here however a question presents itself which we cannot help asking, --
   asking in all reverence. How came our Lord to make choice of this
   particular word, or a word belonging to this particular group? Common
   as are the two Hebrew words which we have examined, edhah and qahal,
   they do not occur in any of the important passages which describe or
   imply the distinctive position of Israel as a peculiar people. Their
   use is mainly confined to historical parts of the historical book. They
   have no place in the greater prophecies having what we call a Messianic
   import. From all parts of the book of Isaiah they are both entirely
   absent. People,' am, laos, is the term which first occurs to us as most
   often applied to Israel in this as well as in other connexions, and
   which has also, under limitations, considerable Apostolic sanction as
   applied to the Christian Ecclesia. But on reflexion we must see, I
   think, that people' was a term which, thus applied, belonged in
   strictness only to that past period of the world's history in which the
   society of men specially consecrated to God was likewise a nation, one
   of many nations, and in the main a race, one of many races. It would
   have been a true word, but, as used on this occasion, liable to be
   misunderstood. This impression is confirmed by examination of the
   passages of the New Testament in which laos (people) is applied to the
   Christian Ecclesia. It will be found that they almost always include a
   direct appropriation of Old Testament language [3] .

   If the term people' was not to be employed, qahal (ekklesia) was, as
   far as we can see, the fittest term to take its place. Although, as we
   saw just now, the use of the two words which we translate congregation'
   and assembly' in the Old Testament, is almost wholly historical, not
   ideal or doctrinal, there is one passage (Ps. lxxiv. 2) in which one of
   them wears practically another character. It is not a conspicuous
   passage as it stands in the Psalter; but the manner in which St Paul
   adopts and adapts its language in his parting address to the Ephesian
   elders at Miletus (Acts xx. 28) amply justifies the supposition that it
   helped directly or indirectly to facilitate the use of ekklesia to
   denote God's people of the future. "Remember thy congregation which
   thou didst purchase of old, didst redeem to be the tribe of thine
   inheritance."

   The original here is edhah, and the LXX. rendering for it sunagoge. St
   Paul substitutes ekklesia as he also substitutes periepoiesato
   (purchased') for the too colourless ekteso (acquired') of the LXX.,
   while he further gives the force of the other verb redeem' by what he
   says of the blood through which the purchase was made. The points that
   concern us are these. Not people' but congregation' is the word
   employed by the Psalmist in his appeal to God on behalf of the
   suffering Israel of the present, with reference to what He had wrought
   for Israel in the time of old, when He had purchased them out of Egypt,
   ransomed them out of Egyptian bondage, to be a peculiar possession to
   Himself; these images of purchase' and ransom' as applied to the Divine
   operation of the Exodus being taken primarily from the Song of Moses
   (Exod. xv. 13, 16); and then fresh significance is given to the
   Psalmist's language by the way in which St Paul appropriates it to
   describe how God had purchased to Himself a new congregation (now
   called ekklesia) by the ransom of His Son's lifeblood. This
   seventy-fourth Psalm is now generally believed to be a very late one;
   it is not unlikely that in speaking of God's congregation rather than
   God's people, the Psalmist was following a current usage of his own
   time. If so, there would be an additional antecedent leading up to the
   language which we read in St Matthew. But to say the least, the Psalm
   shews that such language was not absolutely new [4] .

   But the fitness of this language by no means depends only on the Psalm
   or on what the Psalm may imply. These words denoting congregation' or
   assembly' had belonged to the children of Israel through their whole
   history from the day when they became a people. In the written records
   of the Old Testament they first start forth in this sense in connexion
   with the institution of the Passover (Ex. xii.): they continue on
   during the wanderings in the wilderness, in the time of the Judges,
   under the Kings, and after the Captivity when the kingdom remained
   unrestored. Moreover they suggested no mere agglomeration of men, but
   rather a unity carried out in the joint action of many members, each
   having his own responsibilities, the action of each and all being
   regulated by a supreme law or order. To Greek ears these words would
   doubtless be much less significant: but what they suggested would be
   substantially true as far as it went, and it was not on Greek soil that
   the earliest Christian Ecclesia was to arise.

   This primary sense of ekklesia as a congregation or assembly of men is
   not altered by the verb "build" (oikodomeso) associated with it. It is
   somewhat difficult for us to feel the exact force of the combination of
   words, familiar as we are with the idea of building as applied to the
   material edifice which we call a church, and natural as it is for us to
   transfer associations unconsciously from the one sense to the other. To
   speak of men as being built is in accordance with Old Testament usage.
   Thus Jer. xxiv. 6; I will build them, and not pull them down; and I
   will plant them, and not pluck them up (cf. xlii. 10); xxxiii. 7, I
   will cause the captivity of Judah and the captivity of Israel to
   return, and will build them, as at the first; and elsewhere. But no
   doubt the singular mou ten ekklesian is meant to imply more distinctly
   the building up of the whole body in unity.

   What our Lord speaks of however is not simply building, but building
   "upon this rock." It is impossible now to do more than say in the
   fewest words that I believe the most obvious interpretation of this
   famous phrase is the true one. St Peter himself, yet not exclusively St
   Peter but the other disciples of whom he was then the spokesman and
   interpreter, and should hereafter be the leader, was the rock which
   Christ had here in view. It was no question here of an authority given
   to St Peter; some other image than that of the ground under a
   foundation must have been chosen if that had been meant. Still less was
   it a question of an authority which should be transmitted by St Peter
   to others. The whole was a matter of personal or individual
   qualifications and personal or individual work. The outburst of keenly
   perceptive faith had now at last shown St Peter, carrying with him the
   rest, to have the prime qualification for the task which his Lord
   contemplated for him.

   That task was fulfilled, fulfilled at once and for ever so far as its
   first and decisive stage was concerned, in the time described in the
   earliest chapters of the Acts. The combination of intimate personal
   acquaintance with the Lord, first during His Ministry and then after
   His Resurrection, with such a faith as was revealed that day in the
   region of Cæsarea Philippi, a faith which could penetrate into the
   heavenly truth concerning the Lord that lay beneath the surface of His
   words and works, these were the qualifications for becoming the
   foundations of the future Ecclesia. In virtue of this personal faith
   vivifying their discipleship, the Apostles became themselves the first
   little Ecclesia, constituting a living rock upon which a far larger and
   ever enlarging Ecclesia should very shortly be built slowly up, living
   stone by living stone, as each new faithful convert was added to the
   society.

   But the task thus assigned to St Peter and the rest was not for that
   generation only. To all future generations and ages the Ecclesia would
   remain built upon them, upon St Peter and his fellow disciples, partly
   as a society continuous with the Society which was built directly upon
   them in their lifetime, partly as deriving from their faith and
   experience, as embodied in the New Testament, its whole knowledge of
   the facts and primary teachings of the Gospel.

   The Ecclesia (without the name) in the Gospels.

   We must not linger now over the other details of our Lord's words to St
   Peter; though the time we have already spent on those points in them
   which most directly concern our subject is hardly out of proportion to
   their importance in illustration of it. But we have not yet done with
   the Gospels. Though they contain the word ekklesia but twice, and refer
   directly to the Christian Ecclesia but once, in other forms they tell
   much that bears on our subject, far more than it is possible to gather
   up within our limits. This is one of the cases in which it is dangerous
   to measure teaching about things by the range of the names applied to
   things. Much had been done towards the making of the elements of the
   Ecclesia before its name could with advantage be pronounced otherwise
   than under such special circumstances as we have just been considering.

   One large department of our Lord's teaching, sometimes spoken of as if
   it directly belonged to our subject, may, I believe, be safely laid
   aside. In the verse following that which we have been considering, our
   Lord says to St Peter " I will give thee the keys of the Kingdom of
   Heaven." Without going into details of interpretation, we can at once
   see that the relation between the two verses implies some important
   relation between the Ecclesia and the Kingdom of Heaven: but the
   question is, what relation? The simplest inference from the language
   used would be that the office committed to St Peter and the rest with
   respect to the Ecclesia, would enable him and them to fulfil the office
   here described as committed to him, with respect to the Kingdom of
   Heaven. But the question is whether this is a sufficient account of the
   matter. Since Augustine's time the Kingdom of Heaven or Kingdom of God,
   of which we read so often in the Gospels, has been simply identified
   with the Christian Ecclesia. This is a not unnatural deduction from
   some of our Lord's sayings on this subject taken by themselves; but it
   cannot, I think, hold its ground when the whole range of His teaching
   about it is comprehensively examined. We may speak of the Ecclesia as
   the visible representative of the Kingdom of God, or as the primary
   instrument of its sway, or under other analogous forms of language. But
   we are not justified in identifying the one with the other, so as to be
   able to apply directly to the Ecclesia whatever is said in the Gospels
   about the Kingdom of Heaven or of God.

   On the other hand, wherever we find disciples and discipleship in the
   Gospels, there we are dealing with what was a direct preparation for
   the founding of the Ecclesia. We all know how much more this word
   disciples' sometimes means in the Gospels than admiring and
   affectionate hearers, though that forms a part of it; how a closer
   personal relation is further involved in it, for discipleship takes
   various forms and passes through various stages. Throughout there is
   devotion to the Lord, found at last to be no mere superior Rabbi, but a
   true Lord of the spirit; and along with and arising out of this
   devotion there is a growing sense of brotherhood between disciples.

   Chief among the disciples are those Twelve who from certain points of
   view are called Apostles, but very rarely in the Gospels; sometimes The
   Twelve', more often simply The Disciples'. We do the Evangelists wrong
   if we treat this use of terms as fortuitous or trivial. It is in truth
   most exact and most instructive. Not only was discipleship the
   foundation of apostleship, but the Twelve who were Apostles were
   precisely the men who were most completely disciples. Here we are
   brought back to the meaning of the building of Christ's Ecclesia upon
   St Peter and his fellows. The discipleship which accompanied our Lord's
   Ministry contained, though in an immature form, precisely the
   conditions by which the Ecclesia subsisted afterwards, faith and
   devotion to the Lord, felt and exercised in union, and consequent
   brotherly love. It was the strength, so to speak, of St Peter's
   discipleship which enabled him, leading the other eleven disciples and
   in conjunction with them, to be a foundation on which fresh growths of
   the Ecclesia could be built.

   This point needs a little further examination, the exact relation of
   the Apostles to the Ecclesia, according to the books of the New
   Testament, being a fundamental part of our subject.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [1] There is an indication that sunagoge was coming to mean the local
   congregation in Sir. xxiv. 23 and especially in Ps. Sal. x. 7. 8.

   [2] Cf. Acts xv. 16, where James quotes Amos ix. 11, "In that day will
   I raise up the tabernacle of David that is fallen, and close up the
   breaches thereof; and I will raise up his ruins, and I will build it as
   in the days of old."

   [3] Rom. ix. 25; 2 Cor. vi. 16; Tit. ii. 14; 1 Pet. ii. 9, 10; Heb.
   viii. 10; Ap. xviii. 4; xxi. 3. In Heb. iv. 9; xiii. 12 the term
   includes the ancient people, and is in fact suggested by the purpose of
   the Epistle as being addressed exclusively to Christians who were also
   Jews. In Acts xv. 14 ho theos epeskepsato labein ex ethnon laon to
   honomati autou (Revised Version paraphrastically "God did visit the
   Gentiles, to take out of them a people for his name"), the paradox of a
   people of God out of the Gentiles explains and justifies itself. Nor
   lastly is it a real exception when the Lord tells St Paul in a dream at
   Corinth that He has "laos polus in this city" (Acts xviii. 10).

   [4] The four passages of the Talmud quoted by Schürer [Eng. Tr. II. ii.
   p. 59] to shew that qahal came to have a high ideal character do not at
   all bear him out.
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE II.

   THE APOSTLES IN RELATION TO THE ECCLESIA.

   The term Apostle' in the Gospels.

   I SAID towards the close of my last lecture that the term Apostles' as
   applied to the Twelve was rare in the Gospels. Let us see what the
   passages are. The first is a very pregnant one, though simple enough in
   form, Mark iii. 13-16. Our Lord goes up into the mountain, and "calls
   to Him whom He Himself would, and they departed unto Him. And He made
   twelve, whom He also named Apostles, [such is assuredly the true
   reading, though the common texts create an artificial smoothness by
   omitting the last clause] that they should be with Him, and that He
   should send (apostelle) them to preach and to have authority to cast
   out the demons; and He made the Twelve . . . Peter (giving this name to
   Simon) and James etc." Here by what seems to be a double process of
   selection (though the word selection is not used), proceeding wholly
   from Himself, our Lord sets aside twelve for two great purposes, kept
   apart in the Greek by the double hina: the first, personal nearness to
   Himself "that they should be with Him": the second, "with a view to
   sending them forth", this mission of theirs having two heads, to
   preach, and to have authority to cast out the demons', these two being
   precisely the two modes of action which St Mark has described in i. 39
   as exercised by the Lord Himself in the synagogues of all Galilee, just
   as in the previous verses i. 14-34 he had described a succession of
   acts which came under these heads, the second head evidently including
   the healing of the sick. Lastly we learn that our Lord Himself,
   apparently on this occasion, called these twelve chosen men Apostles'
   or envoys'.

   Whether they were or were not sent forth immediately after this their
   selection, St Mark does not expressly tell us. But it is morally
   certain that he intended to represent the actual mission as not
   immediate. Such is the natural force of hina apostelle "with a view to
   sending them forth", and moreover more than one hundred verses further
   on (vi. 7) we read how when our Lord was going round the villages
   teaching, He called to Himself the Twelve, "and began to send them
   forth by two and two"; and so, after a brief account of His charge to
   them we read (vi. 12 f.) "and they went out and preached that men
   should repent, and they cast out many demons, and anointed with oil
   many that were sick and healed them": -- again the two heads of what
   they were to do when sent forth. Then comes the story of Herod and John
   the Baptist; and then (vi. 30) "and the Apostles are gathered together
   (sunagontai) unto Jesus, and they told Him all things whatsoever they
   had done and whatsoever they had taught" (again the two heads
   emphatically distinguished). Henceforward the word apostolos disappears
   from St Mark's Gospel; so that he evidently used it only in the
   strictest sense, with reference to this one typical mission to preach
   and to heal, at the beginning of it and at the end of it. When he
   wishes afterwards [5] to mark them out sharply from the other
   disciples, he calls them "the Twelve."

   Next, St Luke's Gospel is interesting both by its resemblances and by
   its differences. First comes a passage (vi. 12 ff.) which includes in
   itself both likeness and unlikeness to St Mark. "It came to pass in
   these days that He went out unto the mountain to pray, and He continued
   all night in His prayer to God. And when it was day, He called His
   disciples, and choosing from them twelve, whom He also named Apostles,
   Simon . . . , and going down with them, He stood on a level place."
   Here the selection by our Lord is mentioned, and the name Apostles'
   which He gave: but nothing is said of either purpose or work. The
   selection is associated with the Sermon on the Mount. We do hear
   however (vi. 17 f.) of the great crowd who were present "to hear Him"
   (the correlative of preaching) "and to be healed of their diseases",
   "unclean spirits" being mentioned in the next sentence. Then, after a
   considerable interval, we read (ix. 1) how He called together the
   Twelve (the addition "Apostles" has high authority but is probably only
   an Alexandrine reading), and gave them power and authority over all
   demons and to cure diseases, and sent them forth (apesteilen) to preach
   the kingdom of God and to heal. After a charge of three verses only, we
   read (ix. 6) "And they going forth went throughout the villages,
   preaching good tidings and healing everywhere". (Thus the two heads are
   twice repeated). Then Herod is spoken of for three verses, and in v. 10
   (just as in Mark vi. 30) we have the Twelve on their return described
   as Apostles, "And the Apostles when they had returned recounted to Him
   what they had done." If we pursue the narrative a little further, we
   shall hardly think this limitation of usage accidental. Two verses
   later (ix. 12) it is the Twelve who are said to come to our Lord and
   bid Him dismiss the multitude. In v. 14 they are called "His
   disciples", in vv. 16, 18 "the disciples", and so on.

   In this Gospel however the term is not throughout confined to this
   limited usage. Three times afterwards [6] it speaks of "the Apostles",
   without any perceptible reference to that mission, while it also speaks
   of the Twelve' once [7] and of the Eleven' twice [8] . The explanation,
   I suppose, is that St Luke, having probably in his mind the writing of
   the Acts, which is (see Acts i. 1 f.) a kind of second part to the
   Gospel, in these three places used by anticipation the title which, as
   we shall see presently, acquired a fresh currency after the Ascension:
   in each of the three cases the accompanying language bears no trace of
   coming from a common source with anything in the other Gospels; so that
   the wording is probably entirely St Luke's own. The anticipatory use
   thus supposed has no doubt an instructiveness of its own. It serves to
   remind us how all that period, in which the Twelve seemed to be only
   gathering in personal gains to heart and mind by their discipleship,
   was in truth the indispensable condition and, as it were, education for
   their future action upon others.

   St Matthew on the other hand gives even less prominence to the title
   Apostles' than St Mark. He tells us (x. 1) that our Lord "calling His
   twelve disciples unto Him gave them authority over unclean spirits so
   as to cast them out and to heal every disease and every sickness." "Now
   the names of the twelve Apostles," he adds, "are these . . . ." In the
   other two Gospels we have had two separate incidents, the selection on
   the mountain, and the subsequent mission among the villages. Here in St
   Matthew the first incident is dropped altogether, so that in the first
   words of chap. x. "His twelve disciples" are spoken of as an already
   known or already existing body to whom powers are now given, and the
   list of names is prefixed to the account of their mission. We are not
   told that our Lord called them Apostles' nor is any other indication
   given that the term had a special meaning: nay, the word in this
   context might with at least as great propriety be translated envoys' as
   Apostles'. The nature of their mission is not expressly described,
   though our Lord's own previous action is spoken of (ix. 35) as
   "teaching in their synagogues and preaching the Gospel of the kingdom
   and curing every disease and every sickness." But St Matthew places
   here the well-known charge, introducing it with the words "These twelve
   Jesus sent (apesteilen) charging them saying," etc., and the charge
   itself almost at once puts forward the same heads of mission which we
   have found in the other Gospels. Thenceforward St Matthew never uses
   the term Apostle'. When he needs a precise designation, it is usually
   [9] , "His twelve disciples" or "the Twelve [10] ", and once (xxviii.
   16) "the eleven disciples".

   St John's usage, as is well-known, is more remarkable still. He never
   calls the Twelve "Apostles", unless it be by indirect allusion (xiii.
   16) "A servant is not greater than his lord; neither an envoy (one
   sent) greater than he that sent him." Of the Twelve he speaks in vi.
   67, 70 "Jesus said therefore to the Twelve Will ye also go?'" "Did not
   I choose you the Twelve, and one of you is a diabolos?"; besides his
   use of the term to describe Judas (vi. 71) and Thomas (xx. 24).

   Taking these facts together respecting the usage of the Gospels, we are
   led, I think, to the conclusion that in its original sense the term
   Apostle was not intended to describe the habitual relation of the
   Twelve to our Lord during the days of His ministry, but strictly
   speaking only that mission among the villages, of which the beginning
   and the end are recorded for us; just as in the Acts, Paul and Barnabas
   are called Apostles (i.e. of the Church of Antioch) with reference to
   that special mission which we call St Paul's First Missionary Journey,
   and to that only. At the same time this limited apostleship was not
   heterogeneous from the apostleship of later days spoken of in the Acts,
   but a prelude to it, a preparation for it, and as it were a type of it.
   Such sayings as that difficult one (Matt. xix. 28 || Luke xxii. 30)
   about sitting on twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes of Israel,
   are indications that a distinctive function was reserved for the Twelve
   throughout, over and above their function as the chiefest disciples. It
   remains true that the habitual, always appropriate, designations of the
   Twelve during our Lord's ministry were simply "the disciples" or "the
   twelve" or "the twelve disciples".

   And this use of names points to corresponding facts. Discipleship, not
   apostleship, was the primary active function, so to speak, of the
   Twelve till the Ascension, and, as we shall see, it remained always
   their fundamental function. The purpose of their being with Him (with
   the Lord) stands first in that memorable sentence of St Mark, and is
   sharply distinguished from the Lord's second purpose in forming them
   into a body, viz. the sending them forth to preach and to work acts of
   deliverance. But the distinction does not rest on those words alone. A
   far larger proportion of the Gospels is taken up with records of facts
   belonging to the discipleship than with records of facts belonging to
   the apostleship, so far as it is possible to distinguish them.

   The Last Supper.

   When the Ministry is over, and the end is beginning, the importance of
   the special discipleship of the Twelve in relation to the future
   Ecclesia soon comes to light. The Last Supper is the most solemn and
   characteristic gathering together of the Twelve with the Lord at their
   head. There in the upper room they are completely "with Him," and
   completely separated from all others. The words and acts at this
   supper, which constitute the institution of the Holy Communion, were
   addressed to the Twelve, and no others are spoken of as recipients of
   the command. Whatever directions for the future are present here are
   contained within the simple imperatives addressed to the Twelve,
   "take," "eat," "drink," and (if we add St Paul and the interpolation in
   St Luke's text derived from him) "do this." Of whom then in after times
   were the Twelve the representatives that evening? If they represented
   an apostolic order within the Ecclesia then the Holy Communion must
   have been intended only for members of that order, and the rest of the
   Ecclesia had no part in it. But if, as the men of the Apostolic age and
   subsequent ages believed without hesitation, the Holy Communion was
   meant for the Ecclesia at large, then the Twelve sat that evening as
   representatives of the Ecclesia at large: they were disciples more than
   they were Apostles.

   That central event of the Last Supper, as we all know, is not mentioned
   by St John: but there is a close connexion between its meaning and much
   of the contents of those five chapters of his Gospel, from the
   thirteenth to the seventeenth, which begin with the washing of St
   Peter's feet, and end with the Lord's own last prayer before His
   departure from the city for the garden. Though the word ecclesia does
   not occur in these chapters, any more than in the rest of the Gospel,
   the inward characteristics of the Christian Ecclesia according to
   Christ's intention are virtually expounded in not a few of their
   verses. The seclusion of the Twelve, soon becoming the Eleven, with
   their Lord away from all other men, makes itself felt throughout: but
   it is equally clear that the little band of chosen ones, with whom
   those marvellous discourses were held, was destined to become no mere
   partial order of men but a people of God, an Ecclesia like the ideal
   Israel. The feet-washing in act, and the new commandment in words, lay
   down the primary law for the mutual action of the members of the
   Ecclesia, humility and love; the similitude of the vine and the
   branches lays down their common relation to their Divine Head. The
   promise of the other Paraclete, the Spirit of the Truth, and the
   exposition of His working, are a new and pregnant revelation of life
   and light for the Ecclesia. In the last prayer the goal of unity is set
   forth in a sentence (xvii. 20) which expressly recognises the growth of
   the future Ecclesia from that little band: "Neither for these only do I
   pray, but for them also that believe on me through their word; that
   they may all be one; even as Thou, Father, art in me, and I in Thee,
   that they also may be in us; that the world may believe that Thou didst
   send me." These last words bring out the purpose of the Ecclesia in
   God's counsels: it is to draw the rest of mankind to its own faith and
   love; to carry on a work of salvation, in the power of the salvation
   wrought by its Head: "as Thou didst send me into the world, I also sent
   them into the world." The whole Ecclesia shares alike in that
   transmitted Mission.

   The utterances after the Resurrection.

   Before we pass from the Gospels we must look for a moment at one or two
   famous passages belonging to the days after the Resurrection,
   especially to the last five verses of St Matthew, and to our Lord's
   appearance among the disciples on the evening of the first day of the
   week (John xx. 19-23), when He breathed on them and said "Receive ye
   the Holy Spirit. . . ." To discuss the contents of these passages would
   carry us into matters which it is happily not necessary to our purpose
   to examine in detail. But it is needful to point out the bearing of the
   results at which we have hitherto arrived, on the question as to the
   recipients of these two famous sets of words. Much stress is often laid
   on the supposed evidence afforded by the words of the evangelists that
   they were addressed exclusively to the Apostles. Dr Westcott has shown
   how, when we look below the surface, indications are not wanting that
   others were not improbably likewise present, at all events on the
   occasion recorded by St John, when his narrative is compared with that
   of St Luke (xxiv. 33 ff.).

   But in such a matter the mere fact that doubt is possible is a striking
   one. It is in truth difficult to separate these cases from the frequent
   omission of the evangelists to distinguish the Twelve from other
   disciples; a manner of language which, as we have seen, explains itself
   at once when we recognise how large a part discipleship played in the
   function of the Twelve.

   Granting that it was probably to the Eleven that our Lord directly and
   principally spoke on both these occasions (and even to them alone when
   He spoke the words at the end of St Matthew's Gospel), yet it still has
   to be considered in what capacity they were addressed by Him. If at the
   Last Supper, and during the discourses which followed, when the Twelve
   or Eleven were most completely secluded from all other disciples as
   well as from the unbelieving Jews, they represented the whole Ecclesia
   of the future, it is but natural to suppose that it was likewise as
   representatives of the whole Ecclesia of the future, whether associated
   with other disciples or not, that they had given to them those two
   assurances and charges of our Lord, about the receiving of the Holy
   Spirit and the remitting or retaining of sins (howsoever we understand
   these words), and about His universal authority in heaven and on earth,
   on the strength of which He bids them bring all the nations into
   discipleship, and assures them of His own presence with them all the
   days even to the consummation of the age.

   This interpretation is not affected by the special language used in
   Matt. xxviii. 19, where bringing all the nations into discipleship is
   coupled with baptizing them into the Threefold Name. In the most
   literal sense of these words, they apply to the bearers of the message
   of the Gospel, chief among whom, ideally at least, were the Apostles;
   though the personal act of baptizing is somewhat markedly disconnected
   from evangelistic work by St Paul in 1 Cor. i. 14-17. In a word, the
   action of the Apostles is the most obvious expression, so to speak, of
   the charge then given. But the work of the Ecclesia in relation to the
   world is itself a missionary work; and it is to the Ecclesia itself as
   the missionary body that Christ's charge is ultimately addressed.

   The new Apostolic mission.

   On entering the Acts of the Apostles, we come at once to the term
   apostles'. It continues with us all through the book with the rarest
   exceptions [11] . This fact suggests that a change has passed upon the
   work or office of the Twelve: and such we actually find.

   Two points especially require notice. Their original mission, from
   which apparently proceeded the title apostle' given them by our Lord,
   was strictly confined to Judæa (Matt. x. 5 f.), "Go not into any way of
   the Gentiles, and enter not into any city of the Samaritans: but go
   rather to the lost sheep of the house of Israel." And the same charge
   which opens with these words contains the remarkable and by no means
   easy sentence (Matt. x. 23), "When they persecute you in this city,
   flee into the next; for verily I say unto you, Ye shall not have gone
   through the cities of Israel, till the Son of man be come." The
   limitation of the original apostolic mission here indicated is
   maintained strictly in the Gospels throughout the Ministry. Whatever
   tokens or express declarations of the destination of the Gospel for all
   nations may be recorded by the Evangelists in this part of their books,
   in no case, I believe, is any reference there made to the agency of the
   Apostles in extending the sphere of the message of salvation. No doubt
   it is sometimes said that the prediction of the Apostles being brought
   before rulers and kings (hegemones and basileis), which St Matthew
   places in that same first charge to the Apostles which we have just
   been looking at (x. 18), and St Mark and St Luke in the discourse of
   judgement pronounced on the Mount of Olives in the last week (Mark
   xiii. 9; Luke xxi. 12), it is said, I say, that this prediction must
   refer to the heathen magistrates and potentates who withstood the
   Gospel in various parts of the Roman Empire. The words are however
   quite as naturally applicable to heathen rulers who, no less than the
   Jewish authorities, would be found hostile in Judæa itself. The
   allusion is, I strongly suspect, to the enemies of Jehovah and His
   Anointed, called in Ps. ii. 2 "the kings of the earth and the rulers"
   (LXX. archontes), a description which the Apostles recognise as
   fulfilled in Herod and Pontius Pilate as gathered together against our
   Lord Himself (Acts iv. 27), thus making a hostile combination of
   Gentiles with Jews.

   The extension of the range of the apostolic mission takes place between
   the Resurrection and the Ascension. Not to dwell again on the last
   charge at the end of St Matthew's Gospel, nor to refer by more than a
   word to the version of it preserved in a record of such uncertain
   authority as the Appendix to St Mark's Gospel, we read in Luke xxiv. 45
   ff. how our Lord opened their mind to understand the Scriptures, and
   said to them that "thus it is written," not only "that the Christ
   should suffer and rise again on the third day," but also "that
   repentance unto remission of sins should be preached (or proclaimed) in
   His Name unto all the nations, beginning with Jerusalem." "Ye are
   witnesses," he adds, "of these things."

   This language is strikingly guarded. The going forth of the message of
   salvation is set forth as involved in the vision of the future which
   the prophets were permitted to see; but it is set forth wholly
   impersonally: nothing connects the Apostles themselves with it but the
   single saying "Ye are witnesses of these things"; a saying which
   perfectly well admits of meaning no more than that the fundamental
   testimony of "these things" (itself an elastic phrase) was to be given
   by the Apostles, without further implying that they were to be
   themselves the bearers of the message founded on that testimony to
   heathen lands.

   Of less ambiguous import are the words which we read in Acts i. 8 as
   spoken to them by the Lord just before the Ascension, "Ye shall be my
   witnesses both in Jerusalem and in all Judæa and Samaria and unto the
   utmost part of the earth." Here the utmost range seems to be given to
   the testimony which they are to bear in person; and this, the most
   obvious sense, is confirmed by the previous sentence, "But ye shall
   receive power by the Holy Spirit coming upon you," such power from
   above being evidently intended to sustain them in their long and
   troubled course of bearing witness. Thus universality is a
   characteristic of the new apostolic mission.

   In what manner the Twelve understood themselves afterwards to be
   charged with this enlarged responsibility, it is difficult to make out.
   The admission of the Gentiles was assuredly not accepted at once
   without hesitation as a necessary consequence of the terms of the
   Lord's commission. But the mere recognition of His having at this
   solemn time so expressly dwelt on the ultimate world-wide destination
   of His Gospel, must have been enough to affect deeply the character of
   their work, even in its first and narrowest sphere at Jerusalem.

   The second characteristic of the new apostolic mission is that which
   has already come before us in connexion with its universality, -- its
   work of bearing witness. This comes out with especial clearness in St
   Peter's address to the brethren respecting providing a successor to
   Judas: "Of the men," he says (i. 21 f.), "that companied with us all
   the time that the Lord Jesus came in and went out unto us, beginning
   from the baptism of John unto the day that He was received up from us,
   of these must one become a witness with us of His Resurrection." This
   is the one essential condition mentioned, to be a witness of the
   Resurrection. The prayer that follows describes the office itself as
   "the place of this ministration and mission" (tes diakonias tautes kai
   apostoles) just as St Peter had previously (v. 17) called it "the lot
   of this ministration." But this does not alter the statement as to the
   indispensable qualification. Nor does this passage stand alone.
   Everyone must remember the persistency with which this apostolic
   witness-bearing to the crowning events of Gospel history is reiterated
   in the Acts, and especially in the early speeches in the Acts (ii. 32,
   iii. 15, iv. 33, v. 32, x. 39-41, xiii. 31).

   This mark of apostleship is evidently founded on direct personal
   discipleship; and as evidently it is incommunicable. Its whole meaning
   rested on immediate and unique experience; as St John says, "that which
   we have heard, that which we have seen with our eyes, that which we
   beheld, and our hands handled" (1 John i. 1). Without a true perceptive
   faith, such a faith as shewed itself in St Peter, all this acquaintance
   through the bodily senses was in vain. But the truest faith of one who
   was a disciple only in the second degree, however precious in itself,
   could never qualify him for bearing the apostolic character.

   Apart from this unique function of being witnesses of the Resurrection,
   it is difficult to find in the New Testament any clear definition of
   the Apostolic office from the records of the time between the
   Resurrection and the Ascension. In the second verse of the Acts we read
   of our Lord giving them command (enteilamenos) on the day of His
   Ascension: but what were the contents of that commandment we know not,
   unless it was the charge to continue at Jerusalem awaiting the promise
   of the Father, the Pentecostal gift (i. 4, 5; Luke xxiv. 49). So again
   in v. 3 we hear of His "appearing to them and saying to them the things
   concerning the kingdom of God": but more than this we do not learn.
   What Scripture says, and what it leaves unsaid, together suggest that
   the new stage of Apostleship was inaugurated by no new act of
   appointment analogous to the original designation of the Twelve on the
   mountain, these commands and teachings that we hear of being rather
   like the subsequent charge to the Apostles on their going forth among
   the villages. On this view it was the Crucifixion (interpreted as
   always by the Resurrection) which constituted the real inauguration of
   the renewed apostleship. We saw the other day how the work assigned to
   the Twelve, when first sent forth among the villages, was a repetition,
   so to speak, of the work which our Lord Himself was then pursuing,
   consisting of two heads, preaching and casting out demons, including
   the healing of sickness; or in other words, proclaiming the kingdom of
   God by word, and manifesting and illustrating it by significant act.
   The work that lay before them when His Ministry on earth was ended was
   not in its essence different from before: they had still to make known
   the kingdom of God by words and by deeds; and this is the sole
   conception of their work put before us in the Acts. But there were two
   great changes. First, He Himself would no longer be visibly in their
   midst, so that the responsibility of guidance descended upon them,
   subject only to the indications of His Will, and enlightened by His
   Spirit. Moreover, this responsibility was not for a limited mission of
   short duration, but by its very nature was continuous and permanent.
   Second, He Himself, in His Death and His Resurrection, was now become a
   primary subject of their teaching and action: in the light of Him the
   kingdom of God put on a new meaning, and He was Himself the living
   representative of it.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [5] See St Mark ix. 35; x. 32; xi. 11; xiv. 17: besides the Judas
   passages (xiv. 10, 20, 43).

   [6] See St Luke xvii. 5; xxii. 14 (the right reading); xxiv. 10.

   [7] St Luke xviii. 31, besides the reference to Judas, xxii. 47.

   [8] St Luke xxiv. 9 (just before tous apostolous), 33.

   [9] See St Matt. x. 1; xi. 1; xx. 17 v. l.; xxvi. 20 v. 1.

   [10] See St Matt. xx. 17 v. l.; xxvi. 20 v. 1. besides the Judas
   passages, xxvi. 14, 47.

   [11] When the excitement caused by the miracle of Pentecost leads to St
   Peter's first discourse to the people it is said, "And Peter standing
   with the Eleven lifted up his voice and spake forth to them." So when
   the neglect of the Greek-speaking widows led to the appointment of the
   seven whom we call deacons, it is "the Twelve" who are said to call to
   them "the multitude of the disciples" (vi. 2). And once we have the
   compound term (i. 26), when Matthias is said to have been numbered
   "with the eleven Apostles".
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE III.

   EARLY STAGES IN THE GROWTH OF THE ECCLESIA.

   WE now enter on the narrative of the time which followed the Ascension,
   limiting ourselves as far as possible to those parts of St Luke's
   record which illustrate the characteristics of the new Ecclesia and the
   stages of its growth; but not neglecting either pieces of evidence
   relating to the Ecclesia under other names and descriptions, or the
   history of the use of the name ecclesia itself.

   On the return from the Mount of Olives the eleven remaining Apostles go
   up into the upper chamber where they were staying (i. 13), and thus
   renew, as it were, their coherence as a definite body.

   A somewhat larger body is next mentioned as "attending steadfastly with
   one accord upon the prayer'," certain women, and the Lord's mother and
   brethren, being associated with the Apostles. This peculiar phrase
   taken in conjunction with "the prayers" (ii. 42) and "the prayer" (vi.
   4) suggests that a definite custom of common prayer is intended, a bond
   of Christian fellowship.

   Next in v. 15 we read of a larger assembly, probably the whole body of
   brethren,' as they are emphatically called, about 120 in number. "In
   the midst of the brethren," St Luke says, St Peter rose up and declared
   the need of filling up the place left vacant by Judas.

   The next chapter relates the appearance of the fiery tongues on the day
   of Pentecost, St Peter's discourse, and the results of it. The hearers,
   or some of them, are pricked to the heart and ask Peter and the other
   Apostles, whom they recognise as brother Israelites (andres adelphoi),
   "What shall we do?" The answer is "Repent ye, and let each one of you
   be baptised in the name of Jesus Christ unto remission of your sins,
   and ye shall receive the gift of the Holy Spirit: for to you is the
   promise and to your children and to all that are afar off, as many as
   the Lord our God shall call unto Him." The other recorded words of his
   exhortation are significant, "Save yourselves from this crooked
   generation." This phrase crooked generation' comes, you may remember,
   from what is said of the rebellious Israelites in the wilderness in
   Deut. xxxii. 5. There is not a word against the ancient Ecclesia or
   people. The crooked generation of the unbelieving present, which
   perverts and misinterprets the ancient covenant, is the evil sphere to
   be abandoned.

   These men accept his discourse and are baptised. That is the definite
   act which signifies at once their faith in Jesus as Messiah, and
   thereby their joining of themselves to the society of His disciples;
   and on the other hand the acceptance of them by the Ecclesia. "And
   there were added on that day about three thousand souls."

   Then comes the description of the characteristic acts and practices by
   which these new members lived the life of members of the new
   brotherhood. "They continued attending steadfastly upon
   (proskarterountes) the teaching of the Apostles and upon the communion,
   upon the breaking of the bread and upon the prayers." In the centre we
   see the apostolic body, a bond of unity to the rest. Their public
   teaching, replacing the public teaching of the scribes, carries on the
   instruction of converts who have yet much to learn, and attendance upon
   it is at the same time a mark of fellowship. Next comes what is called
   the communion', conduct expressive of and resulting from the strong
   sense of fellowship with the other members of the brotherhood, probably
   public acts by which the rich bore some of the burdens of the poor.
   Thirdly we have the breaking of the bread,' what we call the Holy
   Communion, named here from the expressive act by which the unity of the
   many as partakers of the one Divine sustenance is signified. Lastly we
   have the prayers', apparently Christian prayers in common, which took
   the place of the prayers of the synagogues.

   In the next group of verses we hear not merely of these new disciples,
   but of the whole body of which they had now become members. "All that
   believed together" says St Luke (this is his peculiar but pregnant
   description of membership), "all that believed together had all things
   common; and they sold their possessions and goods, and parted them to
   all, according as any man had need." This general statement is
   qualified and explained later. Evidently there was no law of the
   society imposing such sale: but the principle of holding all in trust
   for the benefit of the rest of the community was its principle of
   possession. "And day by day", the narrative proceeds, "attending
   steadfastly with one accord in the temple, and breaking bread at home,
   they partook of their food in exultation (agalliasei) and singleness of
   heart, praising God and having favour with all the people. And the Lord
   added to their company day by day them that were saved" (or Revised
   Version, "were being saved": neither rendering satisfactory). Such is
   St Luke's account of the inward spirit and outward demeanour of the new
   Ecclesia, not yet in any antagonism to the old Ecclesia but the most
   living portion of it, and manifestly laying claim by attendance in the
   temple to be a society of loyal sons of Israel.

   Thus far St Luke has been picturing to us the Christian Ecclesia of
   Jerusalem antecedent to all persecution, moved simply by its own
   inherent principles. A fresh impulse towards consolidation comes from
   the onslaught of the Jewish authorities, due to the healing of the lame
   man at the Beautiful Gate of the Temple, an event which had at once
   caused an increase in the number of Christian believers so that they
   reached five thousand (iv. 4). Peter and John, threatened by the
   Council, return "to their own company" (tous idious), almost certainly,
   I think, the apostolic company; and together they pour forth a prayer
   in which they recognise that now they too are having to encounter the
   same opposition which by God's own providence had fallen upon His holy
   servant Jesus whom He anointed; and they ask to be enabled to speak His
   word with all boldness while He stretches forth His hand for healing,
   and for signs and wonders to come to pass through the name of His holy
   servant Jesus: thus attesting once more in the most solemn way the two
   original heads of the active functions assigned to them.

   In St Luke's narrative this incident is followed by an emphatic
   statement that the multitude (plethos) of them that believed had but
   one heart and soul, and a renewal in more precise terms of the former
   statement about their having all things common. "And with great power,"
   he proceeds (iv. 33), "did the Apostles of the Lord Jesus deliver their
   testimony of His Resurrection, and great joy was upon them all". The
   absence of want among them (oude gar endees tis en) is given as a
   reason for this joy, the needs of the poor being provided for by the
   sale of lands or houses. In the former passage of similar import (ii.
   44 f.), we read only of a distribution of the purchase money by the
   members of the community at large, or possibly by the vendors
   themselves. Here on the other hand we read that the purchase money was
   brought and laid at the Apostles' feet for distribution, and further
   that Joseph, whom the Apostles called Barnabas for his power of
   exhortation, sold a field and laid the price at the Apostles' feet.
   This is the first indication of the exercise of powers of
   administration by the Apostles, and, so far as appears, it was not the
   result of an authority claimed by them but of a voluntary entrusting of
   the responsibility to the Apostles by the rest. It was probably now
   felt that the functions and powers Divinely conferred upon them for
   preaching and healing as witnesses of the Resurrection, marked them out
   likewise as the fit persons to deal with the responsibilities of
   administration in carrying out the mutual bearing of burdens. The
   manner in which Barnabas's name is introduced is remarkable, as also
   the express mention of his laying the value of his field at the
   Apostles' feet. It does not seem unlikely that this important step on
   the part of the Ecclesia was taken at Barnabas's suggestion; just as
   with no less boldness and forethought he brought St Paul into close
   relations with the Twelve at Jerusalem (ix. 27), and encouraged the
   newly founded Ecclesia at Antioch at a sufficiently critical time (xi.
   22-24).

   The event which comes next, the falsehood and death of Ananias and
   Sapphira, is for our purpose instructive in more ways than one. First,
   St Peter's words "While it (the land) remained, did it not remain thine
   own? and after it was sold was it not in thine own power (or right,
   exousia)?" exhibit the real nature of the community of goods at this
   time practised in the Christian community. There was no merging of all
   private possessions in a common stock, but a voluntary and variable
   contribution on a large scale. That is to say, the Ecclesia was a
   society in which neither the community was lost in the individuals, nor
   the individuals in the community. The community was set high above all,
   while the service and help to be rendered to the community remained a
   matter of individual conscience and free bounty. Next, the reality of
   the bond uniting together the members of the Christian community was
   vindicated in the most impressive way by the Divine judgment which fell
   on Ananias and Sapphira by the shock at the discovery of their deceit.
   Falsehood or faithlessness towards the Holy Spirit, as St Peter calls
   it, was involved in their faithlessness to the community, affecting as
   they did to take part to the full in the lofty life of mutual help,
   while their hypocritical reservation made brotherly fellowship an
   unreality. In consequence of this occurrence "great fear," we are told,
   "fell on the whole Ecclesia, and all that heard these things." Up to
   this time, as Bengel points out, St Luke has used only such descriptive
   phrases as "they that believed", "the brethren" etc. Now for the first
   time he speaks of the Ecclesia. Whether it was so called at the time,
   it is not easy to tell. No approach to separation from the great Jewish
   Ecclesia had as yet taken place. On the other hand our Lord's saying to
   St Peter must have been always present to the minds of the Apostles,
   and can hardly have been without influence on their early teaching. If
   St Luke used the word here by anticipation, it was doubtless with a
   wish to emphasise the fact that the death of Ananias and Sapphira
   marked an epoch in the early growth of the society, a time when its
   distinctness, and the cohesion of its members, had come to be
   distinctly recognised without as well as within.

   A short period of prosperity follows (v. 12 ff.). By the hands of the
   Apostles many miracles are wrought among the people. They were all with
   one accord in the great arcade called Solomon's Porch, reaching along
   the whole east side of the vast Temple precinct. "Of the rest," says St
   Luke, meaning apparently those who elsewhere are distinguished from
   "the people", the priests, rulers, elders, scribes, "no one dared to
   cleave to them (i.e. however much he may have secretly become in
   conviction a Christian), but the people magnified them, and yet more
   were added to them, believing the Lord, multitudes of men and women".
   Even the neighbouring towns, we read, contributed their sick and
   possessed, who came to be healed. This fresh success leads to a fresh
   imprisonment of the Apostles; but by Gamaliel's advice they are
   dismissed with a scourging and warning. But they continue day by day in
   the Temple and in private houses to proclaim the good tidings.

   The appointment of the Seven.

   We now come to an incident which concerns us both as itself a step in
   the organisation of the Ecclesia, and as a prelude to an event which
   had decisive effects on the position of the Ecclesia as a whole, the
   martyrdom of Stephen. This incident is the appointment of the Seven,
   answering to a great extent to those who were later called deacons. As
   the disciples multiplied, complaints were made by the Greek-speaking
   Jews settled in Jerusalem that their widows were neglected in the daily
   ministration (diakonia) for the relief of the poor, in comparison with
   the widows belonging to the Hebrew part of the community. The Twelve
   call to them the multitude (to plethos) of the disciples and say "It is
   not right (or desirable areston) that we, leaving the word of God,
   should serve tables (diakonein trapezais): but look ye out, brethren,
   men from among yourselves of good report, seven in number, full of the
   Spirit and of wisdom, whom we will set over this office (or need,
   chreias means either): but we will attend diligently upon the prayer
   and upon the ministration (diakonia) of the word." The suggestion found
   favour with all the multitude. They chose out seven, including a
   proselyte from Antioch, and set them before the Apostles, who prayed
   and laid their hands on them. It is impossible not to connect this act
   with the laying of the contributions at the Apostles' feet. As being
   thus constituted stewards of the bounty of the community they were in a
   manner responsible for the distribution of the charitable fund. But the
   task had outgrown their powers, unless it was to be allowed to encroach
   on their higher Divinely appointed functions. They proposed therefore
   to entrust this special part of the work to other men, having the
   prerequisites of devoutness and wisdom, to be chosen by the Ecclesia at
   large. How much this new office included is not easy to say. All the
   seven names being Greek, it seems probable that they were Hellenists,
   as otherwise it would be a strange coincidence that there should be no
   Hebrew names; and if so, it would also seem likely that they were
   charged only with the care of relief to Hellenists. We do not hear
   however of any analogous office for the Hebrew Christians, nor whether
   any general superintendence of the funds was still retained by the
   Apostles. Nor again do we afterwards hear anything more of these Seven
   in relation to their special work. The definite recognition of special
   claims of Christian Hellenists was the essential point. Stephen's
   miracles and preaching were no part of his office as one of the Seven,
   though they may have led to his selection; and Philip in like manner is
   known only as doing the work of an evangelist.

   But the appointment was not only a notable recognition of the
   Hellenistic element in the Ecclesia at Jerusalem, a prelude of greater
   events to come, but also a sign that the Ecclesia was to be an Ecclesia
   indeed, not a mere horde of men ruled absolutely by the Apostles, but a
   true body politic, in which different functions were assigned to
   different members, and a share of responsibility rested upon the
   members at large, each and all; while every work for the Ecclesia, high
   and low, was of the nature of a ministration', a true rendering of a
   servant's service.

   Once more we hear that "the word of God grew, and the number of
   disciples in Jerusalem multiplied exceedingly, and a great multitude of
   the priests obeyed the faith." A little while ago it would seem that
   they were among those mentioned in v. 13 as not daring to cleave or
   join themselves to the Ecclesia. But now their faith had grown stronger
   and deeper; and one after another they obeyed its call, and took the
   risks of joining the Christian congregation.

   The Ecclesia spreading throughout the Holy Land.

   We may pass over the discourse and martyrdom of Stephen. But the verse
   which follows the recital of his death (viii. 1) deserves our special
   attention for its language, and the facts which account for its
   language. "There came in that day a great persecution upon the Ecclesia
   which was in Jerusalem (ten ekklesian ten en Hierosolumois): all were
   scattered abroad about the regions of Judæa and Samaria save the
   Apostles". In the single place where the word Ecclesia has before
   occurred in the Acts (v. 11), there has been no question of more than
   the one Ecclesia of all Christ's disciples. Here we have that same
   identical body, differing only by the reception of more numerous
   members, so described as to give a hint that soon there were to be in a
   true sense of the word (though not the only true sense) more Ecclesiae
   than one. The materials for new Ecclesiae were about to be formed in
   consequence of this temporary scattering of the original Ecclesia; and
   moreover this first wide carrying of the Gospel through Judæa and
   Samaria was not the work of the Apostles: they are specially excepted
   by St Luke. Parenthetically in viii. 3 we read how Saul ravaged the
   Ecclesia, entering in house by house: and here the Ecclesia just spoken
   of, that of Jerusalem, seems to be meant, his prosecution of the
   persecution elsewhere even to Damascus being probably later. Of the
   work of one of the scattered Christians, Philip the evangelist, we hear
   specially, its sphere being the representative city of Samaria. Tidings
   of his successful preaching and his baptizing of men and women having
   reached the Apostles at Jerusalem ("hearing that Samaria hath received
   the word of God" viii. 14), they depute Peter and John to go down. They
   found apparently no reason to doubt the reality and sincerity of the
   conversions. But the recognition of Samaritans as true members of the
   Christian community, hitherto exclusively Jewish, was so important a
   step outwards from the first, and now by long custom established, state
   of things that they evidently shrank from giving full and unreserved
   welcome to the new converts, unless they could obtain a conspicuous
   Divine sanction, what is called in this book receiving the (or a) Holy
   Spirit. What is meant is shown clearly by comparison with x. 44-48 and
   xix. 6, 7, viz. the outward marvellous signs of the Spirit, such as
   manifested themselves on the Day of Pentecost, speaking with tongues,
   with or without prophesying. "These which received the Holy Spirit even
   as we did" (x. 47) is the phrase in which St Peter describes the Divine
   sanction which justified recognition for Christian discipleship and
   membership. In this case the baptism of the Samaritan converts had been
   followed by no such tokens from heaven, and so they prayed for them
   that they might receive the Holy Spirit, and then laid their hands on
   them (the human symbolic act answering to the Heavenly act prayed for)
   and they received the Holy Spirit (elambanon not elabon), that is,
   shewed a succession of signs of the Spirit. After the interlude of
   Simon Magus the Apostles return to Jerusalem, and on the way they
   themselves preach the Gospel to many Samaritan villages.

   We need not examine the story of Philip and the eunuch, or even the
   conversion of St Paul, his recovery from blindness, preaching at
   Damascus, escape from attempted murder, admission to the confidence of
   the Apostles by the instrumentality of Barnabas, and on a fresh attempt
   to kill him, his departure for his native Tarsus. In passing it is
   worth notice that the man who lays hands on St Paul and baptizes him is
   no Apostle or even evangelist, but a simple disciple of Damascus,
   Ananias (ix. 17, 18). The last verse of the story (ix. 31) is this: "So
   the Ecclesia throughout all Judæa and Galilee and Samaria had peace,
   being built; and walking by the fear of the Lord and by the invocation
   (paraklesis) of the Holy Spirit (probably the invoking His guidance as
   Paraclete to the Ecclesia), was multiplied." Here again the Ecclesia
   has assumed a wider range. It is no longer the Ecclesia of Jerusalem
   nor is it the several Ecclesiae of Jerusalem and Samaria and other
   places. That is language which we shall find in St Paul, but not in the
   Acts, except as regards regions external to the Holy Land. The Ecclesia
   was still confined to Jewish or semi-Jewish populations and to ancient
   Jewish soil; but it was no longer the Ecclesia of a single city, and
   yet it was one: probably as corresponding, by these three modern
   representative districts of Judæa, Galilee and Samaria, to the ancient
   Ecclesia which had its home in the whole land of Israel.

   These limits however were soon to be crossed, The first step takes
   place on a journey of St Peter through the whole land (dierchomenon dia
   panton, ix. 32), which shews that he regarded the whole as now come
   within the sphere of his proper work, as it had to all intents and
   purposes been within the sphere of his work in the prelusive
   ministrations accompanying the Lord's own Ministry. On his way down to
   the coast he is said to have come to "the saints" or "holy ones" that
   dwelt at Lydda. The phrase is a remarkable one. It has occurred once
   already a few verses back (ix. 13) in Ananias's answer to the word of
   the Lord spoken to him in a dream, "I have heard concerning this man
   (Saul) how much evil he did to thy saints at Jerusalem." Members of the
   holy Ecclesia of Israel were themselves holy by the mere fact of
   membership, and this prerogative phrase is here boldly transferred to
   the Christians by the bold Damascene disciple. Its use is the
   correlative of the use of the term Ecclesia, the one relating to
   individuals as members of the community, the other to the community as
   a whole. It occurs once more in the same little group of events (ix.
   41), and once on St Paul's own lips in the bitterness of his
   self-accusation for his acts of persecution, in his defence before King
   Agrippa (xxvi. 10), probably in intentional repetition of Ananias's
   language respecting those same acts of his. It was a phrase that was
   likely to burn itself into his memory in that connexion. All know how
   commonly it occurs in the Epistles and Apocalypse, but its proper
   original force is not always remembered.

   Then comes the story of Cornelius, the Roman Centurion in the great
   chiefly heathen seaport of Cæsarea, and his reception and baptism by St
   Peter, on the double warrant of the vision at Joppa and the outburst of
   the mysterious tongues while Peter was yet speaking. This was the act
   of Peter on his own sole responsibility, and at first it caused
   disquiet among some at least of the original members of the Ecclesia.
   We read (xi. 1) "Now the apostles and the brethren that were in Judæa
   (or rather perhaps, all about Judæa, kata ten Ioudaian) heard that the
   Gentiles also had received the word of God." And when Peter went up to
   Jerusalem they of the "circumcision" (i.e. probably those spoken of in
   x. 45, who had accompanied St Peter, for as yet there is no sign of
   uncircumcised believers) disputed with Peter for eating with men
   uncircumcised. This was apparently a complaint preferred in the
   presence of the Apostles and brethren, but we hear nothing of any
   formal assertion of authority either by St Peter himself, or by the
   Apostles generally, or by the Apostles and brethren together. St Peter
   simply seeks to carry the whole body with him by patient explanation of
   the circumstances and considerations belonging to the case. And he has
   his reward: the objectors hold their peace (hesuchasan, a word which
   points to the objectors) and glorify God for having given the Gentiles
   also repentance unto life. It was a great step that was thus taken; but
   it did not lie outside the local limits of the ancient Ecclesia.
   Cornelius was a sojourner in the land of Israel, and moreover one of
   them that feared or reverenced God, as it was called, a proselyte of
   the less strict sort.
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE IV.

   THE ECCLESIA OF ANTIOCH.

   The Origin of the Ecclesia.

   THE pause before the local limits of the ancient Ecclesia were
   overstepped was of short duration. St Luke's next section tells us how
   fugitives from the persecution which began with Stephen had preached
   the word all along the Syrian coast up to Antioch, and by this time a
   large number of disciples had been gathered together. In other words,
   here was a great capital, including a huge colony of Jews, in close
   relations with all the Greek-speaking world and all the Syriac-speaking
   world; and in its midst a multitude of Christian disciples had come
   into existence in the most casual and unpremeditated way. No Apostle
   had led or founded a mission; no Apostle had taught there. But there
   the Christian congregation was, and its existence and future could not
   but be of the highest interest to the original body of Christians. What
   the relations would be between the two bodies was certainly not a
   question that could be answered off hand. "Hearing the tidings", we
   read (xi. 22), "the Ecclesia which was at Jerusalem" (here once more we
   have a narrower title, doubtless with a view to the antithesis of
   Jerusalem and Antioch) "sent forth Barnabas to Antioch." Barnabas, as
   we know, was not one of the Twelve. Probably the Twelve themselves felt
   that at the present moment it might be imprudent to take part
   personally in the affairs of Antioch, and to put forth even the
   semblance of apostolic authority there. But they (and not they only but
   the whole Ecclesia) sent a trusted envoy whose discretion could be
   relied on. He came and recognised what St Luke calls "the grace that
   was of God" (ten charin ten tou theou), (the repetition of the article
   in the true text is full of meaning), the merciful extension of the
   area of saving knowledge and faith, and that by a kind of
   instrumentality which could be referred to nothing but the Providence
   of God. Accordingly, as a true son of encouragement or exhortation,
   Barnabas exhorted (parekalei) all to abide by the purpose of their
   heart in the Lord, and many fresh conversions were the result of his
   teaching. But feeling apparently that this was a work for which St
   Paul's experience peculiarly fitted him, he fetched him from Tarsus,
   and together at Antioch they spent a year. The disciples, we are told,
   were there first called Christians; but there is reason to believe that
   St Luke does not mean that the name was assumed by themselves. He does
   speak of Paul and Barnabas being "hospitably received [12] in the
   Ecclesia", thereby recognising the disciples at Antioch as forming an
   Ecclesia -- a significant fact as regards both the recognition of this
   irregularly founded community at Antioch, and the changes in the use of
   the term ecclesia itself. Still however it was a community of men who
   were in some sense or other Jewish Christians: the widely spread
   opinion to the contrary rests on the wrong reading Hellenas in xi. 20.

   Sending help to Jerusalem.

   Before long an opportunity came for a practical exhibition of
   fellowship between the two communities. The famine in Judæa led to the
   sending of help (eis diakonian) by the disciples at Antioch to the
   brethren in Judæa. It was sent by Barnabas and Paul, and sent to "the
   elders" (xi. 30). Who were they? And why was it not sent to the
   Apostles? Both questions have been practically answered by Dr
   Lightfoot. He points out [13] that St Luke's narrative of the
   persecution by Herod in xii. 1-19 (his vexing of certain of them of the
   Ecclesia) comes in parenthetically in connexion with this mission to
   Jerusalem, but probably preceded it in order of time. After the murder
   of James the son of Zebedee, St Peter, we are told (xii. 17), on being
   delivered from prison (after prayer being earnestly made by the
   Ecclesia) "went to another place"; and it is likely enough that the
   other ten did the same. It is possible that on their departure they
   appointed elders to whom to entrust the care of the Ecclesia in their
   absence. It is also possible that the Ecclesia itself may have provided
   itself with elders when the Apostles departed. But it is more likely
   that they were in office already, and merely assumed fresh
   responsibilities under the stress of circumstances. Some have even
   thought that they were the Seven under another name. This is a very
   improbable hypothesis. But it is at least conceivable, supposing the
   Seven to have been appointed for the Hellenists alone, that there were
   already elders, and that these supposed elders at that time chiefly
   represented the Hebrew part of the community. This however is quite
   uncertain; nor is it important to know. In any case it is but
   reasonable to suppose [14] that the Christian elders were not a new
   kind of officers, but simply a repetition of the ordinary Jewish
   elders, z^egenim, presbuteroi, who constituted (as Dr Lightfoot says)
   the usual government of the Synagogue. "Hence," he adds, "the silence
   of St Luke. When he first mentions the presbyters, he introduces them
   without preface, as though the institution were a matter of course."

   The Antiochian Mission.

   From this point the distinctive work of St Paul begins, and the first
   stage of it has a remarkable inauguration. At Antioch, "in the Ecclesia
   which was there", there were certain prophets and teachers, five being
   named, Barnabas first and Paul last. The prophets here spoken of are
   probably the same, wholly or in part, as the prophets mentioned before
   in xi. 27 as having come down from Jerusalem to Antioch, Agabus being
   one of them. While they are holding some solemn service (described as
   leitourgounton to kurio) and fasting, the Holy Spirit speaks, evidently
   by the mouth of a prophet, "Separate me Barnabas and Saul unto the work
   unto which I have called them." The service here denoted by the verb
   leitourgeo was probably a service of prayer. The context suggests that
   it was not a regular and customary service (like "the prayer" at
   Jerusalem earlier, see p. 45) but a special act of worship on the part
   of a solemn meeting of the whole Ecclesia, held expressly with
   reference to a project for carrying the Gospel to the heathen. Thus the
   voice would seem to have sanctioned the mission of particular men,
   perhaps also even the project itself: but not to have been a sudden
   call to an unexpected work. The persons who are thus represented as
   doing service to the Lord are almost certainly the prophets and
   teachers mentioned just before. With fasting, prayer, and laying on of
   hands, Barnabas and Saul are let go. It is disputed whether the
   recipients of the prophetic word and performers of the last-mentioned
   acts of mission, were the prophets and teachers, or the Ecclesia. But
   on careful consideration it is difficult to doubt that the mouthpieces
   of the Divine command should be distinguished from those who have to
   execute it. In other words the members of the Ecclesia itself are
   bidden to set Barnabas and Saul apart; and it is the members of the
   Ecclesia itself that dismiss them with fast and prayer and laying on of
   hands, whether the last act was performed by all of them, or only by
   representatives of the whole body, official or other. So also on their
   return they gather the Ecclesia together (xiv. 27) and report what has
   befallen them.

   This mission is no doubt specially described as due to a Divine
   monition: the setting apart comes from the Holy Spirit (to which in all
   probability the later words in xiii. 4 "being sent forth by the Holy
   Ghost" refer back); but the mission is also from the Christians of
   Antioch, whether directly or through the other three prophets and
   teachers, since the Holy Spirit, Himself the life and bond of every
   Ecclesia, makes the Christians of Antioch His instruments for setting
   Barnabas and Paul apart. It is with reference to this mission that, as
   I mentioned before, St Luke applies the name Apostles to Paul and
   Barnabas; and under no other circumstances does he apply the name to
   either of them. Thus his usage both illustrates and is illustrated by 2
   Cor. viii. 23 ("apostles of churches") and Phil. ii. 25 ("your
   apostle," viz. Epaphroditus).

   The first missionary journey.

   We need not follow the details of the journey, memorable for the
   turning from the Jews to the Gentiles at the Pisidian Antioch, and so
   beginning the preaching of the Gospel to heathen Gentiles in their own
   land. But we must not overlook one important verse, xiv. 23. Having
   preached successfully at Lystra, Iconium and the Pisidian Antioch on
   the way out, they visit these cities again on the way home, stablishing
   (episterizontes) the souls of the disciples. Then "having chosen for
   them (cheirotonesantes -- the confusion with cheirothesia is much later
   than the Apostolic age) elders in each Ecclesia (kat' ekklesian),
   having prayed with fastings, they commended them to the Lord on whom
   they had believed." Here first we find that these infant communities
   are each called an Ecclesia, not indeed (so far as appears) from the
   first preaching, but at least from the second confirmatory visit.
   Further, Paul and Barnabas follow the precedent of Jerusalem by
   appointing elders in Jewish fashion (elders [15] being indeed an
   institution of Jewish communities of the Dispersion as well as of
   Judæa), and with this simple organisation they entrusted the young
   Ecclesiae to the Lord's care, to pursue an independent life. Such seems
   to be the meaning of the phrase "they commended them to the Lord on
   whom they had believed" (xiv. 23), which resembles some of the farewell
   words spoken to the Ephesian Elders at Miletus (xx. 32).

   On their return to Antioch, "from whence", St Luke takes care expressly
   to remind us -- "from whence they had been committed to the grace of
   God for the work which they fulfilled", they at once proceed to give an
   account of the task entrusted to them. They call together the Ecclesia
   and relate what God had done with them and how he had opened to the
   Gentiles a door of faith. No defence or explanation was necessary here.
   They had done what they had been sent to do. The turning to the
   Gentiles (xiii. 46) had evidently been contemplated from the first as a
   probable contingency, though the Jews were to be addressed first.

   It is hardly necessary to say that these events, which happened about
   the year 50 A.D., constitute one of the greatest epochs, perhaps the
   greatest, in the history of the Ecclesia at large. Henceforth it was to
   contain members who had never in any sense belonged to the Jewish
   Ecclesia. There was henceforth no intelligible limit for it short of
   universality: and thus, while it never cut itself off from its
   primitive foundation, it entered on a career which imposed on it
   totally new conditions.

   The Conference at Jerusalem.

   In the steps hitherto taken the Ecclesia of Antioch had acted
   independently and apparently without difference of opinion. But soon a
   troubling of the peace came from without, from Judæa. It is worth
   notice that we hear nothing of complaints against the Ecclesia of
   Antioch as having exceeded its legitimate powers. The appeal of the
   envoys from Judæa was simply to the Jewish law as binding on all
   Christians, "Except ye be circumcised after the custom of Moses, ye
   cannot be saved" (xv. 1). Evidently the heathen converts made by St
   Paul and St Barnabas had not been circumcised, and this proceeding had
   been accepted by the Ecclesia of Antioch, and was evidently intended to
   guide their future action in regard to converts from the heathen. To
   act thus was to decide that Judaism was not the necessary porch of
   entrance into the discipleship of the Gospel, and that Gentiles might
   pass at once into the Christian fold without doing homage to the Jewish
   law, and without any obligation to future allegiance to it. It would
   have been surprising indeed if all the Jewish Christians of Palestine
   had been ready at once, either to accept this as the right course to
   adopt, or to acquiesce in leaving the Christians of Antioch free to
   pursue their own way without hindrance or remonstrance. What view the
   Twelve took of the matter, we do not know. It is hardly likely that the
   Jewish zealots within the Ecclesia of Jerusalem would commence an
   agitation at Antioch in person without having first tried to induce the
   leading men at Jerusalem to take action. If they did so, we know that
   they failed: nothing can be clearer in this respect than the words of
   the epistle recorded further on in the chapter (xv. 24), "Forasmuch as
   we have heard that certain of our number (tines ex hemon, so the rather
   startling right reading, meaning doubtless some members of our
   Ecclesia') -- that certain of our number troubled you with words,
   disturbing your souls, to whom we gave no charge" (hois ou
   diesteilametha, we' being the Apostles, Elders, and the whole
   Ecclesia). But if the Twelve and other leading men refused to abet the
   Judaizing zealots, it does not follow that they already were firm and
   clear on behalf of the policy of Antioch: later incidents render it
   improbable that they were. Doubtless they were not prepared to come to
   a final decision without taking time.

   What might have easily become a schism of impassable depth was averted
   by the forbearance of the brethren at Antioch. The disputes between the
   Judaizers and Paul and Barnabas led them to send Paul and Barnabas,
   with others, to hold a consultation with "the Apostles and Elders" at
   Jerusalem. It would seem as though St Paul himself hesitated at first
   about going, doubtless from a fear of compromising the cause which he
   was determined that no Jerusalem authority should lead him to abandon.
   "I went up", he says (Gal. ii. 2), "in obedience to a revelation." The
   envoys set out, "speeded on their way by the Ecclesia" (Acts xv. 3).
   They passed through Phoenicia and Samaria, telling the tale of the
   conversion of the Gentiles, and "caused great joy to all the brethren":
   to those regions the scruples of Jerusalem had not spread. At Jerusalem
   "they were received by the Ecclesia and the Apostles and the Elders",
   the three being carefully enumerated, as if to mark the formality of
   the reception, and its completely representative character. Before the
   assembly the envoys repeated the tale of the successful mission, and
   then the gainsayers, now described as of the sect of the Pharisees (xv.
   5), rose up to maintain the necessity of circumcision and the retention
   of the Law, as obligatory on the Gentiles. Then the discussion would
   seem to have been adjourned. It was probably before the assembly met
   again that those private conferences with the leading Apostles took
   place to which alone St Paul makes explicit reference in his narrative
   in Galatians [16] .

   The final assembly is described by St Luke (xv. 6) at the outset as a
   gathering together of the Apostles and the Elders to see concerning
   this discourse (logou, practically, this matter). It can hardly be
   doubted that the Ecclesia at large was in some manner likewise present
   [17] . This follows not only from the association of "the whole
   Ecclesia" with the Apostles and the Elders in the sending of a
   deputation to Antioch (v. 22), but still more clearly from the words
   "and all the multitude held their peace" in v. 12, since it is
   inconceivable that the body of Elders should be called "the multitude."
   On the other hand St Luke could hardly have omitted to mention the
   Ecclesia in that initial v. 6, unless the chief responsibility had been
   recognised as lying with the Apostles and the Elders.

   Every one knows the order of incidents, the opening speech by St Peter
   appealing to the very similar event of his own Divinely sanctioned
   admission of Cornelius, and arguing against tempting God by laying on
   the neck of the disciples a yoke which neither their own Jewish fathers
   nor themselves had had strength to bear; next the recital by Paul and
   Barnabas of the signs and wonders by which God had set His seal to the
   work among the Gentiles; then James's renewed reference to Peter's
   argument, confirmation of it from the prophecy of Amos, and final
   announcement of his own opinion (dio ego krino) against troubling
   Gentile converts, but in favour of sending them a message (or possibly,
   enjoining them, episteilai) to observe four abstinences. These need not
   be considered now [18] . It is enough to say that on the two points at
   issue, circumcision and the bindingness of the Jewish law, they give no
   support to the demands of the Judaizers. Whether the abstinences here
   laid down be of Jewish or even Mosaic origin or not, at most they are
   isolated precepts of expediency, not resting on the principle which was
   in dispute. And lastly we have the decision of "the apostles and the
   elders and all the ecclesia" to send to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas
   two chosen envoys from their own number, "leading men among the
   brethren", Judas Barsabbas and Silas, and with them a letter.

   The letter and its reception.

   The salutation at the head of the letter is from "the apostles and the
   elder brethren to the brethren who are of the Gentiles throughout
   Antioch and Syria and Cilicia" (such seems to be the force of kata with
   a single article for the three names), the central and in every way
   most important, Antioch, being placed at the head, and then the rest of
   Syria, and the closely connected region of Cilicia. The Ecclesia is not
   separately mentioned in the salutation; on the other hand the unusual
   phrase "the elder brethren" (for such is assuredly not only the right
   reading but the right punctuation) indicates that they who held the
   office of Elder were to be regarded as bearing the characteristic from
   which the title itself had arisen, and were but elder brothers at the
   head of a great family of brethren. The letter, after the salutation,
   begins by repudiating the agitators who had gone down to Antioch. Next
   it states that it had been agreed in common to send back chosen men
   with Barnabas and Paul, who are spoken of in emphatically warm
   language, with indirect recognition of their mission as that for which
   they had exposed their lives: this was in fact a deputation from
   Jerusalem, exactly answering to the deputation from Antioch to
   Jerusalem. Thirdly, in a fresh sentence the letter gives the names of
   the two envoys (Judas and Silas), and the exact purpose of their
   mission, to repeat in person what had just been recited in writing (ta
   auta), probably also with the inclusion of what comes next, or
   fourthly, "For it seemed good to the Holy Spirit and to us to lay on
   you no further burthen save these necessary things, viz. the four
   abstinences; from which if ye keep yourselves it shall be well with
   you. Fare ye well."

   To some points involved in this letter and the accompanying
   circumstances we must return just now. But first we should glance at
   the historical sequel, under the two heads of St Luke's and St Paul's
   narratives.

   Paul and Barnabas go down' to Antioch (the phrase is significant, --
   Jerusalem is still the central height). They gather together the
   multitude of the brethren (to plethos) and gave them the epistle
   (epedokan); a phrase which shews that, as might indeed be gathered from
   the terms of the salutation, it was to the Ecclesia at large that the
   letter was addressed. Having read it they rejoice at the encouragement
   (paraklesei); a vague word, it might seem, but an appropriate one: it
   expressed the "God speed you" (so to speak) which had been pronounced
   on their own work and on the conditions of freedom under which it had
   been begun. The effect of the letter is reinforced by the personal
   representatives of Jerusalem: Judas and Silas, themselves also
   prophets, with much discourse encouraged (or exhorted, parekalesan) the
   brethren and stablished [them] (epesterixan). They stay some time, and
   then are dismissed by the brethren with peace and return to those that
   sent them (the apostolous of the Textus Receptus and the Authorised
   Version is certainly a wrong reading). Meanwhile Paul and Barnabas
   continue in Antioch, teaching and preaching the good tidings of the
   word of the Lord, along with many others also (xv. 35).

   St Peter at Antioch.

   Such is St Luke's account, a history of smooth water. It did not enter
   into his purpose to wake up the memories of an incident on which the
   Ecclesia had been well-nigh wrecked, but which happily had ended in a
   manner which enabled it to pursue its course uninjured, or rather we
   must suppose strengthened. Nothing, we may be sure, but the conviction
   that the whole future of the Gentile Ecclesiae was bound up in the
   vindication of his own authentic Apostleship, would have induced St
   Paul to commit to paper the sad story of his conflict with St Peter. St
   Peter, it would seem, had after a while followed the four envoys to
   Antioch. Nothing was more natural and expedient than that he should
   visit the vigorous young community in person, and establish friendly
   relations on the spot. A personal visit like this, which might once
   have been imprudent, had now become expedient. At first all went well.
   He carried out completely the purpose of the Jerusalem letter by
   associating on equal terms with the Gentile converts; he "ate with
   them", just as he had done (to the scandal of many) at Cæsarea (xi. 3).
   But when certain came down from James, he withdrew himself in fear of
   them of the circumcision. This conduct St Paul plainly calls "acting a
   false part" (upokrisis Gal. ii. 13), pretending to be that which he was
   not: but it was shared by the rest of the Jewish Christians at Antioch
   and even at length, strange to say, by Barnabas. St Paul alone stood
   firm, and rebuked St Peter to his face in the presence of them all. To
   go into the various questions arising out of this account, as I did to
   a certain extent two years ago [19] , would be out of the question now.
   What specially concerns our own subject is that the point of principle
   really at stake was, under one aspect, the question whether membership
   of the Christian Ecclesia could be of two orders or degrees, an inner
   for Jewish Christians only, and an outer. The position practically
   taken up for a while by St Peter and his associates must not be
   confounded with the position taken up by the uncompromising Judaizers
   who had been repudiated in the letter from Jerusalem. There is not the
   least sign that he affected to wish to exclude heathen converts from
   baptism or most other Christian privileges. But he did persuade himself
   that, for the time at least, uncircumcised Christians should not be
   allowed to sit at table with circumcised; in other words that they
   might in a certain sense be members of the Christian brotherhood but
   not be recognised as full members, unless by first becoming Jews, and
   accepting Jewish customs as binding on them. St Paul does not tell us
   how the matter ended. That was unnecessary, for all the subsequent
   history shewed that this compromise, the fruit of timorous and untimely
   prudence, must have quickly collapsed, and left the policy represented
   by St Paul now more firmly established than before St Peter's arrival.
   Thus the freedom of Gentile Christian communities was assured anew in
   the completest form.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [12] Such is the least difficult explanation of the curious word
   sunachthenai as in Matt. xxv. and (with eis ton hoikon, eis ten oikian)
   some Old Testament passages; also their original 'asaph (to gather) in
   Ps. xxvii. 10.

   [13] Galatians, p. 123, n. 3, p. 126.

   [14] See Lightfoot, Philippians, 191-3.

   [15] Lightfoot, Philippians 193.

   [16] See Lightfoot, Galatians 124 f.

   [17] So Iren. cont. Haer. III. xii. 14 cum . . . universa ecclesia
   convenisset in anum.

   [18] See Hort's Judaistic Christianity, pp. 68 ff.

   [19] See Judaistic Christianity, pp. 76 ff.
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE V.

   THE EXERCISE OF AUTHORITY.

   St James and his position.

   WE have already spent much time on the Jerusalem conference and letter,
   and its sequel. But there remain some points which concern our subject
   too closely to be passed over. First, about St James. This is the
   second of the three occasions on which his name appears in the Acts.
   When St Peter was released by the angel from prison, after the
   martyrdom of the Apostle James the brother of John, he said to the
   disciples assembled in the house of John Mark "Tell these things to
   James and to the brethren" (xii. 17). He must then have already been in
   some manner prominent among the disciples. As the chief among the
   Lord's own brethren, and one to whom the Lord vouchsafed a separate
   appearance after the Resurrection 1 Cor. xv. 7), doubtless the
   appearance to which the well-known story in the Gospel according to the
   Hebrews refers (Lightfoot, Gal. 265), and, if so, at which his unbelief
   probably carne to an end, he would evidently be held in a peculiar kind
   of respect in the infant Ecclesia. St Paul alone speaks of him as an
   Apostle (Gal. i. 19: and probably by implication 1 Cor. xv. 7), and the
   contexts seem to me distinctly to exclude that looser sense of the term
   referred to before by which mere Apostles of Ecclesiae' were meant,
   while it is hardly less clear that he did not anticipate the later
   theory which made him to have been from the first one of the Twelve. It
   would seem then that, possessing as he did in an eminent degree the
   primary apostolic qualification of being a witness of the Lord's life,
   death and resurrection, he was at some early time after the persecution
   by Herod taken up into the place among the Twelve vacated by his
   namesake. The silence of St Luke, as compared with his explicitness
   about Matthias, may be due to the fact that in this instance it was no
   matter of choice, calling for all the process described in Acts i., but
   a natural result of the combination of circumstances, such as might
   itself well be treated as a sufficient intimation of the Divine will.
   On the other hand no Apostleship of St James is recorded or implied by
   St Luke, though he three times mentions him in a way which marks him
   out as, to say the least, a leading and prominent person. But this is
   less surprising than it might otherwise be, if the prominence was due
   to personal circumstances, which continued to operate after his
   admission to the Apostolate, just as antecedently they had procured his
   admission to it. In other words, the prominence which he has in the
   Acts would not be due to his having become an Apostle: nay, his
   admission to that joint responsibility might rather tend to diminish
   any exclusiveness of prestige which he may have acquired outside the
   Apostolate, and so independently of it.

   Was then the prominence of St James due solely to personal
   qualifications and history, not to any recognised function? That would
   be too much to say. That at the time of his death he was practically
   the ruler of the Ecclesia of Jerusalem is the least open to doubt among
   the particulars of the traditions current in the Second Century about
   him, by whatever name we choose to call his government; and at least
   the origin of such a position is likely to have some connexion with the
   facts mentioned or implied by St Luke. The clearest fact about him
   attested by the New Testament, Acts and St Paul alike, but enormously
   exaggerated at a later time, is that he was at least more closely
   connected in sentiment with the more Jewish part of the Ecclesia of
   Jerusalem than were the rest of the Apostles; and it may well be that
   the veneration in which he is said to have been held at the time of his
   death even by unbelieving Jews, had its roots in an early popularity
   which would make him a valuable mediator between the stiffer sort of
   Hebrew Christians and the other Apostles. Such a passage as that just
   cited from St Peter's words after his release might, taken alone, be
   quite sufficiently explained by purely personal prominence. So also the
   fact that in Gal. ii. 9 the order is "James and Cephas and John" might
   well be due to the fact that the adherence of James on the occasion
   referred to was even more significant than that of the other two, on
   account of his closer relations with the Jewish party. But the two
   other passages of the Acts are best understood as implying that he held
   some recognised office or function in connexion with the Ecclesia of
   Jerusalem: and it does not seem unlikely that on his admission to the
   Apostolate it was arranged that, unlike the rest, he should exercise a
   definite local charge. Such a charge would of necessity become more
   distinct and, so to speak, monarchical when the other Apostles were
   absent from Jerusalem. His own circumstances were unique, and the
   circumstances of the Ecclesia of Jerusalem were no less unique. A
   peculiar function founded on peculiar qualifications is what the
   narrative suggests.

   There is nothing in St Luke's words which bears out what is often said,
   that St James presided over the conference at Jerusalem. If he had, it
   would be strange that his name should not be mentioned separately at
   the beginning, where we read only that "the Apostles and the Elders"
   were gathered together. In the decisive speeches at the end the lead is
   taken by St Peter, the foremost of the Twelve. After Barnabas and Paul
   have ended their narrative, James takes up the word. What he says is
   called an answer (apekrithe Iakobos legon xv. 13), probably as replying
   to words uttered earlier by the more Jewish section of the assembly
   during the dispute mentioned in v. 7. His opening words suggest that
   his first appeal is to them, and that he makes it as one to whom they
   might be more willing to listen than to St Paul, "Brethren (andres
   adelphoi), listen to me"; he then refers to Peter's exposition, calling
   him not only by his original name, but by the strictly Hebrew form of
   it, Symeon, as though to bespeak their goodwill for what Peter had
   said. Then again the words which begin his conclusion, "Wherefore my
   judgement is," cannot reasonably be understood as an authoritative
   judgment pronounced by himself independently: the whole context and
   what is said in v. 22 about the actual decision makes that
   interpretation morally impossible. The sense is doubtless "I for my
   part [20] judge," "this is my vote" as we should say. The point then is
   that, guardian though he was of the honour of Israel in the Ecclesia,
   he here throws his voice on the side of liberty. It is no objection to
   this view that he says simply ego not kago: owing to his mention of the
   four abstinences his proposal could not be simply identical with that
   of St Peter. We saw just now that he is not named at the gathering of
   the assembly. It is just the same afterwards: the decision is said to
   be made by the Apostles and the Elders with the whole Ecclesia; the
   letter proceeds from the Apostles and the elder brethren: apart then
   from these two classes he can hardly have exercised authority in this
   matter.

   The Authority of the Jerusalem Elders and of the Twelve.

   When we pass from St James to the Apostles and Elders, the question
   arises, "What kind of authority they here put forth over the brethren
   in Antioch and the surrounding region?" The answer cannot be a simple
   one. The letter itself at once implies an authority, and betrays an
   unwillingness to make a display of it. In the forefront are set anxious
   friendliness, courteous approval. Whatever is in any sense imperative
   comes after this and subsidiary to it, and is set forth as what had
   seemed good "to the Holy Spirit and to us", the human authority,
   whatever it be, being as it were appended to that which is presumed to
   be Divine. Further, the semblance of a command is softened off at the
   end into a counsel; "from which if ye keep yourselves it shall be well
   with you."

   So again in the next chapter (xvi. 4) the phrase used, "the decrees
   which had been ordained of the Apostles and Elders", seems to refer
   back, the decrees' (dogmata) to the twice repeated edoxen of xv. 22,
   25, ordained' (kekrimena) to St James's krino in xv. 19 [21] . Dogma in
   Greek (properly only what seems, or seems good) is one of those
   curiously elastic words which vary in sharpness of meaning according to
   the persons to whom a thing is said to seem good, and to the other
   circumstances of the case. The dogma of an emperor or a legislative
   assembly or the Amphictyonic council is a decree, the dogma of a
   philosopher is what seems to him to be true; and between these extremes
   are various shades of meaning. Here the probable sense is nearly what
   we should call a resolution', as passed by any deliberative body, not
   in form imperative but intended to have a binding force. The New
   Testament is not poor of words expressive of command, entellomai,
   epitasso, prostasso, diatasso, diastellomai and their derivatives, to
   say nothing of keleuo and parangello: yet none of them is used. It was
   in truth a delicate and difficult position, even after the happy
   decision of the assembly. The independence of the Ecclesia of Antioch
   had to be respected, and yet not in such a way as to encourage
   disregard either of the great mother Ecclesia, or of the Lord's own
   Apostles, or of the unity of the whole Christian body. Accordingly we
   do not find a word of a hint that the Antiochians would have done
   better to get sanction from Jerusalem before plunging into such grave
   responsibilities. But along with the cordial concurrence in the release
   of Gentile converts from legal requirements there goes a strong
   expression of opinion, more than advice and less than a command,
   respecting certain salutary restraints. A certain authority is thus
   implicitly claimed. There is no evidence that it was more than a moral
   authority; but that did not make it less real.

   The bases of authority differ for the two bodies united in writing to
   Antioch, the Elders and the Apostles. The Elders are to all appearance
   the local elders of the Ecclesia of Jerusalem. It is impossible that,
   as such, they could claim any authority properly so called over the
   Ecclesia of Antioch. But they had a large voice, backed as they were by
   the great body of the Ecclesia of Jerusalem, in saying whether the
   Ecclesia of Jerusalem would accept the brethren at Antioch, and
   specially the Gentile converts among them, as true brethren of their
   own, and true disciples of Jesus Christ. There is no making of formal
   conditions of fellowship, but the Elders, as taking the lead in making
   so great a concession on the part of Jerusalem, might well feel that
   they had a right to expect that the four restraints which had been set
   forth would be accepted. Such a deference on the part of Antioch would
   be the more proper since Paul and Barnabas, the representatives of
   Antioch, had evidently accepted the resolution as a whole (see their
   conduct in xvi. 4).

   The authority of the Apostles was of a different kind. There is indeed,
   as we have seen, no trace in Scripture of a formal commission of
   authority for government from Christ Himself. Their commission was to
   be witnesses of Himself, and to bear that witness by preaching and by
   healing. But it is inconceivable that the moral authority with which
   they were thus clothed, and the uniqueness of their position and
   personal qualifications, should not in all these years have been
   accumulating upon them by the spontaneous homage of the Christians of
   Judæa an ill-defined but lofty authority in matters of government and
   administration; of which indeed we have already had an instance in the
   laying of the price of the sold properties at their feet. What is not
   so easy to find out is the extent to which an apostolic authority of
   this kind is likely to have been felt and acknowledged beyond the
   limits of the Holy Land. On the one hand all Christian discipleship,
   wherever it sprang up, must have come directly or indirectly from the
   central community at Jerusalem, and it is difficult to see any form the
   Gospel could take in transmission in which the place of the still
   living Apostles would not be a primary one. On the other hand we cannot
   forget that it was of James and Peter and John that St Paul wrote those
   guarded but far-reaching words (Gal. ii. 6) "but from those who were
   reputed to be somewhat -- (of whatsoever sort (hopoioi) they were, it
   maketh no matter to me: God accepteth not a man's person) they, I say,
   who were of repute imparted nothing (or nothing farther) to me (emoi
   ouden prosanethento": words which shew that with all his unfailing
   anxiety to have the concurrence of the Twelve, and not of them only but
   of the Ecclesia of Jerusalem at large, he was not prepared to obey if
   the Twelve had insisted on the requirement of circumcision and the Law.
   Hence in the letter sent to Antioch the authority even of the Apostles,
   notwithstanding the fact that unlike the Jerusalem elders they
   exercised a function towards all Christians, was moral rather than
   formal; a claim to deference rather than a right to be obeyed.

   The Twelve and the Gentiles.

   In this connexion there is special force in that familiar statement by
   St Paul in the context just referred to (Gal. ii. 7-12), "when they saw
   that I had been entrusted with the Gospel of the uncircumcision, even
   as Peter with (a Gospel) of the circumcision (Petros tes peritomes, not
   to tes), for He that wrought by Peter (that seems to be the sense of ho
   energesas Petro, rather than either "in Peter" or "for Peter") unto an
   Apostleship (no ten) of the circumcision (tes peritomes) wrought by me
   also unto (or for, eis) the Gentiles: -- and when they perceived
   (gnontes) the grace that was given unto me, James and Cephas and John,
   they who were reputed to be pillars, gave to me and Barnabas right
   hands of fellowship (koinonias), that we (should be, or should go; no
   verb) unto the Gentiles, and themselves unto the circumcision: only
   they would that we should remember the poor (i.e. poor Christians of
   Palestine); which I also for this very reason took pains to do."

   Our familiarity with the idea of St Paul as the Apostle of the Gentiles
   makes us in reading slide over this arrangement as though it were the
   obvious thing to be done. In one sense it was: but what is its relation
   to the universal mission of the Twelve? Was it indeed to the
   circumcision only that our Lord had appointed them to bear witness of
   Himself by word and act? It is difficult to think so when we read of
   words which He spoke between the Resurrection and the Ascension. Those
   other words about the twelve thrones, and about not having gone through
   the cities of Israel, doubtless remained, not abrogated. But in some
   sense or other the twelve Apostles were surely to be for the Gentiles
   as well as for the old Israel; not merely through the Ecclesia which
   was founded on them, but in themselves. They had a relation to the
   ideal twelve tribes of the new Israel as well as to those of the old,
   which long before the time of the Christian era had become hardly less
   ideal.

   Here comes in the purely historical question. Had the Twelve or any of
   them preached beyond the limits of Palestine up to this time? High
   authorities give this extension to St Luke's simple if vague words
   about St Peter after his deliverance from prison, how he "went out
   (i.e. out of John Mark's house at Jerusalem) and went his way unto
   another place" (xii. 17). About twelve years are said to have then
   elapsed since the Ascension, and reference is made to one of the
   traditions current in the Second Century, to the effect that our Lord
   had bidden the Apostles go forth into the world after twelve years.
   There is, however, nothing connected with the tradition which gives it
   substantially more weight than the other fictions about the Apostles
   which soon flourished luxuriantly and in endless contradictions to each
   other. The omission of such a cardinal event from St Luke's narrative
   is, I think, inconceivable; and his whole story of the doings of the
   Ecclesia of Antioch and St Paul's first mission becomes unintelligible
   if similar missionary journeys of Apostles had preceded. We must, I
   think, conclude that up to the date of the great conference the Twelve
   had not believed themselves to have received any clear Divine
   intimation that the time was come for them to go forth in person among
   the nations.

   But now, independently of any action on their own part, the whole
   horizon was changed by the action of the Ecclesia of Antioch and the
   labours of Paul and Barnabas. It was no merely human series of acts
   which came before them for recognition. They doubtless accepted the
   mission from Antioch as proceeding in the first instance from the Holy
   Spirit speaking by the mouth of prophets, and as subsequently
   sanctioned from heaven by the signs and wonders which Paul and Barnabas
   were enabled to work. Here then at last the Divine monition to
   themselves had come, though probably in an unexpected form. In the
   person of St Paul, long since welcomed by themselves as a
   fellow-worker, God had now raised up a mighty herald of the Gospel for
   the Gentiles. He was no delegate of theirs: his commission was direct:
   but by recognising him as specially called to do apostolic work among
   the Gentiles, they were enabled to feel that by agreement and
   fellowship with him they were in effect carrying out through him that
   extension of their sphere which it is incredible that they should ever
   have dismissed from their minds; and meanwhile they were themselves
   able without misgiving to continue their work in the narrower sphere in
   which they had already laboured so long. Whether this limitation was at
   the time contemplated as permanent or as temporary, we have of course
   no means of knowing: but indeed there was no need to decide; in the
   future, no less than in the present, the needful guidance was to be
   looked for from heaven. In any case this agreement with St Paul, made
   in private conference, must be kept in mind when we are reading the
   epistle to Antioch which was agreed to and written so shortly after.
   They remarkably supplement each other. On the one hand the Twelve could
   not have so written had they meant henceforth to hold themselves
   discharged from every kind of responsibility towards Gentile Christians
   generally: on the other the agreement with St Paul and St Barnabas
   excluded them for the present from working personally among the
   Gentiles.

   It must be noticed that the limit drawn is religious, not geographical:
   it is between the circumcision and the Gentiles, not between the land
   of Israel and Gentile lands. Thus St James was still acting quite
   according to the agreement when, while remaining at the head of the
   Ecclesia of Jerusalem, he wrote an Epistle to Jewish Christians of the
   Dispersion. But we hear nothing of evangelistic journeys by the Twelve
   for preaching to the Jews of heathen cities; and it is most unlikely
   that any such were made. The distribution of fields of work involved in
   the agreement itself passed away in due time by the force of
   circumstances: we know of at least three of the Twelve who can be shown
   on trustworthy evidence to have laboured eventually in heathen lands.
   But that lies outside the Acts.

   It is worthy of notice that we have now reached the last appearance of
   the Apostles collectively, or of any one of them except St James, in St
   Luke's narrative. His remaining chapters are wholly silent about them.
   By this time the work which most characteristically belonged to them,
   their special contribution to the building up of the Ecclesia, though
   not yet ended, was not henceforth to present new features. What
   remained of their work in Palestine would be a continuation of such
   work as St Luke had already described. On them the Ecclesia of the
   mother city had been built.

   The government of the Ecclesia of Antioch.

   One other supplementary observation should be made before we leave this
   fifteenth chapter. In all that we read there and previously about the
   young Ecclesia of Antioch we learn absolutely nothing about its
   government or administration. The prophets and teachers have, as such,
   nothing to do with functions of this kind. Doubtless a man like
   Barnabas, coming as an envoy of the Ecclesia of Jerusalem (so, not
   simply of the Apostles, xi. 22) and shewing such sympathy with the
   local conditions of things, would acquire by the mere force of
   circumstances a considerable moral authority; and this would presently
   be shared with St Paul, when he too had come out of his Cilician
   retirement. Of course by its very nature this position was temporary as
   well as informal. Strange to say, we hear nothing about Elders. Since
   we know that the Ecclesia of Jerusalem had long had Elders, and St Paul
   on returning from his first journey in Asia Minor had appointed Elders
   for each local Ecclesia, it is hardly credible that they were wanting
   at Antioch, to say nothing of the influence of the precedent of the
   great Jewish population. But in the Acts we hear only of "the brethren"
   (xv. 1, 32, 33) or "the disciples" (xi. 26, 29; xiv. 28) or "the
   multitude" (xv. 30) or "the ecclesia" (xi. 26; xiii. 1; xiv. 27).
   Evidently at this time the general body of disciples at Antioch must
   have taken at least a large share in the acts of the Christian
   community.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [20] Wetstein in loc. quotes Thuc. iv. 16 for a still weaker hos ego
   krino, explained by the scholiast as hos ego nomizo, and the same use
   of krino, occurs elsewhere in the Acts (xiii. 46; xvi. 15; xxvi. 8):
   here the sense seems to he intermediate. Cf. the old latin version of
   Irenæus cont. Haer. III. xii. 14 Ego secundum me iudico.'

   [21] In the later reference (xxi. 25) we have no stronger term than
   apesteilamen (or epesteilamen) krinantes: cf. St James's krino . . .
   episteilai (xv. 19 f.).
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE VI.

   ST PAUL AT EPHESUS.

   The later history of the resolutions of the conference.

   THE rest of the Acts need not occupy us long. After certain days Paul
   said unto Barnabas "Let us return now and visit the brethren in every
   city wherein we proclaimed the word of the Lord, and see how they
   fare." This journey then proceeded from no act of the Ecclesia of
   Antioch nor (so far as appears) from a special Divine monition. It was
   apparently in intention, and certainly as regards the first part of it,
   merely supplementary to the former journey. As we know, St Paul and
   Barnabas had a division of opinion, and separated, Paul taking Silas,
   one of the envoys of the Ecclesia of Jerusalem, and himself a prophet.
   At Lystra a still more important fellow-labourer was added to his
   company in the person of Timothy, whom for prudential reasons he
   circumcised; doubtless because, though hitherto formally outside the
   old covenant, he had been from childhood to all intents and purposes a
   Jew [22] . As they went through the cities they delivered to them
   (masculine: to the disciples there) the resolutions which had been
   decided on (ta dogmata ta kekrimena) by the Apostles and Elders that
   were at Jerusalem. The region through which they were now travelling
   had nothing to do with the provinces associated with Antioch, viz.
   Syria and Cilicia, to which the Jerusalem letter had been addressed.
   But the conversions which had taken place in that very region formed
   the first link in the chain of circumstances which led to the writing
   of the letter: and if the Ecclesia of Antioch were to accept loyally
   the restraints on neophytes imposed by the letter, it was impossible
   that their missionary, on now at once revisiting the scene of his
   mission, should fail to press these requirements upon his converts. But
   (with the exception of an allusion by St James or the Jerusalem Elders
   in xxi. 25) this is the last that we hear of these requirements in the
   Acts, and St Paul in his Epistles makes no allusion to them directly or
   indirectly. It is of course possible that St Luke's silence on this
   point for the rest of this journey, and for all the subsequent
   journeyings, was not intended to be expressive. He may have wished the
   single instance given at the outset to be understood as carried on
   through the rest of his narrative. But the manner in which the one
   statement is made does not suggest such an extension; nor is it likely
   that St Luke would have failed to repeat it for at least one region now
   first entered on, had he wished it to be carried forward by his
   readers. But St Paul's own silence is more significant still. The truth
   probably is that he accepted the four restraints appended to the main
   purpose of the letter, but did not really care for them, preferring to
   seek the same ends by other means; and so that he did not attempt to
   enforce them with respect to Christian converts for which the Ecclesia
   of Antioch was in no sense responsible; having perhaps already found
   reason in Lycaonia to doubt their expediency, though, faithful to his
   trust, he introduced them there. At all events the great liberative
   measure to which the Apostles joined with the Elders and Ecclesia of
   Jerusalem in setting their hands stood fast, and determined the
   character of by far the greater part of the new Ecclesia, while these
   petty adjuncts to it, having served their purpose, dropped away, though
   many in ancient, and even in modern times, have tried to persuade
   themselves that they are still binding on all Christians.

   The next verse to that which we have now been examining tells us simply
   that "the Ecclesiae (i.e. the congregations of the Lycaonian region)
   were strengthened (or solidified, estereounto) by their faith, and
   multiplied in number daily" (xvi. 5). This is the last time that the
   word ekklesia is used by St Luke, except for that of Jerusalem and in
   the peculiar case of the Ephesian Elders at Miletus.

   How St Paul and his companions came to extend their journey beyond
   Lycaonia, we are not told. When they had passed through Phrygia and
   Galatia and reached Alexandria Troas the vision of the Macedonian
   beckoned them across the Hellespont, and so they entered Europe. As
   everyone will remember, the chief places of their preaching were
   Philippi, Thessalonica, Beroea, Athens, Corinth. Not a word here of
   Ecclesiae, for the Christian communities were only in their earliest
   stage of existence.

   The founding of the Ecclesia of Ephesus.

   On his way back to the east St Paul diverged rapidly from his course to
   snatch a visit to Ephesus, where he dropped Priscilla and Aquila, and
   there he began to argue with the Jews in the synagogue, but quickly
   took leave. If, as the following narratives suggest, this was the
   beginning of Ephesian Christianity, it is much to be remembered as a
   bona fide instance of a great central capital which could legitimately
   claim an Apostle as the founder of its Christian community. It will be
   remembered that shortly after leaving Lycaonia, Paul and his friends
   are said to have been "hindered by the Holy Spirit from speaking the
   word in Asia," i.e. Proconsular Asia; which implies that personally
   they (or Paul) had been desiring to preach there, and doubtless
   specially in Ephesus. The deferred wish was now to be fulfilled, though
   still, so to speak, only in a representative manner, for there was no
   time for effectual preaching. Promising to return if God will, St Paul
   hurries across the Mediterranean to Cæsarea, goes up to Jerusalem and
   greets the Ecclesia there (here simply called ten ekklesian, Jerusalem
   itself being indicated only by the word anabas goes up'), and then
   returns to Antioch for some time; he sets out afresh through Phrygia
   and Galatia, "stablishing all the disciples" made on his last journey,
   and so at last reaches Ephesus in good earnest and makes a long stay,
   in which he becomes the founder of Christian Ephesus in very deed.

   One early incident of this stay is mentioned which specially concerns
   us. After St Paul had been preaching and arguing in the synagogue for
   the space of three months, when at length some of the Jews become
   hardened in disbelief and publicly revile the Way,' he forms a separate
   congregation of the disciples, probably Jewish Christians and Gentile
   Christians alike, and carries on his public disputations in what was
   probably a neutral building, the schole or lecture hall' of Tyrannus.

   The period of from two to three years then spent at Ephesus and in the
   surrounding region was full of dangers and troubles, of which the
   Epistles alone afford us some glimpses. They mark St Paul's anxiety to
   build up carefully and solidly the Ecclesiae of the most important
   region of that great peninsula now called Asia Minor, which he had in a
   manner made peculiarly his own, and which from childhood must have had
   a special interest for him from the proximity of Tarsus to the Cilician
   Gates, the pass by which the greater part of the peninsula was entered
   from the south. The last incident of that period mentioned by St Luke
   brings us face to face with another sort of Ecclesia from those whose
   origin we have been tracing. He employs the word ekklesia not only for
   the regular assembly of the Ephesian people (xix. 39), but, by a very
   unusual way of speaking, for the tumultuous gathering on behalf of the
   Ephesian goddess (xix. 32, 41). Before that last incident St Paul had
   meditated a fresh journey of great length, first a visit to the
   European Christian communities founded by him on his former westward
   journey, then to Jerusalem once more, where he wished to find himself
   at Pentecost, the great national festival, and lastly to Rome (xix.
   21).

   St Paul's discourse to the Ephesian Elders at Miletus.

   The incidents of the journey, with one important exception, do not
   concern our purpose. Anxiety not to spend time in Proconsular Asia made
   St Paul refrain from going back to Ephesus on his way to Palestine.
   But, touching at Miletus, he thence, we are told, "sent to Ephesus and
   called to him the Elders of the Ecclesia." St Luke speaks of them
   simply thus, as though no further explanation were needed. We have seen
   already how St Paul instituted an administration by Elders in the
   smaller Ecclesiae which he founded in Lycaonia, and it is but natural
   to conclude that he would pursue the same plan elsewhere. Whether the
   institution took place at an early date in his long stay (so that they
   would be acting along with and under him), or took place only on his
   departure, as seems best to suit the former precedent, we have no means
   of knowing. Superficially it might seem as if the early verses of his
   address favoured the first mentioned view, but in reality they are
   neutral, what is there said of the Elders' knowledge of St Paul's acts
   and teaching from the day of his arrival being, to say the least,
   addressed to them in their character of Christian disciples, not of
   Christian Elders. More is contained in xx. 28, partly about the Elders
   of the Ecclesia, partly about the Ecclesia itself. "Take heed to
   yourselves and to all the flock, in which the Holy Spirit set you as
   episkopous."

   First, how are we to understand this last word? No one, I suppose,
   doubts now that the persons meant are those first mentioned as "Elders
   of the Ecclesia." Have we then here a second title? The only tangible
   reasons for thinking so (apart from certain passages in Philippians and
   the Pastoral Epistles, which must presently be considered) are that in
   the Second Century the word was certainly used as a title, though for a
   different office; and that it was already in various use as a title in
   the Greek world. But against this we must set the fact that both in the
   Bible (LXX., Apocrypha, and the New Testament itself, 1 Pet. ii. 25)
   and in other literature (including Philo) it retains its common
   etymological or descriptive meaning overseer', and this meaning alone
   gives a clear sense here. The best rendering would I think be, "in
   which the Holy Spirit set you to have oversight", the force being
   distinctly predicative. We shall have, as I said just now, to consider
   the word again in connexion with Philippians and the Pastoral Epistles,
   but for the present we had better remain at Miletus or rather Ephesus.

   Secondly, the Elders are said to have been set in the flock of Ephesus
   to have oversight of it by the Holy Spirit. Neither here nor anywhere
   else in the address is there any indication that St Paul himself had
   had anything to do with their appointment, the contrast in this to the
   Pastoral Epistles being very remarkable. It is no doubt conceivable
   that he might describe such an act of his own as coming from the Holy
   Spirit: but apart from prophetic monitions, of which there is no trace
   here, it would be hard to find another example [23] .

   Again, it is conceivable that this language might be used without any
   reference to the mode of appointment, the Holy Spirit being regarded
   simply as, so to speak, the author of all order.

   But the manner in which the Holy Spirit is elsewhere associated with
   joint acts, acts involving fellowship, suggests that here the
   appointment came from the Ecclesia itself. Doubtless, as far as we can
   tell, such was not the case in those Lycaonian communities where
   (outside of Palestine) we first read of the appointment of Elders. But
   the case of comparatively small communities, recently formed and
   rapidly visited, might well induce St Paul in the first instance to
   start them with Elders of his own choice: while in such a capital as
   Ephesus, having probably already made a long stay there, he might well
   think the Ecclesia ripe for the responsibility. In so doing he would be
   practically following the precedent set at Jerusalem in the case of the
   Seven (vi. 3-6). In that case the appointment of the Seven was sealed,
   so to speak, by the Apostles praying and laying hands of blessing on
   the Seven; and so it may well have been here.

   Thirdly, the function of the Elders is described in pastoral language
   (take heed to . . . the flock,' tend,' wolves . . . not sparing the
   flock'). Such language, as we might expect, was probably not unknown as
   applied to Jewish elders. Apparently [24] (though not quite clearly) it
   is applied in the Talmud to them as well as to other guides and rulers.
   But it was impossible that this aspect of the office should not assume
   greater weight, under the circumstances of a Christian Ecclesia. The
   unique redemption to which the Ecclesia owed its existence involved the
   deepening and enlarging of every responsibility, and the filling out
   what might have been mere administration with spiritual aims and
   forces. But the precise form which the work of the Elders was to take
   is not clearly expressed. The side of shepherding most expressed by
   tending' (poimaino) is government and guidance rather than feeding [25]
   ; nor is there any other distinct reference to teaching, the two
   imperatives being "take heed to yourselves and to the flock," and
   "watch ye" or "be wakeful" (gregoreite xx. 31), spoken with reference
   to the double danger of grievous wolves from without, and men speaking
   perverse things from within. But this watching' does indirectly seem to
   involve teaching, public or private, in virtue of the words which
   follow, "remembering that for a space of three years night and day I
   ceased not to admonish each one," the practical form taken by the
   Apostle's vigilance being thus recalled to mind as needing to be in
   some way carried on by themselves. Moreover it is hard to see how the
   work of tending and protection could be performed without teaching,
   which indeed would itself be a necessary part of the daily life of a
   Christian, as of a Jewish community; and it does not appear by whom it
   was to be carried on mainly and regularly if not by the Elders, or at
   least by some of them. No other office in the Ecclesia of Ephesus is
   referred to in the address.

   Next for the Ecclesia of Ephesus itself.

   Early in the term we had occasion to notice the significance of this
   phrase "the Ecclesia of God which He purchased by the blood of His
   own," as joining on the new society of Christ's disciples to the
   ancient Ecclesia of Israel, and marking how the idea of the sacrificial
   redemption wrought by the Crucified Messiah, succeeding to the Paschal
   redemption of the Exodus, was bound up in the idea of the Christian
   Ecclesia. Here we evidently are carried into a loftier region than any
   previous use of the word Ecclesia in the Acts would obviously point to.
   This language was but natural, since the words then spoken were then
   supposed to be last words. They are part of St Paul's solemn farewell
   to the cherished Ecclesia of his own founding. He begins with the
   actual circumstances of the moment, the local Ephesian community, which
   was the flock committed to the Ephesian Elders, and then goes on to say
   that that little flock had a right to believe itself to be the Ecclesia
   of God which He had purchased to be His own possession at so
   unspeakable a price. Of course in strictness the words belong only to
   the one universal Christian Ecclesia: but here they are transferred to
   the individual Ecclesia of Ephesus, which alone these Elders were
   charged to shepherd. In the Epistles we shall find similar investment
   of parts of the universal Ecclesia with the high attributes of the
   whole. This transference is no mere figure of speech. Each partial
   society is set forth as having a unity of its own, and being itself a
   body made up of many members has therefore a corporate life of its own:
   and yet these attributes could not be ascribed to it as an absolutely
   independent and as it were insular society: they belong to it only as a
   representative member of the great whole [26] .

   In xx. 32, which follows the calling to mind of St Paul's own former
   admonitions, he commends the Elders "to the Lord and to the word of His
   grace", just as he and Barnabas, on leaving the Lycaonian churches with
   their newly appointed Elders, had commended them to the Lord on whom
   they had believed' (xiv. 23). "The word of His grace" here is what is
   called in v. 24 "the Gospel of the grace of God", doubtless with
   special reference to the grace by which Gentiles were admitted into
   covenant with God. Firm adherence to that Gospel would be the most
   essential principle to guide them, after his departure, in their faith
   in God.

   Then he adds words which define for the future the two provinces of
   activity for the Ecclesia, its action within and its action without,
   building up' and enlargement.' The word of God's grace, he says, is
   indeed able [27] to build up [28] , to build up the Ecclesia and, each
   individual member thereof within (cf. ix. 31), and likewise to bestow
   on those who had it not already the inheritance [29] among all the
   sanctified, all the saints of the covenant.

   His last words are a gentle and disguised warning, again with reference
   to his own practice, against the coveting of earthly good things, and
   in favour of earning by personal labour not only the supply of personal
   needs but the means of helping those who have not themselves the
   strength to labour. These are words that might well be addressed to the
   whole Ecclesia: but there is no turn of language to indicate a change
   from the address to the elders; and various passages in the Epistles
   confirm the prima facie impression that it is to them in the first
   instance that the warning is addressed.

   He ends with the saying of the Lord Jesus, or (it may be) the summing
   up of many words of His, "Happy is it rather to give than to receive."

   St Paul's reception at Jerusalem and at Rome.

   We may pass over the journey to Jerusalem with all its warnings of
   danger. At Jerusalem Paul and his company were joyfully received by
   "the brethren" however widely or narrowly the term should be limited in
   this context. Next day they went in to James, and all the Elders were
   present. Of the other Apostles we hear nothing. In all probability they
   were in some other part of Palestine. James clearly here has an
   authoritative position. The presence of all the Elders shews that the
   visit was a formal one, a visit to the recognised authorities of the
   Ecclesia of Jerusalem, and the primary recipient is James, the elders
   being only spoken of as present. On the other hand not a word is
   distinctly said of any act or saying of James separately. After St Paul
   has finished his narrative, "they" (we are told, with a vague inclusive
   plural) "glorified God and said to him . . .  (xxi. 20)." Not
   improbably James was the spokesman: but if so, he spoke the mind of the
   rest. Deeply interesting as this address was, the only point which
   concerns us is the final reference to the letter sent to Antioch. "But
   as touching the Gentiles which have believed, we ourselves (hemeis)
   sent (or wrote, or enjoined) judging that they should beware of what is
   offered to idols, etc." This is said in marked contrast to the
   suggestion that St Paul should manifest by his own example his loyalty
   to the Law in the case of born Jews. It was in effect saying that his
   different teaching respecting Gentiles was what they of Jerusalem could
   not condemn, seeing they had themselves sanctioned for the Gentiles
   only certain definite restraints which did not involve obedience to the
   Law. This accounts for the general form the Gentiles which have
   believed'. To refer to Antioch and Syria and Cilicia would have been
   irrelevant; and moreover the regions actually addressed were the only
   regions which at the time of the letter contained definitely formed
   Ecclesiae.

   This is practically the end of the evidence deducible from the Acts.
   After this one scene on the second day at Jerusalem, James and the
   Elders disappear from view, as the other Apostles had disappeared long
   before. All that happened at Jerusalem, at Cæsarea, and on the voyage
   to Rome lies outside our subject. We hear of brethren' at Puteoli and
   at Rome, but the word Ecclesia is not used. The breach with the
   unbelieving Jews at Rome recalls that at the Pisidian Antioch, and ends
   with a similar setting forth of the Gentile reception of the Gospel,
   making up for the Jewish hardness of heart. Beginning at Jerusalem, the
   centre of ancient Israel and the home of the first Christian Ecclesia,
   the book points forward to a time when the centre of the heathen world
   will as such be for a time the centre of the Ecclesia of God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [22] See Judaistic Christianity, pp. 84 ff.

   [23] 1 Cor. vii. 40 is obviously quite different.

   [24] See the passages in Levy and Fleischer's Lex. iv. 120 f. The
   Aramaic verb (used only for men) is prnm, the substantive prnm, the
   sense like that of the biblical rh, including the sense of tending or
   leading and feeding.

   [25] John xxi. 16 where tending' (poimaine) is contrasted with feeding'
   (boske) both in the preceding and in the following verse.

   [26] The phrase Ecclesia of God,' which we find here, adopted and
   adapted as we have seen from the Old Testament, has a similar local
   reference at the head of both the Epistles to the Corinthians as also
   in 1 Tim. iii. 5, not to speak of 1 Cor. x. 32; xi. 22, where, as we
   shall see [p. 117], the phrase appears to have a double reference.

   [27] to diunameno assuredly goes, as the Greek suggests, with logo, not
   with kurio (or theo).

   [28] No accusative, that the reference may be perfectly general.

   [29] See especially xxvi. 28; Eph. i. 18; Col. i. 12.
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE VII.

   THE ECCLESIA' IN THE EPISTLES.

   The uses of the word.

   THUS far we have followed St Luke's narrative, with scarcely any
   divergence into the illustrative matter to be found in the Epistles.
   The Epistles however contain much important evidence of various kinds,
   while they also sometimes fail us in respect of information which we
   perhaps might have expected to find, and certainly should be glad to
   find. Much of the evidence will be best considered under the several
   Epistles successively: but, in beginning with the uses of the word
   Ecclesia itself, we shall find it clearer to take them in groups.

   Everyone must have noticed St Paul's fondness for adding tou theou to
   ekklesia, "the Ecclesia (or Ecclesiae) of God". We saw just now the
   significance of the phrase in the adaptation of Ps. lxxiv. 2 by St Paul
   in addressing the Ephesian elders, as claiming for the community of
   Christians the prerogatives of God's ancient Ecclesia. With the
   exception however of two places in 1 Tim. (iii. 5, 15), where the old
   name is used with a special force derived from the context, this name
   is confined to St Paul's earlier epistles, the two to the
   Thessalonians, the two to the Corinthians, and Galatians. It is very
   striking that at this time, when his antagonism to the Judaizers was at
   its hottest, he never for a moment set a new Ecclesia against the old,
   an Ecclesia of Jesus or even an Ecclesia of the Christ against the
   Ecclesia of God, but implicitly taught his heathen converts to believe
   that the body into which they had been baptized was itself the Ecclesia
   of God. This addition of tou theou occurs in several of the groups of
   passages. Naturally, and with special force, it stands in two out of
   three of the places in which the original Ecclesia of Judæa is meant,
   and is spoken of as the object of St Paul's persecution. But more
   significant is the application to single Ecclesiae (the various
   Ecclesiae of Judæa 1 Thes. ii. 4; or Corinth 1 Cor. i. 2; 2 Cor. i. 1);
   or to the sum total of all separate Ecclesiae (2 Thes. i. 4; 1 Cor. xi.
   16); or lastly to the one universal Ecclesia as represented in a local
   Ecclesia (1 Cor. x. 32; xi. 22).

   On the other hand, that second aspect of the Ecclesia of God under the
   new Covenant, by which it is also the Ecclesia of Christ (as He Himself
   said "I will build my Ecclesia") is likewise reflected in the Epistles.
   The most obvious instances are the two passages in which the Ecclesiae
   of Judæa are referred to. "Ye, brethren," St Paul writes to the
   Thessalonians (1 Thes. ii. 14) "became imitators of the Ecclesiae of
   God which are in Judæa in Christ Jesus" (viz. by suffering like them
   for conscience sake). They were Ecclesiae of God, but their
   distinguishing feature was that they were "in Christ Jesus", having
   their existence in Jesus as Messiah. It is as though he shrank from
   altogether refusing the name 'Ecclesiae of God' to the various purely
   Jewish communities throughout the Holy Land. The next verses (1 Thes.
   ii. 15, 16) contain the most vehement of all St Paul's language against
   the Jews: but these are the individual men, the perverse generation;
   and for their misdeeds the Jewish Ecclesia would not necessarily as yet
   be responsible, the nation's final refusal of its Messiah not having
   yet come. But, apart from this possible or even probable latent
   distinction, the Christian Ecclesiae of God would be emphatically
   Ecclesiae of God in Christ Jesus, He in His glorification being the
   fundamental bond of Christian fellowship. The other passage which
   mentions these Judæan Ecclesiae is Gal. i. 22, "and I continued unknown
   to the Ecclesiae of Judæa that are in Christ": the phrase here is
   briefer, but the added ta?s en Christo gives the characteristic touch.
   Echoes of these two clear passages occur with reference to other
   Ecclesiae. That of the Thessalonians is in both Epistles said to be "in
   God the (or our) Father and the Lord Jesus Christ". The men of Corinth
   are said to be "hallowed in Christ Jesus" (i.e. brought into the state
   of saints' in Him). The men of Philippi "saints in Christ Jesus". The
   men of Ephesus "saints and faithful in Christ Jesus"; and so the men of
   Colossae "saints and faithful brethren in Christ". And for the men of
   Rome also there is the analogous statement (i. 6) "among whom are ye
   also, called of Jesus Christ."

   With these forms of speech we may probably associate the difficult and
   unique phrase of Rom. xvi. 16, "All the Ecclesiae of the Christ salute
   you." This is the one place in the New Testament, apart from our Lord's
   words to Peter, where we read of "Ecclesiae of Christ" (or "of the
   Christ"), not "of God": for the singular number we have no example. The
   sense which first suggests itself, "all Christian Ecclesiae" is very
   difficult to understand. That all the Ecclesiae of not only Palestine,
   but Syria, various provinces of Asia Minor, Macedonia and Greece should
   have recently, either simultaneously or by joint action, have asked St
   Paul to convey their greetings to the Roman Christians is barely
   credible, and the addition of pasai (omitted only in the later Syrian
   text and by no version) clinches the difficulty [30] . Observing this
   difficulty (which indeed had evidently been felt long ago by Origen),
   some of the older commentators suppose some such limitation as "all the
   Ecclesiae of Greece": but this the Greek cannot possibly bear. It seems
   far more probable that by "the Ecclesiae of the Christ" the Messiah, St
   Paul means the Ecclesiae of those "of whom as concerning the flesh the
   Messiah came" (Rom. ix. 5), and to whom His Messiahship could not but
   mean more than it did to Jews of the Dispersion, much less to men of
   Gentile birth: in a word that he means the Ecclesiae of Judæa, of whom
   as we have seen, he has twice spoken already in other epistles. It
   might easily be that all these had been represented at some recent
   gathering at Jerusalem, and had there united in a message which some
   Jerusalem colleague or friend had since conveyed to him.

   This supposition gains in probability when we notice that, whatever may
   be the case elsewhere, ho christos is never used in this Epistle
   without some reference to Messiahship, though not always quite on the
   surface [31] . The least obvious, but for our purpose the most
   interesting, is xiv. 18, where the whole stress lies on en touto (cf. 2
   Cor. xi. 13 f., 22 f.), and the mode of service of the Messiah just
   described is implicitly contrasted with a pretended service of the
   Messiah. The significance of the phrase comes out when it occurs again
   in that curious guarded postscript against the Judaizers which St Paul
   adds after his greetings (xvi. 17-20). "Such men," he says, "serve not
   the Christ who is our Lord, but their own belly" (i.e. by insisting on
   legal distinctions of meats), while, he means to say, they pretend to
   be the only true servants of the Messiah. Now the salutation
   immediately preceding this warning contains the words which we are
   considering. To you, Romans, he seems to say, I am bidden to send the
   greetings of all the true Ecclesiae of the Messiah. But you need to be
   warned about some who may hereafter come troubling you, and falsely
   claiming to be Messiah's only faithful servants, as against me and
   mine. Thus the enigmatic form of the salutation may arise out of the
   inevitably enigmatic form of the coming warning.

   Individuals not lost in the Society.

   Another interesting point which it is convenient to notice here is that
   twofold aspect of an Ecclesia which came before us early in the Acts,
   as being on the one hand itself a single body, and on the other made up
   of single living men. Here too there is an interesting sequence, though
   not a perfect one, in the order of the Epistles.

   The salutation to 1 and 2 Thessalonians is simply to the Ecclesia of
   the Thessalonians in God [our] Father and the Lord Jesus Christ (this
   last phrase, we may note in passing, may be considered to include the
   tou theou of 1 and 2 Corinthians).

   In 1 Cor. i. 2 on the other hand we find the two aspects coupled
   together by a bold disregard of grammar te ekklesia tou theou te ouse
   en Korintho, hegiasmenois en Christo Iesou, kletois hagiois: the single
   Ecclesia in Corinth is identical with men who have been hallowed in
   Christ Jesus, and called to be saints.

   In 2 Cor. i. 1 there is a seeming return to the form used to the
   Thessalonians, the reason probably being that the name saints' was
   reserved for the following sun tois hagiois pasin tois ousin en hole te
   Achaia (only partially parallel to the sun pasin etc. of 1
   Corinthians): there may also be a distinction between the single
   Ecclesia of the great city Corinth and the scattered saints or
   Christians of the rest of Achaia.

   The case of Galatians is peculiar. Here St Paul was writing, not to a
   city alone, or to a great city, the capital of a region, but to a
   region containing various unnamed cities. He writes simply to "the
   Ecclesiae" (plural) of Galatia: to attach to this feminine plural a
   masculine plural would have been awkward and puzzling (in Acts xvi. 4
   the change of gender from poleis to autois explains itself): and
   moreover the tone of rebuke in which this Epistle is couched has
   rendered its salutation in various respects exceptional.

   But when we come to Romans, the term Ecclesia disappears from the
   salutation, and the designation of it by reference to its individual
   members, which in 1 Corinthians we found combined with Ecclesia, now
   stands alone, "to all that are in Rome beloved of God, called to be
   saints," each word "beloved [32] " and "saints [33] " expressing a
   privilege once confined to Israel but now extended to the Gentiles. It
   is the same in Philippians ("to all the saints in Christ Jesus that are
   in Philippi"); and "Ephesians" ("to the saints that are [[in Ephesus]]
   and faithful in Christ Jesus"); and finally Colossians ("to the saints
   and faithful brethren, or holy and faithful brethren, in Christ that
   are at Colossae").

   This later usage of St Paul is followed by St Peter (eklektois
   parepidemois diasporas followed after a few words by en hagiasmo
   pneumatos), and by St Jude (tois en theo patri hegiasmenois, kai Iesou
   Christo teteremenois kletois).

   Connected with this carefulness to keep individual membership in sight,
   is the total absence of territorial language (so to speak) in the
   designations of local Ecclesiae. Three times the Ecclesia meant is
   designated by the adjectival local name of its members, viz. in the
   salutations to 1 and 2 Thessalonians (ekklesia Thessalonikeon, "of
   Thessalonians": this personal description being in effect a partial
   substitute for the absence of anything like kletois hagiois), and in a
   reference to the Ecclesia "of the Laodicenes" (te Laodikeon ekklesia)
   in Col. iv. 16. In all other cases of a single city the Ecclesia is
   designated as "in" that city: so the salutations of 1 and 2
   Corinthians, Romans, Philippians, Ephesians, Colossians; also Cenchreae
   (Rom. xvi. 1), and each of the seven Ecclesiae of the Apocalypse. When
   the reference is to a whole region including a number of cities and
   therefore of Ecclesiae the usage is, on the surface, not quite
   constant. Twice "in" is used, for Judæa (1 Thess. ii. 14), and Asia
   (Apoc. i. 4): while in each case the form used can be readily accounted
   for by the accompanying words which rendered the use of "in" the only
   natural mode of designation, ton ekklesion tou theou ton ouson en to
   Ioudaia en Christo Iesou, and tais hepta ekklesiais tais en te Asia. In
   all the other (six) cases, however, these plural designations of a
   plurality of Ecclesiae are designated by a genitive of the region; the
   Ecclesiae of Judæa, Gal. i. 22; of Asia, 1 Cor. xvi. 19; of Galatia, 1
   Cor. xvi. 1 and the salutation to the Galatians; of Macedonia, 2 Cor.
   viii. 1; of the nations or Gentiles generally (ton ethnon), Rom. xvi.
   4. In these collective instances the simple and convenient genitive
   could lead to no misunderstanding. But we find no instance of such a
   form as "the Ecclesia of Ephesus" (a city) or "the Ecclesia of Galatia"
   (a region). No circumstances had yet arisen which could give propriety
   to such a form of speech.

   It may be well now for the sake of clearness, to reckon up separately,
   without detail, the various classes of Christian societies to which the
   term Ecclesia is applied in the Epistles and Apocalypse.

   i. (sing. with art.). The original Ecclesia of Jerusalem or Judæa, at a
   time when there was no other: -- Gal. i. 13; 1 Cor. xv. 9; Phil. iii.
   6: the occasion of reference in all three cases being St Paul's own
   action as a persecutor.

   2. (sing. with art.). The single local Ecclesia of a city which is
   named: -- Thessalonica (1 Thess. i. 1; 2 Thess. i. 1); Corinth (1 Cor.
   i. 2; 2 Cor. i. 1); Cenchreae (Rom. xvi. 1); Laodicea in Asia Minor
   (Col. iv. 16); each of the seven Ecclesiae of Proconsular Asia in Apoc.
   ii. iii.

   3. he ekklesia (sing. and with art.), referring to the individual
   Ecclesia addressed; or in one case the Ecclesia of the city from which
   the Epistle was written: -- 1 Cor. vi. 4; xiv. 5, 12, 23; Rom. xvi. 23;
   1 Tim. v. 16; James v. 14; 3 John 9, 10.

   4. ekklesia (sing. no art.), referring to any individual Ecclesia: -- 1
   Cor. xiv. 4; 1 Tim. iii. 5, 15 and similarly en pase ekklesia 1 Cor.
   iv. 17; oudemia ekklesia, Phil. iv. 15.

   5. (plur.). The sum of individual Ecclesiae in a named region: Judæa (1
   Thess. ii. 14; Gal. i. 22); Galatia (1 Cor. xvi. 1; Gal. i. 2);
   Macedonia (2 Cor. viii. 1); Asia (Proconsular) 1 Cor. xvi. 19; Apoc. i.
   4 (and practically vv. 11, 20 bis); or without a name, but apparently
   limited to a region named or implied in the context. Macedonia (2 Cor.
   viii. 19) and Proconsular Asia (Apoc. end of each epistle, ii. 23
   (though with pasai), and xxii. 16).

   6. (plur.). Not of a definite region, nor yet the sum of all individual
   Ecclesiae; 2 Cor. xi. 8 (allas ekklesias); viii. 23 (apostoloi
   ekklesion); and more collectively pasai hai ekklesiai ton ethnon of
   Rom. xvi. 4, and hai ekklesiai pasai tou christou of Rom. xvi. 16,
   which we have seen probably refer to the Judæan Ecclesiae.

   7. (plur.). The sum of all individual Ecclesiae (or all but the one
   written to); usually with pasai (1 Cor. vii. 17, xiv. 33 [with ton
   hagion added]; 2 Cor. viii. 18, 24; xi. 28); with loipai (2 Cor. xii.
   13); or simply with tou theou (2 Thess. i. 4; 1 Cor. xi. 16).

   8. (sing.). The one universal Ecclesia as represented in the local
   individual Ecclesia (as in the address to the Ephesian elders). This is
   confined to 1 Cor. (x. 32; xi. 22; and probably xii. 28).

   9. (sing.). The one universal Ecclesia absolutely. This is confined to
   the twin Epistles to Ephesians and Colossians (Eph. i. 22; iii. 10, 21;
   v. 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, 32; Col. i. 18, 24).

   to. (sing.). What may be called a domestic Ecclesia. This is a subject
   on which more will probably be known hereafter than at present. Thus
   far it seems pretty clear that St Paul's language points to a practice
   by which wealthy or otherwise important persons who had become
   Christians, among their other services to their brother Christians,
   allowed the large hall or saloon often attached to (or included in) the
   larger sort of private houses, to be used as places of meeting, whether
   for worship or for other affairs of the community. Accordingly the
   Ecclesia in the house of this or that man, would seem to mean that
   particular assemblage of Christians, out of the Christians of the whole
   city, which was accustomed to meet under his roof. The instances are
   these, Aquila and Priscilla at Ephesus (1 Cor. xvi. 19); the same pair
   afterwards at Rome (Rom. xvi. 5); Nympha (or some would say Nymphas) at
   Colossae (Col. iv. 15); and Philemon also at Colossae (Philem. 2).

   11. An assembly of an Ecclesia, rather than the ekklesia itself. This
   use is at once classical and a return to the original force of qahal.
   To it belongs the en tais ekklesiais of 1 Cor. xiv. 34 (Let the women
   be silent in the Ecclesiae); as also, the semi-adverbial phrases when
   ekklesia in the singular without an article is preceded by a
   preposition (en ekklesia 1 Cor. xi. 18; xiv. 19, 28; enopion ekklesias
   3 John 6; analogous to the en sunagoge of John vi. 59; xviii. 20).

   The many Ecclesiae and the one.

   In many of the passages here cited, as also in many passages of the
   Acts, we have had brought distinctly before us the individuality of the
   several local Ecclesiae in the various cities. On the other hand, apart
   from those passages which speak of the one universal Ecclesia, whether
   absolutely, or as its attributes are reflected in a particular
   Ecclesia, we have varied evidence as to the pains taken by St Paul to
   counteract any tendency towards isolation and wantonness of
   independence, which might arise in the young communities which he
   founded, or with which he came in contact. The Epistle which contains
   most evidence of this kind is 1 Corinthians, the same Epistle which
   more than any other is occupied with resisting tendencies towards
   inward division. The spirit of lawlessness would evidently have a
   disintegrating effect in both spheres alike, as between the members of
   the individual Ecclesia, and as between it and the sister Ecclesiae of
   the same or other lands. The keynote as against isolation is struck in
   the very salutation (i. 2). Without going into all the ambiguities of
   language in that verse, we can at least see that in some manner the
   Corinthians are there taught to look on themselves as united to "all
   who in every place invoke the name of our Lord Jesus Christ"; and I
   believe we may safely add that "theirs and ours" means "their Lord and
   ours," the one Lord being set forth as the common bond of union, and
   obedience to His will as Lord, the uniting law of life. Then in v. 9,
   after giving thanks for those gifts of theirs which they were in danger
   of allowing to lead them astray, he assures them "Faithful is the God
   through whom ye were called into fellowship of His Son Jesus Christ our
   Lord," -- fellowship of Him, not only fellowship with Him, though that
   also, but fellowship one with another and with all saints, derived from
   that fellowship with Himself which was common to them all.

   Having put before the Corinthians this fundamental teaching at the
   beginning of the Epistle, St Paul repeatedly afterwards gives it a
   practical application by his appeals to Christian usage elsewhere. The
   authorities to which he appeals are of various kinds, e.g. traditions
   which he had himself first received and then passed on to them and to
   others, his own personal qualifications for judgment, expediency or
   edification, the teaching of "nature": but in addition to these he
   condemns Corinthian practices or tendencies by reference to the adverse
   practice of other Ecclesiae. Of the praying of women unveiled he says
   (xi. 16) "We have no such custom, neither the Ecclesiae of God."
   Enjoining order in the prophesyings (or according to another
   punctuation the silence of women in the assemblies), he adds (xiv. 33)
   "as in all the Ecclesiae of the Saints," and with reference to the
   latter point asks indignantly (v. 36) "Is it from you that the word of
   God came forth, or is it unto you alone that it reached?" In a
   different and calmer tone he simply seeks a precedent for what he would
   have the Corinthians do in the matter of the collection for Judæa (xvi.
   1); "as I directed for the Ecclesiae of Galatia, so do ye also." For a
   much larger matter of practice and principle, the remaining of each
   convert in the relation of life in which he previously found himself,
   he urges (vii. 17) "and so I direct in all the Ecclesiae"; while in an
   earlier passage, he binds up this principle of community with the
   obligations created by his personal relation as a founder (iv. 14-17),
   bidding them be imitators of him, as their true father in respect of
   their new life, and telling them that he sends them in Timothy another
   beloved child of his, "who shall put you in mind of my ways that are in
   Christ Jesus, as I teach everywhere in every Ecclesia."

   In other places we find the community between Ecclesiae brought out
   from a different point of view by St Paul's warm thanksgivings for the
   going forth of the faith and love of this or that Ecclesia towards
   other Ecclesiae, so as to be known and to bear fruit far beyond its own
   limits (1 Thess. i. 7 f.; iv. 9 f.; 2 Thess. i. 3 f.; 2 Cor. iii. 2;
   Rom. i. 8; Col. i. 4). I need not repeat the details of the special
   prominence given by St Paul to the "collection for the Saints" as a
   means of knitting the Gentile and Jewish Christians together. One
   practical result of friendly intercommunion between separate Ecclesiae
   would be the cultivation of hospitality, the assurance that Christians
   who had need to travel would find a temporary home and welcome wherever
   other Christians were gathered together (cf. Rom. xii. 13; 1 Pet. iv.
   9; Heb. xiii. 2; 3 John 5-8). Again, St Paul had doubtless a deliberate
   purpose when he rejoiced to convey the mutual salutations of Ecclesiae
   (1 Cor. xvi. 19; Rom. xvi. 4, 16; Phil. iv. 22); himself commended
   Phoebe to the Romans as one who ministered to the sister Ecclesia at
   Cenchreae (Rom. xvi. 1, 2); gave orders for the exchange of epistles of
   his, addressed to two neighbouring Ecclesiae (Col. iv. 16); and made
   this or that Ecclesia a sharer, so to speak, in his own work of
   founding or visiting other Ecclesiae by allusions to his being
   forwarded by them (propemphthenai: 1 Cor. xvi. 6; 2 Cor. i. 16; Rom.
   xv. 24). By itself each of these details may seem trivial enough: but
   together they help to shew how St Paul's recognition of the individual
   responsibility and substantial independence of single city Ecclesiae
   was brought into harmony with his sense of the unity of the body of
   Christ as a whole, by this watchful care to seize every opportunity of
   kindling and keeping alive in each society a consciousness of its share
   in the life of the great Ecclesia of God.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [30] 1 Cor. xvi. 19, 20 is no true parallel, for such joint action of
   the Ecclesiae (or principal Ecclesiae, -- there is no pasai) of
   Proconsular Asia would be quite possible, and the second phrase (v. 20)
   "all the brethren" must by analogy mean all the individual brethren in
   the midst of whom St Paul was writing from Ephesus the capital.

   [31] See Rom. vii. 4; ix. 3, 5; xv. 3 and 7 taken together.

   [32] Rom. xi. 28 in connexion with Deut. xxxiii. 12 and other parts of
   the Old Testament.

   [33] See p. 110.
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE VIII.

   THE EARLIER EPISTLES OF ST PAUL.

   WE must now pass to the Epistles themselves, taken mainly in
   chronological order, without however attempting to notice more than a
   very few of the most instructive passages bearing on our subject.
   Strictly speaking a large part of them all has a bearing on it, as we
   must see when once we recognise that in the Apostle's eyes all true
   life in an Ecclesia is a life of community, of the harmonious and
   mutually helpful action of different elements, so that he is giving
   instruction on the very essence of membership when in each of the nine
   Epistles addressed to Ecclesiae he makes the peace of God to be the
   supreme standard for them to aim at, and the perpetual self-surrender
   of love the comprehensive means of attaining it.

   The Epistles to the Thessalonians.

   To begin with 1 Thessalonians. At the outset St Paul dwells much on the
   marks of God's special love (i. 4), His special choice or election of
   them (doubtless chiefly at least their election as a community), as
   attested in the warmth with which under severe trials they had embraced
   the Gospel, and become imitators of himself and his associates and of
   the Lord; so that from them the word of the Lord had sounded forth anew
   far and wide. This was how they came to be an Ecclesia.

   Of the temper and attitude which should always govern the members of an
   Ecclesia towards each other preeminently and then further towards all
   men, he has much to say in various places, the foundation being love'
   in accordance with the Lord's own new commandment, and the
   comprehensive result, His gift of peace [34] : where, as in iv. 9,
   philadelphia comes in, it connotes the special principle of action as
   between Christian and Christian, not brotherly love', as A.V. usually
   has it, i.e. love like that of brethren, but actual love of brethren'
   as being brethren.

   Two closely related passages, one in each Epistle, deserve attention.

   In 2 Thess. iii. 6-16 is a remarkable warning against some brethren
   among the Thessalonians who walked in an irregular and disorderly way'
   (ataktos, the word carrying with it the association of the verb atakteo
   applied to soldiers who leave their ranks or who do not keep in rank):
   they walked, he says, "not according to the tradition which ye received
   from us." The special point would seem to be that on some plea or
   other, whether of sanctity or gifts of teaching or the like (we are not
   told which) they claimed a specially privileged position, particularly
   the privilege of being supported by others. Against this pretension St
   Paul sets his own deliberate practice when among them, how he followed
   no irregular and exceptional ways (ouk hetaktesamen en humin), but in
   spite of the right which he might have acted on, worked for his own
   bread, that he might shew in his own person an example for all to copy,
   as well as not to burden any of them. "And if any," he adds,
   "hearkeneth not to our word through the epistle, note that man not to
   company with him, that he may be ashamed (entrape); and count him not
   as an enemy, but admonish him as a brother. And may the Lord of peace
   Himself give you His peace at all times in every way." Here we have the
   beginning of the "discipline" of an Ecclesia, exercised by the
   community itself. Seclusion from the society of its members is seen
   illustrating by contrast what membership of an Ecclesia means on its
   practical side.

   The other passage is in 1 Thess. v. 11-15, 23. Here the practised life
   of membership is the starting point. "Wherefore encourage ye one
   another (parakaleite allelous), and build ye up each [35] the other as
   also ye do." Then come two verses in which St Paul interrupts his words
   to and about the Thessalonian Christians generally, in order to call
   their attention to a special class among them: "But we ask you,
   brethren, to keep in knowledge (eidenai) them that labour among you and
   guide you in the Lord (proistamenous humon en Kurio) and admonish you,
   and to esteem them very exceedingly (as we should say in a special way'
   huperekperissou or -os) because of their work. Be at peace in (or
   among) yourselves." Though it is morally impossible that proistamenous
   [36] can here be the technical title of an office standing as it does
   between "labouring" and "admonishing", yet the persons meant are to all
   appearance office-bearers of the Ecclesia. The reference is the more
   interesting because elsewhere in St Paul's Epistles (Pastoral Epistles
   and the salutation in Phil. i. 1 excepted) we find no other mention of
   such persons as actually existing in any individual church. It can
   hardly be doubted that Elders are meant, though no title is given. The
   characteristics assigned to them are three. Their labouring (kopiontas)
   is doubtless specially meant to be opposed to the conduct of such
   persons as we have seen denounced in the Second Epistle (iii. 11). Then
   comes their guidance, proistamenous, a word usually applied to informal
   [37] leaderships and managings of all kinds, rather than to definite
   offices, and associated with the services rendered to dependents by a
   patron [38] , so that (as in Romans) helpful leadership in Divine
   things would be approximately the thought suggested. Third comes their
   work of admonition or warning. Of any other form of teaching nothing is
   said; and probably all three descriptions should be taken as setting
   forth services rendered to the individual members of the Ecclesia,
   rather than to the Ecclesia as a whole.

   After this digression St Paul takes up (1 Thess. v. 14) the thread
   dropped after v. 11: "But we exhort you, brethren, admonish the
   disorderly (ataktous again), encourage the fainthearted, sustain the
   weak, be long-suffering towards all." The services then which have just
   been mentioned as specially rendered by the Elders, were not
   essentially different from services which members of the Ecclesia,
   simply as brethren, were to render each other. They too were to
   admonish the disorderly, as also to do the converse work of encouraging
   the feebleminded. They too were to make the cause of the weak [39]
   their own, to sustain them, which is at least one side, if not more, of
   the helpful leadership' of the Elders; as well as to shew long
   suffering towards all. And again towards the close it is "the God of
   peace Himself" that St Paul prays may hallow and keep the
   Thessalonians.

   The Epistles to the Corinthians.

   The next Epistle, 1 Corinthians, is perhaps the richest of all in
   illustrative matter: but we must pass through it very quickly. Of late
   years it has been the occasion of an interesting theory. Many people
   seem to find a difficulty in believing that the Ecclesiae founded by St
   Paul in the west, or perhaps even further east among heathen
   populations, were founded on a Jewish basis, such as the Acts seems to
   imply, in at least the earlier cases. It has been pointed out that
   evidence is fast accumulating (chiefly from inscriptions) respecting
   the existence of multitudes of clubs or associations, religious or
   other, in the Greek cities of the Empire; and it has been suggested
   that in such places as Corinth, the Christian congregation or society
   was an adaptation rather of some such Greek models as these than of any
   Jewish congregation or society. The presence of these heathen
   brotherhoods in the same cities with the new Christian brotherhoods is
   in any case a striking fact; and it may be that hereafter traces of
   their influence may be detected in the Epistles. But I must confess
   that at present, as far as I can see, it is the paucity and uncertainty
   of such traces that are chiefly surprising. It would not have been
   right to pass over so plausible a suggestion in silence: but I fear it
   will give us no help towards interpreting the evidence of the Epistles
   themselves.

   The first few verses of 1 Corinthians (i. 4-9) after the salutation
   give us its main theme. St Paul thanks God for the gifts in which these
   typical Greeks of the Empire were rich, speech' and knowledge,' and
   then goes on to warn them against the natural abuse of these gifts, the
   self-assertion fostered by glibness and knowingness, and the consequent
   spirit of schism or division, the very contradiction of the idea of an
   Ecclesia. The habit of seeming to know all about most things, and of
   being able to talk glibly about most things, would naturally tend to an
   excess of individuality, and a diminished sense of corporate
   responsibilities. This fact supplies, under many different forms, the
   main drift of 1 Corinthians. Never losing his cordial appreciation of
   the Corinthian endowments, St Paul is practically teaching throughout
   that a truly Christian life is of necessity the life of membership in a
   body.

   After the thanksgiving he exhorts them (i. 10-17) by the name of our
   Lord Jesus Christ, the bond of a common service, that they all say the
   same thing, and there be in them no rents or divisions (schismata), but
   that they be perfected in the same mind and in the same judgment. He
   has heard that there are strifes among them, due to partisanships
   adorned with Apostolic names. To all this he opposes the Cross of the
   Messiah. Presently (iii. 16 f.) he accounts for all by their
   forgetfulness that they were a temple, or shrine of God (for His Spirit
   by inhabiting their community or Ecclesia made it into a shrine of
   Himself), and he reminds them that this marring of the temple of God by
   their going each his own way was making them guilty of violence against
   the holiness of God; and again further on (iv. 6) he points out that
   the party factions which rent the Ecclesia, while they seemed to be in
   honour of venerated names, were in reality only a puffing up of each
   man against his neighbour.

   With the fifth chapter the concrete practical questions begin. First
   comes the grievous moral offence which the Corinthian Christians were
   so strangely tolerating in one of their own number. St Paul's language,
   circuitous as it may sound, has a distinct and instructive purpose when
   closely examined. The condemnation that he pronounces is not from a
   distance or in his own name merely: twice over he represents himself as
   present, present in spirit, in an assembly where the Corinthians and
   his spirit are gathered together with the power of our Lord Jesus. That
   is, while he is peremptory that the incestuous person shall be excluded
   from the community, he is equally determined that the act shall be
   their own act, not a mere compliance with a command of his: "do not ye
   judge them that are within," he asks, "while them that are without God
   judgeth? Put away (Deut. xxii. 24) the evil man out of yourselves."

   How little this zeal for the purity of the community involved a
   pitiless disregard of the individual offender we may see from 2 Cor.
   ii.

   The next chapter (vi.) contains a rebuke at once of the litigious
   spirit which contradicted the idea of a community, and of the
   consequent habit of having recourse to heathen tribunals rather than
   the arbitration of brethren.

   The eighth chapter lays down the social rule that a man is bound not by
   his own conscience only, but by the injury which he may do to the
   conscience of his brethren.

   The next three chapters (ix.-xi.) set forth in various ways the
   entrance into the one body by baptism, and the sustenance of the higher
   life by that Supper of the Lord [40] in which the mutual communion of
   members of the body, and the communion of each and all with the Head of
   the body are indissolubly united.

   For our purpose the central chapter is the twelfth, starting from the
   differences of gifts and proceeding to the full exposition of the
   relation of body and members. But to this we shall have to return
   presently, as also to the closing verses setting forth the variety of
   functions appointed by God in the Ecclesia. Then comes the familiar
   thirteenth chapter on love, which in the light of St Paul's idea of the
   Ecclesia we can see to be no digression, this gift of the Spirit being
   incomparably more essential to its life than any of the gifts which
   caught men's attention.

   Yet these too had their value subordinate as it was, and so in ch. xiv.
   St Paul teaches the Corinthians what standard to apply to them one with
   another, these standards being chiefly rational intelligibility,
   edification, i.e. the good of the community, and fitness for appealing
   to the conscience of heathen spectators.

   2 Cor. contains little fresh but the peculiar verse, ix. 13. The
   concluding section (xii. 13) implies the same fears as to breaches of
   unity as the first Epistle; and it is worth notice from this point of
   view that in the final benediction the love of God and the communion of
   the Holy Spirit is added to the usual grace of the Lord Jesus Christ.

   Galatians likewise calls now for no special remark.

   The Epistle to the Romans.

   St Paul's peculiar position towards the Romans invests his Epistle to
   them with an interest of its own. We saw before that the Ecclesia of
   Antioch was founded by no Apostle, and, as the Epistle shews, it is the
   same with that of the mighty Rome, which had sprung up no one knows
   how, no one knows when, from some promiscuous scattering of the seed of
   truth; though a later age invented a founding of both by St Peter. The
   contrast in St Paul's tone, its total absence of any claim to
   authority, illustrates how large a part of the authority which he
   exercised towards other Ecclesiae was not official, so to speak, but
   personal, involved in his unique position as their founder, their
   father in the new birth. Here (i. 11 f.) telling the Romans that he
   longs to see them that he may impart to them some spiritual gift that
   they may be stablished, he instantly explains himself, "that is that I
   with you [41] may be comforted in you, each of us by the other's faith,
   both yours and mine."

   Almost the whole Epistle is governed by the thought which was filling
   St Paul's mind at this time, the relation of Jew and Gentile, the place
   of both in the counsels of God, and the peaceful inclusion of both in
   the same brotherhood. On the one hand the failure and the obsoleteness
   of the Law in its letter is set forth more explicitly than ever; on the
   other the continuous growth of the new Ecclesia out of the old Ecclesia
   is expounded by the image of the grafting of the wild Gentile olive
   into the ancient olive tree of Israel.

   The apparently ethical teaching of chapters xii. and xiii. is really
   for the most part on the principles of Christian fellowship, and rests
   on teaching about the body and its members, and about diversity of
   gifts resembling what occurs in 1 Corinthians, and will similarly need
   further examination presently.

   Again ch. xiv. may be taken with 1 Cor. x.

   Lastly, the fifteenth and parts of the sixteenth chapter illustrate
   historically, as other chapters had done doctrinally [42] , St Paul's
   yearnings for the unity of all Christians of East and West, and its
   association in his mind with his carrying the Gentile offering to
   Jerusalem, and, if he should then escape death, with his own presence
   at Rome, the centre and symbol of civil unity.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [34] See 1 Thess. iii. 12; iv. 9-11, &c.

   [35] The Greek here (eis ton hena) is remarkable, and may be
   illustrated by 1 Cor. iv. 6 hina me heis huper tou henos phusiousthe
   kata tou heterou, St Paul's point there being the dividing effect of
   inflatedness or puffing up, as here the uniting effect of mutual
   building up.

   [36] This common assumption is further negatived by the prevailing
   usage of proistamai (especially in the present) both in ordinary Greek
   and in the New Testament.

   [37] Cf. Rom. xii. 8 ho proistamenos en spoude between two very
   different clauses.

   [38] Cf. Rom. xvi. 2 kai gar aute (Phoebe) prostatis pollon egenethe
   kai emou autou. See p. 207.

   [39] Cf. Chrysostom on Rom. xii. 6; Acts xx. 35 (addressed to the
   Ephesian Elders houtos kopiontas dei antilambanesthai ton asthenounton.

   [40] In x. 16-21, in arguing against complicity with idolatry through
   offered meats, he appeals to the one bread which is broken as a
   Communion of the body of the Christ, and then explains why: "because"
   he says, "we the many are one bread, one body, for we partake all of us
   [of bread] from the one bread." The Holy Communion is more directly the
   subject of xi. 17-34, the special occasion being the injuries done to
   Christian fellowship by the practices which were tolerated at the
   Communion feast still identical with the Agape. To these differences he
   applies the same term schismata (v. 18) which in the first chapter he
   had applied to the parties glorying in Apostolic names.

   [41] Cf. xv. 32 "and together with you find rest."

   [42] Note how here also the application of the principle of fidelity to
   Christian fellowship in xv. 7 to "mutual reception" (proslamb?nesthe
   allelous, cf. xiv. 1, 3; xi. 15) is specially connected with the
   relations of Jewish to Gentile Christians; and how once more the same
   principle is illustrated from another side by the remarkable section
   xvi. 17 -- so which St Paul interposes as by an afterthought before the
   original final salutation, with its warnings against the (unnamed)
   Judaizers from whom he feared the introduction of divisions
   (dichostasias) and stumblingblocks, and its confident hope that
   nevertheless the God of peace would shortly bruise Satan under their
   feet, Satan the author of all discord and cunning calumny, of all that
   is most opposed to the purposes for which the Ecclesia of God and His
   Christ had been founded.
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE IX.

   THE ONE UNIVERSAL ECCLESIA IN THE EPISTLES OF THE FIRST ROMAN
   CAPTIVITY.

   WE now enter on that period of the Apostolic Age which begins with St
   Paul's arrival at Rome. His long-cherished hope was at last fulfilled,
   though not in the way which he had proposed to himself. He had met face
   to face the Christian community which had grown up independently of all
   authoritative guidance in the distant capital; and, on the way, the
   Gentile offering which he carried to the Christians of Jerusalem had
   been accepted by their leaders, and he had escaped, though barely
   escaped, martyrdom at the hands of his unbelieving countrymen.
   Delivered from this danger, and shut up for two years at Cæsarea,
   probably with great advantage to the cause for which he laboured, he
   had reached Rome at last as the prisoner of the Roman authorities. Here
   he spent another period of two years in another enforced seclusion,
   which still more evidently gave him a place of vantage for spreading
   the Gospel such as he could hardly have had as a mere visitor (see
   Lightfoot, Phil. 18 f.). The four extant Epistles belonging to this
   period are pervaded by a serenity and a sense of assurance such as are
   rarely to be found in their six predecessors, even in Romans, and this
   increased happiness of tone is closely connected with St Paul's
   thoughts and hopes about the various Ecclesiae and about the Ecclesia.

   The Epistle to the Philippians.

   We begin with the Epistle to the Philippians. The last words of the
   opening salutation (i. 1) sun episkopois kai diakonois, "with the
   bishops (or overseers) and deacons" (R.V.), will be examined to better
   effect after we have considered the usage of the same words in the
   Pastoral Epistles.

   The special joy which fills the Apostle's mind in his outpourings to
   the Philippian Christians is called forth by their warm and active
   fellowship or communion with him, not simply as the messenger of truth
   to themselves at a former time, but as now and in the future the chief
   herald of the Gospel to other regions [43] . Their sympathies and
   aspirations were not shut up within their own little community.

   St Paul has likewise much to say to the Philippians on the inward
   relations of the Ecclesia, for this is the purport of his varied and
   strenuous exhortations to unity, and that on the basis of a corporate
   life worthy of the Gospel of Christ. Such is doubtless the force of the
   pregnant phrase in i. 27 [R. V. Mg.] behave as citizens worthily of the
   Gospel of the Christ' (monon axios tou euangeiou tou christou
   politeuesthe), politeuomai, at retaining its strict sense [44] . to
   live the life of citizens', not merely the weaker late sense [R. V.
   text] to behave, conduct themselves'. It is thus closely connected with
   the familiar citizenship' (politeuma) of iii. 20, the new commonwealth
   having its centre in Heaven, to which Christians belong, being
   implicitly contrasted with the terrestrial commonwealth centred at
   Jerusalem, resting on laws about mere externals such as circumcision
   and distinctions of meats. And the same contrast underlies this
   exhortation to live a community life (politeuesthe) worthy of the
   Gospel of the Christ, one directed not by submission to statutes but by
   the inward powers of the spirit of fellowship; as St Paul himself
   explains within the same sentence, "that ye stand fast in one spirit,
   with one soul wrestling together through the faith of the Gospel" (the
   faith which it teaches and inspires); and more fully still in the
   following section (ii. 1-11).

   The Epistle to the Ephesians.'

   We now come to the three Epistles which the same messenger carried into
   Asia Minor, the Epistles to the Ephesians', to the Colossians, and to
   Philemon.

   The Epistle to Philemon concerns us only by the speaking testimony
   which it bears to the reality of the Ecclesia as a brotherhood as shown
   in the new footing on which it was possible for master and slave to
   stand towards each other without any interference with the status and
   legal conditions of servitude.

   Nor will it be worth our while to give time separately to the Epistle
   to the Colossians, nearly all that it contains directly pertinent to
   our subject being contained likewise in Ephesians'.

   On the other hand Ephesians' is peculiarly rich in instructive
   materials and would repay a much more complete examination than could
   be attempted within our limits [45] . He would be a bold man who should
   suppose himself to have fully mastered even the outlines of its
   teaching: but even the slightest patient study of it must be fruitful,
   provided we are willing to find in it something more than we have
   brought to it. On the other hand it is only too easy to exaggerate its
   exceptional character. Its teaching is, so to speak, the culmination of
   St Paul's previous teaching, not a wholly new message divided by a
   sharp line from what had been spoken before. If we enquire into the
   cause of this culmination, it is not enough to try to account for it
   solely by mental progress in St Paul; by ampler experience and riper
   thought. Such progress, wrought by such causes of progress, must of
   course have existed in the case of a man in whom the free flow of
   inward life was so little hampered by languor or obstruction; and, if
   so, it would naturally reflect itself in his writings. But we have also
   to remember the significant hint given us in 1 Cor. ii. that the
   teaching which he addressed to unripe communities was purposely cut
   down to be proportional to their spiritual state, and that all the
   while he was cherishing in his own mind a world of higher thoughts, "a
   wisdom", he calls it, which could rightly be proclaimed only to maturer
   recipients; though here and there, for instance in some passages of
   Romans, he could not refrain from partially admitting others to these
   inner thoughts. This being the case, he might well desire to make some
   Christian communities depositaries of this reserved wisdom before he
   died, and the Ecclesiae of Ephesus and other cities of that region may
   have seemed to him to have now reached a sufficiently high stage of
   discipleship to enable them to receive with advantage what he now
   wished to say. The primary subjects of this higher teaching may be
   described as the relation of the Son of God to the constitution of the
   Universe, and to the course of human history, and in connexion with
   such themes it was but natural that the Ecclesia of God should find a
   place.

   But there were other reasons why St Paul should think and write about
   the Ecclesia at this time, reasons arising in part at least out of
   concrete contemporary history. We have already seen how in the period
   preceding his two captivities his mind was filled with the antithesis
   of Jew and Gentile within the Christian fold, and with the steady
   purpose of averting division by his dangerous last journey to
   Jerusalem, after which he hoped to crown his missions, as it were, by
   friendly intercourse with the Christians of Rome. The abiding monument
   of this aspiration is the Epistle to the Romans, and Ephesians' is a
   corresponding monument of the same thoughts from the side of fulfilment
   instead of anticipation. It is hardly a paradox to say that neither of
   these two great Epistles is really intelligible without the other. To a
   Jew, or a Christian brought up as a Jew, there could be no such
   cleavage among mankind as that between the people within the old
   covenant and the promiscuous nations without it. A Christian who
   understood his own faith could not but believe that the death on
   Calvary had filled up the chasm, or (in St Paul's figure) dissolved the
   middle wall of partition. But all would seem to have been done in vain
   if the work of God were repudiated by wretched human factiousness, and
   if Jewish Christians and Gentile Christians renounced and spurned each
   other. This worst of dangers was now to all appearance averted, and so
   St Paul could expound to the Gentiles of Asia Minor the uniting counsel
   of God without serious misgivings lest perverse human facts should
   frustrate the great Divine purpose.

   A phrase or two must suffice to quote from ii. 11-22, "He is our peace
   who made the both (ta amphotera neuter) one"; again, "that He might
   found the two in Himself into one new man, making peace, and might
   reconcile the both (tous amphoterous masc.) in one body to God through
   the Cross." Hitherto the Acts and Epistles have been setting before us
   only a number of separate independent little communities each called an
   Ecclesia: at least this holds good for Gentile Christendom from Antioch
   outwards, and perhaps even for Palestine. Now however the course of
   events has led the Apostle to think of all Jewish Christians
   collectively, and all Gentile Christians collectively, and of both
   these two multitudes of men as now made one in the strictest sense,
   "one new man". But this fusion is no mere negative or destructive
   process. To take away the distinction of Jew and Gentile without
   putting anything better in its place would have been deadly
   retrogression, not progress: fusion takes place because Jewish and
   Gentile believers alike are members of a single new society held
   together by a yet more solemn consecration than the old, and that new
   society is called "the Ecclesia": in other words for Christians it is
   true to say that there is one Ecclesia, as well as to say that there
   are many Ecclesiae.

   It would seem accordingly that to St Paul, when writing this Epistle,
   "the Ecclesia" was a kind of symbol or visible expression of that
   wondrous mystery', to use his own word, which had been hidden
   throughout the ages but was now made manifest, that the Gentiles were
   fellow-heirs and of the same body, and partakers of the same promises
   in Christ Jesus through the Gospel, and hence that it was likewise a
   symbol or visible expression of the Wisdom, as he calls it, by which
   God was working out His purpose through diversities of ages and by
   means which seemed for the time to foil Him. This subject is in some
   respects more fully expounded in Rom. ix.-xi., but without clear
   mention of the Ecclesia. It is probably in reference to it that St Paul
   speaks (iii. 10) of the "manifoldly diverse" (or resourceful
   polupoikilos) wisdom of God, as being made known to the heavenly powers
   through the Ecclesia, i.e. through beholding the Ecclesia and
   considering the light which its very existence threw back on dark
   places of the world's history in the past. Nay through the Apostle's
   guarded words we may probably gather that the Ecclesia, with these
   associations attached to it, was to him likewise a kind of pledge for
   the complete fulfilment of God's purpose in the dim future. Ideally the
   Ecclesia was coextensive with humanity: all who shared the manhood
   which Christ had taken were potentially members of the Ecclesia: its
   ideals were identical with the ideals of a cleansed and perfected
   humanity. In ascribing glory to Him who is able to do exceeding
   abundantly above all that we ask or think according to the power which
   is inwrought in us, he lets us see (iii. 20 f.) what present facts were
   inspiring this reaching forward of hope, by adding "in the Ecclesia and
   in Christ Jesus (the Divine Head of the Ecclesia) unto all the
   generations of the age of the ages."

   But if the securing of the union of Jewish and Gentile Christians on
   equal terms was one cause of St Paul's distinct recognition of the
   Ecclesia as one at this time, his position at Rome must have been
   another. Although his language in Romans shews that he had no intention
   of treating the community at Rome as having no legitimate position till
   he should give it some sort of Apostolic authorisation, he evidently
   did naturally feel that his function as Apostle of the Gentiles had a
   certain incompleteness till he had joined in Christian work and
   fellowship in the capital of the Gentile world, and brought the Roman
   community into closer relations of sympathy with other Christian
   communities through the bond of his own person. Writing now from Rome
   he could not have divested himself, if he would, of a sense of writing
   from the centre of earthly human affairs; all the more, since we know
   from the narrative in Acts xxii. that he was himself a Roman citizen,
   and apparently proud to hold this place in the Empire. Here then he
   must have been vividly reminded of the already existing unity which
   comprehended both Jew and Gentile under the bond of subjection to the
   Emperor at Rome, and similarity and contrast alike would suggest that a
   truer unity bound together in one society all believers in the
   Crucified Lord. Some generations were to pass before the Christian
   Ecclesia and the Roman Empire were to stand out visibly in the eyes of
   men as rivals and at last as deadly antagonists. But even in the
   Apostolic age the impressiveness of the Empire might well contribute to
   the shaping of the thoughts of a St Paul about his scattered
   fellow-believers.

   Besides these two causes for the transition from the usage of applying
   the term Ecclesia only to an individual local community to this late
   use of it in the most comprehensive sense, we must not forget the
   biblical associations with the Ecclesia of Israel which were evidently
   suggestive of unity, and perhaps a similar mode of speech as regards
   the Christians of Palestine before the Antiochian Ecclesia had come
   into existence. But apparently these influences did not affect current
   usage till changed circumstances pointed to the use of a collective
   name.

   The image of the body.

   Ephesians' contains however other definitions of the Ecclesia which are
   in like manner led up to by corresponding language in earlier Epistles.
   The most important of these is the image of the body. The cardinal
   passages are two, in 1 Cor. xii. and in Rom. xii.: the interesting but
   difficult allusion in 1 Cor. x. 16, 17 may be passed over. In 1 Cor.
   xii. St Paul deals with the vexed question of spiritual powers, and
   counteracts the disposition to treat the more exceptional and abnormal
   kinds of powers as peculiarly spiritual, by treating all powers as
   merely different modes of manifestation of the same Spirit, and each
   power as a gift bestowed on its recipient, with a view to what is
   expedient (pros to sumpheron). From the Spirit and its manifestations
   he then descends to the recipients themselves. The reason, it is
   implied, why they have received different powers is because there are
   different functions to be discharged answering to these several powers;
   and the meaning of this difference of functions is explained by the
   fact that together they constitute a body, of which each is a different
   member "for (v. 13) in one Spirit we were all baptized into one body,
   whether Jews or Greeks, whether bond or free, and were all made to
   drink of one Spirit." He points out that in a body the whole is
   dependent on the diversity of office of the several members, and that
   each member is dependent on the office of the other members. Then he
   adds, "But ye are a body of Christ (soma Christou), and members
   severally." (The next verses we must come to presently.) Here evidently
   it is the Corinthian community by itself that is called a body of
   Christ': this depends not merely on the absence of an article but on
   humeis, which cannot naturally mean "all ye Christians."

   In Rom. xii. 3-5 all is briefer, but the ideas are essentially the
   same. The central verse is, "As in one body we have many members, and
   all the members have not the same office (action), so we the many are
   one body in Christ, and severally members one of another." Here the
   language used is not formally applied to the Roman community in
   particular: but the context shews that St Paul is still thinking of
   local communities, and of the principles which should regulate the
   membership of the Roman community, as of all others.

   In Ephesians' the image is extended to embrace all Christians, and the
   change is not improbably connected with the clear setting forth of the
   relation of the Body to its Head which now first comes before us. In
   the illustrative or expository part of the passage of 1 Cor. indeed (v.
   21) the head is mentioned; but only as one of the members, and nothing
   answers to it in what is said of the body of Christ and its members.
   And again in the rather peculiar language of v. 12 (houtos kai ho
   christos) Christ seems to be represented by a natural and instructive
   variation of the image, as Himself constituting the whole body (in
   accordance with the Pauline phrase en Christo), without reference
   positively or negatively to the head. This limitation was the more
   natural in these two cases because in both the main purpose was rather
   a practical than a doctrinal one, the repression of vanities and
   jealousies by vivid insistence on the idea of diversity and
   interdependence of functions. The comparison of men in society to the
   members of a body was of course not new. With the Stoics in particular
   it was much in vogue. What was distinctively Christian was the faith in
   the One baptizing and life-giving Spirit, the one uniting body of
   Christ, the one all-working, all-inspiring God.

   In Ephesians' and Colossians the change comes not so much by an
   expansion or extension of the thought of each local Ecclesia as a body
   over a wider sphere as by way of corollary or application, so to speak,
   of larger and deeper thoughts on the place of the Christ in the
   universal economy of things, antecedent not only to the Incarnation but
   to the whole course of the world. According to St Paul, as Christ "is
   before all things and all things (ta panta) in Him consist" (Col. i.
   17), so also it was God's purpose in the course of the ages "to sum up
   all things in Him, the things in the heavens and the things on the
   earth" (anakephalaiosasthai Eph. i. 10: cf. Col. i. 20). Part of this
   universal primacy of His (proteuon Col. i. 18), involved in His
   exaltation to the right hand of God as the completion of His
   Resurrection, was (Eph. i. 22 f.) that God "gave Him as Head over all
   things to the Ecclesia which is His body, the fulfilment of Him who is
   fulfilled all things in all"; or as in Col. (i. 18) "Himself is the
   Head of the body, the Ecclesia." The relation thus set forth under a
   figure is mutual. The work which Christ came to do on earth was not
   completed when He passed from the sight of men: He the Head, needed a
   body of members for its full working out through the ages: part by part
   He was, as St Paul says, to be fulfilled in the community of His
   disciples, whose office in the world was the outflow of His own. And on
   the other hand His disciples had no intelligible unity apart from their
   ascended Head, who was also to them the present central fountain of
   life and power.

   Here, at last, for the first time in the Acts and Epistles, we have
   "the Ecclesia" spoken of in the sense of the one universal Ecclesia,
   and it comes more from the theological than from the historical side;
   i.e. less from the actual circumstances of the actual Christian
   communities than from a development of thoughts respecting the place
   and office of the Son of God: His Headship was felt to involve the
   unity of all those who were united to Him. On the other hand it is a
   serious misunderstanding of these Epistles to suppose, as is sometimes
   done, that the Ecclesia here spoken of is an Ecclesia wholly in the
   heavens, not formed of human beings. In the closest connexion with the
   sentences just read St Paul in both Epistles goes on to dwell on the
   contrast between the past and the present state of the Gentiles to whom
   he was writing (and in Eph. ii. 3, in the spirit of the early chapters
   of Romans, he intercalates a similar contrast as true of Jewish
   converts like himself), and describes these Gentiles as now "made alive
   with the Christ, and raised with Him, and made with Him to sit in the
   heavenly regions in Christ Jesus"; -- difficult words enough, but
   clearly turning on the spiritual union of men actually on earth with
   One called their Head in the heavens. Moreover this passage of
   Colossians, by what it says (i. 20) of His making peace through the
   blood of His Cross, compared with Eph. ii. 13-18, shews that this new
   language about the Ecclesia was really in part suggested by the new
   assurance that Jew and Gentile, those near and those far off, were
   truly brought together in the one Christian brotherhood.

   Once more the identity of the Ecclesia before spoken of as the body of
   the Christ' with actual men upon earth, is implied in Col. i. 24, when
   St Paul says, " Now I rejoice in my sufferings for your sake (i.e.
   assuredly, for the sake of you Gentiles), and then goes on "and fill up
   on my part that which is lacking of the afflictions of the Christ in my
   flesh for His body's sake which is the Ecclesia, whereof I was made a
   minister, according to the dispensation of God which was given me to
   youward" etc.

   Husband and Wife.

   Again the unity of the Ecclesia finds prominent expression in various
   language used by St Paul on the relation of husband and wife (Eph. v.
   22-33). The conception itself he inherited from the later prophets of
   the Old Testament, especially with reference to the covenant
   established between Jehovah and His people at Mount Sinai, e.g. Jer.
   ii. 2; Ez. xvi. 6o; Is. liv. 5 "Thy Maker is thine husband; the Lord of
   hosts is His name and the Holy One of Israel is thy Redeemer; the God
   of the whole earth shall He be called." Language of this kind would
   easily fit itself on in due time to the Ecclesia of Israel for
   Greek-speaking Jews, or the edhah (fem.) for Hebrew-speaking Jews: it
   is involved in the allegorical interpretation eventually given by
   Jewish commentators to the Book of Canticles, but there is no reason to
   think that this interpretation was as old as the Apostolic age. St Paul
   had already applied the prophetic language or idea to single local
   Ecclesiae, that of Corinth (2 Cor. xi. 2 "I espoused you to one husband
   to present you to him a chaste virgin, even to the Christ"), and
   implicitly that of Rome (Rom. vii. 4). He had also in 1 Cor. xi. 3
   expressed the relation of husband to wife by the image of the head,
   associating it in the same breath with a Headship of the Christ in
   relation to each man or husband, and a Headship of God in relation to
   Christ. The lowest of these three headships was probably suggested by
   the story of the origin of Eve in Genesis; and the intermediate
   Headship was a natural application of the idea of the Christ as the
   second Adam, the true spiritual Head of the human race and so of each
   member of it: the word kephale' doubtless borrowing for the purpose
   something of the largeness and variation of sense of the Heb. rO'sh.

   Now, in Eph. v. these various thoughts are brought together in order to
   set forth what high duties were by the Divine constitution of the human
   race involved in the relations of husband and wife. That Headship of
   the human race which was implied in the Christ's being called the
   Second Adam carried with it a fortiori His Headship of the Ecclesia,
   that chosen portion of the human race, representative of the whole,
   which is brought into close relation to Himself, and is the immediate
   object of His saving and cherishing and purifying love, attested once
   for all by His willing self-sacrifice. St Paul's primary object in
   these twelve verses is to expound marriage, not to expound the
   Ecclesia: but it is no less plain from his manner of writing that the
   thought of the Ecclesia in its various higher relations was filling his
   mind at the time, and making him rejoice to have this opportunity of
   pouring out something of the truth which seemed to have revealed itself
   to him. If we are to interpret "mystery" in the difficult 32nd verse,
   as apparently we ought to do, by St Paul's usage, i.e. take it as a
   Divine age-long secret only now at last disclosed, he wished to say
   that the meaning of that primary institution of human society, though
   proclaimed in dark words at the beginning of history, could not be
   truly known till its heavenly archetype was revealed, even the relation
   of Christ and the Ecclesia, which just before has been once more called
   His body, and individual Christians members of that body. Taking this
   passage in connexion with the various references to the Ecclesia which
   have preceded in the Epistle, it may be regarded as morally certain
   that the Ecclesia here intended is not a local community, but the
   community of Christians as a whole.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [43] See i. 5-7; 12-20; 25 f.; ii. 17-30; iv. 3, 10, 14-19.

   [44] This strict sense is similarly the right one, in the only other
   place of the New Testament where the verb occurs, Acts xxiii. 1, St
   Paul there using it of himself as one who had loyally lived the life of
   a true Jew. Various places in some books of the Apocrypha, in Josephus,
   and nearly a century later in Justin's dialogue with the Jew Trypho,
   shew that it must have been commonly used by the Jews in this familiar
   sense.

   [45] See further in Hort's Prolegomena to Romans and Ephesians.
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE X.

   GIFTS' AND GRACE.'

   HAVING thus examined the chief passages of Ephesians, which now for the
   first time in St Paul's extant Epistles clearly set forth the
   conception of a single universal Ecclesia, we must return to the
   passages of various dates in which he expounds his doctrine of
   charismata, and exemplifies it by various functions within the
   Ecclesia. The three passages are 1 Cor. xii. 4-11 and 28-31; Rom. xii.
   6-8; Eph. iv. 7-12.

   The meaning of the terms.

   Charisma a comes of course from charizomai; it means anything given of
   free bounty, not of debt, contract, or right. It is thus obviously used
   in Philo, and as obviously in Rom. v. 15, vi. 23 (the gift of God is
   eternal life); and less obviously but with I believe essentially the
   same force in the other passages of St Paul, as also in the only other
   New Testament place, 1 Pet. iv. 10. In these instances it is used to
   designate either what we call natural advantages' independent of any
   human process of acquisition, or advantages freshly received in the
   course of Providence; both alike being regarded as so many various free
   gifts from the Lord of men, and as designed by Him to be distinctive
   qualifications for rendering distinctive services to men or to
   communities of men. In this sense they are Divine gifts both to the
   individual men in whom so to speak they are located, and to the society
   for whose benefit they are ordained. This conception underlies not only
   the passages of St Paul which refer directly to membership of a body,
   but the various usages of the remaining passages, in which on a
   superficial view the word might be supposed to be used arbitrarily.
   (The usage of the Pastoral Epistles we shall have to examine separately
   by-and-by.) Thus in Rom. xi. 29 ("The gifts and the calling of God are
   beyond repentance," He cannot change His purpose in respect of them) we
   have a saying of the utmost universality respecting God's charismata in
   general, the special application being to the various privileges
   granted to Israel for the benefit of mankind. In 1 Cor. vii. 7 charisma
   is the proper gift which each man has from God as bearing on marriage
   or celibacy, probably with reference to what St Paul believed to be
   involved in his own special charisma as the wandering herald of the
   truth to the Gentiles. In 2 Cor. i. 11 (cf. vv. 3-7, 9, 13 f.) it is
   his recent deliverance from impending death regarded as a gift bestowed
   on him for the sake of the Gentiles to whom he had yet to preach. And
   in the anxiously reserved language of Rom. i. 11 it seems to be some
   advantage connected with his personal history and work, which he wished
   to share with the Romans (metado) by meeting them face to face, for the
   strengthening of their faith (cf. 1 Thess. ii. 8).

   This conception of charisma is essentially the same as that of the
   talents in the Parable, if only we go behind the somewhat vulgarised
   modern associations of the word talents to its full sense in the
   Gospel; with the difference that the Pauline charismata, covering the
   members of a body, have a more distinct reference to variety of use.
   Perhaps the clearest exposition is St Peter's (1 Pet. iv. 9-11, "Each,
   as he received a charisma, ministering it to one another as good
   stewards of a manifold bounty (charitos) of God"); the instances given
   being hospitality and teaching. The single fountain of God's bounty or
   grace is thus represented as dividing itself manifoldly through all the
   inequalities of human faculty and possessions, that it may be the
   better distributed by the individual men as stewards each of what he
   has received, that it may be for the benefit of the great household.

   It is important to notice that the associations connected with the term
   grace' as inherited by us from Latin theology, denoting a spiritual
   power or influence, whether received by individuals according to their
   need or appropriated permanently to a sacred ordinance or a sacred
   office, whatever may be the truth of the idea in itself, are only
   misleading in the interpretation of the biblical language respecting
   charis and charisma. The dominant conception of charis in the Acts and
   the Epistles is the free bounty of God as exhibited in the admission of
   the Gentiles although they stood without the original covenant; and
   this is constantly associated in St Paul's mind with the free bounty of
   forgiveness shown to himself the persecutor, making him the fittest of
   all heralds of the free charis, so preeminently in his own person a
   recipient of charis. And moreover the language in which he is
   accustomed to speak of the charis shown (in biblical language given')
   to him is by him transferred to those parts or aspects of the charis
   shown to Christians generally which constitute separate charismata.
   From this point of view it is well worth while to compare 1 Cor. iii.
   10; Gal. i. 15, ii. 9; Rom. i. 5, xii. 3, xv. 15; Eph. iii. 2, 7, 8;
   and then to notice how in 1 Cor. i. 4-6 St Paul similarly thanks God,
   "for the grace of God which was given you in Christ Jesus; that in
   everything ye were enriched in him, in all utterance and all knowledge,
   . . . so that ye fall short in no charisma": and again how Rom. xii. 6,
   "having charismata in accordance with the charis that was given (shown)
   to us, different [charismata]," looks back to v. 3, and how Eph. iv. 7
   looks back to iii. 2, 7, 8.

   The source of the Gifts.'

   To come now to the instances given of various charismata within the
   Ecclesia, or of the persons to whom such charismata were assigned, we
   may look chiefly at 1 Cor. xii. and Eph. iv. First should be noticed
   the two verbs by which God's relation to the various functions is
   expressed in the two Epistles severally. In 1 Cor. the leading thought
   is of the Divinely ordained diversity of members in the Christian body;
   hence in v. 18 "God etheto (not merely set' but placed,' set as part of
   a plan) the members, each one of them in the body as He willed"; and so
   in v. 28 the same verb is repeated with obvious reference to the
   preceding exposition, "And some God placed in the Ecclesia, first
   apostles, etc." In Ephesians the Divine charis or free bounty is the
   leading thought, each function being pronounced to be a Divine gift.
   Ps. lxviii. 18, in the form in which it is quoted in v. 8, supplies the
   verb gave' ("and gave gifts to men"), and so St Paul proceeds, "And
   Himself gave some as apostles, and some as prophets, etc." The word
   charisma does not occur in Ephesians: but edoken in this connexion,
   associated with he charis, is exactly the echarisato implicitly
   contained in charisma.

   Functions' not formal Offices.'

   Then come the functions themselves. Much profitless labour has been
   spent on trying to force the various terms used into meaning so many
   definite ecclesiastical offices. Not only is the feat impossible, but
   the attempt carries us away from St Paul's purpose, which is to shew
   how the different functions are those which God has assigned to the
   different members of a single body. In both lists apostles and prophets
   come first, two forms of altogether exceptional function, those who
   were able to bear witness of Jesus and the Resurrection by the evidence
   of their own sight -- the Twelve and St Paul -- and those whose
   monitions or outpourings were regarded as specially inspired by the
   Holy Spirit. Each of these held one kind of function, and next to these
   in i Cor. come all who in any capacity were "teachers" (didaskaloi)
   without any of the extraordinary gifts bestowed on apostles and
   prophets. In Ephesians this function is given in a less simple form.
   First there are "evangelists," doubtless men like Titus and Timothy (2
   Tim. iv. 5) and Tychicus and Epaphras, disciples of St Paul who went
   about from place to place preaching the Gospel in multiplication and
   continuation of his labours without possessing the peculiar title of
   apostleship. Probably enough in St Paul's long imprisonment this kind
   of work had much increased. Then come "pastors and teachers," men who
   taught within their own community, and whose work was therefore as that
   of shepherds taking care for a flock. Here the list in Ephesians ends,
   while that in 1 Cor. proceeds to various functions unconnected with
   teaching and belonging rather to action, first, extraordinary powers
   and what St Paul calls gifts of healings; then two types of ordinary
   services rendered to members of the community, first helps [46] .
   (antilempseis), anything that could be done for poor or weak or outcast
   brethren, either by rich or powerful or influential brethren or by the
   devotion of those who stood on no such eminence; and secondly guidances
   [47] or governments (kuberneseis), men who by wise counsels did for the
   community what the steersman or pilot does for the ship. Then last
   comes an exceptional class of extraordinary powers or manifestations,
   neither properly didactic nor properly practical, what are called
   tongues'. The enumeration earlier in the chapter (vv. 8-10) not only
   omits apostles and helps and guidances, but, with other variations,
   seems to subdivide the function of teachers under three different
   qualifications, what are called "an utterance (logos) of wisdom," "an
   utterance of knowledge," and "faith": and in Rom. xii. there are
   analogous subdivisions, among which occurs "ministration" (diakonia), a
   very comprehensive word, including e.g. (1 Cor. xvi. 15) the way in
   which apparently the household of Stephanas laid themselves out (etaxan
   heautous) to be hospitable and helpful to Christian strangers visiting
   Corinth.

   All this variation of enumeration, and also the variation in the form
   of description (persons and so to speak things being terms of a single
   series), becomes intelligible and natural when we understand clearly
   that St Paul is not speaking at all of formal offices or posts in the
   Ecclesia, much less enumerating them. The chief reason why he seems to
   do this is because apostles stand at the head in the two chief lists,
   and the apostolate of the Twelve and St Paul was in an important sense
   a definite and permanent office. But it was part of St Paul's purpose
   to shew that the service which they were intended to render to the
   Ecclesia of that age was on the one hand, as in the other cases, the
   service [48] of members to a body to which they themselves belonged,
   and on the other was too peculiar to be included under any other head.
   What is common in substance to all the terms of the series is that they
   are so many kinds of partial service, and from this point of view it
   was immaterial whether there were or were not definite offices
   corresponding to any or all of these kinds of service; or again whether
   two or more kinds of service were or were not, as a matter of fact,
   ever performed by the same persons. Hence these passages give us
   practically no evidence respecting the formal arrangements of the
   Ecclesiae of that age, though they tell us much of the forms of
   activity that were at work within them, and above all illustrate
   vividly St Paul's conception of an Ecclesia and of the Ecclesia.

   The image of the Body.'

   The passage of Ephesians which we have been examining (iv. 7-11) begins
   the second portion of a section which rings with the proclamation of
   the great supreme Christian unities. But the purpose for which they are
   set forth is to sustain an exhortation on the fundamental practical
   duty attached to membership of the Christian body, to walk worthily of
   the vocation wherewith ye were called (explained by Col. iii. 15, "Let
   the peace of the Christ preside in your hearts, unto which ye were also
   called in [one] body" -- better to read "in a body," i.e. to be members
   of a body) with all lowliness and meekness etc., giving diligence to
   keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace: one body and one
   Spirit, he proceeds in the familiar words which seem to glide from
   exhortation addressed to Christians of a few cities of Asia into
   affirmation respecting the whole body of Christians. But it would seem
   as though he dreaded the very semblance of representing an Ecclesia of
   God as intended to be a shapeless crowd of like and equal units.
   Accordingly he turns within, to claim as it were all varieties and
   inequalities as so many indications of divers functions needed to work
   together to a true unity. "To each one of us," he says emphatically
   (Heni de hekasto hemon), "was given the grace according to the measure
   of the bounty of the Christ." Then comes the quotation from the Psalm
   and the rapid setting forth of apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors
   and teachers as so many various gifts of God to men; and then in the
   same breath their present and their ultimate purposes; their present
   purpose the katartismos, or perfecting and accomplishing of the saints
   (i.e. the individual members of the great community) unto a work of
   ministration (i.e. those more conspicuous functions were meant to train
   and develop analogous functions of ministration, in each and all); then
   secondly, as a single aim of this manifold accomplishing, the building
   up of the body of the Christ; and finally, as the ultimate purpose of
   these processes, the attainment of all together (hoi pantes), unto the
   unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the Son of God, unto a
   perfect [full-grown] man, unto a measure of stature [maturity] of [such
   as belongs to] the fulfilment of the Christ. Even here the sentence
   does not end. From the lofty heights of his own thought St Paul
   descends to its practical purport, the rising out of the old heathen
   state of distracted beguilement by unworthy teachers, and through a
   life of truthful intercourse one with another in the power of love (see
   25 ff.) growing up into Him in all things who is the Head, Christ. Then
   he ends with a description of the action so to speak of the Head on the
   body of the Ecclesia, the fitting together and knitting together of the
   whole, the spreading of life as from a centre through every joint by
   which it is supplied, the action of each part in due measure in
   appropriating and using the life so supplied, and as the result the
   growth of the Body unto building up of itself in the power of love.

   The image of building.'

   Twice here the image of the body has been supplemented by the image of
   building. In various forms this other image is widely spread through
   the apostolic writings, not only in the simple thought of building up
   as opposed to the contrary process of pulling down or dissolving and to
   the simulative process of puffing up; but as exhibiting the ranging of
   human beings side by side so as to form together a stable structure of
   various parts, all resting on a foundation. But the ruling element in
   the idea comes naturally from the special purpose of the building. It
   is a dwelling-place or house, and its inhabitant is God; so that it is
   further a sanctuary (naos) or temple of God. When our Lord Himself said
   in the temple at Jerusalem, "Destroy (dissolve, lusate) this temple and
   in three days I will raise it up," interpreted by St John to refer to
   the temple of His body, He must surely have been chiefly thinking of
   that temple, that body of His which St Paul identifies with the
   Ecclesia, for from the day of the Passion the temple of stones lay
   under doom. Such at all events was Stephen's teaching so far as the old
   temple is concerned, when to the words of 1 Kings viii. how Solomon
   built Jehovah a house, he added the comment, "Howbeit the Most High
   dwelleth not in things made with hands," appealing to Is. lxvi. "Heaven
   is my throne," etc. Such was also the teaching of his persecutor and
   disciple St Paul when at Athens he repeated how the Creator, being Lord
   of heaven and earth, dwelleth not in temples made with hands. The
   positive side of the same teaching we have in St Paul's adaptation of
   Lev. xxvi. in 2 Cor. vi. 16, "For we are a sanctuary of a living God,
   as God said, I will dwell in them and walk in them, and I will be their
   God, and they shall be my people," where that second phrase, "and walk
   in them" marks the indwelling spoken of to be not of a carved image or
   of a vaguely conceived presence but of a living God. Here as also in
   the yet more familiar passage 1 Cor. iii. 16 f. ("Know ye not that ye
   are a sanctuary of God, and the Spirit of God dwelleth in you?"), the
   individual local community is itself addressed as a sanctuary of God;
   and the same conception, if we are not to disregard both grammar and
   natural sense, is expressed with great generality in Eph. ii. 21 f. "in
   whom [i.e. Christ Jesus as Cornerstone] each several building (R.V.)
   (pasa oikodome) fitly framed together groweth into a holy temple in the
   Lord, in whom ye also are builded together for a habitation of God in
   the Spirit." Indeed, if I mistake not, the thought of a universal
   spiritual temple of God is, to say the least, not definitely expressed
   anywhere by St Paul.

   The foundation of the Apostles and Prophets.

   Before we leave the language derived from a building, one very familiar
   phrase in Ephesians ii. 20 claims notice, "built upon the foundation of
   the apostles and prophets," which may be interpreted and has been
   interpreted in several different ways. To find who are meant by the
   apostles and prophets we must first take this passage with another
   (iii. 5 f.), "the mystery of the Christ, which in other generations was
   not made known to the sons of men as it was now revealed to His holy
   apostles and prophets in spirit, that the Gentiles are fellow-heirs and
   of the same body," etc. etc. The position of "prophets" as second in
   both places puts the Old Testament prophets out of the question, unless
   indeed they were likewise meant by "the apostles", which in c. iii. is
   impossible. It seems to me that both the sense of both places and the
   collocation of words in c. iii. determine the apostles themselves to be
   the prophets meant. It is truly said that we cannot lay much stress on
   the absence of a second article before prophets'; but in iii. 5 the
   prefixing of hagiois and subjoining of a?tou to apostolois is difficult
   to account for, if the prophets meant were a second set of persons.
   Such a passage as Gal. i. 15 [49] is enough to suggest that St Paul
   regarded the office of the old prophets as in some way repeated in
   himself; and if we consider such sayings of our Lord on the last
   evening as John xiv. 26; xv. 26 f.; xvi. 13 ff. on the office of the
   second Paraclete in relation to the disciples, we must see that so far
   as the words had a first and special reference to the apostolic band,
   their witness-bearing to Christ was conditioned by the interpretative
   and enlightening operation of the Holy Spirit, and further that
   utterances proceeding from such an operation exactly answer to what the
   Bible calls prophecy. In a word, the specially chosen disciples had
   need to be prophets in order to be in the strict sense apostles. The
   full revelation respecting the Gentiles to which St Paul refers in Eph.
   iii. 6 ff. was not obviously involved from the first in the charge to
   preach the Gospel to all nations. It was to St Paul himself doubtless
   that this prophetic illumination came in the first instance: but he
   might well rejoice to merge his own individuality in the concordant
   acceptance of what he had proclaimed by the twelve at Jerusalem, an
   acceptance which might well itself be referred to the inspiration of
   the prophetic spirit. The enumeration in iv. 11, "And Himself gave some
   to be apostles, and some prophets" is not a serious difficulty in the
   way of this interpretation, for, as we saw before, the enumeration is
   not of classes of persons or formal offices, but of classes of
   functions; and though in the true sense there were no apostles but the
   twelve and St Paul, we know there were many others who were called
   prophets.

   But in what sense were the heathen converts of Asia "built upon the
   foundation of the apostles and prophets"? The phrase might mean either
   the foundation on which the apostles and prophets had been built, or
   the foundation laid by them, or themselves as the foundation. That
   Christ Himself is here meant as the foundation, as 1 Cor. iii. 11 might
   suggest, is very unlikely, when the next clause makes Him corner-stone
   without any indication that there is a transition from one figure taken
   from building to another with reference to the same subject. The
   previous verse in 1 Cor. (iii. 10) and the other passage of Eph. (iii.
   5) suggest that the apostles and prophets were the builders who laid
   the foundation; but it remains difficult to see what foundation they
   can be said to have laid, in connexion with which Christ could be
   called a cornerstone. It would seem then that they themselves
   constituted the foundation in the sense which the Gospels led us to
   recognise, the chosen band of intimate disciples, the first rudimentary
   Ecclesia, on which the Ecclesia of Palestine was first built, and then
   indirectly every other Ecclesia, whether it had or had not been
   personally founded by an apostle. The reason why they are designated
   here by this full and double title is because the reference here is to
   the building up of Gentile Ecclesiae, and because the admission of the
   Gentiles on absolutely equal terms was in St Paul's mind associated
   with what were to him leading characteristics of apostleship and of
   prophecy under the New Covenant.

   The Universal Ecclesia and the partial Ecclesiae.

   We have been detained a long time by the importance of the whole
   teaching of Ephesians' on the Ecclesia, and especially of the idea now
   first definitely expressed of the whole Ecclesia as One. Before leaving
   this subject, however, it is important to notice that not a word in the
   Epistle exhibits the One Ecclesia as made up of many Ecclesiae. To each
   local Ecclesia St Paul has ascribed a corresponding unity of its own;
   each is a body of Christ and a sanctuary of God: but there is no
   grouping of them into partial wholes or into one great whole. The
   members which make up the One Ecclesia are not communities but
   individual men. The One Ecclesia includes all members of all partial
   Ecclesiae; but its relations to them all are direct, not mediate. It is
   true that, as we have seen, St Paul anxiously promoted friendly
   intercourse and sympathy between the scattered Ecclesiae; but the unity
   of the universal Ecclesia as he contemplated it does not belong to this
   region: it is a truth of theology and of religion, not a fact of what
   we call Ecclesiastical politics. To recognise this is quite consistent
   with the fullest appreciation of aspirations after an external
   Ecclesiastical unity which have played so great and beneficial a part
   in the inner and outer movements of subsequent ages. At every turn we
   are constrained to feel that we can learn to good effect from the
   apostolic age only by studying its principles and ideals, not by
   copying its precedents.

   I said just now that the one Ecclesia of Ephesians includes all members
   of all partial Ecclesiae. In other words, there is no indication that
   St Paul regarded the conditions of membership in the universal Ecclesia
   as differing from the conditions of membership in the partial local
   Ecclesiae. Membership of a local Ecclesia was obviously visible and
   external, and we have no evidence that St Paul regarded membership of
   the universal Ecclesia as invisible, and exclusively spiritual, and as
   shared by only a limited number of the members of the external
   Ecclesiae, those, namely, whom God had chosen out of the great mass and
   ordained to life, of those whose faith in Christ was a genuine and true
   faith. What very plausible grounds could be urged for this distinction,
   was to be seen in later generations: but it seems to me incompatible
   with any reasonable interpretation of St Paul's words. On the other
   hand, it is no less clear that this Epistle, which so emphatically
   expounds the doctrine of the Christian community, is equally emphatic
   in recognition of the individual life of its members. The universal
   Ecclesia and the partial Ecclesiae alike were wholly made up of men who
   had each for himself believed, whose baptism was for each the outward
   expression of what was involved in his belief, for his past and for his
   future; and who had a right to look on the fact that they had been
   permitted to be the subjects of this marvellous change, as evidence
   that they had each been the object of God's electing love before the
   foundations of the world were laid.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [46] Cf. Acts xx. 35 antilambanesthai ton asthenounton, some places in
   LXX., but especially Ecclesiasticus [xi. 12; li. 7].

   [47] See especially its use in the LXX. version of Proverbs as the
   apparently exactly literal rendering of takhbulOth (see Del. on Prov.
   i. 5), three times rendered wise guidance' in R.V.

   [48] Cf. 1 Cor. iii. 5-9, and indeed -15, on Apollos and Paul.

   [49] Cf. Is. xlix. 1.
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE XI.

   TITUS AND TIMOTHY IN THE PASTORAL EPISTLES.

   LEAVING now the Epistles of the Roman Captivity we come to the Pastoral
   Epistles. On the questions of their authenticity and integrity I shall
   say no more now than that in spite of by no means trivial difficulties
   arising from comparison of the diction of these and the other Epistles
   bearing St Paul's name, I believe them to be his, and to be his as they
   now stand. The supposed difficulties of other kinds seem to me of no
   weight. About St Paul's life after the time briefly noticed in the last
   verse of Acts, we know absolutely nothing from any other source beyond
   the bare fact of his death at Rome: and it is to the interval between
   the Roman Captivity mentioned in Acts and his death that the Epistles,
   with the recent incidents referred to in them, must assuredly belong.
   They differ essentially from all his Epistles except Philemon by being
   addressed to individual men, not to communities; while they differ no
   less from Philemon in having the welfare of Christian communities as
   indirectly a large part of their subject-matter.

   The interpretation of 1 Tim. iii. 14 f.

   This is definitely expressed in an important passage which we may well
   consider first, as it is the chief passage in which the term ekklesia
   occurs, 1 Timothy iii. 14 f. "These things I write to thee, hoping to
   come unto thee shortly; but if I tarry long, that thou mayest know how
   men ought to behave themselves in a household of God, which is an
   Ecclesia of a living God, a pillar and stay of the truth."

   The A. V. (and R. V. marg.) rendering "how thou oughtest to behave
   thyself" is doubtless a survival of the Vulgate quomodo to oporteat, a
   translation of the Western se. But though the special anastrophe of
   Timothy is included, the anastrophe of each class mentioned and of all
   members of the Ecclesia is likewise included. Anastrophe, for which
   there is no good English equivalent, includes all conduct and demeanour
   in converse with other men. Thus St Paul here describes his purpose in
   writing so as to point out what is a well-ordered life for Christian
   men in converse with each other. The force of the words that follow is
   only weakened and diluted by treating the absence of articles as
   immaterial. The close and obvious relations subsisting within each
   single Christian community afford the framework, as it were, for the
   teaching; and in instructing its members to regard it as invested with
   these high attributes St Paul was but doing as he had done to other
   Ecclesiae before.

   The house of God' here spoken of is doubtless not His dwelling-house or
   sanctuary but (as several recent commentators) His household [50] . It
   is the same ten verses back, "If a man knoweth not how to rule his own
   household, how shall he take care of an Ecclesia of God"? The same
   sense household' occurs also in Heb. iii. 5 f., x. 21 (from Num. xii.
   7) and probably in 1 Pet. iv. 17. It is also implied in St Paul's own
   use of the adjective oikeios, probably in Gal. vi. 10, "them that are
   of the household of the faith"; certainly in Ephesians ii. 19, "fellow
   citizens with the saints, and of the household of God." Hence the
   anastrophe or converse described as the subject of this part of the
   Epistle, is the converse of members of a household of which God is the
   Householder or Master.

   Further it is described as "an Ecclesia of a living God." Often the (a)
   living God is spoken of in contrast to dead idols: but sometimes (e.g.
   Heb. iii. 12; ix. 14; xii. 22) it implies a contrast with the true God
   made practically a dead deity by a lifeless and rigid form of religion;
   with the God in short in whom too many of the Jews virtually believed.
   Such is probably the force here as it evidently is in iv. 10.

   The last designation here given to a local Christian community is "a
   pillar and stay of the truth."

   There are few passages of the New Testament in which the reckless
   disregard of the presence or absence of the article has made wilder
   havoc of the sense than this. To speak of either an Ecclesia or the
   Ecclesia, as being the pillar of the truth, is to represent the truth
   as a building, standing in the air supported on a single column. Again
   there is no clear evidence that the rare word hedraioma ever means
   ground [51] ' = "foundation." It is rather, in accordance with the
   almost [52] universal Latin rendering firmamentum, a "stay" or
   "bulwark".

   St Paul's idea then is that each living society of Christian men is a
   pillar and stay of "the truth" as an object of belief and a guide of
   life for mankind, each such Christian society bearing its part in
   sustaining and supporting the one truth common to all.

   But while at least two of the Pastoral Epistles, and in a certain sense
   all of them, have thus the Ecclesiae for themselves to a great extent
   as the subject matter, they are still more truly in substance no less
   than in obvious form, instructions to individual men, having special
   responsibilities of leadership or guidance, and, as regards two of the
   Epistles, entrusted definitely with the special charge of Ecclesiae,
   though only for limited and temporary purposes. The purposes in the two
   cases were by no means identical, though they had much in common.

   The mission of Titus in Crete.

   The case of Titus is the simplest. He had been a convert from
   heathenism, made by St Paul himself (gnesio tekno, i. 4), we do not
   know in what region. St Paul had taken him with him from Antioch to
   Jerusalem at the time of the great conference, and had refused to yield
   to pressure and let him be circumcised. He had employed him on a
   confidential mission to the Corinthian Ecclesia. This is all that is
   known of his antecedents: in the Acts he is not mentioned by name.
   After a long interval he now re-emerges into light, though only
   somewhat dim light. During a journey subsequent to the first Roman
   Captivity he had accompanied St Paul on a visit to the island of Crete.
   There are various indications in the Epistle that the Christian faith
   must have gained ground in the island long before this time: but at
   what time, and by whose preaching, we know not. It would seem that St
   Paul found the state of things unsatisfactory, but that he had no time
   to stay in person to attempt to rectify it. Accordingly he left Titus
   behind to correct, he says, the deficiencies and to appoint Elders in
   the several cities. Thus Titus was in this respect to do what Paul and
   Barnabas had done in the cities of Southern Asia Minor on their return
   from the first Missionary journey. But the circumstances were very
   different. The natural inference is that up to this time the Christians
   of Crete had gone on without any kind of responsible government, and
   that this anarchic condition was one considerable cause of the
   evidently low moral condition to which they had sunk. Accordingly the
   appointment of elders was a necessary first step towards raising the
   standard of Christian life generally. Zenas and Apollos were now
   starting on a journey in the course of which they were to touch at
   Crete, and so St Paul takes the opportunity of sending this letter,
   partly to remind Titus of the chief things to be attended to in this
   Mission, partly to prepare him for rejoining St Paul with all possible
   speed at Nicopolis so soon as Artemas or Tychicus should come to him.
   When 2 Timothy was written, he had gone to Dalmatia (iv. 10). Why
   Artemas or Tychicus was to be sent to Titus, is not mentioned; but in
   all probability whichever of them went was intended to take Titus's
   place, and give the scattered Ecclesiae of the island the benefit of a
   little longer superintendence till the newly appointed Elders should
   have gained some really effective influence under the difficult
   circumstances of their new office.

   Timothy's mission in Ephesus.

   The immediate occasion of Timothy's mission resembled that of Titus's
   mission. He too was evidently journeying with St Paul when they came to
   Ephesus, and the state of things in the Ephesian Ecclesia appeared to
   call for a longer and more comprehensive treatment than St Paul had
   himself time to apply, as he was journeying on to Macedonia.
   Accordingly he left Timothy behind, specially to resist the growth of
   certain barren and unprofitable teachings which were evidently gaining
   much ground at Ephesus. He was in hopes (iii. 14) of rejoining Timothy
   shortly, but in case of possible delay he desired to keep before
   Timothy's mind the true aims which he should follow in helping to guide
   the Ephesian Ecclesia into right and salutary ways.

   With the second Epistle we have little to do. It is silent about the
   affairs of an Ecclesia except so far as they are involved in the
   qualifications of an evangelist and associate of St Paul. Much of the
   first Epistle is an outpouring of St Paul's thoughts for his cherished
   disciple, and the second Epistle is almost wholly of this character,
   with the added force that came from a sense of his own impending
   martyrdom. We do not even know with any certainty whether Timothy was
   still at Ephesus, though probably enough he was: that is, the
   supposition would harmonise with some of the details respecting other
   persons, though in other respects the supposed indications are quite
   worthless. Wherever Timothy was, St Paul urges his making a point
   (spoudason) of coming to him quickly (2 Tim. iv. 9), bringing Mark with
   him, for he was left alone. It is probable enough that the sending of
   Tychicus to Ephesus mentioned in iv. 12 was intended to carry on
   further Timothy's work there: but we learn no particulars.

   Timothy's antecedents.

   On the other hand a special interest attaches to the language used in
   several places of both Epistles respecting Timothy himself. Every one
   will remember how closely he is associated with St Paul's labours and
   writings from the time of the second missionary journey' in Asia Minor,
   so that his name stands with St Paul, at the head of six of the earlier
   epistles, and occurs in two others of them. Behind this confidential
   intercourse and cooperation, however, there lay the exceptional
   circumstances out of which they arose. These circumstances are but
   imperfectly known to us, but something of their significance comes
   clearly out in comparison of St Luke's account in the Acts (xvi. 1-4)
   and the language of the Pastoral Epistles, each of which illustrates
   the other. When Paul and Barnabas after returning from the Jerusalem
   Conference had been for some time preaching at Antioch, St Paul
   proposed to Barnabas that they should revisit the brethren in the
   various cities of Asia Minor where they had founded Ecclesiae. The
   dispute about Barnabas's cousin St Mark made it impossible to carry out
   the plan as first intended. Barnabas and his cousin went off to his
   native Cyprus. St Paul chose for his companion Silas, one of the
   Jerusalem envoys who had accompanied the returning Antiochian envoys, a
   man having prophetic gifts; and "being commended" we read "to the grace
   of the Lord by the brethren, he (Luke does not say they,' but he')
   passed through Syria and Cilicia confirming the Ecclesiae. In due time
   he reached Lycaonia, specially its cities Derbe and Lystra: "And
   behold" (says St Luke, a phrase which when writing in his own person
   and sometimes even in speeches he reserves for sudden and as it were
   providential interpositions [53] ), "And behold a certain disciple was
   there, Timothy by name, son of a Jewish woman that believed and a Greek
   father, one who had witness borne to him (emartureito) by the brethren
   that were at Lystra and Iconium: him St Paul willed to go forth with
   him (touton hethelesen ho Paulos sun hauto exelthein) and he took and
   circumcised him, because of the Jews that were in those parts, for all
   of them (apantes) knew that his father was a Greek. And as they
   (plural) went on their way through the cities they delivered them the
   dogmata) to keep, which had been resolved on (kekrimena) by the
   apostles and elders that were at Jerusalem". This narrative needs but
   little paraphrase to become transparent, as far as it goes. Timothy's
   Greek father like many Greeks and Romans of wealth or position in those
   days, had married a Jewish wife. He allowed his wife to bring up their
   boy in her own faith, but not to brand him with what to Greek eyes was
   the infamous brand of circumcision. As a result of the preaching of
   Paul and Barnabas on the former missionary journey, mother and son had
   passed from devout Judaism to the Christian faith, and the son came to
   be highly honoured by the Christians of more than one city. St Paul now
   resolved to take this young Timothy with him on his onward journey, and
   with this purpose (so the order clearly implies) he circumcised him in
   order to avoid giving a handle for misrepresentation to the Jews of
   those parts. In everything but the external rite Timothy was a bona
   fide Jew. If he was to go forth to stand by St Paul's side in Jewish
   synagogues as Barnabas the Levite had done, to have let him remain
   uncircumcised would have been to court the imputation of taking
   advantage of an accident of education to extend to a Jew the Pauline
   exemption of Gentiles from circumcision. Yet it was a bold and
   startling act, and the fact that St Paul performed it, when he might
   have avoided it by choosing some other associate, shews that he must
   have had overmastering reasons indeed for fixing absolutely on this
   Lycaonian youth for a place of such peculiar responsibility.

   Timothy's original appointment.

   What those reasons were Luke does not tell us, beyond the good
   testimony of Timothy's Christian neighbours. But an early verse (i. 18)
   of the first Epistle gives the clue. "This charge I commit to thee, my
   child Timothy, according to the prophecies which led the way to thee,
   that in them (i.e. in their power) thou mayest war the good warfare,
   holding faith and a good conscience." "The prophecies which led the way
   to thee" this (R.V. marg.) is much the most natural rendering of kata
   tas proagousas epi se propheteias. Doubtless it would be a strong
   phrase to use if the occasion referred to were the leaving behind at
   Ephesus, which is indeed by no means suggested by the very general
   words that follow of the good warfare, faith and a good conscience. But
   it fits in excellently with what his narrative suggests as at least a
   probable course of circumstances. The first missionary journey had been
   inaugurated at Antioch under circumstances of peculiar solemnity in
   which Paul and Barnabas were jointly charged with a momentous
   commission. The journey had been rich in fruitful results, which
   involved the opening up of a whole new world to be leavened by the
   Gospel; and the new advance had been ratified after full consideration
   by the Twelve and by the Ecclesia of Jerusalem. The new journey was
   preceded apparently by no fresh inauguration; it came simply from St
   Paul's spontaneous desire to revisit the Ecclesiae which they had
   jointly founded. But now the actual journey was begun under the most
   disheartening circumstances. Barnabas, whose name had originally stood
   first, had now withdrawn from the work immediately in hand, and St Paul
   might well feel that, while he must needs go forward, it must be with a
   sense of foredoomed failure unless the breach in what had been at the
   outset a Divinely appointed enterprise were in some way closed up by a
   no less Divine interposition. He had indeed Silas with him: but this
   was by his own selection, and apparently Silas stood on the same
   subordinate footing as Mark had originally done (xiii. 5 hupereten),
   though in the course of the journey the difference of footing seems to
   disappear. St Paul's words in the Epistle suggest that while he was
   journeying on in some such state of mind as this, mysterious monitions
   of the kind called prophetic seemed to come to him, whether within his
   own spirit, or through the lips of Silas, or both; and that these
   voices taught him the course to take by which he should at last find a
   Divinely provided successor to Barnabas. Such prophecies as have been
   here supposed would in the strictest sense lead the way to Timothy,
   just as the heavenly voice in the vision seen by Ananias at Damascus
   led the way to Paul himself in the house of Judas in the street called
   Straight (ix. 10 f., 17), or the similar voice in the vision seen by
   Cornelius at Cæsarea led the way to St Peter in the house of Simon the
   Tanner at Joppa. When at last St Paul reached Derbe and Lystra
   (katentesen is St Luke's expressive word, as though these cities were
   in some way a goal to him), the testimony which the young Timothy
   received from the brethren might well seem to be a human echo of a
   Divine choice already notified by prophecy.

   But we may reasonably go a step farther. If St Paul received Timothy as
   Divinely made the partner of his work in place of Barnabas, it would be
   at least not unnatural that there should be some repetition of the
   solemn acts by which human expression had been given to the Divine
   mission in the first instance. If this explanation of "the prophecies"
   is right, they must on the one hand have in substance included some
   such message as "Separate for me Timothy for the work whereunto I have
   called him"; and on the other hand that separation or consecration
   would naturally take outward form in fasting and prayer and laying on
   of hands by the representatives of the Lycaonian Ecclesiae, in
   repetition of what had been done at Antioch (xiii. 3). In this case
   however one additional element would be present, viz. the special
   relation in which St Paul stood to Timothy: he was Timothy's father in
   the faith, and his subsequent language shews that this essential fact
   was to be of permanent significance. It would be natural therefore that
   as Jewish Rabbis laid hands on their disciples, after the example of
   Moses and Joshua, so not only the representatives of the Lycaonian
   Ecclesiae but also St Paul himself should lay hands on the disciple and
   spiritual son now admitted to share his peculiar commission.

   Timothy's charisma.

   Taking with us these antecedents, we shall be in a better position to
   understand the verse (iv. 14) in which St Paul bids Timothy, "Neglect
   not the gracious gift (charismatos) which is in thee, which was given
   thee (dia propheteias), through prophecy with laying on of the hands of
   the body of Elders (tou presbuteriou). In i. 18 tas proagousas epi se
   propheteias would be an extraordinary phrase to describe prophecies the
   purpose of which was to induce St Paul to leave behind him at Ephesus
   his coadjutor and often companion of many years; while Luke's narrative
   in Acts xvi. enables it to be so interpreted as to give each word exact
   force; and if the prophecies of i. 18 are the prophecies which
   accompanied the early part of St Paul's second journey, it must be at
   least worth while to consider whether the reference is different in iv.
   14. Now if we think of St Paul's own account of Timothy's present
   mission at Ephesus, and its temporary and as it were occasional
   character, we must see that a laying on of hands by the Ephesian elders
   (and it is difficult to think of any others on this supposition) would
   be scarcely a probable though no doubt a possible act under the
   circumstances, and the addition of prophecy does but increase the
   incongruity.

   If, however, the body of Elders meant was that formed by the Elders of
   Timothy's own city or neighbourhood, as representing the Ecclesia which
   sent him forward in conjunction with St Paul to win new regions for the
   Gospel, the propheteia spoken of is likewise explained by the
   prophecies of i. 18.

   So too what is said of the charisma or gracious gift of God in Timothy,
   which had been given him by prophecy with the laying on of hands,
   harmonises well on this view with the idea running through all the
   Pauline uses of the word charisma. It was a special gift of God, a
   special fitness bestowed by Him to enable Timothy to fulfil a
   distinctive function. Speaking generally the base of this function was
   preaching the Gospel to those who had not yet heard it, the work of an
   Evangelist. But it was further limited by the peculiar circumstances:
   Timothy was to be not merely an Evangelist, but St Paul's special
   associate in his quite unique evangelistic work.

   In its origin it was apparently a substitute for the function
   discharged by Barnabas on the first journey. But owing to the
   difference of age and personal history between Barnabas and Timothy it
   must from the first have involved a subordination to St Paul which did
   not exist in the case of Barnabas. And on the other hand the vast
   increase in both the range and the importance of St Paul's personal
   work brought about by the force of circumstances since that time
   involved a corresponding expansion in the responsibilities laid on
   Timothy. An expansion but not a change of characteristics. It was still
   the original charisma to and in Timothy which St Paul would fitly
   desire Timothy to kindle anew.

   In the second Epistle (i. 6) a similar admonition is couched in partly
   different language. Here St Paul passes from a thanksgiving to the God
   to whom he has himself done service as his forefathers had done (apo
   progonon) in a pure conscience, to the thought of the channels through
   which Timothy had in like manner inherited his unfeigned faith, his
   grandmother Lois and his mother Eunice. Then from this foundation laid
   in Timothy's childhood he seems to pass to that which had been built
   upon it. "For which cause (i.e. because I am persuaded that in thee
   also dwells unfeigned faith) I put thee in remembrance to wake into
   life (anazopurein) the charisma of God, which is in thee by the laying
   on of my hands: for God gave us (you Timothy and me Paul, us the
   heralds of His Gospel) not a spirit of fearfulness but of power and of
   love and of chastened mind. Be not therefore ashamed of the testimony
   (marturion, usually testimony in act) of our Lord nor of me His
   prisoner, but suffer hardship with the Gospel" &c. Here the context
   excludes the thought of a charisma meant specially for Ephesian
   administration or teaching, to which there is no allusion whatever. The
   antecedents of Timothy's charisma lay in the atmosphere of unfeigned
   faith in which he had been bred up, a faith doubtless constantly put to
   severe trial through his mother's position as the wife of a heathen;
   and the waking of Timothy's charisma into fresh life now desired by St
   Paul was to shew itself in a spirit which should animate Timothy's
   whole personal being.

   It is therefore no wonder that in this second Epistle the laying on of
   hands of which he speaks is the laying on of his own hands. In 1
   Timothy, the Epistle which teaches how men ought to behave themselves
   in an Ecclesia of a living God, it was natural, especially in the
   immediate context of iv. 14, that St Paul should make mention of the
   laying on of hands of the body of Elders of the Ecclesia which then
   sent Timothy forth. But in the second Epistle the personal relation
   between the two men is everything; and so the human instrumentality to
   which he here refers, the reception of the charisma or gracious gift
   which he [here] first describes emphatically as "the gracious gift of
   God," is that act, the traditional symbol of blessing, by which he,
   already Timothy's father in the faith and henceforth to have Timothy
   always joined with him as also a younger brother, had borne his part in
   solemnly inaugurating the beginning of his new career of duty.

   No passages in the least like those which we have been now examining
   occur in the Epistle to Titus. It is no doubt possible that this is due
   to accident. But it cannot be said that this Epistle is poor in
   contexts when such passages would be quite in place, supposing them to
   refer to matters concerning Titus as much as Timothy. It is moreover
   remarkable that language so similar should be found in quite different
   contexts in two Epistles, themselves so differing in character as 1 and
   2 Timothy. All these circumstances however explain themselves naturally
   if the passages in the two Epistles to Timothy refer to a single
   absolutely exceptional solemn act by which the one man Timothy received
   a commission to go forth as St Paul's chosen colleague, because a
   prophetic oracle had singled him out for this unique function.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [50] The word house' is not incorrect, but only ambiguous: in Acts xvi.
   34 both senses stand together, the jailor at Philippi brings Paul and
   Silas into his house, and rejoices greatly with all his house.

   [51] Probably translated by Tyndale from Luther's Grundfeste.

   [52] Fundamentum occurs in Iren. lat. [III. i. 1; but possibly as a
   translation of sterigma, see III. xi. 8. Ed.]

   [53] See i. 10; viii. 27; x. 17; xii. 7.
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE XII.

   OFFICERS OF THE ECCLESIA IN THE PASTORAL EPISTLES.

   FROM Titus and Timothy themselves we pass naturally to the officers of
   the Ecclesiae of which they were set for a time in charge.

   In Crete, as we saw before, there were apparently no Elders previously;
   and the duty most definitely named as laid on Titus was to set (or
   establish or appoint) Elders in the several cities. The verb kathistemi
   is used in Acts vi. 3 for the Apostles setting or appointing the Seven
   over the business of attending to the widows of the Greek speaking part
   of the community at Jerusalem: it is a word implying an exercise of
   authority, but has no technical force. In 1 and 2 Timothy it is not
   used, nor any other word approximately similar in sense.

   The qualifications of an Elder in Crete.

   The first qualifications mentioned (Titus i. 5-9) are not capacities
   but, so to speak, primary moral conditions affecting men's personal or
   family relations, "if a man is under no charge or accusation
   (anenkletos, probably not blameless' but unblamed'), the husband of one
   wife, having children that believe (i.e. Christian), who are not
   accused of riotous living, or, unruly.

   Then St Paul goes on, Dei gar ton episkopon anenkleton einai, "For the
   episkopos must needs be under no charge." It is now pretty generally
   recognized by those who [do] not break up the Pastoral Epistles into
   fragments that we have not here a different office, held by one person
   in contrast to the plural Elders,' a view which implies an incredible
   laxity in St Paul's use of particles. But it is hardly less erroneous
   to take episkopos as merely a second title, capable of being used
   convertibly with presbuteros. In examining the language of Acts xx. we
   found reason to think that when St Paul, addressing at Miletus those
   who in v. 17 are called the Elders of the (Ephesian) Ecclesia, says,
   "take heed to yourselves and to all the flock in which the Holy Spirit
   set you as episkopous," he used this word as descriptive, not as a
   second title, so that we might render it "set you to have oversight."
   It is exactly the same here, only on clearer evidence. If episkopon is
   a title of office, the article before it is without motive, and
   anenkleton einai following it is a tame repetition when ei tis estin
   anenkletos has preceded. But taken descriptively it supplies a link
   which gives force to every other word. A man who is to be made an Elder
   should be one who is anenkletos, for (gar) he that hath oversight must
   needs be anenkletos as a steward of God.' Elder' is the title,
   oversight' is the function to be exercised by the holder of the title
   within the Ecclesia. The nature of the oversight is not defined except
   as being that exercised by a steward in a household of God. But, as we
   saw before, the general conception of the word is closely akin to that
   suggested by the pastoral relation, if we are to take as our guides the
   usage of the LXX. the Apocrypha and Philo, and especially 1 Pet. ii. 25
   ton poimena kai episkopon ton psuchon humon.

   Then follow five negative moral qualifications, "not self-willed, not
   soon angry, not given to wine, no striker, not greedy of filthy lucre";
   then six positive moral qualifications (the first alone worthy of
   special comment), "given to hospitality (lit. a lover of strangers,
   philoxenon), a lover of good, soberminded, just, holy, temperate."

   Last comes a quite different qualification, "holding fast (if that is
   the meaning here of the difficult word antechomenon) by the word which
   is faithful according to the teaching (didachen), that he may be able
   both to exhort in the doctrine (didaskalia) that is healthful and to
   convict the gainsayers." Without pausing at the various difficulties of
   this verse, we can see that at least it requires in the Cretan Elders a
   hold on Christian principles of at least morality or religion, such as
   would enable them to give hortatory instruction of a salutary kind to
   all, and likewise to give competent answers to gainsayers, who are
   described more particularly in the following verses. On "the doctrine
   that is healthful" I may be able to say a word farther on [54] . It is
   clear that St Paul here contemplates his Elders as having (at least
   normally) an office of teaching, both of a positive and of a negative
   kind. Apart from this, and from what may be included in the
   comprehensive words having oversight,' it is difficult to find any
   distinctive characteristics mentioned. The moral qualities, positive
   and negative, are such as men officially representing the Ecclesia and
   having charge of its members would be expected to shew more than other
   men. But they are no less among the obvious qualities to be looked for
   in all members of the community. If hospitality seems at first sight a
   virtue specially pertaining to the leading men of the Ecclesia, we must
   also remember how it is inculcated on all alike in Rom. xii. 13, 1 Pet.
   iv. 9, Heb. xiii. 2. Respecting any other officers than the Elders
   Titus receives no directions.

   Elders in Ephesus according to 1 Timothy.

   The same subject is approached in a very different way in 1 Tim., as
   might be expected from the different circumstances. The earlier of the
   specific charges given by St Paul to Timothy, which begin with chap.
   ii., will need a word further on. Having spoken on prayer, and on men
   and women, St Paul comes in iii. 1 to another theme affecting the
   Ephesian Ecclesia, "If any man seeketh after episkopes (a function of
   oversight), he desireth a good work. He therefore that hath oversight
   must needs be free from reproach (dei oun ton episkopon anepilempton
   einai)." So I think we should naturally interpret the words in any case
   on account of the article. But if the passage stood alone we could not
   tell whether the office intended was one held by one person or by many,
   and the influence of later usage might naturally suggest that it was
   held by one, i.e. was what we call an episcopate. In v. 17 ff. there
   are some secondary references to Elders, but nothing to shew either
   identity with the episkopos of chap. iii. or their difference. Again
   the seven careful verses on him that hath oversight (iii. 1-7) are
   followed by six equally careful verses on diakonoi, whom we may for
   convenience call deacons'. Now if the episkopos of this Epistle were a
   single officer, superior to all others, the only way of accounting for
   St Paul's passing next to the diakonoi, neglecting the Elders here, and
   dealing with them in a quite different way farther on, would be to
   suppose, as some have of late on other grounds supposed, that the
   episkopos and diakonoi exercised one kind of functions and the Elders
   exercised another altogether different. But none of these suppositions
   can stand in the face of Tit. 1., for the correspondence of language
   forbids us to give the word an essentially different sense in the two
   passages. It follows that the two consecutive careful passages in iii.
   refer to Elders and to diakonoi respectively, and that the references
   to Elders by name in chap. v. are, as we should expect, practically
   supplementary in character.

   In this Epistle Paul is not providing for the institution of an order
   of Elders but giving instruction respecting a long existing order.
   Throughout these verses (iii. 1-13) there is not a word addressed to
   Timothy, directing him what he himself should do in respect of men
   holding these offices. There is simply, as in all the earlier part of
   the Epistle, a setting forth in general terms of what ought to be. But
   it is remarkable how considerably the qualifications recited here agree
   in essentials with the qualifications laid down in respect of Crete,
   though there are many differences both of words and of arrangement. The
   only negative qualities here mentioned are "no brawler (violent,
   petulant person), no striker"; the omissions generically being of
   fundamental qualities too obvious to be forgotten at Ephesus, such as
   the final triad "righteous, holy, temperate"; while the moral qualities
   now added are of the calm and peaceful type. The long final clause of
   Titus about teaching is replaced by the single word didaktikon, "apt to
   teach," in the middle of the list, following "a lover of hospitality",
   while at the end of this list stands now the clause "one that ruleth
   well his own house, having his children in subjection with all gravity"
   (expounded further in the next verse). Then come two other
   qualifications, one negative, "no novice (neophuton), lest he be puffed
   up," etc.; and one positive, in a separate sentence, "Moreover he must
   be well witnessed of by them that are without," etc., an emphatic
   expansion and extension of the first requirement, that he be without
   reproach. Here too we learn singularly little about the actual
   functions, except what is contained in the former word oversight', and
   in the phrase "have charge (epimelesetai) of an Ecclesia of God."
   Doubtless it was superfluous to mention either the precise functions or
   the qualifications needed for definitely discharging them. What was
   less obvious and more important was the danger lest official
   excellencies of one kind or another should cloak the absence of
   Christian excellencies. To St Paul the representative character, so to
   speak, of those who had oversight in the Ecclesia, their conspicuous
   embodiment of what the Ecclesia itself was meant to shew itself, was a
   more important thing than any acts or teachings by which their
   oversight could be formally exercised.

   Before we consider the diakonoi who are mentioned next, it will be best
   to take what further is said of the Elders in chap. v. The Elder' of v.
   i is doubtless one so called not for any office or function but merely
   for age. It is otherwise in vv. 17, 18, "Let the Elders that preside
   excellently (kalos proestotes) be counted worthy of double honour,
   especially they that labour (kopiontes, i.e. not merely work, but work
   laboriously) in speech and teaching; for the Scripture saith, Thou
   shalt not muzzle an ox that treadeth out the corn' and The labourer is
   worthy of his hire." This word proestotes' standing at the head,
   includes more than "ruling" (so all English versions). The sentence
   implies that this was a function common to all the Elders. Those who
   discharged it not merely well (eu) but kalos, excellently, are to be
   esteemed worthy of double honour, an honour exceeding that due to their
   office; and such honour, he hints, should be shown by a care on the
   part of the Ecclesia not to neglect the maintenance of those who labour
   on its behalf. Special honour, St Paul adds, is due to those Elders,
   coming under this description, who labour in speech and teaching. The
   distinction implies with tolerable certainty that teaching was not a
   universal function of the Elders of Ephesus. On the other hand, the
   language used does not suggest that there were two separate and
   well-defined classes, teaching Elders and non-teaching Elders. Teaching
   was doubtless the most important form in which guidance and
   superintendence were exercised. But to all appearance the Ephesian
   Ecclesia used freely the services of men who had no special gift of
   this kind, but who were well qualified to act as Elders in other
   respects.

   Then in v. 19 comes the converse case of Elders worthy not of praise
   but of blame. First, an Elder's office and position should secure him
   against coming into suspicion through mere random talk: Timothy, now
   first addressed directly in this connexion, was to give attention to no
   accusation which was not supported by the security provided by the
   Jewish law in accordance with manifest justice, the testimony of three
   or at the least two witnesses. On the other hand, those who sinned (in
   this context it can hardly be doubted that the reference is to Elders
   who sinned) Timothy was to rebuke publicly, that the rest also might
   have fear.

   In all this Timothy is manifestly clothed for the time with a paramount
   authority, doubtless as the temporary representative of St Paul guided
   by St Paul's instructions, St Paul himself having the authority of a
   founder, and that founder one who had seen the Lord Jesus. But he is
   not content to leave these instructions about Elders without a further
   warning. In an adjuration of peculiar solemnity, as though guarding
   against a danger which might only too easily invade Timothy, he charges
   him against letting himself be guided in these matters by any
   praejudicium, and especially against meting out honour or censure on
   the ground of his own personal preferences.

   What is required of Deacons.'

   Returning now to chap. iii., after the seven verses on "him that hath
   oversight," viz, one of the presbyters, we read in a sentence which has
   no principal verb (the dei einai being carried on from ii.), "Diakonoi
   in like manner [must be] grave, not double-tongued [55] ," dilogous,
   not addicted to much wine, not given to filthy lucre, having the secret
   of their faith in a pure conscience [said probably with special
   reference to their opportunities for dishonest gain]; and let these
   also [these diakonoi, no less than the Elders] first be proved, then
   let them minister (act as diakonoi) if they lie under no accusation.
   Then comes, "Women in like manner (evidently not as A.V. the wives of
   diakonoi, but as Bishop Lightfoot shewed forcibly some years ago at a
   Diocesan Conference, women who are diakonoi), grave, not backbiters,
   sober (probably as Bishop Ellicott in the literal sense, nephalious),
   faithful in all things." These four qualities are either repetitions or
   characteristic modifications of the four moral qualities required for
   men who are diakonoi; gravity (semnotes) being required of both,
   freedom from backbiting answering to freedom from talebearing,
   soberness, freedom from addiction to much wine, and faithfulness or
   trustworthiness in all things to freedom from filthy lucre. Then St
   Paul returns once more to the men diakonoi in order to lay stress on
   the importance of their conduct of their own family relations. "Let
   diakonoi be husbands of one wife, ruling (or guiding, proistamenoi)
   their children well and their own households. For they that have
   ministered (served as diakonoi) well gain to themselves a good standing
   (bathmon) and great boldness in the power of faith, even the faith that
   is in Christ Jesus."

   This is all that we learn about diakonoi from the Pastoral Epistles.
   The Epistle to Titus in prescribing the appointment of Elders says
   nothing about diakonoi. Probably the Christian communities of Crete
   were not yet mature enough to make the institution as yet desirable.

   Taking the six verses together, it is clear that we have to do not with
   mere voluntary rendering services of whatsoever kind, but with a
   definite class of men, not merely ministering to the Ecclesia or its
   members but formally recognised by the Ecclesia as having an office of
   this kind. This is implied partly in the parallelism to the Elders just
   above, partly in the imperative form, partly in the requirement of
   probation, whether that means probation in the work itself or careful
   examination of qualifications and antecedents. The moral requirements
   are substantially the same as for the Elders, so far as they go, except
   that these alone include the absence of talebearing for the men,
   backbiting for the women, faults which evidently might easily have
   place in men who came much in contact with various individual
   Christians and families, but less so in men entrusted with oversight
   and teaching. On the other hand we find nothing corresponding to three
   marked qualifications of Elders, viz. cheerful hospitality, capacity
   for teaching, and freedom from reproach or accusation, to say nothing
   of positive good testimony from outsiders, while on the other hand
   equal stress is laid in the two cases on the domestic qualifications
   implied in "a husband of one wife" (however we interpret this ambiguous
   phrase) and in "excellent control of children and household." Evidently
   a man whose own family constituted a bad example for the rest of the
   community was to be held disqualified for either kind of office in the
   Ecclesia, whatever his personal capacities might be. It is a striking
   illustration of what is practically taught by many parts of the
   Apostolic Epistles, that the true Ecclesiastical life and the true
   Christian life and the true human life are all one and the same. To
   return to the three omissions. The silence about freedom from reproach
   or accusation in the case of the diakonoi explains itself if their
   work, unlike the Elders', had usually little publicity or
   conspicuousness. So too the silence about hospitality is natural for
   men whose place in the Ecclesia did not seem to impose this as a duty
   upon them more than on the members of the community generally. The
   silence about teaching may in like manner be safely taken as sufficient
   evidence that teaching formed no part of the duty of a diakonos.

   The clause "holding the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience,"
   cannot when carefully examined, be safely interpreted as having
   reference to a mystery of doctrine which they are to hold' in the sense
   of holding fast.' To musterion tes pisteos, undoubtedly a difficult
   phrase, is probably (as Weiss explains it) the secret constituted by
   their own inner faith, not known to men but inspiring all their work;
   and then the stress lies on "in a pure conscience" (see the association
   of faith and a pure or good conscience in i. 5, 19). Thus in this
   clause a true inward religion and a true inward morality are laid down
   as required for the office of diakonoi; that is, the external nature of
   the services chiefly rendered by them was not to be taken as
   sanctioning any merely external efficiency. The lowest service to be
   rendered to the Ecclesia and to its members would be a delusive and
   dangerous service if rendered by men, however otherwise active, who
   were not themselves moved by the faith on which the Ecclesia rested and
   governed by its principles. This however has nothing to do with
   teaching on the part of the diakonoi, to which there is no reference in
   the whole passage. On the other hand we may safely say that it would
   have been contrary to the spirit of the Apostolic age to prohibit all
   teaching on the part of any diakonoi who had real capacity of that
   kind. But this would be no part of their official duty, and so it
   naturally finds no mention here.

   The last verse, iii. 13, has been often understood to say that
   excellent discharge of the duties of a diakonos would rightly entitle
   him to promotion to a higher kind of work, doubtless that of an Elder.
   Bathmos undeniably means a step, and so might easily be used for a
   grade of dignity and function. But the rest of the verse renders this
   interpretation unnatural; and the true sense doubtless is that diakonoi
   by excellent discharge of their duties may win for themselves an
   excellent vantage ground, a "standing" (R.V.) a little, as it were,
   above the common level, enabling them to exercise an influence and
   moral authority to which their work as such could not entitle them.

   The words diakonos and diakonia.

   We must turn now to the word or words by which their function is
   designated. The primary sense of diakonos, as it meets us in Greek
   prose literature generally, is a servant or slave within the household,
   whose chief duty consists in waiting on his master at table, and
   sometimes in marketing for him. Originally perhaps he was a messenger:
   but if so, that sense was at least too obsolete long before the
   Christian era to be important to us. Further, to Greek [56] ears the
   word almost always seems to suggest relatively low kinds of offices,
   whether rendered (in the literal original sense) to a master, or
   (figuratively) to a state. Our word menial' nearly answers to the sense
   thus practically predominant. It is a strange mistake of Archbishop
   Trench's (his article on this word and its synonyms being indeed
   altogether less careful than usual) to say that 8talcovos does not
   represent the servant in his relation to a person. The true proper
   Greek sense is preserved in several places of the Gospels, e.g. Lk.
   xii. 37, "he shall gird himself, and make them sit down to meat, and
   shall come and serve them" (diakonesei autois); or again, xxii. 26 f.
   And this last passage leads to what is really the same sense in the
   great saying (Mt. xx. 28 || Mk.), "The Son of man came not to be
   ministered unto but to minister."

   One great exception there is to the Greek contempt for all pertaining
   to a diakonos, but it is an exception in appearance only, it is used of
   Athenian statesmen who had saved their country. Aristeides [57] refuses
   to call them diakonoi of the state, but will gladly call them diakonoi
   of the Saviour Gods who had used their instrumentality; and in several
   remarkable passages Epictetus (Diss. iii. 22, 69; 24, 65; iv. 7, 20;
   cf. iii. 26, 28) makes it the truest dignity of a man to be a diakonos
   of God. The Gospel gave the word a still higher consecration of the
   same kind. The Christian, even more than the Jew, felt himself to be
   the servant of a heavenly Lord, nay of a Lord who had taken on Himself
   the form of a servant; and thus for Him every grade and pattern of
   service was lifted into a higher sphere. It would be superfluous to
   enumerate the passages in which men are called diakonoi of God or of
   Christ, the least obvious being Rom. xiii. 4, when the civil magistrate
   bears this title. Ministration thus became one of the primary aims of
   all Christian actions (cf. Eph. iv. 12; 1 Pet. iv. 10 f.; 1 Cor. xii.
   5; Rom. xii. 7). Apostleship, the highest form of ministration, is
   repeatedly designated thus (Acts i. 17, 25; xx. 24; xxi. 19; 2 Cor. iv.
   1; v. 18; vi. 3 (cf. 4); Rom. xi. 13); sometimes with the special
   reference ministration "of the Gospel" (Eph. iii. 7; Col. i. 23); or
   "of the Ecclesia" (Col. i. 25). But naturally Apostleship does not
   stand alone in this respect. In 1 Cor. iii. 5 St Paul calls Apollos and
   himself alike diakonoi through whose instrumentality the Corinthians
   had believed. In 2 Tim. iv. 5 Timothy is bidden, "Be thou sober in all
   things, suffer hardship, do the work of an evangelist, bring to
   fulfilment (plerophoreson) thy ministration"; and the Colossian
   Christians (Col. iv. 17) are bidden to tell Archippus, "Look to the
   ministration which thou receivedst in the Lord, that thou fulfil it"
   (plerois).

   Again, there are a few passages in which the words are used very
   differently, viz. for ministrations rendered not to God but to St Paul
   himself. Thus Acts xix. 22 calls Timothy and Erastus duo ton
   diakonounton auto) on the occasion of his sending them forward from
   Ephesus to Macedonia. It is probably in the same sense that Tychicus is
   called not only a beloved brother but a faithful diakonos in the Lord
   (Eph. vi. 21; Col. iv. 7). So in 2 Tim. (iv. 11) St Paul calls Mark
   right useful to himself eis diakonian, and tells Philemon (13) how he
   had purposed to keep with him Onesimus hina huper sou moi diakone in
   the bonds of the Gospel; and appeals to Timothy's knowledge (2 Tim. i.
   18) how great had been the ministrations of Onesiphorus at Ephesus,
   evidently (as the context shews) chiefly though perhaps not exclusively
   to St Paul himself.

   It is doubtful whether this last ministration of Onesiphorus to St Paul
   was by public labours of some kind or by personal attendance and help
   to St Paul as a man. At all events this latter sense is likewise amply
   represented in the Acts and Epistles with reference to the supply of
   material wants, thus connecting itself directly with what we saw to be
   the most exact sense of these words in Greek daily life. A specially
   interesting passage for our purpose is Acts vi. 1, 2, 6, the account of
   the institution of the Seven at Jerusalem. The widows of the
   Greek-speaking Jews, we hear, had been neglected (en te diakonia te
   kathemerine), the daily provision of food for the poor at a common
   table. The Twelve object to leaving the Word of God in order diakonein
   trapezais, and propose by the appointment of the Seven to be able to
   devote themselves to prayer and te diakonia tou logou. This last phrase
   is probably used in intentional antithesis to the ministration of
   tables or of meat and drink, to indicate that the Twelve were not
   refusing to accept the evangelical function of ministering, but only to
   neglect the ministration of the higher sustenance for the sake of the
   lower sustenance. In Acts xi. 29, xii. 25, the mission of Barnabas and
   Saul from Antioch to carry help to the brethren of Judea in the famine
   is called a diakonia; and St Paul himself several times uses the same
   word, usually with tois hagiois or eis tous hagious added, for the
   Gentile collections for a similar purpose which occupied so much of his
   thoughts at a later time (Rom. xv. 25, 31; 2 Cor. viii. 4; ix. 1, 12,
   13).

   Another instructive passage is 1 Cor. xvi. 15, "Now I beseech you,
   brethren (ye know the house of Stephanas, that it is a firstfruit of
   Achaia, and [that] they laid themselves out eis diakonian tois
   hagiois), -- [I beseech you] that ye also be subject (hupotassesthe) to
   such, and to everyone that helpeth in the work and laboureth." These
   words suggest that Stephanas was a wealthy or otherwise influential
   Corinthian who with his household made it his aim to use his position
   for the benefit of Christians travelling to Corinth from a distance,
   all of whom in Apostolic language were saints or holy, as all alike
   members of a holy community, and consecrated to a holy life. Services
   like these rendered by a man of social eminence made it good for the
   members of the Corinthian Ecclesia to look up to him as a leader. He
   was in fact affording an example of what St Paul meant by ho
   proistamenos in Rom. xii. 8. The same kind of service is implied under
   other words in what is said of Prisca and Aquila in Rom. xvi. 3 f. And
   so we come to Phoebe, the subject of the two preceding verses, Rom.
   xvi. i f. "But I commend to you," St Paul writes, "Phoebe our sister,
   who is also a diakonos of the Ecclesia that is at Cenchrea; that ye
   receive her in the Lord worthily of the saints, and that ye assist her
   in whatsoever matter she may have need of you: for she herself also
   shewed herself a prostatis (patroness) of many, and of mine own self."
   These last words shew pretty plainly that Phoebe was a lady of wealth,
   or position. She had been a prostatis of many, including St Paul. It is
   most unlikely that St Paul would have applied to her a word suggestive
   of the kind of help and encouragement given by wealthy benevolent
   people to dependents or helpless strangers if she had been only a
   humble member of the community, who shewed kindness, to other
   Christians no more favourably placed. We may safely conclude that what
   Stephanas had done at Corinth she had done at Cenchreæ, its seaport on
   the east, nine miles off. But if this was her position, it is certainly
   possible, but hardly likely, that diakonon tes ekklesias etc. means "a
   deaconess of the Ecclesia that is at Cenchreæ." The kai before
   diakonon, which is almost certainly genuine, points likewise to this
   term as conveying not a mere fact about Phoebe but a second ground of
   commendation parallel to her being one whom St Paul admitted to the
   distinction of being called his sister (as he spoke of Timothy and
   others as ho adelphos). Hence we may naturally take it in the ordinary,
   not the later technical sense, as one who ministered to the Ecclesia at
   Cenchrea, the nature of the ministration being described in the next
   verse. To call her a diakonon meant thus what was meant by saying that
   the house of Stephanas laid themselves out eis diakonian. One passage
   more, from a later writer, remains. The Hebrews are assured (Heb. vi.
   10) that "God will not forget their work and the love which they
   shewed, looking unto His name, in that they had ministered to the
   saints, and still did minister."

   The function of Deacons' in Ephesus.

   It can hardly be doubted that the officers of the Ephesian ekklesia,
   who in 1 Tim. are called diakonoi, had for their work in like manner,
   chiefly, perhaps even exclusively, the help of a material kind which
   the poorer or more helpless members of the body received from the
   community at large. It is difficult to account for the word, used thus
   absolutely, in any other way. They would share with the Elders the
   honour and blessing of being recognised ministers of the Ecclesia. But
   that would be nothing distinctive. Ministration to the bodily wants of
   its needy members would be distinctive, and would obviously tally with
   the associations most familiar to Greek ears in connexion with the
   word. The analogy of the Seven at Jerusalem points the same way. There
   is, of course, no evidence for historical continuity between the Seven
   and either the Ephesian diakonoi or the developed order of Deacons of
   later times. The New Testament gives not the slightest indication of
   any connexion. But the Seven at Jerusalem would of course be well known
   to St Paul and to many others outside Palestine, and it would not be
   strange if the idea propagated itself. Indeed analogous wants might
   well lead to analogous institutions. There is very little reason to
   think that the diakonoi of 1 Tim. had its origin in Jewish usage. Some
   critics have been attracted by the similarity of title for the H?azân
   hakknêseth, or servant of the synagogue. He is doubtless the official
   called huperetes in Luke iv. 20. Now huperetes and diakonos are often
   used interchangeably (though huperetes is the vaguer word of the two),
   and Epiph. 135 A speaks of Hazaniton ton par' autois diakonon
   hermeneuomenon e hupereton. But the duties of the H?azân were
   different, and apparently confined to the walls of the synagogue.

   Still less could the office have had a heathen origin, despite the two
   inscriptions cited by Hatch p. 50, C.I.G. 1793 b. add. at Anactorium in
   Acarnania, where diakonos is one of ten offices evidently connected
   with sacrificial feasts, standing between mageiros and archoinochous;
   and 3037 at Metropolis in Lydia, where twice over we have a hiereus, a
   hiereia, a (female) diakonos, and two (male) diakonoi.

   In the Apostolic conception of an Ecclesia such a function as that of
   these Ephesian diakonoi had a sufficiently lofty side; the diakonoi
   were the main instruments for giving practical effect to the mutual
   sympathy of the members of the body.

   Had then the word already become technical when 1 Tim. was written? It
   is not easy to answer quite precisely. We cannot safely argue back from
   later usage without knowing whether later usage was affected by this
   very passage. But the office can hardly have been without a title from
   the first, and no other title for the office occurs in the Epistle,
   while St Paul evidently assumed no other designation or description to
   be necessary. It seems pretty certain, therefore, that diakonos was
   already a recognised title among the Christians of Ephesus. On the
   other hand it seems equally probable that in this context St Paul uses
   it with express reference to its ordinary associations in antithesis to
   episkopes and episkopon above. That is, he treats the two offices as
   characteristically offices, the one of government, the other of the
   reverse of government service'. How natural this contrast would seem to
   Greeks we can readily see by a passage of Aeschines (c. Ctesiph. 13)
   respecting the classification of public offices at Athens according to
   the authorities which elected or nominated to them. Thus tested, the
   lower class of offices, he says, is not an arche but epimeleia tis kai
   diakonia, and similarly, further on, he uses the phrase ou diakonein
   all' archein. Assuredly the episkope of the Elders would count as an
   arche or government, and thus the contrast would need no explicit
   comment.

   The salutation in Phil. i. 1.

   Let us now return for a moment to the salutation of Philippians, which
   it would have been unsatisfactory to consider in detachment from the
   illustration afforded by the Pastoral Epistles. "Paul and Timothy,
   servants of Christ Jesus to all the saints in Christ Jesus that are at
   Philippi, sun episkopois kai diakonois." If the verse stood alone, no
   one would hesitate before assuming that these are two titles of two
   offices, episkopoi and diakonoi. Of course it would not follow that
   episkopois bears here its later monarchical sense: the plural (being
   addressed to a single Ecclesia) and what is known of the arrangements
   of the Apostolic age generally would shew the office to be one shared
   by at least a plurality of persons in the same Ecclesia. But then we
   have to face the fact that this Epistle stands chronologically between
   St Paul's words at Miletus and his letter to Titus and I Tim., which
   agree in using episkopos, not as a title synonymous with the title
   presbuteros, Elder, but as a word describing the function of the
   persons entitled Elders. In other words, episkopois, if a title in
   Philipp. i. 1, would imply a more advanced state of things than that of
   the Pastoral Epistles. The clue to what seems the right interpretation
   is given by those thirteen verses of 1 Tim. iii. which we were
   considering lately. St Paul does not mean simply two different offices,
   but two contrasted offices, or (to speak more correctly) two contrasted
   functions, "with them that have oversight, and them that do service
   [minister]." On the common view he would be simply sending salutations
   to the two sets of men independently of the salutation to the saints'
   at Philippi generally: and in that case we might find it hard to
   explain why such a salutation is withheld in writing to other
   Ecclesiae. In reality he is probably thinking less of the men coming
   under either head than of the Ecclesia as a whole: these two functions
   are to him the main outward manifestations that the community of saints
   was indeed an organised body, needing and possessing government on the
   one side and service on the other. It would matter little how many
   offices there were, with or without titles, two, or three, or twenty.
   That was a matter of external arrangement, which might vary endlessly
   according to circumstances. The essential thing was to recognise the
   need of the two fundamental types of function.

   It might perhaps be suggested that sufficient account has not here been
   taken of the usage of early Christian writers outside the New
   Testament. But the fact is, their evidence is of little help. To the
   best of my belief the only place where thpiskopoi alone is used of
   Elders is in the Didache 15, "Choose therefore for yourselves to be
   episkopous kai diakonous men worthy of the Lord, meek, not lovers of
   money, etc."; where the precise nature of the usage is as ambiguous as
   in Philippians, from which Epistle indeed the combination is probably
   borrowed, whether rightly understood or not. On the other hand both
   Clement and Hennas use both episkopos and presbuteros, and apparently
   in just the same way as St Paul at Miletus and in the Pastoral
   Epistles: in Clem. 44 tou onomatos tes episkopes, as both Lightfoot and
   Harnack rightly assume, does not mean the title episkopos but the
   dignity attaching to the function of episkope, according to the
   frequent biblical sense of name'.

   Laying on of hands' in 1 Tim. v. 22.

   We have not quite done with the Pastoral Epistles, though nearly so.
   One verse should be mentioned here, because it has been so often
   understood in a sense bearing on this subject of offices in the
   Ecclesia, v. 22, "Lay hands hastily on no one, neither be in fellowship
   with sins of others: keep thyself pure." This verse stands next to the
   adjuration against the shewing of favour or prejudice by Timothy in his
   sanctioning special honour for some Elders, and himself receiving
   accusations and uttering rebukes in the case of others. It is followed
   by the verse bidding Timothy be no longer a water-drinker. Thus it
   stands between five verses relating to Elders and a single verse
   relating to Timothy's own imprudent adoption of a questionable form of
   hagneia or ceremonial purity. In this position the laying on of hands
   is by most commentators, as also by such Greek fathers as notice the
   verse, interpreted of ordination, i.e. of the Elders previously
   mentioned: the other equally familiar laying on of hands, that
   connected with baptism and eventually known as Confirmation, being
   evidently out of place here. This view is certainly possible, but it
   suits rather imperfectly the strong phrase "be not partaker in sins of
   others"; and it makes an additional precept about Elders come in after
   that solemn adjuration, the natural place of such a precept being
   before the adjuration. There is much greater probability in the view
   taken by some Latin fathers, by our own Hammond (who defends it at
   great length), and by a few recent critics, including Dr Ellicott, that
   the laying on of hands, the act symbolical of blessing, was here the
   act of blessing by which penitents were received back into the
   communion of the faithful (cf. 2 Cor. ii. 6 f.). The practice was
   certainly widely spread among Christians not more than four or five
   generations later, and as Hammond points out, the principle of it is
   involved in the laying on of hands on the sick accepted from others and
   practised by our Lord Himself repeatedly, as also by St Paul (Acts
   xxviii. 8), even as by Ananias in restoring St Paul's own sight (Acts
   ix. 12, 17), and probably implied in James v. 14 (proseuxasthosan ep'
   auton).

   Laying on of hands' in ordination.

   Neither here then nor elsewhere in the New Testament have we any
   information about the manner in which Elders were consecrated or
   ordained (the exact word matters little) to their office; the
   cheirotonesantes of Acts xiv. 23 having of course no reference to a
   solemn act of appointment but to the preceding choice, just as in 2
   Cor. viii. 19 cheirotonetheis means that Titus had been chosen by the
   Ecclesiae to travel with St Paul. The only passages of the New
   Testament in which laying on of hands is connected with an act
   answering to ordination are four, viz. Acts vi. 6, the laying on of the
   hands of the Twelve on the Seven at Jerusalem at their first
   appointment; Acts xiii. 3, the laying on of the hands of the
   representatives of the Ecclesia of Antioch on Barnabas and Saul in
   consequence of a prophetic monition sending them forth; and the two
   passages about Timothy, likewise, as we have lately seen, due in all
   probability to another prophetic monition sending him forth on a unique
   mission intimately connected with that former mission. Jewish usage
   [58] . in the case of Rabbis and their disciples renders it highly
   probable that (as a matter of fact) laying on of hands was largely
   practised in the Ecclesiae of the Apostolic age as a rite introductory
   to ecclesiastical office. But as the New Testament tells us no more
   than what has been already mentioned, it can hardly be likely that any
   essential principle was held to be involved in it. It was enough that
   an Ecclesia should in modern phrase be organised, or in the really
   clearer Apostolic phrase be treated as a body made up of members with a
   diversity of functions; and that all things should be done decently and
   in order.

   We must not stop now to examine the sixteen verses on widows which open
   chap. v., merely noticing the way in which the Christian community of
   Ephesus was at this time caring for its most helpless and at the same
   time deserving members. A widow of at least sixty fulfilling certain
   moral conditions, among others that of having laid herself out to help
   other members of the community in their needs, was to be placed on the
   roll (v. 9 katalegestho), evidently (see v. 16) the Ecclesia at large
   was to be charged with their support.
     __________________________________________________________________

   [54] See p. 220.

   [55] Or perhaps tale-bearers'; see Lightfoot on Polyc.

   [56] Two or three passages of Plato in particular bring out the
   association connected with it: Gorg. 518 A, 521A; Rep. 370 f. In Gorg.
   518 A we have the significant series of epithets douloprepeis te kai
   diakonikas kai aneleutherous. There are clear echoes of these passages
   in the same sense long after in Plut. Mor. II. 794 A and Aristeid.
   Orat. 46 (pp. 152f., 187, 193), and doubtless elsewhere; and the same
   feeling shews itself in a number of passages in Aristotle's Politics.

   [57] Orat. 46, pp. 198 f.

   [58] The transference of the Semichah to the Sanhedrin and Patriarch is
   of later date: see Hamburger, Art. Ordinirung ii. 883 ff. [The Semichah
   was the ceremony accompanying the appointment of a Rabbi and admission
   to the Sanhedrin. The root Samach is used of Moses laying his hands on
   Joshua at his appointment, Nu. xxvii. 18, 23 and of putting the hand on
   the sacrifices, Lev. i. 4, iv. 4, etc. See Buxtorf, Lex. 1498. Selden,
   de Synedriis ii. 7.]
     __________________________________________________________________

LECTURE XIII.

   BRIEF NOTES ON VARIOUS EPISTLES AND RECAPITULATION.

   Directions for public prayer in 1 Timothy.

   RETURNING for a moment to chap. ii., from the continuation of which in
   chap. iii. we have already learned so much, we come in its opening
   verses to the first part of the charge which St Paul was specially
   desirous to give now to Timothy for his guidance. For the worship of
   the Ecclesia this charge of intercession (ii. 1-4) takes precedence of
   all others. These various forms of prayer and thanksgivings are to be
   offered up by its members, and there is to be no exclusiveness in the
   subject of them. Christians are to pray not only for Christians and
   Christian communities, but for all mankind; then he adds (you will
   remember that Nero was reigning) "for kings and all that are in high
   places." The order of society, and those who had (as our Lord told
   Pilate) received authority over it from above, were not to be foreign
   to Christians' goodwill and prayers, much less to be hated and prayed
   against. This last monition repeats in another shape what had been
   written by St Paul to the Romans, the echo of which in few but forcible
   words is to be heard from St Peter. It inspires one of the most
   striking parts of the magnificent prayer contained in the newly
   recovered portion of Clement's Epistle, and the same strain sounds
   repeatedly in the Second Century. But that former monition about prayer
   for all mankind, with the reason given for it in vv. 3, 4, is even more
   characteristic of St Paul's conception of the function of the Ecclesia
   in the world. The prominence of the words meaning saving' in the
   Pastoral Epistles has often been noticed, and assuredly it is not
   accidental. Doubtless the various thoughts relating to Christ's
   relation to the universe, to humanity, and to the Ecclesia which found
   expression in Ephesians, indeed to a certain extent some years before
   in Rom. xi., were in themselves likely to deepen and expand St Paul's
   sense of saving as the comprehensive term to describe the Divine action
   upon and for mankind. But at the time when he wrote the Pastorals he
   was further, if I mistake not, under a peculiarly strong sense of the
   evil likely to penetrate into the Christians of Crete and Ephesus from
   Rabbinism, not from the old mistaken zeal for Law and Circumcision, but
   from the new casuistry and fabling of the Jewish doctors. This is I
   believe the key to various peculiarities of these Epistles, and not
   least to their frequent insistence on what was healthful ("sound") as
   opposed to a morbid occupation with unprofitable trifles (1 Tim. vi. 4,
   noson peri zeteseis, etc.). Now one marked characteristic of the
   rabbinical spirit was its bitter exclusiveness, the exclusiveness of
   men who, as St Paul told the Thessalonians (1 Thess. ii. 15 f.) were
   "contrary to all men, forbidding us to speak to the Gentiles that they
   may be saved." And so St Paul teaches the new Ecclesiae of God that He
   whom they worship is emphatically the Saviour God, who willeth that all
   men should be saved and come to the knowledge of truth, and thus leads
   them to feel that the work of an Ecclesia of His as towards the world
   is likewise to save; even as the Gospel which he was himself
   commissioned to preach to the Gentiles had for its subject Him who had
   given Himself a ransom not for His chosen people only but for all. This
   topic may seem not a little remote from the obviously ecclesiastical
   questions about Elders and Deacons; but it bears very closely on St
   Paul's conception of a Christian Ecclesia.

   Various evidence of James, 1 Peter, Hebrews, Apocalypse.

   St James's Epistle will not detain us long. To him the ideal twelve
   tribes of the ancient Israel, whether in Palestine or in the
   Dispersion, were still a reality though doubtless he reckoned none but
   Christians as rightly representing them. To the yet wider Christian
   Ecclesia he makes no reference. But he shews a true sense of what was
   meant by membership of an Ecclesia in the narrower sense. It is latent
   in his rebuke of the old misuse of the poor by the rich in the
   congregation for worship, still called synagogue' (chap. ii.). It comes
   out more clearly in the last chapter, where the fellowship of the whole
   body in one of its members who is sick and thus cut off from the rest,
   is expressed and made active by the intercessions of those who are
   expressly called not simply the Elders' but the Elders of the
   Ecclesia,' in this as in other ways the vehicles of the sympathy of the
   whole brotherhood; and where again the reality of this fraternal
   relation is at once tested and strengthened not only by mutual
   intercession but by mutual confession of sins.

   St Peter can hardly be said to add any distinctly new element to what
   we have already found in St Paul, unless it be the bold but luminous
   comparison by which in ii. 4, 5, instead of filling out the image of a
   body with thoughts connected with building, he boldly substitutes the
   building as the primary image, shaping it to his purpose by adding the
   thought of living stones "coming to" a living corner-stone. But he sets
   forth with special vividness the prerogatives of God's new or Christian
   Ecclesia as having now succeeded to the ancient titles of Israel (ii.
   4-10; see especially his use of the ancient designation of Israel as a
   kingly priesthood); and again the conception of various charismata (iv.
   9 f.) to be ministered to all by the several members of the community
   as stewards of a manifold grace of God. The first four verses of chap.
   v. must be addressed to Elders' in the usual official sense, for they
   speak of "the flock of God" and of "the chief shepherd," and lay down
   instructions for the right tending of the flock. But St Peter seems to
   join with this the original or etymological sense when he calls himself
   a fellow-elder, apparently as one who could bear personal testimony to
   the Christ's sufferings, and when (v. 5) he bids the younger be subject
   to the elder. (For a similar combination see Polycarp 5, 6, where
   neoteros comes between deacons and elders.)

   Hebrews I shall venture to pass over. The relations of its teaching to
   our primary subject are complicated by the peculiarity of the position
   of the Christians of Palestine at the time. No one can miss the
   indications of a spirit of brotherhood in chap. xiii., or its allusions
   to rulers of the Ecclesia vaguely called hoi hegoumenoi.

   The Apocalypse I must still more reluctantly pass over, or nearly so,
   from sheer want of time. In i. 6; v. 10, we have the Hebrew form of
   that phrase of Exodus which St Peter repeated from the LXX. The seven
   Ecclesiae of Asia met us once before; and we must leave them now
   without remark. Perhaps the most interesting point in relation to our
   subject is the vividness and elaboration with which the representation
   of the new Ecclesia as the true Israel is worked out, especially in
   chapters vii., xxi. It is especially noteworthy that in chap. vii., if
   I mistake not, the twelve thousand from every tribe, described as
   spoken of by the angel, not as seen by John, are identical with the
   great multitude which his eyes beheld, the actual multitude out of
   every nation and tribe etc., the members of a now universal Ecclesia.

   On St James's last days I should like to have said a little more: but
   the most essential points respecting him had to be examined in
   connexion with the Jerusalem conference; and what remains, though it
   belongs to the Apostolic age, belongs also to literature outside the
   New Testament, and so may fitly find a place elsewhere if I should be
   permitted to lecture on the remaining part of our subject another time.

   As regards St John's later writings it must suffice to remind you once
   more of chapters xiii.-xvii. of the Gospel as on the whole the
   weightiest and most pregnant body of teaching on the Ecclesia to be
   found anywhere in the Bible.

   Problems of the Second Century and later.

   Here I fear we must break off the examination of the several Epistles,
   this being the last lecture of the course. At the outset I had hoped at
   least to be able to deal with the chief ecclesiastical problems of the
   Second Century, with the material of this kind supplied by Clement of
   Rome and Hernias, the Didache of the Apostles, Ignatius and Polycarp,
   Justin Martyr and Irenæus (to name only the chief names). I wished
   especially to shew how much of the controversial differences of later
   ages on this subject had their root in the actual necessary experience
   of those early days, and in the natural falling apart of ideas which in
   the Apostolic writings are combined and complementary to each other.
   Without some clear thoughts on these matters it is impossible to
   understand the real significance of the enormous changes which had
   begun indeed before the end of the Second Century, but which for the
   most part belong to a later time (for the West the names of Cyprian,
   Ambrose, and Augustine will be sufficiently representative). I can do
   no more now than ask you to think of the different lights in which
   Church membership might naturally present itself, first when Christians
   were only scattered sojourners in the midst of a suspicious and often
   hostile population; next, when they had become, though a minority, yet
   an important and a tolerated minority; then when they were set on a
   place of vantage by the civil power, and so were increased by hosts of
   mere timeservers; and lastly when they had come to constitute
   practically the whole population, and a Christian world had come into
   existence. The fundamental perplexing fact throughout was the paradox
   of a holy Ecclesia consisting in part of men very unholy. In at least
   three great sectarian movements of the early ages this is an important
   element, in Montanism, Novatianism, Donatism: but the fundamental
   thoughts which in this respect governed these movements are to be found
   in the writings of justly venerated Fathers.

   This is all that I can attempt to say now. If I am permitted to lecture
   in the Michaelmas Term of next year, and no strong reason for
   preferring another subject intervenes, I shall hope to carry forward
   the beginning made this term.

   Recapitulation.

   In the few remaining minutes I should be glad to gather up with extreme
   brevity some of the leading results at which we seem to have arrived
   thus far. The greater part of our time has been taken up with what
   belongs to the early history rather than the early conceptions of the
   Christian Ecclesia, but, as was to be expected, what the Gospels
   offered us belongs almost wholly to the region of conceptions.

   The one single saying in which our Lord names the new or Christian
   Ecclesia marks at once its continuity with the Ecclesia of Israel and
   its newness as His own, the Messiah's, Ecclesia. It marks also its
   unity. Lastly it marks its being built on Peter and the other eleven,
   now ascertained to be fit for this function of foundations by the faith
   in which they had recognised His Messiahship. We saw how the last
   evening before the Passion, the evening on which began the transition,
   so to speak, from the Ministry of Christ to the Ministry of His
   Ecclesia, was one long unfolding of the inner nature of the Ecclesia,
   by the feast of Holy Communion (as in Matthew, Mark, Luke), and (as in
   St John) by the symbolic feetwashing, the conversations and discourses
   which followed (especially the New Commandment, the Vine and the
   Branches, and the promise of the other Paraclete), and lastly the
   prayer that the disciples themselves, the representatives of the future
   Ecclesia of disciples, and all who should believe on Him through their
   word, may be One; with the assurance that as the Father sent Him into
   the world, so He Himself sent them into the world; so that their work
   was not for themselves, but for the saving of mankind. So too for the
   new members of the Ecclesia of whom we read in the early chapters of
   Acts the condition of entrance is the same, personal faith leading to
   personal discipleship, discipleship to a now ascended Lord. And again
   the life lived is essentially a life of community, in which each felt
   himself to hold a trust for the good of all. At first the oneness of
   the Ecclesia is a visible fact due simply to its limitation to the one
   city of Jerusalem. Presently it enlarges and includes all the Holy
   Land, becoming ideally conterminous with the Jewish Ecclesia. But at
   length discipleship on a large scale springs up at Antioch, and so we
   have a new Ecclesia. By various words and acts the community of purpose
   and interests between the two Ecclesiae is maintained: but they remain
   two. Presently the Ecclesia of Antioch, under the guidance of the Holy
   Spirit speaking through one or more prophets, sets apart Barnabas and
   Paul and sends them forth beyond Taurus to preach the Gospel. They go
   first to the Jews of the Dispersion but have at last to turn to the
   Gentiles. On their way home they recognise or constitute Ecclesiae of
   their converts in the several cities and choose for them Elders. Thus
   there is a multiplication of single Ecclesiae. We need not trace the
   process further. We find St Paul cultivating the friendliest relations
   between these different bodies, and sometimes in language grouping
   together those of a single region: but we do not find him establishing
   or noticing any formal connexion between those of one region or between
   all generally. He does however work sedulously to counteract the
   imminent danger of a specially deadly schism, viz. between the
   Ecclesiae of Judea (as he calls them) and the Ecclesiae of the Gentile
   world. When the danger of that schism has been averted, he is able to
   feel that the Ecclesia is indeed One. Finally in Ephesians, and partly
   Colossians, he does from his Roman habitation not only set forth
   emphatically the unity of the whole body, but expatiate in mystic
   language on its spiritual relation to its unseen Head, catching up and
   carrying on the language of prophets about the ancient Israel as the
   bride of Jehovah, and suggest that this one Ecclesia, now sealed as one
   by the creating of the two peoples into one, is God's primary agent in
   His ever expanding counsels towards mankind.

   As regards the mutual relations between its members, these are set
   forth in many passages which are apt to be read only as belonging to
   ethics or to individual religion. We are apt to forget (1) that
   according to the New Testament (and especially Ephesians) the Christian
   life is the true human life, and that Christians become true men in
   proportion as they live up to it, (2) that the right relations between
   the members of the Christian Society or Ecclesia are simply the normal
   relations which should subsist between members of the human race, and
   therefore (3) that all the relations of life, being baptised into
   Christ, become parts and particular modes of Christian membership, and
   can be rightly acted out only under its conditions, while Christian
   fellowship further creates a bond, independent of the ordinary family
   and other such relations, which has a sacredness of its own. Hence the
   true life of the Ecclesia consists for the most part in the hourly and
   daily converse and behaviour of all its members, in just that element
   .of human existence, in short, which rarely crystallizes into what we
   call events, notable incidents such as find a place in histories. The
   Ecclesia as clothed with those high attributes set forth by St Paul is
   realised, as it were, in those monotonous homelinesses of daily living
   rather than in administration or business, though it were business of
   the highest kind, the formulation of creeds, or laws, or policies.

   While therefore matters belonging to what is called the organisation of
   the Ecclesia are undoubtedly an important part of the subject, it would
   be a serious mistake to treat them as the whole. There is indeed a
   certain ambiguity in the word organisation' as thus used. Nothing
   perhaps has been more prominent in our examination of the Ecclesiae of
   the Apostolic age than the fact that the Ecclesia itself, i.e.
   apparently the sum of all its male adult members, is the primary body,
   and, it would seem, even the primary authority. It may be that this
   state of things was in some ways a mark of immaturity; and that a
   better and riper organisation must of necessity involve the creation of
   more special organs of the community. Still the very origin and
   fundamental nature of the Ecclesia as a community of disciples renders
   it impossible that the principle should rightly become obsolete. In a
   word we cannot properly speak of an organisation of a community from
   which the greater part of its members are excluded. The true way, the
   Apostolic way, of regarding offices or officers in the Ecclesia is to
   regard them as organs of its corporate life for special purposes: so
   that the offices of an Ecclesia at any period are only a part of its
   organisation, unless indeed it unhappily has no other element of
   organisation.

   In the Apostolic age we have seen that the offices instituted in the
   Ecclesia were the creation of successive experiences and changes of
   circumstance, involving at the same time a partial adoption first of
   Jewish precedents by the Ecclesia of Judea, and then apparently of
   Judean Christian precedents by the Ecclesiae of the Dispersion and the
   Gentiles. There is no trace in the New Testament that any ordinances on
   this subject were prescribed by the Lord, or that any such ordinances
   were set up as permanently binding by the Twelve or by St Paul or by
   the Ecclesia at large. Their faith in the Holy Spirit and His perpetual
   guidance was too much of a reality to make that possible.

   The Apostles, we have seen, were essentially personal witnesses of the
   Lord and His Resurrection, bearing witness by acts of beneficent power
   and by word, the preaching of the kingdom. Round this, their definite
   function, grew up in process of time an indefinite authority, the
   natural and right and necessary consequence of their unique position.
   It is difficult to think how the early Ecclesia of Judea could possibly
   have staggered on without that apostolic authority; but it came to the
   Apostles by the ordinary action of Divine Providence, not (so far as we
   can see) by any formal Divine Command. The government which they thus
   exercised was a genuine government, all the more genuine and effectual
   because it was in modern phrase constitutional: it did not supersede
   the responsibility and action of the Elders or the Ecclesia at large,
   but called them out. About the exceptional position of James there will
   be a word to say just now.

   The Apostles were not in any proper sense officers of the Ecclesia. The
   first officers who are definitely mentioned are the Seven. I need not
   repeat the precise purpose of their appointment. It was for a strictly
   subordinate and external function, though men of wisdom and a holy
   spirit were needed for it. Of officers in some respects analogous under
   the name diakonoi, ministrants, deacons, we have been hearing at
   Ephesus in 1 Tim., and at least in some sense at Philippi.

   But though the Seven of Jerusalem are the first officers mentioned, we
   found reason to suspect that of still earlier date (certainly not much
   later) were the Elders. This apparently universal institution, for
   administration and in part for teaching, was adopted by Christians
   apparently universally. We have distinct evidence for it in the New
   Testament at Jerusalem, in Lycaonia, at Ephesus, in Crete, and probably
   at Thessalonica: it is mentioned in the Epistles of St James addressed
   to Jewish Christians of the whole Dispersion, and of St Peter addressed
   to the Christians of Asia Minor. Of officers higher than Elders we find
   nothing that points to an institution or system, nothing like the
   episcopal system of later times. In the New Testament the word
   episkopos as applied to men, mainly, if not always, is not a title, but
   a description of the Elder's function. On the other hand the
   monarchical principle, which is the essence of episcopacy receives in
   the Apostolic age a practical though a limited recognition, not so much
   in the absolutely exceptional position of St Peter in the early days at
   Jerusalem, or the equally exceptional position of St Paul throughout
   the Ecclesiae of his own foundation, as in the position ultimately held
   by St James at Jerusalem, and also to a limited extent in the temporary
   functions entrusted by St Paul to Timothy and Titus when he left them
   behind for a little while to complete arrangements begun by himself at
   Ephesus and in Crete respectively.

   In this as in so many other things is seen the futility of endeavouring
   to make the Apostolic history into a set of authoritative precedents,
   to be rigorously copied without regard to time and place, thus turning
   the Gospel into a second Levitical Code. The Apostolic age is full of
   embodiments of purposes and principles of the most instructive kind:
   but the responsibility of choosing the means was left for ever to the
   Ecclesia itself, and to each Ecclesia, guided by ancient precedent on
   the one hand and adaptation to present and future needs on the other.
   The lesson-book of the Ecclesia, and of every Ecclesia, is not a law
   but a history.
     __________________________________________________________________

THE SENSE AND SERVICE OF MEMBERSHIP THE MEASURE OF TRUE SOUNDNESS IN THE BODY.

   A SERMON PREACHED IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY AT BISHOP WESTCOTT'S
   CONSECRATION, ON THE FESTIVAL OF ST PHILIP AND ST JAMES, 1890.

  EPHESIANS iv. 12, 13.

   For the perfecting of the saints unto the work of ministering, unto the
   building up of the body of Christ; till we all attain unto the unity of
   the faith and of the knowledge of the Son of God.

   THESE words are spoken to us out of the past, a past which is in one
   sense becoming ever more remote. Already the nineteenth of the
   centuries which are reckoned from the coming of Christ our Lord is
   drawing perceptibly near to its end. The long interval which actually
   separates us from the Apostolic age grows unremittingly longer; while
   the sense of distance gains steadily in force with the knowledge that
   the human race, within and without Christendom, is setting forth on new
   and untrodden ways.

   Yet this remoteness of time and of circumstance is swallowed up in a
   greater nearness. It is hardly too bold to say that through all these
   centuries no generation of Christians has had the Apostolic writings so
   nigh to them as our own. That instinctive turning to the primary
   deposit of Christian truth, which has often been noticed as an
   accompaniment of times of religious convulsion and perplexity, could
   hardly fail to be called forth to an unwonted degree by these later
   days. Other influences have been at work in the same direction with
   perhaps equal power. The study of the New Testament by professed
   students has been pursued for many years with increased carefulness,
   circumspection, and regard for evidence. What is more important still,
   the Apostolic epistles have been gaining immeasurably in freshness and
   felt reality by the growing anxiety to read them in the light of the
   personal and historical circumstances out of which they sprang. With
   good reason Christian men have looked to them for present help, true
   though it be that they belong to a single age, and to peculiar
   conjunctures of outward and inward events. For that was indeed a chosen
   period in the world's history; and they whose words have been thus
   handed down for our instruction were chosen agents in the unique
   spiritual revolution which was then accomplished. Not a Divine
   enlightenment alone, but also a Divine ordering of the meeting and
   parting streams of human affairs, enabled epistles called forth by
   immediate needs to become a perpetual fountain of light; whether
   through teachings that in the letter were temporary, and therefore
   would call for varying embodiments of their spirit according to varying
   conditions, or through the setting forth of verities that by the very
   nature of their subject-matter are incapable of change.

   Among the books of the New Testament the Epistle to the Ephesians in
   particular has been of late years drawing to itself the earnest
   attention of many. Enigmatic as might be its language under this or
   that head, they have felt that it gave promise of at least a partial
   answer to some anxious perplexities of this present time, and of both
   sanction and guidance to some of its highest aspirations. It holds in
   truth a peculiar position among St Paul's epistles; and not in his
   epistles alone, but in the drama of his distinctive mission. No other
   writing of his is so little affected in shape or scope by temporary
   conditions of place or person. It is the harmonious outpouring of
   thoughts that had long been cherished, but had not as yet found right
   and profitable opportunity for full utterance; thoughts that doubtless
   had grown and ripened while they lay unspoken, and now had been kindled
   afresh by the conjuncture which had at length been reached in the
   Divine ordering of events; for now, after weary years of struggle and
   anxiety, what St Paul recognised as sure pledges for the essential
   unity and essential universality of the Church of Christ had been
   visibly bestowed from on high.

   Both St Paul's character and his work are grievously misjudged when
   they are interpreted exclusively by his zealous championship of Gentile
   liberties. This fidelity to the special trust which he had received was
   balanced by an anxiety to avert a breach between the Christians of
   Palestine, for whom the Law remained binding while the Temple was still
   standing, and the Gentile Christians of other lands; to promote kindly
   recognition on the one side and brotherly help on the other. Such a
   breach, he doubtless felt, would have cut Gentile Christianity away
   from its Divinely prepared base, and sent it adrift as a new religion
   founded by himself.

   Already in the Epistle to the Romans we find the two great sections of
   mankind ranged carefully on equal terms for condemnation and for
   salvation. St Paul's bitter heartache at his brethren's unbelief is
   quenched in his conviction that the gifts and the calling of God are
   without repentance, and in his faith in the riches of wisdom whereby
   God would make a way for His mercy at last. And then, looking in the
   face the more than possibility of death in the intended visit to
   Jerusalem which his plans for the preservation of unity required, he
   uses words of singular impressiveness to convey to the Romans the joy
   with which he would afterwards come among them, should he escape with
   his life. We all know by what an unexpected way God brought him to Rome
   at last, and that with the purpose of his visit to Jerusalem long
   accomplished.

   To this new vantage-ground St Paul had attained when he wrote the
   Epistle to the Ephesians. He wrote in the thankful sense that, first,
   the dreaded breach had been averted, and then that, through his having
   now been permitted to join in fellowship and work with the Christians
   of Rome, the Gospel to the Gentiles had in the person of its chosen
   representative obtained a footing in the imperial city, the centre of
   civilised mankind, and thus received, as it were, a pledge of a
   world-wide destiny.

   The foundation of the teaching now poured forth by the Apostle to the
   beloved Ephesian Church of his own founding, and doubtless to other
   Churches of the same region, is laid in high mysteries of theology, the
   eternal purpose according to which God unrolled the course of the ages,
   with the coming of Jesus as Christ as their central event, and the
   summing up of all heavenly and earthly things in Him. That universal
   primacy of being ascribed to Him suggests His Headship in relation to
   the Church as His Body. Presently unity is ascribed to the Church from
   another side; not indeed a unity such as was sought after in later
   centuries, the unity of many separate Churches, but the unity created
   by the abolition of the middle wall of partition between Jew and
   Gentile in the new Christian society, a unity answering to the sum of
   mankind. Thus the Church was the visible symbol of the newly revealed
   largeness of God's purposes towards the human race, as well as the
   primary instrument for carrying them into effect. Its very existence,
   it seems to be hinted in the doxology which closes this part of the
   Epistle, was a warrant for believing that God's whole counsel was not
   even yet made known.

   From this doxology St Paul passes at once to the precepts of right
   living which he founds on the loftiness of the Christian calling. The
   great passage which gathers up seven unities of Christian faith and
   religion is but accessory to the exhortation to "give diligence to keep
   the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace"; in other words, to
   maintain earnestly the moral and spiritual basis of true Church
   membership. Then follows the correlative truth involved in Church
   membership, the place of the individual in the community. He is not to
   be lost in the community, as in so many societies of the ancient world.
   His individuality is not to be smoothed away and treated as some
   capricious blemish of nature. Rather it is to determine the character
   of his service. "But to each one of us" -- the words are studiously
   emphatic -- "to each one of us was given the grace according to the
   measure of the gift of Christ." Already St Paul has spoken of his own
   unique function of Apostle to the Gentiles as itself a "grace", a
   special gift of God bestowed upon him for the sake of the Gentiles; and
   now he claims the same Divine origin for the particular function of
   service which each member of the body was to render to the body or its
   other members. Then, with free adaptation of words from the Psalter, he
   points to the ascended Lord as the Giver of gifts "to men", and after a
   short digression applies them to certain typical classes of "gifts to
   men", gifts intended for the good of men. Some of the gifts which
   Christ bestowed from on high were apostles, and some prophets, -- the
   two types of exceptional and temporary functions; and some evangelists,
   and some pastors and teachers, -- two corresponding types of ordinary
   and permanent functions. Here St Paul breaks off his list of examples.
   In other epistles he classes with these as functions of service to be
   rendered by individual members of a Church works of a less definite and
   official character, while he treats all alike as so many different
   functions of Church membership. And so what is expressly said here of
   the men exercising the highest functions, the functions of Christian
   teaching, was doubtless meant to be believed for all functions alike;
   that the purpose for which God "gave" them was "the perfecting of the
   saints unto a work of ministering, unto the building up of the body of
   Christ."

   The perfecting here spoken of is chiefly the training of stunted powers
   or organs into their proper activity. It is a process of culture and
   development, but not with the man himself for its ideal end. Its end is
   "a work of ministering", some form of service to be rendered to others.
   For ministering is the one universal function of all "saints", all
   individual members of the Church, the common element in all functions.

   But this various perfecting of the individual members for their several
   works of ministering had a single end beyond itself, even "the building
   of the body of Christ". The body of Christ was there already, but it
   was ever needing to be more and more "built", to be "compacted" in
   constant renewal in such wise as best to aid the flow of life from "the
   Head" through "every part", and make provision for a ceaseless
   "growth".

   But beyond the long process St Paul contemplates the end, "till we all
   attain unto the unity of the faith and of the knowledge of the Son of
   God." Till all have attained this unity, the unity which governs life
   and thought when, first, the faith of the Son of God, and then the
   learning of what is wrapped up in that faith, are lifting them out of
   distraction, the building of the body of Christ must go on, the
   perfecting of its several members for a work of ministering must be the
   aim of its wisest members.

   Such is the vision of the Church in which St Paul saw the appointed
   instrument for the fulfilment of his own best hopes for mankind, and
   which he desired to bequeath to his most cherished converts, that it
   might expand their faith and uplift the purpose of their lives. Can we
   now say that this vision has been clearly present to the minds of even
   the leaders of the Church through the intervening centuries? Is it not
   rather in no small degree one of those truths which the new reading of
   the Bible by the light of new questionings is now causing to be newly
   discerned? Can it be doubted that from an early time a disproportion
   grew up among men's various thoughts concerning the Church, so that St
   Paul's fundamental teaching concerning it receded into the background,
   becoming little more than a single conventional item of Christian
   ethics? Such a change in the proportion observed in thought would be
   the natural, almost the inevitable, outcome of the corresponding change
   in the proportion observed in actual policy and practice. It is easy to
   understand how the most pressing difficulties and dangers of the
   several Churches would come to be met with the most obviously
   compendious and effective resources, without adequate regard to the
   less obtrusive and more delicate yet also more vital elements of Church
   life. In a word, in carrying out the necessary work of building itself
   up as a corporation, the Church would have needed rare and far-seeing
   wisdom indeed to save it from unconsciously giving insufficient heed to
   building itself up as a true body.

   Whatever the truth may be respecting the forces that were at work in
   those ancient days which still exercise so subtle and manifold a power
   over the minds and ways of Christians, the present state of things is
   not less the result of other influences belonging to far later
   centuries. Thus much at least is too sadly evident that, be the causes
   what they may, St Paul's teaching, which we have been considering
   to-day, obtains but a secondary part in both the theory and the
   practice of our Church membership. And if so, can we desire a better
   ground for hope and consolation than the fact that this mighty resource
   still cries out to be tried, a resource which by its very nature
   proclaims its conformity with all that is most full of life within the
   Churches of Christendom, and with the purest among the aspirations of
   the uneasy multitude who as yet refuse the fellowship of the Gospel?

   On so vast a theme it would be unbecoming here to go beyond the barest
   suggestion of some general lines of thought. The most obvious need of
   all is the need of a conscious and joyful sense of membership as taught
   by St Paul, its dignity and its responsibilities, to be felt by men,
   women, and children, in every position and of every degree. Were this
   sense present in many, did many feel it imparting an unimagined life to
   every Holy Communion, and receiving back an unimagined life in double
   measure, it would readily find modes of expressing itself in individual
   and social action; and in due time more fixed and systematic forms of
   service would come into use, while the service of each lesser unity
   would go to make up the service of some greater unity in a manifold
   order. But it is in the widest sphere that this sense of membership,
   and this practice of it, would perhaps be most powerful for good. Did
   sincere Christians habitually recognise that they were united not
   merely by a common faith, but by membership of one world-wide society
   built upon that faith, they could hardly be content with a fitful and
   trifling use of their collective responsibilities to other men.

   The experience of the last few years has shown how little salutary
   force could permanently be looked for in what is called a Christian
   world, a realm of habit and language sustained of late for the most
   part by vague and aimless convention, though permeated by Christian
   sentiment, and partly derived in the first instance from Christian
   traditions. For now, helped by the right and wise tolerance which
   Christians have been learning to practise, many who have lost their
   Christian faith, or grown up in estrangement from it, are relinquishing
   usages in which it is expressed or presupposed. A yet graver fact is
   the increasing acquiescence of Christian households in similar licence
   for themselves. And these are but tokens and ready examples of a
   chaotic condition which is spreading deeply under the surface of
   society. Remedies might no doubt be found without going beyond the
   accustomed lines. The press, the pulpit, the lecture-room, the school,
   the home, may all afford opportunities for wholesome and temperate
   guidance. But what we have to deal with is not a teaching, such as
   might be encountered by another teaching. It is a confused and
   disorganised state, affecting to a greater or less degree the whole
   inward being of men, the whole range of their conduct. Here the one
   entirely fitting corrective must surely be looked for in the harmonious
   and effectual working of a common life, inspired by a common faith;
   even the common life and common faith of a community of men whose eyes
   have been opened to the reality and claims of the fellowship which
   embraces them.

   But again, though this corrective action of the Church as a community
   is what is most evidently invited by present necessities, we can never
   forget that it is but one side of its positive mission of bringing home
   to all mankind the light and the life of which it has been permitted
   itself to partake. Here the Apostolic word transcends our narrow
   horizon. We can but rest on the assurance that the universal mission of
   the Church springs from the same counsels as the universality of the
   redemption.

   Doubtless it may be feared by some that the office which has seemed to
   be marked out for the Church as a community by its Apostolic
   credentials is one that could not in practice be exercised without
   danger to the spiritual liberties of mankind. The yoke of petty
   religious communities, where such have existed, has sometimes been
   undeniably heavy in former days, and the yoke of more powerful
   religious communities might be regarded as likely to be hereafter found
   yet heavier. Some again might doubt whether the sphere thus assigned to
   the Church as a community is not altogether wider than the region of
   human nature with which it is naturally and properly conversant. The
   answer to both these grave doubts is given implicitly by the breadth of
   aim and interest which a Church taught by the Apostles must needs claim
   for itself. The story of those small communities of like-minded men,
   possessed by a dark theory of God's dealings with men, and of the kind
   of service which He requires of them, can tell us little of what may be
   expected from large and composite communities of the future,
   enlightened by those riper conceptions of the province of religion
   which have been granted to these later times. Through the same better
   teaching we have come to learn that the rightful province of the Church
   can be no narrower than the entire world of humanity, because God in
   Christ has claimed for His kingdom all things human except the evil
   that corrupts them, has included all things in the range of service
   well pleasing to Himself, and has set His special seal of recognition
   on the service rendered to mankind. Nor is it otherwise with the ideal
   which a Church should hold up to its members and to those without; for
   the true Christian life has no special or limited type, being in very
   deed the true human life, seen in relation to the true Lord and Saviour
   of man's whole being.

   If it is true that the essential relations of life and service between
   the members of a Church one with another, or of each with the whole,
   have been obscured by the greater permanence and definiteness of what
   we are accustomed to call its organisation, yet a reviving sense of
   their true purport, leading the way to temperate effort to put it in
   practice, need involve no real breach with the past, no subversion of
   long venerated order. All true progress in the future must be
   conditioned by an intelligent use, not of the Apostolic writings alone,
   but of the varied stores of experience with which the Church of Christ
   has been enriched in each successive period of its long and changeful
   existence. On the other hand it could hardly be that a revival of
   varied corporate service, in which the members at large had their
   several parts, could fail to make itself felt in that province of
   service which belongs to organisation. Sooner or later none could be
   blind to the imperfection, the weakness, the barren divorce from
   sustaining sympathies, which must cling to an organisation in which the
   greater part of the members of the community have no personal share.

   Thoughts akin to these must surely be present to the minds of many
   worshippers in this ancient house of God to-day. We are encompassed by
   the walls and treasured memorials which repeat to hearing ears what
   noble works the Lord God of our fathers has done in their days and in
   the old time before them. In a sanctuary thus doubly hallowed, can we
   believe that in the time to come He will leave this Church and "kingly
   commonwealth of England" unblessed with the full richness of those
   "gifts" of His "to men," all pointing to that one gift of the Son of
   His love out of which they flow? Uplifted and yet more humbled by those
   memories, dare we doubt that, save through our own faithlessness or
   sinful shortcomings, it will in one way or another be granted to this
   our ancestral community to heal the sorest breaches of our nation, to
   learn and to teach the way of inward and of outward peace?

   But if these voices from our own English past give response to the
   message which has been speaking to us from the height of the Apostolic
   age, the occasion which gathers us together as one congregation has
   another concordant voice of its own. We are met together from north and
   from south, from the old Northumbrian diocese and the central capital
   of the realm and many a scattered parish, to join in the act of worship
   by which a Chief Pastor of the Church is to be hallowed for his office
   to-day; for the office which, more than any other, links past and
   present visibly together; the office which, varying in prerogatives and
   in sphere of action from age to age, is now more perhaps than ever
   before the organ of active unity, the chief power by which all
   scattered powers that make for building up are drawn forth and
   directed.

   In commending him now to your prayers, I find my lips sealed by a
   sacred friendship of forty years from speaking as I might otherwise
   perhaps have desired to do. But in truth there can be little need that
   a single voice should attempt to utter what is already in the mind of
   thousands. Yet a few words must be ventured on for the sake of others.
   One who has laboured unceasingly to bring his countrymen face to face
   with the New Testament Scriptures; one for whom Christian truth is the
   realm of light from which alone the dwellers on earth receive whatever
   power they have to read the riddle of the world or choose their own
   steps aright; one to whom the Christian society is almost as a
   watchword, and who hears in every social distress of the times a cry
   for the help which only a social interpretation of the Gospel can give;
   such a one assuredly will not fail to find channels by which these and
   other like "gifts" from the ascended Giver may flow forth for the
   common good.

   Under these auspices he goes forth to carry forward the enterprise
   which has dropped from the hands of the cherished friend, united with
   him as in a common work and purpose so as the object of reverent love
   and trustful hope. There must be many present here to-day whose
   recollections of the twin day eleven years ago are full of the echoes
   of some of the words then spoken from this pulpit. What other last
   words could speak to us now with so grateful a sacredness?

   The pilgrims' psalm which was then made to guide our thoughts "brings
   before us," we heard, "the grace and the glory of sacrifice, of
   service, of progress, where God alone, the Lord of Hosts, is the source
   and the strength and the end of effort. . . . . . The Lord God is a sun
   to illuminate and a shield to protect. In the pilgrimage of worship
   that which is personal becomes social. The trust of the believer passes
   into the trust of the Church. The expectation of one is fulfilled in
   the joy of all." "There must be in the outward life," we were finally
   reminded, "checks, lonelinesses, defects. We cannot always keep at the
   level of our loftiest thoughts. But for the soul which offers itself to
   God, which accepts -- because it is His will -- the burden of command,
   which claims -- because it is His promise -- the spirit of counsel and
   the spirit of prophecy, the words shall be fulfilled through the
   discipline of disappointment and the joy of sacrifice, from strength to
   strength.

   "O Lord God of Hosts, blessed is the man that putteth his trust in
   Thee." [59]
     __________________________________________________________________

   [59] From strength to strength: a Sermon preached . . . at the
   consecration of J. B. Lightfoot . . .  by B. F. Westcott . . . , 1879
   and 1890, pp. 3, 18.
     __________________________________________________________________

                                    Indexes
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Scripture References

   Exodus

   [1]12:1-51   [2]12:6   [3]15:13   [4]15:16

   Leviticus

   [5]1:4   [6]4:4   [7]4:13   [8]26:1-46

   Numbers

   [9]10:2   [10]12:7   [11]14:5   [12]16:3   [13]27:18   [14]27:23

   Deuteronomy

   [15]22:24   [16]32:5   [17]33:12

   Judges

   [18]20:2

   1 Kings

   [19]8:1-66

   2 Chronicles

   [20]5:6

   Psalms

   [21]2:2   [22]27:10   [23]68:18   [24]74:2   [25]74:2

   Proverbs

   [26]1:5   [27]5:14

   Song of Solomon

   [28]10:7-8

   Isaiah

   [29]49:1   [30]54:5   [31]66:1

   Jeremiah

   [32]2:2   [33]24:6   [34]26:17   [35]33:7   [36]42:10

   Amos

   [37]9:11

   Matthew

   [38]9:35   [39]10:1   [40]10:1   [41]10:1-42   [42]10:5-6   [43]10:18
   [44]10:23   [45]11:1   [46]16:18   [47]16:18   [48]18:17   [49]19:28
   [50]20:17   [51]20:17   [52]20:28   [53]25:1-46   [54]26:14
   [55]26:20   [56]26:20   [57]26:47   [58]28:16   [59]28:16-20
   [60]28:19

   Mark

   [61]1:14-34   [62]1:39   [63]3:13-16   [64]6:7   [65]6:12-13
   [66]6:30   [67]6:30   [68]9:35   [69]10:32   [70]10:45   [71]11:11
   [72]13:9   [73]14:10   [74]14:17   [75]14:20   [76]14:43

   Luke

   [77]4:20   [78]6:12-17   [79]6:17-18   [80]9:1   [81]9:6   [82]9:10
   [83]9:12   [84]9:14   [85]9:16   [86]9:18   [87]12:37   [88]17:5
   [89]18:31   [90]21:12   [91]22:14   [92]22:26-27   [93]22:30
   [94]22:47   [95]24:9   [96]24:10   [97]24:33   [98]24:33-34
   [99]24:45-48   [100]24:49

   John

   [101]6:17   [102]6:59   [103]6:67   [104]6:70   [105]13:16
   [106]14:26   [107]15:26-27   [108]16:13-15   [109]17:20   [110]18:20
   [111]20:19-23   [112]20:24   [113]21:16

   Acts

   [114]1:1-2   [115]1:1-26   [116]1:2   [117]1:3   [118]1:4-5
   [119]1:8   [120]1:10   [121]1:13   [122]1:15   [123]1:17   [124]1:17
   [125]1:21-22   [126]1:25   [127]1:26   [128]2:32   [129]2:42
   [130]2:44-45   [131]3:15   [132]4:4   [133]4:27   [134]4:33
   [135]4:33   [136]5:11   [137]5:12-16   [138]5:13   [139]5:32
   [140]6:1-2   [141]6:2   [142]6:3   [143]6:3-6   [144]6:4   [145]6:6
   [146]6:6   [147]8:1   [148]8:3   [149]8:14   [150]8:27   [151]9:10-11
   [152]9:12   [153]9:13   [154]9:17   [155]9:17   [156]9:17-18
   [157]9:27   [158]9:31   [159]9:31   [160]9:32   [161]9:41
   [162]10:17   [163]10:17   [164]10:39-41   [165]10:44-48   [166]10:45
   [167]10:47   [168]11:1   [169]11:3   [170]11:20   [171]11:22
   [172]11:22   [173]11:22-24   [174]11:26   [175]11:26   [176]11:27
   [177]11:29   [178]11:29   [179]11:30   [180]12:1-19   [181]12:7
   [182]12:17   [183]12:17   [184]12:17   [185]12:25   [186]13:1
   [187]13:3   [188]13:3   [189]13:4   [190]13:5   [191]13:31
   [192]13:46   [193]13:46   [194]14:23   [195]14:23   [196]14:23
   [197]14:23   [198]14:24   [199]14:27   [200]14:27   [201]14:28
   [202]15:1   [203]15:1   [204]15:3   [205]15:5   [206]15:6   [207]15:6
   [208]15:7   [209]15:12   [210]15:13   [211]15:14   [212]15:16
   [213]15:19   [214]15:19-20   [215]15:22   [216]15:22   [217]15:22
   [218]15:24   [219]15:25   [220]15:30   [221]15:32   [222]15:33
   [223]15:35   [224]16:1-4   [225]16:1-40   [226]16:4   [227]16:4
   [228]16:4   [229]16:5   [230]16:15   [231]16:34   [232]18:10
   [233]19:6-7   [234]19:21   [235]19:22   [236]19:32   [237]19:39
   [238]19:41   [239]20:1-38   [240]20:24   [241]20:28   [242]20:28
   [243]20:31   [244]20:32   [245]20:32   [246]20:35   [247]20:35
   [248]21:19   [249]21:20   [250]21:25   [251]21:25   [252]22
   [253]23:1   [254]26:8   [255]26:10   [256]26:28   [257]28:8

   Romans

   [258]1:5   [259]1:6   [260]1:8   [261]1:11   [262]1:11-12   [263]5:15
   [264]6:23   [265]7:4   [266]7:4   [267]9:1-11:36   [268]9:3
   [269]9:5   [270]9:5   [271]9:25   [272]11:1-36   [273]11:13
   [274]11:15   [275]11:28   [276]11:29   [277]12:1-21   [278]12:1-21
   [279]12:3   [280]12:3   [281]12:3-5   [282]12:6   [283]12:6
   [284]12:6-8   [285]12:7   [286]12:8   [287]12:8   [288]12:13
   [289]12:13   [290]13:4   [291]14:1   [292]14:1-23   [293]14:3
   [294]14:18   [295]15:1-33   [296]15:3   [297]15:7   [298]15:7
   [299]15:15   [300]15:24   [301]15:25   [302]15:31   [303]15:32
   [304]16:1   [305]16:1   [306]16:1-2   [307]16:1-2   [308]16:1-27
   [309]16:2   [310]16:3-4   [311]16:4   [312]16:4   [313]16:4
   [314]16:5   [315]16:16   [316]16:16   [317]16:16   [318]16:17
   [319]16:17-20   [320]16:23

   1 Corinthians

   [321]1:2   [322]1:2   [323]1:2   [324]1:2   [325]1:4-6   [326]1:4-9
   [327]1:9   [328]1:10-17   [329]1:14-17   [330]2:1-16   [331]3:5
   [332]3:5-9   [333]3:10   [334]3:10   [335]3:10-15   [336]3:11
   [337]3:16-17   [338]3:16-17   [339]4:6   [340]4:6   [341]4:14-17
   [342]4:17   [343]5:1-13   [344]5:18   [345]6:1-20   [346]6:4
   [347]7:7   [348]7:17   [349]7:17   [350]7:40   [351]8:1-13
   [352]9:1-11:34   [353]10:1-33   [354]10:16-17   [355]10:16-21
   [356]10:32   [357]10:32   [358]10:32   [359]11:3   [360]11:16
   [361]11:16   [362]11:16   [363]11:17-34   [364]11:18   [365]11:22
   [366]11:22   [367]11:22   [368]12:1-31   [369]12:1-31   [370]12:1-31
   [371]12:1-31   [372]12:4-11   [373]12:5   [374]12:8-10   [375]12:12
   [376]12:13   [377]12:18   [378]12:21   [379]12:28   [380]12:28
   [381]12:28-31   [382]13:1-13   [383]14:4   [384]14:5   [385]14:12
   [386]14:19   [387]14:23   [388]14:28   [389]14:33   [390]14:33
   [391]14:34   [392]14:36   [393]15:7   [394]15:7   [395]15:9
   [396]16:1   [397]16:1   [398]16:1   [399]16:6   [400]16:15
   [401]16:15   [402]16:19   [403]16:19   [404]16:19   [405]16:19
   [406]16:19-20   [407]16:20

   2 Corinthians

   [408]1:1   [409]1:1   [410]1:1   [411]1:3-7   [412]1:9   [413]1:11
   [414]1:13-14   [415]1:16   [416]2:1-17   [417]2:6-7   [418]3:2
   [419]4:1   [420]4:18   [421]6:3   [422]6:4   [423]6:16   [424]6:16
   [425]8:1   [426]8:1   [427]8:4   [428]8:18   [429]8:19   [430]8:19
   [431]8:23   [432]8:23   [433]8:24   [434]9:1   [435]9:12   [436]9:13
   [437]9:13   [438]11:2   [439]11:8   [440]11:13-14   [441]11:22-23
   [442]11:28   [443]12:13

   Galatians

   [444]1:2   [445]1:13   [446]1:15   [447]1:15   [448]1:19   [449]1:22
   [450]1:22   [451]1:22   [452]2:2   [453]2:6   [454]2:7-12   [455]2:9
   [456]2:9   [457]2:13   [458]6:10

   Ephesians

   [459]1:10   [460]1:18   [461]1:22   [462]1:22-23   [463]2:3
   [464]2:11-22   [465]2:13-18   [466]2:19   [467]2:20   [468]2:21-22
   [469]3:1-21   [470]3:1-21   [471]3:2   [472]3:2   [473]3:5   [474]3:5
   [475]3:5-6   [476]3:6-8   [477]3:7   [478]3:7   [479]3:7   [480]3:8
   [481]3:8   [482]3:10   [483]3:10   [484]3:20-21   [485]3:21
   [486]4:1-32   [487]4:7   [488]4:7-11   [489]4:7-12   [490]4:8
   [491]4:11   [492]4:12   [493]4:12-13   [494]5:1-33   [495]5:22-33
   [496]5:23-25   [497]5:27   [498]5:29   [499]5:32   [500]5:32
   [501]6:21

   Philippians

   [502]1:1   [503]1:1   [504]1:1   [505]1:2   [506]1:5-7   [507]1:12-20
   [508]1:25-26   [509]1:27   [510]2:1-11   [511]2:17-30   [512]2:25
   [513]3:6   [514]3:20   [515]4:3   [516]4:10   [517]4:14-19
   [518]4:15   [519]4:22

   Colossians

   [520]1:4   [521]1:12   [522]1:17   [523]1:18   [524]1:18   [525]1:18
   [526]1:20   [527]1:20   [528]1:23   [529]1:24   [530]1:24   [531]1:25
   [532]3:15   [533]4:7   [534]4:15   [535]4:16   [536]4:16   [537]4:16
   [538]4:17

   1 Thessalonians

   [539]1:1   [540]1:4   [541]1:7-8   [542]2:4   [543]2:8   [544]2:14
   [545]2:14   [546]2:14   [547]2:15-16   [548]2:15-16   [549]3:12
   [550]4:9   [551]4:9-10   [552]4:9-11   [553]5:11   [554]5:11-15
   [555]5:14   [556]5:23

   2 Thessalonians

   [557]1:1   [558]1:3-4   [559]1:4   [560]1:4   [561]3:6-16   [562]3:11

   1 Timothy

   [563]1:5   [564]1:18   [565]1:18   [566]1:18   [567]1:18   [568]1:19
   [569]2:1-4   [570]2:1-15   [571]2:1-15   [572]2:3-4   [573]3:1
   [574]3:1-7   [575]3:1-13   [576]3:1-13   [577]3:1-16   [578]3:1-16
   [579]3:5   [580]3:5   [581]3:5   [582]3:13   [583]3:14   [584]3:14
   [585]3:14-15   [586]3:15   [587]3:15   [588]4:9   [589]4:14
   [590]4:14   [591]4:14   [592]5:1   [593]5:1-16   [594]5:1-25
   [595]5:9   [596]5:16   [597]5:16   [598]5:17-18   [599]5:17-19
   [600]5:19   [601]5:22   [602]5:22   [603]6:4

   2 Timothy

   [604]1:6   [605]1:18   [606]4:5   [607]4:5   [608]4:10   [609]4:11
   [610]4:12

   Titus

   [611]1:1-16   [612]1:4   [613]1:5-9   [614]2:14

   Philemon

   [615]1:2   [616]1:13

   Hebrews

   [617]3:5-6   [618]3:12   [619]4:9   [620]4:10   [621]6:10   [622]8:10
   [623]9:14   [624]10:21   [625]12:22   [626]13:2   [627]13:2
   [628]13:12

   James

   [629]2:1-26   [630]5:14   [631]5:14

   1 Peter

   [632]2:4-5   [633]2:4-10   [634]2:9-10   [635]2:25   [636]2:25
   [637]4:9   [638]4:9   [639]4:9-10   [640]4:9-11   [641]4:10
   [642]4:10-11   [643]4:17   [644]5:1-4   [645]5:5

   1 John

   [646]1:1

   3 John

   [647]1:5-8   [648]1:6   [649]1:9-10

   Revelation

   [650]1:4   [651]1:4   [652]1:6   [653]1:11   [654]1:20   [655]2:1-29
   [656]2:23   [657]3:1-22   [658]5:10   [659]7:1-17   [660]7:1-17
   [661]18:4   [662]21:1-27   [663]21:3   [664]22:16

   Sirach

   [665]24:23   [666]51:7
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Greek Words and Phrases

     * kalos: [667]1
     * kletois hagiois: [668]1
     * krino: [669]1
     * pasai: [670]1
     * episkopos: [671]1 [672]2 [673]3
     * -os: [674]1
     * Bathmos: [675]1
     * Dei gar ton episkopon anenkleton einai: [676]1
     * Diakonoi: [677]1
     * Dogma: [678]1
     * Petros: [679]1
     * Petros tes peritomes: [680]1
     * Sunagoge: [681]1
     * To musterion tes pisteos: [682]1
     * Charisma: [683]1
     * a?tou: [684]1
     * hai ekklesiai pasai tou christou: [685]1
     * autois: [686]1
     * bathmon: [687]1
     * basileis: [688]1
     * boske: [689]1
     * gnesio tekno: [690]1
     * gnontes: [691]1
     * gregoreite : [692]1
     * gar: [693]1
     * dei einai: [694]1
     * dei oun ton episkopon anepilempton einai: [695]1
     * diakonein trapezais: [696]1 [697]2
     * diakonesei autois: [698]1
     * diakonia: [699]1 [700]2 [701]3 [702]4
     * diakonia: [703]1
     * didaktikon: [704]1
     * didaskalia: [705]1
     * didachen: [706]1
     * didaskaloi: [707]1
     * dierchomenon dia panton, : [708]1
     * dilogous: [709]1
     * dichostasias: [710]1
     * dia propheteias: [711]1
     * diabolos: [712]1
     * diakonoi: [713]1 [714]2 [715]3 [716]4 [717]5 [718]6 [719]7 [720]8
       [721]9 [722]10 [723]11 [724]12 [725]13 [726]14 [727]15 [728]16
       [729]17 [730]18 [731]19 [732]20 [733]21 [734]22 [735]23 [736]24
       [737]25 [738]26 [739]27 [740]28 [741]29 [742]30 [743]31 [744]32
     * diakonon: [745]1 [746]2
     * diakonon tes ekklesias: [747]1
     * diakonos: [748]1 [749]2 [750]3 [751]4 [752]5 [753]6 [754]7 [755]8
       [756]9 [757]10 [758]11 [759]12
     * dio ego krino: [760]1
     * douloprepeis te kai diakonikas kai aneleutherous: [761]1
     * dogmata: [762]1 [763]2
     * duo ton diakonounton auto: [764]1
     * eidenai: [765]1
     * eis: [766]1
     * eis diakonian: [767]1 [768]2 [769]3
     * eis diakonian tois hagiois: [770]1
     * eis tous hagious: [771]1
     * eis ton hoikon, eis ten oikian: [772]1
     * ei tis estin anenkletos: [773]1
     * einai: [774]1
     * eis ton hena: [775]1
     * eu: [776]1
     * theo: [777]1
     * thpiskopoi: [778]1
     * kathistemi: [779]1
     * kaleo: [780]1 [781]2
     * kalos proestotes: [782]1
     * katalegestho: [783]1
     * katartismos: [784]1
     * kata tas proagousas epi se propheteias: [785]1
     * kata ten Ioudaian: [786]1
     * kata: [787]1
     * katentesen: [788]1
     * kat' ekklesian: [789]1
     * kai: [790]1
     * kai gar aute (Phoebe) prostatis pollon egenethe kai emou autou:
       [791]1
     * kekrimena: [792]1 [793]2
     * keleuo: [794]1
     * kephale: [795]1
     * koinonias: [796]1
     * kopiontas: [797]1
     * kopiontes: [798]1
     * krinantes: [799]1
     * krino: [800]1
     * krino . . . episteilai: [801]1
     * kuberneseis: [802]1
     * kurio: [803]1
     * kago: [804]1
     * laos: [805]1 [806]2
     * laos polus: [807]1
     * leitourgounton to kurio: [808]1
     * leitourgeo: [809]1
     * loipai: [810]1
     * logos: [811]1
     * logou: [812]1
     * logo: [813]1
     * lusate: [814]1
     * marturion: [815]1
     * metado: [816]1
     * mou ten ekklesian: [817]1
     * mageiros: [818]1
     * monon axios tou euangeiou tou christou politeuesthe: [819]1
     * naos: [820]1
     * neophuton: [821]1
     * neoteros: [822]1
     * nephalious: [823]1
     * noson peri zeteseis: [824]1
     * oikeios: [825]1
     * oikodomeso: [826]1
     * hoi pantes: [827]1
     * hoi hegoumenoi: [828]1
     * hois ou diesteilametha: [829]1
     * ou diakonein all' archein: [830]1
     * oudemia ekklesia: [831]1
     * oude gar endees tis en: [832]1
     * ouk hetaktesamen en humin: [833]1
     * houtos kai ho christos: [834]1
     * houtos kopiontas dei antilambanesthai ton asthenounton: [835]1
     * parangello: [836]1
     * parakaleite allelous: [837]1
     * paraklesei: [838]1
     * parekalei: [839]1
     * parekalesan: [840]1
     * paraklesis: [841]1
     * periepoiesato: [842]1
     * plerophoreson: [843]1
     * plerois: [844]1
     * plethos: [845]1
     * poimaino: [846]1
     * politeuesthe: [847]1
     * politeuomai: [848]1
     * polupoikilos: [849]1
     * politeuma: [850]1
     * poimaine: [851]1
     * presbuteroi: [852]1
     * presbuteros: [853]1 [854]2 [855]3
     * proestotes: [856]1
     * propemphthenai: [857]1
     * proseuxasthosan ep' auton: [858]1
     * proskarterountes: [859]1
     * proslamb?nesthe allelous: [860]1
     * prostatis: [861]1 [862]2
     * propheteia: [863]1
     * proistamenous: [864]1 [865]2
     * proistamenous humon en Kurio: [866]1
     * proistamenoi: [867]1
     * proistamai: [868]1
     * proteuon: [869]1
     * pros to sumpheron: [870]1
     * pases sunagoges huion Israel: [871]1
     * pase te sunagoge tou laou: [872]1
     * petra: [873]1
     * poleis: [874]1
     * pan to plethos sunagoges huion Israel: [875]1
     * pasa oikodome: [876]1
     * pasai: [877]1 [878]2 [879]3
     * pasai hai ekklesiai ton ethnon: [880]1
     * se: [881]1
     * semnotes: [882]1
     * spoudason: [883]1
     * sterigma: [884]1
     * sunagoge: [885]1 [886]2 [887]3
     * sunachthenai: [888]1
     * sunagontai: [889]1
     * schole: [890]1
     * schismata: [891]1 [892]2
     * sun pasin: [893]1
     * sun tois hagiois pasin tois ousin en hole te Achaia: [894]1
     * sun episkopois kai diakonois: [895]1 [896]2
     * soma Christou: [897]1
     * ta?s en Christo: [898]1
     * tais hepta ekklesiais tais en te Asia: [899]1
     * tines ex hemon: [900]1
     * tous amphoterous: [901]1
     * tous apostolous: [902]1
     * tous idious: [903]1
     * tois hagiois: [904]1
     * tois en theo patri hegiasmenois, kai Iesou Christo teteremenois
       kletois: [905]1
     * tou theou: [906]1 [907]2 [908]3 [909]4
     * tou presbuteriou: [910]1
     * tou onomatos tes episkopes: [911]1
     * touton hethelesen ho Paulos sun hauto exelthein: [912]1
     * ta auta: [913]1
     * ta dogmata ta kekrimena: [914]1
     * ta panta: [915]1
     * ta amphotera: [916]1
     * tas proagousas epi se propheteias: [917]1
     * ten charin ten tou theou: [918]1
     * ten ekklesian: [919]1
     * ten ekklesian ten en Hierosolumois: [920]1
     * ten: [921]1
     * to plethos: [922]1 [923]2
     * to tes: [924]1
     * ton poimena kai episkopon ton psuchon humon: [925]1
     * tes diakonias tautes kai apostoles: [926]1
     * tes peritomes: [927]1
     * te Laodikeon ekklesia: [928]1
     * te diakonia tou logou: [929]1
     * te ekklesia tou theou te ouse en Korintho, hegiasmenois en Christo
       Iesou, kletois hagiois: [930]1
     * ton hagion: [931]1
     * ton ethnon: [932]1
     * ton ekklesion tou theou ton ouson en to Ioudaia en Christo Iesou:
       [933]1
     * to diunameno: [934]1
     * philadelphia: [935]1
     * philoxenon: [936]1
     * charis: [937]1
     * charizomai: [938]1
     * charismata: [939]1 [940]2 [941]3 [942]4 [943]5 [944]6 [945]7 [946]8
     * charismatos: [947]1
     * cheirothesia: [948]1
     * cheirotonetheis: [949]1
     * cheirotonesantes: [950]1 [951]2
     * chreias: [952]1
     * charis: [953]1 [954]2 [955]3 [956]4 [957]5 [958]6 [959]7
     * charisma: [960]1 [961]2 [962]3 [963]4 [964]5 [965]6 [966]7 [967]8
       [968]9 [969]10 [970]11 [971]12 [972]13 [973]14 [974]15 [975]16
       [976]17
     * charismata: [977]1
     * charitos: [978]1
     * agalliasei: [979]1
     * anabas: [980]1
     * anazopurein: [981]1
     * anakephalaiosasthai : [982]1
     * anastrophe: [983]1 [984]2 [985]3
     * antechomenon: [986]1
     * antilambanesthai ton asthenounton: [987]1
     * antilempseis: [988]1
     * anenkleton: [989]1
     * anenkletos: [990]1 [991]2 [992]3
     * apekrithe Iakobos legon : [993]1
     * apesteilamen: [994]1
     * apostelle: [995]1
     * apostolois: [996]1
     * apostolous: [997]1
     * apesteilen: [998]1 [999]2
     * apo progonon: [1000]1
     * apostoloi ekklesion: [1001]1
     * apostolos: [1002]1
     * areston: [1003]1
     * archoinochous: [1004]1
     * arche: [1005]1 [1006]2
     * atakteo: [1007]1
     * ataktous: [1008]1
     * ataktos: [1009]1
     * hagneia: [1010]1
     * hagiois: [1011]1
     * allas ekklesias: [1012]1
     * andres adelphoi: [1013]1 [1014]2
     * apantes: [1015]1
     * archontes: [1016]1
     * Anastrophe: [1017]1
     * Hazaniton ton par' autois diakonon hermeneuomenon e hupereton:
       [1018]1
     * ego: [1019]1
     * ekkaleo: [1020]1 [1021]2
     * ekklesia: [1022]1 [1023]2 [1024]3 [1025]4 [1026]5 [1027]6 [1028]7
       [1029]8 [1030]9 [1031]10 [1032]11 [1033]12 [1034]13 [1035]14
       [1036]15 [1037]16 [1038]17 [1039]18 [1040]19 [1041]20 [1042]21
       [1043]22 [1044]23 [1045]24 [1046]25 [1047]26 [1048]27 [1049]28
       [1050]29
     * ekklesia Thessalonikeon: [1051]1
     * eklektois parepidemois diasporas: [1052]1
     * ekteso: [1053]1
     * elambanon: [1054]1
     * emartureito: [1055]1
     * emoi ouden prosanethento: [1056]1
     * en Christo: [1057]1
     * en meso ekklesias kai sunagoges: [1058]1
     * en pase ekklesia : [1059]1
     * en sunagoge: [1060]1
     * en tais ekklesiais: [1061]1
     * en touto: [1062]1
     * en te diakonia te kathemerine: [1063]1
     * en hagiasmo pneumatos: [1064]1
     * en ekklesia : [1065]1
     * en ekklesia tou laou tou theou: [1066]1
     * enteilamenos: [1067]1
     * entrape: [1068]1
     * entellomai, epitasso, prostasso, diatasso, diastellomai: [1069]1
     * enopion ekklesias : [1070]1
     * exousia: [1071]1
     * epesteilamen: [1072]1
     * epesterixan: [1073]1
     * epimeleia tis kai diakonia: [1074]1
     * epimelesetai: [1075]1
     * episkope: [1076]1 [1077]2
     * episkopes: [1078]1 [1079]2
     * episkopois: [1080]1 [1081]2
     * episkopous: [1082]1 [1083]2
     * episkopous kai diakonous: [1084]1
     * episteilai: [1085]1
     * episterizontes: [1086]1
     * epedokan: [1087]1
     * episkopoi: [1088]1
     * episkopon: [1089]1 [1090]2
     * episkopos: [1091]1 [1092]2 [1093]3 [1094]4 [1095]5 [1096]6
     * estereounto: [1097]1
     * echarisato: [1098]1
     * hedraioma: [1099]1
     * edoxen: [1100]1
     * edoken: [1101]1
     * etheto: [1102]1
     * elabon: [1103]1
     * elenxis: [1104]1
     * etaxan heautous: [1105]1
     * Heni de hekasto hemon: [1106]1
     * Hellenas: [1107]1
     * he charis: [1108]1
     * he ekklesia: [1109]1
     * hegemones: [1110]1
     * hemeis: [1111]1
     * hesuchasan: [1112]1
     * hiereia: [1113]1
     * hiereus: [1114]1
     * hina: [1115]1
     * hina me heis huper tou henos phusiousthe kata tou heterou: [1116]1
     * hina apostelle: [1117]1
     * hina huper sou moi diakone: [1118]1
     * ho theos epeskepsato labein ex ethnon laon to honomati autou:
       [1119]1
     * ho proistamenos: [1120]1
     * ho proistamenos en spoude: [1121]1
     * ho christos: [1122]1
     * ho adelphos: [1123]1
     * ho energesas Petro: [1124]1
     * hopoioi: [1125]1
     * upokrisis : [1126]1
     * humeis: [1127]1
     * huperekperissou: [1128]1
     * hupereten: [1129]1
     * huperetes: [1130]1 [1131]2 [1132]3
     * hupotassesthe: [1133]1
     * hos ego krino: [1134]1
     * hos ego nomizo: [1135]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Latin Words and Phrases

     * Ego secundum me iudico.: [1136]1
     * Fundamentum: [1137]1
     * cum . . . universa ecclesia convenisset in anum.: [1138]1
     * firmamentum: [1139]1
     * praejudicium: [1140]1
     * quomodo to oporteat: [1141]1
     __________________________________________________________________

Index of Pages of the Print Edition

   [1142]iii  [1143]iv  [1144]v  [1145]vi  [1146]vii  [1147]viii
   [1148]ix  [1149]2  [1150]3  [1151]4  [1152]5  [1153]6  [1154]7
   [1155]8  [1156]9  [1157]10  [1158]11  [1159]12  [1160]13  [1161]14
   [1162]15  [1163]16  [1164]17  [1165]18  [1166]19  [1167]20  [1168]21
   [1169]22  [1170]23  [1171]24  [1172]25  [1173]26  [1174]27  [1175]28
   [1176]29  [1177]30  [1178]31  [1179]32  [1180]33  [1181]34  [1182]35
   [1183]36  [1184]37  [1185]38  [1186]39  [1187]40  [1188]41  [1189]42
   [1190]43  [1191]44  [1192]45  [1193]46  [1194]47  [1195]48  [1196]49
   [1197]50  [1198]51  [1199]52  [1200]53  [1201]54  [1202]55  [1203]56
   [1204]57  [1205]58  [1206]59  [1207]60  [1208]61  [1209]62  [1210]63
   [1211]64  [1212]65  [1213]66  [1214]67  [1215]68  [1216]69  [1217]70
   [1218]71  [1219]72  [1220]73  [1221]74  [1222]75  [1223]76  [1224]77
   [1225]78  [1226]79  [1227]80  [1228]81  [1229]82  [1230]83  [1231]84
   [1232]85  [1233]86  [1234]87  [1235]88  [1236]89  [1237]90  [1238]91
   [1239]92  [1240]93  [1241]94  [1242]95  [1243]96  [1244]97  [1245]98
   [1246]99  [1247]100  [1248]101  [1249]102  [1250]103  [1251]104
   [1252]105  [1253]106  [1254]107  [1255]108  [1256]109  [1257]110
   [1258]111  [1259]112  [1260]113  [1261]114  [1262]115  [1263]116
   [1264]117  [1265]118  [1266]119  [1267]120  [1268]121  [1269]122
   [1270]123  [1271]124  [1272]125  [1273]126  [1274]127  [1275]128
   [1276]129  [1277]130  [1278]131  [1279]132  [1280]133  [1281]134
   [1282]135  [1283]136  [1284]137  [1285]138  [1286]139  [1287]140
   [1288]141  [1289]142  [1290]143  [1291]144  [1292]145  [1293]146
   [1294]147  [1295]148  [1296]149  [1297]150  [1298]151  [1299]152
   [1300]153  [1301]154  [1302]155  [1303]156  [1304]157  [1305]158
   [1306]159  [1307]160  [1308]161  [1309]162  [1310]163  [1311]164
   [1312]165  [1313]166  [1314]167  [1315]168  [1316]169  [1317]170
   [1318]171  [1319]172  [1320]173  [1321]174  [1322]175  [1323]176
   [1324]177  [1325]178  [1326]179  [1327]180  [1328]181  [1329]182
   [1330]183  [1331]184  [1332]185  [1333]186  [1334]187  [1335]188
   [1336]189  [1337]190  [1338]191  [1339]192  [1340]193  [1341]194
   [1342]195  [1343]196  [1344]197  [1345]198  [1346]199  [1347]200
   [1348]201  [1349]202  [1350]203  [1351]204  [1352]205  [1353]206
   [1354]207  [1355]208  [1356]209  [1357]210  [1358]211  [1359]212
   [1360]213  [1361]214  [1362]215  [1363]216  [1364]217  [1365]218
   [1366]219  [1367]220  [1368]221  [1369]222  [1370]223  [1371]224
   [1372]225  [1373]226  [1374]227  [1375]228  [1376]229  [1377]230
   [1378]231  [1379]232  [1380]233  [1381]234  [1382]235  [1383]236
   [1384]237  [1385]238  [1386]239  [1387]240  [1388]241  [1389]242
   [1390]243  [1391]244  [1392]245  [1393]246  [1394]247  [1395]248
   [1396]249  [1397]250
     __________________________________________________________________

            This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal
               Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org,
                   generated on demand from ThML source.

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  86. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=9&scrV=18#iv-p5.10
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  89. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=18&scrV=31#iv-p6.5
  90. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=21&scrV=12#iv-p21.7
  91. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=22&scrV=14#iv-p6.2
  92. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=22&scrV=26#xiv-p22.6
  93. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=22&scrV=30#iv-p9.2
  94. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=22&scrV=47#iv-p6.6
  95. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=24&scrV=9#iv-p6.8
  96. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=24&scrV=10#iv-p6.3
  97. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=Luke&scrCh=24&scrV=33#iv-p6.10
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 101. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=6&scrV=17#iv-p8.4
 102. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=6&scrV=59#ix-p28.11
 103. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=6&scrV=67#iv-p8.2
 104. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=6&scrV=70#iv-p8.2
 105. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=13&scrV=16#iv-p8.1
 106. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=14&scrV=26#xii-p17.12
 107. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=15&scrV=26#xii-p17.13
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 109. file:///ccel/h/hort/ecclesia/cache/ecclesia.html3?scrBook=John&scrCh=17&scrV=20#iv-p13.1
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