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    <DC.Title>The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume 3: Brownson-Clairvaux</DC.Title>
    <DC.Creator scheme="short-form" sub="Author">Charles G. Herbermann</DC.Creator>
    <DC.Creator scheme="file-as" sub="Author">Herbermann, Charles George (1840-1916)</DC.Creator>
     
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    <div1 id="i" next="b" prev="toc" progress="0.01%" title="Title Page">

<index id="i-p0.1" subject1="calvin" target="/ccel/herbermann/cathen03.html?term=John Calvin" type="biography" />
<index id="i-p0.2" subject1="cassian" target="/ccel/herbermann/cathen03.html?term=John Cassian" type="biography" />
<index id="i-p0.3" subject1="challoner" target="/ccel/herbermann/cathen03.html?term=Richard Challoner" type="biography" />
<index id="i-p0.4" subject1="catherine_g" target="/ccel/herbermann/cathen03.html?term=St. Catherine of Genoa" type="biography" />
<index id="i-p0.5" subject1="catherine" target="/ccel/herbermann/cathen03.html?term=St. Catherine of Siena" type="biography" />
<h1 id="i-p0.1_1">THE CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA</h1>
<h3 id="i-p0.2_1">AN INTERNATIONAL WORK OF REFERENCE <br />ON THE CONSTITUTION, DOCTRINE,
<br />DISCIPLINE, AND HISTORY OF THE <br />CATHOLIC CHURCH</h3>
<p class="Centered" id="i-p1" shownumber="no" style="margin-top:0.5in">EDITED BY</p> 
<p class="Centered" id="i-p2" shownumber="no">CHARLES G. HERBERMANN, Ph.D., LL.D.</p>
<p class="Centered" id="i-p3" shownumber="no">EDWARD A. PACE, Ph.D., D.D.   CONDE B PALLEN, Ph.D., LL.D.</p>
<p class="Centered" id="i-p4" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN, D.D.   JOHN J. WYNNE, S.J.</p>
<p class="Centered" id="i-p5" shownumber="no">ASSISTED BY NUMEROUS COLLABORATORS</p>

<h3 id="i-p5.1" style="margin-top:0.5in">IN FIFTEEN VOLUMES</h3>
<h3 id="i-p5.2">VOLUME 3</h3>
<h3 id="i-p5.3">Brownson-Clairvaux</h3>

<p class="Centered" id="i-p6" shownumber="no" style="margin-top:1in">New York: ROBERT APPLETON
COMPANY</p>

<p id="i-p7" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:1in; margin-top:1in"><i>Imprimatur</i></p>
<p id="i-p8" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:3in">JOHN M. FARLEY</p>
<p id="i-p9" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:3.5in; font-size:xx-small">ARCHBISHOP OF NEW YORK</p>

</div1>

    <div1 id="b" next="c" prev="i" progress="0.02%" title="Brownson to Byzantine">
<glossary id="b-p0.1">

<term id="b-p0.2" title="Brownson, Orestes Augustus" type="Encyclopedia">Orestes Augustus Brownson</term>
<def id="b-p0.3">
<h1 id="b-p0.4">Orestes Augustus Brownson</h1>
<p id="b-p1" shownumber="no">Philosopher, essayist, reviewer, b. at Stockbridge, Vermont, U.S.A.,
16 September, 1803; d. at Detroit, Michigan, 17 April, 1876.</p>
<p id="b-p2" shownumber="no">His childhood was passed on a small farm with plain country people,
honest and upright Congregationalists, who treated him with kindness
and affection, taught him the Lord's Prayer, the Apostles' Creed, and
the Assembly's Catechism; to be honest and industrious, truthful in all
circumstances, and never to let the sun go down on his wrath. With no
young companions, his fondness for reading grew rapidly, though he had
access to few books, and those of a grave or religious nature. At the
age of nineteen he had a fair knowledge of grammar and arithmetic and
could translate Virgil's poetry. In October, 1822, he joined the
Presbyterian Church, dreamed of becoming a missionary, but very soon
felt repelled by Presbyterian discipline, and still more by the
doctrines of unconditional election and reprobation, and that God
foreordains the wicked to sin necessarily, that He may damn them
justly. Rather than sacrifice his belief in justice and humanity on the
altar of a religion confessedly of human origin and fallible in its
teachings, Brownson rejected Calvinism for so-called liberal
Christianity, and early in 1824, at the age of twenty, avowed himself a
Universalist. In June, 1826, he was ordained, and from that time until
near the end of 1829, he preached and wrote as a Universalist minister,
calling himself a Christian; but at last denying all Divine revelation,
the Divinity of Christ, and a future judgment, he abandoned the
ministry and became associated with Robert Dale Owen and Fanny Wright
in their war on marriage, property, and religion, carried on in the
"Free Enquirer" of New York, of which Brownson, then at Auburn, became
corresponding editor. At the same time he established a journal in
western New York in the interest of the Workingmen's Party, which they
wished to use for securing the adoption of their system of education.
But, besides this motive, Brownson's sympathy was always with the
labouring class, and he entered with ardour on the work of elevating
labour, making it respected and as well rewarded in its manual or
servile, as in its mercantile or liberal, phases, and the end he aimed
at was moral and social amelioration and equality, rather than
political. The introduction of large industries carried on by means of
vast outlays of capital or credit had reduced operatives to the
condition of virtual slavery; but Brownson soon became satisfied that
the remedy was not to be secured by arraying labour against capital by
a political organization, but by inducing all classes to co-operate in
the efforts to procure the improvement of the workingman's condition.
He found, too, that he could not advance a single step in this
direction without religion. An unbeliever in Christianity, he embraced
the religion of Humanity, severed his connexion with the Workingmen's
Party and with "The Free Enquirer", and on the first Sunday in
February, 1831, began preaching in Ithaca, New York, as an independent
minister. As a Universalist, he had edited their organ, "The Gospel
Advocate"; he now edited and published his own organ, "The
Philanthropist".</p>
<p id="b-p3" shownumber="no">Finding, from Dr. W. E. Channing's printed sermons, that Unitarians
believed no more of Christianity than he did, he became associated with
that denomination, and so remained for the next twelve years. In 1832
he was settled as pastor of the Unitarian Church at Walpole, New
Hampshire; in 1834 he was installed pastor of the First Congregational
Church at Canton, Massachusetts; and in 1836 he organized in Boston
"The Society for Christian Union and Progress", to which he preached in
the Old Masonic Temple, in Tremont Street. After conducting various
periodicals, and contributing to others, the most important of which
was "The Christian Examiner", he started a publication of his own
called "The Boston Quarterly Review", the first number of which was
dated January, 1838. Most of the articles of this review were written
by him; but some were contributed by A. H. Everett, George Bancroft,
George Ripley, A. Bronson Alcott, Sarah Margaret Fuller, Anne Charlotte
Lynch, and other friends. Besides his articles on literary and
philosophical subjects, his political essays in this review attracted
attention throughout the country and brought him into close relations
with the leaders of the Democratic Party. Although a steadfast
Democrat, he disliked the name Democrat, and denounced pure democracy,
called popular sovereignty, or the rule of the will of the majority,
maintaining that government by the will, whether that of one man or
that of many, was mere arbitrary government, and therefore tyranny,
despotism, absolutism. Constitutions, if not too easily alterable, he
thought a wholesome bridle on popular caprice, and he objected to
legislation for the especial benefit of any individual or class;
privileges i. e. private laws; exemption of stockholders in
corporations from liability for debts of their corporation; tariffs to
enrich the moneyed class at the expense of mechanics, agriculturists,
and members of the liberal professions. He demanded equality of rights,
not that men should be all equal, but that all should be on the same
footing, and no man should make himself taller by standing on another's
shoulders.</p>
<p id="b-p4" shownumber="no">In his "Review" for July, 1840, he carried the democratic principles
to their extreme logical conclusions, and urged the abolition of
Christianity; meaning, of course, the only Christianity he was
acquainted with, if, indeed, it be Christianity; denounced the penal
code, as bearing with peculiar severity on the poor, and the expense to
the poor in civil cases; and, accepting the doctrine of Locke,
Jefferson, Mirabeau, Portalis, Kent, and Blackstone, that the right to
devise or bequeath property is based on statute, not on natural, law,
he objected to the testamentary and hereditary descent of property;
and, what gave more offence than all the rest, he condemned the modern
industrial system, especially the system of labour at wages. In all
this he only carried out the doctrine of European Socialists and the
Saint-Simonians. Democrats were horrified by the article; Whigs paraded
it as what Democrats were aiming at; and Van Buren, who was a candidate
for a second term as President, blamed it as the main cause of his
defeat. The manner in which he was assailed aroused Brownson's
indignation, and he defended his essay with vigour in the following
number of his "Review", and silenced the clamours against him, more
than regaining the ground he had lost, so that he never commanded more
attention, or had a more promising career open before him, than when,
in 1844, he turned his back on honours and popularity to become a
Catholic. At the end of 1842 the "Boston Quarterly Review" was merged
in the "U.S. Democratic Review", of New York, a monthly publication, to
each number of which Brownson contributed, and in which he set forth
the principles of "Synthetic Philosophy" and a series of essays on the
"Origin and Constitution of Government", which more than twenty years
later he rewrote and published with the title of "The American
Republic". The doctrine of these essays provoked such repeated
complaints from the editor of the "Democratic Review", that Brownson
severed his connexion with that monthly and resumed the publication of
his own review, changing the title from "Boston" to "Brownson's
Quarterly Review". The first number was issued in January, 1844, and
the last in October, 1875. From January, 1865, to October, 1872, he
suspended its publication.</p>
<p id="b-p5" shownumber="no">The printed works of Brownson, other than contributions to his own
and other journals, from the commencement of his preaching to the
establishment of this review consisted of his sermons, orations, and
other public addresses; his "New Views of Christianity, Society, and
the Church" (Boston, 1836), in which he objected to Protestantism that
it is pure materialism, to Catholicism, that it is mere spiritualism,
and exalts his "Church of the Future" as the synthesis of both;
"Charles Elwood" (Boston, 1840), in which the infidel hero becomes a
convert to what the author calls Christianity and makes as little
removed as possible from bald deism; and "The Mediatorial Life of
Jesus" (Boston, 1842), which is almost Catholic, and contains a
doctrine of life which leads to the door of the Catholic Church. He
soon after applied to the Bishop of Boston for admission, and in
October, 1844, was received by the Coadjutor Bishop, John B.
Fitzpatrick.</p>
<p id="b-p6" shownumber="no">The Catholic body in the United States was at that time largely
composed of men and women of the labouring class, who had emigrated
from a country in which they and their forefathers had suffered
centuries of persecution for the Faith, and had too long felt
themselves a down-trodden people to be able to lift their countenances
with the fearless independence of Americans; or, if they were
better-to-do, feared to make their religion prominent and extended to
those of other faiths the liberal treatment they hoped for in return.
It was Brownson's first labour to change all this. He engaged at once
in controversy with the organs of the various Protestant sects on one
hand, and against liberalism, latitudinarianism, and political atheism
of Catholics, on the other. The American people, prejudiced against
Catholicity, and opposed to Catholics, were rendered more prejudiced
and opposed by their tame and apologetic tone in setting forth and
defending their Faith, and were delighted to find Catholics labouring
to soften the severities and to throw off whatever appeared exclusive
or rigorous in their doctrine. But Brownson resolved to stand erect;
let his tone be firm and manly, his voice clear and distinct, his
speech strong and decided. So well did he carry out this resolution,
and so able and intrepid an advocate did he prove in defence of the
Faith, that he merited a letter of approbation and encouragement from
the Bishops of the United States assembled in Plenary Council at
Baltimore, in May, 1849, and from Pope Pius IX, in April, 1854. In
October, 1855, Brownson changed his residence to New York, and his
"Review" was ever after published there—although, after 1857, he
made his home in Elizabeth, New Jersey, till 1875, when he went to live
in Detroit, where he died in the following April. A little over a year
before moving to New York, he wrote, "The Spirit Rapper" (Boston,
1854), a book in the form of a novel and a biography, showing the
connexion of spiritism with modern philanthropy, visionary reforms,
socialism, revolutionism; with the aim of recalling the age to faith in
the Gospel. His next book, written in New York, was "The Convert; or,
Leaves from my Experience" (New York, 1857), tracing with fidelity his
entire religious life down to his admission to the bosom of the
Catholic Church.</p>
<p id="b-p7" shownumber="no">Brownson had not been many years in New York before the influence of
those Catholics with whom he mainly associated was perceptible in the
tone of his writings, in the milder and almost conciliatory attitude
towards those not of the Faith, which led many of his old admirers to
fear he was becoming a "liberal Catholic". At the same time, the War of
the Rebellion having broken out, he was most earnest in denouncing
Secession and urging its suppression, and as a means to this, the
abolition of slavery. This alienated all his Southern and many of his
Northern supporters. Domestic affliction was added by the death of his
two sons in the summer of 1864. In these circumstances, he felt unable
to go on with his "Review", and in October of that year announced its
discontinuance. But he did not sit idle. During the eight years that
followed, he wrote "The American Republic; Its Constitution,
Tendencies, and Destiny" (New York, 1865); leading articles in the New
York "Tablet", continued till within a few months of his death; several
series of articles in "The Ave Maria"; generally one or two articles a
month in "The Catholic World"; and, instructed by the "Syllabus of
Errors" condemned by Pope Pius IX, "Conversations on Liberalism and the
Church" (New York, 1869), a small book which shows that if for a short
period of his Catholic life, he parleyed with Liberalism, he had too
much horror of it to embrace it. In January, 1873, "Brownson's
Quarterly Review" appeared again and regularly thereafter till the end
of 1875. His last article was contributed to the "American Catholic
Quarterly Review", for January, 1876. Brownson always disclaimed having
originated any system of philosophy and acknowledged freely whatever he
borrowed from others; but he had worked out and arrived at
substantially the philosophy of his later writings before he ever heard
of Gioberti, from whom he obtained the formula 
<i>ens creat existentias</i>, which Gioberti expressed in the formula 
<i>ens creat existens</i>, to indicate the ideal or intelligible object
of thought. By the analysis of thought he finds that it is composed of
three inseparable elements, subject, object, and their relation,
simultaneously given. Analysis of the object shows that it is likewise
composed of three elements simultaneously given, the ideal, the
empirical, and their relation. He distinguished the ideal intuition, in
which the activity is in the object presenting or offering itself, and
empirical intuition or cognition, in which the subject as well as the
object acts. Ideal intuition presents the object, reflection takes it
as represented sensibly; that is, in case of the ideal, as represented
in language. Identifying ideas with the categories of the philosophers,
he reduced them to these three: Being, Existences, and their Relations.
The necessary is Being; the contingent, Existences; and their relation,
the creative act of Being. Being is God, personal because He has
intelligence and will. From Him, as First Cause, proceed the physical
laws; and as Final Cause, the moral law, commanding to worship Him,
naturally or supernaturally, in the way and manner He prescribes.</p>
<p id="b-p8" shownumber="no">ORESTES A. BROWNSON, 
<i>The Convert</i> (New York, 1857); HENRY F. BROWNSON, 
<i>Brownson's Early, Middle and Latter Life</i> (Detroit, 1898-1900);
IDEM, ed., 
<i>Brownson's Works</i> (Detroit, 1883-87).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p9" shownumber="no">HENRY F. BROWNSON</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p9.1" title="Brownson, Sarah M." type="Encyclopedia">Sarah M. Brownson</term>
<def id="b-p9.2">
<h1 id="b-p9.3">Sarah M. Brownson</h1>
<p id="b-p10" shownumber="no">Daughter of Orestes A. Brownson, b. at Chelsea, Massachusetts, 7
June, 1839; married William J. Tenney, of Elizabeth, New Jersey, 26
November, 1873; died at Elizabeth, 30 October, 1876. She wrote some
literary criticisms for her father's "Review", and many articles,
stories, and poems which appeared mainly in Catholic magazines. Her
other works were: "Marian Elwood, or How Girls Live" (New York, 1863);
"At Anchor; a story of the American Civil War" (New York, 1865);
"Heremore Brandon; or the Fortunes of a Newsboy" (in "The Catholic
World", 1869); and "Life of Demetrius Augustine Gallitzin, Prince and
Priest" (New York, 1873). Her novels are interesting, genuine, and
original, and all that she published is stamped with her distinguishing
traits of character, and shows that she thought for herself, expressed
herself freely, with good sense and judgment, without undue bitterness,
and with great benevolence towards the poor; and she scatters over her
pages many excellent reflections. The life of Gallitzin is her
principal production, for which she spared no pains to collect such
materials as remained. She more than once visited the scenes of the
missionary's labours, and formed the acquaintance of priests and others
who had known him, collecting such facts and anecdotes of him as they
remembered. It is a sincere and conscientious tribute to the rare
virtues and worth of an extraordinary man, devoted priest, and humble
missionary.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p11" shownumber="no">HENRY F. BROWNSON</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p11.1" title="Brownsville" type="Encyclopedia">Brownsville</term>
<def id="b-p11.2">
<h1 id="b-p11.3">Brownsville</h1>
<p id="b-p12" shownumber="no">Vicariate Apostolic, erected 1874. Previous to this date the entire
State of Texas was under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Galveston.
It was then divided into two dioceses: Galveston, comprising all that
part of the State north and north-west of the Colorado River; San
Antonio, comprising all the territory south of the Colorado River and
north of the Nueces River, with the exception of Bee, San Patricio,
Refugio, Goliad, and Aransas Counties and the Vicariate Apostolic of
Brownsville comprising Cameron, Hidalgo, Starr, Zapata, and Webb
Counties, bordering on the Rio Grande; Encinal, Duval, and Nueces,
situated north of these counties; the part of La Salle, McMullen, and
Live Oak, south of the Nueces River, and finally San Patricio, Bee,
Refugio, Goliad, and Aransas Counties, north of the Nueces River, a
territory comprising 22,391 square miles.</p>
<p id="b-p13" shownumber="no">Its principal cities and towns are:</p>
<ul id="b-p13.1">
<li id="b-p13.2">Laredo (Texas side), with 12,000 inhabitants;</li>
<li id="b-p13.3">Brownsville, near the mouth of the Rio Grande, with 8,000;</li>
<li id="b-p13.4">Corpus Christi, on the Corpus Christi Bay, with 7,000;</li>
<li id="b-p13.5">San Diego, in Duval County, with 2,000;</li>
<li id="b-p13.6">Alice, in Nueces County, with 1,000;</li>
<li id="b-p13.7">Rockport, on Aransas Bay, with 1,000;</li>
<li id="b-p13.8">Goliad and Refugio with about the same population;</li>
<li id="b-p13.9">Beeville, in Bee County, with 2,000.</li>
</ul>
<p id="b-p14" shownumber="no">There are other towns with less population, Skidmore in Bee County,
Kingsville in Nueces County, Falfurrias, Benavides, Realitos,
Hebbronville, Edinburgh, Hidalgo, Carrizo (or Zapata), Minas, Rio
Grande City, each with a population of 1,500. The Catholic population
is estimated at 79,000, mostly Mexicans; there are about 3,000
English-speaking Catholics. The total population is about 110,000.</p>
<p id="b-p15" shownumber="no">This southern part of Texas was inhabited by Indians less than sixty
years ago. Corpus Christi had for its first settler Capt. Kenny, who
had a store several times visited by hostile Indians. Brownsville owes
its beginning to Major Brown, who came there at the time of the Mexican
War. The church there was begun in 1852. San Patricio and Refugio were
settled by Irish colonists under the Mexican Government. La Bahia is
the most ancient settlement; it was built by the Spaniards to oppose
the encroachments of the French under La Salle. After La Bahia the
oldest place is Laredo, built at the end of the eighteenth century. In
1866 there was not a fence nor a railroad to be seen from San Antonio
to Brownsville; now the whole country is fenced in, and there are six
railroad lines in operation.</p>
<p id="b-p16" shownumber="no">The Oblate Fathers, whose missions extend from San Ignacio to the
mouth of the Rio Grande, located in Texas in 1852, their first superior
being Father Verdet. Within a week he was drowned in the Gulf on his
way from Brownsville to New Orleans. The mission of Rio Grande City was
begun in 1872, the one at Roma in 1864, the San Diego mission in 1866.
Laredo was in charge of Mexican priests until Father Girandon came in
1855. San Patricio was under the care of Irish priests. Father O'Reilly
built in 1856 the first Catholic church of Corpus Christi. Brownsville,
Laredo, Corpus Christi, Refugio, and Beeville have large and well
decorated churches. There are twelve churches with resident pastors:
Brownsville, Rio Grande City, Roma, Laredo, San Diego, Corpus Christi,
Rockport, Goliad, Refugio, Beeville, and San Patricio. There are also
forty chapels where regular monthly services are held. The vicariate
has two hospitals, one in Laredo under the care of the Sisters of
Mercy, and a new one in Corpus Christi, under the care of the Sisters
of the Incarnate Word, of San Antonio.</p>
<p id="b-p17" shownumber="no">There are four academies, namely, Brownsville, Corpus Christi,
Laredo, and Rio Grande City, with about 60 boarders in all, and about
200 scholars. Besides, there are nine parochial schools, with about 500
pupils, under the care of 52 teaching sisters, assisted by 20 lay
sisters. There are, in addition to these, 12 hospital sisters, and 6
engaged in teaching non-Catholic public schools. There is but one
college (in Brownsville, under the care of the Oblate Fathers), with
about 100 pupils.</p>
<p id="b-p18" shownumber="no">The Reverend Dominic Manucy, then rector of St. Peter's church,
Montgomery, Alabama, was appointed first Vicar Apostolic of
Brownsville, and consecrated Titular Bishop of Dulma, 8 December, 1878.
He was born 20 December, 1823, and ordained priest, at Mobile, 15
August, 1850. He took possession at Brownsville, 11 February, 1875, and
remained there until he was transferred to the Diocese of Mobile upon
the death of Bishop Quinlan, 9 March, 1883. He resigned the See of
Mobile the following year and was reappointed to Brownsville, with the
Titular See of Maronia. He died at Mobile, 4 December, 1885. Bishop
Neraz of San Antonio, Texas, was then appointed administrator of
Brownsville, and directed its affairs until 1890, when the Rev. Pedro
Verdaguer, pastor of the church of Our Lady of Angels, Los Angeles,
California, was appointed to Brownsville by a Brief, dated 3 July. He
was consecrated 9 November, 1890, at Barcelona, Spain, titular Bishop
of Aulon, and was installed at Brownsville, 21 May, 1891. He was born
10 December, 1835, at San Pedro de Torello, Cataluna, Spain, and
ordained priest, 12 December, 1862, at San Francisco, California,
U.S.A.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p19" shownumber="no">C. JAILLET</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p19.1" title="Bruck, Heinrich" type="Encyclopedia">Heinrich Bruck</term>
<def id="b-p19.2">
<h1 id="b-p19.3">Heinrich Brück</h1>
<p id="b-p20" shownumber="no">Ecclesiastical historian and bishop, born at Bingen, 25 October,
1831; died 4 November, 1903. He followed for some time the cooper's
trade. After a course of studies under of a distinguished ecclesiastic,
Dr. Joseph Hirschel, he entered the seminary at Mainz. He was ordained
to the priesthood in 1855, exercised for some time the sacred ministry,
made a postgraduate course at Munich under Döllinger, and at Rome,
and in 1867 was appointed to the chair of ecclesiastical history in the
seminary of Mainz. He continued to teach until his elevation to the
episcopate, with the exception of the years from 1878 to 1887, when
seminary was closed by the order of the Government. In 1889 he became a
canon of the cathedral; he received also several positions of trust in
the administration of the diocese. In 1899 he was chosen Bishop of
Mainz; as such he directed the diocese with zeal and intelligence. The
merit of Brück consists chiefly in his literary activity. Perhaps
his best known work is his manual of church history, from "Lehrbuch der
Kirchengeschichte" (Mainz, 1874; 8th ed., 1902). It has been translated
into English, French, and Italian, all of which translations passed
through second editions before 1899, an evidence that its excellent
qualities were widely appreciated. The author shows himself possessed
of extensive knowledge not only in history, but also in theology and
canon law. A more special work is his "Geschichte der katholischen
Kirche in Deutschland im neunzehnten Jahrhundert" -- History of the
catholic Church in Germany in the Nineteenth Century", in five volumes
(1887-1905). It contains a rich store of information, arranged with
thoroughness and sound critical judgment, and was received with
universal approval by Catholic scholars. He was also the author of an
account of rationalistic movements in Catholic Germany (1865), a life
of Dean Lennig (1870), and a work on secret societies in Spain
(1881).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p21" shownumber="no">FRANCIS J. SCHAEFER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p21.1" title="Bruel, Joachim" type="Encyclopedia">Joachim Bruel</term>
<def id="b-p21.2">
<h1 id="b-p21.3">Joachim Bruel</h1>
<p id="b-p22" shownumber="no">(Brulius).</p>
<p id="b-p23" shownumber="no">A theologian and historian, born early in the seventeenth century at
Vorst, a village of the province of Brabant, Belgium, died 29 June,
1653. After entering the order to assist in the establishment of
Augustinians he was sent to Bourges, France, to finish his studies in
philosophy and theology. At Bourges he received the degree of Master in
Sacred Theology. In 1638 he was chosen prior of the convent of his
order at Cologne. Twice afterwards (1640 and 1649) he filled the office
of prior provincial. He is of special interest to the student of
Peruvian and Chinese missions.</p>
<p id="b-p24" shownumber="no">Among his published works are: (1) "Historiae Peruanae Ordinis
Eremitarum S.P. Augustini: Libri octodecim." This work follows the
Spanish "Cronica moralizada del Orden de San Augustin en el Peru",
published by Fra Antonio de la Calancha, Barcelona, 1638; continued by
Fra Diego de Cordova, and printed at Lima, 1653. Bruel's Latin version
was printed at Antwerp, 1651. (2) He made also a Latin translation of
Mendoza's monumental history of China, "Rerum Morumque in Regno
Chinensi" etc.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p25" shownumber="no">FRANCIS E. TOURSCHER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p25.1" title="Brueys, David-Augustine de" type="Encyclopedia">David-Augustine de Brueys</term>
<def id="b-p25.2">
<h1 id="b-p25.3">David-Augustine de Brueys</h1>
<p id="b-p26" shownumber="no">A French theologian and dramatic author, born at Aix in 1640; died
25 November, 1723, at Montpellier. His family was Protestant, and he
was brought up a Calvinist. After devoting some time to the study of
law, he applied himself to theology with so much success that he was
made a member of the consistory of Montpellier. In 1691, he published
an answer to Bossuet's "Exposition of Catholic Doctrine", entitled
"Réponse au livre de M. de Condom intitute Exposition de la
doctrine catholique" (Geneva, 1681). He was soon, however, converted by
Bossuet himself, abjured Protestantism in l682, and, after his wife's
death, became a priest. Before his conversion he wrote, besides the
"Réponse", the "Suite du Preservatif (de Jurieu) contre le
changement de religion" (1682).</p>
<p id="b-p27" shownumber="no">His principal works, written after his conversion, are: "Examen des
raisons qui ont donné lieu à la séparation des
protestants" (Paris, 1683), in which he explains the reasons of his
conversion; "Traité de la sainte messe" (Paris, 1683);
"Défense du culte extérieur de l'Eglise catholique" (Paris,
1686); "Response aux plaintes des protestants contre les moyens que
l'on emploie en France pour les réunir à l'Eglise" (Paris,
1686); "Traité de l'Eglise" (Paris, 1686); "Traité de
l'Eucharistie" (Paris, 1686); "Histoire du fanaticisme de notre temps"
(I, 1692; II, 1709; III and IV, 1713); "Traité de
l'obéissance des chrétiens aux puissances temporelles"
(Paris, 1710); "Traité du légitime usage de la raison
principalement sur les objets de la foi" (Paris, 1717).</p>
<p id="b-p28" shownumber="no">In collaboration with Palaprat, Brueys also wrote several comic
plays and a few tragedies, most of which were produced with great
success. They were published in two volumes in 1712, under the title of
"OEvres dramatiques". A new edition to three volumes appeared in 1755,
with the author's life by De Launay; again in 1755 (5 vols.), under the
title of "OEuvres de Brueys et Palaprat"; and finally in 1812 (2 vols.)
as "OEuvres choisies".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p29" shownumber="no">C.A. DUBRAY</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p29.1" title="Brugere, Louis-Frederic" type="Encyclopedia">Louis-Frederic Brugere</term>
<def id="b-p29.2">
<h1 id="b-p29.3">Louis-Frédéric Brugère</h1>
<p id="b-p30" shownumber="no">Professor of apologetics and church history, born at Orléans, 8
(October 1823; died at Issy, 11 April, 1888. He studied with the
Christian Brothers at St. Euverte, and at the Petit Séminaire of
Orléans. His poem of 300 lines describing an inundation of the
Rhone and composed in 1841, was printed and sold for the benefit of the
flood victims at Lyons. He entered the Grand seminaire of Orléans
in 1841 and the Paris seminaire 1845, where he received the degrees of
Bachelor of Licentiate, and Doctor. From 1846 to 1861 with the
exception of two years spent as assistant in the parish of St. Aignan,
Brugère taught the classics and philosophy in the Orléans
diocesan college of La Chapelle-saint-Mesmin. In 1862 he entered the
society of Saint-Sulpice and was appointed professor of apologetics in
the seminary of Paris where, in 1868, he occupied the chair of of
church history in addition to his other labours.</p>
<p id="b-p31" shownumber="no">Brugère's teaching was characterized by rare tact and
discernment. It was his conviction that, in order to assist in the
establishment of communication between the naturally darkened mind and
the radiance of revealed truth, the Christian apologist must consider
the individual mental attitude of those whom he would direct. Thus he
was a strong advocate of the 
<i>methodus ascendens ab intrinseco</i>, which was introduced towards
the end of the fifteenth century, and which holds that the apologist
should first arouse interest by setting forth the needy condition of
the human soul, with its problems unsolved and its cravings
unsatisfied; then gradually suggest the unchanging organization which
offers satisfaction and peace. Curiosity and interest thus intensified,
and the admirable adjustment of Christianity to the needs of the soul
once recognized, fairmindedness urging further research, the honest
inquirer will learn how moral certitude, though differing from
metaphysical and physical certitude, is nevertheless true certitude,
excluding all reasonable fear of error, and is not to be confounded
with probability, however great. Thus, only when prepared to recognize
in the genuine miracle the credentials of the Divinity, may this
inquirer be conducted back through history, from fulfilment to
prediction, in the hope of discovering, by well authenticated miracles,
that the Almighty has stamped as His own the Christianity preserved,
defended, and explained by His one true Church.</p>
<p id="b-p32" shownumber="no">Such, in brief outline, is the method advocated in "De Verâ
Religione" and "De Ecclesia", two treatises which Brugère
published in 1873, and which, from their adaptability to the needs of
the day, merited the approval of competent judges. In addition to these
treatises, Brugère published "Tableau de l'histoire et de la
littérature de l'Eglise". But it is chiefly as a professor that
Brugère is remembered. Gitfted with a remarkable memory, his mind
was a storehouse of exact information which he freely imparted,
embellishing it with anecdote and illustration, so that students gladly
sought him out for pleasure and profit</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p33" shownumber="no">DANIEL P. DUFFY</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p33.1" title="Bruges" type="Encyclopedia">Bruges</term>
<def id="b-p33.2">
<h1 id="b-p33.3">Bruges</h1>
<p id="b-p34" shownumber="no">The chief town of the Province of West Flanders in the Kingdom of
Belgium. Pope Nicholas I in 863 effected a reconciliation between
Charles the Bald, King of the West Franks, and his vassal Baldwin
"Bras-de-Fer"; by it the latter's abduction of his daughter Judith was
forgiven and the union legalized. The Frankish king further invested
his son-in-law with sovereign power over the northern marches enclosed
by the North Sea, the Scheldt, and the River Canche, later known as
Royal Flanders, of which he thus became the first count. On the ruins
of an old burg, said to have dated from 366, Baldwin built himself a
new stronghold, with a chapel for the relics of St. Donatian, the gift
of Ebbo, Archbishop of Reims, the metropolitan see at that time of most
of the Belgian dioceses, and by his valour and untiring energy speedily
checked the inroads of the ravaging Northmen. The security he was thus
able to afford his subjects caused merchants and artisans to gather
round the new settlement, which rapidly grew in size and in wealth.
Such was the origin of Bruges. But it was under the rule of the third
count, Arnulph the Great (918-989), that the Church attained the full
measure of its vitality in Flanders. This prince not only founded and
richly endowed the famed Chapter of St. Donatian, but he established
collegiate churches in the neighbouring towns of Aardenburg and
Thorholt, and built or restored eighteen great monasteries, besides a
number of minor foundations; and such was his prestige that it was to
him St. Dunstan turned for shelter in the hour of danger, much as St.
Thomas of Canterbury at a later epoch (1164) besought the protection of
his successor, Thierry of Alsace, against the wrath of Henry II. Under
the fostering care of the monastery learning and the arts speedily
revived, while commerce and agriculture made equally rapid strides
under the patronage of the court. The great charter of liberties
conferred by Baldwin IV (988-1036) provided a new incentive to
business, which increased by leaps and bounds, and the town so outgrew
its boundaries that his successor was compelled in 1039 to rebuild and
extend its walls. The epoch of the Crusades (1096-1270) contributed in
no small measure to the fame and prosperity of Bruges. Count Robert II
from the first of these great undertakings brought back from Caesarea
in Cappadocia the relics of St. Basil; Thierry of Alsace returned from
the second with the relic of the Holy Blood presented to him by his
cousin Baldwin, King of Jerusalem, as the reward of his great services;
while Baldwin IX, who took part in the fourth, was raised to the
imperial throne on the founding of the Latin Empire after the fall of
Constantinople, 9 April, 1204. From 7 April, 1150, the day on which
Thierry of Alsace returned to his capital with the precious relic, it
has played no small part in the religious life of the city. The solemn
Procession of the Holy Blood, instituted in 1303 to commemorate the
deliverance of the city, by the national heroes Breidel and De Coninck,
from French tyranny in May of the previous year and which takes place
annually on the Monday following the first Sunday in May, is to this
day one of the great religious celebrations in Belgium, to which
thousands congregate from all parts. By the close of the thirteenth
century Bruges had attained the height of its prosperity: it boasted a
population of 150,000, a seaport with 60,000 inhabitants at Damme at
the end of the Zwijn, three miles away, an important harbour at Sluus
at the mouth of the Zwijn, seven miles further, besides several
subordinate townships, and was one of the three wealthiest cities of
Northern Europe. In 1296 the staple of wool was fixed at Bruges, in
1300 it became a member of the Hanseatic League, and by 1356 it was the
chief emporium of the cities of the League.</p>
<p id="b-p35" shownumber="no">With the removal of Baldwin IX the long line of purely Flemish
counts came to an end, and Flanders passed under French domination.
This period of foreign rule, which lasted the best part of a century,
was a time of almost continual warfare between the suzerain power and
the vassal people, complicated by internecine strife with the rival
town of Ghent; and though humiliating disasters alternated with
glorious victories, this the heroic epoch of Flemish history closed
without the commercial prosperity of Bruges having suffered any very
serious check. With the advent of the House of Burgundy in 1384,
Flanders unhappily became involved in the religious troubles which were
then agitating Europe. The new prince, Philip "le Hardi" (1384-1404),
who favoured the pretensions of the antipope, soon proceeded from
aimless sympathy to open proselytism, but the edict by which he forbade
obedience to the Pope of Rome was utterly disregarded by his turbulent
subjects, the clergy, almost to a man, and the great mass of the people
acknowledging Urban VI. The Clementine Bishop of Tournai, whose
spiritual administration embraced Bruges, came hither to ordain
schismatic priests, but the people refused their ministrations, and a
period of persecution followed during which public worship was entirely
suspended. Ghent, however, had purchased the right to liberty of
conscience, and so in 1394 the strange spectacle was witnessed of a
whole town's population on pilgrimage from Bruges to Ghent to fulfil
their Easter duties. Philip's successors, John the Fearless (1404-19)
and Philip "l'Asseuré" (1419-67), pursued this policy of
subjugation, until in 1440, the year of "the Great Humiliation", the
burghers of Bruges were completely at the mercy of their prince. The
next quarter of a century was a period of pomp and pageantry, a
feverish succession of gorgeous tournaments, public banquets, and
triumphal entries, and a display of opulence out of all proportion to
the true productive forces of the commonwealth. Like a true Duke of
Burgundy Philip revelled in the splendour of his court. It was he who
on 10 January, 1429, founded at Bruges the Order of the Golden Fleece.
Munificent in all things, he gathered about him all the great
luminaries of his day. It is also on record that within the twenty-four
hours of one day about 1450, no less than one hundred and fifty foreign
vessels entered the basin and canals of Bruges under the auspices of
the resident consuls of seventeen kingdoms, several of whom were
established there in sumptuous palaces. Industry at the time boasted no
less than fifty-four incorporated associations or guilds, fifty
thousand of whose members found constant employment within the city's
walls. The days of Charles the Bold (1467-77) saw the culmination of
all this splendour. And then suddenly the blow fell. The great haven of
the Zwijn was found to be fast silting up; before the close of the
century no vessel of any considerable draught could enter the port of
Damme, and by the middle of the sixteenth century Bruges was entirely
cut off from the sea.</p>
<p id="b-p36" shownumber="no">By the marriage of the daughter of Charles the Bold to Archduke
Maximilian Flanders passed under the rule of the House of Austria
(1477), and from 1485 the decay of the old Flemish city steadily set
in. A period of continual disturbances, ruthlessly repressed by a
government destitute of stability, produced a feeling of uneasiness in
the commercial world. Antwerp at the time was already proving a
dangerous rival, and gradually the merchant princes, enticed by the
greater security offered and the many advantages held out to them,
removed to the city of the Scheldt. The religious disturbances of the
last quarter of the sixteenth century hastened the exodus, even to the
removal of the last of the foreign consuls. The severities of the
Emperor Charles V (1519-56) and the harsher rule of Philip II (1556-98)
and the Duke of Alva led to the capture of Bruges by the Calvinists in
March, 1578, when for six years Catholic worship was entirely
proscribed. The clergy were exiled or murdered, the churches pillaged
and desecrated, some even levelled to the ground, and when peace
returned in 1584 the population scarcely numbered 30,000. A period of
utter misery followed, in which was developed among the wealthy, under
the guidance of the Church--Bruges had been created an episcopal see in
1558--that great spirit of charity which led to the founding of
innumerable 
<i>Godshuizen</i> (God's houses) which exist to this day for the relief
of an impoverished community. Flanders then became the cockpit of
Europe: there was the unsuccessful bombardment of Bruges by the Dutch
in 1704, the surrender to the Allies in 1706, its surprise-capture by
the French in 1708, its capture by Marlborough in 1712, its surrender
to the French again in 1745, and eventually its return to the rule of
Austria in 1748; in 1792 the French again took it, were expelled, and
retook it in 1794, when it became the chief town of the department of
the Lys; by the Treaty of Vienna (1815) it was incorporated in the new
Kingdom of the Netherlands, eventually, as a result of the Revolution
of 1830, becoming the chief town of the Province of West Flanders in
the then constituted Kingdom of Belgium. In 1877 the idea of recreating
the canal with an outer harbour abreast of Heyst was first mooted, thus
reviving an old scheme of the painter and engineer Lancelot Blondeel
(1496-1561), discovered in the local archives. Eventually the project,
despite the determined opposition of Antwerp, received the sanction of
the legislature on 11 September, 1895, the cost of the undertaking
being fixed at 38,969,075 francs. Seven years was the limit allowed for
the completion of the work, but it was not until 29 May, 1905, that the
informal opening of the canal to navigation took place, the official
inauguration being celebrated in July of 1907. The result has been a
large increase in population (which stood at 56,587 in 1906), the
establishment of considerable industries, and a corresponding decrease
in the chronic poverty of the city; so that it is not surprising if its
good folk are already indulging dreams of a revival of its medieval
grandeur and prosperity.</p>
<p id="b-p37" shownumber="no">It were difficult to exaggerate the importance attaching to Bruges
from the point of view of art. Singularly ill-favoured as West Flanders
was in respect of building material, the only local stone available 
(<i>veld steen</i>) being of a description little adapted to weather the
centuries, Bruges presents no examples of stone architecture of the
early period; and later, when suitable stone came to be imported from
Tournai and from France, the master masons employed in its use and
treatment were likewise of foreign origin. In respect of civic and
domestic brick architecture, however, Bruges stands unrivalled, both
for number and variety of design. Her school of sculpture was early
held in high esteem, eliciting a large foreign demand for stalls and
other descriptions of church and domestic furniture in oak, and the
revival of the art during the past half-century has been attended with
marked success. In equally high esteem stood her wrought-iron work, and
in even greater her engraved monumental brasses, which, prior to the
Calvinist outbreak in the sixteenth century, were exceedingly numerous
throughout Flanders, and examples of which are of frequent occurrence
in England, Germany, Scandinavia, and Spain, from which countries there
was a constant influx of orders. In the department of embroidery and
lace work Bruges likewise enjoyed a high reputation, especially in
respect of ecclesiastical vestments, in the production of which, as of
lace, a large number of hands are employed to this day. But above all,
Bruges, since the second quarter of the fifteenth century, has been
celebrated for her paintings. Owing to the greater peace and security
enjoyed within her walls many master painters from the valley of the
Maas, from Holland, and from Brabant were attracted thither at that
period. These, however, had all learned their art elsewhere. John van
Eyck, who worked there from 1431 to 1441, exercised a considerable
influence, and the scheme of his altar-piece in the Town Museum was
imitated by the Brabanter Peter Christus, the Rhenish Hans Memlinc, and
the Hollander Gerard David. The Town Museum and the Hospital of St.
John are treasure houses of paintings from the brush of these great
artists. Gerard David was the first to form a school, whose traditions
were carried on until the seventeenth century; and he with his pupils
and followers produced an immense number of paintings, scattered all
over Europe. Later on Peter Pourbus of Gouda and the Claeissens adhered
to the old traditions, which held the field in Bruges longer than
anywhere else. In the matter of illuminated books and miniatures it
also enjoyed considerable celebrity, and examples of both are to be
found in almost every library of importance.</p>
<p id="b-p38" shownumber="no">In 1558 Pope Paul IV, at the request of Philip II, raised Bruges to
a separate bishopric. The diocese at the present day comprises the
entire province of West Flanders, an area of 1,249 square miles with
828,152 inhabitants, almost exclusively Catholics. Twenty-two bishops
have so far administered the see. For the purposes of administration
the diocese is divided into the archpresbytery of Bruges and 14 rural
deaneries, the former being subdivided into 8 parishes ministered to by
31 priests, and the latter into 286 parishes served by 642 priests. The
cathedral chapter consists of 10 titular and 19 honorary canons, with 6
chaplains. The diocesan seminary at Bruges has more than a hundred
students, advanced from the preparatory seminary at Roulers. For the
purposes of general education there is an episcopal college at Bruges
and eight similar colleges at the larger centres of the diocese in
which all the humanities are taught, besides four others at minor
centres were the studies are not so advanced; for technical education
there is a normal school at Bruges and four in other parts of the
diocese, all these institutions being almost entirely taught by
ecclesiastics. Most of the religious orders, both male and female, have
houses in the diocese, besides hospitals and asylums for the aged and
the poor.</p>
<p id="b-p39" shownumber="no">Bruges returns 2 members to the Senate and 4 members to the House of
Representatives, while other portions of the Province elect a total of
7 senators and 16 representatives, the Provincial Council further
electing 3 senators. Under the law of proportional representation,
which first came into operation in 1900, Bruges returns 1 Catholic and
1 Liberal to the Senate, and 3 Catholics and 1 Liberal to the House of
Representatives; other portions of the Province return 5 Catholics and
2 Liberals to the Senate, and 12 Catholics, 3 Liberals, and 1 Socialist
to the House of Representatives; the 3 members returned to the Senate
by the Provincial Council belong to the Catholic party; the result is
that West Flanders (otherwise the Diocese of Bruges) is represented in
the Senate by 9 Catholics and 3 Liberals (in addition to the Count of
Flanders, who is a member by virtue of his title), and in the House of
Representatives by 15 Catholics, 4 Liberals, and 1 Socialist. The
government of the province is entirely in the hands of the Catholics,
the governor and the great majority of the Provincial Council belonging
to that party. As much may be said of the local administration of
Bruges, the Communal Council (which consists of the burgomaster, 5
aldermen, and 24 councillors) with the exception of 6 councillors (five
of whom are Liberals and one a Christian Democrat) being in the hands
of the Catholic party.</p>
<p id="b-p40" shownumber="no">MIRAEUS, 
<i>Rerum Belgicarum Annales</i> (Brussels, 1625); GILLIODTS, 
<i>Inventaire des Archives de la ville de Bruges, avec une
introduction</i>: tables and glossary by EDW. GILLIARD (Bruges,
1878-85); GILLIAT-SMITH, 
<i>The Story of Bruges</i> (London, 1901); ROBINSON, 
<i>Bruges: an Historical Sketch</i> (Bruges, 1899); VERSCHELDE, 
<i>De Kathedrale van Sint Salvator te Brugge: Geschiedkundige
Beschryving</i> (Bruges, 1863); 
<i>Les anciennes Maisons de Bruges</i> (Bruges, 1875); W. H. JAMES
WEALE, 
<i>Hans Memlinc: Biography; Pictures at Bruges</i> (Bruges, 1901); 
<i>Gerard David, Painter and Illuminator</i> (London, 1895); VON
BODENHAUSEN, 
<i>Gerard David und seine Schule</i> (Munich, 1905); FRANCES C. WEALE, 
<i>Hubert and John van Eyck</i> (London, 1903).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p41" shownumber="no">J. CYRIL M. WEALE</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p41.1" title="Brugiere, Pierre" type="Encyclopedia">Pierre Brugiere</term>
<def id="b-p41.2">
<h1 id="b-p41.3">Pierre Brugière</h1>
<p id="b-p42" shownumber="no">A French priest, Jansenist, and Juror, born at Thiers, 3 October,
1730; died at Paris, 7 November, 1803. He was chaplain of the Ursulines
and canon in his native place when his refusal to sign the formula of
the acceptation of the Bull "Unigenitus" forced him to leave. He went
to Paris where for twelve years he remained with the community of St.
Roch. A strongly Jansenistic book which he wrote, "Instructions
catholiques sur la dévotion au Sacre-Coeur" (Paris, 1777), brought
this connection to an end. When the Revolution broke out he welcomed it
with enthusiasm. He rushed headlong into the fray with two books
calling loudly for reform: "Doléances des églisiers" and
"Relation sommaire et véritable de ce qui s'est passé dans
l'Assemblée du clergé" (1789).</p>
<p id="b-p43" shownumber="no">Brugière not only took the Constitutional Oath on the day
fixed, 9 Jan., 1791, but he became as it were the heart and soul of the
Constitutional Church. Elected 
<i>curé</i> of St. Paul's he defended the civil constitution of
the clergy against episcopal and papal censures in his "Discours
patriotique au sujet des brefs du pape" and "La lanterne sourde" (aimed
at Bonal, Bishop of Clermont). It is to his credit, however, that he
energetically condemned the marriage of priests which the Constitution
was doing its utmost to encourage. Against this practice he wrote his
"Réflexions d'un curé", and "Lettre d'un curé" (1791),
and together with several other constitutionals he denounced its
advocates without mercy in "Le nouveau disciple de Luther" (1792). This
brochure was aimed at Aubert, a married priest appointed by Gobel 
<i>curé</i> of St. Augustin. Brugière's fearless preaching
placed him in the hands of the revolutionary tribunal, and it was while
he was imprisoned he wrote to his followers the "Lettre d'un cure du
fond de sa prison à ses paroissiens" (1793). Set at liberty, he
continued his pastoral ministrations in spite of the charge of
treasonable conduct, a dangerous thing in those days. But his
ministrations were of a novel kind. Mass was said and the sacraments
were administered by him in French, and in support of that singularity
an appeal was made to the people, "Appel au peuple francais" (1798)</p>
<p id="b-p44" shownumber="no">Brugière had rebuked the bishops who condemned the oath. He had
likewise rebuked the priests who married. Now he was no less violent
against the Jurors who began to retract. He attended the two councils
of 1797 and 1801 which were trying hard to sustain the ebbing life of
the Constitutional Church, and he founded a society for its protection:
"Société de philosophie chrétienne". Even after the
promulgation of the Concordat of 1801 he clung to the then dead
Constitutional Church. Besides the works already mentioned,
Brugière wrote a number of pamphlets and left many sermons which
were published after his death: "Instructions choisies" (Paris,1804).
Two contemporaries, the Abbé Massy and the Christian Brother
Renaud, wrote his life under the title: "Mémoire apologétique
de Pierre Brugière" (Paris, 1804).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p45" shownumber="no">J.F. SOLLIER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p45.1" title="Brugman, John" type="Encyclopedia">John Brugman</term>
<def id="b-p45.2">
<h1 id="b-p45.3">John Brugman</h1>
<p id="b-p46" shownumber="no">A renowned Franciscan preacher of the fifteenth century, b. at
Kempen in the Diocese of Cologne, towards the end of the preceding
century; d. at Nimwegen, Netherlands, 19 sept., 1473. He became lector
of theology, vicar-provincial and one of the founders Cologne Province
of the Friars of the Minor Observance. For twenty years his name was
celebrated as the most illustrious preacher of the Low Countries. Being
the friend of Denis the Carthusian, it was due to his suggestion that
he latter wrote his work: "De doctrinâ et regulis vitae
Christianæ", dedicating it to Father Brugman. He also espoused the
cause of the Brothers of the Common Life, which congregation,
successfully devoted to the interests of education, had been
established by two priests, Gerhard Groote and Florentius Radewiyns. He
addressed them in the two letters which are still extant to strengthen
them in the persecution to which they were subjected. He died in the
odour of sanctity and is commemorated in the "Martyrologium
Minoritico-Belgicum" on the l9th of September. Father Brugman wrote two
lives of St. Lidwina, the first of which, printed at Cologne in 1433,
was reprinted anonymously at Louvain in 1448, and later epitomized by
Thomas à Kempis at Cologne. The second life appeared at Schiedam
in 1498; both have been embodied by the Bollandists in the Acta SS., 2
April. He also wrote a devout "Life of Jesus." Father Brugman ranked
among the best poets of his day. Two of his poems "O Ewich is so lanc!"
and "The Zielejacht" are included by Hoffmann von Fallersleben in his
"Horae Belgicae" (II, 36, 41.) His life was written by Dr. Mohl under
the title "Joannes Brugman en bet Godsdlenstegen Leven Onzer Vaderen in
de Vijftiende eeuw", and published at Amsterdam in 1854. It consists of
two volumes, second containing Brugman's unedited works.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p47" shownumber="no">ANDREW EGAN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p47.1" title="Brumidi, Constantino" type="Encyclopedia">Constantino Brumidi</term>
<def id="b-p47.2">
<h1 id="b-p47.3">Constantino Brumidi</h1>
<p id="b-p48" shownumber="no">An Italian-American historical painter, celebrated for his fresco
work in the Capitol at Washington, b. at Rome, 1805; d. at Washington,
19 February, 1880. His father was a native of Greece and his mother a
Roman. He showed his talent for fresco painting at an early age and
painted in several Roman palaces, among them being that of Prince
Torlonia. Under Gregory XVI he worked for three years in the Vatican.
The occupation of Rome by the French in l849 apparently decided Brumidi
to emigrate, and he sailed for the United States, where he became
naturalized in 1852. Taking up his residence in New York City the
artist painted a number of portraits. Subsequently he undertook more
important works, the principal being a fresco of the Crucifixion in St.
Stephen's Church, for which he also executed a "Martyrdom of St.
Stephen" and an "Assumption of the Virgin". In 1854 Brumidi went to the
city of Mexico, where he painted in the cathedral as allegorical
representation of the Holy Trinity. On his way back to New York he
stopped at Washington and visited the Capitol. Impressed with the
opportunity for decoration presented by its vast interior wall spaces,
he offered his services for that purpose to Quartermaster-General
Meigs. This offer was accepted, and about the same time he was
commissioned as a captain of cavalry. His first art work in the Capitol
was in the room of the House Cornmittee on Agriculture. At first he
received eight dollars a day, which Jefferson Davis, then Secretary of
War of the United States, caused to be increased to ten dollars. His
work attracting much favourable attention, he was given further
commisssons, and gradually settled into the position of a Government
painter. His chief work in Washington was done in the rotunda of the
Capitol and included the apotheosis of Washington in the dome, as well
as other allegories, and scenes from American history. His work in the
rotunda was left unfinished at his death, but he had decorated many
other of the building. In the Catholic Cathedral of Philadelphia he
pictured St. Peter and St. Paul. Brumidi was a capable, if conventional
painter, and his black and white modelling in the work at Washington,
in imitation of bas-relief, is strikingly effective.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p49" shownumber="no">AUGUSTUS VAN CLEEF</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p49.1" title="Brumoy, Pierre" type="Encyclopedia">Pierre Brumoy</term>
<def id="b-p49.2">
<h1 id="b-p49.3">Pierre Brumoy</h1>
<p id="b-p50" shownumber="no">Born at Rouen in Normandy, 1688; entered the Society of Jesus in
1704; died in Paris, 1742. Brumoy belonged to that distinguished group
of humanists who shed lustre upon the Society of Jesus shortly before
its suppression in France. Between the years 1722 and 1739 he
contributed many articles to the celebrated "Journal de Trevoux" of
which he was for some time the editor. Of the "History of the Gallican
Church", which had been begun by Fathers Longueval and Fontenay, he
wrote volumes XI and XII (1226-1320). He also composed several college
tragedies on sacred subjects and many poems and discourses in Latin and
in French. His Latin didactic poem "De motibus animi" (on the passions)
was highly esteemed by his contemporaries. His most important work, "Le
theatre des Grecs", which was first published in 1730 in three volumes,
has often been reprinted. It contains translations and analyses of the
Greek tragedies, supplemented by keen critical and aesthetic
observations. An English translation was made by Mrs. Charlotte Lennox
with the assistance of the Earl of Cork and Dr. Samuel Johnson, and
first published in London in 1759.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p51" shownumber="no">B. GULDNER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p51.1" title="Brunellesco, Filippo" type="Encyclopedia">Filippo Brunellesco</term>
<def id="b-p51.2">
<h1 id="b-p51.3">Filippo Brunellesco</h1>
<p id="b-p52" shownumber="no">(Or Brunelleschi)</p>
<p id="b-p53" shownumber="no">An architect and sculptor, born at Florence, 1377; died there 16
April, 1446. As an architect Brunellesco was one of the chief leaders
in the early period of the Renaissance movement. Though rather
unprepossessing in appearance, he was of a cheerful and congenial
disposition, of active and inventive mind, and withal somewhat
quick-tempered. Even in his childish games he evinced a decided
inclination towards the mechanical. Beginning as a goldsmith, and later
turning to sculpture, he finally applied himself exclusively to
architecture without, however, neglecting his general culture. He read
the Bible and Dante to feed his fancy, but devoted himself with decided
preference to the study of perspective which he was the first to apply
to art in accordance with definitely formulated rules. The correlated
studies of mathematics and geometry also received his attention. He was
considerably influenced by the lifelong friendship of the mathematician
Paolo del Pozzo Toscanelli, by his joint studies with his younger
friend Donatello, by the the artists and art-works of his native
Florence, particularly by the monuments of Rome, to the study of which
he devoted many years. Classical antiquity was already, at this period,
well known and highly appreciated.</p>
<h3 id="b-p53.1">SCULPTURE</h3>
<p id="b-p54" shownumber="no">The Duomo of Pistoia contains several examples of niello-work and
two silver statues of prophets said to be the earliest works of
Brunellesco. A wooden Magdalen in the church of Santo Spirito at
Florence was destroyed by fire in 1471. His wooden crucifix in Santa
Maria Novella is true to nature and beautiful, while that by his friend
Donatello, in Santa Croce, deserved the criticism ascribed to
Brunellesco: "This is a rustic hanging on the cross". Two of his
perspectives created a great sensation in Florence. Seventy years later
they are described at length by his first anonymous biographer.
Masaccio learned perspective from Brunellesco and according to Vasari,
the architect's second biographer, it was also applied to intarsia.
Brunellesco entered into competition with Ghiberti and other masters in
1401, when models for the reliefs of the second bronze door of the
Baptistery at Florence were called for. The designs of both are
exhibited side by side in the National Museum at Florence. We may agree
with the verdict of the commission which awarded the first prize to
Ghiberti and the second to Brunellesco. Ghiberti's relief is noteworthy
for its agreeable dignity, while that of Brunellesco looks restless and
laboured. Soon after Brunellesco went to Rome and for many years
explored its ancient ruins, alone and with Donatello. The remains of
the classic buildings so enraptured him that he decided to make
architecture his lifework, instead of, as heretofore, and to a greater
degree in Santo Spirito, a occasional occupation. In the meantime the
much discussed problem of the completion of the Duomo (Santa Maria del
Fiore) of Florence seems to have awakened in him the ambition to attain
in this way undisputed supremacy in one of plastic arts.</p>
<h3 id="b-p54.1">ARCHITECTURE</h3>
<p id="b-p55" shownumber="no">At the end of the thirteenth century Arnolfo di Cambio had begun the
construction of Santa Maria del Fiore substantially a Gothic cathedral,
and carried it as far as the dome whose span of forty metres (one
hundred and thirty eight and one-half feet), nearly equal to that of
the Pantheon, had deterred from its completion all contemporary
architects. In 1417 a conference of experts failed to arrive at a
solution. Brunellesco, who was present, did not fully declared himself,
but instead visited Rome again, manifestly for the purpose of coming
forward with greater assurance. The following year (March, 1419) a
meeting of the most noted architects took place, and in the discussion
relative to the cathedral dome Brunellesco with full confidence
purposed to complete it without centering, since it was impossible to
construct scaffolding for such a height. At first, he was regarded as a
fool, but later was actually commissioned to execute the work, with two
other artists as associates. Whether to harmonize it with the pointed
arches of the rest of the design or to relieve the substructure of the
greater thrust, Brunellesco built the dome not on spherical, but on
pointed octagonal, clustered-arches. He then braced it not only by
means of the octagonal drum, previously agreed on, but also borrowed
from Baptistery, besides its lantern, the idea of a protective roof,
not an ordinary roof, but a second and lighter dome. This novel concept
of a dome of two shells greatly relieved the weight of the structure,
gave to the exterior an agreeable rounded finish, and in the space
between the shells furnished room for ribbing passageways, and stairs.
In technical or constructive skill the dome of St. Peter's marked no
advance on the work of Brunellesco; it is superior only in formal
beauty. The crowning lantern, statically important weight, adds sixteen
metres to the height of the dome which is ninety-one metres; it is
inadequate, however, to the lighting of the edifice. Brunellesco's work
remained in its essential features, a model for succeeding ages. The
lantern was not completed until five years after the death of the
master.</p>
<p id="b-p56" shownumber="no">Inspired by classical art he executed other domical structures and
basilicas, in all of which the essential characteristics of the new
style appear. For the sacristy of San Lorenzo at Florence he built its
polygonal dome, without a drum, on a square plan, by means of
pendentives (projecting spherical triangles). As a central feature for
Santa Maria degli Angeli in Florence, he designed a dome resting on a
substructure, octagonal on the interior and sixteen-sided on the
exterior. On a freestanding centralized plan he built a still more
charming structure, the Pazzi Chapel. Over the middle portion of the
rectangular hall a dome with radial ribbings is carried on arches and
flanked on two sides by barrel vaults. The square sanctuary rises on
the long side of this rectangular hall and is covered with a dome. The
corresponding square on the entrance side is also domed; he added to it
an antique colonnade covered in by a barrel vault, thus forming a
loggia that extends the entire width of the building. The interior wall
surfaces are decorated with Corinthian pilasters. The straight
entablature, the rounded windows, the coffered ceiling, the medallions,
complete on a small scale an ideal Renaissance edifice. It is probable
that the cruciform and domical church of Badia di Fiesole was built
from Brunellesco's design. In all these works he treated antique
classical principles rather freely. In larger churches his practical
mind induced him to return to the basilica plan. In San Lorenzo, it is
true, he found the cruciform plan already fixed; he added, however, a
wooden ceiling for the nave, spherical vaults for the side aisles, and
rectangular chapels with barrel vaults along the outer walls; lateral
aisles also surround the transept. The external cornice is carried out
in a straight line; the height of the nave is double its width, the
Corinthian columes bear the classical triple entablature but the arches
springing therefrom; to increase the height these arches bear another
broad triple entablature. We are frequently reminded in this edifice of
the ancient Christan and Romanesque basilicas. Its dome was completed
by Monetti, who allowed himself here, and to a greater degree in San
Spirito, a certain liberty in dealing with the designs of Brunellesco.
The plan of the latter church is in the main the same as that of San
Lorenzo; the interior niches are rounded, though their exterior walls
are rectangular. These niches follow the lateral aisles around the
transepts and the apse. Over the meeting of the great nave and apse
rises a low drum supporting a ribbed dome; it is finished with around
windows and a lantern. Brunellesco executed also no little domestic
architecture. He supervised the construction of the Foundling Hospital
(Spedale degli Innocenti) and drew the model of a magnificent palace
for Cosimo de' Medici which the latter failed to carry out through fear
of envy. Finally he built a part of the Pitti Palace, and in this work
left to posterity a model method of the use of quarry-faced stone
blocks for the first story. In recognition of his merits this
epoch-making architect, no less distinguished in the decorative than
sacred precincts of the cathedral.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p57" shownumber="no">G. GIETTMANN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p57.1" title="Brunetiere, Ferdinand" type="Encyclopedia">Ferdinand Brunetiere</term>
<def id="b-p57.2">
<h1 id="b-p57.3">Ferdinand Brunetière</h1>
<p id="b-p58" shownumber="no">A French critic and professor, born at Toulon, 19 July, 1849; died
at Paris, 9 December, 1906. After finishing his studies at the
Lycée Louis-le-Grand, he took the entrance examination of the
Ecole Normale, a higher training-school for teachers, but failed on
account of deficiency in Greek. When the Franco-German war broke out,
he enlisted in the heavy-armed infantry. After the war he returned to
Paris and led a very precarious life as a teacher in private schools.
In 1874, he began to write for the "Revue des Deux Mondes", then edited
by Charles Buloz, whose principal associate he soon became. From the
first he was an opponent of the Naturalist School, which in retaliation
feigned to ignore him and declared that the name of Brunetière was
the pseudonym of some writer of no account. His mastery of criticism
and his immense and minute learning, which were combined with a keen
and cutting style, soon proved his intellectual power. The editor-ship
in chief of the "Revue des Deux Mondes" was tendered to him in 1893.
Although he had not attained the higher academic degrees, he was
appointed professor of the French language and literature in the Ecole
Normale in 1886, a position he held up to 1905, when the school was
reorganized. On account of his conversion to Catholicism he was dropped
from the list of professors. He was elected to the French Academy in
1893.</p>
<p id="b-p59" shownumber="no">In 1897, M. Brunetière lectured in the United States, under the
auspices of the Alliance Française. After delivering nine lectures
on French poetry in the annual course of the Percy Turnbull lectures on
poetry, at the Johns Hopkins University, he travelled through the
country speaking to enthusiastic audiences on classical and
contemporary literature. He met with a success that no French lecturer
before him had ever attained. In New York more than three thousand
persons gathered to hear him. His most famous lecture was on Zola,
whose so-called lifelike pictures of the French bourgeois, of a
workman, soldier, and peasant, he described as gloomy, pessimistic, and
calumnious caricatures.</p>
<p id="b-p60" shownumber="no">Brunetière was a French critic of the last twenty years of the
nineteenth century. His articles in the "Revue des Deux Mondes"
resemble a strongly framed building, without frivolous ornament,
majestic in proportion, impressive through solidity. They have been
published in about fifteen volumes bearing various titles, as: "Etudes
critiques sur l'histoire de la littérature française";
"Questions de critique"; "Essais sur la littérature
contemporaine", etc. Brunetière was a dogmatist, judging literay
works not by the impression they made upon him, but according to
certain principles he had laid down as criteria. According to his
dogmatic system, literary work derives its value from the general ideas
it contains, and the originality of a writer consists only in setting
his own stamp upon a universal design. A good survey of his ideas may
be had from the "Manuel de la littérature française" (tr. New
York). This form of criticism was more or less borrowed from
Désiré Nisard. About the year 1889, M. Brunetière
changed his method and applied to literature the theories of evolution,
explaining the formation, growth, and decay of various literary 
<i>genres</i> in their development from a common origin, by the same
principles as those by which Darwin explained the development of the
animal species. (L'évolution des genres; L'évolution de la
poésie lyrique au XIXe siècle.) However weak the basis of
such a system may be, all the details are interesting. In 1892 M.
Brunetière showed himself a orator of the highest rank. His
lectures at the Odéon théâtre on "Les époques du
Theatre Francais" proved very successful. In 1893 he delivered a course
of public lectures at the Sorbonne on "L'évolution des genres",
and in 1894 on "Les sermons de Bossuet". When he was deprived of his
professorship at the Ecole Normale, in 1905, he became ordinary
lecturer to the Société des Conférences. M.
Brunetière was master of the difficult art of convincing a large
audience. He had all the qualities of a true orator: clearness of
exposition, strength and logic of reasoning, an unusual command of
general ideas, a fine and penetrating voice, and above all, a certain
strange power of conviction which won the immediate sympathy of the
most prejudiced hearers.</p>
<p id="b-p61" shownumber="no">M. Brunetière became a convert to Catholicism, in consequence
of long and thorough study of Bossuet's sermons, and, strange to say,
by a logical process of deductions which had been suggested to him by
Auguste Comte's philosophy. (See Discours de combat, 2d series, p. 3.)
In giving up his materialistic opinions to adopt the Catholic Faith he
was prompted by a deep conviction, and there was no emotional element
in this radical change. The article he wrote in 1895, "Après une
visite au Vatican", augured his conversion to catholicism. In this
article, M. Brunetière showed that science, in spite of its solemn
promises, had failed to give happiness to mankind, and that faith alone
was able to achieve that result. Soon after, M. Brunetière
publicly adhered to Catholicism and for ten years he made numerous
speeches in all parts of France, to defend his new faith against the
free-thinkers. Among these addresses may be mentioned: "Le besoin de
croire", Besancon, 1898; "Les raisons actuelles de croire", Lille,
1899; "L'idée de solidarité", Toulouse, 1900; "L'action
catholique", Tours, 1901; "Les motifs d'esperer", Lyons, 1901, etc. He
devoted himself to this task with the greatest energy, for he was
naturally a man of will and a fighter. The most interesting feature of
his apology is his attempt to show how much the positivism of Auguste
Comte was akin to Catholicism. He endeavoured to prove that modern
thought contained in itself, without suspecting it, the seed of
Catholicism. (see "Sur les chemins de la croyance. Primiere etape,
L'utilisation du positivisme".) On one occasion, in the course of a
discussion with a Socialist, he went so far as to infer the identity of
the social aspirations of Catholicism and the aspirations of the
Socialists for a general reform of the world.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p62" shownumber="no">LOUIS N. DELAMARRE</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p62.1" title="Brunforte, Ugolino" type="Encyclopedia">Ugolino Brunforte</term>
<def id="b-p62.2">
<h1 id="b-p62.3">Ugolino Brunforte</h1>
<p id="b-p63" shownumber="no">Friar Minor and chronicler, born c. 1262; died c. 1348. His father
Rinaldo, Lord of Sarnano in the Marches, belonged to an ancient and
noble family of French origin, from which sprang the famous Countess
Matilda. Ugolino entered the Order of Friars Minor at the age of
sixteen and served his novitiate at the convent of Roccabruna, but
passed most of his life at the convent of Santa Maria in Monte Giorgio,
whence he is often called Ugolino of Monte Giorgio. In 1295 he was
chosen Bishop of Abruzzi (Teramo) under Celestine V, but before his
consecration the pope had resigned and Boniface VIII who suspected
Ugolino as belonging to the Zelanti annulled the appointment (see Bull
"In Supremae Dignitatis Specula" in "Bullarium Francis", IV, 376.
Nearly fifty years later he was elected provincial of Macerata. Most
scholars are now agreed on fixing upon Ugolino as the author of the
"Fioretti" or "Little Flowers of St. Francis" in their original form.
For recent research has revealed that this classic collection of
narratives, which forms one of the most delightful productions of the
Middle Ages, or rather the fifty-three chapters which form the true
text of the "Fioretti" (for the four appendixes are additions of later
compilers) were translated into Italian by an unknown
fourteenth-century friar from a larger Latin work attributed to
Ugolino. Although this Latin original has not come down to us, we have
in the "Actus B. Francisci et Sociorum Ejus", edited by Paul Sabatier
in "Collection d'Etudes" (Paris, 1902, IV), an approximation to it
which may be considered on the whole as representing the original of
the "Fioretti". That Ugolino was the principal compiler of the "Actus"
seems certain; how far he may be considered the sole author of the
"Fioretti" of the primitive "Actus Fioretti" is not so clear. His
labour which consisted chiefly in gathering the flowers for his bouquet
from written and oral local tradition appears to have been completed
before 1328.</p>
<p id="b-p64" shownumber="no">WADDING, 
<i>Script. ord. Min.</i> (1650), 179; SBARALEA, 
<i>Supplementum</i> (8106), 
<i>addenda</i> 727; LUIGI DA FABRIANO, 
<i>Disquisizione istorica intorno all' autore dei Fioretti</i>
(Fabriano, 1883); 
<i>Cenni cronologico-biografici dell' osservante Provincia Picena</i>
(Quaracchi, 1886), 232 sqq.; MANZONI, 
<i>Fioretti</i> (2nd ed., Rome, 1902), 
<i>prefazione</i>; SABATIER, 
<i>Fioretum S. Francisci</i> (Paris, 1902), preface; MARIOTTI, 
<i>Primordi Gloriosi dell' ordine Minoritico nelle Marche</i>
(Castelplanio, 1903), VI; ARNOLD, 
<i>The Authorship of the Fioretti</i> (London, 1904); PACE, 
<i>L'autore del Floretum</i> in 
<i>Rivista Abruzzese, ann. XIX</i>, fasc. II; VAN ORTROY in 
<i>Annal. Bolland.</i>, XXI, 443 sqq.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p65" shownumber="no">PASCHAL ROBINSON</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p65.1" title="Bruni, Leonardo" type="Encyclopedia">Leonardo Bruni</term>
<def id="b-p65.2">
<h1 id="b-p65.3">Leonardo Bruni</h1>
<p id="b-p66" shownumber="no">An eminent Italian humanist, b. of poor and humble parents at
Arezzo, the birthplace of Petrarch, in 1369; d. at Florence, 9 March,
1444. He is also called Aretino from the city of his birth. Beginning
at first the study of law, he later, under the patronage of Salutato
and the influence of the Greek scholar Chrysoloras, turned his
attention to the study of the classics. In 1405 he obtained through his
friend Poggio the post of Apostolic secretary under Pope Innocent VII.
He remained at Rome for several years, continuing as secretary under
Popes Gregory XII and Alexander V. In 1410 he was elected Chancellor of
the Republic of Florence, but resigned the office after a few months,
returning to the papal court as secretary under John XXIII, whom he
afterwards accompanied to the Council of Constance. On the deposition
of that pope in 1415, Bruni returned to Florence, where he spent the
remaining years of his life.</p>
<p id="b-p67" shownumber="no">Here he wrote his chief work, a Latin history of Florence,
"Historiarium Florentinarum Libri XII" (Strasburg, 1610). In
recognition of this great work the State conferred upon him the rights
of citizenship and exempted the author and his children from taxation.
In 1427 through the favour of the Medici he was again appointed state
chancellor, a post which he held until his death. During these
seventeen years he performed many valuable services to the State. Bruni
contributed greatly to the revival of Greek and Latin learning in Italy
in the fifteenth century and was foremost among the scholars of the
Christian Renaissance. He, more than any other man, made the treasures
of the Hellenic world accessible to the Latin scholar through his
literal translations into Latin of the works of Greek authors. Among
these may be mentioned his translations of Aristotle, Plato, Plutarch,
Demosthenes, and Æschines. These were considered models of pure
Latinity.</p>
<p id="b-p68" shownumber="no">His original works include: "Commentarius Rerum Suo Tempore
Gestarum"; "De Romae Origine"; "De Bello Italico adversus Gothos"; and
ten volumes of letters, "Epistolae Familiares", which, written in
elegant Latin, are very valuable for the literary history of the
fifteenth century. He was also the author of biographies in Italian of
Dante and Petrarch and wrote in Latin the lives of Cicero and
Aristotle. So widespread was the admiration for Bruni's talents that
foreigners came from all parts to see him. The great esteem in which he
was held by the Florentines was shown by the extraordinary public
honors accorded him at his death. His corpse was clad in dark silk, and
on his breast was laid a copy of his "History of Florence". In the
presence of many foreign ambassadors and the court of Pope Eugenius,
Manetti pronounced the funeral oration and placed the crown of laurel
upon his head. He was then buried at the expense of the State in the
cemetery of Santa Croce, where his resting-place is marked by a
monument executed by Rossellino.</p>
<p id="b-p69" shownumber="no">Symonds, 
<i>Renaissance in Italy</i> (New York, 1900), II; 
<i>The Revival of Learning</i>; Voight, 
<i>Die Wiederbelebung des classischen Altherthums</i> (Berlin, 1893);
the most complete ed. of Bruni's works is that of Mehus (Florence,
1731).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p70" shownumber="no">EDMUND BURKE</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p70.1" title="Bruenn" type="Encyclopedia">Bruenn</term>
<def id="b-p70.2">
<h1 id="b-p70.3">Brünn</h1>
<p id="b-p71" shownumber="no">Suffragan diocese of the Archdiocese of Olmutz, embracing the
south-western part of Moravia, an area of 3825 sq. m., and containing,
according to the "Catalogus cleri Dioceseos Brunensis 1907", about
1,051,654 inhabitants, 1,000,607 of whom are Catholics.</p>
<h3 id="b-p71.1">I. HISTORY</h3>
<p id="b-p72" shownumber="no">The erection of the Diocese of Brünn was due to Empress Maria
Theresa. The territory comprised in this diocese belonged from a very
early period to the Diocese of Olmutz. To obviate the difficulties
arising from the administration of such a vast territory, Maria Theresa
in 1773 entered into negotiations with Pope Clement XIV. Olmutz was to
be raised to the rank of an archbishopric and two newly created
bishoprics — Brünn and Troppau — assigned it as
suffragans. Eventually, however, only one was created. By a papal Bull
of Pius VI, dated 5 December, 1777, Olmutz was made an archbishopric
and Brünn erected into an episcopal see. The collegiate chapter of
the provostship of Sts. Peter and Paul which had been in existence in
Brünn since 1296 was constituted the cathedral chapter, and the
provost-church was made the cathedral. Matthias Franz, Count von
Chorinsky, mitred provost of the chapter was appointed by the empress
first bishop. He was succeeded by Johann Baptist Lachenbauer (1787-99),
Vincenz Joseph von Schrattenbach (1800-16), Wenzel Urban Ritter von
Stuffler (1817-31), Franz Anton von Gindl (1832-41), Anton Ernst, Count
von Schaffgotsche (1842-70), Karl Nöttig (1871-82), Franz Sales
Bauer (1882-1904), since 1904 Archbishop of Olmutz, and Paulus, Count
von Huyn, b. at Brünn, 1868, appointed bishop 17 April, 1904, and
consecrated 26 June, 1904.</p>
<h3 id="b-p72.1">II. STATISTICS</h3>
<p id="b-p73" shownumber="no">For the cure of souls the diocese is divided into 7
archipresbyterates and 37 deaneries with 429 parishes and the same
number of parish churches, 30 simple benefices, 545 mission churches 
(<i>Filialkirchen</i>) and oratories. In 1907 the number of secular
clergy was 751,612 engaged in the care of souls, 102 in other offices
(professors, military chaplains, etc.), and 47 retired from active
duty; regulars, 101, of whom 54 are engaged in the active ministry. The
cathedral chapter consists of a dean, an archdeacon, 4 canons
capitular, 6 honorary canons, and 1 canon 
<i>extra statum</i>; the consistory is composed of 15 members. In
Nikolsburg there is a collegiate chapter with 6 canons and 4 honorary
canons. The bishop and the 4 capitulars are appointed by the emperor,
the dean by the cathedral chapter, and the archdeacon by the bishop.
Among the benefices, 26 are by free collation, 106 subject to
appointment by administrators of the religious fund, 8 by
administrators of the fund for students, 23 by ecclesiastical patrons,
250 by lay families, 22 are incorporated with monasteries, and 2 of
mixed patronage. For the training of the clergy there is a seminary, in
connection with which is a theological school with 11 ecclesiastical
professors, also an episcopal preparatory school for boys. In the
intermediate schools of the diocese 67 priests are engaged in teaching
religion, in the primary schools and intermediate schools for girls 79
priests.</p>
<p id="b-p74" shownumber="no">The following religious congregations have establishments in the
diocese: 
<i>Men:</i> Premonstratensians 1 abbey (Neureisch) with 12 priests;
Benedictines 1 abbey in raigern (from which is issued the well-known
periodical "Studien u. Mitteilungen aus dem Benediktiner-und
Cistercienserorden"), with 20 fathers and 2 clerics; the Hermits of St.
Augustine 1 foundation in Brünn, with 16 priests and 5 clerics;
the Piarists 1 college at Nikolsburg with 2 fathers and 3 lay brothers;
the Dominicans 1 monastery with 7 fathers and 7 brothers; the
Franciscans 2 convents with 7 fathers and 5 brothers; the Minorites 1
monastery with 2 priests and 2 lay brothers; the Capuchins 3
monasteries with 9 fathers and 8 brothers; the Brothers of Mercy, 2
foundations with 3 priests and 15 brothers. 
<i>Women:</i> 32 foundations and 379 sisters engaged in the education
of girls and the care of the sick: 1 Cistercian abbey (Tischnowitz)with
25 religious; 1 Ursuline convent with 21 sisters; 1 Elizabethan convent
with 19 sisters; 3 foundations of the Sisters of Mercy of St. Vincent
de Paul, with 34 sisters; 9 houses of the Sisters of Mercy of St.
Charles Borromeo, with 71 sisters; 2 houses of the Daughters of the
Divine Saviour with 26 sisters; 6 convents of the Poor Sisters of Notre
Dame with 35 sisters; 1 house of Daughters of Divine Love, with 24
sisters; 1 mother-house and 5 branches of the Sisters of the Third
Order of St. Francis, with 108 sisters, and 1 foundation of the Order
of St. Hedwig, with 4 sisters. The above named congregations of women
conduct 4 boarding schools for girls, 21 schools for girls, 6
hospitals, 4 orphan asylums, 13 creches, 5 hospital stations, 2 asylums
for aged women, 2 homes for the aged, 1 institution for the blind, and
1 home for servant girls. Among the associations to be found in the
diocese may be mentioned: the Catholic Journeymen's Union
(Gesellenverein), 7; the Society of St. Vincent de Paul, 9 conferences;
the Association of Christian Social Workers, the Apostolate of Sts.
Cyril and Methodius, the St. Joseph's Verein for men and young men.</p>
<p id="b-p75" shownumber="no">Chief among the churches of the diocese is the Cathedral of Sts.
Peter and Paul at Brünn; built between the thirteenth and
fifteenth century in Gothic style, it was destroyed in 1645, rebuilt as
a Renaissance structure (1743-80), remodeled in 1906 and two towers
added. The stateliest and most beautiful Gothic church of the diocese
is the church of St. James at Brünn, begun as early as the
thirteenth century but completed only in 1511. Other prominent
ecclesiastical buildings are the church of St. James at Iglau, erected
1230-43, with three naves, a spacious choir, and a Roman portico; the
Jesuit church at Brünn, erected in 1582 in the Barocco style.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p76" shownumber="no">JOSEPH LINS</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p76.1" title="Brunner, Francis de Sales" type="Encyclopedia">Francis de Sales Brunner</term>
<def id="b-p76.2">
<h1 id="b-p76.3">Francis de Sales Brunner</h1>
<p id="b-p77" shownumber="no">The founder of the Swiss-American congregation of the Benedictines,
b. 10 January, 1795, at Muemliswil, Switzerland; d. at the Convent of
Schellenberg, Duchy of Lichtenstein, 29 December, 1859. He received in
baptism the name of Nicolaus Joseph. After the death of his father he
entered, 11July, 1812, the Benedictine monastery near his residence in
Maria Stein. He made his vows two years later and studied for the
priesthood under the direction of the pious Abbot Pfluger. Ten years
after his ordination (1819) he felt a vocation for a stricter life and
joined the Trappists of Oehlemberg, also near his home. This convent
being suppressed, he offered his services for foreign missions to
Gregory XVI, and was to have gone as Apostolic missionary to China, but
shortly before the time set for his departure the order was recalled.
Next he founded a school for poor boys in the castle of Löwenberg,
which he had purchased from the Count de Montfort. In 1833 with his
mother he made a pilgrimage to Rome, where they were both enrolled in
the Archconfraternity of the Most Precious Blood. Returned to
Lowenberg, his mother gathered around her pious virgins to "hold a
perpetual (day and night) adoration and dedicate their lives to the
education of orphans and the furnishing of vestments for poor
churches".</p>
<p id="b-p78" shownumber="no">Thus began the Sisters of the Most Precious Blood; their foundress
died in 1836, and the community was brought to America under the second
mother superior, Sister Clara, who died in 1876 at Grunewald, Ohio.
Meanwhile, in 1838, Father Brunner had made a second visit to Rome, and
had entered the Congregation of the Most Precious Blood at Albano.
After his novitiate he returned, continued the work he had previously
begun, and also began educating boys for the priesthood, so as to
inaugurate a German province of the congregation. The Government
interfering more and more with his school, he accepted the invitation
of Archbishop Purcell of Cincinnati, brought to him by Monsignor Henni,
to establish his community in America. Accompanied by eight priests, he
landed, 21 December, 1843, at New Orleans and, ascending the Ohio
River, arrived at Cincinnati on New year's Day. From Cincinnati they
proceeded to St. Alphonsus, near Norwalk, Ohio, where the first station
was erected. Their missionary circuit included all the Germans within a
radius of 100 miles; they began to erect convents and parishes and
entrusted the schools to the Sisters of the most Precious Blood, who
had followed them on the 22nd of July, 1844. After this Father Brunner
made several trips to Europe in the interest of his institution, and it
was during the last of these that he died. He was an indefatigable
missionary and a very prolific writer on religious subjects. Many of
his writings, all of which in German, still await publication.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p79" shownumber="no">U.F. MÜLLER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p79.1" title="Brunner, Sebastian" type="Encyclopedia">Sebastian Brunner</term>
<def id="b-p79.2">
<h1 id="b-p79.3">Sebastian Brunner</h1>
<p id="b-p80" shownumber="no">A versatile and voluminous writer, b. in Vienna, 10 December, 1814;
d. there, 27 November, 1893. He received his college education from the
Benedictines of his native city, his philosophical and theological
training at the Vienna University, was ordained priest in 1838, and was
for some years professor in the philosophical faculty of the Vienna
University. The University of Freiburg honored him with the degree of
Doctor of Theology. In the revolutionary year, 1848, he founded the
"Wienver Kirchenzeitung", which he edited until 1865, and in which he
scourged with incisive satire the Josephinist bondage of the Church. It
is mainly owing to his fearless championship, which more than once
brought him into conflict with the authorities, that the Church in
Austria to-day breathes more freely. He wrote some ascetical books and
many volumes of sermons, also a biography of Clemens Hofbauer, the
apostle of Vienna. His books of travel dealing with Germany, France,
England, Switzerland, and especially Italy, are distinguished by keen
observations on men and manners, art and culture, and most of all on
religion, and are thus connected closely with his apologetic and
controversial writings. Among the latter may be mentioned his book on
"The Atheist Renan and his Gospel". Brunner's voluminous historical
works are very valuale, particularly those on the history of the Church
in Austria. It is, however, as a humorist that Brunner takes a
permanent place in the history of literature, for he counts among the
best modern German humorous writers. His works of this class were
composed partly in verse, which at times reminds the reader of
Hudibras, and partly in the form of prose stories. One of the best of
the former is "Der Nebeljungen Lied"; of the latter, "Die Prinzenschule
zu Möpselglück". These works, conceived with a high and noble
purpose, are marked by brilliant satire, inexhaustible wit, and genuine
humour, combined with great depth of feeling. A collection of his
stories in prose and verse was published in eighteen volumes at
Ratisbon in 1864. It is not surprising, though it is regrettable, that
an author whose literary output was so vast and varied, often shows
signs of haste and a lack of artistic finish. In his later years he
turned his satirical pen against the undiscriminating worship of modern
German literary celebrities.</p>
<p id="b-p81" shownumber="no">
<i>Selbstiographie</i> (Autobiography (Ratisbon, 1890-91)l Scheicher, 
<i>Sebastian Brunner</i> (Wurzburg and Vienna, 1890); Lindemann, 
<i>Geschichte der deutschen Literatur</i> (Freiburg im Br., 1898), 938,
939; 
<i>Allgemeine deutsche Biographie</i>, XLVII (Supplement, 1903),
s.v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p82" shownumber="no">B. GULDNER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p82.1" title="Bruno (1048-1123), St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Bruno (1048-1123)</term>
<def id="b-p82.2">
<h1 id="b-p82.3">St. Bruno</h1>
<p id="b-p83" shownumber="no">Bishop of Segni, in Italy, born at Solero, Piedmont, about 1048;
died 1123. He received his preliminary education in a Benedictine
monastery of his native town. After completing his studies at Bologna
and receiving ordination, he was made a canon of Sienna. In
appreciation of his great learning and eminent piety, he was called to
Rome, where, as an able and prudent counsellor, his advice was sought
by four successive popes. At a synod held in Rome in 1079 he obliged
Berengarius of Tours, who denied the real presence of Our Lord in the
Holy Eucharist to retract his heresy. He enjoyed the personal
friendship of Gregory VII, and was consecrated Bishop of Segni by him
in the Campagna of Rome, in 1080. His humility caused him to decline
the cardinalate. He is called "the brilliant defender of the church"
because of the invincible courage he evinced in aiding Gregory VII and
the succeeding popes in their efforts for ecclesiastical reform, and
especially in denouncing lay investiture, which he even declared to be
heretical.</p>
<p id="b-p84" shownumber="no">He accompanied Pope Urban II in 1095, to the Council of Clermont in
which the First Crusade was inaugurated. In 1102 he became a monk of
Monte Casino and was elected abbot in 1107, without, however, resigning
his episcopal charge. With many bishops of Italy and France, Bruno
rejected the treaty known in history as the "Privilegium", which Henry
V of Germany had extorted from Pope Paschal II during his imprisonment.
In a letter addressed to the pope he very frankly censured him for
concludmg a convention which conceded to the German king in part the
inadmissible claim to the right of investiture of ring and crosier upon
bishops and abbots, and demanded that the treaty should be annulled.
Irritated by his opposition, Paschal II commanded Bruno to give up his
abbey and to return to his episcopal see. With untiring zeal he
continued to labour for the welfare of his flock, as well as for the
common interest of the Church at large, till his death. He was
canonized by Pope Lucius III in 1183. His feast is celebrated on the
18th of July. St. Bruno was the author of numerous works, chiefly
Scriptural. Of these are to be mentioned his commentaries on the
Pentateuch, the Book of Job, the Psalms, the four Gospels, and the
Apocalypse.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p85" shownumber="no">J.A. BIRKHAEUSER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p85.1" title="Bruno (1030-1101), St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Bruno (1030-1101)</term>
<def id="b-p85.2">
<h1 id="b-p85.3">St. Bruno</h1>
<p id="b-p86" shownumber="no">Confessor, ecclesiastical writer, and founder of the Carthusian
Order. He was born at Cologne about the year 1030; died 6 October,
1101. He is usually represented with a death's head in his hands, a
book and a cross, or crowned with seven stars; or with a roll bearing
the device 
<i>O Bonitas</i>. His feast is kept on the 6th of October. According to
tradition, St. Bruno belonged to the family of Hartenfaust, or
Hardebüst, one of the principal families of the city, and it is in
remembrance of this origin that different members of the family of
Hartenfaust have received from the Carthusians either some special
prayers for the dead, as in the case of Peter Bruno Hartenfaust in
1714, and Louis Alexander Hartenfaust, Baron of Laach, in 1740; or a
personal affiliation with the order, as with Louis Bruno of
Hardevüst, Baron of Laach and Burgomaster of the town of
Bergues-S. Winnoc, in the Diocese of Cambrai, with whom the
Hardevüst family in the male line became extinct on 22 March,
1784.</p>
<p id="b-p87" shownumber="no">We have little information about the childhood and youth of St.
Bruno. Born at Cologne, he would have studied at the city college, or
collegial of St. Cunibert. While still quite young 
(<i>a pueris</i>) he went to complete his education at Reims, attracted
by the reputation of the episcopal school and of its director, Heriman.
There he finished his classical studies and perfected himself in the
sacred sciences which at that time consisted principally of the study
of Holy Scriptures and of the Fathers. He became there, according to
the testimony of his contemporaries, learned both in human and in
Divine science. His education completed, St. Bruno returned to Cologne,
where he was provided with a canonry at St. Cunibert's, and, according
to the most probable opinion, was elevated to the priestly dignity.
This was about the year 1055. In 1056 Bishop Gervais recalled him to
Reims, to aid his former master Heriman in the direction of the school.
The latter was already turning his attention towards a more perfect
form of life, and when he at last left the world to enter the religious
life, in 1057, St. Bruno found himself head of the episcopal school, or

<i>écolâtre</i>, a post difficult as it was elevated, for it
then included the direction of the public schools and the oversight of
all the educational establishments of the diocese. For about twenty
years, from 1057 to 1075, he maintained the prestige which the school
of Reims has attained under its former masters, Remi of Auxerre,
Hucbald of St. Amand, Gerbert, and lastly Heriman. Of the excellence of
his teaching we have a proof in the funereal titles composed in his
honour, which celebrate his eloquence, his poetic, philosophical, and
above all his exegetical and theological, talents; and also in the
merits of his pupils, amongst whom were Eudes of Châtillon,
afterwards Urban II, Rangier, Cardinal and Bishop of Reggio, Robert,
Bishop of Langres, and a large number of prelates and abbots.</p>
<p id="b-p88" shownumber="no">In 1075 St. Bruno was appointed chancellor of the church of Reims,
and had then to give himself especially to the administration of the
diocese. Meanwhile the pious Bishop Gervais, friend of St. Bruno, had
been succeeded by Manasses de Gournai, who quickly became odious for
his impiety and violence. The chancellor and two other canons were
commissioned to bear to the papal legate, Hugh of Die, the complaints
of the indignant clergy, and at the Council of Autun, 1077, they
obtained the suspension of the unworthy prelate. The latter's reply was
to raze the houses of his accusers, confiscate their goods, sell their
benefices, and appeal to the pope. Bruno then absented himself from
Reims for a while, and went probably to Rome to defend the justice of
his cause. It was only in 1080 that a definite sentence, confirmed by a
rising of the people, compelled Manasses to withdraw and take refuge
with the Emperor Henry IV. Free then to choose another bishop, the
clergy were on the point of uniting their vote upon the chancellor. He,
however, had far different designs in view. According to a tradition
preserved in the Carthusian Order, Bruno was persuaded to abandon the
world by the sight of a celebrated prodigy, popularized by the brush of
Lesueur--the triple resurrection of the Parisian doctor, Raymond
Diocres. To this tradition may be opposed the silence of
contemporaries, and of the first biographers of the saint; the silence
of Bruno himself in his letter to Raoul le Vert, Provost of Reims; and
the impossibility of proving that he ever visited Paris. He had no need
of such an extraordinary argument to cause him to leave the world. Some
time before, when in conversation with two of his friends, Raoul and
Fulcius, canons of Reims like himself, they had been so enkindled with
the love of God and the desire of eternal goods that they had made a
vow to abandon the world and to embrace the religious life. This vow,
uttered in 1077, could not be put into execution until 1080, owing to
various circumstances.</p>
<p id="b-p89" shownumber="no">The first idea of St. Bruno on leaving Reims seems to have been to
place himself and his companions under the direction of an eminent
solitary, St. Robert, who had recently (1075) settled at Molesme in the
Diocese of Langres, together with a band of other solitaries who were
later on (1098) to form the Cistercian Order. But he soon found that
this was not his vocation, and after a short sojourn at
Sèche-Fontaine near Molesme, he left two of his companions, Peter
and Lambert, and betook himself with six others to Hugh of
Châteauneuf, Bishop of Grenoble, and, according to some authors,
one of his pupils. The bishop, to whom God had shown these men in a
dream, under the image of seven stars, conducted and installed them
himself (1084) in a wild spot on the Alps of Dauphiné named
Chartreuse, about four leagues from Grenoble, in the midst of
precipitous rocks and mountains almost always covered with snow. With
St. Bruno were Landuin, the two Stephens of Bourg and Die, canons of
St. Rufus, and Hugh the Chaplain, "all, the most learned men of their
time", and two laymen, Andrew and Guerin, who afterwards became the
first lay brothers. They built a little monastery where they lived in
deep retreat and poverty, entirely occupied in prayer and study, and
frequently honoured by the visits of St. Hugh who became like one of
themselves. Their manner of life has been recorded by a contemporary,
Guibert of Nogent, who visited them in their solitude. (De Vitâ
suâ, I, ii.)</p>
<p id="b-p90" shownumber="no">Meanwhile, another pupil of St. Bruno, Eudes of Châtillon, had
become pope under the name of Urban II (1088). Resolved to continue the
work of reform commenced by Gregory VII, and being obliged to struggle
against the antipope, Guibert of Ravenna, and the Emperor Henry IV, he
sought to surround himself with devoted allies and called his ancient
master 
<i>ad Sedis Apostolicae servitium</i>. Thus the solitary found himself
obliged to leave the spot where he had spent more than six years in
retreat, followed by a part of his community, who could not make up
their minds to live separated from him (1090). It is difficult to
assign the place which he then occupied at the pontifical court, or his
influence in contemporary events, which was entirely hidden and
confidential. Lodged in the palace of the pope himself and admitted to
his councils, and charged, moreover, with other collaborators, in
preparing matters for the numerous councils of this period, we must
give him some credit for their results. But he took care always to keep
himself in the background, and although he seems to have assisted at
the Council of Benevento (March, 1091), we find no evidence of his
having been present at the Councils of Troja (March, 1093), of Piacenza
(March, 1095), or of Clermont (November, 1095). His part in history is
effaced. All that we can say with certainty is that he seconded with
all his power the sovereign pontiff in his efforts for the reform of
the clergy, efforts inaugurated at the Council of Melfi (1089) and
continued at that of Benevento. A short time after the arrival of St.
Bruno, the pope had been obliged to abandon Rome before the victorious
forces of the emperor and the antipope. He withdrew with all his court
to the south of Italy.</p>
<p id="b-p91" shownumber="no">During the voyage, the former professor of Reims attracted the
attention of the clergy of Reggio in further Calabria, which had just
lost its archbishop Arnulph (1090), and their votes were given to him.
The pope and the Norman prince, Roger, Duke of Apulia, strongly
approved of the election and pressed St. Bruno to accept it. In a
similar juncture at Reims he had escaped by flight; this time he again
escaped by causing Rangier, one of his former pupils, to be elected,
who was fortunately near by at the Benedictine Abbey of La Cava near
Salerno. But he feared that such attempts would be renewed; moreover he
was weary of the agitated life imposed upon him, and solitude ever
invited him. He begged, therefore, and after much trouble obtained, the
pope's permission to return again to his solitary life. His intention
was to rejoin his brethren in Dauphiné, as a letter addressed to
them makes clear. But the will of Urban II kept him in Italy, near the
papal court, to which he could be called at need. The place chosen for
his new retreat by St. Bruno and some followers who had joined him was
in the Diocese of Squillace, on the eastern slope of the great chain
which crosses Calabria from north to south, and in a high valley three
miles long and two in width, covered with forest. The new solitaries
constructed a little chapel of planks for their pious reunions and, in
the depths of the woods, cabins covered with mud for their habitations.
A legend says that St. Bruno whilst at prayer was discovered by the
hounds of Roger, Great Count of Sicily and Calabria and uncle of the
Duke of Apulia, who was then hunting in the neighbourhood, and who thus
learnt to know and venerate him; but the count had no need to wait for
that occasion to know him, for it was probably upon his invitation that
the new solitaries settled upon his domains. That same year (1091) he
visited them, made them a grant of the lands they occupied, and a close
friendship was formed between them. More than once St. Bruno went to
Mileto to take part in the joys and sorrows of the noble family, to
visit the count when sick (1098 and 1101), and to baptize his son Roger
(1097), the future Kind of Sicily. But more often it was Roger who went
into the desert to visit his friends, and when, through his generosity,
the monastery of St. Stephen was built, in 1095, near the hermitage of
St. Mary, there was erected adjoining it a little country house at
which he loved to pass the time left free from governing his State.</p>
<p id="b-p92" shownumber="no">Meanwhile the friends of St. Bruno died one after the other: Urban
II in 1099; Landuin, the prior of the Grand Chartreuse, his first
companion, in 1100; Count Roger in 1101. His own time was near at hand.
Before his death he gathered for the last time his brethren round him
and made in their presence a profession of the Catholic Faith, the
words of which have been preserved. He affirms with special emphasis
his faith in the mystery of the Holy Trinity, and in the real presence
of Our Saviour in the Holy Eucharist--a protestation against the two
heresies which had troubled that century, the tritheism of Roscelin,
and the impanation of Berengarius. After his death, the Carthusians of
Calabria, following a frequent custom of the Middle Ages by which the
Christian world was associated with the death of its saints, dispatched
a 
<i>rolliger</i>, a servant of the convent laden with a long roll of
parchment, hung round his neck, who passed through Italy, France,
Germany, and England. He stopped at the principal churches and
communities to announce the death, and in return, the churches,
communities, or chapters inscribed upon his roll, in prose or verse,
the expression of their regrets, with promises of prayers. Many of
these rolls have been preserved, but few are so extensive or so full of
praise as that about St. Bruno. A hundred and seventy-eight witnesses,
of whom many had known the deceased, celebrated the extent of his
knowledge and the fruitfulness of his instruction. Strangers to him
were above all struck by his great knowledge and talents. But his
disciples praised his three chief virtues--his great spirit of prayer,
an extreme mortification, and a filial devotion to the Blessed Virgin.
Both the churches built by him in the desert were dedicated to the
Blessed Virgin: Our Lady of Casalibus in Dauphiné, Our Lady Della
Torre in Calabria; and, faithful to his inspirations, the Carthusian
Statutes proclaim the Mother of God the first and chief patron of all
the houses of the order, whoever may be their particular patron.</p>
<p id="b-p93" shownumber="no">St. Bruno was buried in the little cemetery of the hermitage of St.
Mary, and many miracles were worked at his tomb. He had never been
formally canonized. His cult, authorized for the Carthusian Order by
Leo X in 1514, was extended to the whole church by Gregory XV, 17
February, 1623, as a semi-double feast, and elevated to the class of
doubles by Clement X, 14 March, 1674. St. Bruno is the popular saint of
Calabria; every year a great multitude resort to the Charterhouse of
St. Stephen, on the Monday and Tuesday of Pentecost, when his relics
are borne in procession to the hermitage of St. Mary, where he lived,
and the people visit the spots sanctified by his presence. An immense
number of medals are struck in his honour and distributed to the crowd,
and the little Carthusian habits, which so many children of the
neighbourhood wear, are blessed. He is especially invoked, and
successfully, for the deliverance of those possessed.</p>
<p id="b-p94" shownumber="no">As a writer and founder of an order, St. Bruno occupies an important
place in the history of the eleventh century. He composed commentaries
on the Psalms and on the Epistles of St. Paul, the former written
probably during his professorship at Reims, the latter during his stay
at the Grande Chartreuse if we may believe an old manuscript seen by
Mabillon--"Explicit glosarius Brunonis heremitae super Epistolas B.
Pauli." Two letters of his still remain, also his profession of faith,
and a short elegy on contempt for the world which shows that he
cultivated poetry. The "Commentaries" disclose to us a man of learning;
he knows a little Hebrew and Greek and uses it to explain, or if need
be, rectify the Vulgate; he is familiar with the Fathers, especially
St. Augustine and St. Ambrose, his favourites. "His style", says Dom
Rivet, "is concise, clear, nervous and simple, and his Latin as good as
could be expected of that century: it would be difficult to find a
composition of this kind at once more solid and more luminous, more
concise and more clear". His writings have been published several
times: at Paris, 1509-24; Cologne, 1611-40; Migne, Latin Patrology,
CLII, CLIII, Montreuil-sur-Mer, 1891. The Paris edition of 1524 and
those of Cologne include also some sermons and homilies which may be
more justly attributed to St. Bruno, Bishop of Segni. The Preface of
the Blessed Virgin has also been wrongly ascribed to him; it is long
anterior, though he may have contributed to introduce it into the
liturgy.</p>
<p id="b-p95" shownumber="no">St. Bruno's distinction as the founder of an order was that he
introduced into the religious life the mixed form, or union of the
eremitical and cenobite modes of monasticism, a medium between the
Camaldolese Rule and that of St. Benedict. He wrote no rule, but he
left behind him two institutions which had little connection with each
other--that of Dauphiné and that of Calabria. The foundation of
Calabria, somewhat like the Camaldolese, comprised two classes of
religious: hermits, who had the direction of the order, and cenobites
who did not feel called to the solitary life; it only lasted a century,
did not rise to more than five houses, and finally, in 1191, united
with the Cistercian Order. The foundation of Grenoble, more like the
rule of St. Benedict, comprised only one kind of religious, subject to
a uniform discipline, and the greater part of whose life was spent in
solitude, without, however, the complete exclusion of the conventual
life. This life spread throughout Europe, numbered 250 monasteries, and
in spite of many trials continues to this day.</p>
<p id="b-p96" shownumber="no">The great figure of St. Bruno has been often sketched by artists and
has inspired more than one masterpiece: in sculpture, for example, the
famous statue by Houdon, at St. Mary of the Angels in Rome, "which
would speak if his rule did not compel him to silence"; in painting,
the fine picture by Zurbaran, in the Seville museum, representing Urban
II and St. Bruno in conference; the Apparition of the Blessed Virgin to
St. Bruno, by Guercino at Bologna; and above all the twenty-two
pictures forming the gallery of St. Bruno in the museum of the Louvre,
"a masterpiece of Le Sueur and of the French school".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p97" shownumber="no">AMBROSE MOUGEL</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p97.1" title="Bruno, Giordano" type="Encyclopedia">Giordano Bruno</term>
<def id="b-p97.2">
<h1 id="b-p97.3">Giordano Bruno</h1>
<p id="b-p98" shownumber="no">Italian philosopher, b. at Nola in Campania, in the Kingdom of
Naples, in 1548; d. at Rome, 1600. At the age of eleven he went to
Naples, to study "humanity, logic, and dialectic", and, four years
later, he entered the Order of St. Dominic, giving up his worldly name
of Filippo and taking that of Giordano. He made his novitiate at Naples
and continued to study there. In 1572 he was ordained priest.</p>
<p id="b-p99" shownumber="no">It seems, however, that, even as a novice, he attracted attention by
the originality of his views and by his outspoken criticism of accepted
theological doctrines. After his ordination things reached such a pass
that, in 1576, formal accusation of heresy was brought against him.
Thereupon he went to Rome, but, apparently, did not mend his manner of
speaking of the mysteries of faith; for the accusations were renewed
against him at the convent of the Minerva. Within a few months of his
arrival he fled the city and cast off all allegiance to his order.</p>
<p id="b-p100" shownumber="no">From this point on, his life-story is the tale of his wanderings
from one country to another and of his failure to find peace anywhere.
He tarried awhile in several Italian cities, and in 1579 went to
Geneva, where he seems to have adopted the Calvinist faith, although
afterwards, before the ecclesiastical tribunal at Venice, he
steadfastly denied that he had ever joined the Reformed Church. This
much at least is certain; he was excommunicated by the Calvinist
Council on account of his disrespectful attitude towards the heads of
that Church and was obliged to leave the city. Thence he went to
Toulouse, Lyons, and (in 1581) to Paris.</p>
<p id="b-p101" shownumber="no">At Lyons he completed his "Clavis Magna", or "Great Key" to the art
of remembering. In Paris he published several works which further
developed his art of memory-training and revealed the two-fold
influence of Raymond Lully and the neo-Platonists. In 1582 he published
a characteristic work, "Il candelaio", or "The Torchbearer", a satire
in which he exhibits in a marked degree the false taste then in vogue
among the humanists, many of whom mistook obscenity for humour. While
at Paris he lectured publicly on philosophy, under the auspices, as it
seems, of the College of Cambrai, the forerunner of the College of
France.</p>
<p id="b-p102" shownumber="no">In 1583 he crossed over to England, and, for a time at least,
enjoyed the favour of Queen Elizabeth and the friendship of Sir Philip
Sidney. To the latter he dedicated the most bitter of his attacks on
the Catholic Church, "Il spaccio della bestia trionfante", "The
Expulsion of the Triumphant Beast", published in 1584. He visited
Oxford, and, on being refused the privilege of lecturing there, he
published (1584) his "Cena delle ceneri", or "Ash-Wednesday Supper", in
which he attacked the Oxford professors, saying that they knew more
about beer than about Greek. In 1585 he returned to France, and during
the year which he spent in Paris at this time made several attempts to
become reconciled to the Catholic Church, all of which failed because
of his refusal to accept the condition imposed, namely, that he should
return to his order.</p>
<p id="b-p103" shownumber="no">In Germany, whither he went in 1587, he showed the same spirit of
insolent self-assertion as at Oxford. In Helmstadt he was
excommunicated by the Lutherans. After some time spent in literary
activity at Frankfort, he went, in 1591, to Venice at the invitation of
Mocenigo, who professed to be interested in his system of
memory-training. Failing to obtain from Bruno the secret of his
"natural magic", Mocenigo denounced him to the Inquisition. Bruno was
arrested, and in his trial before the Venetian inquisitors first took
refuge in the principle of "two-fold truth", saying that the errors
imputed to him were held by him "as a philosopher, and not as an honest
Christian"; later, however, he solemnly abjured all his errors and
doubts in the matter of Catholic doctrine and practice (Berti, Docum.,
XII, 22 and XIII, 45). At this point the Roman Inquisition intervened
and requested his extradition. After some hesitation the Venetian
authorities agreed, and in February, 1593, Bruno was sent to Rome, and
for six years was kept in the prison of the Inquisition. Historians
have striven in vain to discover the explanation of this long delay on
the part of the Roman authorities. In the spring of 1599, the trial was
begun before a commission of the Roman Inquisition, and, after the
accused had been granted several terms of respite in which to retract
his errors, he was finally condemned (January, 1600), handed over to
the secular power (8 February), and burned at the stake in the Campo
dei Fiori in Rome (17 February). Bruno was not condemned for his
defence of the Copernican system of astronomy, nor for his doctrine of
the plurality of inhabited worlds, but for his theological errors,
among which were the following: that Christ was not God but merely an
unusually skilful magician, that the Holy Ghost is the soul of the
world, that the Devil will be saved, etc.</p>
<p id="b-p104" shownumber="no">To the works of Bruno already mentioned the following are to be
added: "Della causa, principio ed uno"; "Dell' infinito universo e dei
mondi"; "De Compendiosâ Architecturâ"; "De Triplici Minimo";
"De Monade, Numero et Figurâ." In these "the Nolan" expounds a
system of philosophy in which the principal elements are neo-Platonism,
materialistic monism, rational mysticism (after the manner of Raymond
Lully), and the naturalistic concept of the unity of the material world
(inspired by the Copernican astronomy). His attitude towards Aristotle
is best illustrated by his reiterated assertion that the natural
philosophy of the Stagirite is vitiated by the predominance of the
dialectical over the mathematical mode of conceiving natural phenomena.
Towards the Scholastics in general his feeling was one of undisguised
contempt; he excepted, however, Albert tbe Great and St. Thomas, for
whom he always maintained a high degree of respect. He wished to reform
the Aristotelean philosophy, and yet he was bitterly opposed to his
contemporaries, Ramus and Patrizzi, whose efforts were directed towards
the same obect. He was acquainted, though only in a superficial way,
with the writings of the pre-Socratic philosophers of Greece, and with
the works of the neo-Platonists, especially with the books falsely
attributed to Iamblichus and Plotinus. From the neo-Platonists he
derived the tendency of his thought towards monism. From the
pre-Socratic philosophers he borrowed the materialistic interpretation
of the One. From the Copernican doctrine, which was attracting so much
attention in the century in which he lived, he learned to identify the
material One with the visible, infinite, heliocentric universe.</p>
<p id="b-p105" shownumber="no">Thus, his system of thought is an incoherent materialistic
pantheism. God and the world are one; matter and spirit, body and soul,
are two phases of the same substance; the universe is infinite; beyond
the visible world there is an infinity of other worlds, each of which
is inhabited; this terrestrial globe has a soul; in fact, each and
every part of it, mineral as well as plant and animal, is animated; all
matter is made up of the same elements (no distinction between
terrestrial and celestial matter); all souls are akin (transmigration
is, therefore, not impossible). This unitary point of view is Bruno's
justification of "natural magic." No doubt, the attempt to establish a
scientific continuity among all the phenomena of nature is an important
manifestation of the modern spirit, and interesting, especially on
account of its appearance at the moment when the medieval point of view
was being abandoned. And one can readily understand how Bruno's effort
to establish a unitary concept of nature commanded the admiration of
such men as Spinoza, Jacobi, and Hegel. On the other hand, the
exaggerations, the limitations, and the positive errors of his
scientific system; his intolerance of even those who were working for
the reforms to which he was devoted; the false analogies, fantastic
allegories, and sophistical reasonings into which his emotional fervour
often betrayed him have justified, in the eyes of many, Bayle's
characterization of him as "the knight-errant of philosophy." His
attitude of mind towards religious truth was that of a rationalist.
Personally, he failed to feel any of the vital significance of
Christianity as a religious system. It was not a Roman Inquisitor, but
a Protestant divine, who said of him that he was "a man of great
capacity, with infinite knowledge, but not a trace of religion."</p>
<p id="b-p106" shownumber="no">The latest edition of Bruno's works is by Tocco, 
<i>Opere latine di G. B.</i> (Florence, 1889); 
<i>Opere inedite</i> (Naples, 1891); (Leipzig, 1829, 1830). See also:
McIntyre, 
<i>Giordano Bruno</i> (London and New York, 1903); Frith, 
<i>Life of G. B.</i> (London and Boston, 1887); Adamson in 
<i>Development of Modern Philosophy</i> (London, 1903), II, 23-44;
Höffding, 
<i>Hist. of Modern Philosophy,</i> tr. Meyer (London, 1900), I, 110
sqq.; Stöckl, 
<i>Gesch. der Phil. des Mittelalters</i> (Mainz, 1866), III, 106 sqq.;
Turner, 
<i>Hist. of Phil.</i> (Boston, 1903), 429 sqq.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p107" shownumber="no">WILLIAM TURNER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p107.1" title="Bruno of Querfurt, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Bruno of Querfurt</term>
<def id="b-p107.2">
<h1 id="b-p107.3">St. Bruno of Querfurt</h1>
<p id="b-p108" shownumber="no">(Also called BRUN and BONIFACE).</p>
<p id="b-p109" shownumber="no">Second Apostle of the Prussians and martyr, born about 970; died 14
February, 1009. He is generally represented with a hand cut off, and is
commemorated on 15 October. Bruno was a member of the noble family of
Querfurt and is commonly said to have been a relative of the Emperor
Otto III, although Hefele (in Kirchenlex., II, s.v. Bruno) emphatically
denies this. When hardly six years old he was sent to Archbishop
Adalbert of Magdeburg to be educated and had the learned Geddo as his
teacher in the cathedral school. He was a well-behaved, industrious
scholar, while still a lad he was made a canon of the cathedral. The
fifteen year-old Otto III became attached to Bruno, made him one of his
court, and took him to Rome when the young emperor went there in 996 to
be crowned. At Rome Bruno became acquainted with St. Adalbert
Archbishop of Prague, who was murdered a year later by the pagan
Prussians to whom he had gone as a missionary. After Adalbert's death
Bruno was tied with an intense desire for martyrdom. He spent much of
has time in the monastery on the Aventine where Adalbert had become a
monk, and where Abbot Johannes Canaparius wrote a life of Adalbert.
Bruno, however, did not enter the monastic life here, but in the
monastery of Pereum, an island in the swamps near Ravenna.</p>
<p id="b-p110" shownumber="no">Pereum was under the rule of the founder of the Camaldoli reform,
St. Romuald, a saint who had great influence over the Emperor Otto III.
Under the guidance of St. Romuald Bruno underwent a severe ascetic
training; it included manual work, fasting all week except Sunday and
Thursday, night vigils, and scourging on the bare back; in addition
Bruno suffered greatly from fever. He found much pleasure in the
friendship of a brother of the same age as himself, Benedict of
Benevento, who shared his cell and who was one with him in mind and
spirit. The Emperor Otto III desired to convert the lands; between the
EIbe and the Oder, which were occupied by Slavs, to Christianity, and
to plant colonies there. He hoped to attain these ends through the aid
of a monastery to be founded in this region by some of the most zealous
of Romuald's pupils. In 1001, therefore, Benedict another brother of
the same monastery, Joannes, went, laden with gifts from the emperor,
to Poland, where they were well received by the Christian Duke
Boleslas, who taught them the language of the people. During this time
Bruno studied the language of Italy, where he remained with Otto and
awaited the Apostolic appointment by the pope. Sylvester II made him
archbishop over the heathen and gave him the pallium, but left the
consecration to the Archbishop of Magdeburg, who had the supervision of
the mission to the Slavs. Quiting Rome in 1003, Bruno was consecrated
in February, 1004, by Archbishop Tagino of Magdeburg and gave his
property for the founding of a monastery. As war has broken out between
Emperor Henry II and the Polish Duke, Bruno was not able to go at once
to Poland; so, starting from Ratisbon on the Danube, he went into
Hungary, where St. Alalbert had also laboured. Here he finished his
life of St. Adalbert, a literary memorial of much worth.</p>
<p id="b-p111" shownumber="no">Bruno sought to convert the Hungarian ruler Achtum and his
principality of "Black-Hungary", but he met with so much opposition,
including that of the Greek monks, that success was impossible. In
December, 1007, he went to Russia. Here the Grand duke Vladimir
entertained him for a month and then gave him a territory extending to
the possessions of the Petschenegen, who lived on the Black Sea between
the Danube and the Don. This was considered the fiercest and most cruel
of the heathen tribes. Bruno spent five months among them, baptized
some thirty adults, aided in bringing about a treaty of peace with
Russia, and left in that country one of his companions whom he had
consecrated bishop. About the middle of the year 1008 he returned to
Poland and there consecrated a bishop for Sweden. While in Poland he
heard that his friend Benedict and four companions had been killed by
robbers on 11 May, 1003. Making use of the accounts of eyewitnesses, he
wrote the touching history of the lives and death of the so-called
Polish brothers. Towards the end of 1008 he wrote a memorable, but
ineffectual, letter to the Emperor Henry II, exhorting him to show
clemency and to conclude a peace with Boleslas of Poland. Near the
close of this same year, accompanied by eighteen companions, he went to
found a mission among the Prussians, but the soil was not fruitful, and
Bruno and his companions travelled towards the borders of Russia,
preaching courageously as they went. On the borders of Russia they were
attacked by the heathen, the whole company were murdered, Bruno with
great composure meeting death by decapitation. Duke Boleslas bought the
bodies of the slain and had them brought to Poland. It is said that the
city of Braunsberg is named after St. Bruno.</p>
<p id="b-p112" shownumber="no">Soon after the time of their death St. Bruno and his companions were
reverenced as martyrs. Little value is to be attached to a legendary
account of the martyrdom by a certain Wipert. Bruno's fellow-pupil,
Dithmar, or Thietmar, Bishop of Merseburg, gives a brief account of him
in his Chronicle. VI, 58.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p113" shownumber="no">GABRIEL MEIER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p113.1" title="Bruno the Saxon" type="Encyclopedia">Bruno the Saxon</term>
<def id="b-p113.2">
<h1 id="b-p113.3">Bruno the Saxon</h1>
<p id="b-p114" shownumber="no">(SAXONICUS.)</p>
<p id="b-p115" shownumber="no">A German chronicler of the eleventh Century and author of the
"Historia de Bello Saxonico". Little is known of his life. He was
apparently a Saxon monk belonging to the household of Archbishop
Werner, of Magdeburg, who was a vigorous opponent of Henry IV and one
of the leaders of the Saxon uprising against the emperor. After the
death of the archbishop in 1078 at the hands of peasants, Bruno
attached himself to Werner, Bishop of Merseburg, to whom, in 1082, he
dedicated the work, "De Bello Saxonico" by which he is chiefly known.
As its name indicates, it is a record of the struggles of the Saxons
with the Emperor Henry IV. The author begins with an account of the
youth of Henry and the evil influence exerted over him by Adalbert of
Bremen after he had passed from the stern tutelage of Anno, Archbishop
of Cologne. He then traces the relations of the emperor with the Saxons
and narrates at length the causes and events of the rebellion, ending
with the election of Hermann of Luxemburg as king in 1081.</p>
<p id="b-p116" shownumber="no">There has been a difference of opinion regarding the historical
value of Bruno's work. It was written during the contentions between
Henry and Gregory VII, and the author has been classed with those
partisans who, either through ignorance or malice, endeavoured to lower
Henry in the esteem of his subjects (Stenzel). Bruno indeed supported
the pope's cause, and his Saxon sympathies manifest themselves at times
in his writings, but of his sincerity and his expressed purpose to
narrate the truth there can be no doubt. He made the most of his
sources of information and, in spite of occasional omissions, gives a
vivid picture of the times from the point of view of an interested
contemporary. The letters of Saxon bishops and other original documents
which he includes in his history give an added value to the work. The
text of the "De Bello Saxonico" is given in the "Monum. Germ. Hist."
(Pertz, Hanover, 1848), V. 327-384. A German translation, with an
introduction, was published by W. Wattenbach (Berlin, 1853). For an
extended, though not unbiased, history of the time, cf. Stenzel,
"Geschichte Deutschlands unter den frankischen Kaisen", (Leipzig,
1827).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p117" shownumber="no">HENRY M. BROCK</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p117.1" title="Brunswick (Braunschweig)" type="Encyclopedia">Brunswick (Braunschweig)</term>
<def id="b-p117.2">
<h1 id="b-p117.3">Brunswick (Braunschweig)</h1>
<p id="b-p118" shownumber="no">A duchy situated in the mountainous central part of Northern
Germany, comprising the region of the Harz mountains. Territorially,
the duchy is not a unit, but parcelled into three large, and six
smaller, sections. Both in extent of territory and in population it
ranks tenth among the confederated states of the German Empire. The
inhabitants are of the Lower Saxon race. The census of 1900 enumerated
464,333 inhabitants. Of these 432,570 were Lutherans, 4406 Reformed,
24,175 Catholics, and 1824 Jews. The Government is a constitutional
monarchy, hereditary in the male line of the House of
Brunswick-Luneberg. The elder line having become extinct in 1884 by the
death of Duke Wilhelm, the younger line, represented by the Duke of
Cumberland, should have succeeded to the throne. For political reasons,
however, Prussia objected to his taking possession, and by decree of
the Bundesrat he was excluded. The present regent, chosen by the
legislature, is Duke Johann Albrecht of Mecklenberg. Agriculture,
industries, and commerce are highly developed in the duchy. It is
stated that the first potatoes raised in Germany were planted in
Brunswick from five of the tubers brought to Europe by Francis Drake.
The town Brunswick 
(<i>Brunonis vicus</i>, Bruno's village), which has given its name to
the duchy, was founded in the second half of the ninth century. The
country was part of the allodial lands of Henry the Lion. After his
defeat and exile in 1180, he lost all his possessions. Brunswick,
however, was restored to his grandson Otto, who was made first Duke of
Brunswick by Frederick II. In the fourteenth century the town became a
centre of the Hanseatic League, as well as of the confederation of the
Lower Saxon towns.</p>
<p id="b-p119" shownumber="no">Christianity dates from Charlemagne's conquest of the Saxon country
of which Brunswick is a part. Charlemagne found and destroyed an
ancient German idol in the place where now Brunswick stands. At
Kissenbruck many of the conquered Saxons were baptized. During the
Middle Ages the country was partly under the jurisdiction of the
Diocese of Halberstadt, partly under that of Hildesheim. At the end of
the eighth and the beginning of the ninth century St. Ludger laboured
in the neighbourhood of Helmstedt, where he founded a monastery. The
pious Duke of Eastphalia and his devout wife founded, in 852, the
monastery of Brunshausen, near Gandersheim, for Benedictine nuns, where
his daughter Hathumod was first abbess. It was her brother Bruno who
some years later founded the town of Brunswick. When, in 881, the
church and monastery of Gandersheim were completed, the community was
transferred thither, under the abbess Gerberga, sister of Hathumod.
This monastery reached its highest point of prosperity in the tenth
century, as is shown by the life of Hrotswitha, the celebrated "nun of
Gandersheim", who sang the praises of Otto the Great and wrote Latin
comedies after the manner of Terence. Other Benedictine monasteries
founded in the eleventh and twelfth centuries were Steterburg, Lutter,
and Clus. The great Cistercian Order also flourished in Brunswick. The
three monasteries of Amelungsborn, Marienthal, and Riddaghausen were
founded in the twelfth century. The Augustinians also had a monastery
for men and one for women at Helmstedt.</p>
<p id="b-p120" shownumber="no">In the town of Brunswick religion flourished from an early period.
Among the older monasteries should be mentioned St. Blasius and St.
Cyriacus, also the Benedictine monastery built in honour of St. Autor,
whose relics were brought from Trier, and who became the patron saint
of the town. In the twelfth century Henry the Lion did much for his
town of Brunswick. He rebuilt some monasteries and erected several
churches. The Franciscans made a foundation in the town in the
thirteenth, the Dominicans, early in the fourteenth, century. The town
also possessed several hospitals and Beguinages. Mention must here be
made of the great reform of monasteries which was wrought in North
Germany in the fifteenth century. The celebrated reformer of
monasteries, Johannes Busch, canon regular of Windesheim, extended his
beneficent labours to Brunswick. The Benedictine Congregation of
Bursfeld, which at the end of the fifteenth century counted 142
monasteries, may be said to have sprung from the monastery of Clus near
Gandersheim. (See Bursfeld.)</p>
<p id="b-p121" shownumber="no">With regard to the religious revolution of the sixteenth century it
will be necessary to consider the town of Brunswick separately. It was
a proud and rich town and had long sought to make itself independent of
the authority of its dukes. Hence the revolutionary doctrines of the
Reformers were readily accepted by the townsmen. Lutheranism was
introduced as early as 1521, and firmly established by Burgenhagen in
1528, not without ruthless fanaticism. In the country, however, Duke
Henry's authority prevailed, and the Reformers gained no foothold until
1542, when, owing to the victory of the Smalkaldic League, the duke
fell into captivity, Bugenhagen was recalled, and the external
observance of the new religion was forced upon the people with much
violence and cruelty. When Henry recovered his duchy, in 1547, he
re-established the Catholic religion. His son and successor made the
whole district Lutheran, and it has since remained a Protestant
stronghold. Duke Julius did not destroy all the monasteries, but
allowed many of them to persist as so-called Protestant convents. Among
these was the once celebrated Gandersheim which was only suppressed
during the general spoliation and secularization of 1802. Prominent
among the Dukes of Brunswick in post-Reformation times is Anton Ulrich,
said to have been the most learned prince of his time, a patron of the
arts and sciences, himself a poet, and a student of the early Fathers.
He took a lively interest in the movement for the reconciliation of the
Protestant sects with the Church, the same movement with which Leibniz
was identified. Early in 1710 the duke abjured Protestantism and a few
months later published his "Fifty Reasons Why the Catholic Church is
Preferable to Protestantism". (See Räss, Convertiten, IX.) Two of
his daughters followed him into the Catholic Church. The only result of
his conversion so far as the duchy was concerned was his erection of
two Catholic churches, one in Brunswick, the other in Wolfenbuttel, to
which according to his desire Franciscans were appointed.</p>
<p id="b-p122" shownumber="no">Pope Gregory XVI placed the Catholics of the Duchy of Brunswick
under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Hildesheim. They are merely
tolerated in the duchy. The Constitution of 1832, it is true, granted
liberty of conscience and the rights of public worship, but subjected
all churches to the "supervision of the Government", that is to say, of
the Lutheran church authorities. The law of 1848 brought little relief
to the Catholics. No ecclesiastical ordinance or pontifical
constitution may be published without the government's 
<i>placet</i>; all Catholic congregations were incorporated in
Protestant parishes. The last intolerable law was abolished in 1867 for
three Catholic parishes, henceforth recognized as such by the State,
viz., Brunswick, Wolfenbuttel, and Helmstedt, all the others remaining
parts of Protestant parishes. Catholic priests (with the three
aforesaid exceptions) may not perform baptisms, marriages, or hold
funeral services without giving previous notice to the Protestant
pastor and obtaining his leave. And no priest, unless duly recognized
by the State, may perform any ecclesiastical function without falling
under the penalty of the law. Non-recognized priests are even fined for
conferring baptism in the case of necessity, and for administering the
last sacraments. The same intolerance prevails with regard to schools
and the education of children of mixed marriages. The State contributes
nothing towards the support of Catholic worship. In the year 1864 a law
was passed abolishing 
<i>Stolgebühren</i>, i.e., all perquisites and fees received by
the priest for certain ecclesiastical functions, such as marriages and
funerals, which had previously to be handed over to the Protestant
pastor. The general statement, therefore, in the "Kirchenlexicon", that
the law of 1867 has rendered the condition of the Catholics in the
Duchy of Brunswick "wholly satisfactory", needs recension; it must be
restricted to the three above-named parishes; in the rest of the duchy
the condition of Catholics is far from satisfactory. It is for this
reason that the Centre Party in the Reichstag has brought in the
Toleration Bill, which, if carried, would sweep away all Catholic
disabilities throughout the empire, in Brunswick as well as in
Mecklenburg, and in the Kingdom of Saxony.</p>
<p id="b-p123" shownumber="no">Daniel, Handbuch der Geographie (5th ed., Leipzig), IV, 568-82;
Bruck, Gesichte der kath. Kirch in Deutschland im 19. Jahrh. (Mainz and
Kirchheim), III; Woker in Kirchenlex., s.v.; Janssen-Pastor, Gesch. des
deutsch. Volkes (18th ed., Freiburg), III, Bk. II, xvii; IV, Bk. II,
viii, Bk. III, xi; Staatslexikon (2nd ed.), I, s.v. Konversations-Lex.
(3rd ed., Freiburg), s.v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p124" shownumber="no">B. GULDNER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p124.1" title="Brus, Anton" type="Encyclopedia">Anton Brus</term>
<def id="b-p124.2">
<h1 id="b-p124.3">Anton Brus</h1>
<p id="b-p125" shownumber="no">Archbishop of Prague, b. at. Muglitz in Moravia, 13 February, 1518;
d. 28 August, 1580. After receiving his education at Prague he joined
the Knights of the Cross with the Red Star, an ecclesiastical order
established in Bohemia in the thirteenth century. After his ordination
to the priesthood Emperor Ferdinand appointed him chaplain of the
Austrian army, in which capacity he served during the Turkish war
(1542-45). He was elected Grand Master General of his order in 1552,
when he was only 34 years of age. In 1558 he became Bishop of Vienna;
in 1561 the emperor made him Archbishop of Prague, a see which had
remained vacant since 1421 when Archbishop Conrad abandoned his flock
and entered the Hussite camp. During the intervening years the
archdiocese was governed by administrators elected by the cathedral
chapter. Before Archbishop Brus took possession of his see, Emperor
Ferdinand I, who was also King of Bohemia, sent him as Bohemian legate
to the Council of Trent (1562). Besides other ecclesiastical reforms,
he urged the archbishop to advocate the expediency of permitting the
Utraquists, or Calixtines, of Bohemia and adjoining countries to
receive the Holy Eucharist under both species; he hoped that after this
concession many of the Utraquists would return to the Catholic Church.
The archbishop was ably assisted in his endeavours by the imperial
delegate from Hungary, Bishop George Draskovich of Funfkirchen
(Pécs), and by Baumgärtner, the delegate of Duke Albrecht V
of Bavaria. Brus could not be present at the twenty-first and the
twenty-second sessions of the Council, during which this petition of
the emperor was discussed. The majority of the fathers of Trent
considered it beyond their power to grant the privilege of lay
communion under both kinds and referred the matter to Pope Pius IV,
who, in a Brief dated 16 April, 1564, granted the petition, with
certain restrictions, to the subjects of the emperor and of Duke
Albrecht of Bavaria. The Archbishop of Prague was to empower certain
priests to administer the Holy Eucharist in both kinds to such of the
laity as desired it. The faithful who wished to take advantage of this
privilege were obliged to profess their belief in the Real Presence of
the whole Christ in each species, while the priest at the
administration of each species pronounced the formula: "Corpus 
<i>et sanguis</i> Domini nostri Jesu Christi custodiant animam tuam in
vitam aeternam. Amen." instead of the customary formula: "Corpus Domini
nostri," etc.</p>
<p id="b-p126" shownumber="no">The emperor and the archbishop expected great results from this
papal concession. Thinking that the Utraquist consistory at Prague
would at once accept all Catholic doctrine, the emperor put it under
the jurisdiction of the archbishop. Both, however, were soon
undeceived. The Utraquist consistory was ready to present its
sacerdotal candidates to the archbishop for ordination, but there his
authority was to end. They refused to permit their candidates for the
priesthood to undergo examination on Catholic theology or to give proof
of their orthodoxy, and complained to the emperor that the archbishop
was infringing upon their rights.</p>
<p id="b-p127" shownumber="no">Had Ferdinand not died at this critical moment, the papal concession
would perhaps have produced some salutary effects, but under the weak
rule of his son Maximilian, who became emperor in 1564, the gulf that
separated the Catholics from the Utraquists was continually widening.
In order to publish and put into execution the decrees of the Council
of Trent, the archbishop intended to convene a provincial synod at
Prague; but Maximilian, fearing to offend the Bohemian nobility of whom
the majority were Protestants, withheld his consent. Hampered on all
sides, the archbishop and the small body of Catholic nobles, despite
their almost superhuman efforts, could only postpone the impending
crisis. The Utraquists no longer heeded the archbishop's commands,
continued to administer the Holy Eucharist to infants, disregarded many
decrees of the Council of Trent, neglected sacramental confession--in a
word, were steering straight towards Protestantism. After 1572, the
archbishop refused to ordain Utraquist candidates, despite the
expostulations of Emperor Maximilian. The death of Maximilian (12
October, 1576) brought no relief to the archbishop and his
ever-decreasing flock of Catholics. His successor, Emperor Rudolph II,
though a good Catholic at heart, was as weak as his predecessor. After
the death of Brus the Catholics of Bohemia continued on their downward
course until the victory of Ferdinand II over the 
<i>Winterkönig</i> Frederick V at the White Mountain near Prague
(8 November, 1620).</p>
<p id="b-p128" shownumber="no">FRIND, 
<i>Geschichte der Bischofe und Erzebischofe von Prag</i> (Prague,
1873), 182-189; BORWY in 
<i>Kirchenlex.</i>, s.v.; biography in 
<i>Oesterreichische Vierteljahrschrift fur kath. Theologie</i> (Vienna,
1874).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p129" shownumber="no">MICHAEL OTT</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p129.1" title="Brusa" type="Encyclopedia">Brusa</term>
<def id="b-p129.2">
<h1 id="b-p129.3">Brusa</h1>
<p id="b-p130" shownumber="no">A titular see of Bithynia in Asia Minor. According to Strabo, XII,
iv, the city was founded by King Prusias, who carried on war with
Croesus; according to Stephenus Byzantius, by another Prusias,
contemporary of Cyrus, so that it would have been founded in the sixth
century B.C. It is more probable that it was founded by, and was named
after, Prusias, King of Bithynia and Hannibal's friend, 237-192 B.C.
Situated in a beautiful, well-watered fertile plain at the foot of
Mount Olympus, it became one of the chief cities of Roman Bithynia and
received at an early date the Christian teaching. At least three of its
bishops, Sts. Alexander, Patritius, and Timothy, suffered martyrdom
during the persecutions (Lequien, I, 615-620, numbers only twenty-two
bishops to 1721, but this list might be increased easily). The see was
first subject to Nicomedia, metropolis of Bithynia Prima; later, as
early at least as the thirteenth century, it became an exempt
archbishopric. In the veighbouring country and at the foot of Mount
Olympus stood many monasteries; from the eighth to the fourteenth
centuries it shared with Mount Athos the honour of being a principal
centre of Greek monachism. In 1327 it was taken by Sultan Orkhan after
a siege of ten years and remained the capitol of the Ottoman Empire
till 1453. Brusa is to-day the chief town of the Vilayet of
Khodavendighiar. It is celebrated for its numerous and beautiful
mosques and tombs of the Sultans. Its mineral and thermal waters are
still renowned. The silk worm is cultivated throughout the neighbouring
territory; there are in the town more than fifty silk-mills. Brusa has
about 80,000 inhabitants, of whom 6,000 are Greeks, 9,000 are Gregorian
Armenians, 2,500 Jews, 800 Catholic Armenians, 200 Latins, and a few
Protestants. The Assumptionists conduct the Latin parish and a college.
The Sisters of Charity have a hospital, an orphan's institute, and a
school. Brusa is still a metropolis for the Greeks. It is also a
bishopric for Gregorian and Catholic Armenians; the latter number about
4,000.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p131" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p131.1" title="Brussels" type="Encyclopedia">Brussels</term>
<def id="b-p131.2">
<h1 id="b-p131.3">Brussels</h1>
<p id="b-p132" shownumber="no">(From 
<i>Bruk Sel</i>, marsh-castle; Flem. 
<i>Brussel</i>, Ger. 
<i>Brussel</i>, Fr. 
<i>Bruxelles</i>).</p>
<p id="b-p133" shownumber="no">Capital of the Kingdom of Belgium. Its population at the end of 1905
(including the eight distinct communes that make up its faubourgs or
suburbs) was 612,041. The city grew up on the banks of the little River
Senne, one of the affluents of the Scheldt, whose course through the
old town is now arched over and covered by the inner boulevards. The
medieval city gained steadily in importance, owing to its position on
the main inland commercial highway between the chief commercial centres
of the Low Countries and Cologne. It is now connected with the Sambre
by the Charleroi Canal, and with the Scheldt by the Willebroek Canal
which has been considerably enlarged since 1901 and is destined to
justify the title of "seaport" that Brussels has borne since 1895.</p>
<h3 id="b-p133.1">HISTORY</h3>
<p id="b-p134" shownumber="no">The earliest settlement of Brussels is attributed by tradition to S.
Géry 
(<i>Gaugericus</i>), Bishop of Cambrai at the end of the sixth century;
he is said to have built a village on an island in the Senne (Place
Saint-Géry), also a small chapel ("Analecta Bollandiana" 1888,
VII, 387-398; L. Van der Essen, "Les 'Vitae' des saints
mérovingiens", Louvain, 1907; R. Flahault, "Notes et documents
relatifs au culte de S. Géry", Dunkerque, 1890). From the eighth
century it was one of the villas or temporary residences of the
Frankish kings, but is first mentioned in history towards the end of
the ninth century as 
<i>Brosella</i> (dwelling on the marsh). It was later a part of the
dower of Gerberga, sister of Emperor Otto the Great (936-973) on her
marriage to Giselbert of Lorraine. Duke Charles of Lorraine, the last
but one of the direct descendants of Charlemagne, is said to have been
born at Brussels. He certainly made it his chief place of abode, and
brought thither from the Abbey of Mortzelle, which had fallen into the
hands of a robber chief, the bones of his kinswoman, St. Gudule (979),
who has ever since been regarded as the patron saint of the town.</p>
<p id="b-p135" shownumber="no">Upon the death of Charles' only son Otto (1004), without direct
heirs, the castles of Brussels, Vilvord, Louvain, and all the adjoining
estates, the nucleus of the territory which later on formed the Duchy
of Brabant, fell to his brother-in-law Lambert Balderic, who sometimes
in his charters styles himself Count of Brussels and sometimes Count of
Louvain, the man to whom the Dukes of Brabant traced their descent.
There remain of the Brussels of this period the nave and aisles of the
old parish church of St. Nicholas, the chapel of the Holy Cross in the
church of Notre-Dame de La Chapelle, some fragments of the
fortifications with which Lambert Balderic surrounded the city in 1040
and, most important of all, the subterranean church of St. Guy at
Anderlecht which remains to-day as the builder planned it.</p>
<p id="b-p136" shownumber="no">From the twelfth century the Dukes of Lower Lorraine and Brabant,
and later the Counts of Louvain, made Brussels their residence and
though it suffered, like most medieval cities, from pestilence, fire,
and pillage, it grew to be a populous centre of life and commerce and
followed all the vicissitudes of medieval Brabant, with which it fell
to the Dukes of Burgundy, and on the death of Charles the Bold (1477),
to his heirs, the Austrian Hapsburgs. In the fifteenth century the
Dukes of Burgundy, heirs of both Brabant and Flanders, held court at
Brussels, and being French in speech and habits and surrounded by
French knights, courtiers, and civil servants, gradually introduced at
Brussels and elsewhere the French language until it became the speech
of the local nobility and the upper classes, much to the detriment of
the native Flemish. The latter, however, held its own among the common
people and the burghers, and remains yet the speech of the majority of
the citizens. Charles V made Brussels the capital of the Low Countries,
but under Philip II, it was always a centre of patriotic opposition to
Spanish rule. In 1577 was signed the peace known as the "Brussels
Union" between the Spanish authority and the rebellious Belgians; in
1585 the city was beseiged and captured by the Spanish general
Alessandro Farnese.</p>
<p id="b-p137" shownumber="no">In 1695 it was almost entirely consumed by fire on occasion of the
siege by Marechal Villeroi. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
it was under Austrian rule, with brief exceptions. From 1794 to 1814 it
was incorporated with France by Napoleon, as head of the department of
the Dyle. In the latter year it became with The Hague a capital of the
new Kingdom of the Netherlands. In 1830 it was the seat of the Belgian
Revolution against Dutch misrule, and in the same year was made the
capital of the new Kingdom of Belgium. (See BELGIUM.)</p>
<h3 id="b-p137.1">GOVERNMENT</h3>
<p id="b-p138" shownumber="no">The municipal organization of Brussels was at first of a very simple
character. It consisted of an unpaid magistracy, a College of Aldermen
appointed by the sovereign for life from among the chief freeholders of
the city, of which they were held to be representatives. It was
presided over by a paid officer who bore the title of 
<i>Amman</i>, was the direct delegate of the sovereigh and in all
things the representative of his authority. Alongside the College of
Aldermen was the Merchants' Guild. Probably this corporation had legal
existence before the institution of the magistracy; it is certain that
by the end of the twelfth century it was firmly established. It
exercised from the first much influence on public affairs, and
contributed in great measure to the full expansion of municipal
self-rule. With the increase of the population, the old machinery no
longer sufficed for the maintenance of public peace and the regulation
of trade, and the burghers, united as they were in the powerful
organization of their guild, were strong enough to take the matter into
their own hands. Hence was formed the Council of Jurors, a subsidiary
body annually elected by the people for policing the city and managing
municipal affairs. The members also participated with the College of
Aldermen in the administration of justice. Though there is no record of
the Council of Jurors before 1229, it is almost certain that it dates
from a much earlier period. Its existence, however, as a body distinct
from the higher magistracy, was not of long duration. It disappeared at
a very early period. From the first the relations between the two
corporations had been strained, as they were the embodiment of hostile
ideals, oligarchy, and popular rule.</p>
<p id="b-p139" shownumber="no">For a long period after the municipal organization of Brussels had
been definitely determined, all administration and legislative power
was in the hands of a narrow oligarchy of capitalists, headed by the
patrician families which from time immemorial had furnished the members
of the magistracy. The source of their title to distinction was the
ownership of land. Together they formed a class apart, distinct alike
from the feudal nobility and from the general body of townsmen. They
were divided into seven groups, or 
<i>Lignages</i>, but it is certain that many patricians were not the
direct lineal descendants of the houses whose names and arms they bore.
Admission to the aristocracy and to different 
<i>lignages</i> was to be obtained in various ways. Indeed, the 
<i>lignages</i> of Brussels were to a certain extent voluntary
associations of aristocratic families banded together for the sake of
mutual protection, and with a view to securing the election of their
own nominees to the magistracy. What the trade companies were to the
plebeians, the 
<i>lignages</i> were to the patricians.</p>
<p id="b-p140" shownumber="no">The patricians were not all rich men, but the wealth of the
patrician body was being constantly augmented by the new members who
gained admission into its ranks, and with the increasing prosperity of
the town land was becoming daily more valuable for building purposes.
Many were thus able to live in luxury on the rents produced by their
property; others increased their revenues by farming the state taxes;
others were engaged in banking operations; others again in commerce, in
which case they became members of the Merchants' Guild, the members of
which were constantly being enrolled in the 
<i>lignages</i>. Thus the Guild was growing daily more aristocratic,
until at last nearly all its members were patricians by birth or by
adoption. Embracing as it did at first traders of every kind, it now
became an exceedingly close corporation and admitted to its membership
only the sellers of cloth and the sellers of wool, the cream of the
commercial world. Such were the men who owned the soil of Brussels, who
had endowed the city, often at their own cost, with magnificent public
buildings, who had won for themselves free institutions, and who for
the best part of 200 years tyrannized over everyone else. They wrested
from religious houses their right of appointment to city livings; they
withdrew the management of schools from the clergy and placed them
under municipal control. By a special privilege of the Holy See no new
monastery could be founded in Brussels without the authorization of the
municipality. The tyranny aroused discontent.</p>
<p id="b-p141" shownumber="no">The people first attempted to obtain a share in the government
during the troublous times which followed the death of Duke Henry III
(1260), and it seems to have been for the moment successful, for the
Council of Jurors was re-established, only however to be suppressed
again a few years later, and that was doubtless the cause of the rising
which took place in 1302. It was not a very serious affair, and the
ruling class with the aid of the sovereign had little difficulty in
suppressing it. The riot which occurred on the eve of Candlemas, 1306,
during the absence of Duke John II, though it rose out of a small
matter, became a revolution. The party which triumphed showed singular
moderation; it was decided that the magistracy should consist as
heretofore of seven members, but that henceforth the people should name
them; that two financial assessors should be added to the city council,
and that the Council of Jurors should be re-established; the new
aldermen were all members of the old ruling class chosen from among the
little band of patricians whose sympathies were sure to be with the
popular cause. The new constitution did not, however, last six months.
Duke John II on his return to Brussels refused to ratify it, and in
spite of the energetic resistance of the craftsmen, the old order of
things was re-established. The duke, however, gave discretionary powers
to the College of Aldermen to admit individual craftsmen to the freedom
of the city, no doubt to purchase the good will of leading plebeians.
Fifty years later Duke Wenceslaus, to reward the plebeians for driving
the Flemings out of Brussels, and to mark his displeasure at the
conduct of the patricians who had welcomed them with open arms, granted
to the trade companies by charter an equal share with the 
<i>lignages</i> in the government of the city. But the ink of the new
charter was hardly dry when he revoked it. It is not known why, but as
Duke Wenceslaus throughout his reign was always in financial straits
and considering his shifty conduct in his dealings with the opposing
factions at Louvain, it is not unlikely that he had been purchased by
the patricians. The riot which followed was suppressed without much
difficulty.</p>
<p id="b-p142" shownumber="no">Though the College of Aldermen was annually renewed for more than
100 years, there had been no election, the outgoing aldermen having
obtained a prescriptive right to name their successors; the magistracy
was notoriously corrup and the city was honeycombed with debt, the
outcome of so many years of extravagance and thieving. In addition to
this, the plebeian triumph at Louvain had inflamed the people with an
unquenchable thirst for liberty, and they were only awaiting a
favourable moment to try their luck again. It was not, however, till
1368, when Brussels was on the verge of revolution, that the patricians
made up their minds to set their house in order. They were not yet
prepared to give the people any voice in the magistracy, but they were
determined that when their work was done, no man should be able to say
that Brussels was ill governed. By the advice of a committee composed
of four patricians and four plebeians stringent measures were taken to
ensure the even administration of justice; a permanent board was
appointed for the administration of finance, on which several seats
were allotted to the representatives of the trade companies. This
measure proved so successful that the following year revenue covered
expenditure and the interest on the debt; the year after that payments
were made on the principal, and by 1386, the whole debt was wiped out.
In 1368 the Guild was thoroughly reorganized on popular lines, and
about the same time it became customary to bestow a certain number of
government appointments on burghers of the middle class; lastly, in
1375, the old system of electing the magistracy was revived. The
franchise was restricted to patricians of twenty-seven years and
upwards, and if any man failed to take part in the election, he thereby
lost all civil rights and privileges. The method of election was
exceedingly long and complicated. Thanks to this important measure and
to the other reforms which had preceded it, Brussels was now honestly
and capably governed and for something like fifty years patricians and
plebeians lived, if not on terms of affection, at all events without
quarrelling.</p>
<p id="b-p143" shownumber="no">No doubt the greater material prosperity which the city at this time
enjoyed, was conducive in no small measure to the maintenance of peace.
Brussels was not dependent on cloth to anything like the same extent as
most of the other great towns of the Netherlands, and the loss which
she had sustained on this head from English competition was probably
made good by the profit arising from trade which formerly went to
Louvain, but which was now, owing to the disturbed state of that city,
directed to the markets of Brussels. For the same reason Brussels had
now become the seat of the court, and she devoted her attention to the
manufacture of articles of luxury. Thanks to these new industries the
diminution, if any, of her cloth trade was a matter of little concern
to the people.</p>
<p id="b-p144" shownumber="no">Headed by Count Philip of St. Pol, brother of the duke, the best
members of the three estates of Brabant had joined hands against Duke
John IV, who had been led astray by evil counsellors. When all seemed
lost, when Brussels was filled with foreign mercenaries, the craftsmen
had saved the situation, and received as guerdon an equal share with
the patricians in the government and administration of their city. The
articles of the new charter were agreed upon in a great assembly of
barons and of deputies of the towns of Brussels, Antwerp, and Louvain,
6 February, 1421. The charter itself was signed and sealed by Count
Philip who had been appointed regent and its provisions were
immediately put into execution. The constitution of 1421 continued to
be the legal constitution of the city of Brussels until the close of
the eighteenth century. The great struggle between the patricians and
the craftsmen was never again to be renewed. The former disassociated
themselves more and more from trade and from municipal affairs, and
were gradually absorbed in the ranks of the old feudal aristocracy. The
dissensions in the centuries which followed were not the outcome of
class hatred, but of difference of opinion in religious matters, and of
the impolitic measures taken to restore religious unity by alien
rulers, who had no sympathy with the customs and traditions of the
Netherlands.</p>
<h3 id="b-p144.1">CHIEF BUILDINGS</h3>
<p id="b-p145" shownumber="no">There is probably no city in Europe which contains grander medieval
municipal buildings than those of Brussels, and the greatest of them
were built after the craftsmen obtained emancipation. The foundation
stone of the town hall was laid at the beginning of the fifteenth
century, but very little progress was made till after 1421, and it was
not completed till 1486; the beautiful Hall of the Bakers opposite, now
called 
<i>La Maison du Roi</i>, dated from the following century; the grand
old church of Notre-Dame du Sablon, where most of the trade companies
had their chapels, was built in the course of the fourteenth century,
the greater portion of it probably after 1421. The church of St.
Gudule, dedicated to St. Michael, the grandest church in Brussels, is
rather a monument of the Dukes of Brabant, than of the burghers. The
foundation stone was probably laid toward the close of the twelfth
century, but it was not completed till 1653. Its stained glass
(sixteenth to nineteenth century) is famous, especially that in the
Chapel of the Blessed Sacrament, donated (1540-47) by several Catholic
kings and queens in honour of the Miraculous Hosts preserved in St.
Gudule since 1370 when (on Good Friday) several Jews stole from the
tabernacle of the church of St. Catherine a number of consecrated Hosts
and sacrilegiously transfixed them in their synagogue. The Hosts, it is
said, bled miraculously; eventually some of them were deposited in the
church of St. Gudule, while others were kept at Notre-Dame de La
Chapelle, whence they disappeared in 1579. But the guilty parties were
discovered, some were burned alive, and others were banished from
Brabant forever. An annual procession on the Sunday after 15 July,
perpetuates the memory of this event, and on this occasion the
identical Hosts are exposed in St. Gudule for the veneration of the
faithful (Corblet, "Hist. de l'Eucharistie", Paris, 1885, II, 485-486;
Balleydie, "Hist. de Ste-Gudule et du St-Sacrement de Miracle",
Brussels, 1859; Matagne, "Précis historiques", Paris, 1870). Other
noteworthy churches are: the Chapelle de l'Expiation built in 1436 on
the site of the above-mentioned synagogue, in expiation of the
sacrilege; Notre-Dame de La Chapelle (1216-1485), a Gothic and
Romanesque building, after St. Gudule the finest of the medieval
churches of Brussels; Notre-Dame-des-Victoires or du Sablon, Flemish
Gothic, founded in 1304 by the Guild of Crossbowmen; the barocco church
of the Beguines (1657-76). The other churches of the city proper are:
St. Catherine, Sts. Jean et Etienne, Notre-Dame du Finistère, St.
Jacques sur Caudenberg, St. Nicholas, Riches-Claires, Notre-Dame de Bon
Secours, St. Josse-ten-Noode (Bruyn, Trésor artistique des
églises de Bruxelles, Louvain, 1882). The famous guild houses in
the market place, of which there are no less than seventeen, were not
erected until after the bombardment of 1695, when the old guild houses
were all destroyed, which proves, that at the close of the seventeenth
century the masons of Brussels were still cunning workers.</p>
<p id="b-p146" shownumber="no">Brussels is noted for its magnificent system of boulevards. The
Place Royale is one of the noblest squares in modern Europe, while the
Grand Place in the heart of the old town is equally remarkable as a
medieval square. Around it are gathered the Hotel de Ville, said to be
the noblest piece of civil architecture in Europe, the Maison du Roi,
or former government-house, and the seventeen famous guild houses or
halls of the industrial corporations (butchers, brewers, tailors,
carpenters, painters, etc.). These guild houses were erected after the
bombardment of 1695, when the old buildings were destroyed. The modern
Palais de Justice is the largest architectural work of the nineteenth
century; it rises on a massive basis that measures 590 by 560 feet, and
recalls by its imposing bulk some vast Egyptian or Assyrian
structure.</p>
<h3 id="b-p146.1">RELIGIOUS LIFE</h3>
<p id="b-p147" shownumber="no">There are three episcopal educational institutes, among them the
Institut Saint-Louis (about 100 teachers), with departments of
philosophy, letters, natural sciences, and a commercial school. The
city is divided into four deaneries, St. Gudule and three in the
faubourgs. There are 37 parishes in the city and faubourgs, and in the
city proper 72 prieses, 11 parishes, and 16 churches. The religious
orders are numerous, among them Dominicans, Capuchins, Minor
Conventuals, Jesuits, Redemptorists, Carmelites, Servites, Barnabites,
Alexians, etc. There are also several communities of teaching brothers,
principally Christian Brothers. The religious houses of women in 1906
numbered about 80, divided among many orders and congregations, and
devoted to various educational and charitable works. The Hospital
Saint-Jean (1900) has 600 beds, that of Saint-Pierre 635. There are 11
hospices and refuges for the aged, poor, and insane, and 27 other
institutions for the care of the sick and needy.</p>
<h3 id="b-p147.1">THE UNIVERSITY OF BRUSSELS</h3>
<p id="b-p148" shownumber="no">The University of Brussels, known as the 
<i>Université libre</i> (Free University), was founded in 1834 by
the Belgian Liberals as a rival of the Catholic University of Louvain.
It occupies the former palaces of Cardinal Granvelle. In 1904 it
numbered 1054 students. It has faculties of philosophy, the exact
sciences, jurisprudence, and medicine. The last faculty, located in the
picturesque Parc Léopold, possesses there a Physiological
Institute founded in 1895, an Institute of Hygiene, Bacteriology, and
Therapeutics, an Institute of Anatomy founded 1896-97, and a Commercial
Institute (1904). Close by is the valuable Musée d'Histoire
Naturelle; connected with it is the Ecole Polytechnique (1873) or
school of applied sciences, with six departments: mining, metallurgy,
practical chemistry, civil and mechanical engineering, and
architecture. Similarly related to the university are the School of
Political and Social Sciences and the School of Commerce founded by
Ernest Solvay; also the Instituts Solvay (Physiology, 1894; Sociology,
1901). Since 1901 several universities for the people have been founded
in the faubourgs. There are in addition the important museums of
Brussels, military, ethnographic, commercial, pedagogic, natural
history, decorative arts, communal, Wiertz (at Ixelles), etc. The
Palais des Beaux Arts houses a unique and valuable collection of Old
Flemish Masters. The Bibliothèque Royale contains a collection of
some 500,000 volumes, and has also inherited the famous
Bibliothèque de Bourgogne, (27,000 manuscripts) founded by
Philippe le Bon, Duke of Burgundy (1419-67) and one of the largest and
most important collections of its kind in Europe (De la Serna,
Mém. hist. sur la bibliothèque dite de Bourgogne, Brussels,
1809; Namur, His. des bibliothèques publiques de Bruxelles, ibid.,
1840).</p>
<p id="b-p149" shownumber="no">Among the learned bodies of Brussels are the Académie Royale
des Sciences (1772), Académie de Medecine (1772), Académie
des Beaux Arts, with a school, the Société Scientifique
(1876), an important and unique International Institute of Bibliography
(1895). In 1905 the Conservatory of Music (1899) numbered 1229 pupils.
The Jesuit College of Saint-Michel at Brussels is the actual seat of
the famous publication known as the "Acta Sanctorum" (see 
<span class="sc" id="b-p149.1">Bollandists</span>), and here are now kept the library
and the archives of this enterprise, originally begun and long
conducted at Antwerp.</p>
<p id="b-p150" shownumber="no">Henne and Wauters, 
<i>Histoire de Bruxelles</i> (Brussels, 1845); Wauters, 
<i>Bruxelles et ses environs</i> (ibid., 1852-56); Pirienne, 
<i>Histoire de la Belgique</i> (Brussels, 1907); Gilliat-Smith, 
<i>The Story of Brussels</i>.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p151" shownumber="no">ERNEST GILLIAT-SMITH</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p151.1" title="Brute de Remur, Simon William Gabriel" type="Encyclopedia">Simon William 
Gabriel Brute de Remur</term>
<def id="b-p151.2">
<h1 id="b-p151.3">Simon William Gabriel Bruté de Rémur</h1>
<p id="b-p152" shownumber="no">First Bishop of Vincennes, Indiana, U.S.A. (now Indianapolis), b. at
Rennes, France, 20 March 1779; d. at Vincennes, 26 June, 1839. His
father was Simon-Guillaume-Gabriel Bruté de Remur, of an ancient
and respectable family, and Superintendent of the Royal Domains in
Brittany; and his mother, Jeanne-Renee Le Saulnier de Vauhelle Vater,
widow of Francis Vater, printer to the King and Parliament at Rennes.
Young Bruté had attended the schools of his native city several
years when the Revolution interrupted his studies. He then learned and
practised the business of a compositor in the printing establishment of
his mother, where she placed him to avoid his enrolment in a regiment
of children who took part in the fusillades of the Reign of Terror.
This did not prevent his witnessing many horrible and exciting scenes,
and in his diary he mentions having been present at the trial and
precipitate execution of priests and nobles in the cause of their
religion. He frequented the prisons and made friends of the guards, who
admitted him to the cells, where he received and delivered letters for
the clergy incarcerated there. More than once he bore in his bosom to
these suffering heroes the Blessed Sacrament.</p>
<p id="b-p153" shownumber="no">In 1796 Bruté began the study of medicine, and in spite of the
avowed infidelity then prevalent in the schools, he remained proof
against sophistry and ridicule. He was graduated in 1803, but did not
practice medicine, as he immediately entered upon the ecclesiastical
studies, which he pursued for four years at the Seminary of
Saint-Sulpice, Paris. Ordained priest on the 11th of June, 1808, he
joined the Society of Saint-Sulpice and, after teaching theology for
two years, he sailed for the United States with Bishop-elect Flaget
(1810). At St. Mary's Seminary, Baltimore, he taught philosophy for two
years and then was sent for a short time to the Eastern Shore of
Maryland. He was transferred thence to Mt. St. Mary's Emmitsburg, where
he taught and at the same time performed the duties of pastor for the
Catholics of that vicinity with such devotion that he became known as
the "Angel of the Mount". During this period he became the spiritual
director of Mother Seton, foundress of the Sisters of Charity in the
United States, with whom he maintained a lifelong friendship.</p>
<p id="b-p154" shownumber="no">In 1815 he was appointed President of St. Mary's College, Baltimore,
but after three years (1818) he returned to Emmitsburg. In 1826, Mt.
St. Mary's College being no longer dependent upon the Fathers of
Saint-Sulpice, its founders, Father Bruté ceased to belong to that
society, but continued his duties at the "Mountain" until 1834, when he
was appointed to the newly created See of Vincennes. He was consecrated
in St. Louis, October the 28th, 1834, by the Right Rev. Benedict J.
Flaget, Bishops Rosati and Purcell assisting. After travelling over his
vast diocese, comprising the whole State of Indiana and eastern
Illinois, Bishop Bruté visited France, where he secured priests
and funds for the erection of churches and schools in his needy
diocese.</p>
<p id="b-p155" shownumber="no">Bishop Bruté left no published work except some ephemeral
contributions, which, over the pseudonym "Vincennes", appeared in
various journals, notably the Cincinnati "Catholic Telegraph". It is to
be regretted that he did not write an autobiography, for which his
Memoranda, notes, and Diary seem a preparation. They teem with
interest, and show him to have been the friend of famous men in France.
Conspicuous among the number was de Lamennais, whom he tried to
reconcile with the Church both by his letters from this country, as
well as by conferring with him personally during one of his visits to
France, but without success.</p>
<p id="b-p156" shownumber="no">Bayley, Momoirs of Bishop Bruté (New York, 1865); White, Life
of Mother Seton (Baltimore, 1879), VIII, 314; O'Gorman, American Church
History (New York, 1895), IX, xxiv, 394; Shea, History of the Catholic
Church in the United States (New York, 1890), III, xv, 640; Alerding,
History of the Catholic Church in the Diocese of Vincennes
(Indianapolis, 1888), 124; Bruté de Remur, Vie de Mgr. Bruté
de Remur, premier eveque de Vincennes (Rennes, 1887).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p157" shownumber="no">MICHAEL F. DINNEEN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p157.1" title="Bruyes, Jacques" type="Encyclopedia">Jacques Bruyes</term>
<def id="b-p157.2">
<h1 id="b-p157.3">Jacques Bruyas</h1>
<p id="b-p158" shownumber="no">Born at Lyons, France, 13 July, 1635; died at Sault St. Louis,
Canada, 15 June 1712. He entered the Society of Jesus, 11 November,
1651, joined the mission of Canada in 1666, and labored there for 46
years among the Iroquois. From 1693 to 1698 Bruyas was Superior General
of the Canadian missions, and in 1700, 1701, [sic] actively helped to
secure for the French a general peace with the Iroquois tribes. Besides
writing a catechism, prayers for the sick, and similar works, he is the
author of the oldest known Iroquois grammar. It was published from the
original manuscript by the Regents of the University of the State of
New York in their Sixteenth Annual Report of the State Cabinet of
Natural History (Albany, 1863). Father Bruyas is considered to be the
author of the "Iroquois Dictionary" preserved in the Bibliothèque
de l'Arsenal of Paris.</p>
<p id="b-p159" shownumber="no">Sommervogel, Bibl. de la c. de J., I, 317; Jesuit Relations
(Cleveland, 1899), I, 323.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p160" shownumber="no">JOSEPH M. WOODS</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p160.1" title="Bryant, John Delavau" type="Encyclopedia">John Delavau Bryant</term>
<def id="b-p160.2">
<h1 id="b-p160.3">John Delavau Bryant</h1>
<p id="b-p161" shownumber="no">Physician, poet, author, and editor, b. in Philadelphia, U.S.A.,
1811; d. 1877. He was the son of an Episcopalian minister, the Rev. Wm.
Bryant. His mother, was a daughter of John Delavau, a shipbuilder of
Philadelphia. His early education was under his father and in the
Episcopalian Academy. He received the degree of A.B. in 1839, and A.M.
in 1842 from the University of Pennsylvania, and entered the General
Theological Seminary of the Protestant Episcopal Church in New York in
1839. After one year he left the seminary to travel in Europe. On his
return he was received into the Catholic Church at St. John's Church,
Philadelphia, 12 February, 1842. He graduated in medicine at the
University of Pennsylvania in 1848. In 1855, during the yellow fever
epidemic in Portsmouth and Norfolk, Virginia, he volunteered for duty
and returned only after the epidemic had subsided. In 1857, he married
Miss. Mary Harriet Riston, daughter of George Riston.</p>
<p id="b-p162" shownumber="no">For two years in the early sixties he was editor of the "Catholic
Herald." His principal work, published in 1859 by subscription, is an
epic poem entitled "The Redemption", apparently inspired by a visit to
Jerusalem. It is founded on the Bible and Catholic tradition, and, when
it was first published, attracted some attention and received many
favourable reviews. He also published, about 1852, a controversial
novel entitled "Pauline Seward" which had considerable vogue at the
time, especially among Catholics, and ran through ten editions. In 1855
he published "The Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary,
Mother of God", an exposition of the dogma recently promulgated. All of
his works are now out of print and can be found practically only in
reference libraries.</p>
<p id="b-p163" shownumber="no">Records of the Amer. Catholic Hist. Soc., September, 1904.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p164" shownumber="no">JOSEPH WALSH</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p164.1" title="Bubastis" type="Encyclopedia">Bubastis</term>
<def id="b-p164.2">
<h1 id="b-p164.3">Bubastis</h1>
<p id="b-p165" shownumber="no">A titular see of Lower Egypt, on the right bank of the Pelusiac
branch of the Nile, near the modern Zagâzig, where its ruins are
shown under the name of Tell Bastah. Its true name was Bast owing to
the name of the local goddess Bastet; it became in Old Egyptian 
<i>Per-bastet</i> (Coptic 
<i>Boubasti</i>, Hebrew 
<i>Pi-beseth</i>, Greek 
<i>Boubastis</i> or more commonly 
<i>Boubastos</i>, i.e. House of Bastet). It was a place of importance
under the twenty-third dynasty about 950-750 B.C. When the eastern part
of Lower Egypt was divided into Augustamnica Prima in the north and
Augustamnica Secunda in the south, Bubastis was included in the latter,
whose capital was Leontopolis (Hierocles, Synecdemos, 728, 4), as the
chief town of the Bubastites 
<i>nomos</i> and like every Egyptian 
<i>nomos</i> was the seat of a bishopric. Its bishop, Harpocration, was
mentioned at Nicaea by Meletius among his well-wishers (Athan. Apol.c.
Arianos, 71). About 340 the see was occupied by Hermon (Acta SS., May,
III, 61). Julianus was present at the Latrocinium of Ephesus, 449. The
see is mentioned in Georgius Cyprius (ed. Gelzer, 705). In the Middle
Ages its fate is blended with that of Khandek, a Jacobite see near
Cairo, to which it had been united. Thus in 1078 Gabriel, 
<i>ep. Basta, quoe et Khandek</i>, interfered in the election of the
Patriarch Cyrillus (Renaudot, Hist. patriarch Alexandr. 450, 458, 465),
and in 1102 John took a share in the consecration of the Patriarch
Macarius II (ibid., 482). Under the Patriarch Cyrillus III (1235-43),
the see is often mentioned, but without the name of its titular.</p>
<p id="b-p166" shownumber="no">Lequien, Or. Christ., II, 559-562: Gams, Series episcop., 461.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p167" shownumber="no">L. PETIT</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p167.1" title="Bucelin, Gabriel" type="Encyclopedia">Gabriel Bucelin</term>
<def id="b-p167.2">
<h1 id="b-p167.3">Gabriel Bucelin</h1>
<p id="b-p168" shownumber="no">(Buzlin).</p>
<p id="b-p169" shownumber="no">A Benedictine historical writer, born at Diessenhofen in Thurgau, 29
December, 1599, died at Weingarten, 9 June, 1681. A scion of the
distinguished line of Bucellini counts, Gabriel, at the age of
thirteen, entered the Benedictine monastery at Weingarten. After a
course in Philosophy and theology at Dillingen he was ordained priest
23 April, 1624, and in the same year sent, as master of novices, to
restore the primitive fervour and raise the standard of studies in the
monastery of St. Trudpert in the Black Forest. Having filled the
position of master of novices at Weingarten and professor of humanities
at Feldkirch (1635), whence on the approach of the Swedish army he was
forced to flee to Admont (1646), he was appointed prior of St. John's
monastery, Feldkirch (1651), where he remained until a few months
before his death. Bucelin was a very prolific writer, being the author
of some fifty-three works, a large number of which are still in
manuscript in the royal library at Stuttgart. His chief claim to the
gratitude of posterity lies in the fact that he was, if not the very
first, at least among the first authors to deal with the ecclesiastical
history of Germany. Of his published works the most important are:
"Germania sacra" (Augsburg, 1655), containing accounts of the principal
ecclesiastics, archbishops, abbots, etc., as well as a list of the most
important monasteries of Germany; "Germaniae
topo-chrono-stemmatographia sacra et profana" (1665-78), treating, as
its name implies, of the genealogy of the most distinguished members of
the clergy and the nobility; "Constantia sacra et profana" (Frankfort,
1667), "Rhaetia etrusca, romana, gallica, germanica" (Augsburg, 1661);
"Nucleus historicae universalis" (Ulm, 1650, 1654; carried from 1650 to
1735 by Schmier, "Apparatum ad theologiam
scholastico-polemico-practicam"), of great importance to Scholars
interested in ancient charts, bulls, diplomata, etc. Bucelin was also
the author of many works on the Benedictine Order and its most
illustrious members, among them "Aquila imperii benedictina" (Venice,
1651); "Menologium benedictinum" (Feldkirch, 1655).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p170" shownumber="no">F.M. RUDGE</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p170.1" title="Bucer, Martin" type="Encyclopedia">Martin Bucer</term>
<def id="b-p170.2">
<h1 id="b-p170.3">Martin Bucer</h1>
<p id="b-p171" shownumber="no">(Also called BUTZER.)</p>
<p id="b-p172" shownumber="no">One of the leaders in the South German Reformation movement, b. 11
November, 1491, at Schlettstadt, Alsace; d. 28 February, 1551, at
Cambridge, England. He received his early education at the Latin School
of his native place, where at the age of fifteen (1506) he also entered
the Order of St. Dominic. Later he was sent to the University of
Heidelberg to prosecute his studies, and matriculated, 31 January,
1517. He became an ardent admirer of Erasmus, and soon an enthusiastic
disciple of Luther. He heard the Saxon monk at a public disputation,
held at Heidelberg in 1518, on the occasion of a meeting of the
Augustinian order, became personally acquainted with him, and was
immediately won over to his ideas. Having openly adopted the new
doctrine he withdrew from the Dominican order, in 1521, became court
chaplain of Frederick the Elector Palatine, and laboured as secular
priest at Landstuhl, in the Palatinate (1522), and as a member of the
household of Count Sickengen and at Weissenburg, Lower Alsace
(1522-23). During his incumbency at Landstuhl he married Elizabeth
Silbereisen, a former nun. When, in 1523, his position became untenable
at Weissenburg, he proceeded to Strasburg. Here his activity was soon
exercised over a large field; he became the chief reformer of the city
and was connected with many important religio-political events of the
period. His doctrinal views on points controverted between Luther and
Zwingli at first harmonized completely with the ideas of the Swiss
Reformer. Subsequently he sought to mediate between Lutherans and
Zwinglians. The highly questionable methods to which he resorted in the
interest of peace drew upon him the denunciation of both parties. In
spite of the efforts of Bucer, the Conference of Marburg (1529), at
which the divergent views of Luther and Zwingli, especially the
doctrine regarding the Eucharist, were discussed, failed to bring about
a reconciliation. At the Diet of Augsburg, in the following year, he
drew up with Capito the "Confessio Tetrapolitana", or Confession of the
Four Cities (Strasburg, Constance, Memmingen, and Lindau). Later on,
moved by political considerations, he abandoned this for the Augsburg
Confession. In 1536, he brought about the more nominal than real
"Concordia of Wittenberg" among German Protestants. He gave his own,
and obtained Luther's and Melanchthon's approbation for the bigamy of
the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, attended in 1540 the religious
conference between Catholics and Protestants at Hagenau, Lower Alsace,
and in 1541 the Diet of Ratisbon. The combined attempt of Bucer and
Melanchthon to introduce the Reformation into the Archdiocese of
Cologne ended in failure (1542). Political troubles and the resistance
of Bucer to the agreement arrived at by Catholics and Protestants in
1548, and known as the "Augsburg Interim", made his stay in Strasburg
impossible. At the invitation of Archbishop Cranmer, he proceeded to
England in 1549. After a short stay in London, during which he was
received by King Edward VI (1547-53), he was called to Cambridge as
Regius Professor of Divinity. His opinion was frequently asked by
Cranmer on church matters, notably on the controversy regarding
ecclesiastical vestments. But his sojourn was to be of short duration,
as he died in February, 1551. Under the reign of Queen Mary (1553-58)
his remains were exhumed and burned, and his tomb was demolished
(1556), but was reconstructed in 1560 by Queen Elizabeth
(1558-1603).</p>
<p id="b-p173" shownumber="no">Bucer was, after Luther and Melanchthon, the most influential of
German Reformers. For a clear statement of doctrine he was ever ready
to substitute vague formulas in the interest of unity, which even his
able efforts could not establish among the Reformers. He forms a
connecting link between the German and the English Reformation. Of the
thirteen children he had by his first marriage, only one, a weak-minded
son, survived. Wibrandis Rosenblatt, the successive wife of several
Reformers (Cellarius, Oecolampadius, Capito, and Bucer), whom he
married after his first wife died from the plague in 1541, bore him
three children, of whom a daughter survived. Only one of the ten folio
volumes in which his works were to appear was published (Basle, 1577).
It is known as "Tomas Anglicanus" because its contents were mostly
written in England.</p>
<p id="b-p174" shownumber="no">BAUM, 
<i>Capito und Butzer</i> (Elberfeld, 1860); MENTZ AND ERICHSON, 
<i>Zur 400 jahrigen Geburtsfeier Martin Butzers</i> (Strasburg, 1891);
STERN, 
<i>Martin Butzer</i> (Strasburg, 1891); PAULUS, 
<i>Die Strasburger Reformatoren</i> (Freiburg, 1895); SCHAFF, 
<i>History of the Christian Church</i> (New York, 1904), VI, 571-573
and passim; WARD in 
<i>Dict. of Nat. Biog.</i>, VII, 172-177.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p175" shownumber="no">N.A. WEBER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p175.1" title="Buck, Victor de" type="Encyclopedia">Victor de Buck</term>
<def id="b-p175.2">
<h1 id="b-p175.3">Victor de Buck</h1>

<p id="b-p176" shownumber="no">Bollandist, born at Oudenarde, Flanders, 21 April, 1817; died 28
June, 1876. His family was one of the most distinguished in the city of
Oudenarde. After a brilliant course in the humanities, at the municipal
College of Soignies and the petit seminaire of Roulers and completed in
1835 at the college of the Society of Jesus at Alost, he entered this
Society on 11 October of the same year. After two years in the
novitiate, then at Nivelles, and a year at Tronchiennes reviewing and
finishing his literary studies, he went to Namur in September, 1838, to
study philosophy and the natural sciences, closing these courses with a
public defence of these bearing on these subjects.</p>
<p id="b-p177" shownumber="no">The work of the Bollandists (q.v.) had just been revived and, in
spite of his youth, Victor De Buck was summoned to act as assistant to
the hagiographers. He remained at this work in Brussels from September,
1840, to September, 1845. After devoting four years to theological
studies at Louvain where he was ordained priest in 1848, and making his
third year of probation in the Society of Jesus he was permanently
assigned to the Bollandist work in 1850, and way engaged upon it until
the time of his death. He had already published in part second of Vol.
VII of the October "Acta Sanctorum", which appeared in 1845, sixteen
commentaries or notices that are easily distinguishable because they
are without a signature, unlike those written by the Bollandists.
Moreover, during the course of his theological studies which suffered
thereby no interruption, and before becoming a priest, he composed, in
collaboration with Antoine Tinnebroeck who, like himself was a
scholastic, an able refutatoin of a book published by the professor of
canon law at the University of Louvain, in which the rights of the
regular clergy were assailed and repudiated. This refutation which
fills an octavo volume of 640 pages, abounding in learned
dissertations, was ready for publication within four months. It was to
have been supplemented by a second volume that was almost completed but
could not be published because of the political disturbances of the
year which were but the prelude to the revolutions of 1848, and the
work was never resumed.</p>
<p id="b-p178" shownumber="no">Father De Buck's literary activity was extraordinary. Besides the
numerous commentaries in Vols. IX, X, XI, XII, and XIII of the October
"Acta Sanctorum", which won the praise of those best qualified to
judge, he published in Latin, French, and Flemish, a large number of
little works of piety and dissertations on devotion to the saints,
church history, and Christian archaeology, the partial emumeration of
which fills two folio columns of his eulogy, in the fore part of vol.
II of the November "Acta". Because of his extensive learning and
investigating turn of mind he was naturally bent upon probing abstruse
and perplexing questions; naturally, also, his work was often the
result of most urgent requests. Hence it was that, in 1862, he was led
to publish in the form of a letter to his brother Remi, then professor
of church history at the theological college of Louvain and soon
afterwards his colleague on the Bollandist work, a Latin dissertation
"De solemnitate praecipue paupertatis religiosae", which was followed
in 1863 and 1864 by two treatises in French, one under the title:
"Solution aimable de la question des couvents" and the other "De l'etat
religieux", treating of the religious life in Belgium in the nineteenth
century.</p>
<p id="b-p179" shownumber="no">At the solicitation chiefly of prelates and distinguised Catholic
savants, he undertook the study of a particularly delicate question on
order to satisfy the many requests made to Rome by churches and
religious communities for the relics of saints, it had become customary
to take from the Roman catacombs the bodies of unknown personages
believed to have been honoured as martyrs in the early Church. The sign
by which they were to be recognized was a glass vial sealed up in the
plaster outside the loculus that contained the body, and bearing traces
of a red substance that had been enclosed and was supposed to have been
blood. Doubts had arisen as to the correctness of this interpretation
and, after careful study, Father De Buck felt convinced that it was
false and that what had been taken for blood was probably the sediment
of consecrated wine vhich, owing to misguised piety held and had been
placed in the tomb near the bodies of the dead. The conclusion,
together with its premises, was set forth in a dissertation published
in 1885 under the title "De phialis rubricatis quibus martyrum
romanorum sepulcra dignosci dicuntur". Naturally it raised lively
protestations, particularly on the part of those who were responsible
for distributing the bodies of the saints, the more so, as after the
discussions on the vials of blood, the cardinal vicar in 1861 strictly
forbade any further transportation of these relics. The author of the
dissertation, "De phialis rubricatis", had but a few copies of his work
struck off, these being intended for the cardinals and prelates
particularly Interested in the question and as none were put on the
market, it was rumoured that De Buck's superiors had suppressed the
publication of the book and that all the copies printed, save five or
six, had been destroyed. This, of course. was untrue; not one copy had
been destroyed and his superiors had laid no blame upon the author.
Then, in 1863, a decree was obtained from the Congregation of Rites,
renewing an older decree, thereby it was declared that a vial of blood
placed outside of a sepulchral niche in the catacombs was an
unmistakable sign by which the tomb of a martyr might be known, and it
was proclaimed that Victor De Buck's opinion was formally disapproved
and condemned by Rome. This too was false, as Father De Buck had never
intimated that the placing of the vial of blood did not indicate the
resting-place of a martyr, when it could be proved that the vial
contained genuine blood, such as was supposed by the decree of the
congregation. Finally, there appeared in Paris in 1897 a large quarto
volume written by the Roman prelate, Monsignor Sconamiglio,
"Reliquiarum custode". It was filled with caustic criticisms of the
author of "De phialis rubricatis" and relegated him to the rank of
notorious heretics who had combated devotion to the saints and the
veneration of their relics. Father De Buck seemed all but insensible to
the attacks and contented himself with opposing to Monsignor
Sconamiglio's book a protest in which he rectified the more or less
unconscious error of his enemies by proving that neither the decree of
1863 nor any other decision emanating from ecclesiastical authority had
affected his thesis.</p>
<p id="b-p180" shownumber="no">However, another attack made about the same time touched him more
deeply. The gravest and most direct accusations were made against him
and reported to the Sovereign Pontiff himself, he was even credited
with opinions which, if not formally heretical, at least openly defied
the ideas that are universally accepted and held in veneration by
Catholics devoted to the Holy See. In a Latin letter addressed to
Cardinal Patrizzi, and intended to come to the notice of the Supreme
Pontiff, Father De Buck repudiated the calumnies in a manner that
betrayed how deeply he had been affected, his pretest being supported
by the testimony of four of his principal superiors, former
provincials, and rectors who eagerly vouched for the sincerely of his
declarations and the genuineness of his religious spirit. With the full
consent of his superiors he published this letter in order to
communicate with those of his friends who might have been disturbed by
an echo of these accusations.</p>
<p id="b-p181" shownumber="no">What might have invested these accusations with some semblance of
truth and what certainly gave rise to them, were the amicable relations
established, principally through correspondence, between Father De Buck
and such men as Alexander Forbes, the learned Anglican bishop the
celebrated Edward Pusey in England, Montalembert, and Bishop Dupanloup
in France and a number of others whose names were distasteful to many
ardent Catholics. These relations were brought about by the reputation
for deep learning, integrity, and scientific independence that De
Buck's works had rapidly earned tor him, by his readiness to oblige
those who addressed themselves to him in their perplexities, and by his
remarkable earnestness and skill in elucidating the most difficult
questions. Moreover, he was equipped with all the information that
incessant study and a only great rounds groping outside of the true
Faith or weakened by harassing doubts who thus appealed to his
knowledge. The different papal nuncios who succeeded one another in
Belgium during the course of his career as Bollandist, bishops,
political men, mernbers of learned bodies and journalists ceased not to
importune this gracious scholar whose answers often formed important
memoranda which, although the result of several days and sometimes
several nights of uninterrupted labour, were read only those who called
them forth or else appeared anonymously in some Belgian or foreign
periodical.</p>
<p id="b-p182" shownumber="no">Although Father De Buck had an unusually robust constitution and
enjoyed exceptionally good health, constant and excessive work at
length told upon him and he was greatly fatigued when Father Beckx,
Father General of the Society, summoned him to Rome to act as official
theologian at the Vatican Council. Father Victor assumed these new
duties with his accustomed ardour and, upon his return, showed the
first symptoms of the malady arterio-sclerosis that finally carried him
off. He struggled for some years longer against a series of painful
attacks each of which left him decidedly weaker, until a final attack
that lasted almost interruptedly for nearly four years, caused his
death.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p183" shownumber="no">CH. DE SMEDT</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p183.1" title="Buckfast Abbey" type="Encyclopedia">Buckfast Abbey</term>
<def id="b-p183.2">
<h1 id="b-p183.3">Buckfast Abbey</h1>
<p id="b-p184" shownumber="no">The date of the foundation of the monastery of Our Lady of Buckfast,
two miles from Ashburton, England, in a beautiful Devonshire valley
watered by the Dart, is unknown; but it was certainly long before the
Norman Conquest. The eartiest authentic document is a grant by King
Canute (1015-1035), to the monks of Buckfast of the manor of Sele, now
called Zeal Monachorum. The best authorities assign the foundation to
the middle of the tenth century. Early in the twelfth century it was
incorporated into the Benedictine Congregation of savigny, founded in
Normandy in 1112. In 1148, five years before the death of St. Bernard,
the thirty Savigny houses, including Buckfast (of which Eustace was
then abbot) were affiliated to Clairvaux, thus becoming a part of the
great Cistercian Order. Buckfast now developed into one of the most
important monasteries in the great Diocese of Exeter. It flourished
both materially and spiritually originating the celebrated woollen
trade of the district encouraging other industries, and preserving
unimpaired its discipline and the fervour of its observance. The
latter, however, became relaxed (as in other Cistercian houses) in the
fourteenth century, one result being the rapid diminution in the
community. The reputation, however, of the monks for learning was
sustained until the dissolution, and they seem to have been generally
beloved in the district for their piety, kindliness, and
benevolence.</p>
<p id="b-p185" shownumber="no">The last legitimately elected Abbot of Buckfast was John Rede, who
died about 1535, the year of the Visitation ordered by Henry VIII,
which resulted in the intrusion of Gabriel Donne into the vacant chair.
Donne surrendered the house to the King in 1538, receiving for himself
ample compensation. The buildings were immediately sold, the lead
stripped from the roof, and the monastery and church left to decay. In
1882, about three centuries and a half after the suppression of the
Cistercian Abbey, the ruined building came again into the possession of
Benedictine monks, belonging to the French province of the Cassinese
Congregation of the Primitive Observance. Mass was again said and the
Divine Office chanted at Buckfast on 29 October, 1882, and eight months
later the Abbey was legally conveyed to the monks.</p>
<p id="b-p186" shownumber="no">The plan of the buildings at Buckfast followed the conventional
Cistercian arrangement, with the cloister south of the church, and
grouped round it the chapter-house, calefactory, refectory, and other 
<i>loca regularia</i>. The church was 220 feet long, with short
transcripts, each with a small eastern chapel. The Benedictines now in
possession have built a temporary church, and are proceeding with the
work of rebuilding the former one, and the rest of the monastic
buildings, on the ancient foundations. The tower which still remains
was been carefully restored, and the southern wing of the monastery has
been rebuilt in simple twelfth-century style, and was opened in April,
1886. The third abbot since the return of the monks in 1882, Dom
Anscher Vouier, formerly one of the professors at the Benedictine
University of St. Anselm in Rome, was solemnly blessed by the Bishop of
Plymouth in October, 1906.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p187" shownumber="no">D.O. HUNTER-BLAIR</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p187.1" title="Buckley, Sir Patrick Alphonsus" type="Encyclopedia">Sir Patrick Alphonsus Buckley</term>
<def id="b-p187.2">
<h1 id="b-p187.3">Sir Patrick Alphonsus Buckley</h1>
<p id="b-p188" shownumber="no">A soldier, lawyer, stateman, judge, born near Castletownsend, County
Cork, Ireland, in 1841; died at Lower Hutt, New Zealand, 18 May, 1896.
He was educated at the Mansion House School, Cork; St. Colman's
College, Paris; the Irish College, Paris; and the Catholic University,
Louvain. He was in Louvain when the Piedmontese invaded the States of
the Church in 1860, and at the request of Count Carlo MacDonnell,
Private Chamberlain to Pius IX, conducted the recruits of the Irish
Papal Brigade from Ostend to Vienna, where they were placed in charge
of representatives of the Holy See. He served under General
Lamoriciere, received a prisoner at Ancona. After the war he returned
to Ireland. Thence he emigrated to Queensland, where he completed his
legal studies and was admitted to the Bar. After a short residence in
Queensland he settled in New Zealand, and commenced the practice of his
profession in Wellington. Soon after his arrival in New Zealand, he
became a member of the Wellington Provincial Council, and was
Provincial Solicitor in the Executive when the Provincial Parliaments
were abolished in 1875. He was called to the Legislative Council in
1878; was Colonial Secretary and leader of the Upper House in the
Stout-Vogel Ministry (1884-87), and Attorney-GeneraL, Colonial
Secretary, and leader of an overwhelmingly Opposition Upper House under
the Ballance Administration from 1891 till 1895, when he accepted the
position of Judge of the Supreme Court. He was created Knight Commander
of St. Michael and St. George in 1892.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p189" shownumber="no">HENRY W. CLEARY</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p189.1" title="Buddhism" type="Encyclopedia">Buddhism</term>
<def id="b-p189.2">
<h1 id="b-p189.3">Buddhism</h1>
<p id="b-p190" shownumber="no">The religious, monastic system, founded c. 500 B.C. on the basis of
pantheistic Brahminism. The speculations of the Vedanta school of
religious thought, in the eighth and following centuries, B.C., gave
rise to several rival schemes of salvation. These movements started
with the same morbid view that conscious life is a burden and not worth
the living, and that true happiness is to be had only in a state like
dreamless sleep free from all desires, free from conscious action. They
took for granted the Upanishad doctrine of the endless chain of births,
but they differed from pantheistic Brahminism both in their attitude
towards the Vedas and in their plan for securing freedom from rebirth
and from conscious existence. In their absolute rejection of Vedic
rites, they stamped themselves as heresies. Of these the one destined
to win greatest renown was Buddhism.</p>
<h3 id="b-p190.1">I. THE FOUNDER</h3>
<p id="b-p191" shownumber="no">Of Buddha, the founder of this great movement, legendary tradition
has much to say, but very little of historical worth is known. His
father seems to have been a petty 
<i>raja</i>, ruling over a small community on the southern border of
the district now known as Nepal. Buddha's family name was Gotama
(Sanskrit 
<i>Gautama</i>), and it was probably by this name that he was known in
life. In all likelihood it was after his death that his disciples
bestowed on him a number of laudatory names, the most common being
Buddha, i.e. "the enlightened". Like the newborn youths of his day, he
must have spent some time in the study of the sacred Vedas. After the
immemorial custom of the East, he married at an early age, and, if
tradition may be trusted, exercised a prince's privilege of maintaining
a harem. His principal wife bore him a son. His heart was not at rest.
The pleasures of the world soon palled upon him, and abandoning his
home he retired to the forest, where as a hermit he spent several years
in austere self-discipline, studying doubtless, the way of salvaion as
taught in the Upanishads. Even this did not bring peace to his mind. He
gave up the rigorous fasts and mortifications, which nearly cost him
his life, and devoted himself in his own way to long and earnest
meditation, the fruit of which was his firm belief that he had
discovered the only true method of escaping from the misery of rebirth
and of attaining to Nirvana. He then set out to preach his gospel of
deliverance, beginning at Benares. His magnetic personality and his
earnest, impressive eloquence soon won over to his cause a number of
the warrior caste. Brahmins, too, felt the persuasiveness of his words,
and it was not long before he was surrounded by a band of enthusiastic
disciples, in whose company he went from place to place, by making
converts by his preaching. These soon became very numerous and were
formed into a great brotherhood of monks. Such was the work to which
Buddha gave himself with unsparing zeal for over forty years. At
length, worn out by his long life of activity, he fell sick after a
meal of dried boar's flesh, and died in the eightieth year of his age.
The approximate date of his death is 480 B.C. It is noteworthy that
Buddha was a contemporary of two other famous religious philosophers,
Pythagoras and Confucius.</p>
<p id="b-p192" shownumber="no">In the sacred books of later times Buddha is depicted as a character
without flaw, adorned with every grace of mind and heart. There may be
some hesitation in taking the highly coloured portrait of Buddhist
tradition as the exact representation of the original, but Buddha may
be credited with the qualities of a great and good man. The records
depict him moving about from place to place, regardless of personal
comfort, calm and fearless, mild and compassionate, considerate towards
poor and rich alike, absorbed with the one idea of freeing all men from
the bonds of misery, and irresistible in his manner of setting forth
the way of deliverance. In his mildness, his readiness to overlook
insults, his zeal, chastity, and simplicity of life, he reminds one not
a little of St. Francis of Assisi. In all pagan antiquity no character
has been depicted as so noble and attractive.</p>
<h3 id="b-p192.1">II. BUDDHIST TEXTS</h3>
<p id="b-p193" shownumber="no">The chief sources for early Buddhism are the sacred books comprised
in the first two divisions of the 
<i>Ti-pitaka</i> (triple-basket), the threefold Bible of the Southern
School of Buddhists. In India, today, the Buddhists are found only in
the North, in Nepal, and in the extreme South, in the island of Ceylon.
They represent two different schools of thought, the Northern
worshipping Buddha as supreme personal deity though at the same time
adopting most of the degrading superstitions of Hinduism, the Southern
adhering in great measure to the original teachings of Buddha. Each
school has a canon of sacred books. The Northern canon is in Sanskrit,
the Southern in Pali, a softer tongue, into which Sanskrit was
transformed by the people of the South. The Southern canon, 
<i>Ti-pitaka</i>, which reflects more faithfully the teachings of
Buddha and his early disciples, embraces</p>
<ul id="b-p193.1">
<li id="b-p193.2">the 
<i>Vinaya-pitaka</i>, a collection of books on the disciplinary rules
of the order,</li>
<li id="b-p193.3">the 
<i>Sutta-pitaka</i>, didactic tracts consisting in part of alleged
discourses of Buddha; and</li>
<li id="b-p193.4">the 
<i>Abhidhamma-pitaka</i>, comprising more detailed treatises on
doctrinal subjects.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="b-p194" shownumber="no">Most of the Vinavas and some of the Suttas have been made
accessible to English readers in the "Sacred Books of the East". The
Ti-pitaka seems to date back to the second and third centuries B.C.,
but a few additions were made even after it was committed to writing in
the early part of the first century of the Christian Era. While there
may be doctrinal and disciplinary parts from the time of Buddha none of
the twenty-nine books comprised in the Ti-pitaka can be proved to be
older than 300 B.C. These books stripped of their tiresome repetitions,
would be about equal in size to the Bible, though on the whole they are
vastly inferior to the Sacred Scripture in spirituality, depth of
thought, variety of subject, and richness of expression.</p>

<p id="b-p195" shownumber="no">There are also a few extra-canonical books, likewise in Pali on
which the Southern Buddhists set great value, the 
<i>Dipavansa</i> and 
<i>Mahavansa</i>, which give an uncritical history of Buddhism down to
about A.D. 300, the "Commentaries of Buddhagosa", and the 
<i>Milinda Panha</i>, ably translated by Rhys Davids under the title
"The Questions of King Milinda". These works belong to the fourth and
following centuries of our era. In the 
<i>Tri-pitaka</i> of the Northern School are included the well-known 
<i>Saddharma-pundarika</i> (Lotus of the True Law), and the legendary
biographies of Buddha, the 
<i>Buddha Charita</i>, and the 
<i>Lalita Vistara</i> (Book of Exploits), which are generally assigned
to the last quarter of the first century A.D. Besides the Tri-pitaka,
the Northern Buddhists reckon as canonical several writings of more
recent times adapted from the abominable Hindu 
<i>Tantras</i>.</p>
<h3 id="b-p195.1">III. PRIMITIVE BUDDHISM</h3>
<p id="b-p196" shownumber="no">Buddhism was by no means entirely original. It had much in common
with the pantheistic Vedanta teaching, from which it sprang belief in 
<i>karma</i>, whereby the character of the present life is the net
product of the good and evil acts of a previous existence; belief in a
constant series of rebirths for all who set their heart on preserving
their individual existence; the pessimistic view that life at its best
is misery and not worth living. And so the great end for which Buddha
toiled was the very one which gave colour to the pantheistic scheme of
salvation propounded by the Brahmin ascetics, namely, the liberation of
men from misery by setting them free from attachment to conscious
existence. It was in their conception of the final state of the saved,
and of the method by which it was to be attained that they differed.
The pantheistic Brahmin said:</p>
<blockquote id="b-p196.1">Recognize your identity with the great impersonal god,
Brahma, you thereby cease to be a creature of desires; you are no
longer held fast in the chain of rebirths; at death you lose your
individuality, your conscious existence, to become absorbed in the
all-god Brahma.</blockquote>

<p id="b-p197" shownumber="no">In Buddha's system, the all-god Brahma was
entirely ignored. Buddha put abstruse speculation in the background,
and, while not ignoring the value of right knowledge, insisted on the
saving part of the will as the one thing needful. To obtain deliverance
from birth, all forms of desire must be absolutely quenched, not only
very wicked craving, but also the desire of such pleasures and comforts
as are deemed innocent and lawful, the desire even to preserve one's
conscious existence. It was through this extinction of every desire
that cessation of misery was to be obtained. This state of absence of
desire and pain was known as 
<i>Nirvana</i> 
(<i>Nibbana</i>). This word was not coined by Buddha, but in his
teaching, it assumed a new shade of meaning. Nirvana means primarily a
"blowing out", and hence the extinction of the fire of desire,
ill-will, delusion, of all, in short, that binds the individual to
rebirth and misery. It was in the living Buddhist saint a state of calm
repose, of indifference to life and death, to pleasure and pain, a
state of imperturbable tranquility, where the sense of freedom from the
bonds of rebirth caused the discomforts as well as the joys of life to
sink into insignance. But it was not till after death that Nirvana was
realized in its completeness. Some scholars have so thought. And,
indeed, if the psychological speculations found in the sacred books are
part of Buddha's personal teaching, it is hard to see how he could have
held anything else as the final end of man. But logical consistency is
not to be looked for in an Indian mystic. If we may trust the sacred
books, he expressly refused on several occasions to pronounce either on
the existence or the non-existence of those who had entered into
Nirvana, on the ground that it was irrelevant, not conducive to peace
and enlightenment. His intimate disciples held the same view. A monk
who interpreted Nirvana to mean annihilation was taken to task by an
older monk, and convinced that he had no right to hold such an opinion,
since the subject was wrapped in impenetrable mystery. The learned nun
Khema gave a similar answer to the King of Kosala, who asked if the
deceased Buddha was still in existence. Whether the Perfect One exists
after death, whether he does not exist after death, whether he exists
and at the same time does not exist after death, whether he neither
exists nor does not exist after death, has not been revealed by Buddha.
Since, then, the nature of Nirvana was too mysterious to be grasped by
the Hindu mind, too subtle to be expressed in terms either of existence
or of non-existence, it would be idle to attempt a positive solution of
the question. It suffices to know that it meant a state of unconscious
repose, an eternal sleep which knew no awakening. In this respect it
was practically one with the ideal of the pantheistic Brahmin.</p>
<p id="b-p198" shownumber="no">In the Buddhist conception of Nirvana no account was taken of the
all-god Brahma. And as prayers and offerings to the traditional gods
were held to be of no avail for the attainment of this negative state
of bliss, Buddha, with greater consistency than was shown in
pantheistic Brahminism, rejected both the Vedas and the Vedic rites. It
was this attitude which stamped Buddhism as a heresy. For this reason,
too, Buddha has been set down by some as an atheist. Buddha, however,
was not an atheist in the sense that he denied the existence of the
gods. To him the gods were living realities. In his alleged sayings, as
in the Buddhist scriptures generally, the gods are often mentioned, and
always with respect. But like the pantheistic Brahmin, Buddha did not
acknowledge his dependence on them. They were like men, subject to
decay and rebirth. The god of today might be reborn in the future in
some inferior condition, while a man of great virtue might succeed in
raising himself in his next birth to the rank of a god in heaven. The
very gods, then, no less than men, had need of that perfect wisdom that
leads to Nirvana, and hence it was idle to pray or sacrifice to them in
the hope of obtaining the boon which they themselves did not possess.
They were inferior to Buddha, since he had already attained to Nirvana.
In like manner, they who followed Buddha's footsteps had no need of
worshipping the gods by prayers and offerings. Worship of the gods was
tolerated, however, in the Buddhist layman who still clung to the
delusion of individual existence, and preferred the household to the
homeless state. Moreover, Buddha's system conveniently provided for
those who accepted in theory the teaching that Nirvana alone was the
true end of man but who still lacked the courage to quench all desires.
The various heavens of Brahminic theology, with their positive, even
sensual, delights were retained as the reward of virtuous souls not yet
ripe for Nirvana. To aspire after such rewards was permitted to the
lukewarm monk; it was commended to the layman. Hence the frequent
reference, even in the earliest Buddhist writings to heaven and its
positive delights as an encouragement to right conduct. Sufficient
prominence is not generally given to this more popular side of Buddha's
teaching, without which his followers would have been limited to an
insignificant and short-lived band of heroic souls. It was this
element, so prominent in the inscriptions of Asoka, that tempered the
severity of Buddha's doctrine of Nirvana and made his system acceptable
to the masses.</p>
<p id="b-p199" shownumber="no">In order to secure that extinction of desire which alone could lead
to Nirvana, Buddha prescribed for his followers a life of detachment
from the comforts, pleasures, and occupations of the common run of men.
To secure this end, he adopted for himself and his disciples the quiet,
secluded, contemplative life of the Brahmin ascetics. It was foreign to
his plan that his followers should engage in any form of industrial
pursuits, lest they might thereby be entangled in worldly cares and
desires. Their means of subsistence was alms; hence the name commonly
applied to Buddhist monks was 
<i>bhikkus</i>, beggars. Detachment from family life was absolutely
necessary. Married life was to be avoided as a pit of hot coals, for it
was incompatible with the quenching of desire and the extinction of
individual existence. In like manner, worldly possessions and worldly
power had to be renounced—everything that might minister to
pride, greed, or self-indulgence. Yet in exacting of his followers a
life of severe simplicity, Buddha did not go to the extremes of
fanaticism that characterized so many of the Brahmin ascetics. He chose
the middle path of moderate asceticism which he compared to a lute,
which gives forth the proper tones only when the strings are neither
too tight nor too slack. Each member was allowed but one set of
garments, of yellowish colour and of cheap quality. These, together
with his sleeping mat, razor, needle, water-strainer, and alms bowl,
constituted the sum of his earthly possessions. His single meal, which
had to be taken before noon, consisted chiefly of bread, rice, and
curry, which he gathered daily in his alms-bowl by begging. Water or
rice-milk was his customary drink, wine and other intoxicants being
rigorously forbidden, even as medicine. Meat, fish, and delicacies were
rarely eaten except in sickness or when the monk dined by invitation
with some patron. The use of perfumes, flowers, ointments, and
participation in worldly amusements fell also into the class of things
prohibited. In theory, the moral code of Buddhism was little more than
a copy of that of Brahminism. Like the latter, it extended to thoughts
and desires, no less than to words and deeds. Unchastity in all its
forms, drunkenness, lying, stealing, envy, pride, harshness are
fittingly condemned. But what, perhaps, brings Buddhism most strikingly
in contact with Christianity is its spirit of gentleness and
forgiveness of injuries. To cultivate benevolence towards men of all
classes, to avoid anger and physical violence, to be patient under
insult, to return good for evil—all this was inculated in
Buddhism and helped to make it one of the gentlest of religions. To
such an extent was this carried that the Buddhist monk, like the
Brahmin ascetic, had to avoid with the greatest care the destruction of
any form of animal life.</p>
<p id="b-p200" shownumber="no">In course of time, Buddha extended his monastic system to include
women. Communities of nuns while living near the monks, were entirely
secluded from them. They had to conform to the same rule of life, to
subsist on alms, and spend their days in retirement and contemplation.
They were never as numerous as the monks, and later became a very
insignificant factor in Buddhism. In thus opening up to his fellow men
and women what he felt to be the true path of salvation, Buddha made no
discrimination in social condition. Herein lay one of the most striking
contrasts between the old religion and the new. Brahminism was
inextricably intertwined with caste-distinctions. It was a privilege of
birth, from which the Sudras and members of still lower classes were
absolutely excluded. Buddha, on the contrary, welcomed men of low as
well as high birth and station. Virtue, not blood, was declared to be
the test of superiority. In the brotherhood which he built around him,
all caste-distinctions were put aside. The despised Sudra stood on a
footing of equality with the high-born Brahmin. In this religious
democracy of Buddhism lay, doubtless, one of its strongest influences
for conversion among the masses. But in thus putting his followers on a
plane of equal consideration, Buddha had no intention of acting the
part of a social reformer. Not a few scholars have attributed to him
the purpose of breaking down caste-distinctions in society and of
introducing more democratic conditions. Buddha had no more intention of
abolishing caste than he had of abolishing marriage. It was only within
the limits of his own order that he insisted on social equality just as
he did on celibacy. Wherever Buddhism has prevailed, the caste-system
has remained untouched.</p>
<p id="b-p201" shownumber="no">Strictly speaking, Buddha's order was composed only of those who
renounced the world to live a life of contemplation as monks and nuns.
The very character of their life, however, made them dependent on the
charity of men and women who preferred to live in the world and to
enjoy the comforts of the household state. Those who thus sympathized
with the order and contributed to its support, formed the lay element
in Buddhism. Through this friendly association with the order, they
could look to a happy reward after death, not Nirvana but the temporary
de!ights of heaven, with the additional prospect of being able at some
future birth to attain to Nirvana, if they so desired. The majority,
however, did not share the enthusiasm of the Buddhist 
<i>Arhat</i> or saint for Nirvana, being quite content to hope for a
life of positive, though impermanent, bliss in heaven.</p>
<h3 id="b-p201.1">IV. LATER DEVELOPMENTS AND SPREAD OF BUDDHISM</h3>
<p id="b-p202" shownumber="no">The lack of all religious rites in Buddhism was not keenly felt
during the lifetime of its founder. Personal devotion to him took the
place of religious fervour. But he was not long dead when this very
devotion to him began to assume the form of religious worship. His
reputed relics, consisting of his bones, teeth, alms-bowl,
cremation-vessel, and ashes from his funeral pyre, were enclosed in
dome-shaped mounds called 
<i>Dagobas</i>, or 
<i>Topes</i>, or 
<i>Stupas</i>, and were honoured with offerings of lights, flowers, and
incense. Pictures and statues of Buddha were multiplied on every side,
and similarly honoured, being carried about on festal days in solemn
procession. The places, too, associated with his birth, enlightenment,
first preaching, and death were accounted especially sacred, and became
the objects of pilgrimage and the occasion of recurring festivals. But
as Buddha had entered into Nirvana and could not be sensible of these
religious honours, the need was felt of a living personality to whom
the people could pray. The later speculations of Buddhist monks brought
such a personality to light in Metteyya (Maitreya), the loving one, now
happily reigning in heaven as a 
<i>bodhisattva</i>, a divine being destined in the remote future to
become a Buddha, again to set in motion the wheel of the law. To this
Metteyya the Buddhists turned as the living object of worship of which
they had so long felt the need, and they paid him religious homage as
the future saviour of the world.</p>
<h4 id="b-p202.1">The emergence of the Northern School</h4>
<p id="b-p203" shownumber="no">Such was the character of the religious worship observed by those
who departed the least from Buddha's teachings. It is what is found
today in the so-called Southern Buddhism, held by the inhabitants of
Ceylon, Burma, and Siam. Towards the end of first century A.D.,
however, a far more radical change took place in the religious views of
the great mass of Buddhists in Northern India. Owing, doubtless, to the
ever growing popularity of the cults of Vishnu and Siva, Buddhism was
so modified as to allow the worship of an eternal, supreme deity,
Adi-Buddha, of whom the historic Buddha was declared to have been an
incarnation, an avatar. Around this supreme Buddha dwelling in highest
heaven, were grouped a countless number of bodhisattvas, destined in
future ages to become human Buddhas for the sake of erring man. To
raise oneself to the rank of bodhisattva by meritorious works was the
ideal now held out to pious souls. In place of Nirvana, 
<i>Sukhavati</i> became the object of pious longing, the heaven of
sensuous pleasures, where 
<i>Amitabha</i>, an emanation of the eternal Buddha, reigned. For the
attainment of Sukhavati, the necessity of virtuous conduct was not
altogether forgotten, but an extravagant importance was attached to the
worship of relics and statues, pilgrimages, and, above all, to the
reciting of sacred names and magic formulas. Many other gross forms of
Hindu superstition were also adopted. This innovation, completely
subversive of the teaching of Buddha, supplanted the older system in
the North. It was known as the 
<i>Mahayana</i>, or Great Vehicle, in distinction to the other and
earlier form of Buddhism contemptuously styled the 
<i>Hinayana</i> or Little Vehicle, which held its own in the South. It
is only by the few millions of Southern Buddhists that the teachings of
Buddha have been substantially preserved.</p>
<p id="b-p204" shownumber="no">Buddha's order seems to have grown rapidly, and through the good
will of rulers, whose inferior origin debarred them from Brahmin
privileges, to have become in the next two centuries a formidable rival
of the older religion. The interesting rock-edicts of Asoka—a
royal convert to Buddhism who in the second quarter of the third
century B.C. held dominion over the greater part of India—give
evidence that Buddhism was in a most flourishing condition, while a
tolerant and kindly spirit was displayed towards other forms of
religion. Under his auspices missionaries were sent to evangelize
Ceylon in the South, and in the North, Kashmer, Kandahar, and the
so-called Yavana country, identified by most scholars with the Greek
settlements in the Kabul valley and vicinity, and later known as
Bactria. In all these places Buddhism quickly took root and flourished,
though in the Northern countries the religion became later on corrupted
and transformed into the Mahayana form of worship.</p>
<h4 id="b-p204.1">Buddhism in China</h4>
<p id="b-p205" shownumber="no">In the first century of the Christian Era, the knowledge of Buddha
made its way to China. At the invitation of the Emperor Ming-ti,
Buddhist monks came in A.D. 67 with sacred books, pictures, and relics.
Conversions multiplied, and during the next few centuries the religious
communications between the two countries were very close. Not only did
Buddhist missionaries from India labour in China, but many Chinese
monks showed their zeal for the newly adopted religion by making
pilgrimages to the holy places in India. A few of them wrote
interesting accounts, still extant, of what they saw and heard in their
travels. Of these pilgrims the most noted are Fahien, who travelled in
India and Ceylon in the years A.D. 399-414, and Hiouen-Tsang who made
extensive travels in India two centuries later (A.D. 629-645). The
supplanting of the earlier form of Buddhism in the northern countries
of India in the second century led to a corresponding change in the
Buddhism of China. The later missionaries, being mostly from the North
of India, brought with them the new doctrine, and in a short time the
Mahayana or Northern Buddhism prevailed. Two of the bodhisattvas of
Mahayana theology became the favourite objects of worship with the
Chinese— 
<i>Amitabha</i>, lord of the Sukhavati paradise, and 
<i>Avalokitesvara</i>, extravagantly praised in the "Lotus of the True
Law" as ready to extricate from every sort of danger those who think of
him or cherish his name. The latter, known as 
<i>Fousa Kwanyin</i>, is worshipped, now as a male deity, again as the
goddess of mercy, who comes to the relief of the faithful. Amitabha
goes by the Chinese name 
<i>Amita</i>, or 
<i>Mito</i>. Offerings of flowers and incense made before his statues
and the frequent repetition, of his name are believed to ensure a
future life of bliss in his distant Western paradise. An excessive
devotion to statues and relics, the employment of magic arts to keep
off evil spirits, and the observance of many of the gross superstitions
of Taoism, complete the picture of Buddhism in China, a sorry
representation of what Buddha made known to men. Chinese Buddhism was
introduced into Korea in the fourth century, and from there taken to
Japan two centuries later. The Buddhism of these countries is in the
main like that of China, with the addition of a number of local
superstitions. Annam was also evangelized by Chinese Buddhists at an
early period.</p>
<h4 id="b-p205.1">Tibetan Buddhiism (Lamaism)</h4>
<p id="b-p206" shownumber="no">Buddhism was first introduced into Tibet in the latter part of the
seventh century, but it did not begin to thrive till the ninth century.
In 1260, the Buddhist conqueror of Tibet, Kublai Khan, raised the head
lama, a monk of the great Sakja monastery, to the position of spiritual
and temporal ruler. His modern successors have the title of 
<i>Dalai Lama</i>. Lamaism is based on the Northern Buddhism of India,
after it had become saturated with the disgusting elements of Siva
worship. Its deities are innumerable, its idolatry unlimited. It is
also much given to the use of magic formulas and to the endless
repetition of sacred names. Its favourite formula is, 
<i>Om mani padme hum</i> (O jewel in the lotus, Amen), which, written
on streamers exposed to the wind, and multiplied on paper slips turned
by hand or wind or water, in the so-called prayer-wheels, is thought to
secure for the agent unspeakable merit. The Dalai Lama, residing in the
great monastery at Lhasa, passes for the incarnation of Amitabha, the
Buddha of the Sukhavati paradise. Nine months after his death, a newly
born babe is selected by divination as the reincarnate Buddha.</p>
<p id="b-p207" shownumber="no">Catholic missionaries to Tibet in the early part of the last century
were struck by the outward resemblances to Catholic liturgy and
discipline that were presented by Lamaism—its infallible head,
grades of clergy corresponding to bishop and priest, the cross, mitre,
dalmatic, cope, censer, holy water, etc. At once voices were raised
proclaiming the Lamaistic origin of Catholic rites and practices.
Unfortunately for this shallow theory, the Catholic Church was shown to
have possessed these features in common with the Christian Oriental
churches long before Lamaism was in existence. The wide propagation of
Nestorianism over Central and Eastern Asia as early as A.D. 635 offers
a natural explanation for such resemblances as are accretions on Indian
Buddhism. The missionary zeal of Tibetan lamas led to the extension of
their religion to Tatary in the twelfth and following centuries. While
Northern Buddhism was thus exerting a widespread influence over Central
and Eastern Asia, the earlier form of Buddhism was making peaceful
conquests of the countries and islands in the South. In the fifth
century missionaries from Ceylon evangelized Burma. Within the next two
centuries, it spread to Siam, Cambodia, Java, and adjacent islands.</p>
<h4 id="b-p207.1">Statistics</h4>
<p id="b-p208" shownumber="no">The number of Buddhists throughout the world is commonly estimated
at about four hundred and fifty millions, that is, about one-third of
the human race. But on this estimate the error is made of classing an
the Chinese and Japanese as Buddhists. Professor Legge, whose years of
experience in China give special weight to his judgment, declares that
the Buddhists in the whole world are not more than, one hundred
millions, being far outnumbered not only by Christians, but also by the
adherents of Confucianism and Hinduism. Professor Monier Williams holds
the same views. Even if Buddhism, however, outranked Christianity in
the number of adherents, it would be a mistake to attribute to the
religion of Buddha, as some do, a more successful propagandism than to
the religion of Christ. The latter has made its immense conquests, not
by compromising with error and superstition, but by winning souls to
the exclusive acceptance of its saving truths. Wherever it has spread,
it has maintained its individuality. On the other hand, the vast
majority of the adherents of Buddhism cling to forms of creed and
worship that Buddha, if alive, would reprobate. Northern Buddhism
became the very opposite of what Buddha taught to men, and in spreading
to foreign lands accommodated itself to the degrading superstitions of
the peoples it sought to win. It is only the Southern Buddhists of
Ceylon, Burma, and Siam who deserve to be identified with the order
founded by Buddha. They number at most but thirty millions of
souls.</p>
<h3 id="b-p208.1">V. BUDDHISM AND CHRISTIANITY</h3>
<p id="b-p209" shownumber="no">Between Buddhism and Christianity there are a number of
resemblances, at first sight striking.</p>
<ul id="b-p209.1">
<li id="b-p209.2">The Buddhist order of monks and nuns offers points of similarity
with Christian monastic systems, particularly the mendicant
orders.</li>
<li id="b-p209.3">There are moral aphorisms ascribed to Buddha that are not unlike
some of the sayings of Christ.</li>
<li id="b-p209.4">Most of all, in the legendary life of Buddha, which in its complete
form is the outcome of many centuries of accretion, there are many
parallelisms, some more, some less striking, to the Gospel stories of
Christ.</li>
</ul>
<p id="b-p210" shownumber="no">A few third-rate scholars taking for granted that all these
resemblances are pre-Christian, and led by the fallacious principle
that resemblance always implies dependence, have vainly tried to show
that Christian monasticism is of Buddhist origin, and that Buddhist
thought and legend have been freely incorporated into the Gospels. To
give greater speciousness to their theory, they have not scrupled to
press into service, besides the few 
<i>bona fide</i> resemblances many others that were either grossly
exaggerated, or fictitious, or drawn from Buddhist sources less ancient
than the Gospels. If, from this vast array of alleged Buddhist
infiltrations, all these exaggerations, fictions, and anachronisms are
eliminated, the points of resemblance that remain are, with perhaps one
exception, such as may be explained on the ground of independent
origin.</p>
<p id="b-p211" shownumber="no">The exception is the story of Buddha's conversion from the worldly
life of a prince to the life of an ascetic, which was transformed by
some Oriental Christian of the seventh century into the popular
medieval tale of "Barlaam and Josaphat". Here is historic evidence of
the turning of a Buddhist into a Christian legend just as, on the other
hand, the fifth-century sculptures of Gospel scenes on the ruined
Buddhist monasteries of Jamalgiri, in Northern Panjab, described in the
scholarly work of Fergusson and Burgess, "The Cave Temples of India",
offer reliable evidence that the Buddhists of that time did not scruple
to embellish the Buddha legend with adaptations from Christian
sources.</p>
<p id="b-p212" shownumber="no">But is there any historical basis for the assertion that Buddhist
influence was a factor in the formation of Christianity and of the
Christian Gospels? The advocates of this theory pretend that the
rock-inscriptions of Asoka bear witness to the spread of Buddhism over
the Greek-speaking world as early as the third century B.C., since they
mention the flourishing existence of Buddhism among the 
<i>Yavanas</i>, i.e. Greeks within the dominion of Antiochus. But in
the unanimous judgment of first-rate scholars, the Yavanas here
mentioned mean simply and solely the Greek-speaking peoples on the
extreme frontier next to India, namely, Bactria and the Kabul valley.
Again the statement in the late Buddhist chronicle, Mahavansa, that
among the Buddhists who came to the dedication of a great 
<i>Stupa</i> in Ceylon in the second century B.C., "were over thirty
thousand monks from the vicinity of Alassada, the capital of the Yona
country" is taken to prove that long before the time of Christ,
Alexandria in Egypt was the centre of flourishing Buddhist communities.
It is true that Alassada is the Pali for Alexandria; but the best
scholars are agreed that the city here meant is not the ancient capital
of Egypt, but as the text indicates, the chief city of the Yona
country, the Yavana country of the rock-inscriptions, namely, Bactria
and vicinity. And so, the city referred to is most likely Alexandria 
<i>ad Caucasum</i>.</p>
<p id="b-p213" shownumber="no">In short, there is nothing in Buddhist records that may be taken as
reliable evidence for the spread of Buddhism westward to the Greek
world as early as the foundation of the Christian religion. That
Buddhist institutions were at that time unknown in the West may be
safely inferred from the fact that Buddhism is absolutely ignored in
the literary and archaeological remains of Palestine, Egypt, and
Greece. There is not a single remains of Buddhist monastery or 
<i>stupa</i> in any of these countries; not a single Greek translation
of a Buddhist book; not a single reference in all Greek literature to
the existence of a Buddhist community in the Greek world. The very name
of Buddha is mentioned for the first time only in the writings of
Clement of Alexandria (second century). To explain the resemblances in
Christianity to a number of pre-Christian features of Buddhism, there
is no need of resorting to the hypothesis that they were borrowed.
Nothing is more common in the study of comparative ethnology and
religion than to find similar social and religious customs practised by
peoples too remote to have had any communication with one another. How
easily the principle of ascetic detachment from the world may lead to a
community life in which celibacy as observed, may be seen in the
monastic systems that have prevailed not only among Buddhists, Essenes,
and Christians, but also among the early Aztecs and Incas in the New
World. Nor is this so strange when it is recalled that men everywhere
have, to a large extent, the same daily experiences, the same feelings,
the desires. As the laws of human thought are every here the same, it
lies in the very nature of things that men, in so far as they have the
same experiences, or face the same religious needs, will think the same
thoughts, and give expression to them in sayings and customs that
strike the unreflecting old server by their similarity. It is only by
losing sight of this fundamental truth that one can unwittingly fall
into the error of assuming that resemblance always implies
dependence.</p>
<p id="b-p214" shownumber="no">It is chiefly the legendary features of Buddha's life, many of which
are found for the first time only in works of later date than the
Gospels, that furnish the most striking resemblances to certain
incidents related of Christ in the Gospels, resemblances which might
with greater show of reason be traced to a common historic origin. If
there has been any borrowing here, it is plainly on the side of
Buddhism. That Christianity made its way to Northern India in the first
two centuries is not only a matter of respectable tradition, but is
supported by weighty archaeological evidence. Scholars of recognized
ability beyond the suspicion of undue bias in favour of
Christianity—Weber, Goblet d'Alviella, and others—think it
very likely that the Gospel stories of Christ circulated by these early
Christian communities in India were used by the Buddhists to enrich the
Buddha legend, just as the Vishnuites built up the legend of Krishna on
many striking incidents in the life of Christ.</p>
<p id="b-p215" shownumber="no">The fundamental tenets of Buddhism are marked by grave defects that
not only betray its inadequacy to become a religion of enlightened
humanity, but also bring into bold relief its inferiority to the
religion of Jesus Christ. In the first place, the very foundation on
which Buddhism rests—the doctrine of karma with its implied
transmigrations—is gratuitous and false. This pretended law of
nature, by which the myriads of gods, demons, men, and animals are but
the transient forms of rational beings essentially the same, but forced
to this diversity in consequence of varying degrees of merit and
demerit in former lives, is a huge superstition in flat contradiction
to the recognized laws of nature, and hence ignored by men of science.
Another basic defect in primitive Buddhism is its failure to recognize
man's dependence on a supreme God. By ignoring God and by making
salvation rest solely on personal effort, Buddha substituted for the
Brahmin religion a cold and colourless system of philosophy. It is
entirely lacking in those powerful motives to right conduct,
particularly the motive of love, that spring from the consecration of
religious men and women to the dependence on a personal all-loving God.
Hence it is that Buddhist morality is in the last analysis a selfish
utilitarianism. There is no sense of duty, as in the religion of
Christ, prompted by reverence for a supreme Lawgiver, by love for a
merciful Father, by personal allegiance to a Redeemer. Karma, the basis
of Buddhist morality, is like any other law of nature, the observance
of which is prompted by prudential considerations. Not infrequently one
meets the assertion that Buddha surpassed Jesus in holding out to
struggling humanity an end utterly unselfish. This is a mistake. Not to
speak of the popular Swarga, or heaven, with its positive, even sensual
delights the fact that Nirvana is a negative ideal of bliss does not
make it the less an object of interested desire. Far from being an
unselfish end, Nirvana is based wholly on the motive of self-love. It
thus stands on a much lower level than the Christian ideal, which,
being primarily and essentially a union of friendship with God in
heaven, appeals to motives of disinterested as well as interested
love.</p>
<p id="b-p216" shownumber="no">Another fatal defect of Buddhism is its false pessimism. A strong
and healthy mind revolts against the morbid view that life is not worth
living, that every form of conscious existence is an evil. Buddhism
stands condemned by the voice of nature the dominant tone of which is
hope and joy. It is a protest against nature for possessing the
perfection of rational life. The highest ambition of Buddhism is to
destroy that perfection by bringing all living beings to the
unconscious repose of Nirvana. Buddhism is thus guilty of a capital
crime against nature, and in consequence does injustice to the
individual. All legitimate desires must be repressed. Innocent
recreations are condemned. The cultivation of music is forbidden.
Researches in natural science are discountenanced. The development of
the mind is limited to the memorizing of Buddhist texts and the study
of Buddhist metaphysics, only a minimum of which is of any value. The
Buddhist ideal on earth is a state of passive indifference to
everything. How different is the teaching of Him who came that men
might have life and have it more abundantly. Again Buddhist pessimism
is unjust to the family. Marriage is held in contempt and even
abhorrence as leading to the procreation of life. In thus branding
marriage as a state unworthy of man, Buddhism betrays its inferiority
to Christianity, which recommends virginity but at the same time
teaches that marriage is a sacred union and a source of sanctification.
Buddhist pessimism likewise does injustice to society. It has set the
seal of approval on the Brahmin prejudice against manual labor. Since
life is not worth living, to labour for the comforts and refinements of
civilized life is a delusion. The perfect man is to subsist not by the
labour of his hands but on the alms of inferior men. In the religion of
Christ, "the carpenter's son", a healthier view prevails. The dignity
of labour is upheld, and every form of industry is encouraged that
tends to promote man's welfare.</p>
<p id="b-p217" shownumber="no">Buddhism has accomplished but little for the uplifting of humanity
in comparison with Christianity. One of its most attractive features,
which, unfortunately, has become wellnigh obsolete, was its practice of
benevolence towards the sick and needy. Between Buddhists and Brahmins
there was a commendable rivalry in maintaining dispensaries of food and
medicine. But this charity did not, like the Christian form, extend to
the prolonged nursing of unfortunates stricken with contagious and
incurable diseases, to the protection of foundlings, to the bringing up
of orphans, to the rescue of fallen women, to the care of the aged and
insane. Asylums and hospitals in this sense are unknown to Buddhism.
The consecration of religious men and women to the lifelong service of
afflicted humanity is foreign to dreamy Buddhist monasticism. Again,
the wonderful efficacy displayed by the religion of Christ in purifying
the morals of pagan Europe has no parallel in Buddhist annals. Wherever
the religion of Buddha has prevailed, it has proved singularly
inefficient to lift society to a high standard of morality. It has not
weaned the people of Tibet and Mongolia from the custom of abandoning
the aged, nor the Chinese from the practice of infanticide. Outside the
establishment of the order of nuns, it has done next to nothing to
raise woman from her state of degradation in Oriental lands. It has
shown itself utterly helpless to cope with the moral plagues of
humanity. The consentient testimony of witnesses above the suspicion of
prejudice establishes the fact that at the present day Buddhist monks
are everywhere strikingly deficient in that moral earnestness and
exemplary conduct which distinguished the early followers of Buddha. In
short, Buddhism is all but dead. In its huge organism the faint
pulsations of life are still discernible, but its power of activity is
gone. The spread of European civilization over the East will inevitably
bring about its extinction.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p218" shownumber="no">CHARLES F. AIKEN</p></def>

<term id="b-p218.1" title="Bude, Guillaume" type="Encyclopedia">Guillaume Bude</term>
<def id="b-p218.2">
<h1 id="b-p218.3">Guillaume Budé</h1>
<p id="b-p219" shownumber="no">(Budaeus).</p>
<p id="b-p220" shownumber="no">A French Hellenist, born at Paris, 1467; died there 22 August, 1540.
He studied at Paris and Orleans but with little success or application.
Subsequently, however, he seemed to acquire a sudden passion for
learning. After taking lessons in Greek from Hermonymus, and profiting
by the advice of Joannes Lascaris, he attained great proficiency in
that language. He studied at the same time, philosophy, theology, law,
and medicine, in all of which he made rapid progress. Budé's
abilities were recognized by Louis XII, whose secretary he became after
his return from a successful embassy on occasion of the coronation of
Pope Julius II. He was sent to Rome again on a mission to Pope Leo X
(1515), but was recalled at his own request and accompanied Francis I
in his travels. It was then that he suggested to the king the creation
of a college for the study of the three languages (Greek, Hebrew, and
Latin), afterwards the "College de France." Empowered to ask Erasmus to
take charge of it (1517-18), he failed in his mission, and the college
was not founded until 1530. At his suggestion, also, Francis declined
to prohibit printing, as the Sorbonne had advised (1533). Literary
France owes to Budé's efforts the foundation of the
"Bibliothèque de Fontainebleau", which was the origin of the
"Bibliothèque Nationale". His letters to Erasmus, Thomas More,
Sadolet, Rabelais, and others written in Greek, Latin, or French, were
the delight of scholars of the time. Budé was suspected of
leanings towards Calvinism, and certain parts of his correspondence
with Erasmus seemed to countenance this suspicion. However, it was
disproved after his death. Having already translated into Latin many of
Plutarch's Lives (1502-05), he pubIished his "Annotationes in XXIV
libros Pandectarum" (Paris, 1508), in which, by applying philology and
history to the Roman law, he revolutionized the study of jurisprudence.
Budé's treatise on Roman coins and weights, "De asse et partibus
ejus" (Venice, 1522), was the best book on the subject written up to
that time. In 1520 he published a philosophical and moral dissertation,
"De contemptu rerum fortuitarum"; in 1527, "De studio litterarum", in
which he urges youth not to neglect their literary studies. Greek,
however, was his favourite study and we have from him, "Commentarii
linguae graecae" (Paris, 1529), which greatly advanced the study of
Greek literature in France, "De transitu helenismi ad Christianismum"
(Paris, 1534), and various other works of similar scope though of minor
importance. His compIete works were published at Bêsle in
1557.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p221" shownumber="no">M. DE MOREIRA</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p221.1" title="Budweis" type="Encyclopedia">Budweis</term>
<def id="b-p221.2">
<h1 id="b-p221.3">Budweis</h1>
<p id="b-p222" shownumber="no">(Czech, BUDEJOVICE; Lat. BUDOVICIUM; BOHEMO-BUDVICENSIS).</p>
<p id="b-p223" shownumber="no">A diocese situated in Southern Bohemia, suffragan to the Archdiocese
of Prague. Although projected since 1630, the diocese was not erected
until the reign of Emperor Joseph II, by a papal Bull of 20 September,
1785. By the provisions of this Bull, the civil districts of Budweis,
Tabor, Prachatitz, and Klattau were separated from the Archdiocese of
Prague and erected into the new Diocese of Budweis, thus giving it an
area of 5600 sq. miles with a population of 660,000. The church of St.
Nicholas at Budweis was made cathedral, and the Archbishop of Prague
contributed 3300 Rhenish marks (present value 10,080 kronen or $2,016)
towards its endowment.</p>
<p id="b-p224" shownumber="no">The following bishops have occupied the See of Budweis: (1) Johann
Prokop, Count von Schaffgotsche (1785-1813), formerly rector of the 
<i>Generalseminar</i> at Brunn, and canon at Olmütz; (2) Ernst
Konstantin Ruzicka (1815-45); (3) Joseph Andreas Lindauer (1845-50);
(4) Johann Valerian Jirsik (1851-83), especially noteworthy for the
part he took in the development of the diocese; (5) Franz, Count
Schonborn (1883-85), later Cardinal and Archbishop of Prague, d. 1899;
(6) Martin Joseph Riha (7 July, 1885-6 February, 1907), the first
diocesan ecclesiastic to be appointed Bishop of Budweis. The present
administrator (1907) is the Vicar Capitular, J. Hulka. In conformity
with the decree of the provincial council of Prague (1860) three
diocesan synods have been held (1870, 1872, 1875).</p>
<h3 id="b-p224.1">STATISTICS</h3>
<p id="b-p225" shownumber="no">According to the organization of 1857 the Diocese of Budweis is
divided into the Vicariate-General of Budweis on which depend the
archdeaconry of Krummau, the provostship of Neuhaus, and 8
archipresbyterates: Budweis, Klattau, Krummau, Neuhaus, Taus, and
Winterberg, with 4 vicariates each, and Strakonitz and Tabor with 5
vicariates each, making a total of 34 vicariates. Among the 432
ecclesiastical divisions for the cure of souls, there are two
archdeaconries, 57 deaneries, 366 parishes, 5 expositures, and 1
administrature, with a total population (1907) of 1,123,113. This
number is divided as follows: 1,106,729 Roman Catholics (an average of
98.1 per cent, in many vicariates 99.92 percent of the whole
population); 1589 members of the Augsburg Evangelical Church; 2302
members of the Helvetic Evangelical Church; 12,447 Jews; and 46 of no
religious persuasion. The population of 282 of the ecclesiastical
divisions (68.9 per cent), 761,568 is almost entirely Czech; that of
110 (15.34 per cent), 181,790, purely German; that of 25 (10.66 per
cent), 119,830, predominantly Czech; and of 15 (5.1 per cent), 59,925,
prevailingly German. The average population of a parish is 2000, the
population of the largest, Budweis, being 45,528, and of the smallest,
Korkushatten, 414.</p>
<p id="b-p226" shownumber="no">The clergy actively engaged in the ministry number 849 secular and
136 regular priests. The latter are thus divided: 59 Cistercians from
Hohenfurth, with 4 professed clerics; 18 Brothers of the Most Holy
Sacrament of the Altar, a congregation founded at Budweis in 1888, with
5 clerics, 18 lay brothers, and 11 novices; 11 Premonstratensians; 11
Knights of Malta; 3 Minorites; 4 Reformed Franciscans, with 5 lay
brothers; 3 Calced and 4 Discalced Augustinians, with 4 lay brothers; 6
Redemptorists, with 4 lay brothers; 6 Servites with 4 lay brothers; 4
Capuchins, with 4 lay brothers; 3 Piarists. Twenty-nine parishes are
attended by members of religious orders; 2 are granted by free
collation, i.e. bestowed by the metropolitan; and the rest are subject
to patronage, 88 to ecclesiastical patronage. The cathedral chapter
consists of a provost, a dean, who is also the urban dean of Budweis, a
cantor, and 3 capitular canons to which are added 4 honorary canons;
the consistory has 9 members. Young men are trained for the priesthood
in the theological seminary at Budweis, which provides for those
speaking the different languages found in the diocese; it has 6
professors and 103 students, 3 in the Bohemian College in Rome. There
is also in Budweis an episcopal school for boys 
(<i>petit séminaire</i>) without a special gymnasium attached
(founded 1853).</p>
<h3 id="b-p226.1">FEMALE RELIGIOUS ORDERS, SHRINES, CHURCHES, ETC.</h3>
<p id="b-p227" shownumber="no">In the diocese there are 7 orders of women, with 362 sisters, 90
novices and lay sisters, and 40 houses; 216 Poor School Sisters of
Notre Dame (since 1849); 129 Sisters of St. Charles Borromeo (1842); 93
Sisters of the Most Blessed Sacrament of the Altar (founded at Budweis
in 1887); 2 Sisters of St. Vincent de Paul; 3 Sisters of the Holy
Cross; 3 Servites; and 2 Franciscans. The great mass of the people are
engaged in agricultural pursuits and are in general religiously
inclined. Popular missions 
(<i>Volksmissionen</i>) are frequent, 450 of them being held between
1850 and 1897 in 228 parishes, 334 by Redemptorists and 112 by Jesuits.
The chief confraternities are: the Confraternity of the Rosary, in 230
parishes, with 30,000 members; the Confraternity for the Adoration of
the Most Blessed Sacrament and the Adornment of Poor Churches, founded
in 1859, in 238 parishes, which has 15,000 members and disburses yearly
5,000 kronen ($1,000); the Confraternity of St. Michael in 265
parishes, with 5,000 members, who contribute annually 4,000 kronen
($800) toward Peter's-pence.</p>
<p id="b-p228" shownumber="no">The principal places of pilgrimage are: Brunn, founded in 1715,
visited yearly by 300 processions; Rimau, built at the end of the
seventeenth century, with 100 annual processions; Gojau mentioned as
early as 1469; and Kremeschnik, built in 1632. Here, as in the rest of
Bohemia, ecclesiastical edifices of earlier centuries were greatly
damaged during the religious wars of the fifteenth to the seventeenth
century. The prevailing architectural style is baroque. Mention should
be made of the Romanesque church of Muhlhausen, built between 1184 and
1250, formerly a Premonstratensian church; the Cistercian
abbey-churches of Goldenkron (1263-1300), and Hohenfurth (1259-1350),
built in Gothic style; the two-naved church of St. Ægidius in
Muhlhausen, originally Romanesque (in the twelfth century), in 1407
rebuilt in the Gothic style; the cathedral at Budweis (1642-49) and the
parish church at Prestitz (1748-73) are examples of the baroque style,
the latter designed by Kilian Dienzenhofer. Popular Catholic
associations are not at present very numerous. There are but two
Catholic weekly papers in the diocese. It is only within recent years
that any serious attempts have been made to organize the Catholics of
the diocese, both on political and non-partisan lines. These efforts
have so far met with scant success; in the past, therefore, the
territory of the diocese has been represented in the Austrian
Parliament by Liberal deputies.</p>
<p id="b-p229" shownumber="no">Trajer, 
<i>Historisch-statistische Beschreibung der Diozese Budweis</i>
(Budweis, 1862); Mardetschlager-Trajer, 
<i>Geschichte des Bistums Budweis</i> (ibid., 1885); Ladenbauer, 
<i>Das soziale Wirken der kathol. Kirche in Oesterriech: Diozese
Budweis</i> (Vienna, 1899); 
<i>Catalogus Cleri dioec. Budvicen, 1907</i> (Budweis, 1907).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p230" shownumber="no">KARL HILGENREINER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p230.1" title="Buenos Aires" type="Encyclopedia">Buenos Aires</term>
<def id="b-p230.2">
<h1 id="b-p230.3">Buenos Aires</h1>
<p id="b-p231" shownumber="no">The federal capital of the Argentine Republic, and the second city
of the Latin races in the world (having a population of 1,100,000), as
well as the first in commercial importance among the cities of South
America, is situated in latitude 34°35'30"S., and longitude
58°22'20"W., on the right bank of the Río de la Plata, at an
elevation of about 65 feet. The Río de la Plata (Plate, or Silver,
River), the estuary of which has a maximum width of more than 108
miles, is about 43 miles wide at Buenos Aires.</p>
<p id="b-p232" shownumber="no">With a mean annual death-rate of 14 per thousand, the city takes
rank in respect of sanitation with the most advanced cities of the
world. The mean temperature is 62°6'F., snow never falls, and hail
only rarely, and the thermometer ranges from 59°F. to
82°4'F., at times, however, reaching 95°. The north wind,
humid and warm, and in summer even suffocating, charges the atmosphere
with electricity, causing general debility and nervous troubles; but
this wind never lasts for more than three days, and generally changes
to a south-east wind, bringing rain or storm, upon which there follows
the cold, dry south-west wind called the 
<i>Pampero</i>, which clears the sky. The vicissitudes of weather are
extremely abrupt, with changes of temperature amounting sometimes to as
much as 36°, with violent winds. The 
<i>Pampero</i>, highly charged with ozone, exercises a disinfecting
influence and serves to purify the vitiated atmosphere of the thickly
populated sections of the city. The healthiness of Buenos Aires (in
English, literally, 
<i>Good Airs</i>) arises from two other most important causes; the
supply of running water and the drainage system — as to both of
which something will be said later on. The mean annual rainfall
recorded in the five years from 1899 to 1903 was a little more than
43.164 inches. The barometer ordinarily ranges from 29.825 inches to
30.03 inches.</p>
<p id="b-p233" shownumber="no">At the time of its founding in 1580 this settlement had 300
inhabitants; in 1744 the population was 11,118; 40,000 in 1801
(estimated); 62,228 in 1822; 177,787 in 1869; 404,000 in 1887; 663,854
in 1895; 950,891 in 1904; 1,084,280 in December, 1906; 1,109,202
(estimated) in July, 1907. All of these amounts, except the third and
the last, are taken from the official census. Of the total annual
increase in population (46.3 per thousand), 19 to 20 per thousand is
due to excess of birth-rate over death-rate; the rest being the effect
of immigration. In the 950,981 inhabitants reported in the census of 18
September, 1904, the Argentines numbered 523,041; the foreigners,
427,850 (228,556 of the latter number being Italians, and 105,206
Spaniards). Classified by religious beliefs the figures were: 823,926
Catholics; 24,996 Protestants; 6,065 Jews; 8,054 of various other
creeds; 13,335 professing no religious belief, and 74,515
unspecified.</p>
<p id="b-p234" shownumber="no">The municipality of Buenos Aires is a federal district of 73 3/8
square miles (19,006 hectares). The governing authority of this
district, vested in the president of the republic, is exercised through
a minister of the interior and a chief of police, for the maintenance
of public order, and in a superintendent 
(<i>intendiente de la capital</i>) and a municipal council, for the
construction and management of public works. The police force carry
modern firearms. Both the municipal council and the superintendent have
been since 1901 appointed by the president with the assent of the
senate, though the question of reverting to the former system of
popular election was, in 1907, under discussion by the Legislature. The
municipal revenue in 1904, was $5,571,840 (5,804,000 
<i>pesos oro</i>). In the older portions of Buenos Aires the streets
are from 30 to 40 feet wide; the few avenues as yet in existence have a
width, generally, of about 57 feet, though the Avenida de Mayo, nearly
a mile in length, is 99 feet wide. The paving of the city, formerly
defective, has gone on improving from year to year until the present
time, when 70 per cent of the public thoroughfares is paved with
granite over a bed of cement or sand, 15 per cent with macadam,
asphalt, or carob block, and the remainder with cobblestone. There are
upwards of 300 miles of street railway, mostly electric, the traffic on
which for the year 1903 was registered at 133,719,218 passengers.</p>
<p id="b-p235" shownumber="no">Since the cholera epidemic of 1867-68, and the yellow fever of 1872,
two public engineering achievements have most powerfully co-operated
towards the healthfulness of the city: the waterworks and the drainage
system. The supply of drinking water is derived from the Río de la
Plata by means of a great pumping tower whence the water passes,
through a tunnel three and two-thirds miles in length, to the
reservoirs, to be filtered, clarified, and then raised by powerful
pumps to the monumental structure known as the 
<i>Depósito de las aguas corrientes</i>. In this building twelve
iron tanks, each 134 1/2 feet square and 13 feet deep, are arranged in
three tiers of four each, at different levels. These twelve tanks have
an aggregate capacity of 72,000 tons of water. The drainage system
includes an installation in every house, connected scientifically with
the 
<i>cloaca máxima</i>, or main sewer of the city, which runs a
distance of 19 miles and 7 furlongs (32 km.) and discharges into the
Río de la Plata opposite Berasategui. The rain-drainage pipes are
connected with the main system in such a manner that in case of a heavy
downpour, the excess of water is turned aside to a special
rain-drainage conduit, having a capacity of 1419 cubic feet per second,
which, after running a distance of nearly two and three-quarter miles,
discharges its contents at a point north of Dársena Norte. The
establishment of these two great systems of sanitary works has lowered
the death-rate from 30 per thousand, in 1887, to 14 per thousand, in
1904.</p>
<p id="b-p236" shownumber="no">Other municipal institutions worthy of mention are the great
abattoirs of Liniers, which cover an area of more than 61 acres, and
from which 700,000 carcasses of beef and 900,000 of mutton, ready for
the market, are annually turned out, and the produce-market, an immense
depository where the wheat, wool, leather, etc., produced in the
country are collected for exportation. The state university of the
republic, with faculties of law, medicine, engineering, philosophy, and
literature, established in separate buildings, is situated at Buenos
Aires; also many institutions of secondary and primary education, both
public and private.</p>
<p id="b-p237" shownumber="no">From very early times Buenos Aires has been generally known
throughout South America by the colloquial name of 
<i>El Puerto</i>, and to this day the natives of the city are called
Portenos, rather than Bonarenses, or Buenos-Aireans. Nevertheless,
until 1885, and even later, 
<i>El Puerto</i>, being only a river port, and as the bottom of the
river had gone on rising with the deposits of mud brought down by the
stream, the river front could not offer a sufficient depth of water for
vessels of even moderate draught; which were, therefore, obliged to
anchor many miles away from the bank. The improvements of Puerto
Madero, however, effected between 1890 and 1899, have now attracted
ocean steamers of the highest tonnage. Vessels of lower tonnage anchor
at the little port of Boca del Riachuelo, the mouth of a comparatively
small stream which empties into the Plata south of the city. Both these
ports are subject to the necessity of constant dredging to counteract
the silting-up of the bottom by the action of the stream. The number of
entries and clearings at these two ports amounts to 6000 in the year,
aggregating more than 28,000,000 tons. The commerce of Buenos Aires is
849 per thousand of the imports, and 515 per thousand of exports of the
whole republic.</p>
<p id="b-p238" shownumber="no">The first foundation of Buenos Aires took place in the beginning of
the year 1536, under Don Pedro de Mendoza, Gentleman of the Bedchamber
to the Emperor Charles V and 
<i>Adelantado</i> of the Río de la Plata. In 1541 it was
deliberately depopulated by Don Domingo Martínez de Irala, the
governor, its inhabitants being transferred to Asunción, in
Paraguay. The second founding took place 11 June, 1580, under Juan de
Garay, Lieutenant-Governor and Captain-General for the Adelantado Juan
Ortiz de Zarate. Since its first foundation the place had been called
the Port of Santa María de Buenos Aires, and the city was called
Santísima Trinidad, taking its name from the day (Trinity Sunday,
29 May, 1580) on which Garay arrived there with his followers, and
erected the Royal Standard in anticipation of the formalities of the
founding proper. Hence the name usual in ancient documents: 
<i>Ciudad de la Santísima Trinidad, Puerto de Buenos Aires</i>.
Santísima Trinidad is still an alternative title of the
archdiocese. Buenos Aires in 1617 was made the capital of the province
of Río de la Plata, which was created a vice-royalty in 1776. In
1593 the city was threatened by the expedition under Hawkins sent
against the Spanish possessions in South America by Queen Elizabeth of
England; in 1627 by the Dutch who had taken possession of Brazil; in
1657 by the French expedition of Timoleon Osmat, a soldier of fortune;
in 1698 by another French squadron; in 1700 by a Danish. But on none of
these occasions was the city actually attacked. A British expedition
under Popham obtained a footing in Buenos Aires (27 June, 1806), but
the place was recovered by conquest on the 12th of the following
August, and defended against a new and formidable expedition commanded
by Whitelock (2-5 July, 1807) by the country people organized as a
militia force, who, on the former occasion, made prisoners of the
invading force and, on the latter, forced a definitive evacuation of
the territory. From 1810 to 1824 the city was a principal centre of the
uprising which led to the separation of the Spanish-American colonies
from the mother country.</p>
<h3 id="b-p238.1">ARCHDIOCESE OF BUENOS AIRES
<br />(BONAERENSIS; SANTISIMA TRINIDAD)</h3>
<p id="b-p239" shownumber="no">The Diocese of Buenos Aires was formed upon the dismemberment of the
original Diocese of Asunción, in Paraguay, by a Bull of Paul III
in 1620. Its first bishop was Pedro Carranza, a Carmelite, who was
succeeded by a series of nineteen bishops, ending in 1855, when a Bull
of Pius IX created Buenos Aires as archdiocese. This archdiocese
comprises, besides the federal district with its 1,100,000 inhabitants,
the territories of Río Negro, Chubut, and Santa Cruz, commonly
known as Patagonia, or Tierra del Fuego, and containing altogether a
population of 41,964. The city itself is divided into 22 parishes and 2
mission (succursal) parishes, each with its church. Besides these
parish churches there are 50 churches and public chapels, also 80 other
chapels, many of them semi-public, connected with religious and
charitable institutions. (For some account of particular churches see
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC.) The archbishop is assisted by an auxiliary bishop
and two vicars-general. The metropolitan chapter consists of a dean,
five other dignitaries, and five canons (a theologian, a penitentiary,
a canon of the first class, a canon of the second class, and a
secretary). There are in the archdiocese 254 secular priests. The
seminary, situated at Villa Devoto, is a fine edifice with a public
chapel dedicated to the Immaculate Conception. It is expected that this
establishment will be converted into the central seminary of the
republic and a Pontifical university of sacred sciences. there are 54
religious communities. Pious associations for seculars, women as well
as men, are numerous, particularly those devoted to works of charity,
upon which the people of Buenos Aires spend immense sums. Catholic
colleges for primary and secondary instruction are numerous. Among
those conducted by religious are San Jose, under the Bayonne Fathers;
Salvador, under the Fathers of the Society of Jesus; the Dominican
college of Lacordaire; that of the Escolapios, and that of the Brothers
of the Christian Doctrine. Active efforts are being made to establish a
Catholic university. Among the various periodicals the "Revista
Eclesiástica del Arzobispado" and the daily "El Pueblo" deserve
special mention. The workingmen have organized themselves into Catholic
clubs, the membership of which now exceeds 40,000.</p>
<p id="b-p240" shownumber="no">It is to be remarked that the Catholics of this city, like those of
the whole republic, whether failing to realize exactly the existing
social conditions, or because they have been too much occupied with
political contentions, have restricted their efforts to the formation
of charitable associations, doing nothing, until very recently, in the
direction of socio-political organization. A sectarian persecution
which arose during the years 1884-88 aroused the dormant zeal of the
faithful, and a Catholic congress was held which produced copious
results. A congress of Franciscan tertiaries was held in 1906, and a
second congress of Catholics in general has been convoked for the year
1907, through the initiative of the Congregation of the Immaculate
Conception and Saint Aloysius Gonzaga in the College of San
Salvador.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p241" shownumber="no">PABLO HERNANDEZ</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p241.1" title="Buffalo" type="Encyclopedia">Buffalo</term>
<def id="b-p241.2">
<h1 id="b-p241.3">Buffalo</h1>
<p id="b-p242" shownumber="no">Diocese established 23 April, 1847, now comprises the counties of
Erie, Niagara, Genesee, Orleans, Chautauqua, Wyoming, Cattaraugus, and
Allegany, in the State of New York, U.S.A., an area of 6,357 square
miles. It was set apart from the great Diocese of New York and the see
located at Buffalo on Lake Erie, the territory comprising nearly
one-third of the State of New York. In 1868 the Diocese of Rochester
was formed from the eastern counties of this territory; and in 1896,
after Bishop Ryan's death, four more counties, Steuben, Schuyler,
Chemung, and Tioga, were taken from the Diocese of Buffalo and added to
the Rochester jurisdiction.</p>
<h3 id="b-p242.1">INDIAN MISSIONS</h3>
<p id="b-p243" shownumber="no">Two of the nations of the Iroquois League, the Senecas and the
Cayugas, dwelt in this region before the advent of the white men. The
Senecas had villages in the valley of the Genesee about twenty miles
from Lake Ontario, and the Cayugas erected their cabins near the lake
which still bears their name. The Seneca was the most populous and
warlike nation of the League. In their frequent raids into the country
of the Hurons of Northern Canada, they carried off many captives who
had been instructed in Christianity by the French missionaries from
Quebec. So numerous were these Huron Christian captives that they
formed an entire village, which was called St. Michael's, in memory of
their old Huron home. Jesuit missionaries visited these towns in 1656,
and cheered the Christian captives who had lost all hope of ever again
beholding a "Black Robe". In 1669 this village was located in the
north-east part of the present town of East Bloomfield. The Rev. Father
Fremin, a Jesuit, established his residence in this town in the fall of
1668, built a chapel, and said the first Mass there, 3 November, 1668.
Three years later the Rev. James Pierron became the resident missionary
at Gannagaro, or St. James, a Seneca town situated on Boughton Hill,
south of the present village of Victor. The principal village of the
Cayugas was situated about three and one-half miles south of Union
Springs, near Great Gully Brook. This was called St. Joseph's by the
Jesuits. Father Carheil built a chapel there in November, 1668, and
immediately began his work of instructing. There was another town of
the Cayugas at the northern extremity of Seneca Lake. Another chapel
was built in the large Seneca town of Gandachioragon, or Totiakton,
which was called the Immaculate Conception by the Jesuits. This was
situated near Lima, about ten miles west of St. James.</p>
<p id="b-p244" shownumber="no">The Jesuits had four or five prosperous missions within the
territory of the original Diocese of Buffalo, in which they laboured
successfully for ten years until English intrigue and subsequent wars
with the French forced them from the field. During those years they
baptized nearly all the dying; they imparted a general knowledge of
Christianity to the two western nations of the League; they
strengthened the old Huron Christians in their faith, and added several
hundred Iroquois converts to the Church. Many of the Iroquois chiefs
sided with the English, in the war of the latter against the French,
and the French missionaries were forced from the field of their
labours. Many of the Christian Indians had already abandoned their
homes in the Iroquois country for the new settlements on the St.
Lawrence, under the protection of the French; and many more accompanied
the Fathers in their flight, and settled on the St. Regis, or at
Caughnawaga, where they still practise the Faith they acquired in their
Iroquois homes. In the summer of 1669 the explorer, La Salle, with two
Sulpicians and a party of twenty-five men, started to explore the
region of the Great Lakes in search of a north-west passage to India.
They skirted along the southern shore of Lake Ontario, crossing the
mouth of Niagara River, until they reached Burlington Bay, where the
party disbanded. La Salle went again in 1678, with Father Hennepin, in
a large vessel which entered the Niagara River on 6th December, to the
strains of the 
<i>Te Deum</i>. The next day a party with Father Hennepin ascended the
river in a canoe, and landed on the northern shore, near the present
suspension bridge on the Canada side. On 11 December, 1678, they landed
on the other side of the river where Father Hennepin said Mass. This
was probably the first Mass celebrated within the present limits of the
Diocese of Buffalo. A little fort was built there as a protection
against Indian assault. Then they proceeded up the river, about five
miles about the Falls, where the "Griffon" was built. Father Hennepin
remained there all winter, holding service for the men in a little
chapel until the vessel was towed up the river to the present harbour
of Black Rock, where it anchored until it was in readiness to sail as
the first vessel on the lakes.</p>
<h3 id="b-p244.1">CATHOLIC SETTLERS</h3>
<p id="b-p245" shownumber="no">After Denonville had destroyed the Seneca towns in 1687, he sent a
detachment of his army to establish a fort at the mouth of the Niagara
River. A garrison of one hundred men was left there with a chaplain.
Many died the following winter, and the fort was abandoned. It was
reoccupied in 1726, and from that date regular services were held in
the chapel until 1759, when the fort capitulated to the English. Soon
after the Revolutionary War the Government began building military
roads, and the State legislature made appropriations for building
highways, and these offered intending settlers better facilities for
proceeding farther inland. There was a highway through the State before
1820, reaching to Lake Erie. Buffalo and Erie County offered advantages
to intending settlers, and about 1820 many Alsatians located in the
vicinity. Many of these were Catholics, but they had no priest, and
they could only keep alive the religious spirit by family devotions.
The Rev. Patrick Kelly, ordained by Bishop Connolly of New York in
1821, was sent to minister to the Catholics of the western part of the
State. He visited Buffalo the same year, and held one public service in
a little frame building on Pearl Street. The Rev. Stephen Badin was the
first priest to remain any length of time in Buffalo. His field of
labour was Kentucky, but sickness compelled him to seek rest. He
visited Buffalo for six weeks as the guest of Louis Le Couteulx, who
then lived at the corner of Main and Exchange Streets. Here he said
Mass for the Catholics of the town; and he urged them to organize and
form a congregation. Mr. Le Couteulx started the good work by donating
a site for church, cemetery, and priest's residence, at the corner of
Main and Edward Streets. The deed was sent to Bishop Dubois as a New
Year's gift in January, 1829. Bishop Dubois visited Buffalo the same
year and concluded that the number of Catholics in the vicinity
required the attention of a resident priest, so the Rev. John Nicholas
Mertz was sent as the first pastor of Buffalo. On this occasion Bishop
Dubois sang a solemn high Mass in the court-house; and in the afternoon
a procession composed of different nationalities marched from the
court-house to the site for the new church where the ground was blessed
by the bishop. father Mertz rented a little frame building on Pearl
Street, back of the old Eagle tavern; and here he held services until
the "Lamb of God", a rough timber church, was erected on the property
at Main and Edward Streets. The corner stone of this first church of
the diocese was laid 8 July, 1831, but the church was not opened for
services until the following year. In the next five years congregations
were formed at Lancaster, Williamsville, Nor Bush, East Eden, and
Lockport. Father Mertz, with his assistant, the Rev. Alexander Pax,
looked after the spiritual interests of the Catholics of the first four
places, and the Rev. Bernard O'Reilly of Rochester attended the
Catholics of Lockport.</p>
<p id="b-p246" shownumber="no">Buffalo grew quickly after becoming a city. The church on Main
Street was too small for the rapidly increasing numbers. The
English-speaking members withdrew from the church in 1837 and formed a
separate congregation, renting the second floor of a building at the
corner of Main Street and the Terrace; where the Rev. Charles Smith
said Mass for them once a month. Father Smith was employed on the other
Sundays at Java, or in looking after the spiritual well-being of the
Catholics employed in the construction of the Genesee Valley Canal.
Soon afterwards property was bought at the corner of Ellicott and
Batavia Streets, for a church for the English-speaking Catholics of the
city. The Rev. John N. Neumann, who was afterwards Bishop of
Philadelphia, and who has been proposed for canonization went to
Buffalo in July, 1836, and laboured zealously for four years in the
missions of the Erie County and vicinity. The missionary then had few
of the comforts and conveniences of the present day and Father Neumann
was often compelled to tramp many miles over rough roads, or through
the forest, carrying his vestments on his back, to say Mass or to
administer to the sick. The Rev. Bernard O'Reilly of Rochester, who was
afterwards Bishop of Hartford, also did effective work among those
engaged in building the Erie Canal and in constructing the locks at
Lockport. The Rev. Thomas McEvoy of Java attended to the spiritual
wants of the Catholics of three or four counties. He resided at Java,
and from this place he frequently visited clusters of Catholics in
Allegany, Wyoming, Steuben, and Chautauqua counties. Among the lay
people Louis Le Couteulx was the greatest benefactor of the incipient
church in Buffalo. He located at Buffalo in 1803, and it was at his
house, corner of Main and Exchange Streets, that the Catholics were
first assembled and were urged to form a congregation. Besides donating
the site for the first church, he also gave the land for the Deaf Mute
Institute, the Infant Asylum, the Immaculate Conception church, and the
Buffalo Orphan asylum. Other lay people of that period and later
prominent in church work were: Patrick Milton, Maurice Vaughn, Patrick
Cannon, John Connolly, Mrs. O'Rourke, Mrs. Rowen, Mrs. Kimmit, and
Messrs. Ambrose, Feldman, Fisher, Steffan, Dingens, Lautz, Paul,
Diebold, Gittere, Pfohl, Wechter, Doll, Smith, Miller, Hager, Guinther,
Vogt, Davis, John Straus, Gerhard Lang, and their families.</p>
<p id="b-p247" shownumber="no">The Very Rev. John Timon, a Visitor General of the Congregation of
the Mission (Vincentians) was consecrated first Bishop of Buffalo in
the cathedral in New York, 17 October, 1847, by Bishop Hughes. The new
bishop appointed the Rev. Bernard O'Reilly, pastor of St. Patrick's
church, Rochester, his vicar-general, and began a retreat for his
priests; then he gave missions for his people in the sixteen churches
of the diocese. Many of these were plain frame structures, without
architectural ornament, and many of them had no altar except a table or
some rough timber fitted up for the purpose. In many cases services
were held in rented buildings, especially where public works attracted
large numbers of men but gave no promise of permanent settlement. Such
was the case along the Erie Canal and the Genesee Valley Canal, where
services were held in the largest workmen's shanty, or in the nearest
town hall. Men engaged in these public works were attracted by the
fertility of the soil or the advantages of localities, and sent for
their families and friends, and established homes in the western part
of the State along the lines of public traffic. Thus little Catholic
settlements were formed, and incipient congregations were organized.
The first Catholic congregations were made up of settlers from the East
or immigrants from Europe.</p>
<h3 id="b-p247.1">SCARCITY OF PRIESTS</h3>
<p id="b-p248" shownumber="no">The growth of the Church, before the advent of the bishop to the
western part of the State, was entirely from immigration. Many were
lost to the Church during this period because they had settled in
remote localities, and priests were scarce. Nearly all the priests who
laboured in Western New York during this period were from Europe, and
some were not permanently attached to the diocese. The small number of
priests could not visit regularly the many small settlements in that
extensive territory, and many Catholics would not see a priest for
months, or even years. Under such conditions it was but natural that
some should fall away. Before there was a resident priest at Buffalo
people journeyed all the way to Albany to have their children baptized,
others took their children to Monroe, Michigan, where there was a
resident priest. When young people decided to get married, two or three
of the respectable old people of the community were called in as
witnesses; troth was plighted, and the couple became man and wife, with
the understanding that as soon as a priest came the blessing of the
Church would be invoked upon the marriage. A journey to Albany in those
days was a difficult undertaking. It meant many days travel through the
forest, on horseback, by stage-coach, or rough wagons. When the Erie
Canal was built, part of the journey could be made by packet boat; but
as a rule people postponed the reception of the sacraments until some
priest went through this region on his way to the Catholic settlements
of the West, or in transit between the East and Montreal or Quebec.
Priests were scarce for some years after Buffalo was made a diocese;
and one of bishop Timon's first labours was directed to the
establishment of colleges and seminaries for the education of youth. He
induced the Oblates, the Franciscans, and the Jesuits to send
communities to found colleges, and to assist in the formation of
parishes. The Oblate Fathers in August, 1851, started a seminary and
college in a brick building, which was located on the site of the
present cathedral rectory. This institution was later transferred to
Prospect Hill, on the site of the present Holy Angels church property.
The Franciscans in 1855 located at Ellicottville, but shortly after
moved to Allegany. The Jesuits started the present St. Michael's Church
and Canisius College (1851). After the advent of Bishop Timon
fallen-away Catholics began to return to the Church, and many
non-Catholics embraced the Faith. His missions and his lectures in all
the towns of the diocese awakened an interest in Catholic teaching and
practice; and from three to five hundred new members were added to the
Church each year through the conversion of non-Catholics. Much of the
prejudice also, which existed in some localities, was dispelled by the
diffusion of knowledge of the Church.</p>
<h3 id="b-p248.1">BISHOPS OF THE SEE</h3>
<p id="b-p249" shownumber="no">(1) Bishop Timon died 16 April, 1867. He was born 12 February, 1797,
at Conewago, Pennsylvania, and ordained at St. Louis, Missouri, in
June, 1825. For a long time he was a missionary in Texas and in April,
1840, was named Prefect Apostolic there but refused the office.</p>
<p id="b-p250" shownumber="no">(2) The Very Rev. Stephen Vincent Ryan who, like his predecessor,
was a Visitor General of the Congregation of the Mission, was appointed
to succeed him as Bishop of Buffalo and was consecrated 8 November,
1868. Bishop Ryan was born 1 January, 1825, at Almonte, Ontario, Upper
Canada. Distinguished for his piety, zeal, and learning, he continued
the great work of Bishop Timon. He died 10 April, 1896.</p>
<p id="b-p251" shownumber="no">(3) The Rev. James E. Quigley, D.D., his successor, was consecrated
24 February, 1897. Bishop Quigley's condemnation of the attempt of the
Socialists to identify their doctrines with the principles of labour
unionism, and thus wean men from their allegiance to the Church, gained
for him a national reputation. He was promoted to the vacant
archbishopric of Chicago, 19 February, 1903.</p>
<p id="b-p252" shownumber="no">(4) The Rev. Charles H. Colton of New York, was next appointed to
the see and consecrated in St. Patrick's Cathedral, New York, 24
August, 1903.</p>
<h3 id="b-p252.1">STATISTICS</h3>
<p id="b-p253" shownumber="no">There are 264 priests in the diocese; 168 secular, 96 of religious
orders; 142 churches with resident priests, 32 mission churches, and 16
chapels; 54 Brothers and 1,085 Sisters of religious orders, teaching 94
parochial schools, with 27,787 pupils. There is one university,
Niagara, under the Lazarist Fathers; five colleges for boys with 952
students; and two seminaries for secular clergy, and one for religious,
with 181 students. The seminary at Niagara is conducted by the
Lazarists; that at Allegany, by the Franciscans. The preparatory
seminaries are the college departments at Niagara and at Allegany, and
the colleges of Canisius, Holy Angels, and the Christian Brothers. The
Oblates have a seminary in Buffalo for candidates for their order, and
the Passionists have one in Dunkirk for their students. There are 159
students in the large seminaries, 81 in the preparatory, and 200
students in the university. There are eight academies for young ladies,
with 1,200 students. St. John's Protectory for homeless, or wayward
boys, founded in 1861, accommodates about 600 boys, who are taught some
trade, along with the elementary branches of education. A Deaf Mute
Institute, started in Buffalo in 1856, is now an important institution,
under the charge of the Sisters of St. Joseph, with 166 pupils. In 1861
Bishop Timon secured the sisters of St. Francis to care for the aged;
these sisters now have three houses: one in Buffalo, one in Gardenville
and one in Williamsville, with 600 inmates. The Sisters of the Good
Shepherd in 1855 started a refuge for wayward girls and fallen women.
They care for 150 inmates and 75 children. In 1888 the Rev. Daniel
Walsh established the Working Boys Home, in which 80 boys and young men
now find a comfortable home. In 1906 Bishop Colton established the St.
Charles's Home for Working Girls, under the Sisters of Mercy. Bishop
Quigley founded two mission houses for poor children, the Angel
guardian Mission and the St. James's Mission. In June, 1848, Bishop
Timon secured a community of Sisters of Charity and placed them in the
orphan asylum, which now has 250 orphans, and a large number of young
girls employed in a technical school. There is a German orphan asylum
in Buffalo, incorporated in 1874, in which there are 370 orphans, under
the Sisters of the Third Order of St. Francis. The Polish orphan asylum
at Doyle, under the care of the Felician Sisters of St. Francis, has
186 inmates. The Sisters of St. Joseph have the Orphan Asylum at
Dunkirk with 88 orphans; and the Sisters of Charity direct an infant
asylum in Buffalo, where 185 infant children can be accommodated, with
60 patients in the maternity hospital. The Sisters of Charity hospital
accommodates 250 patients. Their emergency hospital treats 1,200
patients a year. The sisters of Mercy at the Mercy Hospital accommodate
about 40 patients. Estimated Catholic population 200,000.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p254" shownumber="no">THOMAS DONOHUE</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p254.1" title="Buffier, Claude" type="Encyclopedia">Claude Buffier</term>
<def id="b-p254.2">
<h1 id="b-p254.3">Claude Buffier</h1>
<p id="b-p255" shownumber="no">A philosopher, and author, born in Poland, of French parents, 25
May, 1661; died in Paris, 17 May, 1737. He received his early education
at the Jesuit College in Rouen and entered the Society of Jesus in
1679. After teaching literature in Paris, he returned to Rouen to take
a chair of theology. Mgr. Colbert, archbishop of that city issued a
pastoral recommending to his clergy certain books of Gallican and
Jansenistic tendencies. Buffier attacked the pastoral in a pamphlet and
having refused to make a retractation journeyed, with the leave of his
superiors, to Rome to lay his case before the congregations. Where he
easily justified himself and returning to Paris was connected from 1701
to 1731, with the "Journal de Trévoux." He published works on
history, asceticism, biography, education, literature, and especially
on philosophy. He was not, as is often asserted, a disciple of
Descartes, for he rejects altogether methodic doubt and follows in
general the scholastics. The Encyclopedists, according to Tabaraud,
inserted in their publications, without due credit, entire pages from
his books, and Reid, the Scottish metaphysician, acknowledges his great
indebtedness to Buffier. His chief works are: a Life of Count Louis de
Sales, brother of the saint (Paris, 1708); "Pratique de la mémoire
artificielle" (Paris, 1701) often reprinted; Grammaire française
sur un plan nouveau (Paris, 1732), in many editions and translations;
"Exposition des preuves les plus sensibles de la Vraie Religion"
(Paris, 1732); and "Cours des sciences" (Paris, 1722).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p256" shownumber="no">WALTER DWIGHT</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p256.1" title="Buglio, Louis" type="Encyclopedia">Louis Buglio</term>
<def id="b-p256.2">
<h1 id="b-p256.3">Louis Buglio</h1>

<p id="b-p257" shownumber="no">A celebrated missionary in China, mathematician, and theologian,
born at Mineo, Sicily, 26 January, 1606; died at Peking, 7 October,
1682. He entered the Society of Jesus, 29 January, 1622, and, after a
brilliant career as a professor of the humanities and rhetoric in the
Roman College, asked to be sent to the Chinese mission. With great zeal
and success Father Buglio preached the Gospel in the provinces of
Su-Tchuen, Fu-kien, and Kiang-si. He suffered severely for the faith in
the persecution which was carried on during the minority of the Emperor
Kang-hi. Taken prisoner by one of the victorious Tartar chiefs, he was
brought to Peking in 1648. Here, after a short captivity, he was left
free to exercise his ministry. Father Buglio collaborated with Fathers
Adam Schall, Verbiest, and Magalhaens in reforming the Chinese
calendar, and shared with them the confidence and esteem of the
emperor. At his death he was given a state funeral.</p>
<p id="b-p258" shownumber="no">Thoroughly acquainted with the Chinese language, Father Buglio both
spoke and wrote it fluently. A list of his works in Chinese, more than
eighty volumes, written for the most part to explain and defend the
Christian religion, is given in Sommervogel. Besides Parts I and III of
the "Summa" of St. Thomas, he translated into Chinese the Roman Missal
(Peking, 1670) the Breviary and the Ritual (ibid, 1674 and 1675). These
translations require a special notice, as they were part of a project
which, from the beginning of their apostolate in China, the Jesuit
missionaries were anxious to carry out. Their purpose was not merely to
form a native clergy, but, in order to accomplish this more easily, to
introduce a special liturgy in the Chinese tongue, for the use at least
of native priests. This plan was approved by Paul V, who, 26 March
1615, granted to regularly ordained Chinese priests the faculty of
using their own language in the liturgy and administrations of the
sacraments. This faculty was never used. Father Philip Couplet, in
1681, tried to obtain a renewal of it from Rome, but was not
successful.</p>
<p id="b-p259" shownumber="no">Acta SS., XIII, 123. Diss. xlviii; Sommervogel, Biblotheque de la c.
de J., II, 363; Cordier, Bibliotheca Sinica (Paris, 1881), I, 514;
Menologe S.J.: Assistance d'Italie</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p260" shownumber="no">JOSEPH M. WOODS</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p260.1" title="Bernardo Buil" type="Encyclopedia">Bernardo Buil</term>
<def id="b-p260.2">
<h1 id="b-p260.3">Bernado Buil</h1>
<p id="b-p261" shownumber="no">(Also Boil or Boyal.)</p>
<p id="b-p262" shownumber="no">A Friar Minor. The fact that there were two religious of the name of
Bernardo Boil living in Spain at the same time has given rise to much
confusion and even to the opinion that they were not two distinct
persons, but that the same individual was at one time a member of the
Franciscan order, and later became a Benedictine. It seems however,
more probable to assert that Bernardo Boil, the Franciscan, was a
different person from Bernardo Boyl, the Benedictine. It was to the
former that Alexander Vl addressed his Bull dated 25 June, 1493,
appointing him first vicar Apostolic of the New World. This appears to
be certain, first of all from the opening words "Dilecto filio Bernardo
Boil, fratri Ordinis Minorum", etc. of the Bull itself, a part of which
is reproduced in the first volume of THE CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA. In the
second place, the concluding words of the Bull, where reference is made
to the prohibition of Boniface VIII concerning members of mendicant
orders taking new domiciles without permission from the Holy See, seem
clearly to indicate that the papal rescript was intended for Boil, the
Franciscan, and not for his namesake the Benedictine. It is a matter of
fact, however, that Bernardo Boyl, 0.S.B., became first vicar Apostolic
of the New World. This was due to the intrigues of King Ferdinand of
Spain who employed Boyl, the Benedictine, to great advantage in several
important diplomatic negotiations and had sought his appointment as
vicar Apostolic in America. When the papal Bull arrived in Spain,
ignoring the king's choice, and nominating a Franciscan of the same
name with the trifling difference of the 
<i>i</i> and 
<i>y</i>, which letters were pronounced alike, the only exception being
in the order to which the respective priests belonged, it became
convenient to conclude that a mistake had been made in Rome--which
interpretation Ferdinand found expedient to favour his own ends and
views. A false copy of the Bull was therefore made with the necessary
changes and delivered to Boyl, the Benedictine, while appointmg Boil,
the Franciscan. In time this latter document disappeared so completely
that no trace of it could be found in the Spanish archieves. A copy,
however, was carefully preserved in the Vatican library and was brought
to light by the researches of the historian Roselly. Bernado Boil,
O.F.M., never knew of the high dignity which Alexander VI had conferred
upon him. It is certain he did not leave Spain; yet he was de jure the
true, legistimate, and first vicar Apostolic of the New World . As
regards Bernardo Boyl, O.S.B., it is a matter of history that his
labours were without fruit, and the only record of his official action
in America is the fulmination of censures.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p263" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p263.1" title="Buildings, Ecclesiastical" type="Encyclopedia">Ecclesiastical Buildings</term>
<def id="b-p263.2">
<h1 id="b-p263.3">Ecclesiastical Buildings</h1>
<p id="b-p264" shownumber="no">This term comprehends all constructions erected for the celebration
of liturgical acts, whatever be the name given to them:-- church,
chapel, oratory, basilica, etc. The subject will be treated under the
following heads:</p>
<p id="b-p265" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">I. History
<br />II. Division
<br />III. Erection
<br />IV. Repair and Maintenance
<br />V. Consecration and Blessing
<br />VI. Immunity
<br />VII. Church Fabric</p>
<h3 id="b-p265.7">I. HISTORY</h3>
<p id="b-p266" shownumber="no">In the earliest days of the Christian religion, there were no
buildings specially consecrated to Eucharistic worship; the assemblies
for liturgical service were held in private houses (Acts, ii, 46; Rom.,
xvi, 5; I Cor., xvi, 15; Col., iv, 15; Philemon, 2). The assemblies
which the first Christians held in the Temple of Jerusalem, in the
synagogues or even in hired halls, were assemblies for instruction or
for prayer (Acts, v, 12-13; xvii, 1-2; xix, 9). At the end of the
second century and even later, during the period of persecution,
assemblies for Christian worship were still held in private houses.
During this epoch, however, we begin to hear of the 
<i>domus ecclesiae</i> (the house of the Church), an edifice used for
all the services of the Christian community, in which one apartment was
specially set apart for Divine worship. At an early date this apartment
took on a special importance. During the third century the other parts
of the building were detached from it and the 
<i>domus ecclesiae</i> became the 
<i>Domus Dei</i> (the house of God) known also as the 
<i>Dominicum</i> or the 
<i>kyriakon oikon</i> (Duchesne, Origines du culte chrétien,
399-400, Paris, 1902; Wieland, Mensa und Confessio: Studien uber den
Altar der altchristlichen Liturgie, Munich, 1906, I, 27-35, 68-73). All
such churches were situated in towns, and the inhabitants of the rural
districts came thither on the Lord's Day, in order to assist at the
Eucharistic Sacrifice; in large cities, like Rome, Alexandria, and
Carthage, there are several churches, but they did not constitute
separate parishes (Duchesne, 400; Wieland, 73-76). They depended upon
the cathedral church, in which was established the see 
(<i>sedes</i>), or the chair 
(<i>cathedra</i>) of the bishop. There were, however, since the second
century, outside the cities, mortuary churches attached to the
Christian cemeteries. Here were celebrated the funeral rites, also the
anniversary commemorations of the departed, but not the ordinary
offices of Divine worship. Sanctuaries were also erected over the
sepulchres of the martyrs, and popular devotion brought thither a large
concourse of people, not only for the celebration of the anniversary,
but at other times as well. The necessity of providing accommodation
for these gatherings, as well as the desire to honour the saint, led to
the construction of buildings, sometimes large and richly adorned.
These churches multiplied when the people began to accord to any relic
whatever, to a piece of cloth stained with his blood, to a phial of oil
drawn from the lamp that burned constantly before his sepulchre, etc.,
the veneration at first given only to his burial place. These were the
churches of "relics". They prevailed finally to such an extent that
today every church must have relics in each of its altars (Duchesne,
402-403). It is almost universally recognized at the present day that
only on exceptional occasions did the catacombs serve for ordinary
worship even during the times of persecution. They were used solely for
funeral services and for the celebration of the festivals of martyrs
(Wieland, 81-100).</p>
<p id="b-p267" shownumber="no">That churches existed in rural districts as early as the fourth
century is undeniable. Priests went thither periodically to administer
the sacraments. In the fifth century, however, on account of the
increase in the number of the faithful, it became necessary to station
resident priests in such districts. This was the origin of parish
churches, which were established by the bishops in the most populous
districts, the 
<i>vici</i>, and were known as 
<i>ecclesiae rusticanae, parochitanae, diocesanae, diocesis, parochia,
ecclesiae baptismates,</i> because in these churches only could the
Sacrament of Baptism be administered; they were also termed 
<i>tituli majores</i> to distinguish them from the private churches, or

<i>tituli minores</i> (Imbart de la Tour, Les paroisses rurales du IVe
au XIIe siècle, Paris, 1900). In addition to these churches of the

<i>vici</i>, the owners of the 
<i>villae</i> or great estates founded churches for their own use and
for that of the persons connected with their establishments. Such
churches could not be used for Divine worship without the consent of
the local bishop, who was wont to exact from the proprietor a
renunciation of all rights of possession. The ecclesiastical authority,
however, was not long able to resist the proprietors, who from the
seventh and eighth centuries retained the proprietary right over the
churches they had built. These were called 
<i>oratoria, basilicae, martyria</i>, or 
<i>tituli minores</i>, and were in no respect parish churches, because
in them baptism could not be administered; moreover, on certain solemn
days, the faithful were obliged to assist at Mass in the parish church.
Neither did these churches receive any tithes. From the Carlovingian
period, however, such private churches gradually became
parish-churches. Some authors contend that from that epoch all churches
became the private property of the laity, or of convents, or bishops.
The ecclesiastical reforms of the eleventh and twelfth centuries
brought this condition of things to all end. The Second Lateran Council
(1139) commanded all laymen, under pain of excommunication, to resign
to the bishops the churches in their possession. (Mansi, "Coll. Conc."
XXI, 529-532; Stutz, "Geschichte des kirchl. Benefizialwesens", Berlin,
1895, I; Hinschius, "System des kath. Kirchenrechts", Berlin, 1878, II,
262-269, 277- 281; Imbart de la Tour, op. cit.) Even within the
parishes, for the benefit of the faithful, there were established at
various times, chapels which did not enjoy the prerogatives of parish
churches, and were more or less dependent upon the latter (Von Scherer,
Handbuch des Kirehenrechtes, Graz, 1898, II, 627). In addition to
churches specially intended for the use of the faithful, others known
as oratories were erected in the monasteries; they acquired a greater
importance when the majority of the monks were ordained priests, still
more when the exclusive privileges of the parish churches suffered
diminution. Such oratories were also common in beneficent and
charitable institutions. The medieval corporations (guilds) which were
also religious confraternities, had sometimes their own special chapels
(Viollet, Histoire des institutions politiques de la France, Paris,
1903, III,143-176).</p>
<h3 id="b-p267.1">II. DIVISION</h3>
<p id="b-p268" shownumber="no">Ecclesiastical buildings are usually divided into four classes:</p>
<ul id="b-p268.1">
<li id="b-p268.2">churches properly so called,</li>
<li id="b-p268.3">public oratories,</li>
<li id="b-p268.4">private oratories, and</li>
<li id="b-p268.5">semi-public oratories.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="b-p269" shownumber="no">This division was confirmed by the Congregation of Rites, 23
January, 1899 (Decreta authent. Congreg sacr. Rit. no. 4007, Rome,
1900). Churches are edifices set apart in perpetuity for the public
exercise of Divine worship; such are basilicas, primatial,
metropolitan, cathedral, collegiate and parish churches, and lastly the
conventual churches of regulars, properly so called. Public oratories
are buildings of less importance, definitely given over to Divine
worship, and accessible to the public, whether the entrance itself be
upon the public road or upon a passage-way leading to the latter. A
private oratory is one established in favour of a particular family or
even of a single individual. Finally, a semi-public oratory is
established for the benefit of a number of people; such is the chapel
of a seminary, a college, a congregation of simple vows, a hospital, a
prison, etc. With these may be classed the chapels of cardinals and of
bishops.</p>
<h3 id="b-p269.1">III. ERECTION</h3>
<p id="b-p270" shownumber="no">Basilicas, cathedrals, collegiate churches, and private oratories,
may be erected only with the consent of the Holy See; other churches or
oratories with the consent of the bishop. Nevertheless the
authorization given by a bishop to a religious order of solemn vows to
establish a monastery in his diocese involves, unless there is a
stipulation to the contrary, the right to construct a monastic church.
On the other hand all provincial superiors of religious orders have the
power to open semi-public oratories for the use of their religious, and
that without the authorization of the bishop (Bull of Gregory XIII,
"Decet Romanum", 3 May, 1575, granted to the Society of Jesus and
applicable likewise to all religious orders in virtue of the
communication of privileges. Cf. Vermeersch, De religiosis institutis
et personis, Bruges, 1902, I, 316). For the erection of a private
oratory, even by religious, the authorization of the pope is necessary
(C.S.R.,10 November, 1906; "Canoniste Contemporain", 1907, XXX, 109,
110). Congregations of simple vows may have but one semi-public or
public oratory, with the authorization of the bishop. If they wish to
erect several for the convenience of priests or of the infirm, it is
necessary to obtain the consent of the Holy see (C.S.R. 8 March, 1879,
Decreta, no. 3484).</p>
<p id="b-p271" shownumber="no">The erection of every church on the other hand must be justified by
its necessity, or by its use; it must not in any way prejudice the
rights of churches already established (c. iii, "De ecclesiis
aedificandis vel reparandis", X, III, xlviii, c. i, ii, iv, "De novi
operis nuntiatione", X, V, xxxii; Friedberg, "Corpus juris canonici",
Leipzig, 1881, II, 652, 843). The church should also be sufficiently
endowed (c. viii, "De consecratione ecclesiae vel altaris", X, III, xl;
Friedberg, II, 634). Practically it is sufficient that the church have
at its disposal, e.g. through the gifts of the faithful, the revenues
necessary for the maintenance of the building, the celebration of
Divine service, and the support of its ministers (Bargilliat, Praelect.
jur. can., Paris, 1900, II, 331). In certain countries the consent of
the civil power is also needed. The building of a church cannot be
begun before the bishop or his delegate has approved of the site,
placed a cross there, and blessed the first stone (Pontificate Romanum,
Pars II, De benedict. et imposit. prim. lapid. pro eccl. aedif.). The
bishop can also reserve to himself the approval of the plans and
conditions according to which the church is to be constructed (Wernz,
Jus Decretal., Rome, 1901, III, 432, 433. To avoid useless expenditure
and to prevent the parish priest from improvidently contracting debts,
the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore enacted as a preliminary
condition for the construction of a church, the consent of the bishop
in writing (Acta et decreta Concilii Plenarii Baltimorensis, III, no.
279). The bishop has power to apply to the construction of his
cathedral a part of the revenues, which in certain countries are
annually assigned to him from the revenues of the different churches;
the cathedral church being the 
<i>ecclesia matrix</i>, or mother-church of all those of the diocese,
its construction is a work which interests the whole diocese (the
Eighth Provincial, the Second Plenary, Councils of Baltimore, 1855 and
1866, and the Second Provincial Council of Australia, 1869; "Collectio
Lacensis", Freiburg, 1875, III, 162, 429, 1078; also 200-202, 242,
1085). The bishop can even levy a 
<i>subsidium charitativum</i> for this purpose, i.e a moderate tax upon
the revenues of the churches and on those priests who enjoy
ecclesiastical benefices. In default of other resources the usual means
is to collect money for this object, or to ask the priests of the
diocese for voluntary contributions.</p>
<h3 id="b-p271.1">IV. REPAIR AND MAINTENANCE</h3>
<p id="b-p272" shownumber="no">Originally the repairs of the churches were incumbent upon the
bishops, as administrators of all ecclesiastical goods. When, according
to ancient custom, these goods were divided into four parts, one part
was assigined to the 
<i>Fabrica</i> (see below) i.e. to the church building and its
maintenance. Later, each church had its own patrimony, and one part of
its goods was assigned to its maintenance. This charge was also
incumbent upon the holders of the goods and revenues of the church. The
Decretals sanctioned this obligation, at the same time they urged the
people to help defray the expenses (c. i. iv, "De ecclesii
aedificandis", X, II, xlviii; Friedberg, II. 652, 653). Finally the
Council of Trent (Sess. XXI, De ref. c. vii) located more exactly the
obligation to repair the parish churches (Permander, Die kirchliche
Baulast, Munich, 1890, 1-18). By present ecclesiastical legislation the
repairs of the church belong especially to the fabric, which must use
the funds appropriated for that special purpose and if need be, its
superfluous revenues (c. vi, "De ecclesiis aedificandis"; Friedberg,
II, 654; Council of Trent, Sess. XXI, De ref. c. vii). These resources
failing, the persons who possess the right of patronage over the church
intervene if they wish to preserve their privileges (Canones et decreta
conc. Trid. ed. Schulte and Richter, Leipzig, 1853, 121, no. 4). This
obligation rests also on all persons who enjoy part of the revenues of
the church the tithe-owners, whether laymen or ecclesiastics, seculars
or regulars, the parish priest, and all those who enjoy a benefice from
the church. The parishioners themselves are bound to provide for the
maintenance of the church, each according to his means. In practice
collections should be made for this object. These same principles apply
to cathedral churches; in case the revenues of the church are
insufficient, the bishop, the chapter, the clergy of the cathedral, and
the inhabitants of the diocese ought to contribute for its support
(Sägmüller, Lehrbuch des kathol. Kirchenrechts, Freiburg,
1900-04, 798, 799). For the support of his cathedral, as for its
erection, the bishop can ask from his clergy a special aid or 
<i>subsidium charitativum.</i> Wherever these rules have been abrogated
by other customs, the latter should be followed. In case of fire, the
insurance might cover the damage. Hence special laws may make
obligatory the insurance of churches (Acta et Decreta Concilii
Baltimorensis III, no. 283). Chapels or churches belonging to
congregations of regulars or to particular establishments, ought to be
maintained at the expense of these establishments. It sometimes happens
that the civil power contributes to the support of churches, as well as
to their construction. In reality such co-operation is often only a
restitution of ecclesiastical property or revenues misappropriated by
the civil government.</p>
<h3 id="b-p272.1">V. CONSECRATION AND BLESSING</h3>

<p id="b-p273" shownumber="no">Churches and oratories cannot be
used for liturgical functions, without having first been consecrated or
at least blessed. Cathedral and parish churches ought to be
consecrated. However, in case of necessity they may be provisionally
blessed (Rit. Rom., tit. viii, c. xxvii). Public oratories and other
churches may be consecrated, though this is not necessary. They ought,
however, to receive a solemn benediction. Private oratories, on the
other hand, cannot receive such benediction; it is fitting, however,
that the 
<i>benedictio loci</i> be given to them (op. cit. c. vi.) Some hold
that semi-public oratories which in exterior appearance resemble
churches or chapels, and which are definitely destined for Divine
worship, may be solemnly consecrated (C.S.R., 7 August, 1875, 5 June,
1899; Decreta, nos. 3364, 4025). The custom of dedicating churches to
the worship of God by a solemn ceremony is very ancient. In his
Ecclesiastical History (X, iii, iv) Eusebius describes the dedication,
in 314, of the church erected by Constantine at Tyre, at which time,
however, there was no special rite for that purpose. At Rome in the
sixth century, the dedication consisted in the public celebration of a
solemn Mass, and if it was a church which was to contain relics, these
latter were brought to the church in solemn procession. It seems that
at the same period, there existed a special rite of consecration in
Gaul. In their brief outlines, the present ceremonies are derived from
a combination of the rites used in France and in Rome, a combination
which had already been made before the beginning of the eighth century
(Duchesne, op. cit., 403-418). The consecration or dedication is
performed according to the rite prescribed in the "Pontificale Romanum"
(De ecclesiae dedicatione seu consecratione) by the bishop, or by a
priest delegated for that office by the Holy See. The essential rite of
this dedication consisting in the anointing of the twelve crosses upon
the walls with holy chrism, and the recitation of the words 
<i>Sanctificetur</i>, etc. (Wernz, III, 437). It is not permitted to
consecrate a church without at the same time consecrating the high
altar, or, if this has already been consecrating another fixed altar.
If all the altars have been consecrated, it will be necessary to ask
the authorization of the Holy See. Without the consecration, however,
of an altar, the consecration of the church will not be invalid
(C.S.R., 12 August, 1854; 3 March, 1866, 19 May 1896, Decreta, nos.
3025, 3142, 3907). When the public authorities forbid the performance
of the prescribed ceremonies outside the church, a pontifical indult
must be obtained, except in case of necessity; such ceremonies must
then be performed in the sacristy or some other dependency of the
church (C.S.R., 22 February, 1888; Decreta, no. 3687). A church built
of wood cannot be consecrated (C. S. R., 11 April, 1902; "Canoniste
contemporain", 1902, XXV, 495).</p>
<p id="b-p274" shownumber="no">The vigil of the day of consecration is a fast-day of obligation for
the bishop and for those who have asked for the consecration of the
church (C.S.R., 29 July, 1780, 12 September, 1840; Decreta nos. 2519,
2821; Reply of the Holy Office, 14 December, 1898; "Acta Sanctae
Sedis", 1898-99, XXXI, 533). The feast of the dedication must be
celebrated every year on the anniversary day of the consecration. The
Bishop may, if he chooses, fix another day; but this he should on the
very day on which he consecrates the church (C.S.R. 19 September, 1665,
23 May, 1834; Decreta, nos 1321, 2719). While this feast should be
celebrated by all the clergy connected with the consecrated church, the
anniversary of the dedication of the cathedral ought to be celebrated
by all the secular clergy of the diocese, and by all the regulars all
the episcopal city (C.S.R., 12 September 1884, 9 July, 1895; Decreta,
nos. 3622, 3863). If the exact date of the anniversary is unknown, the
most probable date should be chosen until such time as the date can be
determined with certainty (C.S.R. 14 June, 1608, 13 March, 1649;
Decreta, nos. 261, 920). The bishop may fix a day if the right one be
completely unknown (C.S.R., 18 August, 1629; 3 March, 1674; 27
November, 1706; 12 March, 1735; Decreta, nos. 511, 1498, 2174, 2313).
The Holy See sometimes permits the celebration of the anniversary of
the dedication of the cathedral church and of all the churches of the
diocese on the same day. All the clergy of the diocese are then bound
to celebrate this festival (C.S.R., 29 November, 1878; Decreta, no.
3469).</p>
<p id="b-p275" shownumber="no">The solemn benediction is a rite inferior to consecration. It is
performed by a priest delegated by the bishop for that purpose (Rit.
Rom. tit. viii, c. xxvii). It consists in the sprinkling of the upper
and lower parts of the walls of the church with holy water, and in the
prayers which accompany this action (Wernz, III, 437). A new
consecration or benediction of a church or oratory ought to be made in
the case of execration or desecration, that is to say, when the
building has lost its consecration or benediction. This is the case
when eccleciastical buildings have been definitely put to profane uses
(Council of Trent, Sess. XXI, De ref. c. vii.); similarly, in
accordance with modern discipline, if almost the entire church or a
large portion of the walls have been destroyed or renewed (C.S.R., 14
September, 1875; Decreta, no. 3372). Successive alterations and
repairs, however, even though considerable, as also the renewal of the
roof, are not to be regarded as execration (C.S.R., 31 August, 1872,
Decreta, no. 3269). The consecration affects the entire building, but
especially the walls; the removal, therefore, of the anointed crosses
or even of the interior plastering (intonaco) of the walls, does not
necessitate a new consecration (C.S.R., 13 July, 1883; 19 May, 1896;
Decreta, nos. 3584, 3907). The same principles are applicable to
churches that have been solemnly blessed this benediction affects the
walls rather than the pavement of the church. If, however, the belief
was that the benediction attached itself to the pavement the mere
destruction of the walls would not have the effect of producing the
execration of the church (Wernz, III, 441 442).</p>
<p id="b-p276" shownumber="no">Widely different from desecration is the 
<i>pollutio</i> of a church. This is a defilement of the church which
prevents the celebration of the Divine offices until the church has
been reconciled or purified. The priest is bound to interrupt the
celebration of Mass, if the church in which he is celebrating is
polluted before he has commenced the Canon (Missale Romanum, De
defectibus in celebratione missarum occurrentibus, X). A church is
polluted by every kind of homicide even by a case of capital
punishment, or by voluntary suicide committed in the church, but the
wound must have been inflicted within the church and, according to some
authors, death must have taken place there. A church is likewise
polluted when a considerable quantity of blood has been wilfully and
culpably spilled within it, or when the 
<i>effusio seminis humani</i> has taken place, wilfully and in a
seriously culpable manner (c. iv, x, De consecratione ecclesiae, X, III
xi; Fridberg, II, 634- 635). In like manner also a church is polluted
by the burial within it of an infidel, or of a person who has been
excommunicated 
(<i>excommunicatus vitandus</i>) (c. vii, loc. cit.; Bargilliat, II,
343-344), not, however, by the burial of catechumens, and perhaps not
by that of unbaptized infants born of baptized parents (C.S.R., 23
April, 1875; Decreta, no 3344).</p>
<p id="b-p277" shownumber="no">It is important to remark that the reconciliation must be performed
only when the pollution has been public. A church that has been
solemnly blessed can be reconciled by a priest, according to the
ceremonies prescribed in the "Rituale Romanum" (tit. viii, c. xxviii).
Many authors, however, affirm that the priest should be delegated by
the bishop and the Congregation of Rites has given a decision to the
same effect (8 July, 1904, Canoniste Contemporain, 1904, XXIV, 683). A
church that has been consecrated can be reconciled only by the bishop,
or by a priest delegated by the Holy See, and with water blessed by the
bishop. This privilege as has been granted to exempt religious (Bull of
Leo X, "Religionis", 3 February, 1514). The Propaganda grants to
bishops in missionary countries the power to delegate to priests the
right to reconcile a consecrated church, but the water employed must be
blessed by the bishop or, in case of necessity, by a priest
(Bargilliat, II, 345, Putzer-Konings, "Commentarium in facultates
apostolicas", New York, 1898, 215-217). Sometimes the reconciliation is
performed 
<i>ad cautelam</i> as for instance when a church has been occupied by
soldiers for two days (C.S.R., 27 February, 1847; Decreta, no. 2908).
This legislation does not refer to oratories which have received only
the 
<i>benedictio loci.</i></p>
<h3 id="b-p277.1">VI. IMMUNITY</h3>
<p id="b-p278" shownumber="no">Churches enjoy by ecclesiastical law the same immunity from secular
burdens and as all ecclesiastical property. The state may not burden
them with taxes (Council of Trent, Sess XXV, De ref. c. xx; Syllabus
nos. 30, 32). In many states the law recognize this privilege for
parish and cathedral churches. Such immunity is very ancient and dates
from the Christian emperors of the fourth century (O. Grashof, in
Archiv f. kath Kirchenrecht, 1876, XXXV, 3 sqq., 193 sqq.) On the other
hand, every irreverence within a church or public oratory is a
sacrilege, such as the theft of an article even though it does not
belong to the church or an article that has been consecrated (Decretum
Gratiani P. II, c xvii, q. 4, c. xxi; Friedberg, I, 820). Such also are
the sins of the flesh (Lehmkuhl, Theologia moralis, Freiburg, 1898, I,
238, 239). The reverence due to the holy place forbids all profane
actions. Therefore, the following actions are forbidden in a church:
trials not falling within ecclesiastical jurisdiction, trading; games,
plays and secular songs; banquets; the making of a dwelling either
above or below the church; etc. In this category may be included the
introduction of draperies and banners which have not been blessed by
the Church (Wernz, III, 446). It belongs to the office of the bishop to
specify what actions are forbidden in the churches, and to settle the
controversies which may arise. The bishop is also empowered to provide
for the maintenance of order and may also commit this care to a
delegate, for instance, to the parish priest. In connection with this
see RIGHT OF ASYLUM.</p>
<h3 id="b-p278.1">VII. THE CHURCH FABRIC</h3>
<p id="b-p279" shownumber="no">By the term 
<i>Fabrica ecclesiae</i> are to be understood not only the goods
belonging to the Church but also the administrators of these goods.
Ever since the thirteenth century the laity have been allowed to
participate in this administration, and the Council of Trent did not
reprove their intervention (Sess. XXII, De ref. ch. ix). The civil
power also intervenes in order to regulate the administration of the
property of cathedral and parish churches. The following are examples
of how the fabrics are organized in certain countries.</p>
<p id="b-p280" shownumber="no">In France, Napoleon recognized fabrics of the churches, and
entrusted the administration of the property of parish churches to five
or nine elected members, to the parish priest, and mayor. These formed
the 
<i>conseil de fabrique.</i> The elective members holding office for six
years and eligible for re-election, were chosen by the council itself.
These vestrymen had in hand the administration of the temporal property
of the church elected from amongst their number a 
<i>bureau des Marguilliers</i> composed of three members and the parish
priest, charged with the ordinary administration and execution of the
decisions of the council. The bishop had the right of control over the
management of the vestrymen. His approbation as well as that of the
State was required for their most important undertakings. The communal
authority could control the budgets and the accounts when the fabric
asked the former for the necessary funds to defray the expenses of
Divine worship, and for the maintenance of ecclesiastical
buildings.</p>
<p id="b-p281" shownumber="no">The French Municipal Law of 5 May, 1884, ordered that the budgets
and accounts should be submitted to the communal council, and freed the
commune from the obligation of making up a deficit in the resources of
the fabric for ordinary expenses of divine worship. The bishop had the
power to organize the fabric of the cathedral church himself, but the
administration of its goods was still under the control of the
Government (De Champeaux, "Recueil général de droit civil
eccelésiastique francais", Paris, 1860; Bargilliat, II, 110-159).
This organization, modified, however, by the Constitution of 1831 and
by the law of 4 March, 1874, still continues in force in Belgium (De
Corswarem, Des Fabriques d'églises, Hasselt, 1904). The Law of 11
December 1905, suppressed the fabrics in France and replaced them by 
<i>associations cultuelles</i> which Pius X forbade by his Encyclical,
"Gravissimo officii" (10 August, 1906; Canoniste contemporain, 1906,
XXIX, 572). This law by handing over to seven, fifteen, or twenty-five
persons the administration of church property, without making any
mention whatever of ecclesiastical control, increases the State's power
of interference in the administration of these associations and give it
full power to suppress them (Jenouvrier, Expose de la situation
légale de l'Eglise de France, d'apres la loi du 11 décembre,
1905, Paris, 1906).</p>
<p id="b-p282" shownumber="no">In Prussia the fabrics of the churches were organized by the law of
20 June, 1875, enacted during the 
<i>Kulturkampf.</i> In each parish 
(<i>Kirchegemeinde</i>) ecclesiastical goods are administered by a body
of churchwardens termed 
<i>Kirchenvorstand</i> under the control of a parish board or 
<i>Gemeindevertretung.</i> This assembly is not, however, everywhere
obligatory. The members of these assemblies are elected by all the male
parishioners, who are of age and have resided for at least one year in
the parish, pay the ecclesiastical tax, and have their own homes,
conduct a business concern, or fill a public office. All electors over
thirty years of age are eligible for office with the exception of
ecclesiastics and the servants or employees of the church. No man can
hold office in both these assemblies. The 
<i>Kirchenvorstand</i> is composed of members varying in number from
four to ten, according to the total number of the population. Since the
law of 21 May, l886 the parish priest 
(<i>Pfarrer</i>) is the president ex officio of this assembly, except in
those places in which, before the law of 1875, the presidency was given
to a layman. This assembly administers the temporal concerns of the
church. The 
<i>Gemeindevertretung</i> includes three times as many members as the 
<i>Kirchenvorstand.</i> It is necessary that they should give their
consent to the most important acts of the administration of the 
<i>Kirchenvorstand</i>: the alienations, the acquisitions, the loans,
the most important works, taxes 
(<i>Kirchensteuer</i>), etc, and approve the budgets and accounts. The
president of the 
<i>Kirchenvorsiand</i>, or his delegate, assists as a consultor at
their meetings. All mandates remain in force for six years. The State
and the ecclesiastical authority exercise supreme control over the most
important actions of these fabrics (Archiv für katholisches
Kirchenrecht, 1875 XXXIV, I67, 1876, XXXV, 161, 1886, LVI, 196, 1887,
LVII, 153.</p>
<p id="b-p283" shownumber="no">In the French-speaking portion of the Dominion of Canada (Province
of Quebec) fabrics also exist. Their organization still corresponds, in
its main outlines, to the ancient organization of the parishes in
France before the Revolution of 1789, as described by Jousse in his
"Traité du gouvernement spirituel et temporel des paroisses"
(Paris, 1769). There is, first of all, the Parochial Assembly (Vestry)
comprising all the 
<i>Francs-tenanciers</i> of the parish; no alienation, no loan, can be
concluded without their intervention. In case a subscription is
necessary they raise it by assessment. The churchwardens actually in
office, called 
<i>marguilliers du Banc</i>, and the former churchwardens, must pay the
ordinary expenses. This is the 
<i>bureau ordinaire</i> of the ancient French law. Finally, ordinary
matters of administration are attended to by a commission composed of
three members chosen for three years by the old and the newly elected
churchwardens. Each one of the three churchwardens is in charge for a
year i.e., he performs the functions of treasurer and must render an
account to the assembly. The parish priest is president of the fabric
and represents the bishop. All the important accounts must be approved
of by the latter (Beaudry, "Code des curés, marguilliers, et
paroissiens", Montreal, 1870, Gignac, "Compendium juris canonici ad
usum cleri Canadensis," Quebec, 1901; Migneault, "Droit paroissial",
Montreal (1891)</p>
<p id="b-p284" shownumber="no">For other countries, see Sägmüller, "Lehrbuch des
katholischen Kirchenrechts" (782, 795). In English speaking countries
fabrics properly so called do not exist. In England ecclesiastical
property is given in trust to reliable men. The bishops themselves
regulate the administration of these goods. In Ireland the trustees are
the bishop, the vicar-general, the parish priest and sometimes other
reliable persons (First and Second Synod of Westminster, XIV, 4, and
VIII,1-21; Provincial Synod of Maynooth, 1875, tit. xxix, nos. 270-277;
Collectio Lacensis, III, 926, 980)). In the United States property is
often given in trust to the bishop, and in cases where the parishes are
civilly incorporated, sometimes the bishop forms the corporation sole;
sometimes the administration of the property belongs to a board of
trustees composed of the bishop, his vicar-general, the pastor of the
church, and two lay trustees (Taunton, The Law of the Church, London,
1906, 310-317). In accordance with the Third Council of Baltimore (nos.
284-287) the bishop of each diocese judges whether or not it is wise to
establish councilmen or a board of trustees; he fixes their number and
the mode of their election. They are subject to the authority of the
parish priest and the bishop. The relations of the State to church
property, especially in English-speaking countries, will be treated in
the articles: ECCLESIASTICAL PROPERTY; INCORPORATION; TRUSTEE
SYSTEM.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p285" shownumber="no">A. VAN HOVE</p></def>

<term id="b-p285.1" title="Bukarest" type="Encyclopedia">Bukarest</term>
<def id="b-p285.2">
<h1 id="b-p285.3">Bukarest</h1>
<p id="b-p286" shownumber="no">
(<span class="sc" id="b-p286.1">Bucharest</span>; 
<span class="sc" id="b-p286.2">Bucarestiensis</span>; Rumanian, 
<span class="sc" id="b-p286.3">Bucharesci</span> "City of enjoyment")</p>
<p id="b-p287" shownumber="no">Comprises the Kingdom of Rumania, of which Bukarest is the capital,
excluding Moldavia, and contains, according to the archdiocesan
year-book for 1907, about 56,000 Catholics of the Latin Rite, 4,000 to
5,000 Uniat Rumanians, chiefly immigrants from Transylvania, Banat, and
Bukowina, and a few hundred Uniat Armenians. In the city of Bukarest
which in 1905 had 285,445 inhabitants there are about 202,000 Orthodox
Greeks and 43,000 Jews. The city is situated in a swampy plain on both
sides of the Dimbobitza which is here crossed by about a dozen bridges.
It is noted for many stately edifices, and the semi-Oriental appearance
of its older quarters is heightened by the numerous gardens and the
bright domes of its Greek churches. The Catholic cathedral chapter
consists at present of 4 canons, 1 honorary canon, and 4 honorary
canons outside the diocese. There are in the archdiocese 40 priests (in
addition to the archbishop), including 2 Passionists, 1 Benedictine,
and 1 Dominican; 24 parishes, one of the Greek-Rumanian Rite; 45
churches including 23 parish churches. The training of the clergy is
provided for in the archiepiscopal seminary at Bukarest, which has four
professors and nineteen seminarists; six seminarists are being trained
outside the diocese. The opposition of the Rumanian Government has
hitherto rendered the establishment of a Catholic college impossible.
Catholic primary schools exist in all parishes. In the city of Bukarest
are twenty-six Brothers of the Christian Schools who conduct three
schools, with an attendance of 1,028. The English Ladies, numbering
about 252, have two houses in Bukarest, one each in Braïla,
Craiova, and Turnu Severin, and conduct five boarding schools with 705
pupils, eight primary schools for girls with an attendance of 1,493,
and one orphanage with 20 children. The Dames de Sion have one
foundation in Bukarest, with thirty-seven sisters and conduct a
boarding school with an attendance of 133; the Sisters of Mercy one
foundation with four sisters. The Hungarians have established nine
Catholic schools (two in Bukarest), attended by about 945 children. In
addition to the above-mentioned orders, the Passionists have one house
with four members. The most important churches are: the cathedral,
dedicated to St. Joseph, a three-naved Gothic edifice, the largest
Catholic church in the country, which was completed in 1884; and the
Baratsia, an early church of the Franciscans, destroyed by fire in 1848
and since rebuilt.</p>
<h3 id="b-p287.1">HISTORY</h3>
<p id="b-p288" shownumber="no">For the history of the Catholic Church in the territory now
comprised within the Archdiocese of Bukarest see RUMANIA. The present
archdiocese was erected by Pope Leo XIII, 27 April, 1883. Bukarest,
however, had previously been the residence of Catholic bishops, viz.,
the Bishops of Nicopolis, Bulgaria, who were also Administrators
Apostolic of Wallachia, and had resided at Rustchuk. Bishop Paulus
Davanlia (1777-1804) left Rustchuk and lived at the Franciscan
monastery at Bukarest (1792-93), where he also died. His successor,
Franciscus Ferreri transferred his residence to Cioplea, a village near
Bukarest founded in 1812 by Bulgarian refugees, but he was prevented
from entering Bukarest by the opposition of the Greek orthodox bishop.
Only in 1847 was Bishop Josephus Molajoni able to establish his
residence in Bukarest. His successor, Angelus Parsi, restored the
episcopal palace, which had been destroyed by fire in 1847, and in 1852
brought to Bukarest the English Ladies, and in 1861 the Brothers of the
Christian Schools. In 1863 Bishop Parsi was succeeded by Josephus
Pluym, since 1869 Patriarchal Vicar of Constantinople, who in turn was
followed by Ignatius Paoli. After the establishment of Rumania as a
kingdom, a movement was set on foot by the Government to release the
Catholic subjects from dependence on a foreign bishop, and negotiations
were begun with Rome. In 1883 Pope Leo XIII erected two dioceses in
Rumania immediately subject to the Holy See, the Archdiocese of
Bukarest and the Diocese of Jassy. The first archbishop was Ignatius
Paoli, succeeded in turn by Paulus Josephus Palma (1885-92); Otto
Zardetti (1894-95), who was the second Bishop of St. Cloud, Minnesota,
U.S.A. (1889-94), when he was transferred to Bukarest. He resigned this
last office in 1895 and died in Rome, on 9 May, 1902; Xaverius
Hornstein (1896-1905), who built a new episcopal residence and for the
second time called the Brothers of the Christian Schools to Bukarest;
Raymundus Netzhammer, O.S.B., born at Erzingen, Baden, 19 January,
1862, professed in the Benedictine monastery at Einsiedeln, 1881, and
consecrated Archbishop of Bukarest 16 September, 1905.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p289" shownumber="no">JOSEPH LINS</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p289.1" title="Bulgaria" type="Encyclopedia">Bulgaria</term>
<def id="b-p289.2">
<h1 id="b-p289.3">Bulgaria</h1>
<p id="b-p290" shownumber="no">A European kingdom in the northeastern part of the Balkan Peninsula,
bounded by the Black Sea, the Rhodope Mountains, Servia, and the
Danube; it embraces an area of 37,200 sq. m. The population according
to the census of 1900 numbers 3,744,283, divided according to religion
into 3,019,296 Greek Orthodox, 28,579 Catholics of the Latin Rite and
Uniat Greeks, 4524 Protestants, 13,809 Gregorian Armenians, 33,663
Jews, 643,300 Mohammedans, and 1112 of other creeds; according to
nationality into 2,887,860 Bulgarians, 539,656 Turks, 89,549 Gypsies,
75,223 Rumanians, 70,887 Greeks, 32,753 Jews, 18,856 Tatars, 13,926
Armenians, and 15,741 of other nationalities. The number of inhabitants
in 1905 was 4,028,239.</p>
<h3 id="b-p290.1">HISTORY</h3>
<p id="b-p291" shownumber="no">At the beginning of the Christian Era, what is now Bulgaria
constituted the Roman provinces of Moesia and Thrace, a territory in
which Christianity was preached at a very early period, as proved by
the Council of Sardica in 343. During the migratory period Slavic races
pushed forward into this region. Some time after the middle of the
seventh century, the Bulgars, a people of Hunnic and Finnic stock, who
had been driven from their habitations on the Volga as far as the Lower
Danube, began to make incursions into Moesia and Thrace. Completing
their conquest of the country in a war with the Byzantine Empire, they
founded an independent kingdom about 680. The Bulgars gradually became
amalgamated with the former inhabitants, adopting the nationality and
language of the latter, but giving their own name to the ethnographic
mixture. The new State often came into conflict with the neighbouring
Byzantine Empire, to which, however, in 718, it lent its support
against the Arabs. Prince Boris, or Bogoris (844-845 or 852-888), d.
907), accepted Christianity for political reasons and was baptized in
864 or the beginning of 865; he first negotiated with Pope Nicholas I
for the creation of a Bulgarian hierarchy, but in the end joined the
Byzantine Church. During the reign of his younger son Symeon (893-927)
the ancient Bulgarian State reached the zenith of its prosperity; its
territories extended from the Danube to the Rhodope Mountains and from
the Black Sea to the Ionian Sea. In 917 Symeon assumed the title of
Tsar, and in 924 compelled Byzantium to recognize the Bulgarian Church
as an autocephalous patriarchate, with its seat at Ochrida or Achrida.
Under his son Peter (927-969) the kingdom began to decline; during the
reign of Shishman I the western part proclaimed its independence; two
years after Peter's death the eastern section was pledged to the
Eastern Empire. The western part, not able to preserve its autonomy,
went to pieces in 1018 under the repeated attacks of the Emperor Basil
II, surnamed Bulgaroktonos (the slayer of the Bulgarians). Though Basil
left the Bulgarian Church its autonomy, the Metropolitans of Achrida
were no longer styled Patriarchs, but Archbishops, and after 1025 were
chosen from the Greek clergy, instead of the Bulgarian.</p>
<p id="b-p292" shownumber="no">After several futile uprisings against the oppressive Byzantine
rule, a fresh Bulgarian insurrection took place about 1185. Two
brothers, Peter and Ivan Asen, assumed the leadership, threw off the
Byzantine yoke and re-established Symeon's empire. On their death
(1197) their youngest brother Kaloyan, or Ivanitza, ruled alone until
1207; he entered into negotiations with the Holy See, promised to
recognize the spiritual supremacy of the pope, and in November, 1204,
was crowned with the royal diadem by Cardinal Leo, legate of Pope
Innocent III. At the same time Archbishop Basil of Tirnovo was
consecrated Primate of Bulgaria. This new Bulgarian Church embraced
eight dioceses, Tirnovo being the primatial see, but the union with
Rome was not of long duration. The new empire soon came into conflict
with the recently founded Latin Empire (1204) of Constantinople; the
Greeks fanned the dissensions in order to gain the Bulgarians over to
their side. King Ivan Asen II (1218-41) formed an alliance with Emperor
Vatatzes against the Latin Empire (1234), and again joined the Greek
Church, which thereupon solemnly recognized the autonomy of the Church
of Tirnovo (1235). Since that time, with the exception of brief
intervals, the Bulgarian Church has persisted in schism. In 1236 Pope
Gregory IX pronounced sentence of excommunication on Asen II, and in
1238 had a Crusade preached against Bulgaria. The history of the
following period shows a succession of struggles with the Greeks, the
Servians, and the Hungarians, of internal wars for the possession of
the throne, and of religious disturbances, as, for instance, those
consequent on the spread of the Bogomili and the Hesychasts, all of
which weakened the State.</p>
<p id="b-p293" shownumber="no">During the fourteenth century, the Turks, flushed with victory,
invaded the Balkan Peninsula, and under Amurath I overthrew the Servian
kingdom in the battle of Kossovo (Field of Blackbirds, 1389), captured
Tirnovo, and imprisoned Ivan III Shishman, the last Bulgarian Tsar,
thus destroying the Bulgarian hegemony. The Church shared the fate of
the State, and the last Bulgarian patriarch, Euthymius (1375-93), was
driven into exile. Only the Patriarchate of Achrida continued as a
Graeco-Bulgarian metropolitan see, with Greek or helenized occupants,
until it was suppressed by the Porte in 1767 in consequence of the
intrigues of the oecumenical patriarchs. The Greek language prevailed
everywhere in schools and churches, and the remains of ancient
Bulgarian literature were destroyed to a large extent by the Greeks.
For almost five centuries the Bulgarian people groaned under the
political yoke of the Turks and the ecclesiastical domination of the
Greeks, yet continuous persecution did not avail to obliterate the
memory of the nation's former greatness. The nineteenth century was
destined to bring liberty to the Bulgarians, as well as to other
Christian peoples of the Balkan Peninsula. The self-sacrificing
generosity of wealthy Bulgarians made it possible to establish
Bulgarian schools (the first at Gabrovo, 1835) and printing presses (at
Saloniki, 1839, Smyrna, 1840, Constantinope., 1843), by which the
national culture and patriotic sentiment were elevated. The reawakened
national feeling first manifested itself in the ecclesiastical
order.</p>
<p id="b-p294" shownumber="no">In 1860 a representative body of the Bulgarian nation requested the
Greek patriarch at Constantinople to recognize their national church,
to accord them freedom in the selection of their bishops, and to
appoint Bulgarian, rather than Greek prelates to Bulgarian sees. The
Patriarch of Constantinople refused these concessions. This act
inflamed the national feeling and was followed by the expulsion of the
Greek bishops and finally insurrections against Turkish authority. To
ensure its supremacy, the Porte sought to mediate between the parties,
but fresh negotiations were productive of no further result, and the
Sultan by a firman of 11 March, 1870, granted the Bulgarians an
exarchate of their own, independent of the Greek patriarchate. In 1872,
the first Bulgarian exarch was chosen by an assembly of Bulgarian
bishops and laymen. In a council at which only twenty-nine orthodox
bishops assisted the oecumenical patriarch solemnly excommunicated the
Bulgarian Church and declared it schismatical.</p>
<p id="b-p295" shownumber="no">National autonomy followed close upon ecclesical independence. On
May, 1876, the Turkish Government perpetrated unspeakable atrocities in
the suppression of a Bulgarian insurrection. These horrors might never
have touched the conscience of the civilized world had it not been for
the courage and enterprise of Januarius Aloysius MacGahan, an American
Catholic (b. in Perry County, Ohio, 12 June, 1844, d. at
Constantinople, 9 June, 1878). As correspondent of the London "Daily
News ", and accompanied by Eugene Schuyler, Commissioner of the United
States Government, MacGahan was the only journalist to visit the
devastated districts; he obtained the evidence of eyewitnesses and,
supplementing this with his own observation, published a mass of facts
which enabled Mr. Gladstone to arouse among the English-speaking
peoples a lively sympathy for the Bulgarian Christians. A conference of
the European powers demanded of Turkey the erection of an autonomous
Bulgarian province. The Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78, however, and the
Peace of San Stefano created an autonomous Bulgarian principality,
tributary to the Porte. The Berlin Congress of 1878 abrogated some of
the provisions of the Peace of San Stefano and divided Greater Bulgaria
into an autonomous Bulgarian principality and a province of Eastern
Rumelia under a Christian governor-general, to be appointed by the
Porte every five years, but subject to the approval of the Powers. On
22 February, 1879, the first Bulgarian assembly of notables convened in
the principality; on 28 April the new constitution was signed; and on
29 April Prince Alexander of Battenberg was chosen as sovereign by the
first national assembly. In Eastern Rumelia, from the very first the
trend of events pointed to union with the Bulgarian principality. In
September, 1885, an insurrection broke out, and a provisional regency
proclaimed the union with Bulgaria. In September, Alexander announced
from Philippopolis the union of the two countries and, after repelling
a Servian invasion, received recognition as Governor-General of Eastern
Rumelia (5 April, 1886). The unexpected independence which Alexander
had shown in the face of Russia, brought him into disfavour with that
power, and a military conspiracy, secretly supported by Russia, was
successful in having him transported across the frontier (20 August,
1886). He was recalled, it is true, by the popular voice, after ten
days, but, not wishing to rule without Russia's favour, which Bulgaria
found indispensable, and yet not being able to gain the Tsar's
friendship., he abdicated, 7 September, 1886. A regency, under
Stambuloff, administered the national affairs until a new sovereign was
elected by the National Assembly. The choice fell on the Catholic
prince, Ferdinand of Saxe-Koburg-Kohary, 7 July, 1887. As Ferdinand at
first left the national policy in the hands of Russia's enemy,
Stambuloff, Russia, as well as the Porte, refused to recognize the new
king. Only after the assassination of Stambuloff (1895) was a
reconciliation with Russia effected. The Sultan then recognized
Ferdinand as prince and governor-general, in view of the fact that
Ferdinand had his son Boris, heir to the throne, baptized in the Greek
orthodox faith (1896). The economic and intellectual progress of the
country is retarded by financial complications, by partisanship in
politics, and by the unrest incident to the so-called Macedonian
question.</p>
<h3 id="b-p295.1">STATISTICS</h3>
<h4 id="b-p295.2">(a) Catholics, Latin Rite</h4>
<p id="b-p296" shownumber="no">The Catholics of Bulgaria are for the most part descendants of the
Bogomili or Paulicians converted by the Franciscans during the
sixteenth century, and are directly subject to the Diocese of Nicopolis
with its seat at Rustchuk, and the Vicariate Apostolic of Sofia and
Philippopolis, with the seat at Philippopolis. The Diocese of Nicopolis
(Diocecesis Nicopolitana) contains, according to the Missiones
Cattolicae (Rome, 1907), about 13,000 Latin Catholics, 14 parishes, 3
stations, 5 secular and 18 regular priests, a great seminary in
Rustchuk, 3 parish schools for boys and 3 for girls, 3 notaries of male
religious orders (Passionists, Marists, and Assumptionists); there are
also houses of the Sisters of the Assumption, with a boarding school at
Varna; Dames de Sion, with day school at Rustchuk, and Dominican
Sisters from Cette, France. The Vicariate Apostolic of Sofia a
Philippopolis (Sofiae et Philippolis), established in 1759, contains
11,880 Latin Catholics, 1000 Greek Catholics, 13 parishes, 23 secular
and 27 regular priests, 31 Capuchin Fathers, almost all engaged in
parochial work; 20 Assumptionists, Fathers and lay brothers, with 4
foundations, one a college at Philippopolis, the only Catholic college
in Bulgaria; 2 Resurrectionists, 10 Brothers of the Christian Schools,
with a boarding and a day school at Sofia; 40 French sisters of St.
Joseph de l'Apparition, with 6 houses, a boarding school, orphan asylum
and hospital at Sofia; a boarding school and day school at
Philippopolis, and a boarding school and a day school at Burgas; 13
Austrian Sisters of St. Vincent de Paul, with a hospital at
Philippopolis; 22 Bulgarian Sisters of the Third Order of St. Francis;
and 7 Sisters of the Assumption. There are also 2 colleges for boys, 3
for girls, 2 hospitals, 3 orphanages and 3 asylums for girls.</p>
<h4 id="b-p296.1">(b) Eastern Catholics</h4>
<p id="b-p297" shownumber="no">While the Bulgarians were contending with the Greek patriarchate for
ecclesiastical autonomy, and the patriarch refused to make any
concession, a movement was set on foot among the Bulgarians which
pointed towards union with Rome. On 30 December, 1860, 120 deputies of
the people petitioned the Apostolic Delegate to receive them into the
Roman Church on condition of the recognition of their language and
liturgy, and the appointment of a bishop of their own nationality;
almost 60,000 of their fellow-countrymen joined in the request. Pius IX
himself, 21 January, 1861, consecrated a priest named Solkolski its
first Vicar Apostolic of Uniat Bulgaria. This movement, however, did
not win the support of Catholic Europe, while the greatest obstacles
were placed in its way by Russia and the patriarchate of
Constantntinople. Sokolski lapsed back into schism in June, 1861, and
embarked for Odessa on a Russian vessel; the majority of the Bulgarian
priests and laymen attached themselves to the recently founded national
exarchate. Only about 13,000 Bulgarians remained true to the Roman
Church, and they live for the most part outside of Bulgaria in the
Turkish provinces of Macedonia and Thrace. For these, two Vicariates
Apostolic have been erected. The Vicariate Apostolic of Thrace, with
seat at Adrianople, contains 3,000 Catholics, 14 parishes and stations,
20 churches and chapels, 16 native secular priests, 25
Resturrectionists in 3 houses and 10 Assumptionists in 3 houses, 36
Sisters of the Assumption, with a boarding school, 3 Sisters of the
Resurrection, 2 colleges, one in Kara-Agasch near Adrianopolis under
the Assumptionists and the other at Adrianople under the
Resurrectionists. The Vicariate Apostolic of Macedonia, with its see at
Saloniki, contains 5,950 Graeco-Bulgarian Catholics, 21 churches, 33
Bulgarian priests of the Slavonic Rite, a seminary at Zeitenlink near
Saloniki, 17 schools for boys and 10 for girls, 4 houses of the
Congregation of the Mission, with 15 priests, 6 houses of the Sisters
of Mercy, 4 of the Eucharistines, 3 orphan asylums.</p>
<h4 id="b-p297.1">(c) Other Oriental Churches</h4>
<p id="b-p298" shownumber="no">The Greek Orthodox church of Bulgaria is divided into 5 eparchies or
provinces. The Bulgarians under the exarch (or supreme lead of the
Bulgarian National Church) are divided into 11 eparchies, 3 in Eastern
Rumelia, with 2123 parishes, 78 monasteries for men, 15 for women, 1800
churches and 1906 clergy.</p>
<p id="b-p299" shownumber="no">VAILHE in "Dict. de theol. Cath., II, 1174-1236, containing an
extensive bibliography; MIKLOSICH, "Monumenta Serbica" (Vienna, 1858);
HILFERDING, "Geschichte der Serben un Bulgaren, tr. From Russian (2
parts, Bautzen, 1856, 1864); D'AVRIL, "La Bulgarie chretienne (Paris,
1861); L. DUCHESNE, "Les eglises separees" (Paris, 1869); DUMONT, "Les
Bulgares" (2nd ed., Paris, 1872); JIRECEK, "Geschichte der Bulgaren"
(Germ. Tr., Prague, 1876); KANITZ, "Donau-Bulgarien und der Balkan"
(2nd ed., 3 vols., Leipzig, 1882); BALAN, Delle relazioni fra la chiesa
Catolica e gli Slavi" (Rome, 1880); FERMENDZIN, "Acta Bulgariae
ecclesiastica ab anno 1565 usque ad annum 1799" (Agram, 1887); JIRECZEK
in "Kirchenlexikon," II, 1459-67; SAMUELSON, "Bulgaria, Past and
Present" (London, 1888); DICEY, "The Peasant State: an account of
Bulgaria in 1894" (London, 1894); JIRECEK, "Das Furstentum Bulgarien"
(Prague, 1891); LAMOUCHE, "La Bulgarie dans le passe et le present"
(Paris, 1892), with bibliography; RATTINGER, "Die Bulgaren und die
griech. schismat. Kirchen", in "Stimmen aus Maria Laach" (1873), IV,
45-57, 252-655; DRANDAR, "Les evenements politiques en Bulgarie depuis
1876 jusqu'a nos jours" (Paris, 1896); MARKOVICH, "Gli Slavi ed i papa"
(Agram, 1897); STRAUSS, "Die Bulgaren" (Leipzig, 1898); DURASTEL,
"Annuaire international de la Bulgarie" (Sofia, 1898----); FALKENEGG,
"Aus Bulgariens Vergangenheit und Gegenwart" (Berlin, 1900); GELZER,
"Der Patriarchat von Achrida" (Leipzig, 1902); BOJAN, "Les Bulgares et
le patriarche oecumenique" (Paris, 1905); VON MACH, "Der Machtbereich
des bulgarischen Exarchats in der Turkei" (Leipzig and Neuchatel,
1906); "Echos d'Orient" (Paris, 1898----), I-X, passim; HERBERT,
"By-Paths in the Balkans" (London, (1906); MACGAHAN, "Turkish
Atrocities in Bulgaria" (London, 1876).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p300" shownumber="no">JOSEPH LINS</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p300.1" title="Bulla Aurea (Golden Bull)" type="Encyclopedia">Bulla Aurea (Golden Bull)</term>
<def id="b-p300.2">
<h1 id="b-p300.3">Bulla Aurea</h1>
<p id="b-p301" shownumber="no">(Golden Bull).</p>
<p id="b-p302" shownumber="no">A fundamental law of the Holy Roman Empire; probably the best known
of all the many ordinances of the imperial diet. It takes its name from
the golden case in which the seal attached to the document proclaiming
the decree was placed.</p>
<p id="b-p303" shownumber="no">The law was signed by the Emperor Charles IV, January, 1356, during
the Diet of Nuremberg, and was revised at the Diet of Metz in November
of the same year. The contents of the Bulla Aurea were of
constitutional importance for the empire. It ordained that each emperor
should be chosen by election, the right of voting being vested in
electoral princes, the number of whom was fixed at seven. As electors
the edict appointed, on the one side, the three ecclesiastical princes
most closely connected with the history of the empire i.e. the
Archbishops of Mainz, Trier, and Cologne. On the other side, the law
settled the question, as far as it was still in dispute, as to whether
the electoral vote pertained to certain secular principalities or to
certain ruling families. It ordained that the right belonged to
Bohemia, the Rhenish Palatinate, Saxony (Sachsen-Wittenberg), and the
Mark of Brandenburg; this made the secular electors the King of
Bohemia, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Saxony, and Margrave
of Brandenburg. The Bull also defined the powers given by the imperial
constitution to the electors, taken as a body, and to certain
individual electors separately, both during a vacancy of the throne and
during an imperial reign. Thus the document granted to the electors in
their character as rulers of principalities certain privileges which
had been originally reserved to the German king and emperor and were
the signs of his sovereignty. The transfer of these rights to
subordinate rulers would, necessarily, gradually make them independent
of the head of the empire. The Bull also provided for the preservation
of peace in the empire and enacted measures for holding in check the
increasing political importance of the rising free cities. In the main
the law was intended to confirm rights which had already had a
historical development and to settle disputed details of these rights.
Constitutional law in the Holy Roman Empire reached its full growth
between the years 1220 and 1555. As to the position of the "Golden
Bull" in connection with this development, see GERMANY.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p304" shownumber="no">MARTIN SPAHN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p304.1" title="Bullaker, Ven. Thomas" type="Encyclopedia">Ven. Thomas Bullaker</term>
<def id="b-p304.2">
<h1 id="b-p304.3">Ven. Thomas Bullaker</h1>
<p id="b-p305" shownumber="no">
(<i>Also</i> John Baptist).</p>
<p id="b-p306" shownumber="no">A Friar Minor and English martyr, born at Chichester about the year
1604; died at Tyburn, 12 October,1642. He was the only son ot a pious
as well-to-do physician of Chichester. His parents were both fervent
Catholics, and, following their example, Bullaker grew up in the ways
of innocence and piety. At an early age he was sent to the English
College at St-Omer, and from there he went to Valladolid in Spain to
complete his studies. Convinced of his vocation to the Franciscan
Order, after much anxious deliberation, he received the habit at
Abrojo, and a few years later, in 1628, was ordained priest. Having
left Spain to labour on the English mission, he landed at Plymouth, but
was immediately seized and cast into prison. Liberated after two weeks
from the loathsome dungeon where he had suffered the most untoward
hardships, Bullaker by order of Father Thomas of St. Francis, then
Provincial in England, laboured for nearly twelve years with much zeal
and devotedness among the poor Catholics of London. On the 11th of
September, 1642, Bullaker was seized while celebrating the Holy
Sacrifice in the house of the pious benefactress. He has left a partial
and but touching account of his apprehension and trial. He was
condemned to be drawn on a hurdle to Tyburn and there hanged, cut down
alive, quartered and beheaded. It is related that as he was going out
of prison he met Ven. Arthur Bell, a religious of his own order, who
said to him: "Brother, I was professed before you. Why do you take
precedence of me?" Bullaker answered: "It is the will of God. But you
will follow me." Bell remembered the prophetic words of the pious
Bullaker when his own day of martydom was at hand. The cause of the
beautification of Bullaker was introduced in Rome in 1900.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p307" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p307.1" title="Bullarium" type="Encyclopedia">Bullarium</term>
<def id="b-p307.2">
<h1 id="b-p307.3">Bullarium</h1>
<p id="b-p308" shownumber="no">
<i>Bullarium</i> is a term commonly applied to a collection of bulls
and other analogous papal documents, whether the scope of the
collection be general in character, or whether it be limited to the
bulls connected to any particular order, or institution, or locality.
The name 
<i>bullarium</i> seems to have been invented by the canonist Laertius
Cherobini who in 1586 published under the title "Bullarium, sive
Collectio diversarum Constitutionum multorum Pontificum" a large folio
volume of 1404 pages containing 922 papal constitutions from Gregory
VII down to Sixtus V, the pope then reigning. With regard to this and
all subsequent collections, three things have carefully to be borne in
mind. First, whatever may have been the intrinsic importance or binding
force of any of the bulls so published, the selection itself was a
matter that depended entirely upon the arbitrary choice of the various
editors. As a collection the publication had no official character. The
only recognized exception to this assertion is the first volume of a
collection of his own bulls which was sent by Benedict XIV in 1746 to
the University of Bologna to serve as a 
<i>fons iuris</i>, or source of legal principles. Secondly, it was
never seriously maintained, despite some pretentious title pages, that
these collections were in any sense complete, or that they even
contained all the constitutions of more general interest. Thirdly, it
was the intention of the editors, at least at first, rather to exclude
than to include the papal pronouncements which had already been
incorporated into the text of canon law. The avowed object of the early
collections was to render assistance to canonists by bringing within
their reach papal enactments which either had been overlooked by the
compilers of the "corpus" or which had been issued subsequently to the
latest decrees included in it.</p>
<p id="b-p309" shownumber="no">We may disregard in the present notice various collections of
relatively recent papal constitutions which were published in the early
part of the sixteenth century. A typical specimen of such booklets is
supplied by a rare little volume of sixty-two pages printed at Rome 
<i>per Stephanum Guillereti in regione Parionis 1509</i>, a copy of
which is in the British Museum Library. A contribution of more
substantial volume appears to have been a volume edited by Mazzutellus
in 1579 which contained 723 documents. But it is to Laertius Cherubini
that the credit is usually given of creating the bullarium in substance
as well as in name. In the preface to the volume of which the title has
already been given, the editor refers to his experiences in the
ecclesiatical courts of Rome. In these courts I have noticed (he says)
that certain advocates and judges went completely astray because they
had not at hand the text of those apostolic constitutions a knowledge
of which is most necessary in treating and pronouncing upon causes,
seeing that in such constitutions is embodied the whole of the most
recent pontifical law. After this explanation it is not surprising to
find that out of Cherubini's 922 documents more than 800 were of recent
date, that is to say they belonged to the hundred years immediately
preceding the appearance of the volume. Of this collection, a second
edition in three volumes, was printed at Rome in 1617, and a third
edition in four volumes extending in this case from Leo I to Urban
VIII, was prepared by the editor's son, Angelo Cherubini, in 1638, with
a supplement added in 1659. Other editions followed, always somewhat
enlarged. The fifth in six volumes was brought out by two Franciscans
at Rome, 1669-72.</p>
<h3 id="b-p309.1">THE LUXEMBURG BULLARIUM</h3>
<p id="b-p310" shownumber="no">Moreover, a fuller but not more accurate reprint with supplementary
volumes appeared in the eighteenth century, nominally at Luxemburg,
although the actual place of impression is said to have been Geneva. Of
this edition, which is one of the most commonly met with in libraries,
the first eight volumes coming down to Benedict XVIII all bear the date
1727, while a ninth and tenth volume, supplementing the earlier
portion, appeared in 1730. Other supplements followed at intervals.
Four volumes were published in 1741 covering respectively the periods
1670-89, 1689-1721, 1721-30, 1730-40. In the same series, and still
later, we have the following volumes: XV (1748), extending over
1734-40; XVI (1752) 1740-45; XVII (1753), 1746-49; XVIII (1754),
1748-52; XIX (1758), 1752-57. The last four volumes are entirely taken
up with the Bulls of Benedict XIV. Although this is not the most
important bullarium, it seemed worthwhile to indicate the arrangement
of this Luxemburg edition as it appears to have been in part the source
of the great confusion which is to be found in many accounts of the
subject, notably in the recent article "Bullaire" in the "Dictionnaire
de theologie catholique." It is not quite true, as has sometimes been
supposed, that the "Luxemburg" editors contributed nothing of their own
to the collection. For example, in Vol. IX (1730) we have two bulls of
the English pope, Adrian IV, printed from the originals at Geneva with
engraved facsimiles of the 
<i>rota</i> and the leaden 
<i>bulla</i>, and in fact the whole of the content of Vols. IX and X
represent a large measure of independent research. The later volumes of
the series, however, have simply been copied from the Roman edition
next to be mentioned.</p>
<h3 id="b-p310.1">MAINARDI'S ROMAN BULLARIUM</h3>
<p id="b-p311" shownumber="no">This Roman edition of the bullarium, which still remains the most
accurate and practically useful, bears on the title pages of its
thirty-two volumes, the name of the publisher, Girolamo Mainardi, while
the dedications to the cardinals prefixed to the different volumes and
extending from 1733 to 1762 are also signed by him. The arrangement of
the volumes, however, is peculiar, and the neglect to indicate these
peculiarities has made the accounts given to this edition in most
bibliographies almost unintelligible. Mainardi began with the idea of
printing a supplement to the latest Roman edition of Cherubini's
bullarium. As this was six volumes and stopped short at the pontificate
of Clement X (1670-76), Mainardi called his first published volume Tome
VII, and reprinted the bulls of Clement X from the beginning of his
pontificate to his death. Moreover, an engraved frontispiece prefixed
to this volume, printed in 1733, bears the words "Bullarium Romanum
Tom. VII." The book further contains a promise that the six volumes of
Cherubini's bullarium should in the course of time be reprinted in a
corrected and enlarged form, with the aid of the documents contained in
the secret archives of the Holy See. Seven other volumes followed in
sequence to this first. They were printed from 1734 to 1744 and brought
the collection from Clement X in 1670 to the accession of Benedict XIV
in 1740. Meanwhile, the publisher had engaged an able scholar, Charles
Cocquelines, to re-edit the six volumes of Cherubini's bullarium from
Leo I to Clement X. In his hands an immense mass of material
accumulated. The first volume was printed in 1739 and it bore a
slightly different title from that of the installment which Mainardi
had already published, beginning at "Tom VII." Cocquelines' section was
headed "Bullarium privilegarium ac diplomatum Romanorum Pontificum
amplissima collectio" and in comparison with Cherubini's meager
gleanings from antiquity the epithet 
<i>amplissima</i> was fully deserved. This series, like all good work,
advanced very slowly. A tabular arrangement will best show the details.
The editor had to make his numbering correspond with Cherubini's six
volumes and consequently some of the nominal 
<i>tomi</i> of the new edition were divided into several parts:</p>
<table id="b-p311.1">
<tr id="b-p311.2">
<td colspan="1" id="b-p311.3" rowspan="1">I
<br />II
<br />II-V
<br />VI-IX
<br />X-XIV
<br />XV-XX</td>
<td colspan="1" id="b-p311.9" rowspan="1">Tom. I
<br />Tom. II
<br />Tom. III (in 3 parts)
<br />Tom. IV (in 4 parts)
<br />Tom. V (in 5 parts)
<br />Tom. VI (in 6 parts)</td>
<td colspan="1" id="b-p311.15" rowspan="1">450-1061
<br />1061-1181
<br />1181-1521
<br />1521-1588
<br />1588-1626
<br />1626-1669</td>
<td colspan="1" id="b-p311.21" rowspan="1">1739
<br />1740
<br />1740-1743
<br />1745-1747
<br />1751-1756
<br />1758-1762</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="continue" id="b-p312" shownumber="no">Some time before the compilation of this series, Cocquelines
had died, and the last five volumes to appear did not bear his name.
Simultaneously with this amplified edition of Cherubini, Mainardi had
also been publishing, in folio, but somewhat smaller, the four volumes
of the bullarium of Benedict XIV, the first of which, as already noted,
appeared with that pontiff's own authentication. In sum, the whole
collection which issued from Mainardi's press amounted to thirty-two
folio volumes and extended from Leo I in 450 to the death of Benedict
XIV, 1758. As this in time grew antiquated, Andrew Barberi began in
1835 the publication of the Bulls of Pope Clement XIII and his
successors "Bullarii Romani Continuato" (19 volumes, fol.), Rome,
1835-57. These came down to the fourth year of Gregory XVI, i.e. to
1834. There is also another series of the same kind which appeared as a
continuation of the Bullarium of Benedict XIV at Prato in 1843-67 (10
vols., folio).</p>

<h3 id="b-p312.1">THE TURIN BULLARIUM</h3>
<p id="b-p313" shownumber="no">Finally, a large quarto edition of the bullarium was begun at Turin
under the auspices of Cardinal Gaudi in 1857, edited by Tomasetti. It
claims to be more comprehensive, better printed, and better arranged
than the work of Cocqueline, but the additions made are insignificant
and the typographical errors are numerous. Moreover, among the
documents added, especially in Appendix I (1867), are included some
whose authenticity is more than doubtful. At Turin, twenty-two volumes
were printed (1857-72) down to Clement XII and five more, continuing
the work to the end of Benedict XIV, were added at Naples
(1867-85).</p>
<h3 id="b-p313.1">PARTICULAR BULLARIA</h3>
<p id="b-p314" shownumber="no">Besides the general Bullaria of which we have so far spoken, various
particular bullaria have been compiled at different times collecting
the papal documents relating to this or that religious order or
institution or locality. For example, eight volumes have recently been
published by R. de Martinis under the title "Jus Pontificium de
Propaganda Fide" (Rome, 1888-98). This is in substance the bullarium of
the Congregation of Propaganda brought up to date. Similarly, an
exhaustive collection or rather calendar of early papal documents
concerning the churches of Italy has been undertaken by P.F. Kehr under
the title "Italia Pontificia" (Berlin 1906). The expense is defrayed by
the Gottinger Academy. Of the more important religious orders nearly
all have at some time or other collected their privileges in print.
Among the most extensive of such compilations, which formerly often
went by the name "Mare Magnum" (the Great Ocean) may be mentioned the
Bullarium of the Dominicans, edited by Ripoli and Bremond (eight vols.,
Rome, 1729-40); that of the Franciscans, edited by Sbaralea (4 vols.,
Rome, 1758-80), with a more modern continuation by Eubel, (3 vols.,
Rome, 1897-1904); that of the Capuchins (7 vols., Rome, 1740-52); that
of the Benedictines of Monte Cassino (2 vols., Venice, 1650). All the
volumes mentioned here were folios, mostly of considerable bulk.</p>
<p id="b-p315" shownumber="no">Historically speaking, the most interesting papal volumes are often
those contained in the "Regesta" (see BULLS and BRIEFS) which have
never been included in the general Bullarium. Since the archives of the
Vatican were thrown open to students by Leo XIII in 1883, immense labor
has been spent upon the copying and publication of the Bulls contained
in the "Regesta." but even before this date, facilities for research
were not infrequently accorded. Many hundreds of copies of documents
relating to Great Britain were made for the British Government by
Marino de Marinis in the early part of the nineteenth century and are
now preserved in the British Museum. In 1873 the Reverend Joseph
Stevenson was sent to Rome for a similar purpose and the large
collection of transcripts made by him during four years' residence may
be consulted at the Record Office, London. Since then, Messrs, Bliss
and Tenlow have been engaged in the same task and have published at the
expense of the British Government seven volumes of a "Calendar of
Entries in the Papal Register illustrating the History of Great Britain
and Ireland." These are primarily papal letters, and they extend from
the beginning of the thirteenth to the middle of the fifteenth century.
The members of the Ecole Française de Rome have been equally
active and it is mainly to them that we owe the publication of detailed
calendars of the entire content of the "regesta" of various
pontificates mostly of the thirteenth century. Those of</p>
<ul id="b-p315.1">
<li id="b-p315.2">Honorius IV (1285-87),</li>
<li id="b-p315.3">Nicolaus IV (1288-92),</li>
<li id="b-p315.4">Benedict XI (1304-04)</li>
</ul>have been published and are complete. Those of
<ul id="b-p315.5">
<li id="b-p315.6">Innocent IV (1243-54),</li>
<li id="b-p315.7">Urban IV (1261-64),</li>
<li id="b-p315.8">Clement VI (1265-68)</li>
</ul>are all but complete; while great progress has been made with
those of
<ul id="b-p315.9">
<li id="b-p315.10">Gregory X and John XXI (1271-77),</li>
<li id="b-p315.11">Nicolaus III (1271-80),</li>
<li id="b-p315.12">Martin IV (1281-85),</li>
<li id="b-p315.13">Boniface VIII (1291-03),</li>
<li id="b-p315.14">Gregory IX (1227-41), and</li>
<li id="b-p315.15">Alexander IV (1254-61).</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="b-p316" shownumber="no">Besides these, the "Regesta" of Clement V (1305-1314) have been
published by the Benedictines in nine volumes folio at the cost of Leo
XIII, and those of John XXII (1316-34), as far as they relate to
France, are being printed by A. Coulon, while those of the other
Avignon popes are also in hand. The "Regesta" of Innocent III and his
successor Honorius III have long been printed, and they are among the
last volumes printed in the Patrology of Migne. Finally among local
bullaria we may mentioned the considerable collections published some
time ago by Augustine Theiner for various countries under the general
heading of "Vetera Monumenta."</p>
<p id="b-p317" shownumber="no">With regard to the early centuries, where no originals of official
copies exist to which we can make appeal, the task of distinguishing
genuine from spurious papal letters becomes exceedingly delicate. The
collection of Dom Coustant, "Epistolae Romanorum Pontificorum" (Paris,
1721), is of the highest value, but the compiler only lived to carry
his work down to the year 440, and A. Thiele, who continued it, brought
it no further than 553. Some further help has been provided by Hampe,
regarding the papal letters to Charlemagne and to Louis the Pious, and
by Herth-Gerenth for Sergius II. For practical purposes the chief court
of appeal for an opinion on all papal documents is the "Regesta
Pontificorum Romanorum" of Jaffe', much improved in its second edition
by its editors, Wattenbach, Ewald, Kalterbrunner, and Löwenfeld.
In this a brief synopsis of given of all existing papal documents known
to be in existence, from the time of Peter to that of Innocent III
(1198), with indications of the collections in which they have been
printed and with an appendix dealing with spurious documents. This most
useful work has been continued by Potthast to the year 1304 (2 vols.,
Berlin).</p>
<p id="b-p318" shownumber="no">It may be added that compendiums have also been published of the
"Bullarium Romanum" as printed in the eighteenth century. Of these the
most valuable is probably that of Guerra "Pontificarium Constitutionem
in Bullario Magno contentarum Epitome" (4 vols., Venice, 1772), which
possesses a very complete and useful index. Commentaries on the
bullarium or on large portions of it have been published by the Jesuit
J. B. Scortia (Lyons, 1625), by the Dominican, M. de Gregorio (Naples,
1648), and by Cardinal Vincent Petra (Rome, 1705-26). Finally,
attention may be called to the important bulls contained in a useful
little volume recently edited by Galante "Fontes Juris Canonici"
(Innsbruck, 1906).</p>
<p id="b-p319" shownumber="no">No long bibliography is needed for an article which is itself
bibliographical. Ortolan in Dict. de theol. cath., II, 1243-55, with
fuller details regarding monastic and other bullaria. See remark, p. 49
col. 2 under subtitle The Luxemburg Bullarium. Grisar in Kirkenlex, II,
1479-82; Pitra, Analecta Solesmensia Novissima (Frascati, 1885);
Philips, Kirchenrecht (Ratisbon, 1845), IV, 483 sqq.; Werne, Jus
Decretalium (Rome, 1905), I, 379.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p320" shownumber="no">HERBERT THURSTON</p></def>

<term id="b-p320.1" title="Bull-Fight, The Spanish" type="Encyclopedia">The Spanish Bull-Fight</term>
<def id="b-p320.2">
<h1 id="b-p320.3">The Spanish Bull-Fight</h1>
<p id="b-p321" shownumber="no">Neither the English term nor the German 
(<i>Stiergefecht</i>) used to designate this popular diversion of the
Spaniards, can be said to express adequately the essential idea of the
Spanish 
<i>corrida de toros</i>.</p>
<p id="b-p322" shownumber="no">Great has been the discussion as to the origin of this spectacle.
Some attribute it to the Roman Circus, where men contended with wild
beasts, among them wild bulls; others—Doñ Nicolás de
Moratin, for example—to the customs of the ancient Celtiberians.
As Spain was infested by wild bulls, first necessity and afterwards
sport led to this personal combat. In this opinion, indeed, is to be
found what might be called the philosophic origin of the bull-fight.
Man, surrounded by wild natural conditions, saw himself obliged to
struggle with wild beasts in order to protect himself from them; and as
the peoples naturally acclaimed as heroes those who slew in single
combat these ferocious animals, so, when the necessity of protecting
life had ceased, brave men still sought glory in these struggles. (In
this connection the killing of the Calydonian boar by the
Ætolians, as related by Homer, the legend of Hercules and the
Nemean lion, the Catalonian legend of Wilfrid slaying the Tarasque, and
the Swiss legend preserved by Schiller in his "William Tell", with many
others of a like nature, suggest themselves as examples.) But if,
putting aside these a priori considerations, we turn our attention to
historical facts, we shall find that the Spanish bull-fight originated
in a Moorish custom.</p>
<p id="b-p323" shownumber="no">To understand this better it will be necessary to distinguish
between three kinds of bull-fights: (1) 
<i>caballerescas</i>, (2) 
<i>populares</i>, and (3) 
<i>gladiatorias</i>.</p>
<h4 id="b-p323.1">(1) Corridas Caballerescas</h4>
<p id="b-p324" shownumber="no">The 
<i>corridas caballerescas</i> had their origin, without a doubt, in the
usages of the Arabo-Spanish 
<i>jinetes</i> (cavaliers or mounted men-at-arms) who, to accustom
themselves to the activities of war, occupied themselves in time of
peace with exercises in the use of arms, among which exercises were
fights with wild bulls; the Moorish cavaliers fought on horseback,
killing the bulls with spears, thus combining courage with knightly
address. From historical sources we know that the Cid Rodrigo Díaz
de Vivar was the first Christian to vie with the Arab knights in the
sport of killing fierce bulls, spearing several from his horse in the
year 1040, to the enthusiastic admiration of Ferdinand I of Castile.
The lawyer Francisco de Cepeda, in his "Resumpta Historial de
España", assures us that in 1100 there were bull-fights for the
public, and that in Leon there was a bull-fight on the occasion of the
marriage of Doña Urraca, daughter of Alfonso VIII, to the King
Doñ Garcia of Navarre. These 
<i>corridas caballerescas</i> reached the highest degree of splendour
in the reign of John II, when plazas began to be built, as we see by a
story of the Marques de Villena. The marriage of John II to Doña
María de Aragon (20 October, 1418) was celebrated by 
<i>corridas</i> in Medina del Campo. In the last epoch of the
reconquest, the intercourse, frequent in times of peace, between the
Spaniards and the Moors of Granada—where bull-fights were held
until the time of Boabdil—resulted in an increase of valour among
the Christian cavaliers, and a desire to demonstrate it in this
dangerous sport.</p>
<h4 id="b-p324.1">(2) Corridas Populares</h4>
<p id="b-p325" shownumber="no">From this time the bull-fight developed into a popular amusement,
and became so rooted in the affections of the Spanish people that
neither Isabella the Catholic, who wished to suppress it, nor Philip
II, nor Charles III, dared issue an order that would prohibit it
absolutely. The Emperor Charles V, although he had not been educated in
Spain, killed a bull during the festivities held in Valladolid to
celebrate the birth of his son Philip. The first Bourbons were educated
in France and naturally did not display much fondness for the popular 
<i>corridas de toros</i>. The 
<i>corridas populares</i>, heritage of the Mohammedan population, more
especially in Valencia and Andalusia, differ from the 
<i>caballerescas</i> in their democratic character. Bulls not quite so
ferocious are selected and are fought on foot, sometimes in an
enclosure formed of wagons and planks, sometimes through the streets,
in which case the bull is generally tied to a long rope. In these 
<i>corridas populares</i> the bull is not killed, but after the
populace has amused itself with the bull, provoking him, and then
fleeing from his attack, a tame cow is let loose and the bull follows
her quietly to the pen. Generally the bull is taken to the
slaughter-house and the meat used for the feasts that follow.</p>
<h4 id="b-p325.1">(3) Corridas Gladiatorias</h4>
<p id="b-p326" shownumber="no">The 
<i>corridas gladiatorias</i> are those in which the participants are
professionals, and these are the ones which have given rise among
foreigners to so much criticism of this popular diversion of the
Spaniards. Francisco Romero, a native of Ronda, about the middle of the
eighteenth century, sets forth in the "Arte Taurino" (Tauromaquia) the
rules which are the guiding principle of these contests. Romero
invented the 
<i>muleta</i>, a scarlet cloth laid over a stick, used to attract the
attention of the bull, and he was the first to kill a bull on foot and
face to face. His skill was inherited by his son Juan, and his
grandsons, Pedro, José, and Antonio. After this the different
skilful manoeuvres 
(<i>suertes</i>) that give variety to the bull-fight were evolved. Juan
Romero was the first to organize a 
<i>cuadrilla de toreros</i> (band, or company, of bullfighters).</p>
<h3 id="b-p326.1">THE MODERN BULL-FIGHT</h3>
<p id="b-p327" shownumber="no">The modern bull-fight begins with the entrance of the 
<i>toreros</i> into the 
<i>plaza</i> (ring), marching to music, and dressed in richest satin,
embroidered in silk or gold thread. The costume consists of
tight-fitting satin knee-breeches, a short open Andalusian coat and
vest, silk hose, and shoes without heels. The shoulders are decorated
with handsome shoulder knots which in reality serve as protection in
case of falls, as also the 
<i>moña</i>, a pad which is worn on the head, and which is covered
with a rich cloth cap ornamented with tassels on each side. From the
shoulders a short cape of embroidered satin is suspended.</p>
<p id="b-p328" shownumber="no">In the centre of the ring they ceremoniously salute the presiding
official—the governor, sometimes the king himself—and
receive from him the key of the bull pen 
(<i>toril</i>). Then each one takes his place. At the four equi-distant
points of the circumference of the ring the 
<i>picadores</i> are situated. These are men mounted on old or
otherwise incapacitated horses, with cow-boy saddles, very large iron
stirrups, and one leg protected against the bull's horns by the 
<i>espinillera</i>, an apparatus of iron.</p>
<p id="b-p329" shownumber="no">The bugle now gives the signal, the door of the pen opens, and the
first bull is released. The 
<i>capeadores</i> attract the bull's attention with their scarlet
capes, leading him towards the 
<i>picadores</i> who ride into the middle of the ring to meet him, and
parry his attacks with their spears. If the bull happens to unhorse one
of the 
<i>picadores</i>, or kill his horse, the 
<i>capeadores</i> rush to the rescue, attracting the bull once more
with their scarlet capes, and carrying him off to another part of the
ring.</p>
<p id="b-p330" shownumber="no">When the 
<i>picadores</i> have had their turn with the bull, the bugle sounds
for 
<i>banderillas</i>. These are tiny steel points to which are attached
many coloured ribbons or papers, which are stuck in the fleshy portion
of the bull's neck by the 
<i>banderilleros</i>, who await his coming in the centre of the ring,
facing him with arms extended.</p>
<p id="b-p331" shownumber="no">These, and many other tricks, such as 
<i>el salto de la garrocha</i>, etc., besides giving incident and
variety to the spectacle, have as their object to weaken the enormous
strength of the bull, so as to render possible and less dangerous the
work of the 
<i>matador</i>—not, as many imagine, to infuriate the bull still
more. When the presiding officer gives the signal for the death of the
bull, the 
<i>matador</i> draws near the bull with the 
<i>muleta</i> in his left hand and the sword in his right hand; he
calls the bull to him, or throws himself upon him, and plunges the
sword into the neck of the bull. If he strikes him in the nape of the
neck, killing him instantly, it is called 
<i>descabellar</i>, but if the bull is simply wounded the 
<i>puntillero</i> puts an end to his life with a dagger. The music now
strikes up, while two little mules, richly caparisoned, drag out the
bull and the dead horses. This is repeated again and again, the number
of bulls being usually eight for each 
<i>corrida</i>.</p>
<h4 id="b-p331.1">The Morality of the Bullfight</h4>
<p id="b-p332" shownumber="no">Bull-fights have occasioned many accusations of barbarity against
the Spaniards.</p>
<ul id="b-p332.1">
<li id="b-p332.2">The reason for this is, first, an utter ignorance of a game in
which man with his reason and dexterity overcomes the brutal strength
and ferocity of the bull. Foreigners as a rule think that the Spanish
populace go to the bull-fight to witness the shedding of human blood.
This is false. Generally there are no casualties; and when an accident
does occur, no one derives pleasure from it; on the contrary, all
deplore it.</li>
<li id="b-p332.3">Second, the misconception implies a lack of comparison with other
spectacles. The risks taken by acrobats, tight-rope dancers, and tamers
of wild beasts are no less barbarous than those of the bull-fight,
although the performances themselves are less diverting. And
prize-fighting is surely much more brutal, seeing that the vanquished
is a human being and not a brute.</li>
<li id="b-p332.4">Lastly, the modern theatre is frequently more evil in its effects
than bull-fighting, which, whatever else may be said of it, arouses no
immoral or anti-social passions.</li>
</ul>
<p id="b-p333" shownumber="no">The authorities of the Catholic Church have often condemned
bull-fighting. St. Pius V (1 November, 1567, Const. "De salute")
prohibited this form of amusement everywhere, threatening with many
penalties the princes who countenanced it, as well as the performers
and spectators, especially clergymen and religious. But in Spain to-day
these prohibitions are not in force. Gregory XIII (23 August, 1575,
"Exponi") moderated the constitution of St. Pius V for Spanish laymen,
and Clement VIII (Bull "Suscepti muneris", 12 January, 1597) reduced it
to a 
<i>jus commune</i>, limiting the prohibition to holidays and to the
clergy.</p>
<p id="b-p334" shownumber="no">Moralists as a rule are of the opinion that bull-fighting as
practised in Spain is not forbidden by the natural law, since the skill
and dexterity of the athletes precludes immediate danger of death or of
serious injury (cf. P.V, Casus conscientiae, Vromant, Brussels, 1895,
3d ed., I, 353, 354; Gury-Ferreres, Comp. Th. mor., Barcelona, 1906, I,
n. 45). Even in Spain and Spanish America they have been forbidden to
clergymen and religious, by Pius V, as well as by the Plenary Council
for Spanish America (n. 650; cf. also C. prov., Vallisol., I, p. 5,
tit. 1, n. 11). The Bishop of Ciudad Rodrigo received the same answer
from the Penitentiaria (19 September, 1893).</p>
<p id="b-p335" shownumber="no">It is false to say that the Spanish clergy encourage these
spectacles. Although public festivals are celebrated with religious
ceremonies as well as bull-fights, the clergy is in no-wise responsible
for this. If both are announced on the same bill poster, the
authorities, or particular associations, are responsible for the
printing of this, not the clergy.</p>
<p id="b-p336" shownumber="no">It is worthy of note that foreigners who have been present at
bull-fights are not so harsh in their judgments as those who have
formed an opinion from what they have heard about them from the
societies for the prevention of cruelty to animals.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p337" shownumber="no">RAMÓN RUIZ AMADO</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p337.1" title="Bullion, Angelique" type="Encyclopedia">Angelique Bullion</term>
<def id="b-p337.2">
<h1 id="b-p337.3">Angélique Bullion</h1>
<p id="b-p338" shownumber="no">Born in Paris, at commencement of the seventeenth century, her
parents being Guichard Favre and Madeleine Brulart de Sillery. Claude
de Bullion, her husband, was Keeper of the Seals and Superintendent of
Finances under Louis XIII; Cardinal Richelieu annually rewarded his
intelligent and disinterested administration by a bonus of 100,000
livres. After his death (1640), her four children being well provided
for, she followed the advice of the Recollet Father Rapin, and
contributed in 1641-42, 60,000 livres to the foundation of Ville-Marie,
now the city of Montreal, Canada. She founded and endowed (1643) a
Hotel-Dieu in honour of St. Joseph, begun at Ville-Marie (1642) by
Mademoiselle Mance, and confided in 1657-59 to the care of the Sisters
of St. Joseph, an order instituted at La Flèche by a pious layman,
Royer de la Dauversiére, one of the joint founders of Montreal.
She likewise contributed more than 20,000 livres for the defence of the
settlement against the Iroquois Indians, thereby helping to solve the
whole colony of New France from destruction. She always insisted on
being mentioned in the deeds ratifying her donations as "An unknown
benefactress". Her identity was revealed only after her death.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p339" shownumber="no">LIONEL LINDSAY</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p339.1" title="Bulls and Briefs" type="Encyclopedia">Bulls and Briefs</term>
<def id="b-p339.2">
<h1 id="b-p339.3">Bulls and Briefs</h1>
<p id="b-p340" shownumber="no">A 
<i>bulla</i> was originally a circular plate or boss of metal, so
called from its resemblance in form to a bubble floating upon water
(Lat. 
<i>bullire</i>, to boil). In the course of time the term came to be
applied to the leaden seals with which papal and royal documents were
authenticated in the early Middle Ages, and by a further development,
the name, from designating the seal, was eventually attached to the
document itself. This did not happen before the thirteenth century and
the name 
<i>bull</i> was only a popular term used almost promiscuously for all
kinds of instruments which issued from the papal chancery. A much more
precise acceptance has prevailed since the fifteenth century, and a
bull has long stood in sharp contrast with certain other forms of papal
documents. For practical purposes a bull may be conveniently defined to
be "an Apostolic letter with a leaden seal," to which one may add that
in its superscription the pope invariably takes the title of 
<i>episcopus, servus servorum Dei.</i></p>
<p id="b-p341" shownumber="no">In official language papal documents have at all times been called
by various names, more or less descriptive of their character. For
example, there are "constitutions," i.e., decisions addressed to all
the faithful and determining some matter of faith or discipline;
"encyclicals," which are letters sent to all the bishops of
Christendom, or at least to all those in one particular country, and
intended to guide them in their relations with their flocks; "decrees,"
pronouncements on points affecting the general welfare of the Church;
"decretals" 
(<i>epistolae decretales</i>), which are papal replies to some
particular difficulty submitted to the Holy See, but having the force
of precedents to rule on all analogous cases. "Rescript," again, is a
form applicable to almost any form of Apostolic letter which has been
elicited by some previous appeal, while the nature of a "privilege"
speaks for itself. But all these, down to the fifteenth century, seem
to have been expedited by the papal chancery in the shape of bulls
authenticated with leaden seals, and it is common enough to apply the
term 
<i>bull</i> even to those very early papal letters of which we know
little more than the substance, independently of the forms under which
they were issued.</p>
<p id="b-p342" shownumber="no">It will probably be most convenient to divide the subject into
periods, noting the more characteristic features of papal documents in
each age.</p>
<h3 id="b-p342.1">I. EARLIEST TIMES TO ADRIAN I (772)</h3>
<p id="b-p343" shownumber="no">There can be no doubt that the formation of a chancery or bureau for
drafting and expediting of official papers was a work of time.
Unfortunately, the earliest papal documents known to us are only
preserved in copies or abstracts from which it is difficult to draw any
safe conclusions as to the forms observed in issuing the originals. For
all that, it is practically certain that no uniform rules can have been
followed as to superscription, formula of salutation, conclusion, or
signature. It was only when some sort of registry was organized, and
copies of earlier official correspondence became available, that a
tradition gradually grew up of certain customary forms that ought not
to be departed from. Except for the unsatisfactory mention of a body of
notaries charged with keeping a record of the Acts of the Martyrs, c.
235 (Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis, I, pp. c-c1), we meet with no clear
reference to the papal archives until the time of Julius I (337-353),
though in the pontificate of Damascus, before the end of the same
century, there is mention of a building appropriate to this special
purpose. Here, in the 
<i>scrinium</i>, or 
<i>archivium sanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ</i>, the documents
must have been registered and kept in a definite order, for extracts
and copies still in existence preserve traces of their numbering. These
collections or regesta went back to the time of Pope Gelasius (492-496)
and probably earlier. In the correspondence of Pope Hormisdas (514-525)
there are indications of some official endorsement recording the date
at which letters addressed to him were received, and for the time of
St. Gregory the Great (590-604) Ewald has been at least partially
successful in reconstructing the books which contained the copies of
the pope's epistles. There can be little doubt that the Pontifical
chancery of which we thus infer the existence was modeled upon that of
the imperial court. The 
<i>scrinium</i>, the regionary notaries, the higher officials such as
the 
<i>primicerius</i> and the 
<i>secundarius</i>, the arrangement of the Regesta by indictions, etc.,
are all probably imitations of the practice of the later empire. Hence
we may infer that the code of recognized forms soon established itself,
analogous to that observed by the imperial notaries. One formulary of
this description is probably still preserved to us in the book called
"Liber Diurnus," the bulk of which seems to be inspired by the official
correspondence of Pope Gregory the Great. In the earlier papal letters,
however, there are as yet but few signs of the observance of
traditional forms. Sometimes the document names the pope first,
sometimes the addressee. For the most part the pope bears no title
except 
<i>Sixtus episcopus</i> or 
<i>Leo episcopus catholicae ecclesiæ</i>, sometimes, but more
rarely he is called 
<i>Papa.</i> Under Gregory the Great, 
<i>servus servorum Dei</i> (servant of the servants of God) was often
added after 
<i>episcopus</i> -- Gregory, it is said, having selected this
designation as a protest against the arrogance of the Patriarch of
Constantinople, John the Faster, who called himself "Ecumenical
Bishop." But though several of St. Gregory's successors followed him in
this preference, it was not until the ninth century that the phrase
came to be used invariably in documents of moment. Before Pope
Adeodatus (elected 672) few salutations were found, but he used the
form "salutatem a Deo et benedictionem nostram." The now consecrated
phrase "salutatem et apostolicam benedictionem" hardly ever occurs
before the tenth century. The Benedictine authors of "Nouveau
traité de diplomatique" in ascribing a much earlier date to this
formula were misled by a forged bull purporting to be addressed to the
monastery at St. Benignus at Dijon. Again, in these early letters the
pope often addressed his correspondent, more especially when he was a
king or a person of high dignity, by the plural 
<i>Vos.</i> As ages went on, this became rarer, and by the second half
of the twelfth century, it had completely disappeared. On the other
hand, it may be noticed incidentally that persons of all ranks, in
writing to the pope, invariably addressed him as Vos. Sometimes a
salutation was introduced by the pope at the end of his letter just
before the date--for example, "Deus te incolumem custodiat" or "Bene
vale frater carissime." This final salutation was a matter of
importance, and it is held by high authorities (Bresslau, "Papyrus und
Pergament, 21; Ewald in Neues Archiv," III, 548) that it was added in
the pope's own hand, and that it was the equivalent of his signature.
The fact that in classical times the Romans authenticated their letters
not by signing their names, but by a word of farewell, lends
probability to this view. In the earliest original Bulls preserved to
us BENE VALETE is written at full length in capitals. Moreover, we have
at least some contemporary evidence of the practice before the time of
Pope Adrian. The text of a letter of Pope Gregory the Great is
preserved in a marble inscription at the basilica of St. Paul Outside
the Walls. As the letter directs that the document itself is to be
returned to the papal archives 
(<i>Scrinium</i>), we may assume that the copy on stone accurately
represents the original. It is addressed to Felix the subdeacon and
concludes with the formula BENE VALE. Dat. VIII Kalend. Februarius imp.
du. n. Phoca PP. anno secundo, et consultatus eius anno primo, indict.
7. This suggests that such letters were fully dated and indeed we find
traces of dating even in extant copies as early as the time of Pope
Siricius (384-398). We have also some 
<i>bullæ</i> or leaden seals preserved apart from the documents to
which they were once attached. One of these dates back perhaps to the
pontificate of John III (560-573) and another certainly belongs to
Deusdedit (615-618). The earliest specimens simply bear the pope's name
on one side and the word papæ on the other.</p>
<h3 id="b-p343.1">II. SECOND PERIOD (772-1048)</h3>
<p id="b-p344" shownumber="no">In the time of Pope Adrian the support of Pepin and Charlemagne had
converted the patrimony of the Holy See into a sort of principality.
This no doubt paved the way for changes in the forms observed in the
chancery. The pope now takes the first place in the superscription of
letters unless they are addressed to sovereigns. We also find the
leaden seal used more uniformly. But especially we must attribute to
the time of Adrian the introduction of the "double date" endorsed at
the foot of the bull. The first date began with the word 
<i>Scriptum</i> and after a chronological entry, which mentioned only
the month and the indiction, added the name of the functionary who
drafted or engrossed the document. The other, beginning with 
<i>Data</i> (in later ages 
<i>Datum</i>), indicated, with a new and more detailed specification of
year and day, the name of the dignitary who issued the bull after it
had received its final stamp of authenticity by the addition of the
seal. The pope still wrote the words BENE VALETE in capitals with a
cross before and after, and in certain bulls of Pope Sylvester II we
find some few words added in shorthand or "Tyronian notes." In other
cases the BENE VALETE is followed by certain dots and by a big comma,
by a S S 
(<i>subscripsi</i>), or by a flourish, all of which no doubt served as a
personal authentication. To this period belong the earliest extant
bulls preserved to us in their original shape. They are all written
upon very large sheets of papyrus in a peculiar handwriting of the
Lombard type, called sometimes 
<i>littera romana.</i> The annexed copy of a facsimile in Mabillion's
"De re diplomaticâ" reproducing part of a bull of Pope Nicolaus I
(863), with the editor's interlinear decipherment, will serve to give
an idea of the style of writing. As these characters were even then not
easily read outside of Italy it seems to have been customary in some
cases to issue at the same time a copy upon parchment in ordinary
minuscule. A French writer of the tenth century speaking of a privilege
obtained from Pope Benedict VII (975-984) says that the petitioner
going to Rome obtained a decree duly expedited and ratified by
apostolic authority, two copies of which, one in our own character 
(<i>nostra littera</i>) on parchment, the other in the Roman character
on papyrus, he deposited on his return in our archives. (Migne, P. L.,
CXXXVII, 817) Papyrus seems to have been used almost uniformly as the
material for these official documents until the early years of the
eleventh century, after which it was rapidly superseded by a rough kind
of parchment. Apart from a small fragment of a bull from Adrian I (22
January, 788) preserved in the national library at Paris, the earliest
original bull that remains to us is one of Pope Paschal I (11 July,
819). It is still to be found in the capitular archives of Ravenna, to
which church it was originally addressed. The total number of papyrus
bulls at present known to be in existence is twenty-three, the latest
being one issued by Benedict VIII (1012-24) for the monastery of
Hildesheim. All these documents at one time had leaden seals appended
to them, though in most cases these have disappeared. The seal was
attached with laces of hemp and it still bore only the name of the
pontiff and the word 
<i>papæ</i> on the other. After the year 885, the letters of the
pope's name were usually stamped round the seal in a circle with a
cross in the middle.</p>
<p id="b-p345" shownumber="no">The details specified in the "double dates" of these early bulls
afford a certain amount of indirect information about the personnel of
the papal chancery. The phrase 
<i>scriptum per manum</i> is vague and leaves uncertain whether the
person mentioned was the official who drafted or merely engrossed the
bull, but we hear in this connection of persons described as 
<i>notarius, scriniarius</i> (archivist), 
<i>proto scrinarius sanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ,
cancellarius, ypocancellarius</i>, and after 1057 of 
<i>camerarius</i>, or later still 
<i>notarius</i> S. palatii. On the other hand, the 
<i>datarius</i>, the official mentioned under the heading 
<i>data</i>, who presumably delivered the instrument to the parties,
after having superintended the subscriptions and the apposition of the
seal, seems to have been an official of still higher consequence. In
earlier documents he bears the titles 
<i>primicerius sanctæ sedis apostolicae, senior et
consiliarius</i>, etc., but as early as the ninth century we have the
well-known phrase 
<i>bibliothecarius sanctæ sedis apostolicæ</i>, and later 
<i>cancellarius</i> and 
<i>bibliothecarius</i>, as a combined title borne by a cardinal, or
perhaps by more than one cardinal at once. Somewhat later still (under
Innocent III), the cancellarius seemed to have threatened to develop
into a functionary who was dangerously powerful, and the office was
suppressed. A vice-chancellor remained, but this dignity also was
abolished before 1352. But this of course was much later than the
period we have now reached.</p>
<h3 id="b-p345.1">III. THIRD PERIOD (1048-1198)</h3>
<p id="b-p346" shownumber="no">The accession of Leo IX, in 1048, seems to have inaugurated a new
era in the procedure of the chancery. A definite tradition had by this
time been created, and though there is still much development we find
uniformity of usage in documents of the same nature. It is at this
point that we begin to have clear distinctions between two classes of
bulls of greater and less solemnity. The Benedictine authors of
"Nouveau traité de diplomatique" call them great and little bulls.
Despite a protest in modern times from M. Léopold Delisle, who
would prefer to describe the former class as "privileges" and the
latter as "letters," this nomenclature has been found sufficiently
convenient, and it corresponds, at any rate, to a very marked
distinction observable in the papal documents of the eleventh, twelfth,
and thirteenth centuries. The most characteristic features of the
"great bulls" are the following:</p>
<ol id="b-p346.1">
<li id="b-p346.2">In the superscription the words 
<i>servus servorum Dei</i> are followed by a clause of perpetuity,
e.g., 
<i>in perpetuam memoriam</i> (abbreviated into IN PP. M) or 
<i>ad perpetuam rei memoriam.</i> In contrast to this the little bulls
usually have 
<i>salutatem et apostolicam benedictionem</i>, but those words also
appear in some great bulls after the clause of perpetuity.</li>
<li id="b-p346.3">After the second quarter of the twelfth century, the great bulls
were always subscribed by the pope and a certain number of cardinals
(bishops, priests, and deacons). The names of the cardinal-bishops are
written in the center, under that of the pope; those of
cardinal-priests on the left, and those of cardinal-deacons on the
right, while an occasional blank shows that space has been left for the
name of a cardinal who accidentally failed to be present. The pope has
no cross before his name; the cardinals have. Earlier than this, even
the great bulls were subscribed by the pope alone, unless they embodied
conciliar or consistorial decrees, in which case the names of cardinals
and bishops were also appended.</li>
<li id="b-p346.4">At the foot of the document to the left of the signature of the
pope is placed the 
<i>rota</i> or wheel. In this the outer portion of the wheel is formed
by two concentric circles and within the space between these circles is
written the pope's 
<i>signum</i> or motto, generally a brief text of scripture chosen by
the new pontiff at the beginning of his reign. Thus Leo IX's motto was
"Miseracordia domini plena est terra," Adrian IV's "Oculi mei semper ad
dominum." Before the words of the motto a cross is always marked, and
this is believed to have been traced by the hand of the pope himself.
Not only in the case of the pope, but even in the case of the
cardinals, the signatures appear not to have been their own actual
handwriting. In the center of the rota we have the names of Sts. Peter
and Paul, above and beneath them the name of the reigning pope.</li>
<li id="b-p346.5">To the right of the signature opposite the rota stands monogram
which stands for 
<i>Bene Valete.</i> From the time of Leo IX, and possibly somewhat
earlier, the words are never written in full, but as a sort of
grotesque. It seems clear that the 
<i>Bene Valete</i> is no longer to be regarded as the equivalent of the
pope's signature or authentification. It is simply an interesting
survival of an earlier form of salutation.</li>
<li id="b-p346.6">As regards the body of the document, the pope's letter, in the case
of great bulls always ends with certain imprecatory and prohibitory
clauses, 
<i>Decernimus ergo</i>, etc., 
<i>Siqua igitur</i>, etc. On the other hand, 
<i>Cunctis autem</i>, etc., is a formula of blessing. These and the
like clauses are generally absent from the "little bulls," but when
they appear--and this happens sometimes--the wording used is somewhat
different.</li>
<li id="b-p346.7">In the eleventh century it was usual to write Amen at the end of
the text of a bull and to repeat it as many time as necessary to fill
up the line.</li>
<li id="b-p346.8">In appending the date, or more precisely, in adding the clause
which begins the 
<i>datum</i>, the custom was to enter the place, the name of the
datarius, the day of the month (expressed according to the Roman
method) the indiction, the year of Our Lord's Incarnation, and the
regnal year of the pontiff, who is mentioned by his name. An example
from a bull of Adrian IV will make the matter clear: "Datum Laterani
per manu Rolandi sanctæ Romanæ ecclesiæ presbyteri
cardinalis et cancellarii, XII Kl. Junii, indic. Vo, anno dominicae
incar. MCLVIIo pontificatus vero domini Adriani papæ quarti anno
tertio."</li>
</ol>
<p class="continue" id="b-p347" shownumber="no">Before this period it was also usual to insert 
the first dating
clause, "Scriptum," and there was sometimes an interval of a few days
between the "Scriptum" and the "Datum." The use of the double date,
however, soon came to be neglected even in "great bulls" and before
1124 it had gone out of fashion. This was probably a result of the
general employment of "little bulls," the more distinctive features of
which may now be specified.</p>
<ol id="b-p347.1">
<li id="b-p347.2">Although great and little bulls alike begin with the pope's
name--Urbanius, let us say, or Leo, "episcopus, servus servorum
Dei"--in the little bulls we have no clause of perpetuity, but instead
of it there follows immediately "salutatem et apostolicam
benedictionem."</li>
<li id="b-p347.3">The formulae of imprecation, etc., at the end only occur by
exception, and they are in any case more precise than those of the
great bulls.</li>
<li id="b-p347.4">The little bulls have no rota, no 
<i>Bene Valete</i> monogram and no subscription of pope and
cardinals.</li>
</ol>
<p class="continue" id="b-p348" shownumber="no">The purpose served by this distinction between the great and
little bulls becomes tolerably clear when we look more narrowly into
the nature of their contents and the procedure followed in expediting
them. Excepting those which are concerned with purposes of great
solemnity or public interest, the majority of the "great bulls" now in
existence are in the nature of confirmations of property or charters of
protection accorded to monasteries and religious institutions. At an
epoch when there was much fabrication of such documents, those who
procured bulls from Rome wished at any cost to secure that the
authenticity of their bulls should be above suspicion. A papal
confirmation, under certain conditions, could be pleaded as itself
constituting sufficient evidence of title in cases where the original
deed had been lost or destroyed. Now the "great bulls" on account of
their many formalities and the number of hands they passed through,
were much more secure from fraud of all kinds, and the parties
interested were probably willing to defray the additional expenditure
that might be entailed by this form of instrument. On the other hand,
by reason of the same multiplication of formalities, the drafting,
signing, stamping, and delivery of a great bull was necessarily a
matter of considerable time and labor. The little bulls were much more
expeditious. Hence we are confronted by the curious anomaly that during
the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, when both forms of
document were in use, the contents of the little bulls are, from an
historical point of view immensely more interesting and important than
those of the bulls in solemn form. Of course the little bulls may
themselves be divided into various categories. The distinction between 
<i>litteræ communes</i> and 
<i>curiales</i> seems rather to have belonged to a later period, and to
have rather concerned the manner of entry in the official "Regesta,"
the 
<i>communes</i> being copies into the general collection, the 
<i>curiales</i> into a special volume in which documents were preserved
which by reason of their form or their contents stood apart from the
rest. We may note, however, the distinction between 
<i>tituli</i> and 
<i>mandamenta.</i> The 
<i>tituli</i> were letters of a gracious character--donations, favors,
or confirmations constituting a "title." They were indeed little bulls
and lacked the subscriptions of cardinals, the rota etc., but on the
other hand, they preserved certain features of solemnity. Brief
imprecatory clauses, like 
<i>Nulli ergo, Si quis autem</i>, are usually included, the pope's name
at the beginning is written in large letters, and the initial is an
ornamental capital, while the leaden seal is attached with silken laces
of red and yellow. As contrasted with the 
<i>tituli</i>, the 
<i>mandamenta</i>, which were the "orders," or instructions, of the
popes, observe fewer formalities, but are more business-like and
expeditious. They have no imprecatory clauses, the pope's name is
written with an ordinary capital letter, and the leaden seal is
attached with hemp. But it was by means of these little bulls, or 
<i>litteræ</i>, and notably of the 
<i>mandamenta</i>, that the whole papal administration, both political
and religious, was conducted. In particular, the decretals, on which
the whole science of Canon Law is built up, invariably took this
form.</p>

<h3 id="b-p348.1">IV. FOURTH PERIOD (1198-1431)</h3>
<p id="b-p349" shownumber="no">Under Innocent III, there again took place what was practically a
reorganization of the papal chancery. But even apart from this, we
might find sufficient reason for beginning a new epoch at this date in
the fact that the almost complete series of Regesta preserved in the
Vatican archives go back to this pontificate. It must not, of course,
be supposed that all the genuine bulls issued at Rome were copied into
the Regesta before they were transmitted to their destination. There
are many perfectly authentic bulls which are not found there, but the
existence of this series of documents places the study of papal
administration from this time forward on a new footing. Moreover, with
their aid it is possible to make out an almost complete itinerary of
the medieval popes, and this alone is a matter of considerable
importance. In light of the Regesta were are able to understand more
clearly the working of the papal chancery. There were, it seems, four
principals bureaus or offices. At the office of the "Minutes" certain
clerks 
(<i>clerici</i>), in those days really clerics, and known then or later
as 
<i>abbreviatores</i>, drew up in precise form the draft 
(<i>litera notata</i>) of the document to be issued in the pope's name.
Then this draft, after being revised by a higher official (either one
of the notaries or the vice-chancellor) passed to the "Engrossing"
office, where other clerks, called 
<i>grossatores</i> or 
<i>scriptores</i>, transcribed in a large official hand 
(<i>in grossam literam</i>) the copy or copies to be sent to the
parties. At the "Registration" office again it was the duty of the
clerks to copy such documents into the books, known as Regesta,
specially kept for the purpose. Why only some were copied and others
not, is still uncertain, though it seems probable that in any cases
this was done at the request of the parties interested, who were made
to pay for the privilege which was regarded as an additional security.
Lastly, at the office of "Bulls," the seal, which now bore the heads of
the two apostles on one side, and the name of the pope on the other,
was affixed by the officials called 
<i>bullatores</i> or 
<i>bullarii.</i> At the beginning of the thirteenth century, the great
bulls, or 
<i>privilegia</i>, as they were then usually called, with their complex
forms and multiple signatures became notably more rare, and when the
papal court was transferred to Avignon in 1309 they fell practically
into disuse save for a few extraordinary occasions. The lesser bulls 
(<i>litteræ</i>) were divided, as we have seen, into 
<i>tituli</i> and 
<i>mandamenta</i>, which became more and more clearly distinguished
from each other not only in their contents and formulæ but in the
matter of writing. Moreover, the rule of authenticating the letter with
a leaden seal began in certain cases to be broken through, in favor of
a seal of wax bearing the impression of the "ring of the fisherman."
The earliest mention of the new practice seems to occur in a letter of
Pope Clement IV to his nephew (7 March, 1265). We do not write [he
says] to thee or to our intimates under a [leaden] bull, but under the
signet of the fisherman which the Roman pontiffs use in their private
affairs. (Potthast, Regesta, no, 19,051) Other examples are forthcoming
belonging to the same century. The earliest impression of this seal now
preserved seems to be one lately discovered in the treasury of the
Sancta Sanctorum at the Lateran, and belonging to the time of Nicholas
III (1277-80). It represents St. Peter fishing with a rod and line and
not as at present drawing his net.</p>
<h3 id="b-p349.1">V. FIFTH PERIOD (1431-1878)</h3>
<p id="b-p350" shownumber="no">The introduction of briefs, which occurred at the beginning of the
pontificate of Eugenius IV, was clearly prompted for the same desire
for greater simplicity and expedition which had already been
responsible for the disappearance of the greater bulls and the general
adoption of the less cumbersome 
<i>mandamenta.</i> A brief 
(<i>breve</i>, i.e., "short") was a compendious papal letter which
dispensed with some of the formalities previously insisted on. It was
written on vellum, generally closed, i.e., folded, and sealed in red
wax with the ring of the fisherman. The pope's name stands first, at
the top, normally written in capital letters thus: PIUS PP III; and
instead of the formal salutation in the third person used in bulls, the
brief at once adopts a direct form of address, e.g., 
<i>Dilecte fili--Carissime in Christo fili</i>, the phrase being
adapted to the rank and character of the addressee. The letter begins
by way of preamble with a statement of the case and cause of writing
and this is followed by certain instructions without minatory clauses
or other formulæ. At the end the date is expressed by the day of
the month and year with a mention of the seal--for example in this
form: Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum, sub annulo Piscatoris die V
Marii, MDLXXXXI, pont. nostri anno primo. The year here specified,
which is used in dating briefs, is probably to be understood in any
particular case as the year of the Nativity, beginning 25 December.
Still this is not an absolute rule, and the sweeping statements
sometimes made in this matter are not to be trusted, for it is certain
that in some instances the years meant are ordinary years, beginning
with the first of January. (See Giry, "Manuel de diplomatique," pp.
126, 696, 700.) A similar want of uniformity is observed in the dating
of bulls though, speaking generally, from the middle of the eleventh
century to the end of the eighteenth, bulls are dated by the years of
the incarnation, counted from 25 March. After the institution of briefs
by Pope Eugenius IV, the use of even lesser bulls, in the form of 
<i>mandamenta</i>, became notably less frequent. Still, for many
purposes, bulls continued to be employed--for example in canonizations
(in which case special forms are observed, the pope by exception
signing his own name, under which is added a stamp imitating the rota
as well as the signatures of several cardinals), as also in the
nomination of bishops, promotion to certain benefices, some particular
marriage dispensations, etc. But the choice of the precise form of
instrument was often quite arbitrary. For example, in granting the
dispensation which enabled Henry VIII to marry his brother's widow,
Catherine of Aragon, two forms of dispensation were issued by Julius
II, one a brief, seemingly expedited in great haste, and the other a
bull which was sent on afterwards. Similarly we may notice that, while
the English Catholic hierarchy was restored in 1850 by a brief, Leo
XIII in the first year of his reign used a bull to establish the
Catholic episcopate of Scotland. So also the Society of Jesus,
suppressed by a brief in 1773, was restored by a bull in 1818. A very
interesting account of the formalities which had to be observed in
procuring bulls in Rome at the end of the fifteenth century in
contained in the "Practica" recently published by
Schmitz-Kalemberg.</p>
<h3 id="b-p350.1">VI. SIXTH PERIOD: SINCE 1878</h3>
<p id="b-p351" shownumber="no">Ever since the sixteenth century the briefs have been written in a
clear Roman hand upon a sheet of vellum of convenient size, while even
the wax with its guard of silk and the impression of the fisherman's
ring was replaced in 1842 by a stamp which affixed the same devices in
red ink. The bulls, on the other hand, down to the death of Pope Pius
IX retained many medieval features apart from their great size, leaden
seal, and Roman fashion of dating. In particular, although from about
1050 to the reformation the writing employed in the papal chancery did
not noticeably differ from the ordinary book-hand familiar throughout
Christendom, the engrossers of papal bulls, even after the sixteenth
century, went on using an archaic and very artificial type of writing
known as 
<i>scrittura bollatica</i>, with manifold contractions and an absence
of all punctuation, which was practically undecipherable by ordinary
readers. It was in fact the custom in issuing a bull to accompany it
with a 
<i>transsumption</i>, or copy, in ordinary handwriting. This condition
of things was put an end to by a 
<i>motu proprio</i> issued by Leo XIII shortly after his election.
Bulls are now written in the same clear Roman script that is used for
briefs, and in view of the difficulties arising from transmission by
post, the old leaden seal is replaced in many cases by a simple stamp
bearing the same device in red ink. In spite, however, of these
simplifications, and although the pontifical chancery is now as an
establishment much reduced in numbers, the conditions under which bulls
are prepared are still very intricate. There are still four different
"roads" which a bull may follow in its making. The 
<i>via di cancellaria</i>, in which the document is prepared by the 
<i>abbreviatori</i> of the chancery, is the ordinary way but it is, and
especially was, so beset with formalities and consequential delays (see
Schmitz-Kalemberg, Practica) that Paul III instituted the 
<i>via di camera</i> (see APOSTOLIC CAMERA) to evade them, in the hope
of making the procedure more expeditious. But if the process was more
expeditious, it was not less costly, so St. Pius V, in 1570, arranged
for the gratuitous issue of certain bulls by the 
<i>via segreta</i>; and to these was added, in 1735, the 
<i>via di curia</i>, intended to meet exceptional cases of less formal
and more personal interest. In the three former processes, the Cardinal
Vice-Chancellor, who is at the same time "Sommista," is the functionary
now theoretically responsible. In the last case it is the Cardinal
"Pro-Datario," and he is assisted in this charge by the "Cardinal
Secretary of Briefs." As the mention of this last office suggests, the 
<i>minutanti</i> employed in the preparation of briefs form a separate
department under the presidency of a Cardinal Secretary and a prelate
his substitute.</p>
<h3 id="b-p351.1">SPURIOUS BULLS</h3>
<p id="b-p352" shownumber="no">There can be no doubt that during a great part of the Middle Ages
papal and other documents were fabricated in a very unscrupulous
fashion. A considerable portion of the early entries in chartularies of
almost every class are not only open to grave suspicion, but are often
plainly spurious. It is probable, however, that the motive for their
forgeries was not criminal. They were prompted by the desire of
protecting monastic property against tyrannical oppressors who, when
title deeds were lost or illegible, persecuted the holders and extorted
large sums as the price of charters of confirmation. No doubt, less
creditable motives--e.g., an ambitious desire to exalt consideration of
their own house--were also operative, and while lax principles in this
matter prevailed almost universally it is often difficult to
distinguish the purpose for which a papal bull was forged. A famous
early example of such forgery is supplied by two papyrus bulls which
profess to have been addressed to the Abbey of St. Benignus at Dijon by
Popes John V (685) and Sergius I (697), and which were accepted as
genuine by Mabillion and his confrères. M. Delisle has, however,
proved they are fabrications made out of later bull addressed by John
XV in 995 to Abbot William, one side of which was blank. The document
was cut in half by the forger and furnished him with sufficient papyrus
for two not unsuccessful fabrications. Though deceived in this one
instance, Mabillion and his successors, Dom Toustain and Dom Tassin,
have supplied the most valuable criteria by the aid of which to detect
similar fabrications, and their work has been ably carried on in modern
times by scholars like Jaffé, Wattenbach, Ewald, and many more. In
particular a new test has been furnished by the more careful study of
the 
<i>cursus</i>, or rhythmical cadence of sentences, which were most
carefully observed in the authentic bulls of the twelfth and early
thirteenth centuries. It would be impossible to go into details here,
but it may be said that M. Noæl Valois, who first investigated the
matter, seems to have touched upon the points of primary importance.
Apart from this, forged bulls are now generally detected by blunders in
the dating clauses and other formalities. In the Middle Ages one of the
principal tests of the genuineness of bulls seems to have been supplied
by counting the number of points in the circular outline of the leaden
seal or in the figure of St. Peter depicted on it. The 
<i>bullatores</i> apparently followed some definite rule in engraving
their dies. Finally, regarding these same seals, it may be noted that
when a bull was issued by a newly elected pope before his consecration,
only the heads of the Apostles were stamped on the 
<i>bulla</i>, without the pope's name. These are called 
<i>bullæ dimidiatæ</i>. The use of golden bullæ 
(<i>bullæ aureæ</i>), though adopted seemingly from the
thirteenth century (Giry, 634) for occasions of exceptional solemnity,
is too rare to call for special remark. One noteworthy instance in
which a golden seal was used was that of the bull by which Leo X
conferred upon King Henry VIII the title of 
<i>Fidei Defensor.</i></p>
<p id="b-p353" shownumber="no">Ortolan in Dict. de theol, cath., II, 1255-63--see remark, page 49,
col. 2; Grisar in Kirkenlex, II, 1482-95; Giry, Manuel de diplomatique
(Paris, 1894), 661-704--an excellent summary of the whole subject;
Pflugk-Harttung, Die Bullen der Papste (Gotha, 1901)--mainly concerned
with the period before Innocent III; Melampo in Miscellanea di Storia e
Cultura Ecclesiastica (1905-07), a valuable series of articles not too
technical in character, by a Custodian of the Vatican Archives;
Mas-Latrie, Les élementes de diplomatique pontificale in Revue des
questions historiques (Paris, 1886-87), XXXIX and XLI; De Kamp, Zum
papstlichen Urkundenvessen in Mittheilungen des Inst. f. Oesterr.
Geschictesforschung (Vienna, 1882-83), III and IV, and in Historiches
Jahrbuch, 1883, 1883, IV; Delisle, Des régitres d'Innocent III in
Biblioth=8Fque de l'écoles des chartres (Paris, 1853-54), with
many other articles; Bresslau, Handbuch der Urkundenlehre (Leipzig,
1889), I, 120-258; De Rossi, Preface to Codices Palatini Latin Bib.
Vat. (Rome, 1886); Berger, preface to Les régistres d'Innocent IV
(Paris, 1884); Kehr and Brockman, Papsturkunden in various numbers of
the G=9Attinger Nachrichten (Phil. Hist. Cl., 1902-04); Kehr, Scrinium
und Palatium in the Austrian Mittheilungen, Ergènzungaband, VI;
Pitra, Analecta Novissima Solesmensia (Tusculum, 1885), I;
Schmitz-Kahlemberg, Practica (1904). Among earlier works mention may be
made of Mabillion, De Re Diplomatica (Paris, 1709), and the Nouveau
traité de diplomatique by the Benedictines of Saint-Maur (Paris,
1765, VI volumes).</p>
<p id="b-p354" shownumber="no">Early Bulls--Bresslau, Papyrus und Pergament in der papstlichen
Kanzlei in the Mittheilungen der Instituts f=9Fr Oest.
Geschictsforschung (Innsbruck, 1888), IX; Omont, Bulles pontificales
sur papyrus in Bibl. les l'école des chartes (Paris, 1904), XLV;
Ewald, Zur Diplomatik Silvesters II in Neues Archiv (Hanover, 1884),
IX; Kehr, Scrinium und Palatium in the Austrian Mittheilungen,
Ergènzungaband, (Innsbruck, 1901) VI; Kehe, Verschollene
Papyrusbullen in Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven
(Rome, 1907), X, 216-224; Rodolico, Note paleografiche e diplomatiche
(Bologna, 1900).</p>
<p id="b-p355" shownumber="no">For facsimiles both of early bulls and their seals, the great
collection of Pflugk-Harttung, Specimena Selecta Chartarum Pontificum
Romanorum (3 vols., Stuttgart, 1887) is of primary importance but
isolated facsimiles are to be found elsewhere.</p>
<p id="b-p356" shownumber="no">On the cursus it will be sufficient to mention the article of
Noæl Valois, Etudes sur le rythme des bulles pontificales in Bibl
de l'école des chartes (1881), XLII, and De Santi, Il Cursus nella
storia litter. e nella liturgia (Rome, 1903).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p357" shownumber="no">HERBERT THURSTON</p></def>

<term id="b-p357.1" title="Bulstrode, Sir Richard" type="Encyclopedia">Sir Richard Bulstrode</term>
<def id="b-p357.2">
<h1 id="b-p357.3">Sir Richard Bulstrode</h1>
<p id="b-p358" shownumber="no">A soldier, diplomatist, and author, born 1610; died 1711, was the
second son of Edward Bulstrode by Margaret, daughter of Richard Ashtey,
chamberlain of the queen's household and member of the Inner Temple. He
was educated at Pembroke College, Cambridge, and while at the
university was the author of a poem on the birth of the Duke of York.
At twenty-three years of age he entered the Inner Temple and in 1649,
at his father's request and through his interest, was made a bencher.
During the Civil War he was loyal to the king, serving in the Prince of
Wales's regiment and holding at times the post of adjutant. He was
later promoted to the rank of Adjutant-General of Horse, and still
later to be Quartermaster-General. He was appointed to take charge of
the funeral of Lord Strafford and became responsible for the expenses
attending it; on being pressed by his creditors he fled to Bruges. He
subsequently underwent a short term of imprisonment, which was
terminated by the payment of the debt by Charles II. On his return he
was appointed auditor of a Scotch regiment then serving in the
Netherlands and in 1673 was appointed agent at the court of Bruges. He
was temporarily recalled two years later, and on 1675 was knighted and
again sent to Brussels, this time as resident, where he remained until
the accession of James II when he was made envoy. When the revolution
of 1688 compelled James to leave England, Bulstrode accompanied him to
the court of Saint-Germain, where he remained until his death. Among
his writings are: "Original Letters written to Earl of Arlinton, with
an account of the Author's Life and Family", "Life of James II",
"Memoirs and Reflections on the Reign and Government of Charles I and
Charles II" and a large number of elegies and epigrams.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p359" shownumber="no">THOMAS GAFFNEY TAAFFEE</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p359.1" title="Bunderius, Joannes" type="Encyclopedia">Joannes Bunderius</term>
<def id="b-p359.2">
<h1 id="b-p359.3">Joannes Bunderius</h1>
<p id="b-p360" shownumber="no">(VAN DEN BUNDERE).</p>
<p id="b-p361" shownumber="no">A Flemish theologian and controversialist, born of distinguished
parents at Ghent in 1482; died there 8 January, 1557. He entered the
Dominican Order in his native city about 1500, and after having made
his religious profession was sent to Louvain to pursue his studies in
philosophy and theology. He obtained the degree of Lector in Sacred
Theology, and in 1517 returned to Ghent, where, until near the close of
his life, he taught philosophy and theology. While occupied in teaching
he filled the office of prior of the convent of Ghent three times
(1529-35; 1550-53), and discharged the duties of General Inquisitor of
the Diocese of Tournai. As inquisitor he was untiring in his efforts to
check the spread of the errors that were being disseminated by
Lutherans, Calvinists, and Mennonites; but always used prudence in his
dealings with heretics. Long training in the schools and the experience
he had gained as the professor of theology fitted him especially well
to explain and defend Catholic doctrine, and to detect and expose the
errors of heretical teaching. While prior of the convent of Ghent for
the first time, he formed a federation of religious orders in that city
for the safeguarding of the faith of the people and of the preservation
of the rights of the Church and the privileges of the orders. In
recognition of his ability as a preacher and as a reward for his long
labours in the pulpit a general chapter of his order conferred upon him
the degree of Preacher General. Of his writings, which are nearly all
of a polemical character, the most worthy of note are:</p>
<ul id="b-p361.1">
<li id="b-p361.2">"Compendium dissidii quorundam hereticorum" (Paris, 1540-43,
1545);</li>
<li id="b-p361.3">"Compendium concertationis hujus saeculi sapientium et theologorum"
(Paris, 1549, Venice, 1553, etc). After the author's death, this work
was frequently published under the title: "Compendium rerum
theologarum, quae hodie in controversia agitantur";</li>
<li id="b-p361.4">"Detectio nugarum Lutheri cum declaratione veritatis Catholicae
(Louvain, 1551);</li>
<li id="b-p361.5">"De Vero Christi baptismo contra Mennonem Anabaptistarum principe"
(Louvain, 1553).</li>
</ul>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p362" shownumber="no">A.L. McMAHON</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p362.1" title="Buonarroti, Michelangelo" type="Encyclopedia">Michelangelo Buonarroti</term>
<def id="b-p362.2">
<h1 id="b-p362.3">Michelangelo Buonarroti</h1>
<p id="b-p363" shownumber="no">Italian sculptor, painter, and architect, b. at Caprese in the
valley of the upper Arno, 6 March, 1475; d. at Rome, 18 February, 1564.
Michelangelo, one of the greatest artists of all times, came from a
noble Florentine family of small means, and in 1488 was apprenticed to
Domenico Ghirlandajo. While apprentice, he excited the admiration of
his master by the life-like animation of this drawings, and upon
Ghirlandajo's recommendation, and a the wish of Lorenzo the
Magnificent, he received further training (1489-92) in the palace of
the Medici, at the school of sculpture then under the direction of
Bertoldo, one of Donatello's pupils. As student and resident of the
palace, Michelangelo lived with Lorenzo's sons in the most
distinguished society of Florence, and at this time was introduced by
the poet Politian into the circle of the scholars of the Academy and to
their learned pursuits. Meanwhile, Michelangelo was studying with
marked success the frescoes in the Branacci chapel. After Lorenzo's
death he passed his time partly at home, partly at the monastery of
Santo Spirito, where he busied himself with anatomical studies, and
partly in the house of Pietro de' Medici, who, however, was banished in
1494. About the same time Michelangelo left Florence for Bologna. He
returned in 1495, and began to work as a sculptor, taking as his model
the works of his predecessors and the masterpieces of classical
antiquity, without, however, sacrificing his individuality. In 1496 he
went to Rome, whither his fame had preceded him, and remained there
working as a sculptor until 1501. Returning to Florence, he occupied
himself with his painting and sculpture until 1505, when Pope Julius II
called him to enter his service. After this, Michelangelo was employed
alternately in Rome and Florence by Julius and his successors, Leo X,
Clement VII, and Paul III being his special patrons. In 1534, shortly
after the death of his father, Michelangelo left Florence never to
return. The further events of his life are closely connected with his
artistic labours. Some weeks after his death his body was brought back
to Florence and a few months later a stately memorial service was held
in the church of San Lorenzo. His nephew, Leonardo Buonarroti, erected
a monument over his tomb in Santa Croce, for which Vasari, his well
known pupil and biographer, furnished the design, and Duke Cosimo de'
Medici the marble. The three arts are represented as mourning over the
sarcophagus, above which is a niche containing a bust of Michelangelo.
A monument was erected in his memory in the church of the Santi
Apostoli, at Rome, representing him as an artist in working garb, with
an inscription: 
<i>Tanto nomini nullum par elogium</i>. (No praise is sufficient for so
great a man.)</p>
<p id="b-p364" shownumber="no">Michelangelo was a man of many-sided character, independent and
persistent in his views and his endeavours. His most striking
characteristic was a sturdy determination, guided by a lofty ideal.
Untiring, he worked until far advanced in years, at the cost of great
personal sacrifices. He was not, however, unyielding to the point of
obstinancy. His productions in all departments of art show the great
fertility of his mind. In literature he was a devoted student and
admirer of Dante. A copy of the "Divine Comedy", ornamented by him with
marginal drawings, has unfortunately been lost. Imitating the style of
Dante and Petrarch, he wrote verses, "canzoni", and especially sonnets,
which are not without value, and excite surprise by their warmth of
feeling. Some of his poems give expression to an ideally pure
affection. He never married. A stern earnestness is characteristic of
the sculptor, but the tenderness of his heart is shown in his touching
love and solicitude for his father and brothers. Although seemingly
absorbed in his art, and often straitened in circumstances, he was ever
ready to aid them by word and deed. "I will send you what you demand of
me", he wrote, "even if I have to sell myself as a slave". After the
death of his father he conceived a deep affection for a young Roman,
Tommaso de' Cavalieri, and also entered into intimate friendship with
the noble-minded poetess, Vittoria Colonna, then past her youth. With
his pupils, Vasari and Condivi, he was on the most cordial terms, and a
servant who was twenty-six years in his employ experienced his bounty.
The biographies we have from the pupils just mentiond and the letters
of Michelangelo himself testify to the gentler traits of his character.
He gave younger artists generous aid by suggestions, sketches, and
designs, among others to Sebastiano del Poimbo, Daniele da Volterra,
and Jacopo da Pontormo. Michelangelo had few personal wants and was
unusually self-denying in dress and diet. Savonarola's sermons, which
he recalled even in his old age, probably influenced him in some degree
to adopt this austerity of life. Moreover, the seriousness of his own
mind caused him to realize the vanity of earthly ideals. His spirit was
always absorbed in a struggle to attain perfection. Yet with all this
he was not haughty; many of his sayings that have come down to us show
him to have been unusually unassuming. The explanation of his
unwillingness to have the aid of assistants must be sought in the
peculiarity of his artistic methods. Michelangelo's life was one of
incessant trials, yet in spite of an imperious temper and many bodily
infirmities he showed remarkable composure and forbearance. No matter
how much trouble was caused him by his distinguished patrons he seldom
failed in loyalty to them. He was equally faithful to his native city,
Florence, although the political confusion which reigned there wrung
from him many complaints. It obliged him to spend half of his life
elsewhere, yet he wished to lie after death in Florentine earth; nor
could the most enticing offers induce him to leave Italy. A
contemporary bestows praise which seems merited, when he says that
Michelangelo in all the ninety years of his life never gave any grounds
for suspecting the integrity of his moral virtue.</p>
<h3 id="b-p364.1">SCULPTURE</h3>
<h4 id="b-p364.2">First Period</h4>
<p id="b-p365" shownumber="no">If the years before 1505, that is, before the summons by Julius II,
be taken as Michelangelo's youth, it may be said that, even when a
pupil in Bertoldo's school, he attracted attention not only by his work
in clay and by the head of a faun in marble after a classical model,
but especially by two marble bas-reliefs of his own design. The
"Madonna Seated on a Step", pressing the Child to her breast under her
mantle, shows, it is true, but little individuality, grace, and
tenderness, though perhaps for this very reason all the more dignity.
Michelangelo's later style is more easily recognized in the "Battle of
the Centaurs", which represents a large group of figures, anatomically
well drawn, engaged in a passionate struggle. It is said that in after
years the artist, in referring to this group, expressed regret that he
had not devoted himself exclusively to sculpture. He appears to have
taken the conception for this work from a bronze relief of Bertoldo and
to have imitated the style of Donatello. Michelangelo's work certainly
recalls Donatello in the drapery of the Madonna above mentioned and in
the realistic way in which the sentiment of this composition is
expressed. After Lorenzo's death Michelangelo produced a marble
Hercules of heroic size that was taken to Fontainebleau and has since
disappeared. Thode, however, appears to have found the Crucifix which
Michelangelo carved for the church of Santo Spirito. The body in this
is almost entirely free from the cross; there is no intense pain
expressed on the youthful face, and the hands and hair are not
completely worked out. The "St. John in the Wilderness", with the
honeycomb, now at Berlin, is probably the San Giovannino that
Michelangelo executed in Florence in 1495. The realistic modelling of
the head and the beautiful lines of the body show a study of both
classic and modern models. Shortly after this Michelangelo completed
several figures for the shrine of St. Dominic which Niccolo dell' Arca
had left unfinished. A figure of a pagan deity was the occasion of
Michelangelo's first visit to Rome, and a statue of Bacchus carved by
him on that occasion is extant at Florence. This work, which is the
result of study of the antique, is merely a beautiful and somewhat
intoxicated youth.</p>
<p id="b-p366" shownumber="no">Far more important is the Pieta executed in 1499 for the French
chapel in St. Peter's. A calm, peaceful expression of grief rests on
all the figures of the group. The face of the mother has youthful
beauty; the head is bowed but slightly, yet expressive of holy sorrow.
Her drapery lies in magnificent folds under the body of the Saviour.
The latter is not yet stiff and reveals but slight traces of the
suffering endured, especially the noble countenance so full of Divine
peace. Not the lips but the hand shows the intensity of the grief into
which the mother's soul is plunged. When sixty years old Michelangelo
desired to execute a Pieta, or, more properly, a "Lamentation of
Christ" for his own tomb. The unfinished group is now in the Cathedral
of Florence, and is throughout less ideally conceived than the Pieta
just mentioned. The body of Christ is too limp, and Nicodemus and Mary
Magdalen are somewhat hard in modelling. This Pieta was broken into
pieces by the master, but was afterwards put together by other hands.
Two circular reliefs of the "Virgin and Child", one now in London and
one in Florence, belong to the sculptor's youthful period. In the
Florentine relief, especially, intensity of feeling is combined with a
graceful charm. Mother and Child are evidently pondering a passage in
Scripture which fills them with sorrow; the arms and head of the Boy
rest on the book. A life-sized group of about the same date in the
church of Our Lady (Eglise Notre-Dame) at Bruges shows the Madonna
again, full of dignity and with lofty seriousness of mien, while the
Child, somewhat larger than the one just mentioned, is absorbed in
intense thought. In contrast to Raphael, Michelangelo sought to express
Divine greatness and exalted grief rather than human charm. He worked
entirely according to his own ideals. His creations recall classical
antiquity by a certain coldness, as well as by the strain of superhuman
power that characterizes them.</p>
<h4 id="b-p366.1">Second Period</h4>
<p id="b-p367" shownumber="no">To Michelangelo's second creative period (beginning 1505) belongs
the statue of Christ which he carved for the church of Santa Maria
sopra Minerva. It was sent to Rome in 1521 in charge of an assistant
who was to add some last touches to the statue when it was put in
position. The Saviour, a life-sized marble figure, holds the cross,
sponge, and rod of hyssop. The face, earnest, almost hard, is turned to
the left, as if saying: "My people, what have ye done to Me?" Properly
however, the figure is not that of the suffering Saviour, but of the
risen Saviour and therefore nude, according to the desire of the patron
who have the commission. The age of the Renaissance, in its ardour for
the nude, paid no regard to decorum. At a later date a bronze loin
cloth, unfortunately too long, was placed on the statue. In conformity
with the spirit in which the whole composition is conceived, the figure
of Christ is not stiff and severe like the statue of an antique god,
but expresses a resigned humanity. A youthful Apollo produced at about
the same time has also little of the classic in its design. A dying
Adonis comes nearer to classic models in its conception. But the
gigantic David, the embodiment of fresh young daring, in reality a
representation of a noble boy, resembles an antique god or hero. It can
hardly be said that the colossal size, over twelve and a half feet, is
suitable for a youth; however, the deed for which David is preparing,
or more probably, the action which he has just completed, is a deed of
courage. The right hand is half closed, the left hand with the sling
seems to be going back to the shoulder, while the gaze follows the
stone. The figure resembles that of an ancient athlete. The body is
nude, and the full beauty of the lines of the human form is strikingly
brought out. In 1508 Michelangelo agreed to carve the twelve Apostles
in heroic size (about nine and a half feet high) for the church of
Santa Maria del Fiore, but of the whole number only the figure of St.
Matthew, a great and daring design, was hewn in the rough. Similarly,
he executed but four of the saints which were to decorate the memorial
chapel to Pius II and left the rest of the work unfinished. A bronze
statue of David with the head of Goliath under his feet was sent to
France and has since disappeared. A pen-and-ink sketch of this statue
is still in the Louvre.</p>
<p id="b-p368" shownumber="no">His powers fully matured, Michelangelo now entered the service of
the popes and was entrusted with the carrying out of two great
undertakings. In 1505 Julius II called him to Rome to design and erect
for the pope a stately sepulchral monument. The monument was to be a
four-sided marble structure in two curses, decorated with some forty
figures of heroic size. Michelangelo spent eight months in Carrara
superintending the sending of the marble to Rome. He hoped in carrying
out this commission to execute a work worthy of classic times, one
containing figures that would bear comparison with the then newly
discovered Lacoon. His plans, however, were brought to nought by a
sudden change of mind on the part of Julius, who now began to consider
the rebuilding of St. Peter's after the designs of Bramante. Julius may
be said to have driven Michelangelo from the Roman court. Fearful of
the malice of enemies, Buonarroti fled in despair to Florence and,
turning a deaf ear to the pope's entreaties to return to Rome, offered
to go on with the work for the monument at Florence. To this, however,
Julius would not listen. In his exasperation Michelangelo was on the
point of going to Constantinople. However, at the invitation of the
pope, in the latter part of 1506, he went to Bologna, where, amid the
greatest difficulties and in straitened circumstances, he cast a bronze
statue of Julius II, of heroic size. This effigy was destroyed during a
revolt against Julius in 1511. Once more in Rome, he was obliged for
the time being to abandon the scheme for the monument to Julius and,
against his will, to decorate the Sistine Chapel with frescoes. Julius
II lived only long enough after the completion of the frescoes to
arrange for his monument in his will. After his death in 1513 a formal
contract was made for the construction of the memorial. According to
this new agreement the monument was no longer to be an independent
structure, but was to be placed against the church wall in the form of
a chapel. The plan for the structure was even more magnificent than the
original design, but was in the end abandoned, both on account of its
size and of other circumstances which arose. The new pope, Leo X, of
the Medici family, was a friend of Michelangelo's youth and looked on
him with much favour, but had new designs in reference to him. After
Michelangelo had laboured for two years on the monument to Julius, Pope
Leo, during a visit to Florence, commanded him, to construct a stately
new facade for the church of San Lorenzo, the family burial place of
the Medici. With tears in his eyes, Michelangelo agreed to this
interruption of his great design. The building of the new facade was
abandoned in 1520, but the sculptor returned to his former work for a
time only. The short reign of Adrian VI was followed by the election to
the papal throne of another early friend of Michelangelo, Giulio de'
Medici, who took the name of Clement VII. Since 1520 Giulio de' Medici
had desired to erect a family mortuary chapel in San Lorenzo. When be
became pope he obliged Michelangelo to take up this task. The new
commission was not unworthy of the sculptor's powers, yet an evil fate
prevented this undertaking also from reaching its full completion.
Michelangelo suffered unspeakably from the constant alteration of his
plans; he was, moreover, beset by many detractors; the political
disorders in his native city filled him with grief, and the years
brought with them constantly increasing infirmities.</p>
<p id="b-p369" shownumber="no">In 1545 the designs, some of which still exist, for the monument of
Julius II were carried out on a much reduced scale. The monument is in
the church of San Pietro in Vincoli; in the centre of the lower course
of the monument between two smaller figures is placed the gigantic
statue of Moses, which was originally intended for the upper course,
where it would have made a much more powerful impression. When seen
close by, the criticism may be made that the expression is too violent,
there is no sufficient reason for the swollen veins in the left arm,
the shoulders are too massive in comparison with the neck, the chin,
and the forehead; that even the folds of the robe are unnatural. Yet,
seen from a distance, it is precisely these features that produce the
desired effect. The great statue, which is double life size, was
intended to express the painfully restrained and mighty wrath of the
leader of a stiff-necked people. It is plain that an allusion to the
warlike prowess of Julius II was intended and that the sculptor here,
as in many of his other undertakings, has embodied his own tremendous
conception of force. The way in which the Tables of the Law are
grasped, the bare arm and right knee, the heavy beard and the "horns"
heighten the effect that is aimed at. The flanking figures of Rachel
and Leah, symbols respectively of contemplative and active life, were
carved by Michelangelo himself, but they are not as satisfactory as the
Moses. The monument itself and the figures on the upper course were not
executed by the great master, though they were worked out according to
his suggestions. On the other hand, two shackled figures out of the
series planned by the sculptor are in the Louvre, though incomplete.
The "Slaves" were intended to typify the power of the pope in the
domains of war and art, and were to stand in front of the hermae
pillars, where the inverted consoles now are. In the "Slaves" in the
Louvre the antithesis between resistance to the fetters and submission
to the inevitable is expressed with remarkable skill. There are also in
Florence some unfinished figures belonging to this monument, namely a
victor kneeling on a fallen foe, and four other figures, which are
merely blocked out. About the time of the completion of this monument
Michelangelo carved a striking bust of Brutus as the hero of liberty.
Michelangelo regarded the freedom of his native city as lost after the
second return of the Medici from exile and the assumption of the
control of affairs by Alessandro and Cosmo de' Medici. The sorrow this
caused him suggested the bust of Brutus, and cast a shadow on the tombs
of Giuliano and Lorenzo de' Medici in the chapel spoken of above. The
greater part of the work in the chapel, however, had been done before
this time, and so the expression of embittered sorrow must be explained
by the general depression of the artist not less than by his failure to
realize his highest ideal, which also accounts for the gloom
characteristic of his other creations.</p>
<p id="b-p370" shownumber="no">Twelve figures included in the original design for the sepulchral
monument of the Medici were never carved. According to Vasari's
arrangement in 1563, a seated figure of Giuliano is placed in an upper
niche of one of the monuments, while symbolical figures representing
Day and Night recline on a sarcophagus below. If Michelangelo's words
have been rightly understood, these symbolical figures are to be
regarded as mourning for the untimely death of the duke, and as
grieving that life for him had not been worth the living. "Not to see,
nor to hear must be happiness for me", are the words attributed to
Night, which is represented as a giantess sunk in heavy and uneasy
slumber, and symbolized by a mask, an owl, and a bunch of poppy-heads.
The other allegorical figure, Day, a man, is represented as having no
desire to rouse himself to action. The plan of the second monument is
similar to that of the one just described; the figures of Evening and
Dawn make the same impression as those of Night and Day. The two
Medicean dukes are ideally treated as ancient warriors, rather than
portrayed as in life. In the statue of Giuliano it is the superb
modelling of the different parts that delights the eye; in the statue
of Lorenzo the charm lies in the pose and the way in which the face is
shadowed by the helmet. This figure of Lorenzo bears the name of Il
Penseroso (the Meditative). Against the wall of the chapel stands the
unfinished and really unsuccessful Madonna and Child; the pose of the
Madonna is unique.</p>
<h3 id="b-p370.1">PAINTINGS</h3>
<p id="b-p371" shownumber="no">Michelangelo once said that he was no painter; on another occasion
he declared he was no architect, but in reality he was both. About 1503
he painted a Holy Family, now in Florence in which the Madonna holds
the Child over her shoulder to St. Joseph who stands behind. In this
canvas Michelangelo departs from the traditional representation of the
Holy Family, by the quaint grouping of nude figures in the background
even more than by the entirely new pose of the Mother and Child. An
"Entombment of Christ:, now in London, is unfinished. Like Leonardo da
Vinci, the greatest painter of that period, Michelangelo made a large
number of sketches. He also entered into competition with that famous
artist by undertaking (1504) a battle-piece which was to adorn the wall
opposite Leonardo's "Battle of Anghiari" in the great council chamber
of the palace of the Signory, called the Palazzo del Priori, and now
the Town-hall of Florence. As Michelangelo just at this date entered
the service of the popes, the cartoon he prepared was never carried out
and is now lost. After years of disagreement with Julius II the
painting of the Sistine Chapel was begun in 1508, and in 1512 the
ceiling was uncovered. Michelangelo, who was not a fesco-painter,
exerted all his powers of mind and body, abandoning his preference for
the effects of sculpture in order to express without assistance and in
defiance of the envious, the full ideal of his conceptions in this
unwonted medium. Creation, the Fall, and the preparation for the coming
of the Redeemer form the subject of the fresco. The painter first
divided and enclosed the ceiling with painted architecture which formed
a fame for the frescoes; the cornice for this frame on the broad side
of the chapel is adorned with the figures of naked youths. The nine
fields of the smooth vault contain the history of the sinful human race
as far as Noe. Around the dome, between the lunettes, are vaulted
triangular spaces or pendentives; in these are placed prophets and
sibyls, together with boy-angels, all pointing to the approaching
redemption. In the lunettes over the windows and in the vaulted
triangular spaces over the lunettes are represented the ancestors of
Christ. The subject, arrangement, and technical excellence of these
frescoes have always excited the greatest admiration. The Divine, the
prophetic, and the human are here most happily expressed; the
conception of the first is original; the prophets and sibyls have
wonderful individuality, and great skill is shown in handling the
drapery, while human beings are represented in animated action. The
architect created the beautiful division of the space and the exact
proportions, the sculptor produced the anatomically correct figures,
and the painter knew how to blend forms and colours into perfect
harmony. After the completion of the work Michelangelo could no longer
regret that it had been forced upon him against his will. Equally
famous is the great fresco of the "Last Judgment" which he painted upon
the altar-wall of the chapel (1535-41). In this fresco, however, the
nudity of the figures aroused objection, and they have been painted
over by various hands. The "Last Judgment" has been more blackened and
disfigured by time than the painting on the ceiling of the Sistine
Chapel.</p>
<h3 id="b-p371.1">ARCHITECTURE</h3>
<p id="b-p372" shownumber="no">The commission given by Leo X for the rebuilding of the facade of
the church of San Lorenzo, which has been already mentioned, ended in a
bitter disappointment for Michelangelo. He produced very rapidly a fine
design for the front and made the first preparations for the work.
After four years (in 1520) the contract was rescinded without anything
having been accomplished. However, the commission that Michelangelo
received from Giulio de' Medidi, afterwards Clement VII, for a mortuary
chapel for the Medici family was not revoked, and the chapel was
completed in 1524. It is a simple building surmounted by a dome. Its
only purpose is to hold the monuments. Michelangelos design for the
enlargement of San Giovanni de' Fiorentini at Rome was never used. He
also produced designs for the Piazza of the Campidoglio (Capitol) and
the Porta Pia. It is a remarkable fact that the citizens of Florence in
1529 appointed him engineer-in-chief of the fortifications of the city.
Of more importance was his appointment as chief architect for the
reconstruction of St. Peter's by Pope Paul III, after the death of
Sangallo (1546). He held this position seventeen years. Michelangelo
carried out, with some changes, Bramante's plans for the new building
and rejected those of Sangallo. His own work is notably the magnificent
dome. He completed the drum, but not, however the upper dome. The clay
model made by his own hands is still to be seen at the Vatican.</p>
<p id="b-p373" shownumber="no">Death brought to an end a life filled with fame and success, but
also replete with suffering and sorrow; a life on which a great genius
made demands which could not be satisfied. The ambitions of
Michelangelo were insatiable, not so much owing to his desire for
renown, as to his almost gigantic striving after the absolute ideal of
art. For this reason Michelangelo's creations bear the stamp of his
subjectivity and of his restless efforts to attain the loftiest ideals
by new methods. He accomplished much that was extraordinary in three or
four departments of art, but at the same time broke through many
limitations prescribed by the laws of beauty in all arts, wilfully
disregarding, at times, in his modelling of the human figure, even that
fidelity to nature which he esteemed so highly. The way he pointed was
dangerous, inasmuch as it led directly to extravagance, which, though
perhaps endurable in Michelangelo obscured even the fame of Raphael; he
swayed not only his own age, but succeeding generations.</p>
<p id="b-p374" shownumber="no">Monographs by SUTHERLAND-GOWER, HOLYROD, STRUTT (London, 1903);
THODE, "Michelangelo und das Ende der Renaissance" (1903, 1904);
ROLLAND, "Michelange" (1905).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p375" shownumber="no">G. GIETMANN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p375.1" title="Burchard of Basle" type="Encyclopedia">Burchard of Basle</term>
<def id="b-p375.2">
<h1 id="b-p375.3">Burchard of Basle</h1>
<p id="b-p376" shownumber="no">(Also of HASENBURG or ASUEL, from his ancestral castle in Western
Berne, Switzerland).</p>
<p id="b-p377" shownumber="no">Bishop of Basle in the eleventh century and a warm partisan of Henry
IV (1056-1106). He belonged to the family of the counts of Neuenburg,
or Neuchatel, was b. towards the middle of the eleventh century, and d.
12 April, 1107. Having entered the ecclesiastical state he was made
Bishop of Basle (1072) by Henry IV; in recognition of this favour he
was ever loyal to the king, and became one of his foremost advisers. In
Henry's first difficulties with the Saxons (1073-75) Burchard rendered
him all possible assistance. When the conflict between the king and
Pope Gregory VII (1073-85) broke out, Burchard was among the bishops
who assembled at Worms (January, 1076), proclaimed the deposition of
the pope, and wrote him an insulting letter. Together with Bishop
Huzmann of Speyer he also went to Northern Italy for the purpose of
inducing the Lombard bishops to take similar action with regard to the
pope. In this he was successful; a synod was assembled at Piacenza, and
the Lombard bishops renounced obedience to Gregory. For these
rebellious acts Burchard was excommunicated and deposed by the pope in
the Lenten synod of 1076; a similar sentence was inflicted on other
bishops and on Burchard's royal master. King Henry obtained absolution
at Canossa in January, 1077; and Burchard, who accompanied him on the
penitential pilgrimage, was reinstated in office.</p>
<p id="b-p378" shownumber="no">During the civil war in 1077 and the following years, between Henry
and his rival, Duke Rudolf of Suabia, raised to the throne by many
princes, Burchard stood on the side of Henry, in whose interest he
fought repeatedly, both against Rudolf and his supporter, Berthold of
Zahringen. In 1078 Burchard and his friend suffered a crushing defeat,
and he barely saved his life by precipitate flight. But the fortunes of
war turned; Burchard and his partisans ravaged the country of
Alemannia, or Suabia, the home of Rudolf and Berthold, and many
cruelties were committed. Churches, sanctuaries, and perhaps
monasteries as well were destroyed by the reckless and savage soldiery.
But it all helped the cause of Henry and weakened that of his rival,
who was finally vanquished and killed in 1080. Burchard was rewarded
for his services with grants of land from Henry. It is not certain that
he was present in the synod held at Brixen (Tyrol) in June, 1080, where
the partisans of Henry again deposed Gregory VII and elected in his
stead Wibert, Archbishop of Ravenna. He was with Henry, however, when
the schismatic king took possession of Rome, 21 March, 1084, and it may
be taken for granted that he assisted at the installation of the
antipope Clement III (1084-1100) and at the imperial coronation of
Henry, which events occurred on the 24th and 31st of March
respectively. Shortly afterwards Burchard returned to Germany with his
royal master.</p>
<p id="b-p379" shownumber="no">Two synods were held there during the year 1085, in which Burchard,
though not present, was directly concerned. The first, in the latter
part of April, was held at Quedlinburg by the partisans of Gregory VII;
it condemned all adversaries of the pope, including Bishop Burchard.
Henry's faction held its synod at Mainz in the early part of May; Pope
Gregory and all the bishops loyal to him were deposed. For the next
twenty years Burchard was less active in the cause of Henry, but he
remained to the end loyal to his king. When Henry was hard pressed in
Italy by his son Conrad, in rebellion since 1093, and other enemies,
Burchard was one of the very few bishops of Germany, who brought him
any comfort. In 1095 he appeared at the king's court at Padua, and
after Henry's return to Germany he paid several other visits to the
royal court. How much Henry counted on the loyalty of Burchard was made
evident in a letter which the monarch wrote to the princes of the
empire from Liege in the early part of the year 1106, shortly before
his death. Henry besought the princes to accord him sufficient time to
consult with the princes and bishops about the matters relating to his
abdication or reconciliation with his rebellious son Henry V (1106-25),
and among the bishops faithful to him he mentioned the name of Burchard
of Basle.</p>
<p id="b-p380" shownumber="no">Burchard, however, did not always remain an uncompromising adversary
of the popes. After the death of Gregory VII, particularly after the
election of Urban II (1088-99), his sentiments underwent a change. He
sought a reconciliation with the Holy See; and in order to prove his
interest in purely ecclesiastical and spiritual matters he became
instrumental in the erection of several monasteries or other religious
institutions. Among those founded by him may be mentioned the monastery
of St. Alban in Basle, and chapterhouse of Grandis Vallis to the south
of Basle, and the monastery of St. John, erected partly by his brother
and partly by himself at Erlach in the neighbourhood of his ancestral
castle. In spite of his attachment to Henry IV he died fully reconciled
with the pope.</p>
<p id="b-p381" shownumber="no">TROUILLAT, 
<i>Monuments de l'histoire de l'ancien eveche de Bale</i> (Porrentruy,
1852); BLOSCH, 
<i>Zwei bernische Bischofe</i> in 
<i>Berner Taschenbuch</i> (Bern, 1881); GIESEBRECHT, 
<i>Gesch. der deutschen Kaiserzeit</i> (Leipzig, 1890), III; FIALA in 
<i>Kirschenlex.</i>, II, 1514-19.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p382" shownumber="no">FRANCIS J. SCHAEFER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p382.1" title="Burchard of Worms" type="Encyclopedia">Burchard of Worms</term>
<def id="b-p382.2">
<h1 id="b-p382.3">Burchard of Worms</h1>
<p id="b-p383" shownumber="no">Bishop of that see, b. of noble parents in Hesse, Germany, after the
middle of the tenth century; d. 20 August, 1025. He received his
education in Coblenz and other places, and ultimately entered the
service of Archbishop Willigis of Mainz (975-1011), by whom he was
ordained deacon. He rose gradually in ecclesiastical rank and was
finally appointed by Willigis first chamberlain, and primate or judge
of the city. In these offices he showed so much discretion and
impartiality, that his reputation reached Emperor Otto III. During a
personal interview with his imperial master (1000) he was appointed to
the vacant Bishopric of Worms; a few days later he was advanced to the
priesthood and the episcopal dignity by Willigis at Heiligenstadt.
Thenceforth he laboured unceasingly for the temporal and spiritual
welfare of his subjects. He rebuilt the walls of Worms and with the
approval of Henry II tore down the stronghold of a certain Duke Otto,
which served as a place of refuge to criminals and malefactors. Between
1023 and 1025 he promulgated a celebrated body of laws, the "Leges et
Statuta familiae S. Petri Wormatiensis", with the purpose of insuring
the impartial administration of justice. (Boos, in Urkundenbuch der
Stadt Worms, I, 1886; Weiland, in Mon. Ger. Hist.: Leges, IV, 1.) Many
monasteries and churches were erected by him. On the site of the
aforesaid Otto's castle he built a monastery in honour of St. Paul; his
sister Mathilda was placed in charge of a community of religious women,
whose home was practically rebuilt; the cathedral of St. Peter at Worms
was reconstructed and dedicated in 1016. He also devoted himself to the
formation of ecclesiastical students in his cathedral school and to the
instruction of ecclesiastics generally. To stimulate their zeal he
would at times answer difficult questions submitted to him. The
prevalent evils he tried to reform through visitations and synods.</p>
<p id="b-p384" shownumber="no">For the sake of uniformity in all church matters he drew up a manual
for the instruction and guidance of young ecclesiastics, this is his
well-known "Collectarium canonum" or "Decretum" in twenty books, a
compilation of ecclesiastical law and moral theology, drawn from
previous similar collections, the penitential books, the writings of
the Fathers, the decrees of councils and popes, and the Sacred
Scriptures. For more than a century, until the publication of the
"Decretum" of Gratian (c. 1150), this was a widely used practical guide
of the clergy, often quoted as "Brocardus". The nineteenth book, known
as "Corrector, seu medicus", was circulated frequently as a separate
work and was esteemed as a practical confessor's guide. (Von Scherer,
Kirchenrecht, I, 238.) The work was undertaken at the suggestion of
Brunicho, the provost of the Worms Cathedral, and was executed with the
help of Bishop Walter of Speyer and Abbot Olbert of Gembloux (ed.
Foucher, Paris, 1549; Migne, P.L., CXL, Paris, 1853). Burchard enjoyed
the special esteem of his imperial masters. With Otto III he was on the
most intimate terms; Henry II and Conrad II made visits to him in 1009
and 1025 respectively. Personally Burchard was a saintly man. His
biographer, probably an ecclesiastic, praises his devotion to prayer,
his mortification, his fairness and charity towards others.</p>
<p id="b-p385" shownumber="no">
<i>Vita Burchardi Episcopi</i> in 
<i>Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.</i>, IV; also in 
<i>P.L.</i> (Paris, 1853), CXL; GROSCH, 
<i>Burchard I Bischof zu Worms</i> (Jena, 1890); HAUCK, 
<i>Kirchengesch. Deutschlands</i> (Leipzig, 1896), III; VON SCHERER in 
<i>Kirchenlex.</i>, II; HAUCK in HERZOG, 
<i>Realencyc.</i> (Leipzig, 1897); GIETL, 
<i>Hist. Jahrb.</i> (1895), XVI, 116-119; WATTENBACH, 
<i>Deutschl. Geschichtsquellen</i> (6th ed., 1893), I, 392; CONRAT, 
<i>Gesch. d. Quellen des rom. Rechts im M. A.</i>, 1, 261.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p386" shownumber="no">FRANCIS J. SCHAEFER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p386.1" title="Burchard of Wurzburg, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Burchard of Wurzburg</term>
<def id="b-p386.2">
<h1 id="b-p386.3">St. Burchard of Würzurg</h1>
<p id="b-p387" shownumber="no">First bishop of Würzurg, b. in England of Anglo-Saxon parents,
date unknown; d. in Germany most probably in 754. After the death of
his father and mother he left home to go as a missionary to Germany,
being drawn to this life by the great reputation of his countryman, St.
Boniface, to whom he offered himself as an assistant. As Boniface was
at this time an archbishop it must have been after the year 732 that
Burchard began missionary work on German soil. He soon showed himself a
competent and zealous messenger of the Faith and was consecrated Bishop
of the new See of Würzurg by St. Boniface when the latter erected
the ecclesiastical hierarchy in the mission territory of Thuringia. The
date is probably 741, for on 22 October, 741, Burchard and Witta of
Buraburg took part as bishops in the consecration of St. Willibald as
Bishop of Eichstatt. In a letter to St. Boniface, 1 April, 743, Pope
Zachary confirmed the founding of the new diocese. But a year before
this (April, 742) Burchard had been a member of the first German synod.
He now devoted himself to spreading and confirming Christianity in the
new bishopric. In the spring of 748 he went to Rome to make a report on
the condition of the Church in Franconia and to submit various
questions for decision. Burchard was held in high esteem by Pepin the
Short. When the latter, in 749, appointed an embassy to lay before Pope
Zachary the question who should be King of the Franks, he placed
Burchard and Abbot Fulrad of St. Denis at its head. After his return
from Rome Burchard was not able to continue his apostolic activity for
any great space of time and died before St. Boniface. One of his
successors, Hugo (984-990), had Burchard's remains dug up and solemnly
buried on 14 October. This day has remained the feast-day of the
saint.</p>
<p id="b-p388" shownumber="no">
<i>Vita S. Burchardi</i> in 
<i>Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.</i>, XV, 47-50 (unreliable account of
ninth and tenth centuries); 
<i>Vita S. Burchardi</i>, in 
<i>Acta S. S.</i>, Oct., IV, 575 sqq. (account of twelfth century);
NURNBERGER, 
<i>Aus der litterar. Hinterlassenschaft des hl. Bonifatius und des hl.
Burchardus</i> (Neisse, 1888); ULRICH, 
<i>Der hl. Burchardus, erster Bischof von Würzurg</i>
(Würzurg, 1877); HAUCK, 
<i>Kirchengesch.</i> (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1898-1900), I, II, passim.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p389" shownumber="no">J.P. KIRSCH</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p389.1" title="Burckmair, Hans" type="Encyclopedia">Hans Burckmair</term>
<def id="b-p389.2">
<h1 id="b-p389.3">Hans Burckmair</h1>
<p id="b-p390" shownumber="no">(Or Burgkmair).</p>
<p id="b-p391" shownumber="no">A painter of the Swabian school, b. at Augsburg in 1473; d. in 1531.
He was the son of Toman, or Thomas Burckmair, and received his first
lessons in are from his father, then went, it appears, to Schongauer in
Alsace, and afterwards to Italy. In company with the elder Holbein he
painted, between the years 1501 and 1504, the seven great churches of
Rome on panels in the monastery if St. Catherine of Augsburg. To
Burckmair belong, among these, the basilica of St. Peter, the basilica
of the Lateran, and the church of Santa Croce. The building itself is
represented in the main compartment of each picture; above are,
respectively, Christ's prayer in the Garden of Gethsemane, the
Scourging, and the Crucifixion. Following the titles of the churches
there are, in the first picture, St. Peter, enthroned and accompanied
by the Fourteen Holy Martyrs; in the second, the legend of St. John the
Evangelist, and in the third, the martyrdom of the Eleven Thousand
Virgins. Several fine figures in the paintings show Italian influence.
Not much later in date is the painting of Christ and the Blessed
Virgin, the latter wearing a crown; most charming figures of angels and
three groups of saints are depicted on the wings as surrounding the
central personages. The pictures just mentioned are in Augsburg. Among
the Madonnas at Nuremburg, the Madonna with the bunch of grapes is
especially admired. An attractive genre picture with a background of
harmonious tone that brings out the effect is the Holy Family in the
Berlin Museum.</p>
<p id="b-p392" shownumber="no">The best of Burckmair's later panel pictures are: the Crucifixion,
with St. George and the Emperor Heinrich on the wings, painted in 1519
and now at Augsburg; St. John in Patmos, and Esther before Assuerus,
painted in 1528 (these two at Munich). Several portraits still exist
which Burckmair painted in the later years of his life. Among these is
one of the artist himself and his wife, painted in 1529, now at Vienna.
In this picture his wife holds a mirror in her hand in which two skulls
are reflected.</p>
<p id="b-p393" shownumber="no">A woodcut of earlier date (1510) resembles a picture from a Dance of
Death. In this engraving Death stops a pair of lovers, throws the youth
down, and strangles him; at the same time he seizes with his teeth the
dress of the young woman, who is fleeing. The woodcuts that Burckmair
produced in the middle part of his career (1510-19), at the command of
Emperor Maximilian, possess unusual merit. Only one of them, or, at
most, very few were inserted in the emperor's Prayer Book. For the
other books concerned with Maximilian or his ancestors Burckmair's work
was as follows: for the "Osterreichische Heiligen" (Austrian Saints)
Burckmair made 124 engravings on wood; for "Teuerdank" 12; for "The
Triumph" over 60; for the "Weiszkunig" more than 200; he finally
completed the "Genealogie" with some 70 illustrations. As an example of
his decorative work may be mentioned the adornments, which are full of
imaginative power, in the so-called "Damenhof" of the house of the
Fugger family at Augsburg. Under the influence of Italian art Burckmair
modified the old realistic method of treating a subject, gradually
replaced Gothic architecture in his work by that of the Renaissance,
substituted colour for gold in painting, and developed the use of
landscape as a background.</p>
<p id="b-p394" shownumber="no">Janitschek, Geschishte der deutschen Malerai (Berlin, 1890); Huber
in Zeitschrift des hist. Vereins fur Schwaben, I, Parts II, III; Muther
in Zeitschrift fur bildende Kunst, XIX; Idem in Repertorium fur
Kunstwissenshaft, IX.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p395" shownumber="no">G. GEITMANN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p395.1" title="Burgis, Edward Ambrose" type="Encyclopedia">Edward Ambrose Burgis</term>
<def id="b-p395.2">
<h1 id="b-p395.3">Edward Ambrose Burgis</h1>
<p id="b-p396" shownumber="no">A Dominican historian and theologian, b. in England c. 1673; d. in
Brussels, 27 April, 1747. When a young man he left the Church of
England, of which his father was a minister, and became a Catholic,
joining the Dominican Order at Rome, where he passed his noviceship in
the convent of Sts. John and Paul on the Coelian Hill, then occupied by
the English Dominicans. After his religious profession (1696) he was
sent to Naples to the Dominican school of St. Thomas, where he
displayed unusual mental ability. Upon the completion of his studies he
was sent to Louvain, where for nearly thirty years he taught
philosophy, theology, Sacred Scripture, and church history in the
College of St. Thomas, established in 1697 for the Dominicans of
England through the bequest of Cardinal Thomas Howard, O.P. He was the
rector of the college from 1715 to 1720 and again from 1724 to 1730. In
the latter year he was elected to the office of provincial; in 1741 he
became Prior of the English Dominican convent at Bornhem, and in 1746
he was appointed Vicar-General of the English Dominicans in Belgium. He
published a number of pamphlets of considerable merit containing theses
written in Latin on Scriptural, theological, and historical subjects.
But it was as a writer of English that he excelled, especially along
historical lines; his style is easy and pleasing, and he is accurate in
his statements. In 1712 he published in London "The Annals of the
Church", a volume embracing the period from A.D. 34 to 300. As stated
in the preface it was his intention to bring the annals down to his own
time in a work of nine volumes, but he abandoned this plan, rewrote the
first period and published "The Annals of the Church from the Death of
Christ", in five octavo volumes (London, 1738), the first work of the
kind written in English by Catholic or Protestant. The book entitles
"An Introduction to the Catholic Faith", by Father Thomas Worthington,
O.P. (London, 1709), was completed by Father Burgis, although his name
does not appear in connection with it.</p>
<p id="b-p397" shownumber="no">Palmer, Obituary Notices O.S.D. (London, 1884); Olliver,
Collections.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p398" shownumber="no">A.L. MCMAHON</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p398.1" title="Burgoa, Francisco" type="Encyclopedia">Francisco Burgoa</term>
<def id="b-p398.2">
<h1 id="b-p398.3">Francisco Burgoa</h1>
<p id="b-p399" shownumber="no">Born at Oaxaca about 1600; d. at Teopozotlan in 1681. He entered the
Dominican Order 2 August, 1629, and soon became master in theology. The
voluminous books written by him on the past of his native Mexican
State, Oaxaca, are very rare. They are valuable, though not absolutely
reliable on several topics. He was curate of several Indian parishes
and his knowledge of the Indian languages, the Zapotec and Mixteco, is
stated to have been very thorough. In 1649 he became Provincial of the
Province of San Hipólito and took part in the chapter general of
his order at Rome, 1656. Returning to Mexico with the title of
vicar-general, a member of the Inquisition of Spain, and Commissary and
Inspector of Libraries of New Spain (Mexico), he again became
Provincial of Oaxaca in 1662. He was interested in several
ecclesiastical foundations and improvements, and highly respected at
the time of his death. The two historical and geographical works
through which he is best known are the "Palestra histórica, ó
Historia de la Provincia de San Hipólito de Oaxaca, de la Orden de
Predicadores" (Mexico, 1670), and the "Descripción geográfica
de la Am´rica setentrional" etc. (Mexico, 1674). He published a
number of sermons and also wrote "Itinerario de Oaxaca á Roma y de
Roma a Oaxaca", which is still in manuscript.</p>
<p id="b-p400" shownumber="no">Pinelo, Epitome de la biblioteca oriental y occidental (Madrid,
1737); Antonio, Bibliotheca hispana nova (Madrid, 1733-38); Eguiara,
Biblioteca mexicana (Mexico, 1755); Beristain, Biblioteca
hispano-americana etc. (Amecameca, 1883); Brasseur de Bourbourg, Bibl.
mexico-guatemalienne (Paris, 1871).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p401" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p401.1" title="Burgos" type="Encyclopedia">Burgos</term>
<def id="b-p401.2">
<h1 id="b-p401.3">Burgos</h1>
<p id="b-p402" shownumber="no">
(<span class="sc" id="b-p402.1">Burgensis</span>)</p>
<p id="b-p403" shownumber="no">The Archdiocese of Burgos (from 
<i>burgi, burgorum</i>, signifying a consolidation of districts or
small villages) has been since the tenth century an episcopal see of
Spain, to which in the eleventh century the ancient Sees of Oca and
Valpuesta were transferred. In 1574 Gregory XIII raised it to
metropolitan rank, at the request of Philip II. The archdiocese now
(Concordat of 1851) comprises almost the entire province of Burgos. Its
suffragans are: Calahorra (Logroño), El Burgo de Osma, Palencia,
Santander, Leon, and Vitoria. Its area is approximately 8694 square
miles, with a population of 340,000. The diocese is divided into 1220
parishes, which form forty-seven vicariates.</p>
<h3 id="b-p403.1">PHYSICAL FEATURES</h3>
<p id="b-p404" shownumber="no">The northern and eastern portion of the diocese is mountainous,
thickly wooded, and traversed by rivers, among which is the Ebro, which
rises in the mountains and serves as the eastern boundary for Miranda.
The Arlanza which crosses the diocese from east to west flows by Salas
de los Infantes, near the famous monastery of Silos, and through the
centre of the well-known town of Lerma. The mountainous region is
unproductive of cereals, but fruits grow in abundance, and fine
pasture-lands sustain great herds of cows and sheep, which furnish
excellent meat and milk. Delicate cheeses which take their name from
the city and are famous throughout Spain, are made in this section.
Minerals are abundant, especially sulphate of soda, common salt, iron,
and hard coal. The southern part of the diocese, especially the valley
and plains, is fertile and produces abundantly vegetables, cereals, and
quite a quantity of wind. The climate, cold but healthy, is damp
towards the north. Although this section has few industries, the
transportation of its fruit and minerals is greatly facilitated by the
numerous highways and by the railroad between Madrid and France which
crosses the eastern side of the diocese from south to north. There are
also some secondary railway lines for the operation of the mines.</p>
<h3 id="b-p404.1">RELIGIOUS EDIFICES</h3>
<p id="b-p405" shownumber="no">Burgos possesses more religious monuments than any other Spanish
diocese, not even excepting Toledo - evidences of the piety of the
counts and kings of Castile and Leon. In addition to the collegiate
churches of Lerma, Villadiego, Plampiega, Palenzuela, Cobarrubias, and
others, there are in Burgos alone many magnificent buildings. The
cathedral, which its chapel of the Condestable, the monastery of Las
Huelgas, and the Carthusian monastery of Miraflores, are museums of
really permanent value.</p>
<h4 id="b-p405.1">The Cathedral</h4>
<p id="b-p406" shownumber="no">As an architectural monument this structure displays the best
features of the art of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth
centuries. It was commenced by Bishop Mauritius in 1221, in the reign
of Ferdinand III and Beatrice of Swabia, and is Gothic in style. the
principal façade, Santa María la Mayor, faces west, and on
either side rise two towers about 262 feet in height, terminating in
octagonal spires covered with open stonework traceries. The façade
is composed of three stories, or sections. The first, or ground story
has three ogival entrances with rectangular openings; the second has a
gallery enclosed by a pinnacled balustrade and a rose window as
delicately carved as a piece of lace, which admits some light into the
church. In the upper-most story there are two double-arched windows of
ogival style, with eight intercolumnar spaces, in each of which there
is a statue on a pedestal. The whole is finished with a balustrade of
letters carved in stone and forming the inscription: 
<i>Pulchra es et decora</i> (Thou art beautiful and graceful), in the
centre of which is a statue of the Blessed Virgin. In the lateral
sections (the towers) the windows are enclosed by stone balustrades,
and the top is surmounted by balconies of stone surrounded by
balustrades formed of Gothic letters in various inscriptions;
needle-pointed pinnacles finish the four corners. The spires, as
already said, are octagonal in shape; a gallery runs around the eight
sides near the top, upon which rest the graceful points of the conical
finial.</p>
<p id="b-p407" shownumber="no">The north portal is known as the 
<i>portada de la Coronería</i>. In the lower portion of this are
statues of the Twelve Apostles, the windows in the central section
being of the primitive ogival style, and in the upper story there are
three double-arched windows with statues joined to the shafts of the
columns; two small spires, conical in shape like the main ones and
decorated with balustrades, rise on either side of this façade.
From the portal of the 
<i>Coronería</i> one can descend to that of the 
<i>Pellerjería</i>, which faces east and is of the Renaissance
style known as the Plateresque. It is divided into three sections, the
two end ones being alike, with the centre different in style and
dimensions. The former are composed of pilasters minutely carved,
between which four statues are placed. The middle section, which serves
for an entrance, has three alabaster pilasters, the intercolumnar
spaces bearing panel-pictures representing the martyrdom of saints. The
façade as a whole gives the impression of a gorgeous picture, and
the ornate and fantastic devices sculptured all over its magnificent
surface are simply innumerable.</p>
<p id="b-p408" shownumber="no">The octagonal chapel of the Condestable, of florid Gothic and very
pure in design, is the best of the many chapels of the cathedral. Its
roof if finished with balustraded turrets, needle-pointed pinnacles,
statues, and countless other sculptural devices. In the lower portion
coats of arms, shields, and crouching lions have been worked into the
ensemble. The exterior of the sacristy is decorated with carved
traceries, figures of angels and armoured knights. The tabernacle is of
extraordinary magnificence and is composed of two octagonal sections in
Corinthian style.</p>
<h4 id="b-p408.1">Las Huelgas</h4>
<p id="b-p409" shownumber="no">Next to the cathedral in magnificence is the famous Monasterio de
las Huelgas on the outskirts of the city. It dates from the year 1180,
and architecturally belongs to the transition period from Byzantine to
Gothic, although in the course of time almost every style has been
introduced into it. This convent has two remarkable cloisters, one a
very fine example of the earlier period and of the use of semi-circular
arches and delicate and varied columns; the other of the ogival style
of the transition period. The interior of the church is in the style of
the latter, enormous columns supporting its magnificent vault; the
entrance is modern. This convent is celebrated for the extraordinary
privileges granted to its abbess by kings and popes.</p>
<h4 id="b-p409.1">Miraflores</h4>
<p id="b-p410" shownumber="no">The Carthusian monastery of Miraflores, celebrated for the strict
observance of its rule, is situated about one mile from the city. A
very beautiful and life-like statue of St. Bruno carved in wood is one
of the treasures of the monastery; the stalls in the church also
display exquisite workmanship. The mausoleum of King John II and of his
wife Isabel, in this monastery, is constructed of the finest marble and
so delicately carved that portions seem to be sculptured in wax rather
than stone. Around the top are beautiful statues of angels in
miniature, which might be the work of Phidias. The French soldiers in
the War of Independence (1814) mutilated this beautiful work, cutting
off some of the heads and carrying them away to France.</p>
<h4 id="b-p410.1">Celebrated Churches</h4>
<p id="b-p411" shownumber="no">Burgos has other important churches. That of Santa Agueda, commonly
called Santa Gadea, is chiefly celebrated for its antiquity and for the
historic fact that it was in this church that Alfonso VI, in the
presence of the famous Cid Campeador (Rodrigo Díaz del Vivar),
swore that he had taken no part in the death of his brother the king,
Don Sancho, assassinated in the Cerco de Zamora. without this oath he
never would have been allowed to succeed to the royal crown of Castile.
In this church also the Augustinian friar, St. Juan de Sahagun, was
wont to preach, hear confessions, and give missions, after he had
renounced the canonry and other ecclesiastical benefices which he held
in that diocese. Among the other notable churches are: San Esteban, San
Gil (Sancti Aegidii), San Pedro, San Cosme y San Damian, Santiago
(Sancti Jacobi), San Lorenzo, and San Lesmes (Adelelmi). The Convento
de la Merced, occupied by the Jesuits, and the Hospital del Rey are
also worthy of mention. In the walls of the city are the famous gateway
of Santa María, erected for the first entrance of the Emperor
Charles V, and the arch of Fernán González. The diocese has
two fine ecclesiastical seminaries. There are also many institutions
for secular education. Schools are maintained in every diocese, the
Instituto Provincial, and many colleges are conducted by private
individuals, religious orders, and nuns both cloistered and
uncloistered.</p>
<h4 id="b-p411.1">History of Burgos</h4>
<p id="b-p412" shownumber="no">When the Romans took possession of what is now the province of
Burgos it was inhabited by the Morgobos, Turmodigos, Berones, and
perhaps also the Pelendones, the last inhabitants of the northern part
of the Celtiberian province. the principal cities, according to
Ptolemy, were: Brabum, Sisara, Deobrigula, Ambisna Segiasamon,
Verovesca (briviesca), and others. In the time of the Romans it
belonged to Hither Spain (Hispania Citerior) and afterwards to the
Tarragonese province. The Arabs occupied all of Castile, though only
for a brief period, and left no trace of their occupation. Alfonso
(III) the Great reconquered it about the middle of the ninth century,
and built many castles for the defence of the Christians, then
extending their dominion and reconquering the lost territory. In this
way the region came to be known as Castilla (Lat. 
<i>castella</i>), i.e. "land of castles". Don Diego, Count of Porcelos,
was entrusted with the government of this territory, and commanded to
promote the increase of the Christian population. with this end in view
he gathered the inhabitants of the surrounding country into one
village, which took the name of Burgos, or burgi. The city thus bounded
began to be called Caput Castellae. The territory 
(<i>condado</i>), subject to the Kings of Leon, continued to be governed
by counts and was gradually extended by victories over the Moors, until
the time of Fernán González, the greatest of these rulers,
when it became independent; it later on took the name of the Kingdom of
Castile, being sometimes united with Navarre and sometimes with Leon.
In the reign of St. Ferdinand III (c. 1200-52), Leon and Castile were
definitely united, but they continued to be called respectively the
Kingdom of Leon and the Kingdom of Castile until the nineteenth
century. This district has been the scene of many and varied events:
the wars with the Arabs, the struggles between Leon and Navarre, and
between Castile and Aragon, the War of Independence against France, and
the civil wars of the Spanish succession.</p>
<h3 id="b-p412.1">COUNCILS</h3>
<p id="b-p413" shownumber="no">Some important councils have been held in Burgos. A national council
took place there in 1078, although opinions differ as to date (the
"Boletín de la Academia de la Historia de Madrid", 1906, XLIX,
337, says 1080). This was presided over by the papal delegate, Cardinal
Roberto and attended by Alfonso VI, and was convoked for the purpose of
introducing into Spain the Roman Breviary and Missal instead of the
Gothic, or Mozarabic, then in use. Another national council, presided
over by Cardinal Boso (d. 1181), also papal delegate, settled questions
of discipline and established diocesan rights and limits. The
proceedings of this council remained unpublished until quite recently,
when they were made known in the Boletín already mentioned
(XLVIII) 395). In 1898 a provincial council was called by Archbishop
(no Cardinal) Don Fr. Gregorio Aguirre, in which the obligations of the
clergy and the faithful were most minutely set forth.</p>
<h3 id="b-p413.1">SAINTS OF BURGOS</h3>
<p id="b-p414" shownumber="no">St. Julian, Bishop of Cuenca, called the Almoner, because of his
great charity to the poor, was born in Burgos; also St. Amaro the
Pilgrim, who has always had a special cult paid to him in Burgos,
though not found in the Roman Martyrology. St. Iñigo (Enecus or
Ignatius), abbot of Oña, while not born in Burgos, laboured there
for many years; also St. Domingo de Silos, abbot and reformer of the
famous convent of Silos, and St. Juan de Sahagún, a native of that
town in the province of Leon. Among its saints may also be mentioned
the martyrs of Cardeña, a religious of the convent of the same
name, who in the tenth century were put to death for the Faith by the
Arab soldiers of the Emir of Cordova in one of their numerous invasions
of Castile; and St. Casilda, daughter of one of the Moorish kings of
Toledo. She was converted near Burgos whither she had gone with her
father's consent to drink the water of some medicinal springs. She
built a hermitage and died a saintly death.</p>
<h3 id="b-p414.1">FAMOUS BISHOPS AND CITIZENS</h3>
<p id="b-p415" shownumber="no">In the long line of bishops and archbishops the following deserve
special mention: Pablo de Santa María (1396-1456), a converted
rabbi, preceptor and counsellor of John II; his son and successor
(1435-56) Alfonso (de Cartagena), one of the most learned members of
the Council of Basle and to whom is owing the erection of the Chapel
del Condestable by Juan de Colonia, a German architect who accompanied
him to Spain; Cardinal Inigo López de Mendoza y Zuniga, brother of
the Count of Peñaranda, Duke of Miranda, who in 1535 convoked a
synod; the Cardinal Archbishop de Pacheco, in whose time Burgos was
raised to the dignity of an archiepiscopal see; and Archbishop Don Fr.
Gregorio Aguirre, also administrator of the See of Calahorra.</p>
<p id="b-p416" shownumber="no">Among the famous laymen, the name of Rodrigo Díaz del Vivar (d.
1099), the Cid Campeador, naturally stands pre-eminent. He was the hero
of his time, and the man most feared by the Mohammedans, whom he
defeated in innumerable encounters. He is buried in Burgos, in the
monastery of San Pedro de Cardeña. Don Ramón Bonifaz was
according to some authorities a native of Burgos, but in any event he
lived there. St. Ferdinand entrusted to him the task of forming the
Spanish squadron with which he established and maintained communication
with the troops who were besieging Seville, and prevented the Moors
from communicating with the city. One of his fleets destroyed the
bridge by which the Moors had access to the outside world and received
provisions; this brought about the surrender (1248) of the city of
Seville to the Christians, led by St. Ferdinand himself.</p>
<p id="b-p417" shownumber="no">Burgos has produced many men of letters. The bibliography, published
(1889) by Don Manuel Martínez Añibarro under the title
"Diccionario Biográfico y Bibliográfico de Burgos", forms a
small folio volume of 570 pages. Among the most distinguished writers
are Archbishop Pablo de Santa María who wrote "Scrutinium
Scripturarum" (Mantua, 1474) against the Jews. the aforesaid Don Alonso
de Cartagena, his son, author of various works; the learned Augustinian
friar Enrique Flórez, author of the famous works, "La España
Sagrada" (1743-75, 29 vols., continued by others to 1886, 51 vols.),
"Memorias de las Reynas" (1762), "Medallas Antiguas" (1757-73), and
many others. His statue was erected in his native town of Villadiego by
popular subscription.</p>
<p id="b-p418" shownumber="no">Among the several newspapers published at Burgos "El Castellano" and
"El Boletín Eclesiástico" are under the direction of the
archbishop.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p419" shownumber="no">TIRSO LÓPEZ</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p419.1" title="Burgundy" type="Encyclopedia">Burgundy</term>
<def id="b-p419.2">
<h1 id="b-p419.3">Burgundy</h1>
<p id="b-p420" shownumber="no">(Lat. 
<i>Burgundia</i>, Ger. 
<i>Burgund</i>, Fr. 
<i>Bourgogne</i>).</p>
<p id="b-p421" shownumber="no">In medieval times respectively a kingdom and a duchy, later a
province of France (to 1789), and now represented mostly by the
departments of Ain, Saône-et-Loire, Côte-d'Or, and Yonne. It
has nearly 2,000,000 inhabitants, and is famous for its diversified
scenery, its rich wines, its rivers and canals, varied industries,
mineral wealth, and many prosperous cities. In the fifth century a
Germanic tribe, the Burgundi or Burgundiones, conquered from the Romans
the fertile basins of the Rhone, the Saône, and the Loire, but
were unable to maintain their sovereignty (Lyons, Geneva, Vienne) which
in the next century they lost (534) to the Frankish successors of
Clovis [Binding, "Das burgundisch-romanische Königreich von
443-532", Leipzig, 1868; Drapeyron, "Du rôle de la Bourgogne sous
les Mérovingiens" in "Mém. lus à la Sorbonne", 1866,
29-42; B. Hauréau, "L'Eglise et l'Etat sous les premiers rois de
Bourgogne" in "Mém. de l'Acad. des inscriptions et
belles-lettres", Paris, 1867, XXVI (1), 137-172]. In the latter quarter
of the ninth century this territory again acquired independence, first
as the short-lived Kingdom of Arles, and then as the dual Kingdom of
North and South (or Lesser) Burgundy, the latter including Provence or
the lands between Lyons and the sea, while the former took in, roughly
speaking, the territory north of Lyons, now divided between France and
Switzerland. These kingdoms, known as Transjurane and Cisjurane
Burgundy, were reunited (935) under Rudolf II. The independence of this
"middle kingdom", the medieval counterpart of modern Switzerland, was
short-lived, for in 1038 Emperor Conrad II obtained the crown of
Burgundy for his son (later Emperor) Henry III. For two centuries
German influence was uppermost in the counsels of the Burgundian
rulers, but little by little the growing prestige and power of
neighbouring France asserted themselves, beginning with the annexation
of Lyons by Philip the Fair in 1310 and ending with that of Savoy and
Nice in 1860. During this time, in language, laws, and institutions
Burgundy became regularly more closely assimilated to France, and
finally an integral part of that nation when, on the death of Charles
the Bold (1477), Louis XI incorporated with France the Duchy of
Burgundy and extinguished thereby, in favour of the royal prerogative,
one of the most important fiefs of the French Crown (G. Hüffer,
"Das Verhältniss des Königreichs Burgund zu Kaiser und Reich,
besonders unter Friedrich I", Paderborn, 1874; Reese, "Die
staatsrechtliche Stellung der Bischöfe Burgunds und Italiens under
Kaiser Friedrich I", Göttingen, 1885; cf. André Du Chesne,
"Hist. des rois, ducs, et comtes de Bourgogne et d'Arles", Paris, 1619;
de Camps, "De la souveraineté de la couronne de France sur les
royaumes de Bourgogne Transjurane et d'Arles", in "Mercure de France",
April, 1723; von Bertouch, "Burgund als Scheidewand zwischen
Deutschland und Frankreich, eine historisch-politische Frage",
Wiesbaden, 1885).</p>
<p id="b-p422" shownumber="no">The medieval political vicissitudes of the Kingdom of Burgundy are
accurately outlined in E. Freeman, "Historical Geography of Europe"
(ed. Bury, London, 1903), 
<i>passim</i>. The following passage from that work (pp. 258-259)
exhibits in a brief but philosophic way the political vicissitudes and
rôle of medieval Burgundy:</p>
<blockquote id="b-p422.1">The Burgundian Kingdom, which was united with those of
Germany and Italy after the death of its last separate king, Rudolf the
Third [1032], has had a fate unlike that of any other part of Europe.
Its memory, as a separate state, has gradually died out. The greater
part of its territory has been swallowed up, bit by bit, by a
neighbouring power, and the small part which has escaped that fate has
long lost all trace of its original name or its original political
relations. By a long series of annexations, spreading over more than
five hundred years, the greater part of the kingdom has gradually been
incorporated with France. Of what remains, a small corner forms part of
the modern Kingdom of Italy, while the rest still keeps its
independence in the form of the commonwealths which make up the western
cantons of Switzerland. These cantons, in fact, are the truest modern
representatives of the Burgundian Kingdom. And it is on the
confederation of which they form a part, interposed as it is between
France, Italy, the new German Empire, and the modern Austrian Monarchy,
as a central state with a guaranteed neutrality, that some trace of the
old function of Burgundy, as the middle kingdom, is thrown. This
function it shares with the Lotharingian lands at the other end of the
empire, which now form part of the equally neutral Kingdom of Belgium,
lands which, oddly enough, themselves became Burgundian in another
sense.</blockquote>

<p id="b-p423" shownumber="no">The present article deals chiefly with Northern
Burgundy since the middle of the fourteenth century, and may serve as
an introduction to the articles on BELGIUM and the NETHERLANDS.</p>

<h4 id="b-p423.1">States of the House of Burgundy</h4>
<p id="b-p424" shownumber="no">The formation of the Burgundian State from which sprang the two
kingdoms of Belgium and the Netherlands, is an historical phenomenon of
intense interest. The Duchy of Burgundy was one of the fiefs of the
French Crown. Made vacant in 1361 by the death of Philippe de Rouvre,
the last of the older line of dukes, it was presented by John II, King
of France, to his son Philip the Bold who, at the age of fourteen, had
fought so valiantly at his father's side in the battle of Poitiers. In
1369, as the result of the negotiations with his brother, King Charles
V, Philip married Marguerite de Male, widow of his predecessor and sole
heir to the countship of Flanders, thereby acquiring that magnificent
domain including the cities of Antwerp and Mechlin and the countships
of Nevers and Rathel, not to mention the countships of Artois and
Burgundy to be inherited from his wife's grandmother. He thus became
the most powerful feudary of the Kingdom of France. To be sure he had
to conquer Flanders by dint of arms, as the people of Ghent, who had
rebelled against the late count, Louis de Male, had no intention of
submitting to his heir. But Philip had the armies of his nephew, King
Charles VI, march against them and they lost the battle of Roosebeke
(1382); then, after continuing the struggle for two years longer, they
were finally obliged to submit in 1385. The Peace of Tournai put Philip
in possession of his countship, yet he was not satisfied and, through
adroit negotiations, he succeeded in securing foothold for his family
in most of the other Netherland territories. By the marriage of his
daughter Margaret with Count William of Hainault, proprietor of the
countships of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand, Philip provided for the
annexation of these three domains. Moreover, he obtained for his wife,
Margaret, the inheritance of her widowed and childless aunt, Jane,
Duchess of Brabant and Limburg, and gave it to Anthony, his youngest
son, whilst the eldest, John the Fearless, was made heir to his other
states (1404). But John the Fearless did nothing great for the
Netherlands, being better known for his ardent participation in the
troubles that disturbed the Kingdom of France during the reign of the
deranged King Charles VI. After assassinating Louis of Orleans, the
king's brother, John himself perished at the Bridge of Montereau during
his famous interview with the Dauphin, being dispatched by the latter's
followers (1414). The first two Dukes of Burgundy who reigned in the
Netherlands were pre-eminently French princes and bent upon preserving
and augmenting the prestige they enjoyed in France as princes of the
blood royal. On the other hand, their two successors were essentially
Belgian princes whose chief aim was the extension of their domains and
whose policy was distinctly anti-French. Of course the assassination at
Montereau, by setting them at variance with the French Crown, had
helped to bring this change about, but it would have taken place in any
event. To avenge his father, Philip the Good allied himself with the
English to whom he rendered valuable services, especially by delivering
to them Joan of Arc, made prisoner by his troops at Compiègne.
When, in 1435, he at length became reconciled to the king by the treaty
of Arras, it was on condition of being dispensed from all vassalage and
of receiving the cities along the River Somme. At this price he agreed
to help the king against his own former allies and participated in the
unsuccessful siege of Calais (1436).</p>
<p class="c5" id="b-p425" shownumber="no">Effects of Philip's Rule</p>
<p id="b-p426" shownumber="no">The chief work of Philip the Good was to reunite under his authority
most of the Netherland provinces. In 1421 he purchased the countship of
Namur from John III, its last incumbent. In 1430 he became Duke of
Brabant and Limburg as heir of his first cousin, Philip of Saint-Pol,
son of Duke Anthony; in 1428 he constrained his cousin Jacqueline of
Bavaria, Countess of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand, and Lady of
Friesland, to recognize him as her heir, and even during her lifetime,
in 1433, he obliged her to relinquish this inheritance. Finally, in
1444, he purchased the claims of Elizabeth of Gorlitz to the Duchy of
Luxemburg, thus owning all of modern Belgium except the principality of
Liège, all the western provinces of the present Kingdom of the
Netherlands, and several French provinces. However, this did not
suffice and he managed to place his bastards in the episcopal Sees of
Cambrai and Utrecht and his nephew in that of Liège. Victorious
over all his enemies, among whom was the King of France, in 1437 he
held out against the Emperor Sigismund who tried in vain to
re-establish the dependency of the Netherlands upon the empire. On two
different occasions in 1447 and 1463, he importuned the Emperor
Frederick III to give him the title of king, but the attempts failed.
Nevertheless, under the title of "Grand Duke of the West" he won the
admiration of his contemporaries and was the richest and most powerful
sovereign in Europe. It was he whom Pope Nicholas V wished to place at
the head of the new crusade he was planning, and during a sumptuous
feast at which he made the celebrated 
<i>voeu du faisan</i>, Philip promised to take the cross. But the
crusade did not take place. Being master of so many provinces, Philip
wished to unite them under a central government, but this was not easy
of accomplishment. Each of them considered itself a self-governing
State, independent of all the others and living its own life; moreover,
the large cities of Flanders also claimed to be separate commonwealths
and tried to escape centralization. Despite his entreaties, Ghent
forsook the duke at the siege of Calais in 1436; in 1438 Bruges was the
scene of a revolt where he was nearly made prisoner; and in 1451 Ghent
revolted. But the duke overcame all these obstacles to his ambition
and, through his victory of Gavre in 1453; obtained possession of the
commune of Ghent, the most intractable of all. The people of Liège
were now the only ones who resisted him, but in 1465 he conquered them
at Montenaeken and imposed upon them very severe conditions. A
twelvemonth later he destroyed the city of Dinant. During his last
years Philip's faculties became impaired and Louis XI of France not
only made trouble between him and his son but even influenced the duke
into giving up the cities of the Somme. However, in 1465 Philip became
reconciled to his son, Charles, and confided to him the administration
of affairs, dying 15 June, 1467. A shrewd man and cunning politician,
Philip was likewise ostentatious, irascible, and licentious. The
splendour of his court was unequalled, and the founding of the Order of
the Golden Fleece at Bruges in 1430, on the occasion of his third
marriage, this time with Isabella of Portugal, marks, to some extent,
the culmination of the luxury of the time.</p>
<p class="c5" id="b-p427" shownumber="no">Charles the Bold</p>
<p id="b-p428" shownumber="no">Inheriting neither the astuteness nor the vices of his father,
Charles the Bold was industrious, eager for justice, and irreproachable
in his private life; but his boldness amounted to rashness and his
ability was not at all commensurate with his unbounded ambition. In his
earlier years all was well. During his father's lifetime he placed
himself at the head of the "League of the Public Weal" which gathered
about him the French lords who were unfavourably disposed toward Louis
XI. Charles was victorious over Louis at Montlhéry, after which
triumph the Peace of Conflans (1465) gave him the cities of the Somme.
He humbled the cities of Ghent and Mechlin for having dared to oppose
him, fought the people of Liège at Brusthem, and deprived them of
their freedom. King Louis XI, who strove to combat the duke by dint of
intrigue, was destined to become the victim of his own trickery. While
he was visiting Charles in Peronne, the latter sovereign learned that
the people of Liège were again in revolt, having been excited
thereto by the king's agents. Furious at this intelligence, he kept
Louis prisoner and forced him to accompany him to Liège where the
wretched monarch witnessed the total destruction of the unfortunate
city to which he had promised assistance (1468). Although the conqueror
of all his enemies Charles still entertained mighty projects, and in
1469 he obtained the possession of the landgraviate of Alsace and the
county of Ferrette (Pfirt) as security for a loan made to Sigismund. He
prevailed upon Duke Arnoul to sell him the Duchy of Guelderland, the
duke being at war with his son Adolphus (1472). He then marched against
the King of France, but was stopped before the walls of Beauvais by the
heroic resistance of its citizens (1472) and made to sign the truce of
Senlis. Nor was he any more successful in his attempt to obtain a
king's crown from the Emperor Frederick III, to whose son, Maximilian,
he had promised the hand of his own daughter, Mary. Later, however, the
emperor and the duke met at Trier for the approaching coronation, when
the emperor, whom the agents of Louis XI had succeeded in alarming,
hastily disappeared. At the same time Louis stirred up further
hostilities against Charles on the Upper Rhine where a confederacy,
including the Alsatian villages and Swiss cantons was already plotting
against him. Meanwhile Charles had been wasting his troops on the
tedious, fruitless siege of the little city of Neuss on the Rhine, and
was therefore in no condition to rejoin his ally, Edward IV of England,
who had just landed in France. In order to have full sway along the
Rhine he signed the truce of Soluvre (1475) with Louis XI and profited
by it to take possession of Lorraine, which till then had separated his
Burgundian domains from those of the Netherlands 
(<i>provinces de par deça</i>). He then advanced upon the Swiss who
defeated him most mercilessly at Granson and Morat and fairly
annihilated his army. René, the young Duke of Lorraine, recovered
his country and when Charles afterwards laid siege to Nancy, its
capital city, he lost courage, and betrayed by one of his own
hirelings, was defeated and killed in a sortie. The next day his frozen
corpse was found in a pond, having been half devoured by wolves (5
January, 1477).</p>
<p class="c5" id="b-p429" shownumber="no">Mary and the "Great Privilege"</p>
<p id="b-p430" shownumber="no">This catastrophe left the Burgundian estates in a most critical
condition. The sole heir to all these provinces, Mary of Burgundy, who
was then barely twenty years old, beheld storms gathering both within
and without. The King of France seized the Duchy of Burgundy as a male
fief of the Crown and also the cities of the Somme and held up the
other provinces to tempt the cupidity of neighbouring princes. The
large cities of Flanders roused by Louis' confederates, grew restless
and the States-General, convened in February, 1477, obliged the young
duchess to grant the "Great Privilege". This famous act was a violent
reaction not only against the despotical tendencies of the preceding
governments, but also against all their work of unification; it
destroyed central institutions and reduced the Burgundian States to
nothing but a sort of federation of provinces combined under the regime
of personal union. Not content with this, the people of Ghent brought
to the scaffold Hugonet and d'Humbercourt, Mary's two faithful
counsellors, whom they looked upon as representatives of the deceased
duke's absolutist regime. Satisfied that the country was sufficiently
weakened and disorganized, Louis XI threw off the mask and ordered his
army into Artois and Hainault. The imminence of danger seemed to revive
a spirit of loyalty in the Burgundian provinces and the marriage of
Mary and Maximilian of Habsburg, son of Frederick III, was hastened.
This marriage saved the inheritance of the young princess but, as we
shall see, it resulted in thereafter making the Netherlands dependent
upon foreign dynasties. Meanwhile Maximilian vigorously repulsed the
French in the battle of Guinegate (1479). Unfortunately Mary of
Burgundy died in 1482 from injuries sustained in a fall from her horse,
and Maximilian's claim to the right of governing the provinces in the
capacity of regent during the minority of his son Philip, roused the
indignation of the States-General, which were led by the three large
Flemish cities of Ghent, Bruges, and Ypres. Duped by Louis XI they
concluded with him the second Peace of Arras (1482) which gave the hand
of their Princess Margaret to the Dauphin, with Artois and Burgundy for
her dower, and Maximilian was deprived of his children who were
provided with a regency council. This was the origin of a desparate
struggle between himself and the States-General during which he was
made prisoner by the people of Bruges, and it was with the greatest
difficulty that he obtained his freedom. Immediately upon his release
he began again to contend with the States, which eventually were
obliged to submit to his power (1492), and the treaty of Senlis with
France restored Artois to Maximilian with his daughter Margaret (1493).
In this same year Maximilian became emperor and liberated his son
Philip who assumed the government of the Netherlands.</p>
<p class="c5" id="b-p431" shownumber="no">Philip the Handsome</p>
<p id="b-p432" shownumber="no">The reign of Philip the Handsome, which lasted thirteen years,
promised Belgium an era of self-government and independence, but his
marriage with Joanna of Castile only paved the way for its dependence
on a foreign sovereign as, on the death of the son of Ferdinand the
Catholic and Isabella, it was Philip who, in the name of his wife,
became King of Castile. However, he died in 1506 and as his
father-in-law, Ferdinand, soon followed him to the tomb, it was
Charles, son of Philip the Handsome, who inherited all the great
Spanish monarchy "on which the sun never set", the Netherlands being
thenceforth only a dependency of his chief kingdom. But at first this
was not noticeable. Charles, who was also the emperor (with the title
of Charles V), travelled much and paid frequent visits to the
Netherlands, showing a special predilection for his Flemish
fellow-countrymen and knowing how to make himself popular among them.
He confided their country to the care of his aunt, Margaret of Austria,
and later to that of his sister, Mary of Hungary (1531-55), both
talented women and of great service to him. Charles' reign represents
the maximum of political and commercial prosperity in the Netherlands
to which he annexed the city of Tournai (1521), the provinces of
Friesland (1523), Utrecht and Overyssel (1528), Groningen and Drenthe
(1536), and the Duchy of Guelderland (1543). Thus the patrimony was
definitively settled and known thereafter as the Seventeen Provinces.
By his Pragmatic Sanction of 1549 Charles V declared this domain an
indivisible whole and nothing contributed more to the formation of
national unity. He sundered the ties of vassalage that bound Flanders
to the Kingdom of France, and although emperor, permitted the authority
of the empire to come to naught in the provinces west of the Scheldt.
Beginning with 1548 they in truth formed the "Circle of Burgundy", a
title which implied little or no duty toward the empire. In the
interior Charles V organized a central government by creating three
councils, called collateral, and established with a view to simplifying
matters for the female ruler; they were the council of state for
general affairs, the privy council for administrative purposes, and the
council of finance. He introduced the Inquisition, issued extremely
severe "placards" prohibiting heresy, and harshly suppressed Ghent, his
native city, which had refused to vote certain subsidies and had given
itself up to acts of violence (1540). It was deprived of all its
freedoms and at this time communal government may be said to have
received its death-blow in the Netherlands.</p>
<p class="c5" id="b-p433" shownumber="no">Philip II</p>
<p id="b-p434" shownumber="no">However, Charles V was sincerely regretted when, during a solemn
session held at Brussels before representatives of the States, 25
October, 1555, he renounced the government of the Netherlands in favour
of his son, Philip II. Strictly speaking, with Charles V ended the
Burgundian era in this country which was subsequently known as the
Spanish Netherlands. But as yet these states had no national name, the
dukes generally alluding to them as their 
<i>provinces de par deça</i> in contradistinction to the Duchy and
Countship of Burgundy which were territorially separated from them.
Nevertheless, although this duchy and countship had been conquered by
France, from the fifteenth century it had been customary to call them
Burgundy, and their inhabitants Burgundians. Even the French spoken at
the ducal court was called Burgundian. In spite of the efforts made at
bringing about unification, the spirit of particularism prevailed in
the various provinces in matters of legislation, each according
political rights to its own inhabitants exclusively and opposing
central institutions as much as possible. From the time of Philip the
Good the Netherlands had been the centre of a luxurious and brilliant
civilization, and Antwerp, which had replaced Bruges, whose harbour had
become sand-filled, was recognized as the chief commercial city of
Europe. Nothing could equal the sumptuousness of the court which was
the rendezvous of many literary men and artists, and it was during the
reign of Philip the Good that the Bruges school of painting sprang up
and prospered, boasting of such famous members as the brothers John and
Hubert Van Eyck, Hans Memling, and Gerard David, whilst Brussels,
Ghent, Louvain, and Antwerp gloried in artists like Roger Van den
Weyden, Hugo Van der Goes, Thierry Bouts, Quentin Metsys, and in the
great sculptor Claus Sluter. Although literature did not flourish to
the same extent as the arts, the historians Philippe de Comines,
Molinet, Chastelain, and Olivier de la Marche are certainly deserving
of mention and were far superior to the French historians of the same
epoch.</p>
<p id="b-p435" shownumber="no">For the public ecclesiastical history of Burgundy see articles
BESANÇON, DIJON, LYONS, MÂCON. Also Antoine Mille,
"Abrégé chronologique de l'histoire ecclésiastique
civile et littéraire de Bourgogne, depuis l'établissement des
Bourguignons dans las Gaules jusqu'à l'année 1772" (Dijon,
1771-73); and the histories of various religious orders established in
Burgundy, e. g. J. Foderé, "Narration historique et topographique
des couvents de l'ordre de St-François et de Ste-Claire
érigés en la province anciennement appelée de
Bourgogne", etc. (Lyon, 1619); Lavirotte, "Mémoire statistique sur
les établissements des Templiers et des Hospitaliers de St-Jean de
Jérusalem en Bourgogne" (Paris, 1853); "Pèlerinages en
Bourgogne" in "Congrès scient. France" (Autun, 1876-78), II, 90;
Quantin, "Mémoire sur l'influence des monastères des ordres
de St-Benoît et de Cîteaux en Bourgogne", in same collection
(Auxerre, 1858059), II, 390; J. Simonnet, "Le clergé en Bourgogne"
(XIV, XV siècles) in "Mém. de l'Acad. de Dijon" (1866), XIII,
21-143; C. Seignobos, "Le régime féodal en Bourgogne jusqu'en
1360, étude sur la société et les institutions d'une
province française au moyen-âge", etc. (Paris, 1881).</p>
<p id="b-p436" shownumber="no">KERVYN DE LETTENHOVE, 
<i>Chroniques relatives a l'histoire de Belgique sous la domination des
ducs de Bourgogne</i> (Brussels, 1870-76); CHASTELAIN, 
<i>Chronique</i>, ed. KERVYN DE LETTENHOVE (Brussels, 1863-66); DE LA
MARCHE, 
<i>Memoires</i>, ed. BEAUNE AND D'ARBAUMONT (Paris, 1883-88); MOLINET, 
<i>Chronique</i>, ed. BUCHON (Paris, 1827-28); PHIIPPE DE COMINES 
<i>Memoires</i>, ed. DE MANDROT (Paris, 1901-03); DE BARANTE, 
<i>Hist. des ducs de Bourgogne de la maison de Valois</i> (Paris,
1824-26), republished several times in Belgium, FREDERICQ, 
<i>Essai sur le role politique et social des ducs de Bourgogne dans les
Pays-Bas</i> (Ghent, 1875); PIRIENNE, 
<i>Hist. de Belgique</i> (1907), III; VON LOHER, 
<i>Jakobaa von Bayern und ihre Zeit</i> (1869); KIRK, 
<i>History of Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy</i> (1863-68); TOUTEY,

<i>Charles le Temeraire et la ligue de Constance</i> (1902).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p437" shownumber="no">GODEFROID KURTH</p></def>

<term id="b-p437.1" title="Burial, Christian" type="Encyclopedia">Christian Burial</term>
<def id="b-p437.2">
<h1 id="b-p437.3">Christian Burial</h1>
<p id="b-p438" shownumber="no">The interment of a deceased person with ecclesiastical rites in
consecrated ground. The Jews and most of the nations of antiquity
buried their dead. Amongst the Greeks and Romans both cremation and
interment were practised indifferently. That the early Christians from
the beginning used only burial seems certain. This conclusion may be
inferred not only from negative arguments but from the direct testimony
of Tertullian, "De Corona" (P.L., II, 92, 795; cf. Minucius Felix,
"Octavius", xi in P.L., III, 266), and from the stress laid upon the
analogy between the resurrection of the body and the Resurrection of
Christ (I Cor., xv, 42; cf. Tertullian, "De Animâ", lv; Augustine,
"De civitate Dei", I, xiii). In the light of this same dogma of the
resurrection of the body as well as of Jewish tradition (cf. Tob., i,
21; xii, 12; Ecclus., xxxviii, 16; II Mach., xii, 39), it is easy to
understand how the interment of the mortal remains of the Christian
dead has always been regarded as an act of religious import and has
been surrounded at all times with some measure of religious ceremonial.
The motives of Christian burial will be more fully treated in the
article Cremation. As to the latter practice, it will be sufficient to
say here that, while involving no necessary contradiction of any
article of faith, it is opposed alike to the law of the Church and to
the usages of antiquity. In defense of the Church's recent
prohibitions, it may be urged that the revival of cremation in modern
times has in practice been prompted less by considerations of improved
hygiene or psychological sentiment than by avowed materialism and
opposition to Catholic teaching.</p>
<h3 id="b-p438.1">THE LAW OF THE CHURCH REGARDING BURIAL</h3>
<p id="b-p439" shownumber="no">According to the canon law every man is free to choose for himself
the burial ground in which he wishes to be interred. It is not
necessary that this choice should be formally registered in his will.
Any reasonable legal proof is sufficient as evidence of his wishes in
the matter, and it has been decided that the testimony of one witness,
for example his confessor, may be accepted, if there be no suspicion of
interested motives. (S.C. Concilii, 24 march, 1871, Lex, 189.) Where no
wish has been expressed it will be assumed that the interment is to
take place in any vault or burial place which may have belonged to the
deceased or his family, and failing this the remains should be buried
in the cemetery of the parish in which the deceased had his domicile or
quasi-domicile. Certain exceptions, however, are recognized in the case
of cardinals, bishops, canons, etc. Formerly monastic and other
churches claimed and enjoyed under certain conditions the privilege of
interring notable benefactors within their precincts. It may be said
that no such privilege is now recognized as a matter of right to the
detriment of the claim of the parish. If a man die in a parish which is
not his own, the canon law prescribes that the body should be conveyed
to his own parish for interment if this is reasonably possible, but the
parish priest of the place where he died may claim the right of
attending the corpse to the place of burial. In fine, the principle is
recognized that it belongs to the parish priest to bury his own
parishioners. The canon law recognizes for regular orders the right to
be buried in the cemetery of their own monastery (Sägmäller,
453; l. Wagner in "Archiv f. kath. Kirchenrecht", 1873, xxxix, 385;
Kohn, ibid., xl, 329).</p>
<p id="b-p440" shownumber="no">Originally, as burial was a spiritual function, it was laid down
that no fee could be exacted for this without simony (Decretum
Gratiani, xiii, q. ii; c. viii, ix; Extrav. de sim., V, 3). But the
custom of making gifts to the Church, partly as an acknowledgment of
the trouble taken by the clergy, partly for the benefit of the soul of
the departed, gradually became general, and such offerings were
recognized in time as 
<i>jura stoloe</i> which went to the personal support of the parish
priest or his curates. It was, however, distinctly insisted upon that
the carrying out of the rites of the Church should not be made
conditional upon the payment of the fee being made beforehand, though
the parish priest could recover such fee afterwards by process of law
in case it were withheld. Moreover in the case of the very poor he is
bound to bury them gratuitously. If a parishioner elected to be buried
outside his own parish, a certain proportion, generally a fourth part,
of the fee paid or the gifts that might be made in behalf of the
deceased on occasion of the burial was to go to the priest of his own
parish. Where an old custom existed, the continuance of the payment of
this fourth part under certain conditions was recognized by the Council
of Trent (Sess. XXV, De ref., c. xiii). Nowadays the principle is still
maintained, but generally the payment to the 
<i>proprius parochus</i> takes the form of the fourth part of a
definite burial-fee which is determined according to some fixed tariff
(S. C. Ep. et Reg., 19 January, 1866; S.C. Conc., 16 February, 1889),
and which may be exacted by the parish priest for every burial which
takes place in his district. He has, however, no right to any
compensation if a non-parishioner dies and is taken back to his own
parish for burial, nor again when one of his own parishioners dies away
from home and has to be buried in the place of his demise.</p>
<p id="b-p441" shownumber="no">Only baptized persons have a claim to Christian burial and the rites
of the Church cannot lawfully be performed over those who are not
baptized. Moreover no strict claim can be allowed in the case of those
persons who have not lived in communion with the Church according to
the maxim which comes down from the time of Pope Leo the Great (448)
"quibus viventibus non communicavimus mortuis communicare non possumus"
(i.e. we cannot hold communion in death with those who in life were not
in communion with us). It has further been recognized as a principle
that the last rites of the Church constitute a mark of respect which is
not to be shown to those who in their lives have proved themselves
unworthy of it. In this way various classes of persons are excluded
from Christian burial -- pagans, Jews, infidels, heretics, and their
adherents (Rit. Rom., VI, c. ii) schismatics, apostates, and persons
who have been excommunicated by name or placed under an interdict. If
an excommunicated person be buried in a church or in a consecrated
cemetery the place is thereby desecrated, and, wherever possible, the
remains must be exhumed and buried elsewhere. Further, Christian burial
is to be refused to suicides (this prohibition is as old as the fourth
century; cf. Cassian in P.L., XL, 573) except in case that the act was
committed when they were of unsound mind or unless they showed signs of
repentance before death occurred. It is also withheld from those who
have been killed in a duel, even though they should give signs of
repentance before death. Other persons similarly debarred are notorious
sinners who die without repentance, those who have openly held the
sacraments in contempt (for example by staying away from Communion at
Easter time to the public scandal) and who showed no signs of sorrow,
monks and nuns who are found to have died in the possession of money or
valuables which they had kept for their own, and finally those who have
directed that their bodies should be cremated after death. In all such
cases, however, the general practice of the Church at the present day
has been to interpret these prohibitions as mildly as possible.
Ordinarily the parish priest is directed to refer doubtful cases to the
bishop, and the bishop, if any favourable construction can be found,
allows the burial to proceed.</p>
<p id="b-p442" shownumber="no">Many complications are caused in the administration of the canon law
by the political conditions under which the Church exists in modern
times in most countries of the world. For instance, the question may
often arise whether a non-Catholic can be buried in a consecrated
cemetery belonging, not to the civil administration, but to the Church,
and perhaps adjoining the sacred building itself; or again in such a
case whether non-Catholic worshippers can perform their own rites at
the interment. As it often happened that a Catholic graveyard was the
only available place of burial in a large district, it has been decided
as a matter of necessity that in such cases it was possible to allow
Protestants to be buried in a consecrated graveyard (S. C. Inquis., 23
July, 1609). In some instances a special portion of ground has been set
aside for the purpose and non-Catholic ritual is permitted to be used
there. In cases of necessity the Catholic parish priest may preside at
such an interment, but he must not use any ritual or prayers that would
be recognized as distinctively Catholic. It hardly needs saying that at
the present day in almost every part of the world the prescriptions of
the canon law regarding burial are in conflict with secular legislation
in more than one particular. In such cases the Church is often
compelled to waive her right, in order to prevent greater evils. On the
other hand, we may notice that the Church's claim to exercise control
over the burial of her members dates back to an age anterior even to
the freedom given to Christianity under Constantine. From the beginning
the principle seems to have been insisted upon that the faithful should
be buried apart from the pagans. Thus St. Cyprian of Carthage makes it
a matter of reproach against a Spanish bishop Martial that he had not
sufficiently attended to this, and that he had tolerated "filios
exterarum gentium more apud profana sepulchra depositos et alienigenis
consepultos" (Cyprian, Ep. lxvii, 6). In the same way St. Hilary, a
century later, considers that Our Saviour warned His disciples against
a similar profanation "Admonuit non admisceri memoriis sanctorum
mortuos infideles" (Hilary, in S. Matt., vii). So also the Donatists
when they gained the upper hand were so deeply imbued with this
principle of exclusive sepulture that they would not allow the
Catholics to be buried in the cemeteries they had seized upon. "Ad hoc
basilicas invadere voluistis ut vobis solis coemeteria vindicetis, non
permittentes sepeliri corpora Catholica" (Optatus, VI, vii). With
regard to the exclusion of suicides from the consecrated burial grounds
it would appear that some similar practice was familiar to the pagans
even before Christianity had spread throughout the empire. Thus there
is a well-known pagan inscription of Lanuvium of the year 133:
"Quisquis ex quâcunque causâ mortem sibi asciverit eius ratio
funeris non habebitur." Probably this was not so much a protest of
outraged morality as a warning that in the matter of burial no man had
a right to make himself prematurely a charge upon the community. The
time of burial is, generally speaking, between sunrise and sunset; any
other hour requires the permission of the bishop (Ferraris, s.v., 216,
274, 279). For the rest the diocesan statutes, regulations of the local
ecclesiastical authority, and custom are to be considered, also the
civil law and the public sanitary regulations.</p>
<h3 id="b-p442.1">THE RITUAL OF BURIAL</h3>
<p id="b-p443" shownumber="no">Speaking first of the usages of the Catholic Church at the present
day it will probably be convenient to divide the various religious
observances with which the Church surrounds the mortal remains of her
faithful children after death into three different stages. The prayers
and blessings which are provided by the "Rituale" for use before death
will best be considered under the heading Death, Preparation for, but
in the rites observed after death we may distinguish first what takes
place in the house of the deceased and in bringing the body to the
church, secondly the function in the church and thirdly the ceremony by
the grave side. In practice, it is the exception for the whole of the
Church's ritual to be performed, especially in the case of the burial
of the laity in a large parish; but in religious houses and where the
facilities are at hand the service is generally carried out
completely.</p>
<p id="b-p444" shownumber="no">With regard to the observances prescribed before the body is
conveyed to the church it may be noted that according to the rubrics
prefixed to the title "De exsequiis" in the "Rituale Romanum" a proper
interval 
(<i>debitum temporis intervallum</i>) ought to elapse between the moment
of death and the burial, especially where death has occurred
unexpectedly, in order that no doubt may remain that life is really
extinct. In southern climates it is not unusual to celebrate the
funeral the day after the decease or even upon the day itself, but the
practice both in pagan and Christian times has varied greatly. Among
the ancient Romans it would seem that the bodies of persons of
distinction were commonly kept for seven days, while the poor were
interred the day after death. In these matters the Church has generally
been content to adopt the usages which were already in possession. The
washing of the corpse is so frequently spoken of both in secular and
monastic rituals as to wear almost the aspect of a religious ceremony,
but no special prayers are assigned to it. Minute directions are given
as to the clothing of the dead in the case of all clergy. They are to
be attired in ordinary ecclesiastical costume and over this they are to
wear the vestments distinctive of their order. Thus the priest or
bishop must be clad in amice, alb, girdle, maniple, stole and chasuble.
His biretta should be placed upon his head and the tonsure should be
renewed. The deacon similarly wears his dalmatic and stole, the
subdeacon his tunicle, and the cleric his surplice. In practice it is
usual in the case of a priest to place upon the coffin lid a chalice
and paten at one end with the biretta at the other; but this is not
ordered in the rubrics of the "Rituale". For the laity it is directed
that the body should be decently laid out, that a light should be kept
burning, that a small cross should, if possible, be placed in the
hands, failing which the hands are to be arranged in the form of a
cross, and that the body should occasionally be sprinkled with holy
water. The burning of more than one candle beside the body is not
directly enjoined for all, but it is mentioned in the "Caeremoniale" in
the case of a bishop and is of general observance. On the other hand,
it is mentioned that the 
<i>debita lumina</i>, the candles which according to ancient custom are
carried in the procession, ought to be provided by the parish
gratuitously in the case of the very poor, and it is very distinctly
enjoined that in exacting such fees as custom prescribes on these
occasions the clergy ought sedulously to avoid all appearance of
avarice. It is also laid down that the laity, even in the case of
crowned heads, are never to be carried to the grave by the hands of the
clergy -- a prescription which can be traced back to a synod of Seville
in 1512 and is probably much older. But in the Early Church this does
not seem to have been observed, for we have several recorded instances
in which ladies who died in repute of sanctity, as for example St.
Paula or St. Macrina, were carried to the grave by bishops.</p>
<p id="b-p445" shownumber="no">The first stage in the obsequies of a deceased person according to
the rite now in use is the conveyance of the body to the church. At an
appointed hour the clergy are directed to assemble in the church, a
signal being given by the tolling of a bell. The parish priest in
surplice and black stole, or if he prefer it wearing a black cope as
well, goes to the house of the deceased with the rest of the company,
one cleric carrying the cross and another a stoup of holy water. Before
the coffin is removed from the house it is sprinkled with holy water,
the priest with his assistants saying beside it the psalm De Profundis
with the antiphon Si iniquitates. Then the procession sets out for the
church. The cross-bearer goes first, religious confraternities, if such
there be, and members of the clergy follow, carrying lighted candles,
the priest walks immediately before the coffin and the friends of the
deceased and others walk behind. As they leave the house the priest
intones the antiphon Exsultabunt Domino, and then the psalm Miserere is
recited or chanted in alternate verses by the cantors and clergy. On
reaching the church the antiphon Exsultabunt is repeated, and as the
body is borne to its place "in the middle of the church" the responsory
Subvenite (Come to his assistance ye Saints of God, come to meet him ye
Angels of the Lord, etc.) is recited. The present rubric directs that
if the corpse be that of a layman the feet are to be turned towards the
altar; if on the other hand the corpse be that of a priest, then the
position is reversed, the head being towards the altar. Whether this
exceptional treatment of priests as regards position is of early date
in the West is open to considerable doubt. No earlier example seems so
far to have been quoted than the reference to it in Burchard's "Diary"
noted by Catalani. Burchard was the master of ceremonies to Innocent
VIII and Alexander VI, and he may himself have introduced the practice,
but his speaking of it as the customary arrangement does not suggest
this. On the other hand, the medieval liturgists apparently know no
exception to their rule that both before the altar and in the grave the
feet of all Christians should be pointed to the East. This custom we
find alluded to by Bishop Hildebert at the beginning of the twelfth
century (P.L., CLXXI, 896), and its symbolism is discussed by Durandus.
"A man ought so to be buried", he says, "that while his head lies to
the West his feet are turned to the East, for thus he prays as it were
by his very position and suggests that he is ready to hasten from the
West to the East" (Ration. Div. Off., VII, 35). But if Roman medieval
practice seems to offer no foundation for the distinction now made
between the priest and the layman, it is noteworthy that in the Greek
Church very pronounced differences have been recognized from an early
date. In the "Ecclesiastical Hierarchy" of Pseudo-Dionysius, which
belong to the fifth century, we learn that a priest or bishop was
placed before the altar 
(<i>epiprosthen tou seiou thysiasteriou</i>), while a monk or layman lay
outside the holy gates or in the vestibule. A similar practice is
observed to the present day. The corpse of a layman during the singing
of the "Panychis" (the equivalent of the "Vigiliae Mortuorum" or Vigil
of the Dead) is usually deposited in the narthex, that of a priest or
monk in the middle of the church, while in the case of a bishop he is
laid during a certain portion of the service in different positions
within the sanctuary, the body at one point being placed behind the
altar exactly in front of the bishop's throne and the head towards the
throne (Maltzew, Begrabniss-Ritus, 278) It is possible that some
imitation of this practice in Dalmatia or in Southern Italy may have
indirectly led to the introduction of our present rubric. The idea of
both seems to be that the bishop (or priest) in death should occupy the
same position in the church as during life, i.e. facing his people whom
he taught and blessed in Christ's name.</p>
<p id="b-p446" shownumber="no">Supposing the body to have been brought to the church in the
afternoon or evening, the second portion of the obsequies, that carried
out in the church, may begin with the recital of the Vespers for the
Dead. This, however, is not prescribed in the "Rituale Romanum", which
speaks only of Matins and Lauds, though Vespers are mentioned in the
"Caeremoniale Episcoporum" in the case of a bishop. If the Vespers for
the Dead are said they begin with the antiphon Placebo, and the Office
of Matins, if we exclude the invitatory, begins with the antiphon
Dirige. For this reason the "Placebo and Dirige," of which we so
constantly find mention in medieval English writers, mean simply the
Vespers and Matins for the Dead. It is from the latter of these two
words that the English term 
<i>dirge</i> is derived. Candles are lighted round the coffin and they
should be allowed to burn at least during the continuance of the
Office, Mass, and Absolutions. Throughout the Office for the Dead each
psalm ends with Requiem aeternam (Eternal rest give unto them, O Lord,
and let perpetual light shine upon them) in the place of the Gloria
Patri. It is interesting perhaps to note here that the liturgist, Mr.
Edmund Bishop, after minute investigation has come to the conclusion
that in this familiar formula, 
<i>Requiem oeternam dona eis, Domine; et lux perpetua luceat eis</i>,
we have a blending of two distinct liturgical currents' "the second
member of the phrase expresses the aspiration of the mind and soul of
the Roman, the first the aspiration of the mind and soul of the Goth"
(Kuypers, Book of Cerne, 275). It is true that it has been maintained
that the words are borrowed from a passage in IV Esdras (Apocrypha),
ii, 34-35, but we may doubt if the resemblance is more than
accidental.</p>
<p id="b-p447" shownumber="no">With regard to the Office and Mass which form the second portion of
the Exsequioe, the Matins after a preliminary 
<i>invitatorium</i>: "Regem cui omnia vivunt, venite adoremus", consist
of nine psalms divided as usual into three nocturns by three sets of
lessons and responsories. The first nocturn, as already noted, begins
with the antiphon "Dirige, Domine Deus meus, in conspectu tuo vitam
meam", and is made up of the three psalms, Verba mea, Ps. v, Domine ne
in furore, Ps. vi, and Domine Deus meus, Ps. vii, each having its own
antiphon, which is duplicated. The lessons both in this and in the
following nocturns are all taken from the Book of Job, chapters vii, x,
xiii, xiv, xvii, and xix, in which the sufferer expresses the misery of
man's lot, but above all his unalterable trust in God. The lessons are
read without the usual absolution and blessing, but each is followed by
a responsory, and some of these responsories in their picturesque
conciseness deserve to be reckoned among the most striking portions of
the liturgy. We may quote for example the last responsory of the third
nocturn which occurs again before the absolution. It is this translated
in the Roman Breviary of the late Marquess of Bute:</p>
<p id="b-p448" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">Deliver me, O Lord, from eternal death in that awful day
when the heavens and earth shall be shaken, and Thou shalt come to
judge the world by fire.</p>
<p id="b-p449" shownumber="no">
<i>Verse.</i> Quaking and dread take hold upon me, when I look for the
coming of the trial and the wrath to come.</p>
<p id="b-p450" shownumber="no">
<i>Answer.</i> When the heavens and the earth shall be shaken.</p>
<p id="b-p451" shownumber="no">
<i>Verse.</i> That day is a day of wrath, of wasteness and desolation,
a great day and exceeding bitter.</p>
<p id="b-p452" shownumber="no">
<i>Answer.</i> When Thou shalt come to judge the world by fire.</p>
<p id="b-p453" shownumber="no">
<i>Verse.</i> O Lord, grant them eternal rest, and let everlasting
light shine upon them.</p>
<p id="b-p454" shownumber="no">
<i>Answer.</i> Deliver me, O Lord, from eternal death in that awful
day, when the heavens and the earth shall be shaken and Thou shalt come
to judge the world by fire.</p>
<p id="b-p455" shownumber="no">There seems reason to
believe that this responsory is not of Roman origin (Batiffol, Roman
Breviary, 198) but it is of considerable antiquity. At present, if the
whole three nocturns (the second of which consists of Pss. xxii, xxiv,
xxvi; and the third of Pss. xxxix, xl, and xli) are not said owing to
lack of time or for any other cause, then another responsory, Libera me
de viis inferni, is sung in place of that just quoted. Lauds follow
immediately, in which the psalms Miserere and Te decet hymnus replace
those usually said at the beginning and the Canticle of Ezechias is
sung instead of the Benedicite. The Benedictus is recited with a
special antiphon from John, xi, 25-26. This is familiar to many as
having been retained in the burial service of the Church of England, "I
am the resurrection and the life: he that believeth in Me, though he
were dead, yet shall he live: and whosoever liveth and believeth in Me
shall never die". Finally after certain 
<i>preces</i> follows the impressive collect Absolve, which is also
said in the Mass, "Absolve, we beseech Thee, O Lord, the soul of thy
servant N. that being dead to this world he may live to Thee, and
whatever sins he may have committed in this life through human frailty,
do Thou of Thy most merciful goodness forgive; through our Lord Jesus
Christ", etc.</p>
<p id="b-p456" shownumber="no">The "Rituale" directs that if all three nocturns of the office
cannot be said, it would be desirable to say at least the first. But it
is even more emphatic in urging that Mass should not be omitted except
on certain privileged festivals of the highest class which exclude a
Mass for the dead 
<i>proesente cadavere</i>, i.e. even when the body is present. These
days include the feasts of Christmas, the Epiphany, Easter, the
Ascension, Whitsunday, Corpus Christi, The Annunciation, Assumption and
Immaculate Conception, Nativity of St. John Baptist, St. Joseph, Sts.
Peter and Paul, All Saints, the last three days of Holy Week, the
Quarant' Ore, or Forty Hours, and certain patronal feasts. On all other
days, roughly speaking, the Church not only permits but greatly desires
that the Holy Sacrifice should be offered for the deceased as the most
solemn part of the rite of interment. To secure this the severer
regulations of earlier centuries have in many respects been greatly
relaxed in recent times. For example it is not now of obligation that
the Mass should be sung with music. In the case of poor people who
cannot defray the expenses incident to a Mass celebrated with
solemnity, a simple low Mass of Requiem is permitted even on Sundays
and other prohibited days, provided that the parochial Mass of the
Sunday be also said at another hour. Moreover this one 
<i>Missa in die obitus seu depositionis</i> may still be offered in
such cases, even when on account of contagious disease or other serious
reason the body cannot be brought to the church. As in the case of the
Office, the Mass for the Dead is chiefly distinguished from ordinary
Masses by certain omissions. Some of these, for example that of the
Psalm Judica and of the blessings, may be due to the fact that the 
<i>Missa de Requie</i> was formerly regarded as supplementary to the
Mass of the day. In other cases, for instance in the absence of hymns
from the Office for the Dead, we may perhaps suspect that these funeral
rites have preserved the tradition of a more primitive age. On the
other hand, the suppression of the Gloria in excelsis, etc., as of the
Gloria Patri seems to point to a sense of the incongruity of joyful
themes in the presence of God's searching and inscrutable judgments.
Thus a tractate of the eighth or ninth century printed by Muratori
(Lit. Rom. Vet., II, 391) already directs that in the Vigils for the
Dead "Psalms and lessons with the Responsories and Antiphons belonging
to Matins are to be sung without Alleluia. In the Masses also neither
Gloria in exelsis Deo nor Alleluia shall be sung." (Cf. Ceriani, Circa
obligationem Officii Defunctorum, 9.)</p>
<p id="b-p457" shownumber="no">In the early Christian ages, however, it would seem that the
Alleluia, especially in the East, was regarded as specially appropriate
to funerals. Another omission from the ordinary ritual of high Mass is
that of the kiss of peace. This ceremony was always associated in idea
with Holy Communion, and as Communion was not formerly distributed to
the faithful at Masses for the Dead, the kiss of peace was not
retained. A conspicuous feature of the Requiem Mass is the singing of
the sequence, or hymn, "Dies irae". This masterpiece of medieval
hymnology is of late introduction, as it was probably composed by the
Franciscan Thomas of Celano in the thirteenth century. It was not
designed for its present liturgical use but for private devotion --
note the singular number throughout 
<i>voca me cum benedictis, quid sum miser tunc dicturus</i>, etc., as
also the awkwardness of the added 
<i>pie Jesu Domine dona eis requiem</i>, but the hymn appears printed
in the "Missale Romanum" of 1485, though apparently not in the earlier
edition of 1474. However the use of the "Dies irae" in connection with
the 
<i>exsequioe mortuorum</i> is much more ancient, and Dr. Ebner has
found it, musically noted as at present, in a Franciscan Missal of the
thirteenth century. (Ebner, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des
Missale Romanum, 120). During the Mass it is customary, though not a
matter of precept, to distribute tapers of unbleached wax to the
congregation or at least to those assisting within the sanctuary. These
are to be lighted during the Gospel, during the latter part of the Holy
Sacrifice from the Elevation to the Communion, and during the
absolution which follows the Mass. As already remarked the association
of lights with Christian obsequies is very ancient, and liturgists here
recognize a symbolical reference to baptism (the illumination, 
<i>photismos</i>) whereby Christians are made the children of Light, as
well as a concrete reminder of the oft repeated prayer 
<i>et lux perpetua luceat eis</i>. (Cf. Thalhofer, Liturgik, II,
529.)</p>
<p id="b-p458" shownumber="no">After Mass follows the absolution or 
<i>Absoute</i>, to use the convenient term by which the French
designate these special prayers for pardon over the corpse before it is
laid in the grave. These prayers of the 
<i>Absoute</i>, like those said by the grave side, ought never to be
omitted. The subdeacon bearing the processional cross, and accompanied
by the acolytes, places himself at the head of the coffin (i.e. facing
the altar in the case of a layman, but between the coffin and the altar
in the case of a priest), while the celebrant, exchanging his black
chasuble for a cope of the same colour, stands opposite at the foot.
The assisting clergy are grouped around and the celebrant without
preamble begins at once to read the prayer 
<i>Non intres in judicium cum servo tuo</i>, praying that the deceased
"may deserve to escape the avenging judgment, who, whilst he lived, was
marked with the seal of the holy Trinity". This is followed by the
responsory "Libera me Domine", which, as occurring in the Matins for
the Dead, has already been quoted above. Then after the Kyrie eleison,
Christe eleison, Kyrie eleison the priest says aloud the Pater Noster
and while this is repeated in silence by all, he makes the round of the
coffin, sprinkling it with holy water and bowing profoundly before the
cross when he passes it. After which, taking the thurible, he incenses
the coffin in like manner; where we may note that the use of incense at
funerals is derived from the earliest Christian centuries, though no
doubt our manner of waving the censer towards persons and objects is
relatively modern. Moreover it is possible that the incense was
originally employed on such occasions for sanitary reasons. Finally
after finishing the Pater Noster and repeating one or two short
versicles to which answer is made by the clergy, the celebrant
pronounces the prayer of absolution, most commonly in the following
form:</p>
<blockquote id="b-p458.1">O God, Whose attribute it is always to have mercy and to
spare, we humbly present our prayers to Thee for the soul of Thy
servant N. which Thou has this day called out of this world, beseeching
Thee not to deliver it into the hands of the enemy, nor to forget it
for ever, but to command Thy holy angels to receive it, and to bear it
into paradise; that as it has believed and hoped in Thee it may be
delivered from the pains of hell and inherit eternal life through
Christ our Lord. Amen.</blockquote>

<p id="b-p459" shownumber="no">Although this prayer in its entirety
cannot be surely traced to an earlier date than the ninth century, it
contains several elements that recall the phraseology of primitive
times. It is to be found in most of our existing manuscripts of the
Gregorian Sacramentary. At the burial of bishops, cardinals,
sovereigns, etc., not one but five absolutions are pronounced according
to the forms provided in the "Pontificale Romanum". These are spoken by
five bishops or other "prelates", each absolution being preceded by a
separate responsory. In these solemn functions the prayer just quoted
is not said, but most of the responsories and prayers used are borrowed
from the Office for the Dead or from the Masses in the Roman Missal. It
may be noted that all these absolutions are not in the declaratory but
in the deprecatory form, i.e. they are prayers imploring God's mercy
upon the deceased.</p>
<p id="b-p460" shownumber="no">After the absolution the body is carried to the grave and as the
procession moves along the antiphon "In paradisum" is chanted by the
clergy or the choir. It runs thus: "May the angels escort thee to
paradise, may the martyrs receive thee at thy coming and bring thee
into the holy city Jerusalem. May the choir of angels receive thee, and
with Lazarus, who once was poor, mayst thou have eternal rest."
According to the rubric "the tomb (sepulchrum) is then blessed if it
has not been blessed previously"; which has been ruled to mean that a
grave newly dug in an already consecrated cemetery is accounted
blessed, and requires no further consecration, but a mausoleum erected
above ground or even a brick chamber beneath the surface is regarded as
needing blessing when used for the first time. This blessing is short
and consists only of a single prayer after which the body is again
sprinkled with holy water and incensed. Apart from this the service at
the grave side is very brief. The priest intones the antiphon: "I am
the Resurrection and the Life", after which the coffin is lowered into
the grave and the Canticle Benedictus is meanwhile recited or sung.
Then the antiphon is repeated entire, the Pater Noster is said
secretly, while the coffin is again sprinkled with holy water, and
finally after one or two brief responses the following ancient prayer
is said: "Grant this mercy, O Lord, we beseech Thee, to Thy servant
departed, that he may not receive in punishment the requital of his
deeds who in desire did keep Thy will, and as the true faith here
united him to the company of the faithful, so may Thy mercy unite him
above to the choirs of angels. Through Jesus Christ our Lord.
Amen."</p>
<p id="b-p461" shownumber="no">Then with the final petition: "May his soul and the souls of all the
faithful departed through the mercy of God rest in peace", the little
procession of cross-bearer, surpliced clerics, and priest return to the
sacristy reciting the De Profundis as they go. In some places the
custom prevails that the officiating priest before retiring should
offer the holy-water sprinkler to the relatives of the deceased who are
present, in order that they may cast holy water upon the coffin in the
grave. In others it is usual for the priest himself and for all present
to throw down upon the coffin a handful of earth. This custom
symbolical no doubt of "dust to dust" is certainly ancient and even in
the "Rituale Romanum" a rubric is to be found prescribing that "in
obsequies which have of necessity to be performed only in private and
at the house of the deceased, blessed earth is put into the coffin
while the Canticle Benedictus is being said". This no doubt is to be
regarded as the nearest available equivalent to interment in a
consecrated grave. In other localities, more particularly in Germany,
it i[s] customary for the priest to deliver a short discourse 
(<i>Leichenrede</i>) before leaving the cemetery. This is the more
appropriate because nearly everywhere in Germany the civil law forbids
the corpse to be taken to the church except in the case of bishops and
other exalted personages. The result is that Mass and Office are
performed with a catafalque only, and seem even in those rare cases in
which they are retained to have nothing to do with the burial, instead
of forming, as they should do, its most essential feature. On the other
hand the service at the grave side is apt to appear strangely brief and
perfunctory unless impressiveness be given to it by the discourse of
the officiating priest. It may be noted that many local customs are
still allowed to continue without interference in the ritual observed
by the grave side. Before the Reformation there was an extraordinary
variety of prayers and responsories commonly recited over the grave
especially in Germany. The extreme simplicity of the "Rituale Romanum"
represents no doubt a reaction against what threatened to become an
abuse. Of the peculiar rites which so long survived locally, the Ritual
of Brixen may be taken as an illustration. In this when the priest
blesses the corpse with holy water, he is directed to say: "Rore
coelesti perfundat et perficiat animam tuam Deus". As the body is
lowered into the ground he says: "Sume terrâ quod tuum est, sumat
Deus quod suum est, corpus de terrâ formatum, spiritus de coelo
inspiratus est". Then the priest scatters earth upon the body with a
shovel three times, saying, "Memento homo quia pulvis es et in pulverem
reverteris". After this the Magnificat is recited and the psalm Lauda
anima mea Dominum, with various prayers, and then with a wooden cross
the priest signs the grave in three places, at the head, in the middle,
and at the feet, with the words; "Signum Salvatoris Domini nostri Jesu
Christi super te, qui in hac imagine redemit te, nec permittat
introire, [and here he plants the wooden cross at the head of the
grave] angelum percutientem in aeternum". It is interesting to note
that after once more blessing the grave with holy water he recites a
prayer over the people in the vernacular. The clergy and all others
present also sprinkle holy water on the grave before they depart.</p>
<h3 id="b-p461.1">THE BURIAL OF LITTLE CHILDREN</h3>
<p id="b-p462" shownumber="no">The "Rituale Romanum" provides a separate form of burial for infants
and children who have died before they have reached years of
discretion. It directs that a special portion of the cemetery should be
set aside for them and that either the bells should not be tolled or
that they should be rung in a joyous peal. Further, custom prescribes
that white and not black should be used in token of mourning. The
priest is bidden to wear a white stole over his surplice and a crown of
flowers or sweet foliage is to be laid upon the child's brow. The
processional cross is carried, but without its staff. The body may be
borne to and deposited temporarily in the church, but this is not
prescribed as the normal arrangement and in any case no provision is
made for either Office or Mass. One or two psalms of joyous import,
e.g. the Laudate pueri Dominum (Ps. cxii), are appointed to be said
while the body is borne to the church or to the cemetery, and holy
water and incense are used to bless the remains before they are laid in
the ground. Two special prayers are included in the ritual, one for use
in the church, the other by the grave side. The former, which is
certainly ancient, runs as follows: "Almighty and most compassionate
God, Who upon all little children that have been born again in the
fountain of Baptism, when they leave this world without any merits of
their own, straightway bestowest everlasting life, as we believe that
Thou has this day done to the soul of this little one, grant we beseech
Thee, O Lord, by the intercession of Blessed Mary ever Virgin and of
all Thy saints, that we also may serve Thee with pure hearts here below
and may consort eternally with these blessed little ones in paradise,
Through Christ our Lord, Amen." On the way back to the church the
Canticle Benedicite is recited, and the prayer "Deus qui miro ordine
angelorum ministeria hominumque dispensas", which is the collect used
in the Mass of St. Michael's day, is said at the foot of the altar. The
cross without the handle which is carried in the procession is
considered to be symbolical of an incomplete life. Many other
peculiarities are prevalent locally. Thus in Rome in the eighteenth
century, as we learn from Catalani, the dead child was generally
clothed in the habit known as St. Philip Neri's. This is black in
colour but sprinkled all over with gold and silver stars. A tiny
biretta is placed upon the child's head and a little cross of white wax
in its hands. Miniature habits of the different religious orders are
also commonly used for the same purpose.</p>
<h3 id="b-p462.1">HISTORY OF OUR PRESENT RITUAL</h3>
<p id="b-p463" shownumber="no">With regard to the burial of the dead in the early Christian
centuries we know very little. No doubt the first Christians followed
the national customs of those peoples amongst whom they lived, in so
far as they were not directly idolatrous. The final kiss of farewell,
the use of crowns of flowers, the intervals appointed for recurring
funeral celebrations, the manner of laying out the body and bearing it
to the grave, etc., show nothing that is distinctive of the Christian
Faith, even though later ages found a pious symbolism in many of these
things. Moreover the use of holy water and incense (the latter
originally as a sort of disinfectant) was also no doubt suggested by
similar customs among the pagans around them. Perhaps we should add
that the funeral banquets of the pagans were in some sense imitated by
the 
<i>agapoe</i> or love-feasts of the Christians which it seems to have
been usual to celebrate in early times (see Marucchi, Eléments
d'archéologie chrétienne, I, 129), also that the anniversary
Masses and "months minds" of the Church undoubtedly replaced a
corresponding pagan usage of sacrifices. (See Dublin Review, July,
1907, p. 118.) But of the existence of some distinctively religious
service we have good evidence at an early date. Tertullian refers
incidentally to the corpse of a woman after death being laid out 
<i>cum oratione presbyteri</i>. St. Jerome in his account of the death
of St. Paul the Hermit speaks of the singing of hymns and psalms while
the body is carried to the grave as an observance belonging to ancient
Christian tradition. Again St. Gregory of Nyssa in his detailed
description of the funeral of St. Macrina, St. Augustine in his
references to his mother St. Monica, and many other documents like the
Apostolical Constitutions (Bk. VII) and the "Celestial Hierarchy" of
Pseudo-Dionysius make it abundantly clear that in the fourth and fifth
centuries the offering of the Holy Sacrifice was the most essential
feature in the last solemn rites, as it remains to this day. Probably
the earliest detailed account of funeral ceremonial which has been
preserved to us is to be found in the Spanish Ordinals lately published
by Dom Ferotin. It seems to be satisfactorily established that the
ritual here described represents in substance the Spanish practice of
the latter part of the seventh century. We may accordingly quote in
some detail from "the Order of what the clerics of any city ought to do
when their bishop falls into a mortal sickness". After a reference to
Canon iii of the seventh Council of Toledo (646) enjoining that a
neighbouring bishop should if possible be summoned, the directions
proceed:</p>

<blockquote id="b-p463.1"><p id="b-p464" shownumber="no">At what hour soever the bishop shall die whether by 
day or night the bell 
(<i>Signum</i>) shall at once be rung publicly in the cathedral
(ecclesia seniore) and at the same time the bell shall ring in every
church within a distance of two miles.</p>
<p id="b-p465" shownumber="no">Then while some of the clergy in turn recite or chant the psalms
earnestly and devoutly, the body of the bishop deceased is stripped by
priests or deacons. After washing the body . . . it is clothed with his
usual vestments according to custom, i.e. his tunic, his breeches, and
his stockings, and after this with cap 
(<i>capello</i>) and face-cloth 
(<i>sudario</i>). Thereupon is put upon him an alb, and also a stole 
(<i>orarium</i>) about his neck and before his breast as when a priest
is wont to say Mass. Also a cruet is placed in his hand. Then the
thumbs of his hands are tied with bands, that is with strips of linen
or bandages. His feet are also fastened in the same way. After all this
he is robed in a white chasuble 
(<i>casulla</i>). Then after spreading beneath a very clean white sheet,
the body is laid upon the bier and all the while the priests, deacons
and all the clergy keep continually reciting or chanting and incense is
always burned. And in this wise he is laid in the choir of the church
over which he ruled, lights going before and following behind and then
a complete text of the gospels is laid upon his breast without anything
to cover it, but the gospel itself rests upon a cloth of lambswool 
(<i>super pallium agnavum</i> -- this can hardly be the archiepiscopal
pallium in its technical sense) which is placed over his heart. And so
it must be that whether he die by night or day the recitation of
prayers or chanting of psalms shall be kept up continuously beside him
until at the fitting hour of the day Sacrifice may be offered to God at
the principal altar for his repose. Then the body is lifted up by
deacons, with the gospel book still lying on his breast, and he is
carried to the grave, lights going before and following after, while
all who are of the clergy sing the antiphons and responsories which are
consecrated to the dead 
(<i>quoe solent de mortuis decantare</i>).</p></blockquote>
<p id="b-p466" shownumber="no">After this when Mass has again been celebrated in that church in
which he is to be buried, salt which has been exorcised is scattered in
the tomb by deacons, while all other religious persons present sing the
antiphon, In sinu Abrahae amici tui conloca eum Domine. And then when
incense has a second time been offered over his body, the bishop who
has come to bury him advances and opening the dead man's mouth he puts
chrism into it, addressing him thus: 'Hoc pietatis sacramentum sit tibi
in participatione omnium beatorum'. And then by the same bishop is
intoned the antiphon: In pace in idipsum dormiam et requiescam. And
this one verse is said, "Expectans, expectavi Dominum et respexit me';
and the chanting is so arranged that the verses are said one by one
while the first is repeated after each. When Gloria has been said the
antiphon is repeated but not a second time.</p>

<p id="b-p467" shownumber="no">Two
impressive collects are then said and another prayer which is headed
"Benedictio". After which "the tomb is closed according to custom and
it is fastened with a seal".</p>
<p id="b-p468" shownumber="no">Probably this rather elaborate ceremony was a type of the funerals
celebrated throughout Spain at this epoch even in the case of the lower
clergy and the laity. Of the final prayer we are expressly told that in
may also be used for the obsequies of a priest. Further it is mentioned
that when the priest is laid out he should be clothed just as he was
wont to celebrate Mass, in tunic, shoes, breeches, alb, and
chasuble.</p>
<p id="b-p469" shownumber="no">The rite of putting chrism into the bishop's mouth, as mentioned
above, does not seem to be known else-where, but on the other hand, the
anointing the breast of a dead person with chrism was formerly general
in the Greek Church, and it seems to have been adopted at Rome at an
early date. Thus in certain directions for burial and for Masses for
the dead contained in the Penitential of Archbishop Theodore of
Canterbury (c. 680) we meet the following: "(1) According to the Church
of Rome, it is the custom, in the case of monks or religious men, to
carry them after their death to the church, to anoint their breasts
with chrism, and there to celebrate Masses for them; then to bear them
to the grave with chanting, and when they have been laid in the tomb,
prayer is offered for them; afterwards they are covered in with earth
or with a slab. (2) On the first, the third, the ninth, and also the
thirtieth day, let Mass be celebrated for them, and furthermore, let
this be observed after a year has passed, if it be wished."</p>
<p id="b-p470" shownumber="no">It seems natural to conjecture that the Spanish custom of putting
the chrism into the mouth of the dead may have been meant to replace
the practice which certainly prevailed for a while in Rome of
administering the Blessed Eucharist either at the very moment of death
or of leaving it with the corpse even when life was extinct. A clear
example of this is forthcoming in the "Dialogues of St. Gregory the
Great" (II, xxiv,) and see the Appendix on the subject in Cardinal
Rampolla's "Santa Melania Giuniore" (p. 254). There is some reason to
believe that the inscription 
<i>Christus hic est</i> (Christ is here), or its equivalent,
occasionally found on tomb-stones (see Leblant, Nouveau Recueil, 3)
bears reference to the Blessed Eucharist placed on the tongue of the
deceased. But this practice was soon forbidden.</p>
<p id="b-p471" shownumber="no">The custom of watching by the dead (the wake) is apparently very
ancient. In its origin it was either a Christian observance which was
attended with the chanting of psalms, or if in a measure adopted from
paganism the singing of psalms was introduced to Christianize it. In
the Middle Ages among the monastic orders the custom no doubt was pious
and salutary. By appointing relays of monks to succeed one another
orderly provision was made that the corpse should never be left without
prayer. But among secular persons these nocturnal meetings were always
and everywhere an occasion of grave abuses, especially in the matter of
eating and drinking. Thus to take a single example we read among the
Anglo-Saxon canons of Ælfric, addressed to the clergy: "Ye shall
not rejoice on account of men deceased nor attend on the corpse unless
ye be thereto invited. When ye are thereto invited then forbid ye the
heathen songs (haethenan sangas) of the laymen and their loud
cachinnations; nor eat ye nor drink where the corpse lieth therein,
lest ye be imitators of the heathenism which they there commit"
(Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, 448). We may
reasonably suppose that the Office for the Dead, which consists only of
Vespers, Matins, and Lauds, without Day-hours, originally developed out
of the practice of passing the night in psalmody beside the corpse. In
the tenth Ordo Romanus which supplies a description of the obsequies of
the Roman clergy in the twelfth century we find the Office said early
in the morning, but there is no mention of praying beside the corpse
all night. In its general features this Roman Ordo agrees with the
ritual now practised, but there are a good many minor divergences. For
example the Mass is said while the Office is being chanted; the 
<i>Absoute</i> at the close is an elaborate function in which four
prelates officiate, recalling what is now observed in the obsequies of
a bishop, and the service by the grave side is much more lengthy than
that which now prevails. In the earliest Ambrosian ritual (eighth or
ninth century) which Magistretti (Manuale Ambrosianum, Milan, 1905, I,
67 sqq.) pronounces to be certainly derived from Rome we have the same
breaking up of the obsequies into stages, i.e. at the house of the
deceased, on the way to the church, at the church, from the church to
the grave, and at the grave side, with which we are still familiar. But
it is also clear that there was originally something of the nature of a
wake 
(<i>vigilioe</i>) consisting in the chanting of the whole Psalter beside
the dead man at his home (Magistretti, ib., I, 70).</p>
<p id="b-p472" shownumber="no">A curious development of the 
<i>Absoute</i>, with its reiterated prayers for pardon, is to be found
in the practice (which seems to have become very general in the second
half of the eleventh century) of laying a form of absolution upon the
breast of the deceased. This is clearly enjoined in the monastic
constitutions of Archbishop Lanfranc and we have sundry historical
examples of it. (Cf. Thurston, Life of St. Hugh of Lincoln, 219.)
Sometimes a rude leaden cross with a few words scratched thereupon was
used for the purpose and many such have been recovered in opening tombs
belonging to this period. In one remarkable example, that of Bishop
Godfrey of Chichester (1088), the whole formula of absolution may be
found in the same indicative form which meets us again in the so-called
"Pontifical of Egbert". It is noteworthy that in the Greek Church to
this day a long paper of absolution, now usually a printed form, is
first read over the deceased and then put into his hand and left with
him in the grave.</p>
<p id="b-p473" shownumber="no">The only other point among the many peculiar features of medieval
ritual which seems to claim special notice here is the elaborate
development given to the offertory in the funeral of illustrious
personages. Not only on such occasions were very generous offerings
made in money and in kind, with a view, it would seem, of benefiting
the soul of the deceased by exceptional generosity, but it was usual to
lead his war-horse up the church fully accoutred and to present it to
the priest at the altar rails, no doubt to be afterwards redeemed by a
money payment. The accounts of solemn obsequies in early times are full
of such details and in particular of the vast numbers of candles burned
upon the hearse; this word hearse in fact came into use precisely from
the resemblance which the elaborate framework erected over the bier and
bristling with candles bore to a harrow 
(<i>hirpex, hirpicem</i>). Of the varying and protracted services by the
grave side, which at the close of the Middle Ages were common in many
parts of Germany and which in some cases lasted on until a much later
period, something has already been said.</p>
<h3 id="b-p473.1">RITUAL OF THE GREEK CHURCH</h3>
<p id="b-p474" shownumber="no">The full burial service of the Greek Church is very long and it will
be sufficient here briefly to call attention to one or two points in
which it bears a close resemblance to the Latin Rite. With the Greeks
as with the Latins we find a general use of lighted candles held by all
present in their hands, as also holy water, incense and the tolling of
bells. With the Greeks as in the Western Communion, after a relatively
short service at the house of the deceased, the corpse is borne in
procession to the church, and deposited there while the 
<i>Pannychis</i>, a mournful service of psalmody, is recited or sung.
In the burial of a bishop the Holy Sacrifice or divine liturgy is
offered up, and there is in any case a solemn absolution pronounced
over the body before it is borne to the grave. Black vestments are
usually worn by the clergy, and again, as with us, the dead man, if an
ecclesiastic, is robed as he would have been robed in life in assisting
at the altar. There are, however, a good many features peculiar to the
Eastern Church. A crown, in practice a paper band which represents it,
is placed upon the dead layman's head. The priest is anointed with oil
and his face is covered with the 
<i>aer</i>, the veil with which the sacred species are covered during
the Holy Sacrifice. Also the open Gospel is laid upon his breast as in
the early Spanish ordinal. The Alleluia is sung as part of the service
and a symbolical farewell is taken of the deceased by a last kiss. Upon
the altar stands a dish with a cake made of wheat and honey, emblematic
of the grain which falling to the ground dies and bringeth forth much
fruit. Moreover many difference are made in the service according as
the dead person is layman, monk, priest, or bishop, and also according
to the ecclesiastical season, for during paschal time white vestments
are worn and another set of prayers are said. The burial rite of the
Greeks may be seen in Goar, "Euchologium Graecorum" (Paris, 1647), 423
sqq.; also in the new Russian edition by Al. Dmitrieoski (Kiev,
1895-1901). For the law of the Church of England concerning burial, see
Blunt-Phillimore "The Book of Church Law" (London, 1899), 177-87, and
512-17, text of Burial Laws Amendment Act of 1880.</p>
<h3 id="b-p474.1">BURIAL CONFRATERNITIES</h3>
<p id="b-p475" shownumber="no">It would take us too far to go into this subject at length. Even
from the period of the catacombs such associations seem to have existed
among the Christians and they no doubt imitated to some extent in their
organization the pagan 
<i>collegia</i> for the same purpose. Through-out the Middle Ages it
may be said that the guilds to a very large extent were primarily
burial confraternities; at any rate the seemly carrying out of the
funeral rites at the death of any of their members together with a
provision of Masses for his soul form an almost invariable feature in
the constitutions of such guilds. But still more directly to the
purpose we find certain organizations formed to carry out the burial of
the dead and friendless as a work of charity. The most celebrated of
these was the "Misericordia" of Florence, believed to have been
instituted in 1244 by Pier Bossi, and surviving to the present day. It
is an organization which associates in this work of mercy the members
of all ranks of society. Their self-imposed task is not limited to
escorting the dead to their last resting-place, but they discharge the
functions of an ambulance corps, dealing with accidents as they occur
and carrying the sick to the hospitals. When on duty the members wear a
dress which completely envelops and disguises them Even the face is
hidden by a covering in which only two holes are left for eyes. See
Cemetery; Cremation; Requiem.</p>
<p id="b-p476" shownumber="no">Catalani, Commentarius in Rituale Romanum (1756); Thalhofer,
Liturgik, II, Pt. II; Idem, in Kirchenlex., s.v.; Binterim,
Denkwurdigkeiten (Mainz, 1838), VI, Pt. III, 362-514; Martene, De
antiquis Ecclesioe ritibus, II and IV; Ruland, Geschichte der
kirchlichen Leichenfeier (Ratisbon, 1902); Alberti, De sepultura
ecclesiastica (1901); Proces, La sepulture dans l'eglise catholique, in
Precis historiques (Brussels, 1882); Murcier, La sepulture chretienne
en France (Paris, 1855); Probst, Die Exsequien (Mainz, 1856); Marucchi,
Elements d' archeologie chret, (Rome, 1899), I, 129-131; Petrides, in
Dict. d' arch. et lit. s.v. Absoute. On the Canon Law of burial, see
especially Lex, Das kirchliche Begrabnissrecht (Ratisbon, 1904); also
Sagmuller, Kirchenrecht (Freiburg, 1904), Pt. III; Ferraris,
Bibliotheca, s.v. sepultura; Von Scherer, Kirchenrecht, II, 601. On
Burial in the Greek Church: Maltzew, Begrabniss-Ritus (Berlin, 1896).
On Absolution Crosses: Chevreux, in Bulletin archeol. (Paris, 1904),
391-408; Cochet, La Normandie souterraine; Idem, Sepultures gauloises
(Paris, 1855 and 1857), 71 sqq.; Kraus, Kunst und Alterthum in
Lothringen (Strasburg, 1889), 604-612. See also the bibliography of the
article Cemetery.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p477" shownumber="no">HERBERT THURSTON</p></def>

<term id="b-p477.1" title="Buridan, Jean" type="Encyclopedia">Jean Buridan</term>
<def id="b-p477.2">
<h1 id="b-p477.3">Jean Buridan</h1>
<p id="b-p478" shownumber="no">French scholastic philosopher of the fourteenth century, b. at
Béthune, in the district of Atois towards the end of the
thirteenth century; date of death unknown. He studied at the University
of Paris under the Nominalist William of Occam, became professor in the
faculty of arts, procurator of the Picardy "Nation", and (in 1327)
rector of the university. In 1345, he was one of the ambassadors sent
by the university to the papal court at Avignon. He is also said to
have assisted in founding the University of Vienna. It is probable,
however, that Buridan never went to Vienna, for it is certain that he
was in Paris in 1358, and Father Denifle has shown (Chartul. Univ.,
Paris, II, 646) that the University of Vienna was not founded until
1365, when Buridan was so old that he could hardly have undertaken such
a journey. His principal works are "Compendium Logicae", "Summa de
Dialecticâ", and "Commentaries" on the works of Aristotle, the
most important of the last being on the "Politics". A complete edition
was published by Dullard, Paris, 1500, and has frequently been
reprinted, e.g. Oxford, 1637, London, 1641.</p>
<p id="b-p479" shownumber="no">Buridan was not a theologian. In philosophy he belonged to the
Nominalist, or Terminist school of Occam, to which he adhered in spite
of reiterated condemnation. He adhered, also, to that peculiar form of
scepticism which appeared in Scholastic philosophy at that time, and
which arose from the growing sense of the inadequacy of reason to solve
the highest problems of thought. In his "Compendium Logicae" he
developed at length the art of finding the middle term of a
demonstration, and this, in the course of time (it is first mentioned
in 1514), came to be known as "The Bridge of Asses", i.e. the bridge by
which stupid scholars were enabled to pass from the minor or major, to
the middle, term of syllogism.. Still better known is the phrase
"Buridan's Ass", which refers to the "case" of a hungry donkey placed
between two loads of hay, equal as to quantity and quality and equally
distant. The animal so placed, argued the dialectician, could never
decide to which load of hay he should turn, and, in consequencs, would
die of hunger. The "case" is not found in Buridan's writings (though
the problem it proposes is to be found in Aristotle), and may well have
been invented by an opponent to show the absurdity of Buridan's
doctrine.</p>
<p id="b-p480" shownumber="no">That doctrine began by denying the distinction between the different
faculties of the soul. Will and intellect, said Buridan, are the same.
Hence, to say that the will is free in any sense except that in which
the intellect also is free, is to say that the will is freer than
itself. The freedom of the will is the freedom of the whole soul. Human
freedom consists, then, in the power of choosing between two or more
desirable alternatives 
(<i>libertas oppositionis</i>). When the intellect presents one
alternative as better (higher) than the other, the will must choose the
former. When the will presents two alternatives as equally desirable,
there can be no choice. (Here, probably, the opponent introduced the
example of the ass, to ridicule Buridan's position.) The will, however,
has still an expedient. It can postpone its decision, direct the
intellect to consider one alternative only, and when the other
alternative, even though it be better (higher), has dropped out of
consciousness, the will can come to a decision and choose, if, indeed,
its act can now be called a choice at all. Buridan, therefore,
maintains that in a conflict of motives the stronger motive always
prevails—the will is "determined" by the strongest motive. He is
not a voluntarist. The will, he says, is inferior to the intellect,
because the former presupposes the action of the latter, and depends on
it. And it is by means of the intellect, and not by means of the will,
that man lays hold of supreme happiness.</p>
<p id="b-p481" shownumber="no">Stockl, Gesch. der Phil. des Mittelalters (Mainz, 1865), II, 1023
sqq.; Id., Lehrb. der Gesch.der Phil. (Mainz, 1888), I, 478; tr. Finlay
(Dublin, 1903), 427; Turner, Hist. of Phil. (Boston, 1903), 408;
Ueberweg, Gesch. der Phil. (Berlin, 1905), II, 347; tr. Morris (New
York, 1890), I, 465.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p482" shownumber="no">WILLIAM TURNER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p482.1" title="Burigny, Jean Levesque de" type="Encyclopedia">Jean Levesque de Burigny</term>
<def id="b-p482.2">
<h1 id="b-p482.3">Jean Lévesque de Burigny</h1>
<p id="b-p483" shownumber="no">Historian, b. at Reims, 1692; d. at Paris, 1785. In 1713, with his
brothers, Champeaux and Lévesque de Pouilly, he began to compile a
dictionary of universal knowledge, a kind of encyclopedia, which
comprised twelve large manuscript folios, and afforded Burigny ample
material for his subsequent works. In 1718, at The Hague, he worked
with Saint- Hyacinthe on "L'Europe savante", in twelve volumes, of
which he contributed at least one-half. On his return to Paris, he
devoted his time to historical research and published several works
which stamped him as a conscientious scholar. Burigny, although sharing
the ideas of the philosophers of his time, was by no means an
extremist. He was a modest, peace-loving man, whose only ambition was
to be a scholar, and his works show a great amount of learning; some,
for instance his lives of Grotius and Erasmus, give very interesting
data not elsewhere found. Among his works are: "Traité de
l'autorité du pape" (Paris, 1782) which reduces papal authority to
a primacy of honour, "Théologie païenne" (Paris, 1754);
"Histoire générale de Sicile" (The Hague, 1745); "Histoire
des róvolutions de l'empire de Constantinople" (The Hague, 1750);
"Traité de Porphyre touchant l'abstinence de la chair, avec la vie
de Plotin" (tr. from Greek; Paris, 1740); "Vie de Bossuet" (Paris,
1761); "Vie du cardinal Duperron" (Paris, 1768).</p>
<p id="b-p484" shownumber="no">Dacier, Eloge de Burigny (Paris, 1786); Walckenaer, Recueil de
notices historiques (Paris, 1850); Constantin, in Dict. de theol.
cath., II, 1264-65.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p485" shownumber="no">PIERRE J. MARIQUE</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p485.1" title="Burkard, Franz" type="Encyclopedia">Franz Burkard</term>
<def id="b-p485.2">
<h1 id="b-p485.3">Franz Burkard</h1>
<p id="b-p486" shownumber="no">The name of two celebrated German jurists. One died suddenly at
Rain, 9 December 1539. He began to teach canon law at the University of
Ingoldstadt in 1519, where he stoutly opposed every endeavor to
introduce Lutheranism. In the trial which sentenced Andreas Seehofer,
who had taught the new doctrine, to retire to a monastery, Franz and
his brother Peter, a professor at the same institution, were the chief
prosecutors. As this action was resented by the Lutherans, he defended
himself before the university with John Eck and Hauer. The other d. at
Bonn, 6 August, 1584. For many years he served the Bavarian chancellor,
August Loesch of Petersdorf, as legal advisor. Later the Elector of
Cologne, Ernest of Bavaria, made him his private counsellor and
chancellor. His stanch defence of Catholicity merited the praise of
Blessed Peter Canisius. To quell the religious war resulting from the
declaration of tolerance for Protestant worship, a volume over his
name, "De Autonomiâ", appeared at Munich in 1586. Its real author,
the private secretary of the king, Andreas Erstenberger, in order to
save his name, position, and family, was induced by William V of
Bavaria to conceal his identity behind the name of the deceased
Burkard, as Rudolph II would not countenance any opposition to the
Protestants. The book was bitterly assailed by Protestants, but its
main positions have not been refuted.</p>
<p id="b-p487" shownumber="no">Prantl, Geschichte der Universitat in Ingoldstadt, etc., I, passim;
Schreiber, Geschichte Bayerns, II, 587; Jannsen, Geschichte des
deutschen Volkes, V, 421-428.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p488" shownumber="no">THOS. M. SCHWERTNER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p488.1" title="Burke, Edmund" type="Encyclopedia">Edmund Burke</term>
<def id="b-p488.2">
<h1 id="b-p488.3">Edmund Burke</h1>
<p id="b-p489" shownumber="no">First Vicar Apostolic of Nova Scotia, b. in the parish of
Maryborough, County Kildare, Ireland, in 1753; d. at Halifax, Nova
Scotia, 1820. He was compelled by existing political conditions in
Ireland to pursue his studies in Paris, where his talents and character
gave promise of his future career. Ordained priest, he returned to his
native diocese. Here trouble had just arisen over the appointment of a
vicar-general, and Father Burke was blamed by some partisans for
espousing the cause of his superior. The unpleasant conditions led
young Burke to follow the advice of Dr. Carpenter, Archbishop of
Dublin, and go to Canada. He arrived in Quebec in the summer of 1786,
and in September of that year was made professor of philosophy and
mathematics in the seminary of Quebec. His work in the seminary led to
his appointment as a director of that institution, but he craved for
missionary work north and west of the Great Lakes, where, in scattered
villages, there were many Catholics who had not seen a missionary since
the conquest (1759). In 1794 he gained his object and was sent into the
missionary field with the title of Vicar-General and Superior of the
Missions of Upper Canada. For seven years he laboured faithfully,
enduring all the hardships of a pioneer missionary priest; and he
suffered, too, from lack of sympathy and support in his work. He saw
clearly and made known to his ecclesiastical superiors the loss to
religion resulting from race prejudices and misunderstandings. His
plain statements made in the cause of religion and truth brought him
enemies and many accusations. He met them fearlessly and these trials
but prepared him for his important work of the future as Vicar-General
of Nova Scotia, i.e. the ecclesiastical direction of most of the
English-speaking population of Canada. He went to Halifax, Nova Scotia,
as Vicar-General of Quebec in 1801, was made Vicar-General of Nova
Scotia in 1815, and consecrated Bishop of Zion in 1818. The work done
by this prelate for religion, for education, and for the State in Nova
Scotia, during the first twenty years of the nineteenth century are
fully treated in the work (quoted below) of one of his successors. The
Protestant historian Campbell thus closes his biographical sketch of
Bishop Burke: "The Dominion of Canada in its wide extent has seen few,
if any, of its prelates who died more respected and regretted by all
classes; more beloved and idolized by his own flock; and whose memory
as a great, enlightened, and liberal-minded prelate is looked up to
with so much veneration." His most important writings are "The First
Principles of Christianity" and "The Ministry of the Church" (Dublin,
1817).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p490" shownumber="no">ALEXANDER MCNEIL</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p490.1" title="Burke, Thomas" type="Encyclopedia">Thomas Burke</term>
<def id="b-p490.2">
<h1 id="b-p490.3">Thomas Burke</h1>
<h4 id="b-p490.4">(THOMAS DE BURGO)</h4>
<p id="b-p491" shownumber="no">Bishop of Ossory, b. at Dublin, Ireland, about 1709; d. at Kilkenny,
25 September, 1776. He went to Rome in 1723 and there was placed under
the care of his namesake and kinsman, a Dominican, Father Thomas Burke,
who prepared him for admission into the order. A dispensation was
obtained from the Sacred Congregation, and on 14 June, 1724, he was
clothed with the Dominican habit before he had attained his fifteenth
year. Young Burke showed special aptitude for study and with the
permission of the master general was allowed to begin his course during
his novitiate. Two years were given to philosophy and five to theology.
So marked was his progress in studies and letters that he was singled
out, even though yet a novice, by special marks of affection from
Benedict XIII. During the reconstruction of St. Sixtus' in 1727 and
1728, the pontiff visited the Irish Dominicans once a week, taking part
in their community exercises, becoming familiar with the friars and
especially with Burke. He was gradually promoted to the highest
theological honours of the order, being charged successively with all
the official duties in a regular Dominican studium. He held the office
of regent of studies for six years. In 1742 the Master General, Thomas
Ripoll, personally conferred on him the degree of Master of Theology.
The following year he returned to Dublin where he took up the work of
the ministry. A general chapter of the order held at Bologna in 1748
passed an ordinance that in all the immediately following provincial
chapters a historiographer should be appointed in every province. This
order did not reach Ireland from Rome in time for the provincial
chapter which was convened the following year at Dublin, and to which
assembly Father Burke had been elected by his brethren as Definitor. At
the subsequent chapter, however, of 1753 he was appointed historian of
his province. The same honour of Definitor was conferred again in
1757.</p>
<p id="b-p492" shownumber="no">Father Burke while in Rome was commissioned by the Irish clergy,
through Bishop MacDonough of Kilmore, to obtain from the Holy See ten
new offices of Irish saints. After his return to Ireland, he was
entrusted with a similar commission by the Archbishop of Dublin, the
Most Rev. John Linegar, and the Bishops of Ireland for fourteen other
feasts of the Irish saints. The decrees were given respectively 8 July,
1741 and 1 July, 1747. Both original documents are preserved in the
archives of St. Clement's, Rome. Father Burke was promoted by Clement
XIII in 1759, to the See of Ossory which he governed for seventeen
years. His talents, learning, culture, and piety fitted him for the
pastoral office, united with his noble and fearless character. An
accurate portrait of Bishop Burke is possessed by the Dominican nuns of
Drogheda, Ireland. He is known to posterity more on account of his
learned work "Hibernia Dominicana", than by any other claim. The work
was nominally published at Cologne, but in reality it came from the
press of Edmund Finn of Kilkenny, in 1762. The author gave to it four
years of incessant labour, and in 1772 he added a "Supplementum" which
was a vindication of Rinuccini, the nuncio of Pope Innocent X, of the
charges brought against him by the supreme council of Confederate
Catholics during his residence in Ireland. Question of the oath of
allegiance and fear of subverting "that fidelity and submission which
we acknowledge ourselves to owe from duty and from gratitude to his
Majesty King George III" caused seven of the Irish Bishops to condemn
the "Hibernia Dominicana" and "Supplementum". (For defense of Bishop
Burke see Coleman, Ir. Eccl. Record.) "Promptuarium dogmatico canonico
morale", a work of the celebrated Spanish Dominican Larrago, enlarged
and accommodated to its day by Father Burke, was about to be published
in 1753 when his appointment as historian interrupted it.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p493" shownumber="no">JOHN T. MCNICHOLAS</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p493.1" title="Burke, Thomas Nicholas" type="Encyclopedia">Thomas Nicholas Burke</term>
<def id="b-p493.2">
<h1 id="b-p493.3">Thomas Nicholas Burke</h1>
<p id="b-p494" shownumber="no">A celebrated Dominican orator, b. 8 September, 1830, in Galway; d. 2
July, 1882, at Tallaght, Ireland. His parents, though in moderate
circumstances, gave him a good education. He was placed at first under
the care of the Patrician Brothers, and was afterwards sent to a
private school. An attack of typhoid fever when he was fourteen years
old, and the harrowing scenes of the famine year (1847), had a sobering
effect on the quick-witted and studious lad, and turned his thoughts
into more serious channels. Toward the end of that year he asked to be
received into the Order of Preachers, and was sent to Perugia in Italy,
to make his novitiate. On 29 December, he was clothed there in the
habit of St. Dominic and received the name of Thomas. Shortly afterward
he was sent to Rome to begin his studies in the Convent of the Minerva.
He passed thence to the Roman convent of Santa Sabina, where he won
such esteem by his fervour, regularity, and cheerfulness, that his
superiors sent him, while yet a student, as novice-master to
Woodchester, the novitiate of the resuscitated English Province. He was
ordained priest 26 March, 1853, and on 3 August, 1854, defended
publicly the theses 
<i>in universâ theologiâ</i>, and took him Dominican degree
of Lector. Early in the following year Father Burke was recalled to
Ireland to found the novitiate of the Irish Province at Tallaght, near
Dublin. In 1859 he preached his first notable sermon on "Church Music";
it immediately lifted him into fame. Elected Prior of Tallaght in 1863,
he went to Rome the following year as Rector of the Dominican Convent
of San Clemente, and attracted great attention in the Eternal City by
his preaching. He returned to Ireland in 1867, and delivered his
oration on O'Connell at Glasnevin before fifty thousand people. Bishop
Leahy took him as his theologian to the Vatican Council in 1870, and
the following year he was sent as Visitor to the Dominican convents in
America. His fame had preceded him, and he was besieged with
invitations to preach and lecture. The seats were filled hours before
he appeared, and his audiences overflowed the churches and halls in
which he lectured. In New York he delivered the discourses in
refutation of the English historian Froude. In eighteen months he gave
four hundred lectures, exclusive of sermons, the proceeds amounting to
nearly $400,000. His mission was a triumph, but the triumph was dearly
won, and when he arrived in Ireland on 7 March, 1873, he was spent and
broken. Yet during the next ten years we find him preaching continually
in Ireland, England, and Scotland. He began the erection of the church
in Tallaght in 1882, and the following May preached a series of sermons
in the new Dominican church, London. In June he returned to Tallaght in
a dying condition, and preached his last sermon in the Jesuit church,
Dublin, in aid of the starving children of Donegal. A few days
afterwards he breathed forth his soul to God, in Whose service he had
laboured so valiantly. Father Burke possessed all the qualities of a
great orator; a rich, flexible, harmonious voice, great dramatic power,
and a vivid imagination. He is buried in the church of Tallaght, now a
memorial to him. Many of his lectures and sermons were collected and
published in various editions in New York, as were also the four
lectures in reply to Froude (1872) the latter with the title "The Case
of Ireland Stated".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p495" shownumber="no">STANISLAUS HOGAN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p495.1" title="Burleigh, Walter" type="Encyclopedia">Walter Burleigh</term>
<def id="b-p495.2">
<h1 id="b-p495.3">Walter Burleigh</h1>
<p id="b-p496" shownumber="no">(Also: Walter Burley; Burlæus).</p>
<p id="b-p497" shownumber="no">Friar Minor and medieval philosopher, b. in 1275 and d. in 1337. It
is impossible to determine with certainty the Beuleigh was a
Franciscan, as some say that he was an Augustinian; and Franciscans
"can do no less than lay a claim to him", as Parkinson remarks,
"leaving the matter to be disputed by such as are disposed to contend".
He was preceptor to Edward, Prince of Wales, who afterward ascended the
throne as Edward III in 1327. At Oxford he was the school-fellow of
William of Occam, both being disciples of Duns Scotus. He taught at
Paris for some time and was known as the Plain and Perspicuous Doctor 
(<i>Doctor planus et perspicuus</i>). Burleigh figured prominently in
the dispute concerning the nature of universals. Following the doctrine
of Scotus in this regard, he became, on the one hand, the adversary of
William of Occam, the father of nominalism—that is, the doctrine
that holds that universals are empty words, or 
<i>nomina</i>, having no real existence whatever; and on the other, the
opponent of the extreme realists who taught the universal, as such, has
actual or formal existence outside the mind. In this connection it
should be remembered that, as in the question of universals, so in
others of greater importance in philosophy, Scotus can be understood
and interpreted only by one who has mastered by diligent and
well-directed study the peculiar terminology of the Subtle Doctor and
grasped his sometimes abstruse concepts of metaphysical principles.</p>
<p id="b-p498" shownumber="no">Scotus was undoubtedly a moderate realist, that is, he taught that
the 
<i>universale in actu</i>, to use his own words, 
<i>non est nisi in intellectu</i>, though having a foundation in
extra-mental reality; and Burleigh followed his master. But when the
disciples of Scotus endeavoured to construct on his principles a
doctrine of exaggerated realism, burleigh's opposition to this mistaken
interpretation of Scotus'doctrine was vigorous and uncomprimising. He
then, at least in this point, was the adversary of the Scotists rather
than of Scotus himself. Burleigh's only work on theology is a
commentary "in Magistrum Sententiarum". His philosophical writings
include (1) "De intentione et remissione formarum"; (2) "Exposito in
libros Ethicorum Aristotelis"; (3) "De vitis et moribus philosophorum";
(4) "De potentiis animae"; (5) "Summa totius logicae"; (6) "Commentaria
in libros Posteriorum Aristotelis"; (7) "Tractatus de materia et forma
et relativis"; (8) "De fluxu et refluxu maris anglicani".</p>
<p id="b-p499" shownumber="no">Parkinson, Collectanea Anglo-Minoritica, ad. an. 1337 (London,
1726), 151; Hurter, Nomenclator (Innsbruck, 1893, IV, 425; Jeiler, in
Kirchenlex., II, 1542.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p500" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p500.1" title="Burlington" type="Encyclopedia">Burlington</term>
<def id="b-p500.2">
<h1 id="b-p500.3">Burlington</h1>
<p id="b-p501" shownumber="no">(Burlingtonensis).</p>
<p id="b-p502" shownumber="no">Diocese established 14 July, 1853; comprises the whole State of
Vermont, U.S.A., an area of 9135 square miles. The territory now making
up the State of Vermont was not only discovered but first settled by
Catholics. Champlain bestowed on the State in 1609 the name it bears
and the first Mass said within its boundaries was offered up in 1666 by
a Sulpician priest from Montreal, in the chapel of the little fort of
St. Anne on Isle Lamothe —now the site of a shrine of
pilgrimage—where a few soldiers upheld the authority of the King
of France. In 1668 Bishop Laval of Quebec went there and thus gave to
Vermont the honour of the first episcopal visitation and ministration
in New England and probably in the United States. During the years that
followed, Jesuit and other missionaries traversed the State and left
the evidences of their zeal in the converted Indians and the Catholic
settlers in many villages. In 1734 there were fourteen Catholic
families grouped about a chapel at Alburgh. After Canada had been ceded
to the English in 1760 many New England emigrants went to Vermont, but
the Bishops of Quebec still continued to look after the Catholics
there. When the Diocese of Boston was created in 1810 the State of
Vermont was included within its jurisdiction, and the venerable Father
Matignon of Boston visited Burlington in 1815 and found about one
hundred Catholics Canadians there without a priest or church. Father
Migneault of Chambly, Canada was a frequent visitor for a number of
years, ministering to the scattered families along the border. Father
James Fitton of Boston was another pioneer priest. The first resident
priest in Vermont was Rev. Jeremiah O'Callaghan, a native of Cork,
Ireland, whose eccentric notions on the question of usury got him into
difficulty with the bishop of his native diocese; he was sent to
Burlington in 1830 by Bishop Fenwick and remained there until 1854, his
influence and pastoral zeal radiating far and wide. He built St.
Peter's church, Burlington in 1832. He died at Holyoke, Massachusetts,
23, February, 1861. In 1837 the Rev. John D. Daly, another eccentric
but learned man, commenced to care for the missions in the southern
part of the State and laboured until 1854, when he retired to New York
where he died in 1870. Notable also among the priests ministering in
the State during this early period were Fathers William Ivers, George
Hamilton, Edward McGowan, James Walsh, M. Petithomme, P. Drolet, and M.
Chevailier. In 1843, the Catholics of the State numbered 4940, but the
building of railroads and the establishment of numerous public works
soon brought a steady increase.</p>
<p id="b-p503" shownumber="no">In 1853 on the petition of the bishops of the Provence of New York,
the pope erected Vermont into a diocese with Burlington as the titular
city. The Very Rev. Louis De Goesbriand, then Vicar-General of the
Diocese of Cleveland, Ohio, was named the first bishop and consecrated
in New York by Archbishop Bedini, 30 October, 1853. He was born 4
August, 1816, at Saint-Urbain, Finistère, France. He studied at
Asint-Sulpice, Paris, and was ordained priest at St. Louis, U.S.A., 30
July, 1840. He found on his arrival in Vermont five priests, ten
churches, and about 20,000 Catholics. In January, 1855, he went to
Europe to secure priests in Ireland and France and with the aid of
those who answered his appeal for volunteers, new parishes were
organized, churches built, schools opened, and the work of evangelizing
went on vigorously. The first diocesan synod was held in Burlington, 4
and 5 October, 1855, at which nine priests attended. On 17 July, 1890,
Bishop De Goesbriand celebrated the golden jubilee of his ordination
and in 1892 he asked for a coadjutor. The choice fell on the Rev. John
Stephen Michaud, then pastor at Bennington, the son of an Irish mother
and Canadian father and born at Burlington, 24 Novenber, 1843. He made
his studies at St. Joseph's Seminary, Troy, New York, and was ordained
priest, 7 June, 1873. He was consecrated titular Bishop of Modra and
coadjutor of Burlington, 29 June, 1892. Bishop De Goesbriand retired to
live in the Orphan Asylum at Burlington and died 3 November, 1899, the
dean of the American hierarchy. Bishop Michaud immediately succeeded to
the see. Bishop De Goesbriand was one of the prelates who attended the
Vatican Council in 1869.</p>
<p id="b-p504" shownumber="no">The religious communities now represented in the diocese are the
Fathers of St. Edmond (C.S.E.), the Brothers of St. Gabriel, Sisters of
Charity of Providence, Sisters of the Holy Cross and of the Seven
Dolours, Sisters of the Holy Ghost, Ladies of St. Joseph, Sisters of
St. Joseph, Hospital Sisters of St. Joseph, Sisters of Mercy, Sisters
of the Congregation of Notre Dame,, of the Presentation, of the Sacred
Heart of Jesus, and of the Assumption. There are in the diocese 99
priests, 88 secular, 11 regular; 95 churches, 70 with resident pastors,
and 27 missions with churches; 20 stations; 275 women in religious
communities; 15 ecclesiastical students in the diocesan seminary; 3
academies for boys, 9 for girls; 21 parish schools with 6096 pupils; 2
orphanage schools with 260 pupils, 220 orphans in the diocesan asylum;
2 colleges for boys; 2 hospitals; Catholic population estimated 75,953;
children under Catholic care 6175. The hospital at Winooski Park is
named after Fanny Allen, daughter of General Ethan Allen of
Revolutionary fame, and the first woman of New England birth to become
a nun.</p>
<p id="b-p505" shownumber="no">De Goesbriand, Catholic Memoirs of Vermont and New Hampshire
(Burlington, 1886); Michaud in History of the Cath. Ch. in the New
England States (Boston, 1899), II; Shea, Hist. of the Cath. Ch. in U.S.
(New York, 1904); Reuss, Biog. Cycl. of the Cath. Hierarchy of U.S.
(Milwaukee, 1898); Catholic Directory, 1907.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p506" shownumber="no">THOMAS F. MEEHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p506.1" title="Burma" type="Encyclopedia">Burma</term>
<def id="b-p506.2">
<h1 id="b-p506.3">Burma</h1>
<p id="b-p507" shownumber="no">Before its annexation by the British Burma consisted of the kingdoms
of Ava and Pegu. In 1548 St. Francis Xavier petitioned Father Rodriguez
for missionaries to go to Pegu, but nothing is known as to the outcome
of his request. In 1699 the Vicar Apostolic of Siam and the Bishop of
Meliapur had a dispute concerning the jurisdiction over Pegu, and
Cardinal de Tournon, 
<i>Legatus a latere</i>, decided against the vicar Apostolic. The
actual work of evangelizing Ava and Pegu did not begin until the
pontificate of Innocent XIII who in 1722, sent Father Sigismond de
Calchi a Barnabite, and Father Vittoni, of the same order, to Burma.
After many trials and tribulations they succeeded in obtaining
permission to preach with full liberty the Gospel of Christ. In 1741
Benedict XIV definitely established the mission, appointing Father
Galizia vicar Apostolic, and placing the Barnabites in charge of the
work; but in the wars which distracted those regions during the
eighteenth century the last two members of the order who had remained
in the country were killed. The Barnabites having given up the mission,
Pius VIII sent Monsignor Frederic Cao, a member of the Congregation of
Pious Schools, and titular Bishop of Zama (18 June, 1830), Gregory XVI
placed the mission under the Oblates of Pinerolo, Italy, by appointing
(5 July, 1842) Monsignor Giovanni Ceretti, a member of this institute,
and titular Bishop of Adrianople, as first vicar Apostolic. About this
date (1845) the Catholics of the two kingdoms numbered 2500. In 1848
Monsignor John Balma succeeded as vicar Apostolic (5 September, 1848),
but the war with the British rendered his labours ineffectual, and the
mission was abandoned about 1852.</p>
<p id="b-p508" shownumber="no">The British had in reality begun to assume control of Burma in 1824,
but it was not until 20 December, 1852, that the East India Company,
after a bloody war, annexed the entire kingdom of Pegu, a territory as
large as England. Many years later the kingdom of Ava was also taken by
the British, and with conquest of Rangoon the whole of Burma came into
the possession of Great Britain. The Oblates of Pinerolo having
withdrawn from the mission, the vicariate was placed, in 1855, under
the control of the Vicar Apostolic of Siam. At this date the kingdom of
Ava and Pegu contained 11 priests and 5320 Catholics.</p>
<p id="b-p509" shownumber="no">Burma is bounded on the east by China and Siam, on the West by Assam
and Bengal. Its area is approximately 171,430 square rniles, while that
of Great Britain and Ireland is 120,947 square miles. Notwithstanding
this large extent of territory, Burma has a population of only 8,
000,000 inhabitants. For some ten years the mission remained under the
administration of the vicar Apostolic of Siam; but such a condition
could not be indefinitely prolonged without compromising its future. A
decree of Propaganda (27 November, 1806) accordingly divided Burma into
three vicariates, named respectively, with references to their
geographical positions, Northern, Southern, and Eastern Burma. The
boundaries then fixed were abrogated (28 June, 1870) by another decree
of Propaganda, which constituted these three vicariates as they now
are.</p>
<h4 id="b-p509.1">Northern Burma</h4>
<p id="b-p510" shownumber="no">This vicariate, which has been entrusted to the Missions
Etrangères of Paris, is bounded on the north by the Chinese
province of Yun-nan, on the east by the River Salwen, on the south by
Karenni and Lower Burma, and on the west by Manipur, the Garo Hills,
and the independent territories of Tipperah and Assam. In a population
of 3,500,000 there are 7248 Catholics, whose spiritual needs are served
by 22 European clergy of the Missions Etrangères of Paris and 3
native priests with 47 churches or chapels. The vicariate also
possesses 18 schools with 754 children, a seminary with 22 students, 2
boarding-schools with 160 pupils and 6 orphanages with 315 orphans.
This is the most dense of the vicar Apostolic is at Mandalay. The
stations having one chapel and a resident missionary are Pyinmana,
Yamèthin, Magyidaw, Chanthagon, Myokine, Chaung-u, Nabet, Shwebo,
Chanthaywa, Monhla, Bhano, and Maymyo. At Mandalay there are, besides
the cathedral, the Tamil church of St. Xavier, a Chinese church, and
that of St. John's Asylum. The language commonly used in this vicariate
is Burmese, but residents ordinarily employ their respective native
tongues, which amounts for the Chinese church at Mandalay. This city of
188,000 inhabitants is a busting centre of traffic between Lower Burma
and the Province of Yun-nan; hence the large Chinese element in the
population.</p>
<h4 id="b-p510.1">Eastern Burma</h4>
<p id="b-p511" shownumber="no">The vicariate is entrusted to the Milan Seminary of Foreign
Missions. Its boundaries, determined by decree of 26 August, 1889, are:
on the north the Chinese Province of Yun-nan; on the east, the Mekong,
the subsequent course of which bounds Cambodia and Annam; on the south,
Karenni and Shan; on the west, the River Salween and part of the course
of the Sittang. The vicariate is made up of two quite distinct portions
connected almost at right angles by a somewhat narrow strip of
territory. The first of these portions comprises Toungoo and the
regions Iying between the Sittang and the Salween as far as 20 north
latitude; from this parallel of latitude the second portion stretches
north to the Tropic of Cancer, bordered on the east and south by China,
Annam, and Siam, and on the west by the River Salween.</p>
<p id="b-p512" shownumber="no">The beginnings of the mission go back to 1868 when the Milan
Seminary of Foreign Missions sent thither Monsignor Biffi as prefect
Apostolic, accompanied by Sebastian Carbode, Conti, and Rocco
Tornatori. The last named of these is the present vicar Apostolic, and
has resided forty years in the vicariate. There are 10, 300 Catholics
in this vicariate, the population of which is not exactly known, but
amounts to something like 2,000 000. The vicar Apostolic resides in the
Leitko HiIls and visits 130 villages in the Karenni district, where
there are 10,000 Catholics -- almost the whole Catholic population of
the vicariate. There is a school, with 65 children, a convent of the
Sisters of Nazareth of Milan, with 40 girls, and, in some of the
villages, the beginnings of schools with a few pupils. Toungoo, in the
south of the vicariate, with 300 Catholics, has an English school of
130 children of various races, a Native school of 100 children, and a
convent of the Sisters of the Reparation of Nazareth of Milan with 70
girls. There are 10 priests. In I902 there were 140 conversions from
Paganisms and 6 from Protestantism. The stations provided with are,
besides the residence of the vicar Apostolic, Toungoo, Northern
Karenni, Yedashe, and Karenni.</p>
<h4 id="b-p512.1">Southern Burma</h4>
<p id="b-p513" shownumber="no">This vicariate, entrusted to the Missions Etrangères of Paris,
comprises all the territory included in British (Lower) Burma before
the annexation of Upper Burma, with the exception, however, of the
province of Arakan (attached in 1879 to the Diocese of Dacca) and the
Toungoo district (assigned to the Vicariate of Eastern Burma). It is,
therefore, bounded on the east by the Diocese of Dacca, on the north by
Eastern Burma, on the west by Siam, and on the south by the sea. It
extends from the nineteenth to the tenth parallel of north latitude,
and, beginning from Moulmein, forms a long and rather narrow strip of
land shut in between Siam on the one side and the sea on the other.</p>
<p id="b-p514" shownumber="no">In a population estimated at 4,000,000 as many as 45,.579 Catholics
are found distributed among 23 stations, the most important of which in
respect of Catholic population are: Rangoon, with 2336 Catholics;
Moulmein, 1400; Bassein, 1040; Myaung-mya, 4000; Kanaztogon, 4482;
Mittagon, 3000; Maryland, 2412; Gyobingauk Tharrawady, 2200. The seat
of vicariate Apostolic is at Rangoon. The clergy number 49 European
priests, and the vicariate has 231 churches and chapels. The schools
are conducted by the Brothers of the Christian Schools, the Sisters of
the Good Shepherd, of St. Joseph of the Apparition, and of St. Francis
Xavior, those known under this last name being natives. The vicariate
supports 12 Anglo-native schools with 4501 children, and 65 Burman or
Tamil schools which give instruction to 2200 pupils. The Little Sisters
of the Poor, 9 in number, take care of 55 old people at Rangoon, and
the Missionaries of Mary have an asylum sheltering 100 children,
besides which there are 21 orphanages, containing 790 children, under
the care of the above mentioned religious communities. This vicariate,
therefore, is in further advanced in Christianity than the other two, a
condition due to its greater accessibility and the British influence,
which is more fully developed in these regions. In 1845, as has been
seen, there were only 2500 Catholics in Burma, sixty years later there
are 59,127 -- a proof of the activity of the missionaries and a pledge
for the future.</p>
<p id="b-p515" shownumber="no">Monsignor Alexander Cardot, Bishop of Limyra, Vicar Apostolic of
Southern Burma, was born at Fresse, Haute-Saône, France, 9
January, 1859, and educated in the seminaries of Luneil and Vesoul and
of the Missions Etrangères. Monsignor Cardot began his labours in
the mission field in 1879, and in 1893 was appointed coadjutor to
Bishop Bigandet, his predecessor in the vicariate, who consecrated him
at Rangoon (24 June, 1893). He succeeded to the vicariate on the death
of Bishop Bigandet, 19 March, 1894.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p516" shownumber="no">ALBERT BATTANDIER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p516.1" title="Burnett, Peter Hardeman" type="Encyclopedia">Peter Hardeman Burnett</term>
<def id="b-p516.2">
<h1 id="b-p516.3">Peter Hardeman Burnett</h1>
<p id="b-p517" shownumber="no">First American Governor of California, U.S.A., b. in Nashville,
Tennessee, 15 Nov., 1807, of Virginian ancestry; d. at San Francisco,
California, 16 May, 1895. At an early age he was taken by his father to
Missouri, where amid primitive conditions of life he succeeded in
obtaining an elementary education. At the age of nineteen he returned
to Tennessee, and soon after married Harriet W. Rogers, to whom he
attributed much of the success of his later career. After his marriage
he started in business for himself, studied law and was admitted to the
bar in 1839. He also edited "The Far West", a weekly paper published at
Liberty, Missouri. About this time he became a member of the Church of
the Disciples, or Campbellites, founded by Alexander Campbell, a
seceder from the Baptists. In 1843, removing with his family to Oregon,
he took a prominent part in the formation of the territorial government
and was a member of the legislature from 1844 to 1848. During this
period the published debate between Campbell and Bishop Purcell of
Cincinatti fell into his hands, and though after reading it he still
remained a Protestant, his confidence in Protestantism was considerably
shaken. He then began a systematic investigation of the true religion,
became convinced of the truth of the Catholic claims, and in June,
1846, was received into the church at Oregon city by Father De vos.</p>
<p id="b-p518" shownumber="no">In the year 1848 Burnett went to California, where he was elected a
member of the Legislative Assembly and took a leading part in its
Proceedings. He was appointed judge of the superior tribunal in August,
1849 and did good work in the framing of the State Constitution. In
September he was chosen chief justice, and on the thirteenth of
November of the same year he was elected the first American Governor of
California, though California was not admitted as a State into the
Union till September, 1850. He resigned the governorship in 1851 and
resumed the practice of law until his appointment in 1857 as a Justice
of the Supreme Court of California by Gov. J. Neeley Johnson. His term
expired in October 1858. He was also President of the Pacific Bank from
1863 to 1880, after which he retired from active business. In 1860
Judge Burnett wrote his famous book "The Path which led a Protestant
Lawyer to the Catholic Church" (New York, 1860), wherein he bases his
conversion on clear-cut logical principles. With regard to this work
Dr. Brownson says "In writing his book, Judge Burnett has rendered a
noble homage to his new faith. . . . Through him California has made a
more glorious contribution to the Union than all the gold of her mines,
for truth is more precious than gold, yea, than fine gold" (Brownson's
Review, April, 1860). This was followed by his work on "The American
Theory of Government, Considered with Referenee to the Present Crisis"
(2d ed., New York, 1861). During the period of his retirement he
published "Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer" (New York,
1860), which "is especially valuable in connection with the early
political and constitutional history of the Pacific coast" (Nation,
XXX, 389), and "Reasons Why We Should Believe in God, Love God and Obey
God" (New York, 1884).</p>
<p id="b-p519" shownumber="no">The Ave Maria (Notre Dame, 1-29., 1898); Catholic News, files (New
York, 5 June, 1895); The Pilot, files (Boston, 1 June, 1895);
Brownson's Review, April, 1863).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p520" shownumber="no">EDWARD P. SPILLANE</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p520.1" title="Burns, James" type="Encyclopedia">James Burns</term>
<def id="b-p520.2">
<h1 id="b-p520.3">James Burns</h1>
<p id="b-p521" shownumber="no">Publisher and author, b. near Montrose, Forfarshire, Scotland, 1808;
d. in London, 11 April, 1871. During the last half of the nineteenth
century his work in the cause of Catholic literature and Catholic
church music contributed much to the rapid advancement of the Church in
Great Britain and to the many conversions that were made throughout
that period. His father was a Presbyterian minister and sent him to a
college in Glasgow with the idea that he should follow the same
calling. But feeling no inclination for it, he left the school in 1832
and went to London where he found employment with a publishing firm. He
acquired a thorough knowledge of this trade and then set up for himself
in a modest way. He soon won success and the ministers of the
Established Church adopted him as an active auxiliary in their literary
campaign of tracts and polemic publications. He then became a
"Puseyite", or high-churchman. From his press were issued many
interesting and instructive books of a high literary tone in the series
he called "The Englishman's Library" and "The Fireside Library". The
Oxford Movement under Newman of course drew him within its range, with
the result that, in spite of the great worldly sacrifice it meant, he
followed the example of many of his friends and became a convert in
1847.</p>
<p id="b-p522" shownumber="no">The change was one of the sensations of the time and involved for
him the making of a new business life and fortune. The Anglican
publications of the old house were sold off and he set to work, and
succeeded, in a comparatively brief time, in building up an equally
enviable reputation as an enterprising and prolific publisher of good
and wholesome Catholic literature. To his "Popular Library" Cardinal
Wiseman contributed "Fabiola" and Cardinal Newman, "Callista". Other
volumes from a host of well-known writers, prayer books, and books of
devotion soon made the name of the firm of burns &amp; Oates a
household word throughout the English-speaking world. Mr. Burns also
wrote constantly on church music and edited and republished many
compositions of the best masters. He continued his busy life in spite
of a painful internal malady which ended in cancer, from which he died.
His widow, who was also a convert, survived him twenty-two years, dying
a member of the Ursuline community at Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, U.S.A.,
January, 1893. Of his five daughters, four entered the Ursuline Order
and the other became a Sister of Charity. His only son was ordained a
priest, serving for a long time as chaplain at Nazareth House,
Hammersmith, London.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p523" shownumber="no">THOMAS F. MEEHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p523.1" title="Burse" type="Encyclopedia">Burse</term>
<def id="b-p523.2">
<h1 id="b-p523.3">Burse</h1>
<p id="b-p524" shownumber="no">
(<i>Bursa</i>, "hide", "skin"; whence "bag" or "purse").</p>
<p id="b-p525" shownumber="no">A receptacle in which, for reasons of convenience xnd reverence, the
folded corporal is carried to and from the altar. In Roman form the
burse is ordinarily made of two juxtaposed pieces of cardboard about
twenty-five centimetres (or ten inches) square, bound together at three
edges, leaving the fourth open to receive the corporal. One outer side
of the burse is of the same material and colour as the vestments with
which it is used; the rest is lined with linen or silk. The use of the
burse is relatively recent. When the corporal reached its present small
dimensions, it was carried to the altar, sometimes in the missal,
sometimes in a special receptacle, a box or bag, which finally took the
present form of burse. Just when this custom began cannot be
determined. "Chronicon vetus rerum Moguntinarum" (1140-1251) mentions a
precious corporal-case; this may have been, however, only a box for the
continual safe-keeping of the corporal. St. Charles Borromeo describes
a 
<i>sacculus corporalis</i> distinct from the case in which corporals
were preserved (Acta Mediolan., 1683, I, 524). From the fourteenth to
the seventeenth centuries the use of the burse spread, and in 1692 it
was universally illicit to celebrate Mass without one (Decreta S.R.C.,
1866, ad 2m).</p>
<p id="b-p526" shownumber="no">GIHR, The Sacrifice of the Mass (St. Louis, 1902), 264, 265
GAVANTUS-MERATI, Thesaurus sac. rituum (Venice, 1762), I, 90.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p527" shownumber="no">JOHN B. PETERSON</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p527.1" title="Bursfeld, The Abbey of" type="Encyclopedia">The Abbey of Bursfeld</term>
<def id="b-p527.2">
<h1 id="b-p527.3">The Abbey of Bursfeld</h1>
<p id="b-p528" shownumber="no">In the Middle Ages on of the most celebrated Benedictine monasteries
in Germany was the Abbey of Bursfeld, Situated directly west of
Göttingen, on the River Weser, in what is now the Prussian
Provence of Hanover. It was founded in 1093 by Duke Henry of Nordheim
and his wife Gertrude, who richly endowed it. Henry IV of Germany
granted it numerous privileges and immunities. Its first abbot,
Almericus, came from the neighbouring Abbey of Corvey, bringing thence
a band of monks. Following the Benedictine tradition, Almericus opened
a school in connection with the abbey, which soon became famous, and
under the next four abbots its fame continued to increase. But in 1331,
under the worthless Abbot Henry Lasar, monastic discipline began to
relax; the school was neglected, and the rich possessions were
dissipated. From 1331 to 1424 no records of the abbey were kept. When,
in 1424, the aged Albert of Bodenstein became Abbot of Bursfeld, church
and school had fallen almost into ruins, the monastery itself was in a
dilapidated condition, and but one old monk remained there. Albert
would gladly have restored Bursfeld to its former splendour, but was
too old to undertake the gigantic task. He resigned the abbacy in
1430.</p>
<p id="b-p529" shownumber="no">During the fifteenth century a strong desire for monastic and other
ecclesiastical reforms made itself felt throughout the Catholic world.
One of the first Benedictine reformers was the pious and zealous John
Dederoth, of Münden of Nordheim. Having effected notable reforms
at Clus, where he had been abbot since 1430, Dederoth was induced by
Duke Otto of Brunswick, in 1433, to undertake the reform of Bursfeld.
Obtaining four exemplary religious from the monastery of St. Matthias,
he assigned two of them to the monastery at Clus, to maintain his
reformed discipline there, while the other two went with him to
Bursfeld. Being still Abbot of Clus, he was able to recruit from that
community for Bursfeld. Dederoth succeeded beyond expectations in the
restoration of Bursfeld and began the reform of Reinhausen, near
Göttingen, but died 6 February, 1439, before his efforts in that
quarter had borne fruit.</p>
<h3 id="b-p529.1">THE BURSFELD UNION</h3>
<p id="b-p530" shownumber="no">Although the monasteries reformed by him never united into a
congregation, still Dederoth's reforms may be looked upon as the
foundation of the renowned Bursfeld Union, or Congregation. Dederoth,
indeed, intended to unite the reformed Benedictine monasteries of
Northern Germany by a stricter uniformity of discipline, but the
execution of his plan was left to his successor, the celebrated John of
Hagen (not to be confounded with the Carthusian John of Hagen,
otherwise called Johannes de Indagine). In 1445 John of Hagen obtained
permission from the Council of Basle to restore the Divine Office to
the original form of the old Benedictine Breviary and to introduce
liturgical and disciplinary uniformity in the monasteries that followed
the reform of Bursfeld. A year later (11 March, 1446) Louis d'Allemand,
as Cardinal Legate authorized by the Council of Basle, approved the
Bursfeld Union, which then consisted of the six abbeys: Bursfeld, Clus,
Reinhausen, Cismar in Schleswig-Holstein, St. Jacob near Mainz, and
Huysburg near Magdeburg. The cardinal likewise decreed that the Abbot
of Bursfeld should always ex officio be one of the three presidents of
the congregation, and that he should have power to convoke annual
chapters. The first annual chapter of the Bursfeld congregation
convened in the monastery of Sts. Peter and Paul at Erfurt in 1446. In
1451, while on his journey of reform through Germany, the Cardinal
Legate, Nicholas of Cusa, met John of Hagen at Würzburg, where the
Benedictine monasteries of the Mainz-Bamberg province held their
triennial provincial chapter. The legate appointed the Abbot of
Bursfeld visitor for this province, and in a bull, dated 7 June, 1451,
the Bursfeld Congregation was approved, and favoured with new
privileges. Finally, on 6 March, 1458, Pope Pius II approved the
statutes of the congregation and gave it all the privileges which
Eugene IV had given to the Italian Benedictine Congregation of St.
Justina since the year 1431. In 1461 this approbation was reiterated,
and various new privileges granted to the congregation. Favoured by
bishops, cardinals, and popes, as well as by temporal rulers,
especially the Dukes of Brunswick, the Bursfeld Congregation exercised
a wholesome influence to promote true reform in the Benedictine
monasteries of Germany during the second half of the fifteenth, and the
first half of the sixteenth, century. At the death of Abbot John of
Hagen thirty-six monasteries had already joined the Bursfeld
Congregation, and new ones were being added every year. During its most
flourishing period, shortly before the Protestant revolt, at least 136
abbeys, scattered through all parts of Germany, belonged to the
Bursfeld Union.</p>
<p id="b-p531" shownumber="no">The religious revolution, and especially the consequent risings of
the peasants in Germany, greatly retarded the progress of the Bursfeld
Reform. In 1579, Andrew Lüderitz, the last Abbot of Bursfeld, was
driven from the monastery by the Lutheran Duke Julius of Brunswick,
and, after an existence of almost five hundred years, Bursfeld ceased
to be a Catholic monastery. The possessions of the abbey were
confiscated, and the abbot was replaced by an adherent of Luther. About
forty other Benedictine abbeys belonging to the Bursfeld Congregation
were wrested from the Church, their possessions confiscated by Lutheran
princes, and their churches demolished or turned to Protestant uses.
Though greatly impeded in its work of reform, the Bursfeld Congregation
continued to exist until the compulsory secularization of all its
monasteries at the end of the eighteenth, and the beginning of the
nineteenth, century. Its last president was Bernard Bierbaum, Abbot of
Werden inthe Rhine Province, who died in 1798. Bursfeld (Bursfelde) is
at present a small village with about 200 inhabitants, for whom a
Lutheran minister holds services in the old abbey church.</p>
<p id="b-p532" shownumber="no">Trithemius, Chronicon Hirsaugiense (St. Gall, 1690), II, 350;
Leuckfeld, Antiquitates Bursfeldenses (Leipzig and Wolfenbüttel,
1703); Evelt, Die Anfänge der Bursfelder Benedictiner-Congregation
(Münster, 1865); Biedenfeld, Mönchs- und Klosterfrauen-Orden
(Weimer, 1837), I, 281; Brockhoff, Die Klöster der hl. kath.
Kirche (Oberhausen); Heimbucher, Die Orden und Kongregationen
(Paderborn, 1896), I, 141; Linneborn, Die Reformation der
westfälischen Benedictinerklöster im 15. Jahrh. durch die
Bursfelder Congregation in Studien u. Mittheilungen aus dem
Benedictiner-Orden, XX-XXII; Berlière, Les origines de la
congrégation de Bursfeld in Revue Bénédictine, XVI.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p533" shownumber="no">MICHAEL OTT</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p533.1" title="Bury St. Edmund's, The Abbey of" type="Encyclopedia">The Abbey of Bury St. Edmund's</term>
<def id="b-p533.2">
<h1 id="b-p533.3">The Abbey of Bury St. Edmund's</h1>
<p id="b-p534" shownumber="no">The first religious foundation there was established by Sigebert,
King of the East Angles, who resigned his crown to found a monastery
about 537. It became celebrated when the relics of the martyred King
Edmund were brought there in 903, after which time the town, till then
called Boedericsworth, became known as St. Edmund's Town or St.
Edmund's Bury. During the reign of Canute (1016-35) the secular canons
were replaced by Benedictines. In 1095 there was a solemn translation
of the saint's relics to the new church built by Abbot Baldwin. The
shrine grew in fame, wealth, and magnificence till the monastery was
considered second only to Glastonbury, but in 1465 a terrible fire
caused irreparable loss to the church, from which it never recovered.
The abbot had a seat in Parliament and possessed full jurisdiction over
the town and neighbourhood. There was accomodation for eighty monks,
but more than two hundred persons resided in the Abbey. At the
dissolution, the revenues were valued at £2,366, equivalent to
more than £20,000 in present money. It was in the abbey church
that the memorable meeting of barons took place in the year 1214, when
Cardinal Langton, Archbishop of Canterbury, standing at the high altar,
read out the proposed Charter of Liberties, which in the form of Magna
Charta was signed by King John in 1215. The abbey was finally dissolved
by Henry VIII in 1539, when the abbey church and the monastic buildings
were in large measure destroyed, the gateway, an ancient bridge, and
other scattered ruins alone now remaining. The fate of the saint's
relics has never been decided. According to one tradition, they were
abstracted by Prince Louis of France in 1217. Relics purporting to be
those of the saint were long preserved at Toulouse, until in 1901,
Cardinal Vaughan, Archbishop of Westminster, obtained leave to
translate them to England. Doubts having been thrown on the
authenticity of the relics, a commission of investigation was appointed
by the Holy See, but no report has been published. Among the famous
monks of the Abbey were Abbot Sampson and his chronicler Jocelin of
Brakelond (d. 1211); John Boston de Bury, author and bibliographer (d.
1430); John Lydgate, poet (d. 1446), and Byfield who was burnt for
heresy in 1530.</p>
<p id="b-p535" shownumber="no">THOMPSON, "Records of St. Edmund's"; DUGDALE, "Monasticism" (London,
1821), III, 98-176; JOCELINI DE BRAKELONDA, "De rebus gestis Samsonis
Abbatis" (Camden Society, 1840); TYMMS, "Handbook of Bury St. Edmunds"
(8th ed., 1905). See also CARLYLE, "Past and Present" (1843).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p536" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p536.1" title="Bus, Venerable Caesar de" type="Encyclopedia">Venerable Caesar de Bus</term>
<def id="b-p536.2">
<h1 id="b-p536.3">Venerable César de Bus</h1>
<p id="b-p537" shownumber="no">A priest and founder of two religious congregations, b. 3 February,
1544, at Cavaillon, Comtat Venaissin (now France); d. 15 April, 1607,
at Avignon. At eighteen he joined the king's army and took part in the
war against the Huguenots. After the war he devoted some time to poetry
and painting, but soon made up his mind to join the fleet which was
then besieging La Rochelle. Owing to a serious sickness this design
could not be carried out. Up to this time de Bus had led a pious and
virtuous life, which, however during a sojourn of three years in Paris
was changed for one of pleasure and dissipation. From Paris he went
back to Cavaillon. Upon the death of his brother, a canon of Salon, he
succeeded in obtaining the vacated benefice, which he sought for the
gratification of his worldly ambitions. Shortly after this, however, he
returned to a better life, resumed his studies, and in 1582 was
ordained to the priesthood. He distinguished himself by his works of
charity and his zeal in preaching and catechizing, and conceived the
idea of instituting a congregation of priests who should devote
themselves to the preaching of Christian Doctrine. In 1592, the
"Prêtres séculiers de la doctrine chrétienne", or
"Doctrinaires", were founded in the town of L'Isle and in the following
year came to Avignon. This congregation was approved by Pope Clement
VIII, 23 December, 1597. Besides the Doctrinaires, de Bus founded an
order of women called "Filles de la doctrine chrétienne" and later
the Ursulines. Pope Pius VII declared him Venerable in 1821. Five
volumes of his "Instructions familières" were published (Paris,
1666).</p>
<p id="b-p538" shownumber="no">De Beauvais, Vie du P. César de Bus (Paris, 1645); Dumas, Vie
du P. de Bus (Paris, 1703); Helyor, Histoire des ordres religieux,
revised ed. by Badiche in Migne, Encyclopédie théologique
(Paris, 1848), XXI; Brischar in Kirchenlex., III, 1873, s.v.
Doctrinarier; Baillet, Les vies des saints (Paris, 1739), III, 617;
Heimbucher, Die orden und Kongregationen der kathol. Kirche (Paderborn,
1897), II, 338.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p539" shownumber="no">C.A. DUBRAY</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p539.1" title="Buse, Pierre" type="Encyclopedia">Pierre Buse</term>
<def id="b-p539.2">
<h1 id="b-p539.3">Pierre Busée</h1>
<p id="b-p540" shownumber="no">(Busæus or Buys).</p>
<p id="b-p541" shownumber="no">A Jesuit theologian, born at Nimwegen in 1540; died at Vienna in
1587. When twenty-two years old he entered the novitiate of the Society
of Jesus at Cologne where, six years later (1567) he became master of
novices. In addition to this office he was appointed to give religious
instruction to the higher classes in the Jesuit college at Cologne. He
then undertook to complete the large catechism of Canisius by adding to
it the full text of the Scriptural and patristic references cited by
the author. St. Peter Canisius himself encouraged this undertaking. The
first volume appeared at Cologne in 1569, under the title Authoritates
sacræ Scripturæ et sanctorum Patrum, quæ in summa
doctrinæ christianæ doctoris Petri Canisii citantur. The
following year, 1570, the work was completed, and was received at once
with much favor. It consists of four volumes; for some unknown reason
the last volume is lacking in the fine edition of the catechism, with
notes by Busée, which was issued in 1571 by the celebrated house
of Manutius of Venice, the descendants of Aldus Manutius. In 1577, a
new edition, revised and augmented by another Jesuit, Jean Hase, was
published at Cologne in one folio volume, under another title: Opus
catechisticum. . .D. Petri Canisii theologi S. J. præclaris
divinæ Scripturæ testimoniis, sanctorumque Patrum sententiis
sedulo illustratum operâ D. Petri Busæi Noviomagni, ejusd.
Soc. theologi, nunc vero primum accessione novâ locupletatem atque
restitutum. Six years before this Father Busée had left Cologne
and gone to Vienna, where he lectured on the Holy scriptures in the
university and taught Hebrew at the college of the Jesuits. In 1584
Busée went to Rome at the command of the General of the Society,
Father Acquaviva, who had appointed him a member of a commission to
draw up a system or plan of studies 
(<i>Ratio Studiorum</i>) for the entire Society. On his return to
Vienna, Busée was made Rector of the College of Nobles and died
while holding this position.</p>
<p id="b-p542" shownumber="no">De Backer and Sommervogel, Bibliothéque. de la c. de J., II,
col. 439-442; Braunsberger, Entstehung und erste Entwicklung der
Katechismen des S. Petrus Canisius (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1893);
Brucker in Dict. de theol. cath., II, col. 1265, 1266.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p543" shownumber="no">A. FOURNET</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p543.1" title="Busembaum, Hermann" type="Encyclopedia">Hermann Busembaum</term>
<def id="b-p543.2">
<h1 id="b-p543.3">Hermann Busembaum</h1>
<p id="b-p544" shownumber="no">Moral theologian, born at Notteln, Westphalia, 1600; died at
Münster, 31 January, 1668. He entered the Society of Jesus in his
nineteenth year. After completing his studies, he taught the classics,
philosophy, and moral and dogmatic theology, in various houses of the
order. He was rector of the colleges of Hildesheim and Münster,
socius to the provincial, and again rector at Münster when he
died. His prudence, keenness of intellect, firmness of will,
large-heartedness and tack combined to form a rare character. These
natural gifts were heightened by a singular innocence of life and
constant communion with God. Hence we are not surprised to learn that
he was eminently successful as a director of souls. He was chosen by
Christoph Bernard von Galen, the Prince-Bishop of Münster, as his
confessor, and became his most trusted advisor; and much of the growth
and enduring spiritual activity of that diocese is due to these two
men. Towards the end of his life Busembaum was attacked by a lingering
and extremely painful sickness. He died peacefully and with sentiments
of great piety. He was a holy man; but it was as a great theologian
that he is especially remembered. In 1645 as Southwell says, or
according to De Backer in 1650, appeared his principal work: Medulla
theologiæ moralis facili ac perspicua methodo resolvens causa
conscientiæ ex variis probatisque auctoribus concinnata. This work
is a classic; its conciseness, clearness, method, depth, vastness of
theological lore comprised into so small a volume, sanity of judgment,
and practical utility proclaimed its author to be a man gifted in a
superlative degree with the moral instinct and the powers of a great
teacher. Busembaum's name became in a short while one of the important
ones in moral theology. In his preface to the first edition, he
acknowledges his indebtedness to two Jesuits, Hermann Nünning and
Friedrich Spe, whose manuscripts he had before him while composing his
own work, and he claims for them a share in whatever good his "Medulla"
was to effect. The author lived to see the fortieth edition of his
little book. Up to the year 1845 over two hundred editions had
appeared, which gives us an average of more than one edition for every
year of its existence. The book was printed in all the great centres of
the Catholic world, Münster, Cologne, Frankfort, Ingolstadt,
Lisbon, Lyon, Venice, Padua, and Rome; it was used as a textbook in
numberless seminaries for over two centuries. This success was
certainly phenomenal. Nor was Busembaum less fortunate in his
commentators. Three of the greatest moralists of their respective
periods, La Croix, St. Alphonsus Ligouri, and, in our own days,
Ballerini, took the "Medulla" as their text and commented on it in
their masterly volumes. St. Alphonsus wished to put into the hands of
the students of his congregation the book that would help them most to
master in a limited time and with order the difficult science of moral
theology. During several years, he had read very many authors, but his
choice finally fell on Busembaum.</p>
<p id="b-p545" shownumber="no">The foregoing statements give full assurance of Busembaum's
orthodoxy and authority. For it is incredible that the Church would
have tolerated in the schools in which her future priests were being
trained for the sacred ministry a book that taught a morality which was
not her own. The attacks made on Busembaum have been singularly futile.
He was accused of teaching doctrine that was subversive of authority
and of the security of kings. This charge was founded on the following
proposition:</p>
<blockquote id="b-p545.1">Ad defensionem vitæ et integretatis membrorum licet
filio et religioso et subdito se tueri, si opus sit, cum occisione,
contra ipsum parentem, abbatem, principem, nisi forte propter mortem
hujus secutura essent nimis magna incommoda, ut bella. (Lib. III, Pt.
I, tr. iv, dub. 3, "De homocidio")</blockquote>

<p id="b-p546" shownumber="no">Busembaum lays down this
principle: according to natural law it is permitted to repel by force
an unjust aggressor, and if it be necessary for the saving of one's
life, to kill him. In such cases, however, the person attacked should
have the intention of defending himself and should not inflict greater
harm or use more force than is necessary for self-defense. Then
according to his method, Busembaum applies the principle to various
cases; and among them is the one to which the adversaries object. So
that the proposition that caused the trouble is merely an application
of a principle of the natural law to an individual case. This
proposition is taken almost verbatim from St. Antoninus. It is
essentially the same as the doctrine of St. Thomas, who says:</p>

<blockquote id="b-p546.1">And therefore as it is permitted to resist robbers so also
it is permitted to resist evil rulers in similar circumstances, unless
perchance to avoid scandal, should it be feared that any serious
disturbance might result. (II-II:69:4)</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="b-p547" shownumber="no">St. Alphonsus refers
to this proposition of Busembaum in a letter to his editor, Redmondini,
10 March, 1758, and remarks "the proposition is not at all
condemnable." The truth of the matter is that our author is here
following in the footsteps of very eminent theologians, and the
doctrine is not singular. Another objection is that Busembaum defends
the principle, the end sanctions the means; the sense of the objection
being that when the end is lawful, means in themselves unlawful are
justified; that is, if the end is good, one may do something that is
against the natural law to attain that end. Now the truth is that
Busembaum teaches the opposite: Præceptum naturale negativum,
prohibens rem intrinsece malum no licet violare ne quid ob metum
mortis. (A negative precept of natural law which prohibits a thing
intrinsically evil can never be lawfully transgressed not even under
the influence of the fear of death, Lib. I, tr. ii, c. iv, dub. 2, n.
1) So that it is not lawful to do a thinG which is wrong in itself,
even to escape death. The incriminated passage occurs under the
question which Busembaum puts: Quid liceat reo circa fugam poenæ
(Lib. IV, c. iii, d. 7, a. 2). He answers:</p>

<blockquote id="b-p547.1">It is lawful for the accused even when really guilty to
escape before and after the sentence of death or of some punishment
equal to death, v.g. life imprisonment, has been passed. The reason is
because man's right to the preservation of his life is so great that no
human power can oblige him not to preserve it, if there be
well-grounded hope of his doing so; unless indeed the public weal
demand otherwise. Hence the accused may escape. . .unless indeed
charity urge him not to do so, when the harm to the guards is greater
than that which would come to himself. 1) Much more so may he flee so
as not to be captured. . .but he must use no violence by wounding or
striking the ministers of justice. 2) He may also, at least before the
tribunal of conscience, deceive the guards--excluding violence and
injury--by giving them for instance food or drink to induce sleep, or
by bringing it about that they will be absent; he may snap his chains,
or break open the prison; because when the end is lawful, the means are
also lawful.</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="b-p548" shownumber="no">Here therefore we have the explicit exclusion
of unlawful means, and the sense of the phrase is only this: when the
end is lawful, then is the use of means in themselves indifferent, i.
e., not unlawful, permitted. We must here remark that there is in the
"Medulla" a very small number of solutions taken from and defended by
other authors, which were afterward rejected by Alexander VII and
Innocent XI. But these solutions are not peculiar to Busembaum. nor
should we be surprised that an author who solves almost numberless
practical cases should err at times in his application of laws and
principles to particular, intricate instances. The real wonder is that
the mistaken applications of Busembaum's great work are so very
few.</p>
<p id="b-p549" shownumber="no">Hurter, Nomenclatur, II, 259; Thoelen, Menologium, (Roermond, 1901),
73; Sommervogel, Bibl. de la c. de J. (Paris, 1891), II, 445; Fritz in
Kirchenlex. s. v. Busembaum; Duhr, Jesuitenfabeln (Freiburg im Br.,
1899), 432, 524; Reichmann, Der Zweck heiligt die Mittel (Freiburg im
Br., 1903), 13, 22, 121; Letters of St. Alphonsus Maria de Ligouri (New
York, 1896), Pt. II, Special Correspondence, I, let. xxxvi.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p550" shownumber="no">TIMOTHY B. BARRETT</p></def>

<term id="b-p550.1" title="Busiris" type="Encyclopedia">Busiris</term>
<def id="b-p550.2">
<h1 id="b-p550.3">Busiris</h1>
<p id="b-p551" shownumber="no">A titular see taking its title from one of the many Egyptian cities
of the same name. This particular Busiris was situated in the middle of
the Delta, on the Pathmitish, or Damietta Branch of the Nile. The
ancient Egyptian name, 
<i>Pa-osiri</i> means "House of Osiris", the god being supposed to be
buried there; hence the Coptic Pousiri, Greek 
<i>Pousiris</i> and 
<i>Bouseiris</i>, Arabic 
<i>Abusir</i>. It now exists as a village under the last of these names
and is to be distinguished from another similarly named town on the
coast of Lydia. Busiris was the chief town of the Busirite 
<i>nomos</i> (Hierocles, Synecdemos 725,7) and became a see of
Ægyptus Secunda. Its bishop, Hermæon, is mentioned at
Nicæa (325) by Meletius, as one of his partisans. About this time
there was united to the title of Busiris that of Kynos, from the
important city of Lower Kynos (Athanas., "Apol. c. Arianos", lxxviii,
in P.G.., XXV, 376). Its bishop, Athanasius, defended Dioscorus at the
Latroecinium of Ephesus in 449, but apologized publicy at Chalcedon
(Liberatus, Breviarium, xiv). From the seventh century on, the see is
mentioned in the lists of the Greek patriarchate (Georgius Cyprius,
736), though its titulars belong really to the Jacobite patriarchate.
Thus, in 742, its bishop, James, takes a part in the election of the
Patriarch Michael I (Renaudot, "Hist. Patriarch. Alexandrin.", 207); a
little later, under the same patriarch, its bishop, Peter, is mentioned
(ibid., 227); we hear also of Severus, under Philotheus (979-1003) and
of Chail, or Michael, and Mohna in the thirteenth century (ibid., 458,
569).</p>
<p id="b-p552" shownumber="no">Lequien, Or. Christ., II, 569,570; Gams, Series episcop., 461. For
the ruins at Abusir, see Naville in the Seventh Mem. of the Egyptian
Exploration Fund (London, 1890), 27.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p553" shownumber="no">L. PETI</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p553.1" title="Buskins" type="Encyclopedia">Buskins</term>
<def id="b-p553.2">
<h1 id="b-p553.3">Buskins</h1>
<p id="b-p554" shownumber="no">(Caligæ).</p>
<p id="b-p555" shownumber="no">Ceremonial stockings of silk, sometimes interwoven with gold
threads, and even heavily embroidered, worn by the celebrant of a
pontifical Mass. Originally worn by priests, they were reserved about
the eighth century for the exclusive use of bishops, a privilege
recently extended to lesser prelates. In colour they correspond to the
chasuble, but are never worn with black.</p>
<p id="b-p556" shownumber="no">CATALANI, Cærem. Episcop. Comm. Illus. (Paris, 1860), I,
197-199; BERNARD, Le Pontifical (Paris, 1902), I, 17-18; MACALISTER,
Ecclesiastical Vestments (London, 1896). 104-105.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p557" shownumber="no">JOHN B. PETER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p557.1" title="Buss, Franz Joseph, Ritter von" type="Encyclopedia">Franz Joseph, Ritter von Buss</term>
<def id="b-p557.2">
<h1 id="b-p557.3">Franz Joseph, Ritter von Buss</h1>
<p id="b-p558" shownumber="no">Jurist, b. 23 March, 1803 at Zell in Baden; d. 31 January, 1878, at
Freiburg im Breisgau. He studied at the University of Freiburg where he
took the doctor's degree in philosophy, law, and medicine. After a
short stay at the Universities of Bonn and Göttingen he returned
to Freiburg, passed a brilliant examination and was appointed attorney
for that city. He became ordinary professor at the university in 1836,
where he soon obtained a large following among the students, because in
the face of strong opposition he treated fearlessly vexed social and
ecclesiastical problems. To meet his many opponents Buss often lectured
four, even five, times a day. Throughout his life he warmly advocated
the interests of the people, whom he habitually reached through the
press and his public discourses. Besides a modern language club of
which he was the founder and president, he gave much of his time to
creating at Freiburg a centre for the comparative study of European
legislation and jurisprudence. A large collection of valuable material
was already in his hands, and his extensive knowledge of law and of the
principal languages of Europe seemed to promise success. He soon found,
however, that the means of international correspondence were inadequate
to the enterprise. Some of the material collected appeared in book form
(1835-46), the sole fruit of his great scheme.</p>
<p id="b-p559" shownumber="no">In 1837 Buss was elected to the Lower House of Baden and addressed
himself at once to such subjects as the social question, the liberty of
the Church, a uniform customs system, and closer commercial union
between the States of Germany. Unfortunately, Buss met from the
beginning a hostile majority, deaf to all his propositions and bent on
his defeat. He was reproached in open Parliament with the errors and
false steps into which the liberalism and restless activity of his
youth had betrayed him. Unable to make the least impression on the
assembly he resigned his seat. Elected again in 1846, Buss opposed
vigorously the "Deutschkatholicismus" of Ronge. This brought out his
opponents in full force. Extensive petitions in his favor compelled the
Government to dissolve the Parliament; but the new election brought no
improvement. Buss was still the only champion of the Church in the
Lower House, whilst in the upper the whole weight of the opposition
fell on Baron von Andlau and his colleague Hirscher.</p>
<p id="b-p560" shownumber="no">Buss now directed his impressible activities to more profitable
work. The "Methodology of Canon Law" (1842), the "Influence of
Christianity on Law and State" (1844), the "Difference between Catholic
and Protestant Universities in Germany" (1846), the "German Union and
the Love of Prussia", the "Re-establishment of Canon Law", and the
"Defence of the Jesuits" (1853) appeared in rapid succession, each to
do the work of the hour. But these publications did not absorb all his
energy. He introduced the Sisters of Charity into the Grand Duchy of
Baden; transformed his own house into an ecclesiastical college; during
the famine of the winter of 1846 he fed thousands of starving people in
the Black Forest; and he organized the Catholics politically and formed
them into societies. In 1848 Buss had the honor of presiding over the
first general assembly of the German Catholic associations in Mainz. He
represented Ahaus-Steinfurt in the German Parliament at Frankfort.
There, as in the Erfurt Union Parliament, where he was the leader of
the Greater-Germany Party, he favoured Austria as against Prussia. When
the opposition to the Church in Baden developed into open hostility,
Buss was at the side of the archbishop, Herman von Vicari. He now very
opportunely published (1855) he "Life of St. Thomas of Canterbury", and
dedicated it to the persecuted archbishop. He was elected for the third
time to the Baden Landtag when the Concordat between Baden and the Holy
See was in jeopardy. He at once organized a popular deputation to the
sovereign, comprising representatives from all the parishes of Baden.
But the old opposition prevented the demonstration, invalidated his
election, and ejected him from the Landtag, and finally, at the next
election, his constituents forsook him. Buss, now, more than ever,
turned his face toward Austria. During the Austro-Italian was he was so
active and successful at the head of an association for the relief of
the German prisoners that in acknowledgment of his services the emperor
conferred on him the Order of the Iron Crown. He also organized at
Vienna a great manifestation in favor of the temporal power of the
pope, for which he was decorated by Pius IX with the Order of Gregory
the Great.</p>
<p id="b-p561" shownumber="no">Under the strain of excessive work and some bitter disappointments,
Buss broke down completely in 1866. A grave attack of melancholy
unbalanced his mind. After long treatment he recovered, but events had
meanwhile advanced so rapidly that he no longer recognized the old
Fatherland. His long cherished hopes for the hegemony of Austria were
blasted. He rejoiced at the victories of the German armies in the
Franco-Prussian war, but remained averse to the new German Empire.
Elected a fourth time to the Lower House of Baden, Buss maintained his
former reputation. In 1874 he was sent to the Reichstag by a very large
vote and took his seat with the Centre Party. In 1877, after the death
of his youngest child, he withdrew from public life and died soon
after. In spite of failures Buss achieved a great success in keeping
Catholics alive to current events and their bearing on the Church. He
set Catholic Germany a stimulating example by organizing and binding
together no less than four hundred Catholic associations, while to the
Catholics of Baden he gave what they most needed, a consciousness of
their strength, and the determination to fight for their civic and
religious rights.</p>
<p id="b-p562" shownumber="no">Goyau, L'Allemagne religieuse (Paris, 1905), II, 269 sqq.;
Hägele in Kirchenlex., II, 1556-61.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p563" shownumber="no">CHARLES B. SCHRANTZ</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p563.1" title="Bustamante, Carlos Maria" type="Encyclopedia">Carlos Maria Bustamante</term>
<def id="b-p563.2">
<h1 id="b-p563.3">Carlos María Bustamante</h1>
<p id="b-p564" shownumber="no">Mexican statesman and historian, b. at Oaxaca, Mexico, 4 November,
1774; d. in Mexico, 29 September, 1848. Although constantly concerned
in the politics of Mexico, and occupying several very responsible
positions during the most trying times of the Mexican Republic until
the close of the war with the United States, Bustamante found time and
leisure to secure a prominent position in the historical literature of
his country. In 1796 he took up the study of law, participated in the
attempts to secure independence from Spain, and, when that was finally
achieved, opposed the designs of Iturbide to transform the newborn
republic into a hereditary monarchy. Repeatedly imprisoned and
banished, he was nevertheless appointed to important positions in the
Government. The American war was a source of deep grief to him, and he
felt so keenly the disastrous results of it for his country that he
survived its close only about one year. His historical sketch of that
war is a sad record of the decay and disintegration which afflicted
Mexico at the time. He writes with the greatest frankness, and
unsparingly, about the conduct of the was on the Mexican side. His
autobiography, published in 1833, is also valuable as a fragment of
contemporary history.</p>
<p id="b-p565" shownumber="no">Bustamante distinguished himself by publishing historical works on
colonial times, till then in manuscript, and partly forgotten. Above
all, his publication of "Historia general de las cosas de Nueva
España", by Fray Bernardino de Sahagún of the second half of
the Sixteenth century, was a service to historical research. It is open
to grave criticism, being defective and sometimes slovenly, but it
should not be forgotten that it is the first, of its kind and was
published during the most troubled period of the editors life. It must
be condemned as unreliable in many respects, and yet it has opened the
road to more exhaustive, and hence more valuable investigations. In
addition to the work of Sahagún, Bustamante printed the chronicle
of Gomara, the work of Veytia on Tezcuco, the dissertations of Gama on
two large Mexican sculptures, and others. To the history by
Sahagún he added one of the 
<i>relaciones</i> if Ixtilxochitl, selected by him for the passionate
spirit which it displays against the Spaniards. Bustamante's
anti-Spanish feelings influence even his scientific publications and
detract from their value.</p>
<p id="b-p566" shownumber="no">Any modern history of Mexico touches on the life and writings of
Bustamante. In addition to the autobiography mentioned (Lo que se dice,
y lo que se hace, 1833), and the light shed by his other works, the
"Diccionario universal de Historia y Geografia"{Mexico, 1853), contains
an exhaustive account of the man. Alamán has written about him in
terms of great eulogy, putting in relief especially his private
character and the virtues of his domestic life.</p>
<p id="b-p567" shownumber="no">Alamán, Historia de México (Mexico, 1848); Idem,
Disertaciones sobre la Historia de la República Mexicana (Mexico,
1848); Diccionario hispano-americano.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p568" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p568.1" title="Buston, Thomas Stephen" type="Encyclopedia">Thomas Stephen Buston</term>
<def id="b-p568.2">
<h1 id="b-p568.3">Thomas Stephen Buston</h1>
<p id="b-p569" shownumber="no">(or Busten)</p>
<p id="b-p570" shownumber="no">A Jesuit missionary and author, born 1549, in the Diocese of
Salisbury, England; died at Goa, 1619. He entered the novitiate of the
Society of Jesus on 11 October, 1576, and in the following year sailed
for India, landing at Goa on 24 October, 1578. He settled in the island
of Salsette, on the west coast of the peninsula, and in 1584 he became
superior of the Jesuits in that district, retaining the office until
his death thirty-five years later. Buston wrote several works to
further the instruction and conversion to Christianity of the natives;
his writings are the earliest known to have been printed in Hindustan.
Buston's published works are: "Arte da lingoa cararina", a grammar of
the language spoken in Canara, a district on the Malabar coast. It is
written in Portuguese, the language used by Europeans on that coast.
Father Diogo de Ribeiro had the work printed, with his own additions,
at Goa, in 1640. "Doutrina christã em lingua bramana" (1632);
"Discurso sobre a vida de Jesus Christo" (Rachol, 1649); "Purana", a
collection of poems written in the Indian language, illustrating the
chief mysteries of Christianity. Buston, at the time of his death, was
held in general repute as an apostle and a saint.</p>
<p id="b-p571" shownumber="no">SOMMERVOGEL, 
<i>Bibliographie des écrivains de la compagnie de Jésus,</i>
II, 409, 470; JÖCHER, 
<i>Allgemeines Gelehrten-Lexicon,</i> I.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p572" shownumber="no">D. O. HUNTER-BLAIR.</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p572.1" title="Bute, John Patrick Crichton-Stuart, Third Marquess of " type="Encyclopedia">John Patrick Crichton-Stuart, Third Marquess of
Bute</term>
<def id="b-p572.2">
<h1 id="b-p572.3">John Patrick Crichton-Stuart, Third Marquess of Bute</h1>
<p id="b-p573" shownumber="no">Born at Mountstuart, Bute, 12 September, 1847; d. at Dumfries House,
Ayrshire, 9 October, 1900, was the only child of the second Marquess by
his second wife, Lady Sophia Hastings, and succeeded to the family
honours when only six months old. His mother died in 1859, and after
some disputes between his guardians he was sent to Harrow and
subsequently to Christ Church, Oxford. Here he came under the influence
of the advanced section of the Anglican Church, whose tenets his keen
and logical intellect quickly saw to be inconsistent with non-communion
with the Catholic Church. Bute's letters to one of his very few
intimate friends during his Oxford career show with what conscientious
care he worked out the religious question for himself. On the 8th of
December, 1868, he was received into the Church by Monsignor Capel at a
convent in Southwark, and a little later was confirmed by Pius IX, in
Rome. He was present in Rome during part of the sittings of the Vatican
Council, travelled afterwards in the East, and then returned home to
settle down on his extensive estates in Scotland and Wales.</p>
<p id="b-p574" shownumber="no">In April, 1872, he married the Hon. Gwendolen Howard, eldest
daughter of the first Lord Howard of Glossup, and had by her three sons
and a daughter. A scholar and somewhat of a recluse by temperament,
Bute had a high sense of public duty, and admirably fulfilled his
functions as a great landowner and employer of labour. The first peer
of modern times to undertake municipal office, he served both as Mayor
of Cardiff and (twice) as Provost of Rothesay, in his titular island.
His munificence was in proportion to his vast wealth (derived chiefly
from his property in Cardiff), and innumerable poor Catholic missions
throughout Britain, as well as private individuals, could testify to
his lavish, though not indiscriminate generosity. A patron of learning
throughout his career, he expended large sums in the assistance of
impecunious scholars and in the publication of costly and erudite
works. He was for several years Lord Rector of St. Andrews University,
to which, as well as to Glasgow University, he was a munificent
benefactor. Bute was a Knight of the Thistle, and also a Knight Grand
Cross of St. Gregory and of the Holy Sepulchre. His personal habits
were simple; but as a lover of art, with means to gratify his taste, he
surrounded himself in his various splendid homes with much that was
artistic and beautiful. His last years were clouded by a long and
trying illness, patiently borne; and he died as he had lived, a devout
and humble Catholic, a few weeks after his fifty-third birthday.</p>
<p id="b-p575" shownumber="no">Bute's chief published works are: "The Roman Breviary translated
into English" (2 vols., 1879); "Ancient Language of the Natives of
Teneriffe" (1891); "The Alleged Haunting of B----- House" (1899); "The
Altus of St. Columba" (1882); "Early Days of Sir William Wallace"
(1876); "David, Duke of Rothesay" (1894); "Form of Prayers, Christmas
Services, etc." (1875, 1896); many articles in the "Scottish Review";
"Address at St. Andrews University" (published in Knight's "Rectorial
Addresses").</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p576" shownumber="no">D.O. HUNTER-BLAIR</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p576.1" title="Buteux, Jacques" type="Encyclopedia">Jacques Buteux</term>
<def id="b-p576.2">
<h1 id="b-p576.3">Jacques Buteux</h1>
<p id="b-p577" shownumber="no">French missionary in Canada. Born at Abbeville, in Picardy, 11
April, 1600; slain by the Iroquois savages, 10 May, 1652. He entered
the Society of Jesus in October, 1620, studied at La Flèche
(1622-25), was an instructor at Caen (1625-29), and after his course of
theology in la Flèche (1629-33) became prefect at the College of
Clermont. In 1634 he went to Canada and was sent to the new settlement
of Three Rivers, where he remained for eighteen years, ministering with
extraordinary zeal to the Montagnais and the Algonquin tribes. though
of frail and delicate physique, his soul was fired with an ardent
desire for suffering, which nothing could satisfy. It was this trait in
his character which most distinguished him from the other heroic men
who had devoted their lives to the same work. In truth, no peril,
however great, ever blanched his cheek or stayed his hand when there
was a question of serving God or saving a soul. He was endowed with a
very special grace for instilling sentiments of piety into the hearts
of the Indians, and those under his care were recognized by a
tenderness of devotion and a spirit of faith which were lasting and
altogether remarkable. Buteux himself has drawn a vivid picture of one
of his apostolic journeys through a Canadian wilderness at the end of
winter, of traversing almost pathless forests, crossing mountains,
lakes, and rivers, wading knee deep in melting snow, and being unable
on account of all these difficulties to carry enough food for more than
"warding off death, rather than supporting life." his death occurred on
one of his journeys to the Attikamègues, a Montagnais tribe
dwelling on the upper St. Maurice River. A troop of Iroquois lying in
ambush riddled his upper right arm and breast with bullets, while the
blows of their tomahawks completed the sacrifice. Mother Mary of the
Incarnation writes that "his death was an incredible loss to the
mission." Father Buteux has left, besides other documents, an
interesting account of the captivity of Father Isaac Jogues.</p>
<p id="b-p578" shownumber="no">Rochemonteix, Les Jesuites et la Nouvelle-France au XVIIe
siècle (Paris, 1896, I, 294, 265; Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, VI,
326. IX, 307; XXXVII, 9, 19-67; LXXII, 114-115; Sommervogel,
Bibliographie des éscrevains de la compagnie de Jésus, II,
471; VII, 1953.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p579" shownumber="no">EDWARD P. SPILLANE</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p579.1" title="Butler, Alban" type="Encyclopedia">Alban Butler</term>
<def id="b-p579.2">
<h1 id="b-p579.3">Alban Butler</h1>
<p id="b-p580" shownumber="no">Historian, b. 10 October, 1710, at Appletree, Northamptonshire,
England; d. at St-Omer, France, 15 May, 1773. He shares with the
venerable Bishop Challoner the reputation of being one of the two most
prominent Catholic students during the first half of the dreary
eighteenth century, when the prospects of English Catholics were at
their lowest. After the death of his father in 1712, he was sent to the
celebrated "Dame Alice's School", at Fernyhalgh, in Lancashire. From
thence while still young he was transferred to the English College at
Douai, where he went through the full course, and was ordained priest
in 1735. He had already gained a reputation for extraordinary diligence
and regularity, and was asked to remain at the college as professor,
first of philosophy, later on of theology. During his years at Douai,
he devoted himself to what became the great work of his life, "The
Lives of the Fathers, Martyrs and Other Principal Saints". His mastery
of ancient and modern languages fitted him specially for a task which
involved such wide reading, while his unremitting industry and steady
perseverance enabled him to overcome all obstacles. He also assisted
Dr. Challoner, by preparing matter for the latter's "Memoirs of
Missionary Priests", the standard work on the martyrs of the reign of
Elizabeth and later. Butler's notes are still preserved at Oscott
College.</p>
<p id="b-p581" shownumber="no">In 1745 Alban Butler was chosen to accompany the Earl of Shrewsbury
and his two brothers, James and Thomas Talbot, both afterwards bishops,
on a tour through Europe. On his return he acted as mission priest in
various parts of the Midland District, to which he belonged by origin.
Though ever seeking leisure for study, we are told that he was precise
in the discharge of all his duties, and his time was always at the
disposal of the poor or others who had a claim upon him. We next find
him acting as chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk, whose nephew (and heir
presumptive), the Hon. Edward Howard, he accompanied to Paris as tutor.
During his residence there, Butler at length completed his work on the
"Lives of the Saints", on which he had been engaged nearly thirty
years. It contains biographies of more than 1,600 saints arranged in
order of date; and is a monument of work and research. It was published
anonymously, in London, in 1756-59, nominally in four, really in seven
octavo volumes. This was the only edition which appeared during the
author's lifetime; but there have been many others since, and the work
has been translated into Italian and French.</p>
<p id="b-p582" shownumber="no">In 1766 the presidency of the English College at St-Omer, in France,
falling vacant by the elevation of Thomas Talbot to the episcopate,
Alban Butler was appointed to succeed his former pupil, no doubt that
he might be placed where he would have greater facilities for study.
The college had formerly belonged to the Jesuits, but had been handed
over to the secular clergy by the French Government when the Society of
Jesus was banished from France. The Douai authorities accepted the
college in order to save it from being confiscated, with the intention
of restoring it to its owners should circumstances ever permit. The
Jesuits, however, resented their action, and under these circumstances,
Alban Butler hesitated about accepting the postion offered him; but we
are told by his nephew and biographer, Charles Butler, that having
taken counsel of the Bishops of Amiens and Boulogne, he was advised
that he could accept the post with a safe conscience. A few years later
the general suppression of the Society of Jesus throughout the world
put an end to any doubt on the matter. Butler found, however, that his
hopes of leading a studious life were doomed to disappointment, for his
reputation by this time was such that no less than four bishops of
neighbouring dioceses, Arras, Boulogne, St-Omer, and Ypres, continually
sought his advice, and invested him with faculties as vicar-general.
Thus during the concluding years of his life he had to devote himself
to active work more than at any previous time. He was buried in the
parish church of St-Denis almost opposite to the English College at St-
Omer. Since the Revolution, all traces of his tomb have disappeared.
His works include: "Letters to a Gentleman on Bower's Lives of the
Popes" (1754); "Lives of the Saints" (1756-59; many times republished);
"Life of Mary of the Holy Cross" (1767). After his death Bishop
Challoner published "The Movable Feasts and Fasts"; and Charles Butler
edited: "Travels" (1791), "Meditations" (1791) and, "Life of Sir Tobie
Matthews" (1795).</p>
<p id="b-p583" shownumber="no">BUTLER, Life; COOPER in Dict. Nat. Biog.; GILLOW, Bibl. Dict. Eng.
Cath.; KIRK, Biog. Collections, MS.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p584" shownumber="no">BERNARD WARD</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p584.1" title="Butler, Charles" type="Encyclopedia">Charles Butler</term>
<def id="b-p584.2">
<h1 id="b-p584.3">Charles Butler</h1>
<p id="b-p585" shownumber="no">One of the most prominent figures among the English Catholics of his
day, b. in London, 1750, d. 2 June, 1832.</p>
<p id="b-p586" shownumber="no">He belonged to an ancient Northamptonshire family, and was a nephew
of the Rev. Alban Butler, the author of "The Lives of the Saints".
After spending two or three years at a private school at Hammersrnith,
he was sent to the preparatory house at Equerchin, dependent on the
English College at Douai, then to the college itself, where he went
through the full course. On his return to England he gave himself to
the study of law. Owing to his religion, he was unable to become a
barrister; so he followed the example of a large class of Catholics of
that day, who became conveyancers and practised in chambers. He studied
successively under Mr. Duane and Mr. Maire, both conveyancers of
eminence, and Catholics. In 1775 he began to practise, and continued
for over forty years. From the first he was very successful, and for
more than half the period named he was acknowledged as the first
conveyancer of the day. Among his pupils were some distinguished men,
notably Sir Thomas Denman, afterwards attorney-general. Butler was not,
however, content with his position. The fact that he could not be
called to the Bar was a continual mortification to him, and it was
chiefly this which led him to take an active part in the efforts of
Catholics to obtain the repeal of the Penal Laws. He was elected
secretary to the committee of laymen appointed for this end, and he put
his heart and soul into the work. This brought him into the dissensions
which unhappily existed at that time between laymen and the bishops.
From the first Butler sided with the former, and the "Blue Books" which
were the official publications of the committee, were almost entirely
written by him. Notwithstanding the internal dissensions among the
Catholic body, the bill for their partial relief was passed through
Parliament in 1791, and Butler the first to profit by the enactment,
was called to the Bar that year. The disputes connected with the
Catholic Committee brought under direct conflict with Milner, then a
simple priest. Early in the nineteenth century, when the Veto Question
arose, Milner, by this time a bishop, became the strong opponent of
Butler, against whom he wrote and spoke for many years. In the end, by
the aid of O'Connell, Catholic Emancipation was passed in 1829, without
the concession of any kind of veto.</p>
<p id="b-p587" shownumber="no">With such an active life both professional and political, we may
wonder how Charles Butler could have found time for any literary
pursuits; but by a habit of early rising, a systematic division of his
time, and unceasing industry, he contrived, as he himself tells us, to
provide himself with an abundance of literary hours. His writings were
many, and their variety indicate an extraordinary versatility of
talent. He could write with facility on such different subjects as law,
history, music, social questions, and Holy Scripture. Among his own
profession his work on Coke-Littleton, on which he collaborated with
Mr. Hargrave, is best known; among the general Catholic public his
"Historical Memoirs of English, Scottish and Irish Catholics" was most
read. This work brought him again into conflict with Bishop Milner, who
replied with his "Supplementary Memoirs".</p>
<p id="b-p588" shownumber="no">Charles Butler was married in 1776 to Mary, daughter of John Eystom,
of Hendred, Berks, by whom he had one son, who died young, and two
daughters. In private life he was a devout Catholic; even Milner
admitted that he might with truth be called an ascetic. Every Catholic
work of importance numbered him among its chief subscribers. He
survived his opponent, Dr. Milner, and lived to see Catholic
emancipation. One of the consolations of his declining years was his
elevation to the dignity of King's Counsel after the passing of the
Act, an occasion on which he received a special message of
congratulation from the king.</p>
<p id="b-p589" shownumber="no">There are two miniatures of him in possession of his grandson, Judge
Stonor, one of which is the original of the engraving in the first
edition of the "Historical Memoirs"; there is also an oil painting of
him as a boy at Douai, and a bust at Lincoln's Inn.</p>
<p id="b-p590" shownumber="no">His chief works are: "Hargrave's Coke on Littleton" (eight editions,
1775-1831); "On Impressing Seamen" (1777); "Horae Biblicae"
(1797-1802); "Life of Alban Butler" (1800); "Horae Juridicae
Subsecivae" (1804); Lives of Fenelon (1811) and Bossuet (1812);
"Trappist Abbots and Thomas à Kempis" (1814); "Symbols of Faith of
the Roman Catholic, Greek, and Protestant Churches" (1816); "The French
Church (1817); "Church Music" (1818); "Historical Memoirs of English,
Scottish, and Irish Catholics" (three editions, 1819-22);
"Reminiscences" (1822); "Continuation of Alban Butler's Saints' Lives"
(1823); "Life of Erasmus" (1825); "Book of the Roman Catholic Church"
(1825); vindication of preceding (1826); appendix to same (1826); "Life
of Grotius" (1826); "The Coronation Oath" (1827); "Reply to Answers" to
same (1828); "Memoirs of d'Aguesseau and Account of Roman and Canon
Law" (1830).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p591" shownumber="no">BERNARD WARD</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p591.1" title="Butler, Mary Joseph" type="Encyclopedia">Mary Joseph Butler</term>
<def id="b-p591.2">
<h1 id="b-p591.3">Mary Joseph Butler</h1>
<p id="b-p592" shownumber="no">First Irish Abbess of the Irish Benedictine Abbey of Our Lady of
Grace, at Ypres, Flanders, b. at Callan, County Kilkenny, Ireland, in
Dec., 1641; d. at Ypres, 22 Dec., 1723. Sent to be educated under the
care of her aunt, Lady Abbess Knatchbull of the English Benedictine
Dames at Ghent, she petitioned, when twelve years old, to be received
into the order, a request granted two years later. She made her
religious profession 4 Nov., 1657 at the English Benedictine convent at
Boulogne, at the age of sixteen. In 1665 the mother-house of Ghent made
another foundation, at Ypres, with Dame Beaumont as abbess, but as the
house did not thrive under her auspices, it was decided, upon her death
in 1682, to convert the house at Ypres into a national foundation for
the Irish Benedictine nuns of the various houses founded from Ghent.
Dame Butler accordingly was sent to Ypres in 1683, and, on the death of
the second abbess, in 1686, was elected Abbess of the Irish Dames of
Ypres, 29 August. Soon after her election she was called upon to take a
leading part in a new Benedictine foundation in Dublin, set on foot by
King James II. By letters-patent or charter, which is dated in the
sixth year of his reign, and still preserved in the convent of Ypres,
King James confers upon this his "first and chief Royal Monastery of
Gratia Dei", an annuity of one hundred pounds sterling to be paid
forever out of his exchequer, and appoints his "well-beloved Dame Mary
Butler" first abbess. Her brother was King James's Chief Cupbearer for
Ireland, a title hereditary in the Butler family, as their name
implies. Having overcome many difficulties Abbess Butler set out for
Dublin in the year 1688, and in passing through London was presented
with her nuns in the Benedictine habit to the Queen at Whitehall.
Towards the end of the year she arrived in the Irish capital, and took
up her abode in a house in Great Ship Street. Here the Divine Office
and regular observance were at once begun and a school opened. About
thirty young girls of the first families were entrusted to the nuns for
their education and no less than eighteen of them expressed a wish to
become religious. But the good work was rudely interrupted by the entry
of the usurper William's forces into Dublin, after the battle of the
Boyne (1 or 11 July, 1690). The convent was sacked by his soldiery, and
the nuns forced to seek refuge in a neighbouring house, but the church
plate and other treasures were saved by the presence of mind of a lay
sister, Placida Holmes, who disguised herself in secular clothes, and
mingled with the plunderers. On the closing of the Dublin convent, the
Duke of Ormonde assured his cousin, Abbess Butler, of his special
protection, should she consent to remain in Ireland, but she decided to
return to Ypres, upon which the duke procured for her, from the Prince
of Orange, a passport (still preserved at Ypres) permitting her and her
nuns to leave the country without molestation.</p>
<p id="b-p593" shownumber="no">On her arrival at Ypres she resumed conventual life in extreme
poverty with only a few lay sisters to assist her. So great indeed was
their destitution that the bishop strongly urged her to sell the house
and retire whithersoever she pleased, but she would not abandon the
work, and her faith was rewarded, for at length in the year 1700, she
had the happiness of professing several new subjects (among them two
Irish ladies from the French Court) who assisted her in keeping up the
choir and regular observance. She continued to govern her flock with
much wisdom and discretion until the year 1723, when she died in the
sixty-sixth year of her religious profession, and the thirty-sixth year
of her abbatial dignity. King James II, and more especially his Queen,
Mary of Modena, were great benefactors and friends of Abbess Butler,
and of the Irish convent of Ypres, which she saved from extinction and
which has survived ever since. It enjoys the distinction of being the
only religious house in all the Low Countries which remained standing
during the storms of the French Revolution and of being the only Irish
Abbey of the Benedictine Order.</p>
<p id="b-p594" shownumber="no">NOLAN, Hist. of Royal Irish Abbey of Ypres (from MSS. in Convent
archives).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p595" shownumber="no">PATRICK NOLAN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p595.1" title="Buttress" type="Encyclopedia">Buttress</term>
<def id="b-p595.2">
<h1 id="b-p595.3">Buttress</h1>
<p id="b-p596" shownumber="no">A pilaster, pier, or body of masonry projecting beyond the main face
of the wall and intended to strengthen the wall at particular points
and also to counterbalance the thrust of a roof or its vaulting. The
term "counterfort" is used when the projection is on the inside. A
flying buttress is an arch, resting at one end on a detached pier and
it carries the thrust of the nave vault over the aisles or
cloister.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p597" shownumber="no">THOMAS H. POOLE</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p597.1" title="Buxton, Ven. Christopher" type="Encyclopedia">Ven. Christopher Buxton</term>
<def id="b-p597.2">
<h1 id="b-p597.3">Ven. Christopher Buxton</h1>
<p id="b-p598" shownumber="no">Priest and martyr, b. in Derbyshire; d. at Canterbury, 1 October,
1588. He was a scholar of Ven. Nicholas Garlick at the Grammar-School,
Tideswell, in the Peak District, studied for the priesthood at Reims
and Rome, and was ordained in 1586. He left Rome the next year, and
soon after his arrival in England was apprehended and condemned to
death for his priesthood. He suffered at Oaten Hill, Canterbury,
together with Venerables Robert Wilcox and Edward Campion. Being so
young, it was thought that his constancy might be shaken by the sight
of the barbarous butchery of his companions, and his life was offered
him if he would conform to the new religion, but he courageously
answered that he would not purchase a corruptible life at such a price,
and that if he had a hundred lives he would willingly surrender them
all in defence of his faith. While in the Marshalsea Prison he wrote a
"Rituale", the manuscript of which is now preserved as a relic at
Olney, Bucks. He sent this manuscript to a priest, as a last token of
his friendship, the day before he was taken from the prison to suffer
martyrdom.</p>
<p id="b-p599" shownumber="no">[ 
<i>Note:</i> Christopher Buxton and Robert Wilcox were beatified by
Pope Pius XI in 1929.]</p>
<p id="b-p600" shownumber="no">CHALLONER, Memoirs; FOLEY, Records; Roman Diary (London, 1880);
MORRIS, Catholics of York.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p601" shownumber="no">BEDE CAMM</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p601.1" title="Byblos" type="Encyclopedia">Byblos</term>
<def id="b-p601.2">
<h1 id="b-p601.3">Byblos</h1>
<p id="b-p602" shownumber="no">A titular see of Phoenicia. Byblos is the Greek name of Gebal "The
Mountain", one of the oldest cities in Phoenicia Prima, quoted in an
Egyptian inscription as early as 1550 B.C. Its inhabitants were skilled
in stone and wood-carving (III Kings, v, 18) and in shipbuilding
(Ezech., xxvii, 9). It was governed by kings, the last of whom was
dethroned by Pompey. It is celebrated chiefly for its temple of Adonis,
or Thammouz, whose voluptuous worship spread thence over Greece and
Italy. It was the native place of Philo, a Greek historian and
grammarian. As a Christian see it was suffragan to Tyre and according
to one tradition, its first bishop was John Mark, the companion of St.
Paul and St. Barnabas. Five other bishops are known before 553
(Lequien, Or. Chr., II, 821). The city was destroyed by an earthquake
in 551 (Malalas, Chronogr., XVIII, P.G., XCVII, 704) and was in ruins
as late as 570 (Pseudo-Antoninus, ed. Geyer, 159). The Crusaders took
it in 1104; it then had a Greek bishop, but he was obliged to yield his
see to a Latin successor, and from 1130 to 1500 about twenty Latin
bishops are known (Lequien, Or. Chr., III, 1177; Eubel, Hier. Cath., I,
139; II, 119). Many Latin bishops are mentioned in "Revue
Bénédictine", 1904, 98, sqq.; 1907, 63, sq. The modern Arabic
name is Gebail. It is a mere village with about 1,000 inhabitants,
almost all Christians (650 Maronites). There are thirteen churches;
three of them are very beautiful and trace their origin to the
Crusades. There is also at Byblos a castle of the same time, likewise
some ruins of temples of Adonis and Isis. Gebail is yet a diocese for
the Orthodox Greeks. For the Catholic or Melkite Greeks, the title of
Byblos is united with Beirut, and for the Maronites with that of
Batroun (Botrys).</p>
<p id="b-p603" shownumber="no">RENAN, Mission de Phenicie (Paris, 1864), 153-218; Le Mois
litteraire et pittoresque (Paris, July, 1906); REY, Etude sur les
monuments de l'architecture des Croises en Syrie (Paris, 1871),
217-219; ROUVIER, La necropole de Gebal- Byblos in Revue biblique,
VIII, 553-565.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p604" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p604.1" title="Bye-Altar" type="Encyclopedia">Bye-Altar</term>
<def id="b-p604.2">
<h1 id="b-p604.3">Bye-Altar</h1>
<p id="b-p605" shownumber="no">An altar that is subordinate to the central or high altar. The term
is generally applied to altars that are situated in the bay or bays of
the nave, transepts, etc.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p606" shownumber="no">THOMAS H. POOLE</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p606.1" title="Byllis" type="Encyclopedia">Byllis</term>
<def id="b-p606.2">
<h1 id="b-p606.3">Byllis</h1>
<p id="b-p607" shownumber="no">A titular see of Epirus Nova (Albania), whose title is often added
to that of Apollonia among the suffragans of Dyrrachium (Durazzo). It
was situated west of Avlona, on the coast, near the modern village
Gradica, or Gradiste, a Slav name substituted in later episcopal
"Notitiae" for the old Illyrian name Byllis (Not. episc. III, 620; X,
702). Hierocles (653, 4) knows only of Byllis. Felix, Bishop of
Apollonia and Byllis, was present at the Council of Ephesus, in 431. At
Chalcedon in 451, Eusebius subscribes simply as Bishop of Apollonia; on
the other hand, Philocharis subscribes as Bishop of Byllis only in the
letter of the bishops of Epirus Nova to the Emperor Leo (458).</p>
<p id="b-p608" shownumber="no">LEQUIEN, Oriens Christ., II, 248; FARLATI, Illyricum sacrum, VII,
395; GAMS, Series episcop., 394.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p609" shownumber="no">L. PETIT</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p609.1" title="Byrd, William" type="Encyclopedia">William Byrd</term>
<def id="b-p609.2">
<h1 id="b-p609.3">William Byrd</h1>
<p id="b-p610" shownumber="no">English composer, born in London in 1542 or 1543; died 4 July, 1623.
He was the son of a musician, and studied music principally under
Thomas Tallis. He became organist at Lincoln Cathedral in 1563,
chorister in the Chapel Royal in 1570, and in 1575 received the title
of Organist of the Chapel Royal without being obliged to perform the
functions of that office. Byrd was the most distinguished contrapuntist
and the most prolific composer of his time in England. Fétis calls
him the English Palestrina. He was the first Englishman to write
madrigals, a form which originated in Italy in the thirteenth century,
and received its highest development in the sixteenth century at the
hands of Arcadelt and other masters. An organist and performer of the
first order upon the virginals, Byrd wrote for the latter instrument an
enormous number of compositions, many of which are played today. His
chief significance lies, however, in his compositions for the Church,
of which he produced a great many. In 1607 he published a collection of

<i>gradualia</i> for the whole ecclesiastical year, among which is to
be found a three-part setting of the words of the multitude in the
Passion according to St. John. A modern edition of this setting was
published in 1899. In 1611 "Psalms, Songs and Sonnets, Some Solemn,
Others Joyful, Framed to the Life of the Words, Fit for Voyces or
Viols, etc." appeared. Probably in the same year was issued
"Parthenia", a collection of virginal music, in which Byrd collaborated
with J. Bull and Orlando Gibbons. Three masses -- for three, four, and
five voices, respectively -- belong to the composer's best period. The
one for five voices was reprinted by the Musical Antiquarian Society in
1841, and in 1899 the same work was issued by Breitkopf and Hartel. Two
of his motets, "Domine, ne irascaris" and "Civitas sancti tui", with
English texts, are in the repertoire of most Anglican cathedrals. In
spite of the harrowing religious conditions under which he lived, in
the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and James I, Byrd remained faithful to
his principles and duties as a Catholic, as is shown in his life and by
his works. In his last will and testament he prays "that he may live
and dye a true and perfect member of the Holy Catholike Churche
withoute which I beleeve there is noe salvacon for me".</p>
<p id="b-p611" shownumber="no">The Music Story Series: English Music, 1604 to 1904 (London and New
York, 1906); RITTER, Music in England (New York, 1833); GROVE,
Dictionary of Music.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p612" shownumber="no">JOSEPH OTTEN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p612.1" title="Byrne, Andrew" type="Encyclopedia">Andrew Byrne</term>
<def id="b-p612.2">
<h1 id="b-p612.3">Andrew Byrne</h1>
<p id="b-p613" shownumber="no">Bishop of Little Rock, Arkansas, U.S.A., b. at Navan, Co. Meath,
Ireland, 5 December, 1802; d. at Helena, Arkansas, 10 June, 1862. He
was an ecclesiastical student when, in 1820, Bishop England sought
volunteers for the mission of the newly created Diocese of Charleston
(South Carolina), and he accompanied the bishop to the United States.
He was ordained at Charleston, 11 November, 1827, and after active
missionary work in South and North Carolina was for several years
vicar-general of the diocese. In 1836 he removed to New York City,
where he served at St. Patrick's, St. James's and the church of the
Nativity, and finally altered, in 1843, the famous Carroll Hall, which
might be termed the cradle of the public school system of New York,
into St. Andrew's church. While pastor there in 1844, the new Diocese
of Little Rock, comprising the State of Arkansas and all of the Indian
Territory, was created, and Father Byrne was named its first bishop. He
was consecrated in St. Patrick's Cathedral, New York City, 10 March,
1844, at the same time that the Rev. John McCloskey (afterwards
Cardinal) was consecrated coadjutor of New York, and the Rev. William
Quarter, Bishop of Chicago. There were then in Arkansas only about 700
Catholics, with one priest and two churches. Shortly before Bishop
Byrne died, he claimed that the number of Catholics had increased
largely, with nine or more priests, eleven churches, thirty stations,
and twelve schools and academies. He visited Ireland several times to
obtain colabourers and assistants in the cause of religion and
education. He introduced the Sisters of Mercy from Dublin and at the
time of his death had almost completed arrangements for the starting of
a college at Fort Smith by the Christian Brothers. He was one of the
prelates attending the Sixth Provincial Council of Baltimore in May,
1846, and the First Provincial Council of New Orleans in 1856. At the
Second Baltimore Council, in 1833, he acted as Bishop England's
theologian.</p>
<p id="b-p614" shownumber="no">Catholic Almanac (Baltimore, 1864); SHEA, The Catholic Church in N.
Y. City (New York, 1878); CLARKE, Lives of the Deceased Bishops (New
York, 1872); BAYLEY, Brief Sketch of the Early History of the Catholic
Church on the Island of New York (New York, 1870).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p615" shownumber="no">THOMAS F. MEEHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p615.1" title="Byrne, Richard" type="Encyclopedia">Richard Byrne</term>
<def id="b-p615.2">
<h1 id="b-p615.3">Richard Byrne</h1>
<p id="b-p616" shownumber="no">Brevet brigadier general, United States Army, b. in Co. Cavan,
Ireland, 1832; d. at Washington, 10 June, 1864. He emigrated from his
native land to New York in 1844 and five years later enlisted in the
regular army of the United States, joining the Second Cavalry, a
regiment then commanded by Colonel E. V. Sumner. In this regiment young
Byrne distinguished himself in the Indian campaigns in Florida and
Oregon. At the breaking out of the Civil War he was, on the
recommendation of his old commander, Colonel Sumner, commissioned First
Lieutenant in the Fifth Cavalry, one of the new regiments authorized by
Congress. During the campaigns of 1861 and 1862 he remained with the
regiment of regulars and was then appointed by Governor Andrew, Colonel
of the Twenty-Eighth Massachusetts Volunteers, an Irish regiment of
which he took command, 18 October, 1862. In the November following,
this regiment was attached to the famous Meagher's Irish Brigade and
with it participated with special gallantry in all the fierce conflicts
in which the Army of the Potomac was subsequently engaged. At its head
Colonel Byrne charged up the fatal slope of Marye's Heights at
Fredericksburg, and after it, like the other regiments of the brigade,
had been almost wiped out in the sanguinary conflicts at
Chancellorsville and Gettysburg, he was sent back to Massachusetts to
recruit its ranks during the winter and spring of 1863 and 1864. When
the campaign reopened in May he returned to the front and as the senior
officer took command of the Irish Brigade. Two weeks after assuming
command, on 3 June, 1864, he fell, mortally wounded, while leading the
brigade at the attack on the entrenchments at Cold Harbor, Virginia. He
lived long enough to be conveyed to Washington, where his wife reached
him before he died. His commission as brigadier general had just been
made out by President Lincoln, but he was dead before it could be
officially presented to him. His remains were sent to New York and
buried in Calvary Cemetery.</p>
<p id="b-p617" shownumber="no">CONYNGHAM, The Irish Brigade and its Campaigns (Boston, 1869); The
Emerald, files (New York, 8 January, 1870).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p618" shownumber="no">THOMAS F. MEEHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p618.1" title="Byrne, William" type="Encyclopedia">William Byrne</term>
<def id="b-p618.2">
<h1 id="b-p618.3">William Byrne</h1>
<p id="b-p619" shownumber="no">Missionary and educator, born in County Wicklow, Ireland, in 1780;
died at Bardstown, Kentucky, U.S.A., 5 June, 1833. He was one of a
large family for whom he was obliged by the death of his father to
become breadwinner. He desired to be a priest, but circumstances denied
him more than a common elementary education, imparted to him by a pious
uncle. Many of his relatives were among the ill-starred patriots of the
rebellion of 1798, and the cruel and bloody scenes of that year enacted
near his home made a vivid impression on his youthful mind. In his
twenty-fifth year came his opportunity to emigrate to the United
States, where, shortly after his arrival he went to Georgetown College
and applied for admission into the Society of Jesus. His advanced age
and lack of classical education, however, convinced him, after some
months' stay there, that he could not reasonably hope to obtain in the
Society, for many years at least, his ambition for ordination to the
priesthood. He therefore left Georgetown, and by advice of Archbishop
Carroll went to Mount St. Mary's College, Emmitsburg. Here the Rev.
John Dubois, the president, received him with sympathy, pointed out a
course of study, and finding him an excellent disciplinarian, made him
prefect of the institution. He was nearly thirty years of age when he
began to study Latin, but his zeal and perseverance conquered all
obstacles.</p>
<p id="b-p620" shownumber="no">In order to advance more rapidly in his studies, he entered St.
Mary's Seminary, Baltimore, but the surroundings were not congenial,
and he remained there only a short time. He had been ordained a
subdeacon, and Bishop Flaget accepted his offer of service for the
Diocese of Bardstown, Kentucky. He made further studies at St. Thomas's
Seminary there, and was then ordained priest by Bishop David, 18
September, 1819, with his friend George A. M. Elder, whom he had met at
Emmitsburg. They were the first priests ordained at Bardstown, and by
Bishop David, who was consecrated 15 August, 1819. Shortly after his
ordination, Father Byrne was appointed to the care of St. Mary's and
St. Charles's missions, visiting also the small congregation of
Louisville, sixty miles distant, and labouring at all times with most
indefagitable industry. The ignorance of the people and the necessity
of establishing some institution for elementary instruction appealed to
him strongly, and in the spring of 1821 he opened St. Mary's College,
near Bardstown, in an old stone building that stood on a farm he had
purchased with money begged from those who sympathized with his
project. He had about fifty boys to begin with, one of them being
Martin John Spaulding, later the famous Archbishop of Baltimore, who
even then was so precious in the display of his abilities that at the
age of fifteen he was appointed to teach mathematics to his fellow
students. Father Bryne, with indomitable energy, at first filled every
office in the school and attended to his missionary duties as well. His
college had become very popular in Kentucky when it was destroyed by
fire. This set-back seemed only to give him new energy, and he soon had
the college rebuilt. A second fire ruined a large part of the new
structure, but nothing daunted, he went on and again placed the
institution on a firm foundation.</p>
<p id="b-p621" shownumber="no">It is estimated that from 1821 to 1833, during the time St. Mary's
College was under his immediate direction, at least twelve hundred
students received instruction there, and carried the benefits of their
education to all parts of Kentucky, some of them establishing private
schools on their return to their respective neighbourhoods. Father
Bryne, after twelve year's management of the college, made a gift of it
to the Society of Jesus, believing that, having established its
success, his old friends, the Jesuits, were better qualified than he
was to conduct the school. He thought of funding a new school at
Nashville, where one was much needed, and in spite of his advanced
years he wrote to Bishop Flaget that all that he required in leaving
St. Mary's to embark on this new enterprise was his horse and ten
dollars to pay his travelling expenses. Before he could carry out the
plan, however, he fell a martyr to charity. An epidemic of cholera had
broken out in the neighbourhood, and having gone to administer the last
sacraments to a poor negro woman who lay dying of the disease, he
became infected himself, and died the following day among the Fathers
of the Society of Jesus with whom at Georgetown he had begun his
remarkable religious life.</p>
<p id="b-p622" shownumber="no">Spalding, Miscellanea (Baltimore, 1866), 729-35; Webb, Centenary of
Catholicity in Kentucky (Louisville, 1884); Shea, History of the
Catholic Church in the U. S. (New York, 1892), IV, 600; Messenger of
the Sacred Heart Magazine (New York, December, 1891); Irish Celts
(Detroit, 1884).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p623" shownumber="no">THOMAS F. MEEHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p623.1" title="Byzantine Architecture" type="Encyclopedia">Byzantine Architecture</term>
<def id="b-p623.2">
<h1 id="b-p623.3">Byzantine Architecture</h1>
<p id="b-p624" shownumber="no">A mixed style, i.e. a style composed of Graeco-Roman and Oriental
elements which, in earlier centuries, cannot be clearly separated. The
form of the church used most in the west, a nave supported on columns
and an atrium (see BASILICA), appears in many examples of the fifth
century in Byzantium as well as in Rome; the sixth century saw such
churches erected in other regions outside Rome, at Ravenna, in Istria,
and in Africa. In the West this style of building occasionally presents
(in S. Lorenzo and S. Agnes at Rome) peculiarities which are ascribed
by some authorities to Oriental origin -- galleries over the side
aisles, spirally channelled columns, and imposts between capitals and
arches. Vaulted basilicas are to be found at an early date in Asia
Minor, Syria, Africa and also at Constantinople. But the early
Etruscans and Romans were skilful in the art of constructing vaults,
even before that time; for instance, the basilica of Constantine. The
domical style, with barrel-vaulted side aisles and transepts is a
favourite with the Orientals; many of the oldest basilicas in Asia
Minor, as well as the Church of St. Irene, Constantinople (eighth
century), carried one or more domes. This type leads naturally to the
structure in a centralized -- circular, octagonal, cruciform -- plan.
That the Orient had, and still has, a peculiar preference for such a
type is well known; nevertheless, Italy also possessed ecclesiastical
buildings so planned, of which the oldest examples belong to the fourth
and fifth centuries (Sta. Costanza, a circular building; and the
baptistery of the Lateran, an octagonal building). In ancient Roman
times tombs and baths had this sort of plan. The essential type of all
these buildings cannot, therefore, be regarded as purely Oriental, or
even specifically Byzantine. There are similar objections in the case
of subordinate architectural details. Thus the apse, sometimes
three-sided, sometimes polygonal, the narthex (a narrow antechamber, or
vestibule, instead of the large rectangular atrium, the invariable
facing of the church to the east, the sharp-cut acanthus leaf of the
capitals, and similar characteristics of the Eastern churches cannot be
definitely ascribed to the East alone or even to Byzantium, nor do they
form a new architectural style. Some authorities, it is true, not only
go so far as to characterize the architecture of Ravenna (exemplified
in the two churches S. Apollinare and S. Vitale) as Byzantine, but even
include, without further consideration, examples which in other
respects recall the favourite Eastern style, viz. the central portions
of S. Lorenzo at Milan and of the round church of S. Stefano Rotondo at
Rome. Only this much is certain: that in those early centuries local
diversities are found everywhere; and that, even although Italy may
have received the most manifold influences from the East, and
particularly from Byzantium, still, on the other hand, the language,
laws, and customs of Rome prevailed in Byzantium, or at least were
strongly represented there.</p>
<p id="b-p625" shownumber="no">In the church, now the mosque, of St. Sophia 
(<i>Hagia Sophia</i> -- "Divine Wisdom"), built by Justinian, all the
principal forms of the early Christian churches are represented. A
rotunda is enclosed in a square, and covered with a dome which is
supported in the direction of the long axis of the building by
half-domes over semicircular apses. In this manner a basilica, 236 feet
long and 98 feet wide, and provided with domes, is developed out of a
great central chamber. This basilica is still more extended by the
addition of smaller apses penetrating the larger apses. Then the
domical church is developed to the form of a long rectangle by means of
two side aisles, which, however, are deprived of their significance by
the intrusion of massive piers. In front of all this, on the entrance
side, are placed a wide atrium with colonnaded passages and two
vestibules (the exonarthex is practically obliterated). The stupendous
main dome, which is hemispherical on the interior, flatter, or
saucer-shaped, on the exterior, and pierced with forty large windows
over the cornice at its spring, has its lateral thrust taken up by
these half domes and, north and south, by arched buttresses; the
vertical thrust is received by four piers 75 feet high. The ancient
system of column and entablature has here only a subordinate
significance, supporting the galleries which open upon the nave. Light
flows in through the numerous windows of the upper and lower stories
and of the domes. But above all, the dome, with its great span carried
on piers, arches, and pendentives, constitutes one of the greatest
achievements of architecture. (These pendentives are the triangular
surfaces by means of which a circular dome can be supported on the
summits of four arches arranged on a square plan.) In other respects
the baptistery of Sta. Costanza at Rome, for example, with its
cylindrical drum under the dome, has the advantage that the windows are
placed in the drum instead of the dome.</p>
<p id="b-p626" shownumber="no">The architects of St. Sophia were Asiatics: Anthemius of Tralles and
Isodorus of Miletus. In other great basilicas, as here, local
influences had great power in determining the character of the
architecture, e. g. the churches of the Nativity, of the Holy
Sepulchre, and of the Ascension, built in Palestine after the time of
Constantine. This is still more evident in the costly decorations of
these churches. The Oriental love of splendour is shown in the piling
up of domes and still more in facing the walls with slabs of marble, in
mosaics (either 
<i>opus sectile</i>, small pieces, or 
<i>opus Alexandrinum</i>, large slabs cut in suitable shapes), in gold
and colour decorations, and in the many-coloured marbles of the columns
and other architectural details. Nothing, however, seems to betray the
essentially Oriental character of Byzantine architecture so much as the
absence of work in the higher forms of sculpture, and the
transformation of high into low decoration by means of interwoven
traceries, in which the chiselled ornaments became flatter, more
linear, and lacelike. Besides the vestibules which originally
surrounded St. Sophia, the columns with their capitals recall the
antique. These columns almost invariably supported arches instead of
the architrave and were, for that reason, reinforced by a block of
stone (impost block) placed on top and shaped to conform to the arch,
as may frequently be seen at Ravenna. Gradually, however, the capital
itself was cut to the broader form of a truncated square pyramid, as in
St. Sophia. The capitals are at times quite bare, when they serve at
the same time as imposts or intermediate supporting blocks, at other
times they are marked with monograms or covered with a network of
carving, the latter transforming them into basketlike capitals. Flat
ornamentations of flowers and animals are also found, or leaves
arbitrarily arranged. Much of this reminds one of the Romanesque style,
but the details are done more carefully. The fortresslike character of
the church buildings, the sharp expression of the constructive forms,
the squatty appearance of the domes, the bare grouping of many parts
instead of their organic connexion -- these are all more in accordance
with the coarser work of the later period than with the elegance of the
Greek. Two other types of Justinian's time are presented by the
renovated church of the Apostles and the church of Sts. Sergius and
Bacchus. Both churches are in the capital. The latter somewhat
resembles S. Vitale in Ravenna. It is a dome-crowned octagon with an
exterior aisle. The former church (now destroyed) was built on the plan
of a Greek Cross (with four equal arms) with a dome over the crossing
and one over each arm.</p>
<p id="b-p627" shownumber="no">During the period of the Macedonian emperors, Basil I (867-886) and
Leo VI (886-912), an upward trend in politics, literature, and art set
in. The Greek basilica, which is a lengthened structure, barrel-vaulted
and provided with one or more domes, is also widely represented in this
period, while the western form of basilica, with the wooden ceiling, is
completely discarded. A type appearing more frequently is the domical
church plan or the Greek-cross plan. The Koimesis, or Dormitio, in
Nicaea (ninth century) has a clear basilica plan. This is also true of
the church of the Holy Mother of God 
(<i>Hagia Theotokos</i>) at Constantinople, dating from the tenth
century, and of the churches of Mt. Athos. The church at Skripu in
Boeotia, of the same period, has indeed three naves each ending in an
apse, but the dome crowns the middle of the building as in the Greek-
cross type. The exteriors of these churches, which are usually rather
small, are treated with greater care and are artistically elaborated
with alternations of stone and brick, smaller domes over the
vestibules, a decidedly richer system of domes, and the elevation of
these domes by means of drums. The interiors are decorated most
gorgeously. It seems that they could not do enough in this respect.
This can still be seen in the church of St. Luke in Phocis, at Daphni,
in the Nea Moni at Chio, and others. In this period the perfected art
of the capital becomes the model for the empire as well as for regions
beyond its borders: Syria, Armenia, Russia, Venice, Middle and Southern
Italy, and Sicily. For the West, it is only necessary to mention the
church of St. Mark at Venice (978-1096).</p>
<p id="b-p628" shownumber="no">After its occupation by the Crusaders (1204), Constantinople partly
lost its character and at the same time the far-reaching influence of
its intercourse with Western nations. There still remained four centres
of Byzantine art: the capital itself, Mt. Athos, Hellas, and Trebizond.
The architecture of Mt. Athos presents the most faithful reflection of
the Byzantine style. The model of the church of the monastery of Laura,
belonging to the previous period, is more or less faithfully
reproduced. A dome, supported on four sides by barrel vaults, stands
directly over the middle of the transept, which is terminated at either
end by a round apse. A narthex, or rather two lead into the lengthened
main hall. The real architectural ornaments are forced into the
background by the frescoes which take the place of the costly mosaics
and which practically cover all available wall surface. The
architecture of this period remained stationary. It continued unchanged
in the countries of the Greek Rite after the fall of Constantinople
(1453).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p629" shownumber="no">G. GIETMANN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p629.1" title="Byzantine Art" type="Encyclopedia">Byzantine Art</term>
<def id="b-p629.2">
<h1 id="b-p629.3">Byzantine Art</h1>
<p id="b-p630" shownumber="no">The art of the Eastern Roman Empire and of its capital Byzantium, or
Constantinople. The term denotes more especially those qualities which
distinguish this art from that of other countries, or which have caused
it to exert an influence upon the art of regions outside of the Eastern
Empire. Christian art was dependent for the representation of its new
conceptions upon the forms which the time and place of its origin
happened to offer. In the beginning, whether at Rome, Ravenna, or
Byzantium (Constantinople), it was equally influenced by classical art
and by Eastern inclination to allegory. It is a distinguishing
characteristic of Constantinople, however, that it was able to maintain
a more uniform classical tradition in the face of manifold Oriental
influences. These two elements, from the time of Constantine, developed
in the Byzantine art more and more of an individual character, though
account must also be taken of the friendly intercourse with Western
Europe during several hundred years. Beginning with the seventh
century, the contrast between the art of the Eastern Empire and that of
the Western grew more marked, and Byzantine art underwent a change. It
rose to great splendour under the Macedonian emperors (867-1056), then
declined up to 1453, and has since existed in the East in a petrified
form, so to speak, up to the present time.</p>
<h4 id="b-p630.1">The Byzantine Question</h4>
<p id="b-p631" shownumber="no">In regard to the first period of Byzantine art, which closed either
before the reign of Justinian or at the end of the sixth century,
scholars differ greatly. Some date Byzantine art proper from the time
of Constantine's establishment of his capital. They base this opinion
upon certain differences between the art remains of the first period of
the Eastern Roman Empire and those of the Western Roman Empire, which
differences they maintain are essential. Other scholars hold these
peculiarities to be unessential, since they find them here and there in
Western countries as well, a fact which the former critics ascribe to
Oriental influence. Still other scholars disagree with both views, and
distinguish between Oriental art and that specifically Byzantine; that
is, between the art of Byzantium, or Constantinople, and that of her
dependent provinces, Asia Minor, Syria, Persia, and Egypt. This is a
fairly good solution of the "Byzantine question". But as it is
difficult to distinguish in detail the combinations of old classic and
Christian with Oriental art, we can only group together the principal
characteristics of the new style and its materials, with a few
examples.</p>
<h4 id="b-p631.1">Characteristics</h4>
<p id="b-p632" shownumber="no">The introduction of Eastern court ceremonial by Constantine was
accompanied in the domain of art by the appearances of extraordinary
gorgeousness and pomp, expressed, however, with stiffness and
formality. The power and pride of the new empire offered the means for
great undertakings and gave the impulse to them. The Proconnesian
marble, found in the vicinity of the capital, and the stone obtained
from other rich quarries provided the material, and, long before this
era, the art of working in stone had reached a high state of
development, especially in Asia Minor. Moreover, the East had been from
ancient times the home of the minor arts. In Constantinople there
flourished, along with the art of decorative sculpture, the arts of
stone-carving, of working in metal and ivory, of ornamental bronze
work, of enamelling, of weaving, and the art of miniature-painting.
From classical and ancient Christian art Byzantine genius derived a
correct combination of the ideal with truth to nature, harmonious unity
along with precision in details, as well as the fondness for mosaics,
frescoes, and pictures on panels, in opposition to the dislike of
non-Christian and sectarian Orientals to pictorial representation. The
iconoclasm of the eighth and ninth centuries wrought great destruction
in the domain of art, but these outbreaks were successfully
suppressed.</p>
<h4 id="b-p632.1">Examples</h4>
<p id="b-p633" shownumber="no">In regard to the influence of the Byzantine style on architecture
see BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE. As to the other arts a few examples may
here be given. The church of St. Sophia was adorned in the sixth
century with a splendour worthy of Solomon. The interior was
sumptuously decorated with mosaics upon a golden background. These
mosaics, it is true, with the exception of an "Adoration of Christ by
the Emperor", were destroyed, but they were replaced later by others.
Some of the walls were ornamented with designs of grape-vines with
golden leaves. Pictures of animals decorated the walls of the portico.
A silver choir-screen rose above pillars, in the capitals of which
medallions of Christ, the Blessed Virgin, saints, and prophets were
carved. This is the so-called iconostasis. The altar was of gold inlaid
with precious stones; the altar-cloth was of brocaded silk in which
were woven pictures of Christ, the prophets and the apostles. The ambo,
according to description, was brilliant with gold, silver, precious
stones, and ivory. At Parenzo, in Istria, and at Bauit, in Egypt,
superb mosaic pictorial ornamentation dating from the sixth century is
still preserved. A gold cross decorated with pictures in hammered work
was presented by Justin II to the church of St. Peter and is still
preserved at the Vatican. A number of ivory book- covers are also still
in existence. The illuminated manuscripts of Rossano and Sinope date
from the sixth century.</p>
<h4 id="b-p633.1">Influence</h4>
<p id="b-p634" shownumber="no">As regards the influence exerted by Byzantine art in the sixth
century there can be no doubt that the architecture of Ravenna, though
affected by other Eastern influences, strongly reminds us, in its
splendid mosaics, of Constantinople. The Proconnesian capitals and
other products of decorative art spread even more easily. Like Ravenna,
Southern Italy and Gaul came under the influence of the East and
Constantinople. Even more specifically Byzantine is African art. In
Rome the races of Byzantine art are more difficult to discover than
other Oriental influences. In the East itself pictorial art met with
opposition, and decorative art came to the forefront. In general,
however, after the rise of the Macedonian dynasty the Byzantine style
gained the supremacy in all branches of art as well as in architecture.
The Byzantine style spread in the East as well as in Northern Italy and
Sicily. The numerous mosaic pictures, which are to be found everywhere,
still strove to imitate classical models; their symbolism reminds us of
the general symbolic tendency of early Christianity, and their form
gradually becomes more stiff and fixed. (Painter's Book of Mount
Athos.) Purely Oriental, however, was the dislike constantly increasing
for sculpture in the round, and the preference for the flat
ornamentation in architecture. To the same Oriental influence may be
attributed the taste for costly and many-coloured stones and woven
fabrics, for goldsmith-work, and enamel. For example, in the treasury
of San Marco may be seen Byzantine reliquaries, ivory triptychs,
chalices, costly fabrics, and specimens of pictorial art. Some are
large and some small, but taken altogether they show how a church of
the eleventh century was transformed into a veritable treasure-house.
The same taste and the same characteristics of the art of Byzantium
(Constantinople) have ever since maintained their supremacy in the
East.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p635" shownumber="no">G. GIETMANN</p>
</def>

<term id="b-p635.1" title="Byzantine Empire, The" type="Encyclopedia">The Byzantine Empire</term>
<def id="b-p635.2">
<h1 id="b-p635.3">The Byzantine Empire</h1>
<p id="b-p636" shownumber="no">The ancient Roman Empire having been divided into two parts, an
Eastern and a Western, the Eastern remained subject to successors of
Constantine, whose capital was at Byzantium or Constantinople. The term

<i>Byzantine</i> is therefore employed to designate this Eastern
survival of the ancient Roman Empire. The subject will be here treated
under the following divisions:</p>

<p id="b-p637" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">
<br />I. Byzantine Civilization;
<br />II. Dynastic History.</p>
<p id="b-p638" shownumber="no">The latter division of the article will be subdivided into six heads
in chronological order.</p>

<h3 id="b-p638.1">I. BYZANTINE CIVILIZATION</h3>
<p id="b-p639" shownumber="no">At the distance of many centuries and thousands of miles, the
civilization of the Byzantine Empire presents an appearance of unity.
Examined at closer range, however, firstly the geographical content of
the empire resolves itself into various local and national divisions,
and secondly the growth of the people in civilization reveals several
clearly distinguishable periods. Taking root on Eastern soil, flanked
on all sides by the most widely dissimilar peoples — Orientals,
Finnic-Ugrians and Slavs — some of them dangerous neighbours just
beyond the border, others settled on Byzantine territory, the empire
was loosely connected on the west with the other half of the old Roman
Empire. And so the development of Byzantine civilization resulted from
three influences: the first Alexandrian-Hellenic, a native product, the
second Roman, the third Oriental.</p>
<ul id="b-p639.1">
<li id="b-p639.2">The first period of the empire, which embraces the dynasties of
Theodosius, Leo I, Justinian, and Tiberius, is politically still under
Roman influence.</li>
<li id="b-p639.3">In the second period the dynasty of Heraclius in conflict with
Islam, succeeds in creating a distinctively Byzantine State.</li>
<li id="b-p639.4">The third period, that of the Syrian (Isaurian) emperors and of
Iconoclasm, is marked by the attempt to avoid the struggle with Islam
by completely orientalizing the land.</li>
<li id="b-p639.5">The fourth period exhibits a happy equilibrium. The Armenian
dynasty, which was Macedonian by origin, was able to extend its sway
east and west, and there were indications that the zenith of Byzantine
power was close at hand.</li>
<li id="b-p639.6">In the fifth period the centrifugal forces, which had long been at
work, produced their inevitable effect, the aristocracy of birth, which
had been forming in all parts of the empire, and gaining political
influence, at last achieved its firm establishment on the throne with
the dynasties of the Comneni and Angeli.</li>
<li id="b-p639.7">The sixth period is that of decline; the capture of Constantinople
by the Crusaders had disrupted the empire into several new political
units; even after the restoration, the empire of the Palaeologi is only
one member of this group of states. The expansion of the power of the
Osmanli Turks prepares the annihilation of the Byzantine Empire.</li>
</ul>
<p id="b-p640" shownumber="no">Geographically and ethnographically, the Roman Empire was never a
unit. In the western section comprising Italy and the adjacent islands,
Spain, and Africa, the Latin language and Latin culture were
predominant. Of these territories, only Africa, Sicily, and certain
parts of Italy were ever under Byzantine control for any length of
time. To the southeast, the Coptic and Syriac and, if the name is
permitted, the Palestinian nation assumed growing importance and
finally, under the leadership of the Arabs, broke the bonds that held
it to the empire. In the East proper (Asia Minor and Armenia) lay the
heart of the empire. In the southeast of Asia Minor and on the southern
spurs of the Armenian mountains the population was Syrian. The Armenian
settlements extended from their native mountains far into Asia Minor,
and even into Europe. Armenian colonies are found on Mount Ida in Asia
Minor, in Thrace, and Macedonia. The coast lands of Asia Minor are
thoroughly Greek. The European part of the empire was the scene of an
ethnographic evolution. From ancient times the mountains of Epirus and
Illyria had been inhabited by Albanians, from the beginning of the
fifteenth century they spread over what is now Greece, down towards
southern Italy and Sicily. Since the days of the Roman power, the
Rumanians (or Wallachians) had established themselves on both sides as
well of the Balkan as of the Pindus mountains. This people was divided
into two parts by the invasion of the Finnic-Ugrian Bulgars, and the
expansion of the Slavs. They lived as wandering shepherds, in summer on
the mountains, in winter on the plains. In the fifth century the Slavs
began to spread over the Balkan Peninsula. At the beginning of the
eighth century Cynuria in the eastern part of the Peloponnesus, was
called a "Slavic land". A reaction, however, which set in towards the
end of the eighth century, resulted in the total extermination of the
Slavs in southern Thessaly and central Greece, and left but few in the
Peloponnesus. On the other hand, the northern part of the Balkan
Peninsula remained open to Slavic inroads. Here the Bulgars gradually
became incorporated with the Slavs, and spread from Haemus far to the
west, and into southern Macedonia. The valleys of the Vardar and the
Morava offered the Serbs tempting means of access to the Byzantine
Empire. After the Greeks and Armenians, the Slavs have exercised most
influence on the inner configuration of the empire. The Greeks of the
islands best preserved their national characteristics. Moreover, they
settled in compact groups in the capital of the empire, and on all the
coast lands even to those of the Black Sea. They gained ground by
hellenizing the Slavs, and by emigrating to Sicily and lower Italy.</p>
<p id="b-p641" shownumber="no">In point of civilization, the Greeks were the predominant race in
the empire. From the second half of the sixth century, Latin had ceased
to be the language of the Government. The legislation eventually became
thoroughly Greek, both in language and spirit. Beside the Greeks, only
the Armenians had developed a civilization of their own. The Slavs, it
is true, had acquired a significant influence over the internal and
external affairs of the empire, but had not established a Slavic
civilization on Byzantine soil, and the dream of a Roman Empire under
Slavic rule remained a mere fantasy.</p>
<p id="b-p642" shownumber="no">In the breaking of the empire on ethnographic lines of cleavage, it
was an important feat that at least the Greeks were more solidly united
than in former centuries. The dialects of ancient Greece had for the
most part disappeared, and the 
<i>Koiné</i> of the Hellenic period formed a point of departure
for new dialects, as well as the basis of a literary language which was
preserved with incredible tenacity and gained the ascendancy in
literature as well as in official usage. Another movement, in the sixth
century, was directed towards a general and literary revival of the
language, and, this having gradually spent itself without any lasting
results, the dialects unfortunately, became the occasion of a further
split in the nation. As the later literary language, with its classic
tendencies, was stiff and unwieldy, as well as unsuited to meet all the
exigencies of a colloquial language, it perforce helped to widen the
breach between the literary and the humbler classes the latter having
already begun to use the new dialects. The social schism which had rent
the nation, since the establishment of a distinctively Byzantine landed
interest and the rise of a provincial nobility, was aggravated by the
prevalence of the literary language among the governing classes, civil
and ecclesiastical. Even the western invasion could not close this
breach; on the contrary, while it confirmed the influence of the
popular tongue as such, it left the social structure of the nation
untouched. The linguistic division of the Greek nation thus begun has
persisted down to the present time.</p>
<p id="b-p643" shownumber="no">The Middle Ages never created a great centralized economic system.
The lack of a highly organized apparatus of transportation for goods in
large quantities made each district a separate economic unit. This
difficulty was not overcome even by a coastline naturally favourable
for navigation, since the earring capacity of medieval vessels was too
small to make them important factors in the problem of
freight-transportation as we now apprehend it. Even less effectual were
the means of conveyance employed on the roads of the empire. These
roads, it is true, were a splendid legacy from the old Roman Empire,
and were not yet in the dilapidated state to which they were later
reduced under the Turkish domination. Even today, for example, there
are remains of the Via Egnatia, connecting Constantinople with the
Adriatic Sea through Thessalonica, and of the great military roads
through Asia Minor, from Chalcedon past Nicomedia, Ancyra and Caesarea,
to Armenia, as well as of that from Nicaea through Dorylaeum and
Iconium to Tarsus and Antioch. These roads were of supreme importance
for the transportation of troops and the conveyance of dispatches; but
for the interchange of goods of any bulk, they were out of the
question. The inland commerce of Byzantium, like most medieval commerce
was confined generally to such commodities, of not excessive weight, as
could be packed into a small space, and would represent great values,
both intrinsically and on account of their importation from a distance
— such as gems, jewelry, rich textiles and furs, aromatic spices,
and drugs. But food stuffs, such as cereals, fresh vegetables, wine
oil, dried meat, as well as dried fish and fruits, could be conveyed
any distance only by water. Indeed, a grave problem presented itself in
the provisioning of the capital, the population of which approached
probably, that of a great modern city. It is now known that Alexandria
at first supplied Constantinople with grain, under State supervision.
After the loss of Egypt, Thrace and the lands of Pontus were drawn upon
for supplies. Of the establishment of an economic centre however for
all parts of the empire, of a centralized system of trade routes
radiating from Constantinople, there was no conception. Moreover,
Byzantine commerce strange to say, shows a marked tendency to develop
in a sense opposite to this ideal. At first there was great commercial
activity; the Byzantines offered to India Persia, and Central and
Eastern Asia a channel of communication with the West. Various
districts of the empire strove to promote the export of industrial
articles, Syria and Egypt, in particular, upholding their ancient
positions as industrial sections of importance, their activity
expressing itself chiefly in weaving and dyeing and the manufacture of
metals and glass. The Slavonic invasion, moreover, had not entirely
extinguished the industrial talents of the Greeks. In the tenth and
eleventh centuries weaving, embroidery, and the fabrication of carpets
were of considerable importance at Thebes and Patrae. In the capital
itself, with government aid in the form of a monopoly, a new industrial
enterprise was organized which confined itself chiefly to shipbuilding
and the manufacture of arms in the imperial arsenals but also took up
the preparation of silk fabrics. The Byzantines themselves, in the
earlier periods, carried these wares to the West. There they enjoyed a
commercial supremacy for which their only rivals were the Arabs and
which is most clearly evidenced by the universal currency of the
Byzantine gold 
<i>solidus</i>. Gradually, however, a change came about: the empire
lost its maritime character and at last became almost exclusively
territorial, as appears in the decline of the imperial navy. At the
time of the Arabian conflicts it was the navy that did the best work,
at a later period, however, it was counted inferior to the land forces.
Similarly there was a transformation in the mental attitude and the
occupations of the people. The Greek merchant allowed himself to be
crowded out in his own country by his Italian rival. The population
even of an island so well adapted for maritime pursuits as Crete
seemed, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, veritably afraid of
the water. What wrought this change is still an unsolved problem. Here
too, possibly, the provincial aristocracy showed its effects, through
the extension of its power over the inhabitants of the country
districts and its increasing influence on the imperial Government.</p>
<p id="b-p644" shownumber="no">The decline of the Byzantine Empire is strikingly exhibited in the
depreciation of currency during the reigns of the Comneni. At that
period the gold 
<i>solidus</i> lost its high currency value and its commercial
pre-eminence It is noteworthy that at the same time we perceive the
beginnings of large finance 
(<i>Geldwirtschaft</i>). For at an earlier period the Byzantine Empire,
like the states of Western Europe, appears to have followed the system
of barter, or exchange of commodities in kind. Nevertheless, as
ground-rents were already paid in money during the Comneni period, some
uncertainty remains as to whether the beginnings of finance and of
capital as a distinct power in the civilized world, should be sought in
Byzantium or rather in the highly developed fiscal system of the Roman
Curia and the mercantile activity of Italian seaports.</p>
<p id="b-p645" shownumber="no">It will be seen from all this that the development of the Byzantine
Empire was by no means uniform in point either of time or of place. Why
is it then that the word 
<i>Byzantine</i> conveys a definite and self consistent idea? Was there
not something which through all those centuries remained characteristic
of Byzantines in contrast with the neighbouring peoples? To this it
must be replied that such was certainly the ease, and that the
difference lay, first of all, in the more advanced civilization of
Byzantium. Many small but significant details are recorded — as
early as the sixth century Constantinople had a system of
street-lighting; sports, equestrian games or polo-playing, and above
all races in the circus attained a high national and political
importance; Byzantine princesses married to Venetians introduced the
use of table forks in the West. More striking are the facts that as
early as the eighth and ninth centuries, the Byzantines, in their wars
with the Arabs, used gunpowder — the so-called Greek fire —
and that a German emperor like Otto III preferred to be a Roman of
Byzantium rather than a German. This Byzantine civilization, it is true
suffered from a serious and incurable disease, a worm gnawing at its
core — the utter absence of originality. But here again, we
should beware of unwarranted generalization. A change in this respect
is to be noted from age to age, in the first centuries, before the
complete severing of the political and ecclesiastical ties uniting them
with the Eastern nations the Greek mind still retained its gift of
receptivity, and ancient Greek art traditions, in combination with
Persian, Syrian, and other Oriental motives, produced the original plan
of the true Byzantine church — a type which left its impression
on architecture, sculpture painting, and the minor arts. And yet so
complete was the isolation of the empire, separated from other nations
by the character of its government, the strictness of its court
etiquette, the refinement of its material civilization, and, not least,
by the peculiar development of the national Church, that a kind of
numbness crept over both the language and the intellectual life of the
people. The nations of the West were indeed barbarians in comparison
with the cultured Byzantines, but the West had something for the lack
of which no learning, no technical skill could compensate — the
creative force of an imagination in harmony with the laws of
nature.</p>
<p id="b-p646" shownumber="no">As to the share which Byzantine ecclesiastical development had in
this isolation, it must be conceded that the constitution of the
Eastern Church was rather imperial than universal. Its administration
was seriously influenced by the polities of the empire the boundaries
of the empire bounded the Church's aspirations and activities. In the
West, the obliteration of those boundaries by the Germanic peoples and
the outburst of vigorous missionary activity on all sides furthered
very notably the idea of a universal Church, embracing all nations, and
unfettered by political or territorial limits. In the East the
development was quite different. Here, indeed, missionary work met with
considerable success. From the Syrian and Egyptian Church sprang the
Ethiopian, the Indian, the Mesopotamian, and the Armenian Churches.
Constantinople sent apostles to the Slavonic and Finnic-Ugrian races.
Still, these Oriental Churches show, from the very beginning, a
peculiar national structure. Whether this was a legacy from the ancient
Eastern religions, or whether it was the reaction against Greek
civilization which had been imposed upon the people of the Orient from
the time of Alexander the Great, the adoption of Christianity went hand
in hand with nationalism. Opposed to this nationalism in many important
respects was the Greek imperial Church. Precisely because it was only
an imperial Church, it had not yet grasped the concept of a universal
Church. As the imperial Church, constituting a department of the
state-administration, its opposition to the national Churches among the
Oriental peoples was always very emphatic. Thus it is that the dogmatic
disputes of these Churches are above all, expressions of
politico-national struggles. In the course of these contests Egypt, and
Syria, and finally Armenia also were lost to the Greek Church. The
Byzantine imperial Church at last found itself almost exclusively
confined to the Greek nation and its subjects. In the end it became, in
its own turn, a national Church, and definitively severed all bonds of
rite and dogma linking it with the West. The schism between the Eastern
and Western Churches thus reveals a fundamental opposition of
viewpoints: the mutually antagonistic ideas of the universal Church and
of independent national churches — an antagonism which both
caused the schism and constitutes the insurmountable impediment to
reunion.</p>
<h3 id="b-p646.1">DYNASTIC HISTORY</h3>
<h4 id="b-p646.2">1A. Roman Period: Dynasties of Theodocius and Leo I (A.D.
395-518)</h4>
<p id="b-p647" shownumber="no">A glance at the above genealogies shows that the law governing the
succession in the Roman Empire persisted in the Byzantine. On one hand,
a certain law of descent is observed: the fact of belonging to the
reigning house, whether by birth or marriage, gives a strong claim to
the throne. On the other hand, the people is not entirely excluded as a
political factor. The popular co-operation in the government was not
regulated by set forms. The high civil and military officials took part
in the enthronement of a new monarch, often by means of a palace or
military revolution. Legally, the people participated in the government
only through the Church. From the time of Marcianus, the Byzantine
emperors were crowned by the Patriarchs of Constantinople.</p>
<p id="b-p648" shownumber="no">Of the emperors of this period, Arcadius (395-408) and Theodosius II
(408-50) received the throne by right of inheritance. The old senator
Marcanius (450-57) came to the throne through his marriage with the
sister of Theodosius II, Pulcheria who for years previously had been an
inmate of a convent. The Thracian Leo I the Great (457-74), owed his
power to Aspar the Alan, 
<i>Magister Militum per Orientem</i>, who, as an Arian, was debarred
from the imperial dignity, and who therefore installed the orthodox
Leo. Leo, it is true, soon became refractory, and in 471 Aspar was
executed by imperial command. On Leo's death the throne was transmitted
through his daughter Ariadne, who had been united in marriage to the
leader of the Isaurian bodyguard, and had a son by him, Leo II. The
sudden death of Leo, however, after he had raised his father to the
rank of coregent placed the reins of power in the hands of Zeno
(474-91), who was obliged to defend his authority against repeated
insurrections. All these movements were instigated by his
mother-in-law, Verina, who first proclaimed her brother Basiliscus
emperor, and later Leontius, the leader of the Thraecian army. Victory,
however, rested with Zeno, at whose death Ariadne once more decided the
succession by bestowing her hand on Anastasius Silentiarius (491-518)
who had risen through the grades of the civil service.</p>
<p id="b-p649" shownumber="no">This brief résumé shows the important part played by women
in the imperial history of Byzantium. Nor was female influence
restricted to the imperial family. The development of Roman law
exhibits a growing realization of woman's importance in the family and
society. Theodora, whose greatness is not eclipsed by that of her
celebrated consort, Justinian, is a typical example of the solicitude
of a woman of high station for the interests of the lowliest and the
most unworthy of her sisters — from whose ranks perhaps she
herself had risen. Byzantine civilization produced a succession of
typical women of middle class who are a proof, first, of the high
esteem in which women were held in social life and, secondly, of the
sacredness of family life, which even now distinguishes the Greek
people. To this same tendency is probably to be ascribed the
suppression by Anastasius of the bloody exhibitions of the circus
called 
<i>venationes</i>. We must not forget, however, that under the
successor of Anastasius, Justin, the so-called circus factions kept
bears for spectacles in the circus, and the Empress Theodora was the
daughter of a bear-baiter. Still the fact remains that cultured circles
at that time began to deplore this gruesome amusement, and that the 
<i>venationes</i>, and with them the political significance of the
circus, disappeared in the course of Byzantine history.</p>
<p id="b-p650" shownumber="no">One may be amazed at the assertion that the Byzantine was humane,
and refined in feeling, even to the point of sensitiveness. Too many
bloody crimes stain the pages of Byzantine history — not as
extraordinary occurrences but as regularly established institutions.
Blinding, mutilation, and death by torture had their place in the
Byzantine penal system. In the Middle Ages such horrors were not, it is
true, unknown in Western Europe, and yet the fierce crusaders thought
the Byzantines exquisitely cruel. In reading the history of this
people, one has to accustom oneself to a Janus-like national character
— genuine Christian self-sacrifice, unworldliness, and
spirituality, side by side with avarice, cunning, and the refinement of
cruelty. It is, indeed, easy to detect this idiosyncrasy in both the
ancient and the modern Greeks. Greek cruelty, however, may have been
aggravated by the circumstances that savage races not only remained as
foes on the frontier, but often became incorporated in the body
politic, only veiling their barbaric origin under a thin cloak of
Hellenism. The whole of Byzantine history is the record of struggles
between a civilized state and wild, or half-civilized, neighbouring
tribes. Again and again was the Byzantine Empire 
<i>de facto</i> reduced to the limits of the capital city, which
Anastasius had transformed into an unrivaled fortress; and often, too,
was the victory over its foes gained by troops before whose ferocity
its own citizens trembled.</p>
<p id="b-p651" shownumber="no">Twice in the period just considered, Byzantium was on the point of
falling into the hands of the Goths:</p>
<ul id="b-p651.1">
<li id="b-p651.2">first, when, under the Emperor Arcadius, shortly after Alaric the
Visigoth had pillaged Greece, the German Gainas, being in control of
Constantinople simultaneously stirred up the East Goths and the
Gruthungi, who had settled in Phrygia,</li>
<li id="b-p651.3">a second time, when the East Goths, before their withdrawal to
Italy, threatened Constantinople.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="b-p652" shownumber="no">These deliverances may not have been entirely fortunate. There are
differences in natural endowments among races; the history of the Goths
in Spain, Southern France and Italy shows that they should not be
classed with the savage Huns and Isaurians, and a strong admixture of
Germanic blood would perhaps have so benefited the Greek nation as to
have averted its moral and political paralysis. But this was not to be
expected of the Hunnic and Isaurian races, the latter including,
probably, tribes of Kurds in the Taurus ranges in the southeast of Asia
Minor. It can only be considered fortunate that success so long crowned
the efforts to ward off the Huns, who, from 412 to 451, when their
power was broken at Châlons, had been a serious menace to the
imperial frontiers. More dangerous still were the Isaurians,
inhabitants of imperial territory, and the principal source from which
the guards of the capital were recruited. The Emperor Zeno was an
Isaurian, as was likewise his adversary, Illus, 
<i>Magister Officiorum</i> who, in league with Verina mother of the
empress, plotted his downfall; and while these intrigues were in
progress the citizens of Constantinople were already taking sides
against the Isaurian bodyguard, having recourse even to a general
massacre to free themselves from their hated oppressors. But it was the
Emperor Anastasius who first succeeded in removing these praetorians
from the capital, and in subjugating the inhabitants of the Isaurian
mountains (493) after a six years' war.</p>
<p id="b-p653" shownumber="no">The same period is marked by the beginning of the Slavic and Bulgar
migrations. The fact has already been mentioned that these races
gradually possessed themselves of the whole Balkan Peninsula the Slavs
meanwhile absorbing the Finnic-Ugrian Bulgars. The admixture of Greek
blood, which was denied the Germanic races, was reserved for the Slavs.
To how great a degree this mingling of races took place, will never be
exactly ascertained. On the other hand, the extent of Slavic influence
on the interior developments of the Byzantine Empire, especially on
that of the landed interests, is one of the great unsolved questions of
Byzantine history. In all these struggles, the Byzantine polity shows
itself the genuine heir of the ancient Roman Empire. The same is true
of the contest over the eastern boundary, the centuries of strife with
the Persians. In this contest the Byzantine Greeks now found allies.
The Persians had never given up their native fire-worship, Mazdeism.
Whenever a border nation was converted to Christianity, it joined the
Byzantine alliance. The Persians, realizing this, sought to neutralize
the Greek influence by favouring the various sects in turn. To this
motive is to be attributed the favour they showed to the Nestorians who
at last became the recognized representatives of Christianity in the
Persian Empire. To meet this policy of their adversaries, the Greeks
for a long time favoured the Syrian Monophysites, bitter enemies of the
Nestorians. Upon this motive, the Emperor Zeno closed the Nestorian
school at Edessa, in 489 and it was a part of the same policy that
induced the successors of Constantine the Great to support the leaders
of the Christian clerical party, the Mamikonians, in opposition to the
Mazdeistic nobility. Theodosius II resumed this policy after his
grandfather, Theodosius the Great, had, by a treaty with Persia (387),
sacrificed the greater part of Armenia. Only Karin in the valley of the
Western Euphrates, thence forth called Theodosiopolis, then remained a
Roman possession. Theodosius II initiated a different policy. He
encouraged, as far as lay in his power, the diffusion of Christianity
in Armenia, invited Mesrob and Sahak, the founders of Armenian
Christian literature into Roman territory, and gave them pecuniary
assistance for the prosecution of the work they had undertaken, of
translating Holy Scripture into Armenian. Anastasius followed the same
shrewd policy. On the one hand, he carried on a relentless war with the
Persians (502-06) and, on the other hand, lost no opportunity of
encouraging the Monophysite sect which was then predominant in Egypt,
Syria and Armenia. It is true that he met with great difficulties from
the irreconcilable factions, as had those of his predecessors who had
followed the policy of religious indifference in dealing with the
sects. The Eastern Churches in these centuries were torn by theological
controversies so fierce as to have been with good reason compared with
the sixteenth century disputes of Western Christendom. All the warring
elements of the period — national, local, economic, social, even
personal — group themselves around the prevalent theological
questions, so that it is practically impossible to say, in any given
case, whether the dominant motives of the parties to the quarrel were
spiritual or temporal. In all this hurlyburly of beliefs and parties
three historical points have to be kept clearly before the mind, in
order to understand the further development of the empire:</p>
<ul id="b-p653.1">
<li id="b-p653.2">first, the decline of Alexandrian power,</li>
<li id="b-p653.3">secondly, the determination of the mutual relations of Rome and
Constantinople;</li>
<li id="b-p653.4">thirdly, the triumph of the civil over the ecclesiastical
authority.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="b-p654" shownumber="no">Theodosius I was called the Great because he was the first emperor
to act against heathenism, and also because he contributed to the
victory of the followers of Athanasius over the Arians. This victory
redounded to the advantage of the Patriarch of Alexandria. Strange as
it seems at the present day, everything pointed to the supremacy of the
orthodox Patriarch of Egypt, whose proud title 
(<i>Papa et patriarcha Alexandriae</i>, etc.) is now the only reminder
that its bearer was once in a fair way to become the spiritual rival of
Constantinople. Such, however, was the case, and the common object of
preventing this formed a bond between Rome and Constantinople. It was
some time, it is true, before the two powers recognized this community
of interests. St. John Chrysostom, as Patriarch of Constantinople had
already felt the superior power of his Alexandrian colleague. At the
Synod of the Oak held on the Asiatic shore opposite the capital,
Chrysostom was deposed — through the collusion of the palace with
the intrigues of Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexandria although the
people soon compelled his recall to the patriarchal see, and it was
only as the result of fresh complications that he was permanently
removed (404). Nestorius, one of his successors, fared even worse. At
that time Alexandria was ruled by Cyril, nephew of Theophilus, and the
equal of his uncle and predecessor both in intellectual and in
political talents. Nestorius had declared himself against the new and,
as he asserted, idolatrous expression "Mother of God" 
(<i>Theotokos</i>), thereby opposing the sentiments and wishes of the
humbler people. Cyril determined to use this opportunity to promote the
further exaltation of Alexandria at the expense of Constantinople. At
the Third Ecumenical Council of Ephesus (431), Cyril received the
hearty support of Pope Celestine's representatives. Moreover, the
Syrians, who were opponents of Alexandria, did not champion Nestorius
energetically. The Patriarch of Constantinople proved the weaker and
ended his life in exile. It now seemed as though Alexandria had gained
her object. At the Second Council of Ephesus (the "Robber Council" of
449) Dioscorus, Patriarch of Alexandria, had already been hailed by a
bishop of Asia Minor as "Ecumenical Archbishop", when the energetic
policy of Pope Leo I, the Great, and the death of the Emperor
Theodosius II brought about a change in the trend of affairs. Marcian,
the new emperor, came to an understanding with Leo; a reconciliation
had already been effected with Rome through the drawing up of a
confession of faith, which was presented to the Synod of Chalcedon, the
so-called Fourth Ecumenical Council (451). Viewed from the standpoint
of Old Rome the result was most successful Dioscorus of Alexandria was
deposed and exiled, and the danger of an all-powerful Alexandrian
patriarch was averted. The Patriarch of New Rome — Constantinople
— could also be satisfied. The solution of the question was less
advantageous to the Byzantine Empire. When the Greeks entered into
communion with the Western Church, the reaction of the Egyptians,
Syrians, and other Oriental peoples was all the more pronounced.
"Anti-Chalcedonians" was the term appropriated by everyone in Asia who
took sides against the Greek imperial Church, and the outcome of the
whole affair demonstrated once more the impossibility of a compromise
between the ideal of a universal, and that of a national Church.</p>
<p id="b-p655" shownumber="no">The second point, the rivalry between Constantinople and Rome, can
be discussed more briefly. Naturally, Rome had the advantage in every
respect. But for the division of the empire the whole question would
never have arisen. But Theodosius I, as early as the Second Ecumenical
Council of Constantinople (381), had the decision made that New Rome
should take precedence immediately after old Rome. This was the first
expression of the theory that Constantinople should be supreme among
the Churches of the East. The first to attempt to translate this
thought into action was John. As he undertook the campaign against
Alexandria, so he was also able to bring the still independent Church
of Asia Minor under the authority of Constantinople. On a missionary
journey he made the See of Ephesus, founded by St. John the Apostle, a
suffragan of his patriarchate. We can now understand why the war
against the Alexandrians was prosecuted with such bitterness. The
defeat of Alexandria at the Council of Chalcedon established the
supremacy of Constantinople. To be sure, this supremacy was only
theoretical, as it is a matter of history that from this time forward
the Oriental Churches assumed a hostile attitude towards the Byzantine
imperial Church. As for Rome, protests had already been made at
Chalcedon against the twenty-first canon of the Eighth General Council
which set forth the spiritual precedence of Constantinople. This
protest was maintained until the capture of Constantinople by the
crusaders put an end to the pretensions of the Greek Church. Pope
Innocent III (1215) confirmed the grant to the Patriarch of
Constantinople of the place of honour after Rome.</p>
<p id="b-p656" shownumber="no">We now come to the third point: the contest between ecclesiastical
and civil authority. In this particular, also, the defeat of Alexandria
was signal. Since the decrees of the Council of Chalcedon it had been
decided that in the East (it was otherwise in the West) the old Roman
custom, by which the emperor had the final decision in ecclesiastical
matters, should continue. That was the end of the matter at Byzantium,
and we need not be surprised to find that before long dogmatic disputes
were decided by arbitrary imperial decrees, that laymen princes, and
men who had held high state offices were promoted to ecclesiastical
offices, and that spiritual affairs were treated as a department of the
Government. But it must not be supposed that the Byzantine Church was
therefore silenced. The popular will found a means of asserting itself
most emphatically, concurrently with the official administration of
ecclesiastical affairs. The monks in particular showed the greatest
fearlessness in opposing their ecclesiastical superiors as well as the
civil authority.</p>
<h4 id="b-p656.1">1B. Dynasties of Justinian and Tiberius (518-610)</h4>
<p id="b-p657" shownumber="no">This period saw the reigns of two renowned and influential Byzantine
empresses. As the world once held its breath at the quarrel between
Eudoxia, the wanton wife of the Emperor Arcadius, and the great
patriarch, John Chrysostom, and at the rivalry of the sisters-in-law,
Pulcheria and Athenais-Eudocia, the latter the daughter of an Athenian
philosopher, so Theodora, the dancer of the Byzantine circus, and her
niece Sophia succeeded in obtaining extraordinary influence by reason
of their genius, wit, and political cleverness. Theodora died of cancer
(548), seventeen years before her husband. No serious discord ever
marred this singular union, from which, however, there was no issue.
The death of this remarkable woman proved an irreparable loss to her
consort, who grieved profoundly for her during the remainder of his
life. Her niece, Sophia, who approached her in ambition and political
cunning, though not in intellect, had a less fortunate ending. Her life
was darkened by a bitter disappointment. With the help of Tiberius
commander of the palace guard, a Thracian famed for his personal
attractions, she placed on the throne her husband, Justin II (565-78),
who suffered from temporary attacks of insanity. Soon Sophia and
Tiberius became the real rulers of the empire. In 574 the empress
succeeded in inducing her husband to adopt Tiberius as Caesar and
coregent. The death of Justin (578), however, did not bring about the
hoped-for consummation of her relations with Tiberius. Tiberius II
(578-82) had a wife in his native village, and now for the first time
presented her in the capital. After his accession to the throne, he
revered the Empress Sophia as a mother, and even when the disappointed
woman began to place obstacles in his path, he was forbearing, and
treated her with respect while keeping her a prisoner.</p>
<p id="b-p658" shownumber="no">The dynasty of Justin originated in Illyria. At the death of the
Emperor Anastasius, Justin I (518-27), like his successor Tiberius,
commander of the palace guard, by shrewdly availing himself of his
opportunities succeeded in seizing the reins of-power. Even during the
reign of Justin, Justinian, his nephew, and heir-presumptive to the
throne, played an important role in affairs. He was by nature peculiar
and slow. Unlike his uncle, he had received an excellent education. He
might justly be called a scholar; at the same time he was a man of
boundless activity. As absolute monarch, like Philip II of Spain, he
developed an almost incredible capacity for work. He endeavoured to
master all the departments of civil life, to gather in his hands all
the reins of government. The number of rescripts drawn up by Justinian
is enormous. They deal with all subjects, though towards the end by
preference with dogmatic questions, as the emperor fancied that he
could put an end to religious quarrels by means of bureaucratic
regulations. He certainly took his vocation seriously. On sleepless
nights he was frequently seen pacing his apartments absorbed in
thought. His whole concept of life was serious to the point of being
pedantic. We might therefore wonder that such a man should choose as
his consort a woman of the demi monde. No doubt Procopius, "a
chamberlain removed from the atmosphere of the court, unheeded and
venomous in his sullen old age", is not veracious in all his statements
concerning the previous life of Theodora. It is certain, however, that
a daughter was born to her before she became acquainted with the crown
prince, and it is equally certain that before she married the pedantic
monarch, she had led a dissolute life. However she filled her new role
admirably. Her subsequent faultless, her influence great, but not
obtrusive. Her extravagance and vindictiveness — for she had
enemies, among them John the Cappadocian the great financial minister
so indispensable to Justinian — may well have cost the emperor
many an uneasy hour, but there was never any lasting breach.</p>
<p id="b-p659" shownumber="no">Theodora, after captivating the Crown-Prince Justinian by her genius
and witty conversation, proved herself worthy of her position at the
critical moment. It was in the year 532, five years after Justinian's
accession. Once more the people of Constantinople, through its circus
factions, sought to oppose the despotic rule then beginning. It
resulted in the frightful uprising which had taken its name from the
well-known watchword of the circus parties: 
<i>Nika</i> "Conquer". In the palace everything was given up for lost,
and himself, the heroic chief of the mercenaries, advised flight. At
this crisis Theodora saved the empire for her husband by her words:
"The purple is a good windingsheet". The Government was firm; the
opposing party weakened, the circus factions were shorn of their
political influence and the despotic government of Justinian remained
assured for the future.</p>
<p id="b-p660" shownumber="no">It is well known what the reign of Justinian (527-65) meant for the
external and internal development of the empire. The boundaries of the
empire were extended, Africa was reconquered for a century and a half,
all Italy for some decades. The Byzantine power was established, for a
time, even in some cities of the Spanish coast. Less successful were
his Eastern wars. Under Justin and the aged Kavadh, war with Persia had
again broken out. On the accession of the great Chosroes I, Nushirvan
(531-79), in spite of the peace of 532, which Justinian hoped would
secure for him liberty of action in the West, Chosroes allowed him no
respite. Syria suffered terribly from pillaging incursions, Lazistan
(the ancient Colchis) was taken by the Persians and a road thereby
opened to the Black Sea. Only after the Greeks resumed the war more
vigorously (549) did they succeed in recapturing Lazistan, and in 562
peace was concluded.</p>
<p id="b-p661" shownumber="no">Nevertheless the Persian War was transmitted as an unwelcome legacy
to the successors of Justinian. In 571 strife broke out anew in
Christian Armenia owing to the activity of the Mazdeistic Persians.
While the Romans gained many brilliant victories their opponents also
obtained a few important successes. Suddenly affairs took an unexpected
turn. Hormizdas, the son and successor of Chosroes I (579-90), lost
both life and crown in an uprising. His son, Chosroes II, Parvez
(590-628), took refuge with the Romans. Mauritius, who was then emperor
(582-602) received the fugitive and by the campaign of 591
reestablished him on the throne of his fathers. Thus the relations of
the empire with the Persians seemed at last peaceful. Soon, however
Mauritius himself was deposed and murdered on the occasion of a
military sedition. The centurion Phocas (602-10) seized the helm of the
Byzantine state. Chosroes, ostensibly to avenge his friend, the
murdered emperor, forthwith resumed the offensive. The administration
of Phocas proved thoroughly inefficient. The empire seemed to swerve
out of its old grooves, the energetic action of some patriots, however,
under the leadership of nobles high in the Government, and the call of
Heraclius, saved the situation, and after a fearful conflict with the
powers of the East, lasting over a hundred years, Byzantium rose again
to renewed splendour.</p>
<p id="b-p662" shownumber="no">It is a noteworthy feet that Lombard and Syrian chroniclers call the
Emperor Mauritius the first "Greek" emperor. The transformation of the
Roman State, with Latin as the official language, into a Greek State
had become manifest. During the reign of Mauritius the rest of
Justinian's conquests in Italy and Africa were placed under the civil
administration of military governors or exarchs. This is symptomatic.
The separation of civil and military power, which had been inaugurated
in the happier and more peaceful days at the end of the third century,
had outlived its usefulness. During the period of the Arabian conflicts
under the Heraclean dynasty, the old Roman system of combining civil
and military power was established in a new form. The commander of a 
<i>thema</i> (regiment) was charged with the supervision of the civil
authorities in his military district. The old diocesan and provincial
divisions disappeared, and military departments became administrative
districts.</p>
<p id="b-p663" shownumber="no">It is manifest that Justinian's policy of restoration ended in a
miserable failure. The time for a Roman Empire in the old sense of the
term, with the old administrative system, was past. It is unfortunate
that the rivers of blood which brought destruction upon two Germanic
states, the robber Vandals and the noble East Goths, and the enormous
financial sacrifice of the eastern half of the empire had no better
outcome. If despite all this, the name of Justinian is inscribed in
brilliant letters in the annals of the world's history, it is owing to
other achievements: his codification of the laws and his enterprise as
a builder. It was the fortune of this emperor to be contemporary with
the artistic movement which, rising in Persia, gained the ascendancy in
Syria and spread over Asia Minor and thence to Constantinople and the
West. It was the merit of Justinian that he furnished the pecuniary
means, often enormous for the realization of these artistic
aspirations. His fame will endure so long as Saint Sophia at
Constantinople endures, and so long as hundreds of pilgrims annually
visit the churches of Ravenna. This is not the place to enumerate the
architectural achievements of Justinian, ecclesiastical and secular,
bridges, forts, and palaces. Nor shall we dwell upon his measures
against the last vestiges of heathenism, or his suppression of the
University of Athens (529). On the other hand, there is one phase of
his activity as a ruler to which reference must be made here, and which
was the necessary counterpart of his policy of conquest in the West and
issued in as great a failure. The Emperors Zeno and Anastasius had
sought remedies for the difficulties raised by the Council of
Chalcedon. It was Zeno who commissioned Acacius the great Patriarch of
Constantinople — the first, perhaps, who took the title of
Ecumenical Patriarch — to draft the formula of union known as the
"Henoticon" (482). This formula cleverly evaded the Chalcedon
decisions, and made it possible for the Monophysites to return to the
imperial Church. But the gain on one side proved a loss on the other.
Under existing conditions, it did not matter much that Rome protested,
and again and again demanded the erasure of the name of Acacius from
the diptychs. It was much more important that the capital and Europe as
well as the chief Greek cities, showed hostility to the Henoticon. The
Greeks, moreover, were attached to their national Church, and they
regarded the decrees of Chalcedon as an expression of their national
creed. The Emperor Anastasius was a Monophysite by conviction and his
religious policy irritated the West. At last, when he installed in the
patriarchal See of Constantinople Timotheus, an uncompromising
Monophysite, and at the Synod of Tyre had the decrees of Chalcedon
condemned, and the Henoticon solemnly confirmed, a tumult arose at the
capital, and later in the Danubian provinces, headed by Vitalian, a
Moesian Anastasius died (518), and, under Justin I, Vitalian, who had
received from Anastasius the appointment as magister militum per
Thraciam, remained all-powerful. He acted throughout as the enemy of
the Monophysites and the champion of Chalcedonian orthodoxy. He urged
the union with Rome, which must render the breach with the Eastern
Churches final. This union was consummated in 519; the conditions were
the removal of the name of Acacius from the diptychs, and the
banishment of over fifty bishops of Asia Minor and Syria who were
opposed to the Chalcedonian decrees. A year later the government of
Justin rid itself of the too powerful Vitalian by having him
assassinated. The union with Rome, however, was not disturbed. When, in
the year 525, Pope John I appeared in Constantinople on a mission from
the Ostrogoth King Theodoric, he celebrated High Mass in Latin and took
precedence before the ecumenical patriarch. We know that at the time
Justinian was the actual ruler; it may be conjectured what motive
inspired him to allow this. His plan for the conquest of the West made
it desirable for him to win the papacy over to his side, and consummate
the ecclesiastical union with the Latins. These views he held
throughout his reign. Theodora, however, thought otherwise. She became
the protectress of the Monophysites. Egypt owed to her its years of
respite; under her protection Syria ventured to reestablish its
Anti-Chalcedonian Church she encouraged the Monophysite missions in
Arabia Nubia, and Abyssinia. The empress did not even hesitate to
receive the heads of the Monophysite opposition party in her palace,
and when, in 536 Anthimus, Patriarch of Constantinople, was, at the
instance of Pope Agapetus, deposed for his Asiatic propensities, she
received the fugitive into the women's apartments, where he was
discovered at the death of the empress (548). He had spent twelve years
within the walls of the imperial palace under the protection of the
Augusta. There are reasons to suspect that Justinian did not altogether
disapprove of his consort's policy. It was but a half-way attempt to
win over the Monophysites. Could they indeed, ever be won over?</p>
<p id="b-p664" shownumber="no">The spectacle of this emperor wearing out his life in the vain
effort to restore the unity of the empire, in faith, law, and custom is
like the development of a tragedy; his endeavours only tended to widen
the breach between those nations which most needed each other's support
— those of the Balkan Peninsula and of Asia Minor, Syria, and
Egypt. With all his dogmatic experiments the emperor did not succeed in
reconciling the parties or devising a feasible method of bringing the
parts of the empire to co-operate with one another. His successors had
no better success Even the conciliatory measures of John the Faster,
Patriarch of the capital (582-95), were of no avail. The conquest of
the East by the Arabs, in the seventh century brought a cessation of
this movement towards the differentiation of the East into separate
nations — a cessation which, to be sure, involved for most of the
Syrian and Egyptian Christians the loss of their faith.</p>
<h4 id="b-p664.1">2. Founding of the Real Byzantine State (610-717)</h4>
<p id="b-p665" shownumber="no">Salvation from the Arab peril came through the energetic dynasty of
Heraclius, which flourished for five generations. Three of the rulers
were characterized by extraordinary will power and striking
intellectual ability: Heraclius (610-41), Constans (642-68), and
Constantine, called Pogonatus, or the Bearded (668-85). The year 685
marks the beginning of the dynastic decline. Justinian II (685-95, and
705-11) had inherited the excellent qualities of his ancestors but
grotesquely distorted; he had the instincts of a sultan, with a touch
of Caesarian madness. Whence it came about that in 695 he was deposed.
His nose was cut off — whence the name 
<i>Rhinotmetus</i> — and he was banished to Cherson. There he
formed an alliance with the Khan of the Khazars, whose son-in-law he
became, and fled in a fishing boat over the Black Sea to the mouths of
the Danube. The Bulgarians had dwelt in this region since about 679. In
705, aided by an army of Slavs and Bulgarians, Rhinotmetus returned to
Constantinople, and the Bulgarian prince received the name of Caesar as
a reward for the help he had rendered. For the next six years the
emperor's vengeance was wreaked on all who had been his adversaries. At
last, while hastening to Cherson, where Philippicus Bardanes, an
Armenian officer, had been proclaimed emperor, Rhinotmetus was slain
near Damatrys in Asia Minor.</p>
<p id="b-p666" shownumber="no">The first dethronement of Justinian, in 695, had been accomplished
by an officer named Leontius who reigned from then until 698, and it
was in this period that the Arabs succeeded in gaining possession of
almost all Roman Africa, including Carthage. The Byzantine fleet which
had been sent to oppose this invasion revolted, while off the coast of
Crete, and raised the admiral, Apsimarus, to the purple under the title
of Tiberius III (698-705). The reign of Tiberius was not unsuccessful
but in 705 Justinian returned, and both Tiberius and Leontius (who had
meantime been living in a monastery) were beheaded. Philippicus the
Armenian, following upon the second reign of Rhinotmetus, favoured the
religious principles of his Armenian countrymen, and the people of
Byzantium raised to the throne in his stead Anastasius II (713-15), an
able civilian official who restored the orthodox faith. But when he
attempted to check the insubordination of the army, which had made
three emperors since 695, the troops of the Opsikion 
<i>thema</i> (from the territory of the Troad as far as Nicaea)
proclaimed as emperor the unwilling Theodosius (715-17), an obscure
official of one of the provinces. At the same time the Caliph Suleiman
was equipping a vast armament to ravage the frontier provinces. Thus
the empire which the army, under the great military emperors, Heraclius
Constans, and Constantine, had saved from the threatened invasion of
the Arabs, seemed fated to be brought to destruction by the selfsame
army. But the army was better than the events of the preceding
twenty-two years might seem to indicate. Leo and Artavasdus,
commanders, respectively, of the two most important 
<i>themata</i>, the Anatolic and the Armenian, combined forces.
Theodosius voluntarily abdicated and again the throne of Constantine
was occupied by a great Byzantine ruler, fitted by nature for his
position, Leo of Germanicia (now Marash) in Northern Syria.</p>
<p id="b-p667" shownumber="no">This brief review of the various rulers suffices to show that the
diseased mentality of Justinian II brought to an end the prosperous
period of the Heraclean dynasty. The attempt has been made to prove
that this prince inherited an unsound mind, and to discover
corresponding symptoms of insanity in his ancestors. This much is
certain: that a strength of will carried at times to the point of
foolhardiness and incorrigible obstinacy and a propensity to the
despotic exercise of power distinguish the whole dynasty. Even
Heraclius, by a personal inclination to which he clung in defiance of
reason and against the remonstrances of his well-wishers, placed the
peace of the State and the perpetuation of his dynasty in serious
peril. This was his passion for his niece Martina, whom he married
after the death of his first wife in defiance of all the warnings of
the great Patriarch Sergius. Martina is the only woman of any political
importance during these warlike times. Her character distinguished by a
consuming ambition, and her influence may have increased when, after
the loss of Syria to the Arabs, Heraclius, becoming afflicted with an
internal disease, fell into a state of lethargy. On the death of her
husband (641) she sought to obtain the supreme power for her own son
Heracleonas to the prejudice of her step-son Constantine. The army
recognized both princes as sovereign, a state of things which contained
the germ of further complications. Fortunately Constantine who had long
been ailing, died a few weeks after his father, and the army, ignoring
Martina and Heracleonas, placed Constans, the son of Constantine, on
the throne. Thus it was that the almost uninterrupted succession of the
three emperors, Heraclius, Constans, and Constantine IV, Pogonatus came
about.</p>
<p id="b-p668" shownumber="no">As has been repeatedly observed, the activity of these rulers was
concentrated on the Herculean task of defending the empire against the
foreign foes that were bearing down on it from all sides. Fortunately
the Avars, who from the time of Justinian had been bought off with an
annual tribute, but who as lately as 623 and 626 had besieged
Constantinople, were gradually hemmed in by the onrushing Slavs and
Bulgarians upon the Hungarian lowlands, and thereby removed from
immediate contact with the Byzantine Empire. All the more persistent,
however, were the attacks of the Slavic races. During the time of
Heraclius the Croats and Serbs established themselves in their present
homes. The Roman cities of Dalmatia had difficulty in defending
themselves. Presently the Slavs took to the sea, and by 623 they had
pushed their way as far as Crete. Still their visits were only
occasional they made no permanent settlements on the islands, and on
the mainland the larger cities escaped subjection to Slavic influence
was attacked again and again most seriously in 675, but was saved each
time by the heroism of her citizens. The Slavs, fortunately, were still
split into different tribes, so that they could be held in check by
timely expeditions, such as that which Constans had made near
Thessalonica. It was otherwise with the Bulgarians. In 635 Heraclius
concluded an alliance with their prince, Kuvrat, so as to use them in
opposing the Avars and Slavs. However, there soon arose in the
territory between the Danube and the Balkan Peninsula, under the
leadership of the Bulgarians a state composed of Slavonic and
Finnic-Ugrian elements. Their organization differed widely from that of
the Serbs and Croats, who were held together by no political bond. In
679 the Emperor Constantine Pogonatus suffered a serious defeat at the
hands of the Bulgarians; by 695 things had come to such a pass that
Justinian II reconquered Constantinople through Bulgarian assistance.
In later centuries the Bulgarian State became Byzantium's most
dangerous European foe.</p>
<p id="b-p669" shownumber="no">But at this period its most formidable enemies were its neighbours,
the Persians. It will be recalled how Anastasius and Justinian I had
fought with this nation, and how, in the peace of 562, Lazistan at
least had been held as a guarantee of Byzantine supremacy over the
trade routes to Central Asia. The twenty years' war (571-91) brought
many vicissitudes. At last the Emperor Mauritius obtained possession of
Dara and Martyropolis, in Syria, as well as the greater part of
Armenia. Nisibis, however, remained Persian. So far, an important
advantage had been gained for Byzantium. But the assassination of
Mauritius effected a marked change. Chosroes II, Parvez, commenced war
against the usurper Phocas which he continued against his successor,
Heraclius. In 606 Dara fell, and in 608 the Persians appeared for the
first time before Chalcedon. In 611 they captured Antioch and the
eastern part of Asia Minor in 613 Damascus, and in 614 Jerusalem. The
True Cross fell into their hands and was carried off to Persia. In 615
a Persian army stood before Chalcedon for the second time. In 619 they
conquered Ancyra in Asia Minor, and even Egypt. Heraclius saved himself
splendidly from this terrible situation. In three daring campaigns
(622-28) he freed Armenia from her oppressors By the peace of 628
Armenia and Syria were recovered. On 14 September, 629, the True Cross,
restored by the Persians, was again set up in Jerusalem, and in 629
Egypt likewise was wrested from the Persians. Then came the fearful
reverses consequent on the Arab rising; in 635 Damascus fell; in 637
Jerusalem was surrendered by the Patriarch Sophronius, after a siege of
two years. At first (634) Heraclius himself came to Antioch to organize
the campaign, then followed the lethargy due to his sickness, and he
supinely allowed the Arabs to advance. At his death (641) Egypt was
virtually lost; on 29 September, 643, Amru entered Alexandria, in 647
the province of Africa, and in 697 its capital, Carthage, fell into the
hands of the Arabs. Meanwhile the Arabs had built a navy, and soon the
war raged on all sides. They had taken Cyprus in 648; in 655 they first
thought of attacking Constantinople. Fortunately their fleet was
vanquished off the Lycian coast. Later they established themselves in
Cyzicus, and from 673 to 677 menaced the capital. At the same time they
conquered Armenia (654) and ravaged Asia Minor. In 668 they pushed on
to Chalcedon. During all these losses, the Greeks could show only one
step gained — or rather one successful to safeguard their power.
Many Christian families emigrated from Asia Minor and Syria to Sicily
Lower Italy, and Rome, thus strengthening the Byzantine power in the
West, and the Emperor Constans could use Sicily as a base for the
reconquest of Africa (662). He is thought to have intended making Rome
once more the capital of the empire. In 668, however, he was murdered
in Syracuse during a military uprising, and with him these vast plans
came to an end. His son, Constantine IV was very young at the time of
his accession; still he was not only able to assert his authority in
the face of an unruly army, but soon like his father and great
grandfather, proved himself a brave warrior and displayed consummate
generalship against the Arabs, the Slavs, and the Bulgarians.</p>
<p id="b-p670" shownumber="no">The splendid prowess of Byzantium is still brilliantly apparent, in
spite of these losses. This was due, in the first place, to its
excellent military equipment. The period of the Arab peril, a peril
which at a later date in the West, during the time of Charles Martel,
saw the introduction of cavalry wearing defensive armour in place of
the Roman and Germanic infantry, marked a like innovation in the East,
at an earlier period. The Byzantine cuirassiers, or cataphracti
probably originated at this time. Moreover, the State was now
thoroughly organized on military lines. The system of 
<i>themata</i>, after the model of the exarchate of Ravenna and Africa,
found acceptance in Asia Minor, and gradually spread through the whole
empire. The 
<i>thema</i> of the Cibyrrhaeots, in southern Asia Minor, belonged to
the districts which during the Roman Republic had produced the most
notorious pirates. In the Saracen wars the fleet played a very
important part; the Byzantine victory, therefore, showed that the
Byzantine fleet was not only equal to that of the Arabs in point of men
and solidity of construction but had an important technical advantage.
During the great leaguer of Constantinople, from April to September,
673, Callinicus a Syrian, is said to have taught the Greeks the use of
gunpowder, or "Greek fire".</p>
<p id="b-p671" shownumber="no">It remains to discuss the ecclesiastical disputes of the seventh
century. At first everything seemed to point towards a compromise. The
Persian invasions, which had swept over the Christian peoples of the
Orient since 606, probably strengthened a feeling of kinship among
Christian nations. Even during his Armenian campaign, Heraclius began
to prepare the way for the union with the Oriental Churches. He was
supported in his efforts by Sergius, Patriarch of Constantinople, and
Pope Honorius I. As a basis of dogmatic unity, Heraclius proclaimed as
a formula of faith the "union of the two Natures of the God-Man through
the Divine-human energy". Everything seemed propitious, the only
opponent of the movement being Sophronius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, who
was afterwards forced to surrender the city to the Arabs. His
antagonism lent the opposition movement stability and permanence in his
effort to conciliate the Monophysites, in his "Ecthesis" of 638
emphasized still more emphatically the union of the two natures by one
will (Monothelitism). Immediately the West — and particularly
Africa, the scene of St. Maximus's labours — set up the standard
of opposition. It was of no avail that Emperor Constans II in his
"Typus" (648) forbade all contention over the number of wills and
energies, and that he caused Pope Martin I, as well as St. Maximus, to
be apprehended and banished to Cherson. The West was temporarily
defeated, though destined finally to conquer. After Syria, Egypt, and
Africa had been lost to the Arabs, there was no further object in
trying to establish Monothelitism. At the Sixth Ecumenical Council
(680-81) orthodoxy was reestablished by the Emperor Constantine IV.
That this move was in harmony with the desire of the Greek people, was
evident during the reign of Philippicus, the Armenian. His attempt to
restore Monothelitism in the Rome of the East resulted in his
dethronement. Once more the Greeks had cut themselves loose from the
Armenians, whether to the advantage of the empire is a question which
receives various answers.</p>
<h4 id="b-p671.1">3. Iconoclasm (717-867)</h4>
<p id="b-p672" shownumber="no">During this period two dynasties occupied the throne, each lasting
for several generations. Both were of Eastern origin, the one from
Northern Syria, the other from Phrygia. Leo V (813-20) also was of
Oriental extraction. On the other hand, Nicephorus I (802-11) and his
son-in-law Michael I, Rhangabe (811-13), were Greeks. In other words,
the government of the empire became orientalized. This racial
antagonism must be borne in mind in order to grasp the bitterness of
the religious contentions of the period. The same period shows a second
dynastic anomaly: for the first and last time there is an empress on
the throne not as regent, but with the full title 
<i>Basileus.</i> This is Irene, perhaps the most disagreeable character
of all the great Byzantine women. Like Athenais, she was an Athenian,
but in the charm of the Muses she was totally lacking. Two passions
possessed her soul: ambition and religious fanaticism, but her piety
was of a strange kind. She persisted in her devotion to her party with
the unswerving conviction that her opinion was right, and she did not
hesitate to commit the most atrocious crimes of which a woman could be
guilty in order to ruin her son morally and physically. Not without
reason has Irene been compared to Catherine de' Medici. On the death of
her husband, Leo IV (775-80), in her desire for power she strove to
keep her son as a minor as long as possible, and finally to set him
aside altogether. Of her own authority she canceled the betrothal of
Constantine VI (780-97) to Rotrud, the daughter of Charlemagne, and
forced him to marry Maria, an Armenian, a woman wholly distasteful to
him. When the seventeen-year-old emperor showed a disposition to escape
her power, she had him scourged with rods. She finally lent her
sanction to his marriage with a woman of the court, Theodota, a union
regarded by the Church as bigamous. In this way she thought to make his
accession to power impossible. The worst, however, was still to come.
Irene took advantage of an uprising to rid herself of her son
permanently. Constantine VI, blinded at the command of his mother,
ended his life in an obscure apartment of the imperial palace, where
Theodota bore him a son. His mother now ruled alone (797-802) until the
elevation of the grand treasurer, Nicephorus put an end to her power,
and she spent her remaining years on the island of Lesbos in sickness
and poverty.</p>
<p id="b-p673" shownumber="no">Irene is honoured as a saint in the Greek Church because at the
Seventh General Synod of Nicaea (787), she obtained important
concessions in the matter of the veneration of images. Though the
adoration of images, as well as other abusive practices of veneration,
which had already been condemned as idolatrous, were again wholly
forbidden, prostrate veneration, incense, and candles were permitted.
Theodora achieved a similar prominence. After the fall of Irene, the
Iconoclasts again gained the upper hand, and the brief reign of Michael
I, who supplanted his brother-in-law Stauracius (811), was powerless to
change this. The Emperor Theophilus (829-42) in the vigour of his
religious persecution approached the energetic Constantine V (741-75),
known to the opposite party, and later to historians, by the insulting
epithet of Copronymus. When Theodora became regent, through the early
death of her husband, she introduced milder measures. A compromise was
effected between the parties. At the synod of 843 permission was given
for the veneration of images, and at the same time the anathema was
removed from the name of the Emperor Theophilus. In order to remove it,
Theodora, it is said, was guilty of a pious fraud and the false
declaration that the emperor, before his death, had been converted to
the veneration of images. Of more importance, however, is the feet that
the members of the ecclesiastical party by removing the anathema
against the emperor yielded to state authority, and while victorious in
the dogmatic controversy acknowledged that they were vanquished in the
ecclesiastico-political.</p>
<p id="b-p674" shownumber="no">The questions of this time seem to have concerned matters of
far-reaching importance, problems which, despite their strange dress,
appear fundamentally quite modern and familiar. The dogmatical side of
these contests was not connected with the old controversy about the two
natures of Christ, but with the heretical views of different Oriental
sects, influenced by Judaism and Mohammedanism. The eastern frontier of
the empire in Asia Minor was the home of these multifarious sects,
which guaranteed the separate existence of the tribes which belonged to
them and regarded themselves as the "faithful" in opposition to the
state Church. Leo III, the Syrian (717-41), who saved Byzantium from
the Arabian peril, repulsed the last serious attack of the Arabs on the
capital (September, 717, to August, 718), by his reforms made the
empire superior to its foes, and brought the views of these sectaries
into the policy of the Byzantine empire. In the celebrated edict of 726
he condemned the veneration of images, a decree which he considered
part of his reforming activity. Probably he hoped by this means to
bring the people of the empire closer to Islam, to lessen the
differences between the two religions. This may be regarded as another
attempt to orientalize the empire, such as the dynasty of Heraclius and
others before had previously made. The Greek nation answered by
promptly repudiating the attempt, all the more emphatically because
here again dogmatic and national antagonisms were connected with the
struggle between Church and State.</p>
<p id="b-p675" shownumber="no">It is unjust to attribute unworthy motives to the party who called
themselves image-worshipers and rallied around such men as Plato, abbot
of the monastery of Saccudion, and his nephew Theodore, afterwards
Abbot of Studium. The fact is that the whole movement was based on a
deeply religious spirit which led to detachment from the world and
indeed to complete insensibility towards all earthly ties, even the
most legitimate. The ideal of these men is not the Christian ideal of
today; their rigorous stand might not always meet with our approval.
But it was a party that exerted a powerful influence on the people,
which could only be intensified by persecution. In this movement it
seems possible to discern the forerunner of the great reform movement
of the West during the tenth and eleventh centuries — a movement
which tended to intensify religious life and which stood for the
liberation of the Church from the control of the State.</p>
<p id="b-p676" shownumber="no">The Iconoclasts, on the other hand, represented a principle which we
know to have been forced into the Greek-Byzantine world as something
foreign. It encountered sentiments and views, however, with which it
could combine. In spite of the Christianization of Byzantium, there
remained there a residue of ancient pagan Roman ideas. The Byzantines
of this school often appear so modern to us precisely because they were
permeated with rationalistic anti-ecclesiastical sentiments. Such men
were found most frequently among the cultured classes, the high
dignitaries of Church and State. This is why Iconoclasm which was
sympathetic to this rationalistic tendency, could develop into a
general movement and why it reminds us in so many ways of the
rationalistic movement of the eighteenth century; it also explains why
the Iconoclastic emperors always found supporters in the higher ranks
of the clergy. Thus it was that Leo III conducted his attack against
the protesting popes through the Patriarch Anastasius. When Pope
Gregory II refused to recognize the edict of 726, the emperor withdrew
from his jurisdiction Sicily, Lower Italy, and Illyria, and placed them
under the Patriarch of Constantinople. Constantine Copronymus had
similar support. Upheld by prelates in favour of a national Church, he
once more, through the council of 754, prohibited the veneration of
images. We know of the numerous martyrdoms caused by the execution of
the decree, and how the Empress Irene, herself a friend of the
"image-worshipers", finally yielded. There soon followed the reaction
of the Icon under Leo V the Armenian, and the Phrygian dynasty, and at
last the legal restoration of image-worship by Theodora. We have
already seen that this victory of the orthodox party, viewed from an
ecclesiastico-political standpoint, was not complete. The reason of
this partial defeat lay not in the existence of a party among the
higher clergy favouring a national Church, but in the fact that the
orthodox party gradually lost their hold on the people. We know how the
antagonism of the Greeks to the Latins had gradually grown more
intense. It was regarded as unpatriotic when Theodore of Studium and
his friends so openly declared for Rome. The strength of this National
Church movement came into most perfect evidence with the advent of the
great Photius. His rise and the fall of the Patriarch Ignatius were
connected with a shabby court intrigue, the Patriarch Ignatius having
ventured to oppose the all-powerful Bardas during the reign of Michael
III (842-67). At first the proceedings of Photius differed in no
respect from those of a common office-seeker. But by opposing the
claims of Old Rome to Bulgarian obedience he suddenly gained immense
popularity, and thus paved the way for the ultimate separation of the
Greek and Latin Churches.</p>
<p id="b-p677" shownumber="no">It was Boris (852-88), the Bulgarian Tsar, who stirred up the entire
question. With the help of St. Clement, a disciple of Methodius, the
Apostle of the Slavs, he had introduced Christianity among his people,
on the occasion of his own baptism, the Emperor Michael III was
sponsor. Soon afterwards Boris tried to withdraw from the influence of
East Rome, and enter into closer relations with Old Rome. At the same
time the Holy See renewed its claims to the Illyrian obedience.
Photius's answer was the 
<i>egkuklios epistole</i> (circular letter) of 867, by which he sought
to establish the separation from Old Rome both in ritual and in dogma.
In spite of the many vacillations of Byzantine polities between the
partisans of Ignatius and those of Photius during the next decades,
this was the first decisive step towards the schism of 1054.</p>
<p id="b-p678" shownumber="no">During this whole period the Bulgarians had given great trouble to
the Byzantine Empire. The Emperor Nicephorus I fell in battle against
them, and his successors warded them off only with the greatest
difficulty. Equally violent were the wars against the Saracens and the
Slavs. There was no second investment of the capital by the Syrian
Arabs, it is true, though on the other hand, in 860 the city was hard
pressed by the Varangian Ros, but all the more danger was to be
apprehended from the Arabs who had been expelled from Spain and had
settled in Egypt in 815. In 826 they conquered Crete, and about the
same time the Arabs of Northern Africa began to settle in Sicily, a
migratory movement which finally resulted in the complete loss of the
island to the Byzantines. As once they had come from Syria and Asia
Minor so now many Greek families migrated to Lower Italy and the
Peloponnesus. The Christianization and hellenization of the Slavs was
now begun, and soon produced rich fruits. It is difficult, as we have
already said, to determine how great an admixture of Slavic blood flows
in the veins of the Greeks of today, on the other hand, it is certain
that the Slavs have left many traces of their laws and customs. The
agrarian law dating, possibly, from the time of the Emperor Leo III,
shows the strength of the Slavic influence on the development of the
Byzantine agrarian system.</p>
<p id="b-p679" shownumber="no">It remains to touch on the relations between the Byzantine Empire
and the West during this period. In the West, the Frankish nation had
gradually taken the lead of all other Germanic peoples. As we know, the
relations of Byzantium with these nations were always somewhat
unstable. One thing only had remained unchanged: the Byzantine rulers,
as legitimate successors of the Roman emperors, had always maintained
their claim to sovereignty over the Germanic peoples. For the most part
this had been unconditionally admitted, as is evident from the coinage.
At the time of the Empress Irene, however, a great change set in. The
restoration of the Roman Empire of the West by Charlemagne (800) was
the signal for a complete break with all previous traditions. The West
stood now on the same footing as the East. As we know, this important
step had been taken in full accord with the papacy. Historically, it is
thus a part of the controversies which began with the withdrawal of
Illyrian obedience, and culminated in the 
<i>egkuklios epistole</i> of Photius. The idea of a national imperial
Church seemed to prevail in both East and West; to be sure this was
only seemingly so, for the popes did not give up their universal
supremacy, but soon began again to utilize politically their
advantageous location midway between East and West.</p>
<h4 id="b-p679.1">4. Period of Political Balance (867-1057)</h4>
<p id="b-p680" shownumber="no">The period of the highest development of Byzantine power was not
dynastically the most fortunate. Seldom has there been such an
accumulation of moral filth as in the family of Basil the Macedonian
(867-86). The founder of the house, a handsome hostler of Armenian
extraction, from the vicinity of Adrianople, attracted the notice of a
high official by his powerful build and his athletic strength and later
gained the favour of the dissolute emperor Michael III, the last of the
Phrygian emperors. Basil was also a favourite with women. His relations
with the elderly Danielis of Patras, whom he had met whilst in the
retinue of his master, were most scandalous. The gifts of this
extremely wealthy woman laid the foundations of Basil's fortune. The
depth of his baseness, however, is best seen in his marriage to the
emperor's mistress, Eutocia Ingerina. Michael III stipulated that
Eutocia should remain his mistress, so that it is impossible to say who
was the father of Leo VI, the Wise (886-912). His physical frailty and
taste for learned pursuits during his reign the Code of the Basilica
was prepared in sixty books — as also the mutual aversion between
Basil and Leo are no evidence for the paternity of the Macedonian. If
this view be correct Basil's line was soon extinct; as his real son,
Alexander, reigned only one year (912-13). Constantine VII,
Porphyrogenitus (913-59), the long wished-for heir, by the fourth
marriage of Leo the Wise, inherited the learned tastes of his father,
but was not completely deficient in energy. It is true he left the
government at first to his father-in-law, Romanus I, Lacapenus
(919-44), and later to his wife Helena, still, when Romanus had become
too overbearing, Constantine VII showed himself possessed of enough
initiative to enlist the aid of Stephen and Constantine, sons of
Romanus, in overthrowing the power of their father, and, later, to set
aside his brothers-in-law (945). In Romanus II (959-63) the dissolute
nature of his great-grandfather Michael III reappeared. His reign,
fortunately, lasted only a few years, and then Theophano, his widow,
the daughter of an innkeeper, took into her hands the reins of
government, for her minor sons. Circumstances compelled her marriage
with Knifers II, Phocas (963-69), an old and fanatically religious
warrior. He is the first of that series of great military leaders who
occupied the Byzantine throne, and who soon raised the empire to
undreamed of heights of power. As in the dynasty of Heraclius three of
these reigned in succession Nicephorus II, John Zimisces, and Basil II.
John I, Zimisces (969-76), was the nephew of Nicephorus, but very
unlike him. The younger man was as joyous and life-loving in
disposition as the older was grim and unlovable. Theophano, therefore,
did not hesitate to introduce into the palace the murderer of her
morose husband. But like Sophia, niece of the great Theodora, she saw
her hopes dashed to the ground. The new emperor confined her in a
convent and, to legitimize his power married Theodora, sister of Basil
and Constantine, the two young emperors. Like his uncle, John Zimisces
was only coregent but he showed great force in his administration of
affairs. At his death the elder of the young emperors was competent to
take charge of the State. Luckily, Basil II (976-1025) proved as
capable a military leader as his two predecessors. It was under his
brother, Constantine VIII (1026-28), that the reaction set in. In
opposition to the great imperial generals who had brought the empire to
an unhoped for pinnacle of power, a civilian party had grown up which
had for its aim the curtailment of military power. This party was
successful during the reigns of Constantine and his successors
Constantine VIII left two daughters, Zoe and Theodora. Zoe (1028-50)
was forty-eight years of age at the death of her father, but even after
that married three times, and by her amours and her jealousy brought
many trials upon her younger sister. Zoe's three husbands Romanus III,
Argyrus (1028-34), Michael IV (1034-41), and Constantine IX, Monomachus
(1042-54) all came from the higher bureaucratic circles Thus the civil
party had gained its end. This explains why neither Zoe nor the nephew
of her second husband, whom she had adopted, and who proved so
ungrateful, Michael V (1041-42 — termed the Caulker because his
father was a naval engineer) could uphold the glory attained by the
State during the times of the great military emperors. Even generals as
great as Georgius Maniaces and Harold Hardrada — the latter,
chief of the North-German (Varangian) bodyguard which was coming more
and more into prominence — were powerless to stem the tide of the
decline. The general discontent was most manifest when Theodora, on the
death of her sister and her last surviving brother-in-law, assumed the
reins of power, and not unsuccessfully (1054-56). On her deathbed she
transferred the purple to the aged senator Michael VI, Stratioticus
(1056-57. This was the signal for the military power to protest. The
holders of great landed estates in Asia Minor gave the power instead to
one of their own faction. Isaac I, Comnenus, inaugurates a new era.</p>
<p id="b-p681" shownumber="no">During the period of its greatest power, i.e. under the military
emperors, the Byzantine State was able to expand equally in all
directions. It had its share of reverses, it is true. The most
important was the final loss of Sicily to the Saracens in 878 Syracuse
fell, and in 902 Tauromenium (Taormina), the last Byzantine stronghold
on the island, was taken by the Arabs. Two years later Thessalonica was
subjected to an appalling pillage. As compensation for the loss of
Sicily, however, the Byzantines had Lower Italy, where, since the
conquest of Bari (875) the Lombard 
<i>thema</i> had been established. This led to the renewal of relations
with the Western powers, especially with the recently founded Saxon
line. The Byzantines were still able to hold their own with these, as
formerly with the Carlovingians. Conspicuous the success of the
campaigns against the Arabs in the East: the fall of the Caliphate of
Bagdad rendered it possible to push forward the frontier towards Syria,
Melitene (928), Nisibis (942-43) Tarsus and Cyprus (965), and Antioch
(968-69) were captured in turn. About the same time (961) Crete was
wrested back from the Arabs. These were the battlefields on which the
great generals of the empire, chiefly Armenian, Paphlagonian, and
Cappadocian by race, won distinction. Under Romanus I it was the great
Armenian Kurkuas, and later the Cappadocian Nicephorus Phocas who
achieved these victories. Nicephorus, as husband of Theophano ascended
the throne, and as emperor he achieved his victorious campaign against
the Arabs. His assassination brought to the throne his nephew John
Zimisces, an Armenian, and fortunately a warrior as great as his
uncle.</p>
<p id="b-p682" shownumber="no">John made preparations for the subjugation of the Bulgarians. It
will be recalled how Tsar Boris introduced Christianity into Bulgaria
and, even at that period, thought, by ingratiating himself with Rome,
to escape from Byzantine influence Tsar Symeon (893-927) devised
another way of attaining independence. He raised his archbishop to the
rank of patriarch, thereby proclaiming the ecclesiastical autonomy of
Bulgaria. His ultimate aim became evident when he assumed the title of
Tsar of the Bulgarians and Autocrat of the Romans. This dream, however,
was not to be realized. Though Symeon had extended the boundaries of
his dominions as far as the Adriatic Sea, though he held Adrianople for
a time, and in 917 inflicted a crushing defeat on the Greeks, still,
under his successor Peter (927-69), Macedonia and Illyria shook off the
Bulgarian yoke and established a West Bulgarian State under the usurper
Shishman and his successors. Even under these trying circumstances the
policy of Byzantium was skillful: it recognized the Bulgarian
patriarchate — thus widening the breach with Rome — but on
the other hand lost no time in inciting the neighbouring peoples, the
Magyars, Petchenegs, Cumani, and Croatians, against the Bulgarians. The
Russians, also, who in 941 threatened Constantinople for the second and
last time, were stirred up against the Bulgarians. But soon it was
recognized that the devil had been expelled with the help of Beelzebub.
The grand Duke Svjatoslav of Kiev settled south of the Danube, and in
969 seized the old Bulgarian capital of Preslav for his residence. The
Emperor John Zimisces now interfered. In 971 he captured Preslav and
Silistria, but did not reestablish the Bulgarian State. Tsar Boris II
was taken to Constantinople and received as compensation the title of 
<i>Magister</i>; the Bulgarian patriarchate was suppressed. There now
remained only the West Bulgarian State under Shishman.</p>
<p id="b-p683" shownumber="no">The work begun by John Zimisces was completed by Basil II, "Slayer
of Bulgarians". In three great campaigns the Bulgarians were subjugated
with monstrous cruelty. The work, however, was accomplished. When, in
1014, the emperor celebrated his victory with imposing ceremonies in
the church of Panagia at Athens (the old Parthenon), the Greek Empire
stood on a height it was never again to reach. Basil II was succeeded
by his brother Constantine VIII, who never distinguished himself, and
by the daughters of the latter, Zoe and Theodora. The government passed
from the hands of the military party into those of high civilian
officials, and soon defeat followed on defeat. Under heroes like
Georgius Maniaces, and Harold Hardrada, it is true, headway was made
against the most various foes. But after 1021 Armenia, which had
reached a high state of prosperity under the rule of the Bagratides,
and had been annexed to Byzantine territory by Basil II and Constantine
IX, gradually passed under the sway of the Seljuk Turks, and after 1041
Lower Italy was conquered by the Normans. This is the first appearance
of the two foes who were slowly but surely to bring about the
destruction of the empire, and the worst feature of their case was that
the Greeks themselves prepared the way for their future destroyers. As
formerly Blessed Theodora and her successors had persecuted the
heterodox Paulicians, who were the brave protectors of the frontier of
Asia Minor, and whom John Zimisces later established near
Philippopolis, so now the Greek clergy were treating the Bulgarians and
Armenians most harshly. The Western Church also at times wounded
national feelings and sometimes provoked the hostility of individual
nations by financial exactions. It would be difficult, however, to
point out in the history of Rome such complete disregard of the
obligations of the universal Church as was shown by the Patriarchs of
Constantinople. It is not a matter for surprise, then, that the
oppressed nations became more and more alienated from Byzantium and
finally welcomed hostile invasions as a sort of relief, though of
course ultimately they found out their error. This turned out to be the
ease not only in Bulgaria, but also in North Syria, Armenia, and the
eastern part of Asia Minor which contained a large Armenian
population.</p>
<p id="b-p684" shownumber="no">There was another circumstance that caused the Seljuk Turks to
appear as liberators. In the course of the preceding centuries, a body
of provincial nobility had been in process of formation in all parts of
the empire. In Asia Minor — for conditions were not the same in
all parts of the empire — this nobility acquired its predominance
from its large landed possessions. And this, indeed, is reason for
believing that no monetary system of economies existed in the older
Byzantine Empire, and that the power of capitalism did not originate on
its soil. Rich families invested their wealth in landed possessions,
and the poorer population had to make way for them. This decline of the
peasantry was a grave menace to the empire, the military strength of
which declined with the decline of popular independence. Moreover, this
monopolization of the land tended to undermine a miltary institution
— that of feudal tenures. It is not known when this institution
originated, possibly it was an inheritance from the Roman Empire,
developed afresh, during the struggles with the Arabs in the form of
cavalry fiefs on the frontiers of Asia Minor and Syria, and as naval
fiefs in the Cibyrrhaeot 
<i>thema.</i> But in any case, the danger to this institution was
recognized at court, and attempts were made to meet it. Romanus I,
Lacapenus, descended from an Armenian family of archons, seems to have
been the first to devise legislation against the further extension of
the landed interests Other measures date from Constantine VII,
Porphyrogenitus, Romanus II, and Nicephorus II, Phocas. Nicephorus II,
also, was descended from a Cappadocian family of great landed
proprietors, but this did not prevent him from vigorously continuing
the policy of Romanus I. His stern piety — for the old warrior,
after the death of his wife and his only son always wore a hair shirt,
never ate meat, and slept on the bare floor — did not prevent his
opposing the further extension of ecclesiastical property. For
ecclesiastical, particularly monastic, holdings had gradually begun to
absorb the estates of smaller land-holders. These measures against the
Church were one of the causes of the fall of old Nicephorus and of the
elevation of light-hearted young John Zimisces to the throne. Still,
even under John Zimisces and Basil II, the struggle of the great landed
interests continued. It was only the reaction after the death of Basil
that gave the aristocratic party the final victory. It gained strength
under the regime of the civilian emperors. Ultimately this party was
strong enough to decide the succession to the imperial crown.</p>
<h4 id="b-p684.1">5. Period of Centrifugal Tendencies (1057-1203)</h4>
<p id="b-p685" shownumber="no">The powerful body of landed proprietors were of advantage to the
empire in one particular. Since the decline of the old military
organization they upheld the military prestige of the empire. This was
all the more significant because, unfortunately, since the revival of
learning an antagonism had arisen between the civil officials, who had
studied in the schools of the rhetoricians, and the officers of the
imperial army. We have already noted that during the last years of the
so-called Macedonian dynasty, under the empresses Zoe and Theodora, the
influence of the civil-service party was all-powerful. For that very
reason a council of the landed proprietors of Asia Minor raised Isaac
Comnenus (1057-59), much against his will, to the throne. Isaac
regarded the crown as a burden. Weary of strife with the senatorial
aristocracy, he soon gave up the sceptre and retired to the monastery
of Studium. He considered himself defeated and accordingly designated
as his successor not his capable brother John, and his sons, but an
official high in the civil service, Constantine X, Ducas (1059-67), a
man who during Isaac's brief reign had greatly assisted the emperor,
who was wholly unversed in affairs of administration. This meant a
fresh victory for the civil bureaucracy, who signalized their accession
to power by setting aside army interests, and even the most pressing
requirements for the defense of the empire. This naturally led to a
severe retribution, and as a consequence popular sympathy reverted to
the military party. At the death of Constantine, the widowed Empress
Eutocia took a step decisive for the fate of the empire by recognizing
the need and choosing as her husband Romanus IV, Diogenes (1067-71), an
able officer and one of the heroic figures of Byzantine history.
Romanus was pursued by misfortune, and after four years the government
again fell into the hands of the civil party. Michael VII, Parapinaces
(1071-78), the pupil of Psellus, was raised to the throne. Soon the
crisis became so serious that another military emperor was placed on
the throne Nicephorus III, Botaniates (1078-81). The old man however,
was unable to bring order out of the universal chaos. The Comneni were
recalled. Alexius I, Comnenus (1081-1118), who had been excluded from
the succession by his uncle, took the reins of government and founded
the last of the great dynasties, which was to give the empire three
more brilliant rulers, Alexius I, John II, and Manuel.</p>
<p id="b-p686" shownumber="no">The splendour of the Comneni was the splendour of the setting sun.
It was a period of restoration. Men hoped again to raise literature to
the standard of the classic authors and to revive the ancient language
and thus they hoped to restore the glory of the Roman Empire. Only too
often it was merely a jugglery with high sounding words. Never were the
titles of state officials more imposing than during the period of the
Comenni; and never, on the other hand, was the empire in a more
precarious position, despite all its outward splendour. The old
Byzantine army was demoralized, foreign mercenaries had replaced the
native troops. Saddest of all was the decay of the fleet. Things had
come to such a pass that no shame was felt at being dependent on the
allied Italian seaports. Still, not a little was achieved. Clever
diplomacy replaced actual power, and Succeeded in preserving for some
time the semblance of Byzantine Supremacy. Moreover, the Greeks seem to
have learned the art of husbanding their resources better than they
had, and this was due largely to the co-operation of the Western
nations. We know for a certainty that during the time of the Comneni
ground-rents were levied in coin. This income was increased by the
heavy receipts from custom duties. In a word, the economic
administration of both Public and private business was admirable during
this period. It was most unfortunate that this splendour should be
darkened by the deep shadows of official corruption the depreciation of
currency and a total disregard of the Byzantine national, or rather
civic, conscience.</p>
<p id="b-p687" shownumber="no">Abroad, the Byzantine State was menaced, as of old, on three sides:
on the East by the Seljuk Turks, who had supplanted the Arabs; on the
West by the Normans, who had sodded the Arabs in that quarter; on the
North by the Slavs, Bulgarians, and Finnic-Ugrian (Magyars, Petchenegs,
and Cumani). All three perils were bravely met, though at the cost of
heavy losses. In 1064 the Seljuk Turk Alp-Arslan destroyed Ani, the
centre of Armenian civilization whereupon many Armenians emigrated to
Little Armenia in the Cilician Taurus. In 1071 the brave Romanus IV was
made a prisoner by the Seljuks near Mantzikert. Having been released by
the chivalrous Alp-Arslan, he was put to death in the most barbarous
manner in his own country, during the frightful revolution which placed
Michael VII on the throne. In the same year (1071) Bari was lost to the
Normans, and in 1085 Antioch was captured by the Turks. This period
also marked the beginning of the Norman raids on the Balkan Peninsula.
Between 1081 and 1085 Albania and Thessaly were threatened by Robert
Guiscard and his son Bohemund, who were twice defeated in naval
encounters by the Byzantines in league with the Venetians. On land,
however, they proved their superiority in several places, until the
death of the elder Guiscard put an end to their projects and gave the
Byzantine State half-a-century of peace in that direction. After that
period, however, the raids were renewed. In 1147 Thebes and Corinth
were taken by King Roger, on which occasion many silk-weavers were
deported to Sicily. In 1185, at the command of King William II of
Sicily Thessalonica was reduced to ashes. To the north, the outlook was
no brighter. The Byzantine State was successful it is true, in keeping
the Serbs in nominal subjection, and in entering into diplomatic and
family relations with the royal family of Hungary, but the Bulgarians
finally broke loose from Byzantine control. In 1186 they established
their new kingdom at Tirnovo, with an autocephalous archbishopric Soon
after this they began once more to push farther to the west and thus
laid the foundation of their present ethnographic homes in Thrace and
Macedonia.</p>
<p id="b-p688" shownumber="no">These heavy reverses, however, were counterbalanced by successes at
the same time it was of great moment that this period marked the
beginning of that great movement of the West towards the East the
Crusades. The Byzantine Empire derived great advantage from this, and
in some respects fully realized the fact. Even the First Crusade
brought about two important results: the victory of the crusaders at
Dorylaeum (1097) brought the western part of Asia Minor directly under
Byzantine control, and Antioch indirectly, through the oath of fealty
exacted of Bohemund (1108); the Second Crusade, during which the
Emperor Manuel allied himself with the Emperor Conrad III (1149),
neutralized the power of the Italian Normans. Manuel now conceived
far-reaching plans. He avenged King Roger's incursion into central
Greece (1147) by the recapture of Corfu (1149) and the occupation of
Ancona (1151), in this way becoming a factor in Italo-German
complications. He actually dreamed, as Justinian and Constans II had,
of reestablishing the Roman Empire of the West. These ambitious demands
found no favour with the popes, with whom since the quarrel about the
Norman possessions in South Italy, under the Patriarch Michael
Cerularius (1054), a final rupture had taken place. Thus the
undertaking resulted in failure. Great offence had been given to the
emperor Frederick Barbarossa, which became manifest when he allied
himself with the Seljuk Turks and the Sultan of Egypt.</p>
<p id="b-p689" shownumber="no">Byzantium also reaped great advantage from the establishment of the
principalities of the crusaders in Syria. The invasion of the East by
the crusaders also brought new dangers, which grew constantly more
menacing. Even before this the constant and manifold intercourse
between the empire and the Italian maritime states as well as the
settlement of the Amalfians, Pisans, Genoese and Venetians in Byzantine
cities, had involved many inconveniences. It is true that the victory
over the Normans in the campaign of 1081-85 was gained with the aid of
the Venetians, but by 1126 war was in progress with Venice. The
commercial republics of Italy grew constantly more arrogant, demanding
trading privileges as payment for aid rendered by them, and retaliating
for any slights by hostile invasions. It was only the rivalries of the
Italian cities that enabled the Byzantines to maintain their supremacy
in their own country. As a matter of fact, the Italians had long
regarded the empire merely as their prey, and so it was inevitable that
the hatred of the Greek nation should be slowly gathering strength.
Even the spirit of the administration had long since become Western
— the Emperor Manuel lived like a Western knight and twice
married European princesses — when it became evident that the
pent-up hatred must soon break forth. The crisis came after the death
of Manuel, during the regency of his second wife Maria of Antioch, and
with frightful results. At the head of the movement was a man wholly
devoid of principle, but of great personal charm and magnetism. This
was Adronicus the Liberator (1183-85), at that time about sixty-seven
years of age. The movement began (1182) with the appalling slaughter of
the Latins; Andronicus was placed on the throne (1183), and in 1184 the
young Emperor Alexius was assassinated. The Latins, however, took a
terrible vengeance. In 1185 Dyrrachium and soon afterwards Thessalonica
were captured amid frightful cruelties. These disasters reacted on the
capital. The Byzantines were no longer able to uphold their
independence, and a counter-revolution was inaugurated. The aged
Andronicus was beheaded, and the first of the Angeli, Isaac II
(1185-95, and again 1203-04), ascended the throne. We know how the
difficulties between Isaac and his elder brother Alexius III
(1195-1203) resulted in an appeal by the dethroned emperor to his
brother-in-law, Philip of Swabia, and how, owing to various
circumstances the Fourth Crusade was turned against Constantinople. The
Fourth Crusade ended this period of Byzantine history; the empire was
in ruins, out of which, however, deft hands contrived to build up a new
Byzantine State, and a feeble reproduction of the former
magnificence.</p>
<h4 id="b-p689.1">6. The Decline (1203-1453)</h4>
<p id="b-p690" shownumber="no">The fact that there had been no regular order of succession made the
Byzantine throne the focus of numerous dissensions. It is undeniable,
however, that this often redounded to the advantage of the State,
inasmuch as military and palace revolutions frequently brought the most
capable men to the head of affairs at a decisive moment. The sentiment
in favour of dynastic succession however, had been gaining ground under
the so-called Macedonian dynasty. The views of Constantine
Porphyrogenitus furnish clear evidence of this, a proof even stronger
is the touching devotion exhibited by the people towards Zoe and
Theodora, the last representatives of that dynasty. Still the last
period of Byzantine history thrice witnessed the accession of men
outside the regular line of succession. John III, Vatatzes (1222-54),
set aside his brother-in-law, Constantine, thus becoming the immediate
successor of Theodore Lascaris. A military revolution placed Michael
VIII, Palaeologus (1259-82), at the head of the State, in place of the
child John IV, Lascaris (1258-59). John VI, Cantacuzene (1341-55),
contrived to obtain possession of the sovereign power under similar
circumstances. It may be said of John Vatatzes and Michael Palaeologus
that events alone justified the interruption of the order of
succession. But the elevation of John Cantacuzene must be counted, like
the family dissensions of the Palaeologi, as among the most unfortunate
occurrences of the empire. It is a sorry spectacle to see Andronicus II
(1282-1328) dethroned by his grandson Andronicus III (1328-41) and
immured in a monastery, and John V (1341-76 and 1379-91) superseded
first by Cantacuzene then by his own son Andronicus IV (1376-79), and
finally by his grandson John VII (1390). It is true that the
neighbouring states, the Turkish Empire in particular, were rent with
similar dissensions. The house of the Palaeologi, moreover, produced
some capable rulers, such as Michael VIII, Manuel II (1391-1425),
Constantine XI (1448-53). Still, the contests for the throne, at a
period when the imperial glory was manifestly on the wane, could not
but be ruinous to the best interests of the empire, and contribute
mightily to its dissolution.</p>
<p id="b-p691" shownumber="no">At first it seemed as though such capable rulers as Theodore I,
Lascaris (1204-22), John III, Vatatzes (1222-54), and Theodore II,
Lascaris (1254-58), must bring back prosperous times to the empire. It
was no small achievement, to be sure, that the Greeks were able not
only to make a brave stand against the Franks, but to expel them again
from Constantinople, a task which was all the more difficult because at
that time the Greek nation had undergone a dismemberment from which it
never recovered. The Empire of Trebizond, under the Comneni, survived
the fall of the capital on the Bosphorus (1453) for some years. The
task of reabsorbing into the body of the empire the state, or rather
the states, of the Angeli in Thessalonica, Thessaly, and Epirus was
accomplished slowly and with difficulty. It was impossible to drive the
Franks from Byzantine soil. Split up into various minor principalities
after the fall of Thessalonica (1222) and Constantinople (1261), they
settled in the central part of Greece and in the Peloponnesus, in
Crete, Euboea, Rhodes, and the smaller islands. Moreover, during the
course of the fourteenth century, the Serbs rose to unexpected heights
of power. During the reigns of Stephen Urosh II, Milutin (1281-1320),
and Stephen Dushan (1321-55), it seemed as though the Serbs were about
to realize the old dream of the Bulgars, of a Byzantine Empire under
Slavonian rule. This dream, however, was shattered by the Turkish
victory on the Field of Blackbirds (1389). It was not easy for the
Greeks to maintain themselves against so many enemies for two and a
half centuries, and it often appeared as though the end had come. The
Frankish Emperor of Constantinople, Henry (1206-16), had come very near
to destroying Greek independence, and would probably have succeeded had
he not been snatched away by an early death. A second crisis came
during the minority of the Latin Emperor Baldwin II (1228-61), when the
Frankish princes were considering the appointment of the Bulgarian Tsar
John II, Asén, as guardian of the young emperor, and regent of the
empire. The plan failed of execution only because of the stubborn
opposition of the Latin clergy, and the final choice fell on the old
King of Jerusalem, John of Brienne (1229-37). Thus the danger was
temporarily averted, and the Emperor John Vatatzes was wise enough to
gain the favour of the Bulgarian powers by prudent deference to their
wishes, as, for instance, by recognizing the Archbishop of Tirnovo as
autocephalous patriarch.</p>
<p id="b-p692" shownumber="no">The Latin Empire became dangerous for the third and last time when
the Franks began, in the year 1236, to renew their heroic attempts to
regain their conquests. John Vatatzes, however, succeeded in parrying
the blow by forming an alliance with the Emperor Frederick II, whose
daughter Anne he espoused. Even after the fall of the capital (1261),
the fugitive Frankish emperor became a source of danger, inasmuch as he
ceded to the Angevins his right as Lord Paramount of Achaia. As early
as the year 1259 there had been serious complications with the
principality of Achaia. At that time Michael VIII, by the conquest of
Pelagonia had succeeded in withstanding a coalition formed by William
of Villehardouin, Prince of Achaia, Michael II, Despot of Epirus, and
Manfred of Sicily. When Charles of Anjou replaced Manfred the situation
became more serious. In 1267 Charles captured Corfu and in 1272
Dyrrachium, soon afterwards he received at Foggia John IV, Lascaris,
who had been overthrown and blinded by Michael VIII, Palaeologus. In
this crisis Palaeologus knew of no other resource than to call upon the
pope for assistance. At the Council of Lyons, his representative
Georgius Acropolites, accepted the confession of faith containing the
"Filioque", and recognized the primacy of the pope, thus securing the
political support of the papacy against Anjou. Only the Sicilian
Vespers gave him permanent immunity from danger from this source
(1282). After this the Byzantine Empire was no longer menaced directly
by the Norman peril which had reappeared in the Angevins. The
Byzantines were gradually entering into a new relationship with the
West They assumed the role of coreligionists seeking protection. But of
course the reunion of the churches was a condition of this aid, which,
as at an earlier period, was vehemently opposed by the people. The
national party had already taken a vigorous stand against the
negotiations of the Council of Lyons, which had found an excellent
advocate in the patriarch, John Beccus. This opposition was made
manifest whenever there was any question of union with Rome from
political motives, and it explains the attitude of the different
factions in the last religious controversy of importance that convulsed
the Byzantine world: the Hesychast movement. This movement had its
inception at Athos and involved a form of Christian mysticism which
reminds us strongly of certain Oriental prototypes. By motionless
meditation, the eyes fixed firmly on the navel (whence their name, 
<i>Omphalopsychites</i>), the devotees pretended to attain to a
contemplation of the Divinity, and thereby absolute quietude of soul 
(<i>hesychia</i>, whence 
<i>Hesychasts</i>). The key to this movement is found in the needs of
the time, and it was not confined to the Greek world. Many Eastern
princes of this period assumed the "angel's garb", and sought peace
behind monastery walls. The sect, however, did not fail to encounter
opposition In the ensuing controversy, Barlaam, a monk of Calabria,
constituted himself in a special manner the adversary of Hesychasm. It
is significant that Barlaam's coming from Southern Italy, which was in
union with Rome, and his having been under the influence of the
Scholasticism of the West did not commend him to the good graces of the
people, but rather contributed to the victory of his adversaries.</p>
<p id="b-p693" shownumber="no">Thus the great mass of the people remained as before, thoroughly
averse to all attempts to bring about the union. The Byzantine rulers,
however, in their dire need, were obliged as a last resource to clutch
at this hope of salvation, and accordingly had to face the deepest
humiliations. When the unfortunate Emperor John V, after hastening to
the papal court at Avignon to obtain assistance for Constantinople, was
on his homeward journey, he was detained at Venice by creditors who had
furnished the money for the journey. His son, Andronicus IV who acted
as regent at Constantinople, refused to advance the requisite amount.
At last the younger son Manuel II, then regent of Thessalonica,
collected sufficient money to redeem his father (1370). Considering the
wretched state of Byzantine affairs and the unfriendly spirit of the
people, it was certainly generous that the West twice sent a
considerable body of reinforcements to the Byzantines. Both
expeditions, unfortunately, proved unsuccessful. In 1396 the Western
Christians were defeated near Nicopolis by the Sultan Bayazid, and it
was only the vigorous action of Marechal Boucicaut, who had been sent
by the French, that saved Constantinople from Conquest by the Turks.
The final catastrophe was temporarily averted by an almost fortuitous
event, the victory of Timur-Leng over the Turks near Angora (1402).
This storm quickly passed over; but soon Constantinople was again on
the verge of capture (1422). The Emperor John VIII (1423-48) once more
attempted to effect a union. At Florence (1439) it was consummated, so
far, at least, as the Florentine formula of union later served as a
basis for the union with the Orthodox Ruthenians, Rumanians, and
others.</p>
<p id="b-p694" shownumber="no">Close upon the union followed another attempt to succor
Constantinople. After some preliminary victories, however, defeat
ensued near Varna, 1444. The quarrels of various pretenders to the
throne and the lack of unity among those in power within the city
precipitated the final catastrophe. On 29 May, 1453, the Turks captured
Constantinople, and seven years later (1460) the last remnant of the
empire, the principalities on the Peloponnesus. Constantine XI, the
last emperor, by his heroic death shed lustre on the last hours of the
empire. Even the Western Christian may reflect with sadness on the
downfall of this Christian empire, once so mighty. He will also trust
in the ultimate victory of the Cross over the Crescent. But where is
the strong hand capable of bringing so many nations and religions into
ecclesiastical and political unity, which is the first requisite for
cultural and industrial prosperity?</p>
<p id="b-p695" shownumber="no">
<b>BIBLIOGRAPHY.</b> BURY, Appendixes to Gibbon's Decline and Fall of
the Roman Empire (London, 1896-19OO), KRUMBACHER, Gesch. der
byzantinischen Litteratur (Munich, 1897), GELZER, Sextus Julius
Africanus und die byzantinische Chronographie (Leipzig, 1898); HIRSCH,
Byzantinische Studien (Leipzig, 1876); POTTHAST, Bibliotheca historica
medii oevi (Berlin, 1895-97); MARC, Plan eines Corpus der griechischen
Urkunden (Munich, 1903); FINLAY, ed. TOZER, A History of Greece from
its Conquest by the Romans to the Present Time (Oxford, 1877); OMAN,
The Byzantine Empire (London, 1892);. LE BEAU, ed. SAINT-MARTIN,
Histoire du gas-Empire (Paris, 1824-36), HOPF, Gesch. Griechenlands vom
Beginn des Mittelalters bis auf unsere Zeit in ERSCH AND GRUBER,
Encyclopadie (Leipzig, 1867-68) Sec, I Vols. LXXXV, 1XXXVI; HERTZBERG,
Gesch. Griechenlands seit dem Absterben des antiken Lebens bis zur
Gegenwart (Gotha, 1876-78) IDEM, Gesch. der Byzantiner und des 8
osmanischen Reiches bis gegen Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts (Belin, 1883);
PAPARREGOPOULOS, Historia tou Ellenikou ethnous (Athens, 1887-88);
Historia tou Ellenikou ethnous (Athens, 1888); GELZER, Abriss der
byzantinischen Kaisergesch. in KRUMBACHER, Gesch. der byzantinischen
Litteratur, 911-1067, VON SCALA Byzanz in HELMOLT, Weltgesch. (Leipzig,
1904), V, ROTH, Gesch. des byzantinischen Reiches in Sammlang
Göschen (Leipzig, 1904); TORGA, The Byzantine Empire in The Temple
Cyclopoedic Primers (London, 1907); HESSELING, Essai sur la
civilisation byzantine (Paris, 1907); HIRSCH, Byzantinisches Reich in
Jahresberichte der Geschichtswissenschaft (Berlin, 1878); Byzantinische
Zeitschrift (Leipsig, 1892); Vizantiiskij Vremennik (St, Petersburg,
1894); LAMPROS ea., Nios (Athens, 1904).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p696" shownumber="no">ERNST GERLAND</p></def>

<term id="b-p696.1" title="Byzantine Literature" type="Encyclopedia">Byzantine Literature</term>
<def id="b-p696.2">
<h1 id="b-p696.3">Byzantine Literature</h1>
<p id="b-p697" shownumber="no">To grasp correctly the essential characteristics of Byzantine
literature, it is necessary first to analyze the elements of
civilization that find expression in it, and the sources whence they
spring. If Byzantine literature is the expression of the intellectual
life of the Greek race of the Eastern Roman Empire during the Christian
Middle Ages, it is evident that there is question here of an organism
not simple but multiform; a combination of Greek and Christian
civilization on the common foundation of the Roman political system,
set in the intellectual and ethnographic atmosphere of the Near East.
In Byzantine literature, therefore, four different cultural elements
are to be reckoned with: the Greek, the Christian, the Roman, and the
Oriental. Their reciprocal relations may be indicated by three
intersecting circles all enclosed within a fourth and larger circle
representing the Orient. Thus in each of the three smaller circles we
shall have to determine the influence of the Orient.</p>
<p id="b-p698" shownumber="no">The oldest of these three civilizations is the Greek. Its centre,
however, is not Athens but Alexandria; the circle accordingly
represents not the Attic but the Hellenistic civilization. Alexandria
itself, however, in the history of civilization, is not a unit, but
rather a double quantity; it is the centre at once of Atticizing
scholarship and of Graeco-Judaic racial life. It looks towards Athens
as well as towards Jerusalem. Herein lies the germ of the intellectual
dualism which thoroughly permeates the Byzantine and partly also the
modern Greek civilization, the dualism between the culture of scholars
and that of the people. Even the literature of the Hellenistic age
suffers from this dualism; we distinguish in it two tendencies, one
rationalistic and scholarly, the other romantic and popular. The former
originated in the schools of the Alexandrian sophists and culminated in
the rhetorical romance, its chief representatives being Lucian,
Achilles Tatius, Heliodorus, and Longus, the latter had its root in the
idyllic tendency of Theocritus, and culminated in the idyllic novel of
Callimachus, Musaeus, Quintus of Smyrna, and others. Both tendencies
persisted in Byzantium, but the first, as the one officially
recognized, retained predominance and was not driven from the field
until the fall of the empire. The first tendency, strong as it was,
received additional support from the reactionary linguistic movement
known as Atticism. Represented at its height by rhetoricians like
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and grammarians like Herodian and Phrynicus
at Alexandria, this tendency prevailed from the second century B.C.
onward, and with the force of an ecclesiastical dogma controlled all
subsequent Greek culture, even so that the living form of the Greek
language, even then being transformed into modern Greek, was quite
obscured and only occasionally found expression, chiefly in private
documents, though also in popular literature.</p>
<p id="b-p699" shownumber="no">While Alexandria, as an important central and conservative factor,
was thus influential in confining, and during the Byzantine period,
directing, the literary and linguistic life of the later Greek world, a
second conservative factor is found in the influence of the Roman
culture-circle on the political and judicial life of the Eastern
Empire. Alexandria, the centre of intellectual refinement, is balanced
by Rome, the centre of government. It is as a Roman Umpire that the
Byzantine State enters into history; its citizens are known as Romans 
(<i>Hromaioi</i>), its capital city as New Rome. Its laws were Roman; so
were its government, its army, and its official class, and at first
also its language and its private and public life. In short, the whole
organization of the State was that of the Roman imperial period, with
its hierarchy and bureaucracy entire and destined yet to play an
important part. To these two ancient forces, Hellenistic intellectual
culture and Roman governmental organization, are now to be added as
important expressions of the new environment, the emotional life of
Christianity and the world of Oriental imagination, the last enveloping
all the other three.</p>
<p id="b-p700" shownumber="no">It was in Alexandria also that Graeco-Oriental Christianity had its
birth. There the Septuagint translation had been made; it was there
that that fusion of Greek philosophy and Jewish religion took place
which found in Philo its most important representative; there
flourished the mystic speculative neo-Platonism associated with the
names of Plotinus and Porphyry. At Alexandria the great Greek
ecclesiastical writers pursued their studies with pagan rhetoricians
and philosophers; in fact several of them were born here, e.g. Origen,
Athanasius, and his opponent Arius, also Cyril and Synesius. Not indeed
in the city of Alexandria, but yet upon Egyptian soil, grew up that
ascetic concept of life which attained such great importations as
Byzantine monasticism. After Alexandria, Syria was important as a home
of Christianity, its centre being Antioch, where a school of Christian
commentators flourished under St. John Chrysostom and where later arose
the Christian universal chronicles. In Syria, also, we find the germs
of Greek ecclesiastical poetry, while from neighbouring Palestine came
St. John of Damascus, the last of the Greek Fathers.</p>
<p id="b-p701" shownumber="no">It is evident that Greek Christianity had of necessary a pronounced
Oriental character; Egypt and Syria are the real birthplaces of the
Graeco-Oriental church, and indeed of Graeco-Oriental (i.e. Byzantine)
civilization in general. Egypt and Syria, with Asia Minor, became for
the autochthonous Greek civilization a sort of America, where hundreds
of flourishing cities sprang into existence, and where energies
confined or crippled in the impoverished home-land found an unlimited
opportunity to display themselves; not only did these cities surpass in
material wealth the mother country, but soon also cultivated the
highest goods of the intellect (Krumbacher). Under such circumstances
it is not strange that about nine-tenths of all the Byzantine authors
of the first eight centuries were natives of Egypt, Syria, Palestine,
and Asia Minor. After this brief characterization of the various
elements of Byzantine civilization, it is to be inquired in what
relation they stood to each other, how they mingled, and what was the
product of their combination. It is extremely instructive to notice how
the two fundamental elements of Byzantinism, the Roman and the
Hellenistic, are connected, both with each other and with the culture
of the East -- what each one gains and what it loses, and what
influence it has upon the other. The Roman supremacy in governmental
life did not disappear in Byzantium. It was even amplified, through the
union of Roman Caesarism with Oriental despotism. Moreover the
subjection of the Church to the power of the State led to that
governmental ecclesiasticism always irreconcilably opposed to the Roman
Church, which had triumphed over the secular power. On the other hand,
the intellectual superiority of the Greek element was shown by its
victory over the Latin tongue as the official language of the
Government. Its last Latin monument is the "Novellae" of Justinian. As
early as the seventh century the Greek language made great progress,
and by the eleventh the supremacy of Greek was secure, although it was
never able to absorb the numerous other languages of the empire.
Moreover, while the Greek world might artificially preserve the classic
form of its ancient literature, the same cannot be said of the poetical
feeling and the imagination. It was precisely in aesthetic culture that
the Byzantine Greek broke completely with the ancient traditions; in
literature and in the plastic arts the spirit of the Orient was
everywhere victorious. On the one hand, some ancient literary types
e.g., lyric verse and the drama became quite extinct, while only in the
minor departments of literature was any great degree of skill attained;
on the other hand, the ancient sense of proportion the feeling for
beauty, and the creative power in poetry were wholly lost, and were
replaced by a delight in the grotesque and the disproportioned on the
one hand, and in ornamental trifles on the other. This injury,
affecting literature and its free development, was a result of social
conditions which contrast markedly with those of ancient Athens and
ancient Rome, while they fit in perfectly with the masterful ways of
the Orient. There is no trace of a body of free and educated citizens,
which is in keeping with the Roman policy of close centralization, and
consequently slight development of municipal life. Constantinople was
the city, and no rivals were permitted. Literature was, therefore,
wholly a concern of the high official and priestly classes; it was
aristocratic or theological, not representative of the interests of the
citizens. Thus classical standards could be imitated because only the
upper classes concerned themselves with literature. For the same reason
it lacked genuine spontaneity, having no roots in the life of the
people. The Church alone -- and here we come to its influence on
Byzantine civilization -- for some time infused fresh life into
literature. Put even this life was an Oriental growth, for Greek
hymnology is of Syrian origin. In Byzantium therefore, ecclesiastical
and Oriental influences coincide. The Oriental influence is especially
apparent in Byzantine plastic art. Here the ancient sources of
inspiration are even more completely obscured than in the domain of
literature, and we notice the same principles: complete absence of
feeling for architectonic proportion of members, transference of the
artistic centre of gravity to the interior, i.e. to the wall-surfaces,
and there the replacing of form by colour, of the plastic effect by the
picturesque; not, however, by broadly drawn fresco treatment but by the
more artisanlike work in mosaic, with its predominance of ornamental
motives. Wall-decoration and minor ornament are thus combined in a
fashion analogous to the Byzantine treatment of annalistic and
epigrammatic poetry. And while Byzantine art, like its poetry goes back
to the Alexandrian, yet it is greatly aItered and modified by
influences from Syria, Persia, and Asia Minor, so that it approaches
the Oriental.</p>
<p id="b-p702" shownumber="no">The next point to be discussed is the influence of the Orient upon
Church and State. Here we must distinguish between direct and indirect
forces. Chief among the former is the office of Emperor. In so far as
the emperor unites in himself both secular and spiritual power, there
falls upon him a glamour of Oriental theocracy; his person is regarded
as sacred; he is a representative of God, indeed the very image of God,
and all must prostrate themselves before him; everything that serves
for his use is sacred, even the red ink with which he underlines his
signature. The Oriental character of the Byzantine Church appears in
its tenacious dogmatic spirit the establishment of Christian doctrines
by councils, the asceticism which affected monastic life so far as to
hinder the formation of regular orders with community life, and also
the mad fanaticism against the Roman West and the Church, which in the
eleventh century finally led to an open breach. The Oriental character
of Church and State is still more pronounced considered in its effect
upon civic life. The lack of a vigorous citizen-body, owing to the lack
of large cities, has already been mentioned. The landed nobility,
offcials, and priests controlled political, social, and religious life.
Hence the aristocratic, exclusive and non-popular character of the
language and literature, and the one-sided development of both, down to
the twelfth century. The Church, too, kept in subjection by the State,
though failing to ennoble the inner religious life of the citizens,
sought all the more zealously to fashion their external life upon an
ecclesiastical model. The church edifice even served as a model for
secular building; every house had its altar, and the family life
followed ecclesiastical forms. On the other hand, we do not find the
rich and fruitful interaction between spiritual and secular affairs
that we do in western countries. The religious devotion to Mary gave
rise to no chivalric devotion to woman, and from the oratories there
came no religious drama. Theological and dogmatic interests outweighed
the religious and ethical; the individualistic sentiment was stronger
than the social. Such, appoximately was the result of the mingling of
the diverse elements in the body of Byzantine culture. What then were
the cultural effects emanating from this complex organism?</p>
<p id="b-p703" shownumber="no">The most momentous effect of the establishment of the Eastern Roman
Empire on European civilization was the division of the latter into two
parts: one Romance and Germanic, the other Greek and Slavic.
Ethnographically, linguistically, ecclesiastically, and historically,
both cultures are sharply distinct from each other, as is evident from
a comparison of alphabets and calendars. The former division is the
more progressive; the latter is the more conservative, and very to
adapt itself to the West. Byzantium exerted a decided and effective
influence only in the eastern half of the empire. Russia, the Balkan
countries, and Turkey are the modern offshoots of Byzantine
civilization; the first two particularly in ecclesiastical, political,
and cultural respects (through the translation and adaptation of
sacred, historical, and popular literature); the third in respect to
civil government.</p>
<p id="b-p704" shownumber="no">For the European West the Byzantine Empire and its culture are
significant in a twofold way Indirectly, this Empire affected the West
in forming a strong bulwark against the frequent advances of the
Asiatic races and protecting Europe for centuries from the burdens of
war. Byzantium was also the store-house of the greatest literature of
the ancients, the Greek. During the Middle Ages, until the capture of
the Constantinople, the West was acquainted only with Roman literature.
Greek antiquity was first unlocked for it by the treasures which
fugitive Greek humanists carried to Italy. Byzantine culture had a
direct influence especially upon Southern and Central Europe, that is
to say on Italy, in church music and church poetry though this was only
in the very early period (until the seventh century); it had a
permanent and wider influence in ecclesiastical architecture, through
the development of the so-called Romanesque style (in the tenth and
eleventh centuries), the Oriental and Byzantine origin of which has
been more clearly recognized of late. This influence was transmitted
through the Frankish and Salic emperors, primarily Charlemagne, whose
relations with Byzantium are well known. Probably it was also in this
way that Byzantine titles and ceremonial were introduced into Central
Europe, and that Central and Eastern European official life assumed its
hierarchical and bureaucratical character. Finally, though not very
numerous, the effects of Byzantine culture upon the countries of the
Near East, expecially upon the Armenians, the Persians, and the Arabs,
must not be underestimated. Even if Byzantium received from these
nations more than it imparted, still the Byzantines gave a strong
intellectual impulse to the Orient, particularly by enriching its
scholarly literature, though even in this they served chiefly as
intermediaries.</p>
<p id="b-p705" shownumber="no">In the following account Byzantine literature is classified in five
groups. The first three include representatives of those kinds of
literature which continued the ancient traditions: historians
(including also the chroniclers), encyclopedists, and essayists, and
writers of secular poetry. The remaining two groups include the new
literary species, ecclesiastical and theological literature, and
popular poetry.</p>
<h3 id="b-p705.1">I. HISTORIANS AND ANNALISTS</h3>
<p id="b-p706" shownumber="no">The two groups of secular prose literature show clearly the dual
character of Byzantine intellectual life in its social, religious, and
linguistic aspects. From this point of view historical and annalistic
literature supplement each other; the former is aristocratic, the
latter is secular, the latter ecclesiastical and monastic; the former
is classical, the latter popular. The works of the historians belong to
scholarly literature, those of the annalists (or chroniclers) to the
literature of the people. The former are carefully elaborated, the
latter give only raw material, the former confine themselves to the
description of the present and the most recent past, and thus have
rather the character of contemporary records; the latter cover the
whole history of the world as known to the Middle Ages. The former are
therefore the more valuable for political history; the latter for the
history of civilization. The following detailed account will bring to
light still further differences.</p>
<h4 id="b-p706.1">A. Historians</h4>
<p id="b-p707" shownumber="no">Classical literary tradition set the standard for Byzantine
historians in their grasp of the aims of history, the manner of
handling their subjects, and in style of composition. Their works are
thoroughly concrete and objective in character, without passion, and
even without enthusiasm. Ardent patriotism and personal convictions are
rarely evident. They are diplomatic historians, expert in the use of
historical sources and in the polished tact called for by their social
position; they are not cIoset-scholars, ignorant of the world, but men
who stood out in public life: jurists like Procopius, Agathias,
Evagrius, Michael Attaliates, statesmen like Joannes Cinnamus, Nicetas
Acominatus, Georgius Pachymeres, Laonicus Chalcondyles; generals and
diplomats like Nicephorus Bryennius, Georgius Acropolites, Georgius
Phrantzes; and even crowned heads, like Constantine Porphyrogenitus,
Anna Comnena, John VI Cantacuzene, and others. The Byzantine historians
thus represent not only the social but also the intellectual flower of
their time, resembing in this their Greek predecessors, Herodotus,
Thucydides, Xenophon, and Polybius, who became their guides and models.
In some cases a Byzantine chooses one or another classic writer to
imitate in method and style. The majority, however, took as models
several authors, a custom which gave rise to a peculiar mosaic style,
quite characteristic of the Byzantines. This was not always due to mere
caprice, but often resulted from a real community of feeling,
effectually preventing, however, any development of an individual
style. For the continuity of historical style it would surely have been
desirable for an historian of such great influence on posterity as
Procopius to have chosen as his model Polybius rather than Thucydides.
That such was not the case, however, is not the fault of the Byzantines
but of the "Atticists" who had checked the natural course of the
development. Nevertheless, within the limit of this development, it is
certainly no accident that military characters like Nicephorus
Bryennius (eleventh and twelfth centuries) and Joannes Cinnamus
(twelfth century) emanated Xenophon in the precision of their diction,
and that a philosophic character like Nicephorus Gregoras (thirteenth
century) took Plato as his model. On the other hand, it is doubtless
due to chance that writers trained in theology like Leo Diaconus and
Georgius Pachymeres chose to ornament their pages with Homeric turns.
On the whole it is in the later historians that the dualism of
Byzantine civilization ecclesiastico-political matter in classical
form--becomes most apparent.</p>
<p id="b-p708" shownumber="no">Although the Byzantine historians are thus for the most part
dependent on foreign models, and while, to outward appearances, they
form a continuous series in which each begins where his predecessor
stopped, yet they do not blend into a uniform whole, distinguishable
only under the light cast on them from classic literature. There are,
on the contrary, clearly marked groups within which individual
personalities stand out with distinctness. Most of the historians come
in either the period embracing the sixth and seventh centuries, or that
extending from the eleventh to the fifteenth century, i.e. either
during the reigns of the East-Roman emperors or those of the Comneni
and the Palaeologi. At the time of its zenith under the Macedonian
emperors (the ninth and tenth centuries) the Byzantine world produced
great heros, but no great historians, if we except the solitary and
therfore more conspicuous, figure of the Emperor Constantine VII
Porphyrogenitus.</p>
<p id="b-p709" shownumber="no">The first period is dominated by Procopius, not so much because of
his personal character, as on account of his share in historical events
of universal interest and his literary importance. As a man he was
typically Byzantine, as is evident from a comparison of two of his
works, in one of which his depreciation of the Emperor Justinian is as
emphatic as his unqualified apotheosis of him in the other. In
literature, and as a historian, however, he still has one foot on the
soil of antiquity, as is evident in the precision and lucidity of his
narrative acquired from Thucydides, and in the reliability of his
information qualities of special merit in the historian. Significantly
enough, Procopius and to a great degree his continuator, Agathias
remain the models of descriptive style, even as late as the eleventh
century. Procopius is the first representative of the over-laden,
over-ornamented Byzantine style in literature and in this is surpassed
only by Theophylaktos Simokattes in the seventh century, while others
continued to imitate the historian of the Gothic War. In spite of their
unclassical form, however, they approach the ancients in their freedom
from ecclesiastical and dogmatic tendencies.</p>
<p id="b-p710" shownumber="no">Between the historical writings of the first period, in form and
content half antique, and those of the second, characterized by
reverence for an artificial classicism, there is an isolated series of
works which in matter and form offer a strong contrast to both the
aforesaid groups. These are the works current under the name of the
Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (tenth century), dealing
respectively with the administration of the empire, its political
division, and the ceremonial of the Byzantine Court. They treat of the
internals conditions of the empire, and the first and third are
distinguished by their use of a popular tongue. Their content also is
of great value; the first is an important source of information for the
ethnological conditions of the empire, while the last is an interesting
contribution to the history of civilization in the Byzantine
Orient.</p>
<p id="b-p711" shownumber="no">The second group of historians present very different
characteristics. In their works a classical eclecticism veils
theological fanaticism quite foreign to the classic spirit and an
arrogant chauvinism. Revelling in classical forms the historians of the
period of the Commeni and Palaeologi were absolutely devoid of the
classical spirit; there are among them however--and this goes far to
palliate their faults--much stronger and more sympathetic personalities
than in the first period. It seems as if, amid all the weakening of
civil and imperial power, a few great individual personalities stood
out, all the more striking because of the general decay. Indeed, the
individuality of each is so vigorous that it impairs the objectivity of
his work. This is particularly true of those historians who belonged to
an imperial family or were closely related to one. Most of these
writers produced partian works. Such are the "Alexiad", the pedantic
work of the Princess Anna Comnena (a glorification of her father
Alexius, and of the reorganization of the empire set afoot by him), the
historical work of her husband, Nicephorus Bryennius (eleventh and
twelfth centuries; a description of the internal conflicts that
accompanied the rise of the Commeni, done in the form of a family
chronicle), and lastly the self-complacent narrative of his own
achievements by one of the Palaeologi, John VI Cantacuzene (fourteenth
century). The historical writers of this period exhibit also very
striking antitheses both personal and objective. Beside Cinnamus, who
honestly hinted everything Western, stand the broad-minded Nicetas
Acominatus (twelfth century) and the conciliatory but dignified
Georgius Acropolites (thirteenth century); beside the theological
polemist, Pachymeres (thirteenth century), stands the man of the world,
Nicephorus Gregoras (fourteenth century), well versed in philosophy and
the classics. While these and other similar writers are less objective
than is desirable in their presentation of internal Byzantine history,
they are all the more trustworthy in their accounts of external events,
being especially important sources for the first appearance of the
Slavs and Turks on the borders of the Empire.</p>
<h4 id="b-p711.1">B. Chroniclers</h4>
<p id="b-p712" shownumber="no">Unlike the historical works, Byzantine chronicles were intended for
the general public; hence the difference in their origin, development
and diffusion, as well as in their character, the method in which
materials are handled, and their style of composition. The beginnings
of the Byzantine chronicle have not yet been satisfactorily traced.
That they are not very remote seems certain from their comparatively
late appearance, as compared with historical literature (sixth
(century), and from their total lack of contact with hellenistic
(pagan) tradition. In point of locality, also, the chronicle literature
is originally foreign to Greek civilization, its first important
product having been composed in Syria, by all uneducated Syrian. Its
presumable prototype, moreover, the "Chronography" of Hextus Julius
Africanus, points to an Oriental Christian source. Accordingly, the
origins and development of the chronicle literature are combined to a
much narrower circle; it has no connection with persons of distinction
and is not in touch with the great world; its models are bound almost
exclusively within its own narrow sphere. The high-water mark of the
Byzantine chronicle was reached in the ninth century, precisely at a
time when there is a gap in historical literature. Afterwards it falls
off rather abruptly; the lesser chroniclers, met with as late as the
twelfth century, draws partly from contemporary and partly, though at
rare intervals, from the earlier historians. In the Palaeologi period
there are, significantly enough, no chroniclers of any note.</p>
<p id="b-p713" shownumber="no">The importance of Byzantine chronicles lies not in their historical
and literary value, but in their relation to civilization. They are not
only an important source for the history of Byzantine civilization, but
themselves contributed to the spread of that civilization. The most
important chronicles, through numerous redactions and translations,
passed over to Slavic and Oriental peoples and in this way became one
of their earliest sources of civilization. Their influence was chiefly
due to their popular tone and bias. They depict only what lies within
the popular world of consciousness, events wonderful and dreadful
painted in glaring colours, and interpreted in a Christian sense. The
method of handling materials is extremely primitive. Beneath each
section of a chronicle lies some older source usually but slightly
modified, so that the whole story resembles a crude collection of
material rather than ingenious mosaic like the narratives of the
historians. The diction corresponds with the low level of education in
both author and reader, and is naturally that of the popular tongue in
its original purity, therefore these chronicles are a rich
treasure-house for the comparative study of languages.</p>
<p id="b-p714" shownumber="no">Representative Byzantine chronicles, typical also of the different
stages in the development of the chronicle, are the three of Joannes
Malalas, Theophanes Confessor, and Joannes Zonaras respectively. The
first is the earliest Christian Byzantine monastic chronicle, and was
composed in the Antioch in the sixth century by a hellenized Syrian
(consequently Monophysite) theologian. Originally a chronicle of the
city, it was later expanded into a world-chronicle. It is a popular
historical work, full of the gravest historical and chronological
errors, and the first monument of a purely popular hellenistic
civilization. It is the chief source for most of the later chroniclers,
as well as for a few church historians; it is also the earliest popular
history, which was translated into Old-Bulgarian, about the end of the
ninth or the beginning of the tenth century. Superior in substance and
form, and more properly historical, is the Chronicle of Theophanes, a
monk of Asia Minor, written in the ninth century, and in its turn a
model for later chronicles. It contains much valuable information from
lost sources, and its importance for the Western world is due to the
fact that by the end of the ninth century it had to be translated into
Latin. A third guide-post in the history of Byzantine chronicles is the
twelfth-century Universal Chronicle of Zonaras. There is already
apparent in it something of the atmosphere of the renaissance that
occurred under the Comneni; not only is the narrative better than that
of Theophanes, but in it many passages from ancient writers are worked
into the text. It is not to be wondered at therefore, that this
chronicle was translated not only into Slavic and Latin, but also, in
the sixteenth century, into Italian and French.</p>
<h3 id="b-p714.1">II. ENCYCLOPEDISTS AND ESSAYISTS</h3>
<p id="b-p715" shownumber="no">The spirit of antiquarian scholarship awoke in Byzantium earlier
than in the West, though it proved less productive. It is extremely
significant, however, that the study of antiquity at Byzantium was
begun not by Iaymen, but lay theologians. For this reason it always had
a certain scholastic flavour; the Byzantine humanistic spirit savoured
alike of antiquity and the Middle Ages; neither ever really gained the
upper hand. A pronounced interest in the literature of Greek antiquity
was first manifested at Constantinople in the second half of the ninth
century. It was primarily directed to the systematic collection and
sifting of manuscripts. With the twelfth century begins the period of
original productions in imitation of antique models, a revival of the
Alexandrian essay and rhetorical literature, a number of writers
showing vigorous originality. Quite isolated between the two periods
stands Michael Psellus, a universal genius of the eleventh century who
bridges over the periods. While the humanism of the ninth and tenth
centuries retained throughout a strong theological colouring and
maintained a hostile attitude towards the West, that of the twelfth to
the fourteenth century developed several writers who consciously or
unconsciously sought to break away from orthodox classicism, and to
attain a true humanism, and so became the earliest forerunners of the
Italian Renaissance. The new spirit first found expression in an
academy founded for classical studies at Constantinople in 863. About
the same time the broadly trained and energetic Photius, patriarch of
the city and the greatest stateman of the Greek Church (820-897),
exhibited much enthusiasm in the collection of forgotten manuscripts
and an intuitive genius for the revival of forgotten works of antiquity
and the discovery of works hitherto unknown, in which his attention,
however, was chiefly directed to the prose writers, a fact indicative
of his sound practical sense. Photius made selections or excerpts from
all the works he discovered, and were the beginning of his celebrated
"Biblitheca" (Library), which, despite its dry and schematic character,
is the most valuable literary compendium of the Middle Ages,
containing, as it does, trustworthy summaries of many ancient works
that have since been lost, together with which many good
characterizations and analyses are given, e.g. those of Lucian and
Heliodorus. Strangely enough the same Photius, who thus laid a
foundation for the renewed study of antiquity, also prepared the way
for the Greek Schism, that momentous break of the Greek world from the
West and its civilization. Even within his own Church, however, he
appears greater as an ecclesiastical statesman than as a theologian.
The encyclopedic activity in Byzantium which had been begun by Photius
was more assiduously pursued in the tenth century, particularly in the
systematic collecting of materials, which is usually associated with
the name of the Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (913-959).
Scholars did not confine themselves solely to collecting materials, but
formed great compilations, arranged according to subjects, on the basis
of older sources. Among them was an encyclopedia of political science
which contained extracts from the classical, Alexandrian, and Roman
Byzantine periods; it is preserved, however, only in a few fragments.
If we take account also of the fact that in the same century originated
the collection of ancient epigrams known as the "Anthologia Palatina",
as well as the scientific dictionary which goes under the name of
Suidas, we may rightly designate the tenth century as that of the
encyclopedias.</p>
<p id="b-p716" shownumber="no">A typical representative of the period appears in the following
century in the person of the greatest encyclopedist of Byzantine
literature, Michael Psellus. Like Bacon, he stands between the Middle
Ages and modern times. He is not, like Photius, a theologian, but a
jurist and a man of the world; his mind is not only receptive but
productive; he not only does not undervalue the old philosophers, as
does Photius, who was more concerned with points of philosophy and
grammar, but is himself of a philosophic temperament. He was the first
of his intellectual circle to raise the philosophy of Plato above that
of Aristotle and to teach philosophy as a professor. Though surpassing
Photius in intellect and wit, he lacks that scholar's dignity and
solidity of character. A certain restless brilliancy characterized the
course of his life, as well as his literary activity. At first a
lawyer, he then became a professor of philosophy, was for a time a
monk, then a court official, and ended his career as prime minister. He
was equally adroit and many-sided in his literary work, in this respect
resembling Leibniz. In harmony with the polished, pliant nature of the
courtier is his elegant Platonic style, as it is exhibited most
distinctly in his letters and speeches. His extensive correspondence
furnishes endless material for an understanding of his personal and
literary character. In his speeches, especially in his funeral
orations, we recognize clearly the ennobling influence of his Attic
models, that delivered on the death of his mother shows deep
sensibility. Compared with Photius Psellus had something of a poetic
temperament, as several of his poems show, though indeed they owe their
origin more to satirical fancy or to external occasions than to deep
poetic feeling. Though Psellus exhibits more formal skill than
original, creative talent, his endowments proved most valuable for his
time, which was particularly backward in the direction of aesthetic
culture. The intellectual freedom of the great scholars 
(<i>polyhistores</i>), ecclesiastical and secular of the twelfth to the
fourteenth century would be inconceivable without the activity of
Psellus, the first great victor over Byzantine scholasticism who
cleared the way for his successors.</p>
<p id="b-p717" shownumber="no">In one point indeed, and that important in passing any judgment on
him, Psellus was surpassed by most of his intellectual posterity, i.e.
in character. It is true there are also among his successors many
morally corrupt and hollow natures, like Nicephorus Blemmydes, and
Hyrtakenos; the majority, however, are admirable for their rectitude of
intention and sincerity of feeling, and their beneficently broad
culture. Among these great intellects and strong characters of the
twelfth century several theologians are especially conspicuous, e.g.
Eustathius, of Thessalonica, Michael Italicus, and Michael Acominatus;
in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries several secular scholars,
like Maximus Planudes, Theodorus Metochites, and above all, Nicephorus
Geogoras. The three theologians first named are best judged by their
letters and minor occasional writings. Eustathius seems to be the most
important among them, not only because of his learned of his learned
commentary on Homer and Pindar, but particulaly because of his own
original writings. Therein he reveals a candid character, courageously
holding up every evil to the light and intent upon its correction, not
shrinking from sharp controversy. In one of his works he attacks the
corruption of the monastic life of that day and its intellectual
stagnation; in another, one of the best of the Byzantine polemical
writings, he assails the hypocrisy and sham holiness of his time; in a
third he denounces the conceit and arrogance of the Byzantine priests,
who were ashamed of their popular designation, "pope". For a
rhetorician like Michael Italicus, later a bishop, it is extremely
significant that he should attack the chief weakness of Byzantine
literature, external imitation; this he did on receiving a work by a
patriarch, which was simply a disorderly collection of fragments from
other writers, so poorly put together that the sources were immediately
recognizable.</p>
<p id="b-p718" shownumber="no">Noteworthy also is the noble figure of the pupil and friend of
Eustathius, Michael Acominatus (twelfth and thirteenth centuries)
Archbishop of Athens and brother of the historian Nicetas Acominatus.
His inaugural address, delivered on the Acropolis, compared by
Gregorovius with Gregory the Great's sermon to the Romans in St.
Peter's, exhibits both profound classical scholarship and high
enthusiasm; the latter, however, is somewhat out of place in view of
the material and spiritual wretchedness of his times. These pitiful
conditions moved him to compose an elegy, famous because unique, on the
decay of Athens, a sort of poetical and antiquarian apostrophe to
fallen greatness. Gregorovius compares this also with a Latin
counterpart, the lament of Bishop Hildebert of Tours on the demolition
of Rome by the Normans (1106). More wordy and rhetorical are the
funeral orations over his teacher, Eustathius (1195), and over his
brother Nicetas, both of them, nevertheless, fine evidences of a noble
disposition and deep feeling. In spite of his humanism, Michael, like
his brother, remained a fanatical opponent of the Latins, whom he
called "barbarians". They had driven him into exile at Ceos, whence he
addressed many letters to his friends which are of great value for the
understanding of his character. In his style he is strongly influenced
by Eustathius; hence the ecclesiastical note in his otherwise classical
diction.</p>
<p id="b-p719" shownumber="no">With Theodorus Metochites and Maximus Planudes we come to the
universal scholars 
(<i>polyhistores</i>) of the time of the Palaeologi. The former gives
evidence of his humanistic zeal in his frequent use of the hexameter,
the latter in his knowledge of the Latin, both being otherwise unknown
in Byzantium and acquaintance with them foreboding a new and broader
grasp of antiquity. Both men show an unusually fine grasp of poetry,
especially of the poetry of nature. Metochites composed meditations on
the beauty of the sea; Planudes was the author of a long poetic idyll,
a kind of literature otherwise little cultivated by Byzantine scholars.
On the whole, Metochites was a thinker and poet, Planudes chiefly all
imitator and compiler. Metochites was of the more speculative
disposition, as his collection of philosophical and historical
miscellanies show. Planudes was more precise, as his preference for
mathematics proves. It is worth noting, as an evidence of comtemporary
progress in philosophy, that Metochites openly attacks Aristotle. He
also deals more frankly with political questions, as is shown, for
instance, in his comparison of democracy, aritocracy, and monarchy. In
spite of this breadth of interest his culture rests wholly on a Greek
basis, while Planudes, by his translations from the Latin (Cato, Ovid,
Cicero, Caesar, and Boethius), vastly encharged the Eastern
intellectual horizon.</p>
<p id="b-p720" shownumber="no">This inclination toward the West is most noticeable in Nicephorus
Gregoras, the great pupil of Metochites. His project for a reform of
the calendar alone suffices to rank him among the modern and superior
intellects of his time, as he will surely be admitted to have been if
ever his numerous and varied works in every domain of Byzantine
intellectual activity are brought to light. His letters, especially,
promise a rich harvest. His method of exposition is based on that of
Plato, when he also imitated in his ecclesiastico-political
discussions, e.g. in his dialogue "Florentius, or Concerning Wisdom".
These disputations with his opponent, Balaam, dealt with the question
of church union, in which Gregoras stood on the side of the Unionists.
This attitude, which places him outside the sphere of strictly
Byzantine culture, brought upon him bitter hostility and the loss of
the privilege of teaching; he had been occupied chiefly with the exact
sciences, whereby he held already earned the hatred of orthodox
Byzantines.</p>
<p id="b-p721" shownumber="no">While, therefore, the Byzantine essayists and encyclopedists stood,
externally, wholly under the influence of ancient rhetoric and its
rules and while they did not, like Bacon, create an entirety new form
of the essay, yet they embodied in the traditional form their own
characteristic knowledge, and thereby lent it a new charm.</p>
<h3 id="b-p721.1">III. SECULAR POETRY</h3>
<p id="b-p722" shownumber="no">As the prose literature, both historical and philosophical, followed
one or more ancient models--the former Thucydides in particular, the
latter Plato--so poetry likewise had its prototypes; each of its
principal classes had, so to speak, an ancient progenitor to whom it
traced back its origins. Unlike the prose literature, however, these
new kinds of poetical Byzantine literature and their models are not to
be traced back to the classical Attic period. The Byzantines write
neither Iyrics nor dramas and imitate neither Pindar nor Sophocles.
They irritate the literature of the post-classic or Alexandrian period,
and write romances, panegyrics, epigrams, satires, and didactic and
hortatory poetry. The chief Alexandrian representative or these species
of literature are the models for the Byzantines, in particular
Heliodorus and Achilles Tatius, Asclepiades and Posidippus, Lucian and
Longus. For didactic poetry it is necessary to go back to an earlier
prototype, a work ascribed to Isocrates, by whom, however, it was not
actually written. The poetic temperament of the Byzantines is thus akin
to that of the Alexandrian, not of the Attic, writers. This statement
is of great importance for the understanding of the poetry of
Byzantium. Only one new poetic type was evolved independently by the
Byzantines -- the begging-poem. The five ancient types and the the new
one just mentioned are not contemporaneous in the Byzantine period, the
epigram and the panegyric developed first (in the sixth and seventh
centuries), and then only, at long intervals, the others, i.e. satire,
didactic and begging poetry, finally the romance. All of these appear
side by side only after the twelfth century, that is to say in the
period of decay, they themselves marking a decadence in literature.</p>
<p id="b-p723" shownumber="no">The epigram was the artistic form of later antiquity which best
suited the Byzantine taste for the ornamental and for intellectual
ingenuity. It corresponded exactly to the concept of the minor arts,
which in the Byzantine period attained such high development. It made
no lofty demands on the imagination of the author; the chief difficulty
lay rather in the technique and the attainment of the utmost possible
pregnancy of phrase. Two groups may be distinguished among the
Byzantine epigrammatists: one pagan and humanistic in tendency, the
other Christian. The former is represented chiefly by Agathias (sixth
century) and Christophorus of Mitylene (eleventh century), the latter
by the ecclesiastics, Georgius Pisides (seventh century) and Theodort
Studites (ninth century). Between the two groups, in point of time as
well as in character, stands Joannes Geometres (tenth century). The
chief phases in the development of the Byzantine epigram are most
evident in the works of these three. Agathias, who has already been
mentioned among the historians, as an epigrammatist, has the
peculiarities of the school of the semi-Byzantine Egyptian Nonnus
(about A, D. 400). He wrote in an affected and turgid style, in the
classical form of the hexameter; he abounds, however, in brilliant
ideas, and in his skilful imitation of the ancients, particularly in
his erotic pieces, he surpasses most of the epigrammatists of the
imperial period. Agathias also prepared a collection of epigrams,
partly his own and partly by other writers, some of which afterwards
passed into the "Anthologia palatina" and have thus been preserved. The
abbot Theodorus Studites is in every respect the opposite of Agathias,
a man of deep earnestness and simple piety, with a fine power of
observation in nature and life, full of sentiment and warmth and
simplicity of expression, his writings are free from servile imitation
of the ancients, though he occasionally betrays the influence of
Nonnus. Of his epigrams, which touch on the most varied things and
situations, those treating of the life and personnel of his monastery
offer especial interest for the history of civilization. Joannes
Geometres is in a way a combination of the two preceding writers.
During the course of his life he filled both secular and ecclesiastical
offices; his poetry also was of a universal character; of a deeply
religious temper, he was still fully appreciative of the greatness of
the ancient Greeks. Alongside of epigrams on ancient poets,
philosophers, rhetoricians and historians are others on famous Church
Fathers, poets, and saints. In point of poetic treatment, the epigrams
on contemporary and secular topics are superior to those on religious
and classic subjects. He is at his best when depicting historical
events and situations that have come within his own experience, and
reflect his own spiritual moods (Krumbacher).</p>
<p id="b-p724" shownumber="no">Less agreeable than the epigrams are the official panegyrics on
emperors and their achievements, which unfortunately even the best
writers often could not escape composing. Typical of this kind of
literature are the commemorative poem of Paulus Silentiarius on the
dedication of the church of St. Sophia, and that of Georgius Pisides on
the victory of these great events, but the glory of the prince.
Unfavourable conclusions must not the drawn, however, as to the
character of these poets, when it is borne in mind that such eulogies
were composed of only by courtiers like Psellus and Manuel Holobolos
(thirteenth century), but also by dignified and independent characters
like Eustathius and Michael Acominatus. In fact this species of
literature had become traditional, and had been handed down from
imperial Rome to Byzantium as a part of ancient rhetoric with all the
extravagance of a thoroughly decadent literature (F. Gregorovius). it
was a sort of necessary concession to despotism; popular taste was not
in general offended by it.</p>
<p id="b-p725" shownumber="no">As previously stated, the chief kinds of poetry during the period of
the decline (eleventh to thirteenth century) were satire and parody,
didactic and hortatory poetry, the begging -poem, erotic romance. In
form this literature is characterized by its extensive use of the
popular forms of speech and verse, the latter being the "political"
verse, a trochaic verse of fifteen syllables, still the standard verse
of modern Greek popular poetry. rhetoric with all the extravagance of a
thoroughly decadent literature (F. Gregorovius). It was a sort of
necessary concession to despotism; popular taste was not in general
offended by it. As previously stated, the chief kinds of poetry during
the period of the decline (eleventh to thirteenth century) were satire
and parody, didactic and hortatory poetry, the begging-poem, and the
erotic romance. In form this literature is characterized by its
extensive use of the popular forms of speech and verse, the latter
being the "political" verse, a trochiac verse of fifteen syllables,
still the standard verse of modern Greek popular poetry. In content,
however, all this literature continues to bear the imprint of Byzantine
erudition. The father of Byzantine satire is Lucian. His celebrated
"Dialogues of the Dead" furnished the model for two works, one of which
the "Timarion" (twelfth century is marked by more rude humour, the
other, "Mazaris" (fifteenth century), by keen satire. Each describes a
journey to the underworld and conversations with dead contemporaries,
in the former their defects are lashed with good-natured raillery; in
the latter, however, under the masks of dead men, living persons and
contemporary conditions, especially at the Byzantine Court, are sharply
stigmatized, thus the former is more of a literary satire, the latter a
political pamphlet, with keen personal thursts and without literary
value, but with all the greater interest for the history of
civilization; the former is in a genuinely popular tone, the latter in
vulgar and crude [Cf. Tozer in "The Journal of Hellenic Studies"
(1881), II, 233-270; Krumbacher, op. cit., 198-211.] Two popular
offshoots of the "Timarion", the "Apokopos" and the "Piccatoros" will
be discussed later. Another group of satires takes the form of
dialogues between animals, manifestly a development from the Christian
popular book known as the "Physiologus". Such satires describe
assemblages of quadrupeds, birds, and fishes, and recite their
lampooming remarks upon the clergy, the bureaucracy, the foreign
nations in the Byzantine Empire, etc. (Krumbacher, 385-390). Here
belong also the parodies in the form of church poems which are
mentioned below, and in which the clergy themselves took part, e.g.
Bishop Nicetas of Serrae (eleventh century). One of the worst examples
of this sacrilegious literature, which is not yet, however, fully
understood, is the "Mockery of a Beardless Man" in the liturgical form
of Mass-chants. This is one of the most obscene products of Byzantine
literature (fourteenth century). (Krumbacher, 337.)</p>
<p id="b-p726" shownumber="no">As the Byzantine satire had its prototype in Lucian, the didactic
poetry found its model in the dialogue "To Demonikos", erroneously
ascribed to Isocrates. The greatest example of this type of literature
in Byzantium is the "Spaneas" (twelfth century), a hortatory poem
addressed by an emperor to his nephew, a sort "Mirror for Princes".
Some few offshots from this are found in the popular literature of
Crete in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, handed down under the
names of Sachlikis and Depharanus. Here also belong the ranting
theological exhortations resembling those of the Capuchin in Schiller's
"Wallenstein". Such, for instance, are that of Geogillas after the
great plague of Rhodes (1498) and the oracular prophecies on the end of
the Byzantine empire currrent under the name of Emperor Leo (886-911).
(Krumbacher, 332, 336, 343, 352, 366.)</p>
<p id="b-p727" shownumber="no">A late Byzantine variety of the laudatory poem is the begging-poem,
the poetical lament of hungry authors and the parasites of the court.
Its chief still more contemptible Manuel Philes, the former of whom
lived under the Comment (twelfth century), the latter under the
Palaeologi (thirteenth century). For the history of civilization such
poetical wails of distress as Prodromus addressed to the emperor are of
value because they give interesting pictures of street and business
life in the capital. (Cf. Krumbacher, 324, 333.)</p>
<p id="b-p728" shownumber="no">The Alexandrian erotic romance was imitated by three late writers of
the twelfth century: Eustathius Makrembolites, Theodorus Prodromus, and
Nicetas Eugenianus. E. Rhode's criticism of the last is true of all
three: "Nothing original is found anywhere; on the contrary, Nicetas
unhesitatingly steals his flowers of speech and gallant turns from
everywhere, from the Anacreontics, from the bucolic poets, from
Musaeus, from the epigrammatists of the Anthology, even from Heliodorus
and Longus, and especially from Achilles Tatius". The tone of these
romances is characterized by a combination of sickening affectation of
style and a crude coarseness of material. (Cf. Krumbacher, 313, 318,
319; Rohde, Der griechische Roman, Leipzig, 1876, 522 sqq.)</p>
<p id="b-p729" shownumber="no">The epigram was thus the only form of secular poetry which had an
independent revival in Byzantine literature, and this at the very time
when ecclesiastical poetry also reached its highest perfection, in the
sixth and seventh centuries. This age is therefore the most flourishing
period of Byzantine scholarly poetry; its decline in the twelfth
century is contemporary with the rise of popular poetry.</p>
<h3 id="b-p729.1">IV. ECCLESIASTICAL AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE</h3>
<p id="b-p730" shownumber="no">While the most flourishing period of the secular literature of
Byzantium runs from the ninth to the twelfth century, as already seen
in the amount of its three principal groups, its religious literature
developed much earlier. Christianity entered the world as a slew force,
with all the vigour of youth, between antiquity and the Byzantine
Middle Ages; indeed, it first gave to those Middle Ages their
distinctive characteristic, that theological element which permeates
all Byzantine culture. From the Eastern provinces Asia Minor and
Palestine, came the first great ecciesiastical writers of the fourth
century: Athanasius from Alexandria, Eusebius from Palestine, Cyril
from Jerusalem, Synesius from Cyrene, and above all, the three great
Fathers from Cappadocia, Basil and the two Gregories (of Nyssa and of
Nazianzus). The contribution of these districts to Eastern Christianity
was twofold: the rhetorical and speculative spirit of Hellenistic
thought as it had developed in Alexandria and in Asia Minor, the old
home of Greek culture; and the ascetic and dogmatic spirit peculiar to
the Orient. The two blended in Byzantine Christianity into a new and
peculiar unity which, however was from the beginning strangely opposed
to the Christian ideal of the Western world, and which finally
separated from the latter. Because of the excessive emphasis it laid on
asceticism the Eastern Church lost moral influence on practical life,
and through its preferenee for the pagan ideal of ornate discourse,
traditional indeed, but in forms no longer generally understood, that
church estranged itself from the great masses of the people. "No Greek
Father of the Church" says Krumbacher, "rose to the level of the golden
sentence of Augustine: 'Let the grammarians find fault with us, if only
the people understand us'". Thus even the ecclesiastical literature of
Byzantium, precisely at the period of its first florescence, is
Hellenistic in form and Oriental in spirit. This period falls in the
fourth century and is closely associated with the names of the
ecclesiastical writers already mentioned. Their works, which cover the
whole field of ecclesiastical prose literature dogma, exegesis, and
homiletics, became typical, even canonical, for the whole Byzantine
period, which can therefore show no independent work in this field; on
the contrary, scientific theology fell into decay as early as the sixth
century; the last important work is the ecclesiastical history of
Evagrius. Everything later consists, if we except the controversial
writings against sectaries and the Iconoclasts, of mechanical
compilations and commentaries, in the form of the so-called 
<i>Catenae</i>; even the "Fountain of Knowledge" of John of Damascus
(eighth century), the fundamental manual of Greek theology, though
systematically worked out by a learned and keen intellect is merely a
gigantic collection of materials. Even the homily clings to a
pseudo-classical, rhetorical foundation, and tends more and more to
mere external breadth, not to inwardness and depth.</p>
<p id="b-p731" shownumber="no">Only three kinds of ecclesiastical literature, which were as yet
undeveloped in the fourth century, exhibit later an independent growth.
These were the ecclesiastical poetry of the sixth century, popular
lives of the saints of the seventh, and the mystic writings of the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. The history of Greek ecclesiastical
poetry proves irrefutably how completely ancient poetry had exhausted
itself in content and form, and how insufficient were its forms to
express new and living thoughts. In ecclesiastical prose literature it
was still possible to attempt to preserve ancient forms artificially,
but even here we sometimes meet with foreign principles of literary
art, which presuppose a new sense of poetry. It has been noticed that
in several collections of early Christian correspondence it is not the
rhythmic laws of Greek rhetoricaI style which govern the composition,
but those of Semitic (Syriac) prose. This fact would be in perfect
harmony with the other relations existing between late-Greek and
Semitic culture and the hypothesis of Cardinal Pitra, that the
rhythmical poetry of the Byzantines has its origin in the Jewish Psalms
of the Septuagint, receives therefrom a new support. As this rhythmic
principle accords with the linguistic character of the later Greek,
which had no musical, but only a stress, accent, and as it had already
been developed in Syriac poetry, we need not wonder that Romanos, the
first great ecclesiastical poet of the Greeks to adopt this principle,
was a Syrian Jew, who had become a Christian at an early age.</p>
<p id="b-p732" shownumber="no">About his life as little is known as about that of his contemporary
and fellow-countryman, the chronicler Malalas, who also made a vigorous
attempt to reform the language. What Malalas is to prose, Romanos is to
the Christian poetry of the Greek Middle Ages. If he did not go so far
as Malalas, yet he strongly modified the language of poetry and
released it from the fetters of the ancient metric laws; he brought it
into harmony with the latest idea of poetical form prevailing in his
native country as well as with the character of the Greek language.
Romanos, in fact, did not remain in Syria, but soon went to
Constantinople, where he became a deacon of the church of St. Sophia,
and where he is said to have first developed his gift for
hymn-writing.</p>
<p id="b-p733" shownumber="no">Romanos borrowed not only the form of his poems, but also their
material and many of their themes, partly from the Old and New
Testaments, partly from the (metrical) homilies of the Syrian Father
Ephrem (fourth century). He wrote hymns on the Passion of the Lord, on
the betrayal by Judas, Peter's denial, Mary before the Cross, the
Ascension, the Ten Virgins, the last Judgement, whilst among his Old
Testament themes mention may be made of the history of Joseph and that
of the three young men in the fiery furnace. In giving poetical form to
this matter he is said to have composed about a thousand hymns, of
which, however, only eighty have come down to us, evidently because in
the ninth century the hymns of Romanos were crowded out of the Greek
Liturgy by the so-called 
<i>canones</i>, linguistically and metrically more artistic in form.
Thenceforth his hymns held their own in only a few of the remoter
monasteries. Characteristic of the technical treatment of his material
by Romanos is the great length of his hymns, which are regularly
composed of from twenty to thirty stanzas of from twelve to twenty-one
verses each, very finely wrought and varied in metrical structure, and
in construction transparent and verse. To appreciate rightly the great
length of the hymns we must compare them, not with the more concise
Latin hymns, but with the modern oratorios. This resemblance is
emphasized by their antiphonal rendering by alternative choirs. This
also explains the dramatic character of many hymns, with their inserted
dialogues and choric songs, as in "Peter's Denial", a little drama of
human boastfulness and weakness, and the last part of the "History of
Joseph", the "Psalm of the Apostles", and the "Birth of Jesus". Other
pieces, like the hymn on the last judgment, are purely descriptive in
character, though even in them the rhetorical and dogmatic elements
seriously impair the artistic effect.</p>
<p id="b-p734" shownumber="no">With regard to an aesthetic judgment of Romanos, it does not seem
that the last word has been said. Some, like Bouvy and Krumbacher,
place him among the greatest hymn-wriers of all times; others, like
Cardinal Pitra, are more conservative. For a final judgment a complete
edition of the hymns is needed. Even now, however, it is certain that
Romanos is not to be placed on the same level with the great Latin
church poets like Ambrose and Prudentius. Two faults are especially
obvious: his abundant use of rhetorical devices and his fondness for
digressions into dogmatic theology. In both respects he is essentially
Byzantine. He is fond of symbolic pictures and figures of speech,
antitheses, assonances, especially witty 
<i>jeux d'esprit</i>, which are in strange contrast with his
characteristic simplicity of diction and construction, and by their
graceless embellishments destroy the smooth flow of his lines. Not only
the form but also the sequence of thought in his hymns is often
beclouded by the dragging in of dogmatic questions, e.g. in the
celebrated Christmas hymn the question of the miraculous birth of Jesus
is discussed no less than four times, and that too with a comfortable
amplitude which betrays the theologian and for the time thrusts the
poet cornpletely aside. The theologian is also too evident in his
allusions to the Old Testament when dealing with New Testament
incidents; Mary at the birth of Jesus compares her destiny to that of
Sarah, the Magi liken the star which went before the Israelites in the
wilderness, and so on. The frequent citation of passages from the
prophets also greatly weakens the poetic impression as well as the
effect of the religious fervour of the poet, many passages seeming more
like unimpassioned paraphrases than like inspired poetry. In fact
Romanos does not control the abundant and highly-coloured imagery of
the earliest Greek church poets, nor their fine grasp of nature. The
reader also gathers the impression that the height of the poet's
imagination is not in proportion with the depth of his piety; on the
contrary, ther often appears in him something naive, almost homely, as
when Mary expresses her pleasure in the Magi and calls attention to
their utility for the impending Flight into Egypt. There are passages,
however, in which devout fervour carries the imagination along with it
and elevates the poetical tone, as in the jubilant invitation to the
dance (in the Easter-song), in which thoughts of spring and of the
Resurrection are harmoniously blended:</p>

<verse id="b-p734.1" type="stanza">
<l id="b-p734.2">Why thus faint-hearted?</l>
<l id="b-p734.3">Why veil ye your faces?</l>
<l id="b-p734.4">Lift up your hearts!</l>
<l id="b-p734.5">Christ is arisen!</l>
<l id="b-p734.6">Join in the dances,</l>
<l id="b-p734.7">And with us proclaim it:</l>
<l id="b-p734.8">The Lord is ascended,</l>
<l id="b-p734.9">Gleaming and gloried,</l>
<l id="b-p734.10">He who was born</l>
<l id="b-p734.11">Of the giver of light.</l>
<l id="b-p734.12">Cease then your mourning,</l>
<l id="b-p734.13">Rejoice in blessedness:</l>
<l id="b-p734.14">Springtime has come.</l>
<l id="b-p734.15">So bloom now, ye lilies,</l>
<l id="b-p734.16">Bloom and be fruitful!</l>
<l id="b-p734.17">Naught bringeth destruction.</l>
<l id="b-p734.18">Clap we our hands</l>
<l id="b-p734.19">And shout: Risen is He</l>
<l id="b-p734.20">Who helpeth the fallen ones</l>
<l id="b-p734.21">To rise again.</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="b-p735" shownumber="no">Ecclesiastical poetry, like
eccelesiastico-historical literature, did not long remain on the high
level to which Romanos had raised it. The "Hymnus Acathistus" (of
unknown authorship) of the seventh century, a sort of Te Deum in praise
of the Mother of God, is the last great monument of Greek church
poetry, comparable to the hymns of Romanos, which it has even outlived
in fame. It has had numerous imitators and as late as the seventeenth
century was translated into Latin.</p>
<p id="b-p736" shownumber="no">As early as the seventh century the period of Andrew of Crete,
begins the rapid decline of Greek hymnology. The delicate flower of
religious sentiment was overgrown and choked by a classical fomalism
which stifled all vitality, as had happened in the case of contemporary
secular poetry. The overvaluation of technique in details destroyed the
sense of proportion in the whole. This seems to be the only explanation
for the monstrosities called 
<i>canones</i> first found in the collection of Andrew of Crete. A
canon is a combination of a number of hymns or chants (generally nine)
of three or four strophes each. The "Great Canon" of Andrew actually
numbers 250 strophes. Such length could only result in poverty of
thought, as a "single idea is spun out into serpentine arabesques".</p>
<p id="b-p737" shownumber="no">Pseudo-classical artificiality found an even more advanced
representative in John of Damascus, in the opinion of the Byzantines
the foremost writer of 
<i>canones</i>, who took as a model Gregory of Nazianzus, even
reintroducing the principle of quantity into ecclesiastical poetry. If
it be true that the sublimity of religious poetry is in this way
reduced to mere trifling, this is, strictly speaking, the case here.
For in the eleventh century, which witnessed the decline of Greek
hymnology and the revival of pagan humanlsm, are found for the first
time the parodies of church hymns afterwards so popular. Their author
was none other than Michael Psellus. Didactic poems took this form
without being regarded as blasphemous. Another evidence of the few
religious needs of the Byzantines is the absence of any religious drama
such as developed among the people of the West during the Middle Ages.
The only example the "Suffering of Christ" (Christus Patiens), written
in the eleventh or twelfth century, and even now frequently valued too
highly in theological circles, can hardly be called a religious drama,
it is the offspring of a pagan, rather than a Christian, spirit; of its
2,640 verses, about one-third are borrowed from ancient dramas, chiefly
from those of Euripides, and Mary, the chief character, sometimes
recites verses from the "Medea" of Euripides, again from the "Electra"
of Sophocles, or the "Prometheus" of Aeschylus. In her action, also,
Mary impresses the reader as but feebly Christian. The composition is
evidently a poor production of a theologian trained in the classics,
but without the slightest idea of dramatic art. It is made up chiefly
of lamentations and reports of messengers. Even the most effective
scenes, those which precede the Crucifixion, are described by
messengers; almost two-thirds of the text are given to the descent from
the Cross, the lament of Mary, and the apparition of Christ. (Cf. Van
Cleef, "The Pseudo-Gregorian Drama 
<i>Christos paschon</i> in its relation to the text of Euripides" in
"Transactions of the Wisconsin Academy of Sciences", VIII, 363-378;
Krumbacher, 312.)</p>
<p id="b-p738" shownumber="no">Between ecclesiastical poetry and ecclesiastical prose stands the
theologico-didactic poem, a favourite species of ancient Christian
literature. One of its best examples is the "Hexaemeron" of Geogius
Pisides, a spirited hymn on the universe and its marvels, i.e. all
living creatures. Taken as a whole, it is somewhat conventional; only
in the description of the minor forms of life, especially of the
animals, are revealed the skill of the epigrammatist and nature-lover's
gift of affectionate observation.</p>
<p id="b-p739" shownumber="no">Besides sacred poetry, hagiography flourished from the sixth to the
eleventh century. This species of literature developed from the old
martyrologies, and became the favourite form of popular literature. The
most flourishing period extended from the eight to the eleventh
century, and was concerned principally with monastic life.
Unfortunately, the rhetorical language was in violent contrast with the
simple nature of the contents, so that the chief value of this
literature is historical.</p>
<p id="b-p740" shownumber="no">More popular in style are the biographers of saints of the sixth and
seventh centuries. The oldest and most important of them is Cyril of
Scythopolis (in Palestine), whose biographies of saints and monks are
distinguished for the reliability of their facts and dates of great
interest also for their contributions to the history of culture and of
ethics, and for their genuinely popular language are the writings of
Leontius, Archbishop of Cyprus (seventh century), especially his life
of the Patriarch John (surnamed The Merciful), 
<i>Eleemosynarius</i> of Alexandria. (Cf. Gelzer, Kleine Schriften,
Leipzig, 1907.) This life describes for us a man who inspite of his
pecuriarities honestly tried "to realize a pure Biblical Christianity
of self-sacrificing love", and whose life brings before us in a
fascinating way the the customs and ideas of the lower classes of the
people of Alexandria. Still another popular of Byzantine origin ranks
among those that have won for themselves a place in universal
literature; it is the romance of Balaam and Joasaph, the "Song of
Songs" of Christian asceticism, illustrated by the experience of the
Indian prince Joasaph, who is led by the hermit Barlaam to abandon the
joys of life, and as a true Christian to renounce the world. The
material of the story is originally Indian, indeed Buddhistic, for the
origin of Joasaph was Buddha. The Greek version originated in the
Sabbas monastery in Palestine about the middle of the seventh century.
It did not circulate widely until the eleventh century, when it became
known to all Western Europe through the medium of a Latin translation
[Cf. Conybeare, The Barlaam and Josaphat legend, in Folk-Iove (1896),
VII, 101 sqq.]</p>
<p id="b-p741" shownumber="no">The ascetic conception of life was deeply imbedded in the Byzantine
characters and was strengthened by the high development of monastic
institutions. The latter in turn brought forth an abundant ascetic
literature though it sheds little if any advance on the asceticism of
the Fathers of the Church, especially that of its great exponent, St.
Basil. Less extensively cultivated, but excelling in quality, are
Byzantine mystical writings. The true founder of Byzantine mysticism
was Maximus Confessor (seventh century), who first stripped it of its
neo-Platonic character and harmonized it with orthodox doctrine. Later
and more important representatives were Symeon and Nicetas Stethatos in
the eleventh, and Nikolaos Kavasilas in the fourteenth century. The
Byzantine mystical writers differ from those of Western Europe chiefly
in their attitude to ecclesiastical ceremonial, to which they adhered
implicitly seeing in it not a tendency to replace the spiritual life of
the church by external pomp, but rather a profound symbol of this life.
Accordingly Symeon strictly observed the ceremonial rules of the
church, regarding them, however, only as a means to the attainment of
ethical perfection. His principal work (publised only in Latin) is a
collection of prose pieces and hymns on communion with God. He is akin
to the chief German mystics in his tendency towards pantheism. Of
Symeon's equally distinguished pupil, Nicetas Stethatos, we need only
say that he cast off his teacher's pantheistic tendencies. The last
great mystic Kavasilas, Archbishop of Saloniki, revived the teaching of
Dionysius the pseudo-Areopagite, but in the plan of his principal work,
"Life in Christ", exhibits a complete independence of all other worlds
and is without a parallel in Byzantine asceticism.</p>
<h3 id="b-p741.1">V. POPULAR POETRY</h3>
<p id="b-p742" shownumber="no">The capture of Constantinople by the Latins in the year 1204
released popular literature from the aristocratic fetters of official
Byzantium. The emotional and imaginative life long latent, awoke again
in the Byzantine world; in response to new influences from the Roman
West the withered roots of popular literature showed signs of new life.
They needed only assiduous care to put forth fresh shoots, being as
deeply imbedded in popular consciousness as those of literary poetry.
As the latter springs from the rationalistico-classical atmosphere of
the Hellenistic period, even so the popular poetry, or folk-song is an
outgrowth of the idyllic or romantic literature of the same period. The
artificial literature had its prototypes in Lucian, Heliodorus,
Achilles Tatius, and Nonnus; on the other hand, the popular literature
of medieval Byzantium imitated Apollonius of Rhodes, Callimachus,
Theocritus, and Musaeus. The chief characteristic of folk-song
throughout the Greek Middle Ages is its Iyric note, which constantly
finds expression in emotional turns. In Byzantine literature, on the
other hand, the refinement of erotic poetry was due to the influence of
the love-poetry of chivalry introduced by Frankish knights in the
thirteenth century and later. These westerners also brought with them
in abundance romantic and legendary materials that the Byzantine soon
imitated and adapted. Lastly, Italian influences led to the revival of
the drama. That celebration of the achievements of Greek heroes in
popular literature was the result of the conflicts which the Greeks
sustained during the Middle Ages with the border nations to the east of
the empire. There were, in addition, popular books relating the deeds
of ancient heroes, which had long been current, and were widespread
through the East; these revived heroic poetry, to which a deep romantic
tinge was imparted. The result was a complete upheaval of popular
ideals and a broadening of the popular horizon, both to the East and
West; the oppressive power of ancient standards was gradually replaced
by the beneficial influence of modern ideals.</p>
<p id="b-p743" shownumber="no">There was, consequently, a complete reconstruction of the literary
types of Byzantium. Of all the varieties of artistic poetry there
survived only the romance, though this became more serious in its aims,
and its province expanded Of metrical forms there remained only the
political (fifteen-syllable) verse. From these simple materials there
sprang forth an abundance of new poetic types. Alongside of the
narrative romance of heroism and love there sprang up popular love
lyrics, and even the beginnings of the modern drama.</p>
<p id="b-p744" shownumber="no">The only genuine heroic epic of the Byzantines is the "Digenis
Akritas", a popular poetic crystallization of the conflicts between the
Byzantine wardens of the marches 
(<i>akritai</i>) and the Saracens in Eastern Asia Minor, during the
tenth and eleventh centuries. The nucleus of this epic goes back to the
twelfth or thirteenth century, its final literary form to the
fifteenth. The original poems have suffered much in the final redaction
from the mutilations of the schoolmen. An approximate idea of the
original poem may be gathered from the numerous echoes of it extant in
popular poetry. The existing versions exhibit a blending of several
cycles, quite after the manner of the Homeric poems. Its principal
subjects are love, adventures, battles, and a patriarchal, idyllic
enjoyment of life; it is a mixture of the Iliad and the Odyssey, the
majority of the material being drawn from the latter, while the
atmosphere is Christian. With an intimate sympathy with nature are
combined genuine piety and a strong family feeling. In an artistic
sense the work can certainly not be compared with either the Greek or
the Germanic epics. It lacks their dramatic quality and the variety of
their characters. It must be compared with the Slavic and Oriental
heroic songs, among which it properly belongs.</p>
<p id="b-p745" shownumber="no">The love-romance of the Greek Middle Ages is the result of the
fusion of the sophistical Alexandro-Byzantine romance and the medieval
French popular romance, on the basis of an Hellenistic view of life and
nature. This is proved by its three chief creations, composed in the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. "Kallimachos and Chrysorrhoe",
"Belthandros and Chrysantza", "Lybistros and Rhodamne". While the first
and the last of these are yet markedly under the influence of the
Byzantine romance, both in thought and in manner of treatment, the
second begins to show the aesthetic and ethical influence of the
Old-French romance; indeed, its story often recalls the Tristan legend.
The style is clearer and more transparent, the action more dramatic,
than in the extant versions of the Digenis legend. The ethical idea is
the romantic idea of knighthood--the winning of the loved one by valour
and daring, not by blind chance as in the Byzantine literary romances.
Along with these independent adaptations of French material, are direct
translations from "Flore et Blanchefleur", "Pierre et Maguelonne", and
others, which have passed into the domain of universal literature.</p>
<p id="b-p746" shownumber="no">To the period of Frankish conquest belongs aIso the metrical
Chronicle of Morea (fourteenth century) It was composed by a Frank
brought up in Greece, though a foe of the Greeks, and its literary
value for the history of civilization is all the greater. Its object
was, amid the constantly progressing hellenization of the Western
conquerors, to remind them of the spirit of their ancestors. It is
Greek, therefore, only in language; in literary form and spirit it is
wholly Frankish. The author "describes minutely the feudal customs
which had been transplanted to the soil of Greece, and this perhaps is
his chief merit; the deliberations of the High Court are given with the
greatest accuracy, and he is quite familiar with the practice of feudal
law" (J. Schmitt). As early as the fourteenth century the Chronicle was
translated into Spanish and in the fifteenth into French and
Italian.</p>
<p id="b-p747" shownumber="no">About the same time and in the same locality the small islands off
the coast of Asia Minor, appeared the earliest collection of neo-Greek
love songs, known as the "Rhodian Love-Songs". Besides songs of various
sorts and origins, they contain a complete romance, told in the form of
a play on numbers, a youth being obliged to compose in honour of the
maiden whom he worships a hundred verses, corresponding to the numbers
one to one hundred, before she returns his love.</p>
<p id="b-p748" shownumber="no">Between the days of the French influence in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries and those of Italian in the sixteenth and
seventeenth, there was a short romantic and popular revival of the
ancient legendary material. It is true that for this revival, there was
neither much need nor much appreciation, and as a consequence but few
of the ancient heroes and their heroic deeds are adequately treated.
The best of these works is a romance based on the story of Alexander
the Great, a revised version of the Pseudo-Callisthenes of the
Ptolemaic period, which is also the source of the western versions of
the Alexander romance. The "Achilleis", on the other hand, though
written in the popular verse and not without taste, is wholly devoid of
antique local colour, and is rather a romance of French chivalry than a
history of Achilles. Lastly, of two compositions on the Trojan War, one
is wholly crude and barbarous, the other, though better, is a literal
translation of the old French poem of Benoît de Ste.-More.</p>
<p id="b-p749" shownumber="no">To these products of the fourteenth century maybe added two of the
sixteenth, both describing a descent into the lower world, evidently
popular offshoots of the Timarion and Mazaris already mentioned. To the
former corresponds the "Apokopos", a satire of the dead on the livings
to the latter the "Piccatores", a metrical piece decidedly lengthy but
rather unpoetic, while the former has many poetical passages (e.g. the
procession of the dead) and betrays the influence of Italian
literature. In fact Italian literature impressed its popular character
on the Greek popular poetry of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,
as French literature had done in the thirteenth and fourteenth. As a
rich popular poetry sprang up during the last-mentioned period on the
islands off the coast of Asia Minor, so now a similar literature
developed on the Island of Crete. Its most important creations are the
romantic epic "Erotokritos" and the dramas "Erophile" and "The
Sacrifice of Abraham", with a few minor pictures of customs and
manners. These works fall chronologically outside the limits of
Byzantine literature; nevertheless, as a necessary complement and
continuation of the preceding period, they should be discussed here.
The "Erotokritos" is a long romantic poem of chivalry, Iyric in
characters and didactic in purpose, the work of Cornaro, a hellenized
Venetian of the sixteenth century. It abounds in themes and ideas drawn
from the folk-poetry of the time. In the story of Erotokritos and
Arethusa the poet glorifies love and friendship, chivalric courage,
constancy, and self-sacrifice. Although foreign influences do not
obtrude themselves, and the poem, as a whole, has a national Greek
flavour, it reveals the various cultural elements, Byzantine, Romance,
and Oriental, without giving, however, the character of a composite.
The Iyrical love tragedy "Erophlle" is more of a mosaic, being a
combination of two Italian tragedies, with the addition of lyrical
intermezzos from Tasso's "Jerusalem Delivered", and choral songs from
his "Aminta". Nevertheless, the materials are handled with
independence, and more harmoniously arranged than in the original; the
father who has killed his daughter's lover is slain not by his
daughter's hand, but by the ladies of his palace, thus giving a less
offensive impression. Owing to the lyric undertone of the works some
parts of it have survived in popular tradition until the present time.
The mystery-play of "The Sacrifice of Abraham" is a little
psychological masterpiece, apparently an independent work. The familiar
and trite Biblical incidents are reset in the patriarchal environment
of Greek family life. The poet emphasizes the mental struggles of
Sarah, the resignation of Abraham to the Divine will, the anxious
forebodings of Isaac, and the affectionate sympathy of the servants, in
other words, a psychological analysis of the characters. The mainspring
of the action is Sarah's fore-knowledge of what is to happen, evidently
the invention of the poet to display the power of maternal love. The
diction is distinguished by high poetic beauty and by a thorough
mastery of versification. Other products of Cretan literature are a few
adaptations of Italian pastorals, a few erotic and idyllic poems, like
the so-called "Seduction Tale" (an echo of the Rhodian Love-Songs), and
the lovely, but ultra-sentimental, pastoral idyll of the "Beautiful
Shepherdess".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="b-p750" shownumber="no">KARL DIETERICH</p></def>
</glossary>
</div1>

    <div1 id="c" next="iv" prev="b" progress="14.99%" title=" Cabellero to Clairvaux">
<glossary id="c-p0.1">
<term id="c-p0.2" title="Caballero, Fernan" type="Encyclopedia">Fernan Caballero</term>
<def id="c-p0.3">
<h1 id="c-p0.4">Fernán Caballero</h1>
<p id="c-p1" shownumber="no">
<i>Nom de plume</i> of Cecilia Böhl von Faber, a noted Spanish
novelist; born at Morges, a small town in Switzerland, 25 December,
1796; died at Seville, 7 April, 1877. Her father was Nicolas Böhl
von Faber, a German who had settled in Spain and enjoyed some
reputation there as an author, and her mother was a native of Spain.
She spent her early years in Germany and Italy, and came to Spain with
her parents in 1813, settling at Cadiz. She was three times married and
widowed, her first husband being Captain Planelles, who she married
when she was barely seventeen. Having lost her husband shortly after
her marriage, she became in 1822 the wife of the Marqués de Arco
Hermoso, who died in 1835. Two years later she married Antonio
Arrön de Ayala, a lawyer, and for a time Spanish Consul in
Australia. After the death of her third husband, in 1863, she retired
to the royal palace at Seville, where she was enabled to reside through
the friendship and influence of her neighbour, the Duc de Montpensier.
Fernán Caballero, who was much better known by her pseudonym than
by her own name, was also a journalist, and at one time was a
contributor to "LA Ilustraciön Española ya Americana". But it
was as a novelist that she made her reputation, her descriptive powers,
in particular, being compared to those of Scott and Cooper. In 1849 she
published her first novel, "La Gaviota", which appeared originally in
serial form in a newspaper. This work has been translated into several
languages, the English version appearing in 1868 under the title of
"The Sea Gull", and it has probably been more widely read by foreigners
than any Spanish book of the century. Following "La Gaviota" there
appeared from her pen many novels and short stories in which she
describes, with much charm, grace, and exactness, the types and customs
of the different classes of Spanish society, especially in Andalusia.
Under the general title "Cuadros Sociales" were published, with others
"La Gaviota", "Clemencia", "La Familia de Albareda", and "Elía".
Her complete works were published at Madrid (1860-61) in thirteen
volumes.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2" shownumber="no">VENTURA FUENTES</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2.1" title="Caballero, Raimundo Diosdado" type="Encyclopedia">Raimundo Diosdado Caballero</term>
<def id="c-p2.2">
<h1 id="c-p2.3">Raimundo Diosdado Caballero</h1>
<p id="c-p3" shownumber="no">Miscellaneous writer, chiefly ecclesiastical, born at Palma, in the
island of Majorca, 19 June 1740; died at Rome, either 16 January 1830,
or 28 April 1829. He entered the Society of Jesus 15 November, 1752,
held the chair of literature in the Jesuit College at Madrid for
several years, and was deported with the other Jesuits to Italy when
the Society was suppressed in the Spanish dominions. In his new home
father Caballero developed a varied literary activity. The following
are the most important of his works:</p>
<ul id="c-p3.1">
<li id="c-p3.2">"De Primá typographiae hispanicae aetate specimen" (Rome,
1793);</li>
<li id="c-p3.3">"Commentariola critica, primum de discipliná arcani, secundum
de linguá evangelicá" (Rome, 1798). The author corrects in
this work what he considers to be the mistakes of Schelstrate and
Hardouin, and proves that the native tongue of Christ and the Apostles
was Syriac, not Greek, as Dominicus Diodati (d. 1801) had maintained in
his "De Christo loquente exercitatio" (Naples, 1767).</li>
<li id="c-p3.4">"Bibliothecae Scriptorum Societatis Jesu supplementa. Supplementum
primum" (Rome, 1814), "Supplementum primum" (Rome, 1814), "Supplementum
alterum" (Rome, 1816);</li>
<li id="c-p3.5"><p id="c-p4" shownumber="no">Father Caballero shows his Scriptural knowledge in his
"Tetraglotton D. Marei Evangelium, et Marcologia critica"; "El
Evangelio de S. Marcos escrito en latin, griego y hebreo, con los tres
alfabetos".</p>
<p id="c-p5" shownumber="no">Not to mention several historical works, we may add here his
writings on American subjects: "Observaciones americanas, y supplemento
critico á la historia de México"; "Medios para estrechar
más la union entre espanoles americanos y europeos";
"Consideraciones americanas".</p></li>
</ul>
<br />
<br />
<p id="c-p6" shownumber="no">
<span class="c3" id="c-p6.1">SOMMERVOGEL, Bibl. de la c. de J., II, 481 sqq.
(Brussels, 1891); HURTER, Nomenclator (Innsbruck, 1895), III.
874.</span>
</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p7" shownumber="no">A.J. MAAS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p7.1" title="Caballero y Ocio, Juan" type="Encyclopedia">Juan Caballero y Ocio</term>
<def id="c-p7.2">
<h1 id="c-p7.3">Juan Caballero y Ocio</h1>
<p id="c-p8" shownumber="no">Born at Querétaro, Mexico, 4 May, 1644; died there 11 April,
1707. A priest remarkable for lavish gifts to the Church and for
charity. While still a layman he was a mayor of his native city. After
taking Holy Orders he held several high offices. He gave large sums of
money to several churches, and founded and endowed in his native city
the church and college of the Jesuits, enlarged the Franciscan hurch,
built the Dminican church and convent, constructed the Chapel of Our
Lady of Loretto, to which he gave all his family jewels, founded the
convent of Capuchin nuns, and built a hospital or infirmary in St.
Francis' convent. He gave dowries to more than two hundred girls, and
left large sums of money for daily charities. In the city of Mexiico he
rebuilt the church of Santa Clara and contributed generously to the
construction of the churches of Sts. Philip Neri and Belen. In
Guadalajara he finished the church of St. Dominic, and for the missions
of the newly discovered California he gave $150,000. Some years before
his death he bequethed his property for charitable purposes. He was
remarkable for his humility and piety. He refused two bishoprics which
were offered to him at different times, and the title of 
<i>Adelantado</i> (governor) of California, which the King of Spain
sent him, after his generous donation to those missions. Every year he
used to make a spiritual retreat, drawing at the same time his last
will, and becoming the executor of his pious bequests until he renewed
them the following year. Almighty God seemed to bless his charity, and
the sums he left for charitable purposes were wonderfully preserved and
increased for a century and a half, until the general spoliation of the
Church of Mexico.</p>
<p id="c-p9" shownumber="no">SIGUENZA Y GONGORA, Glorias de Queretaro (Mexico, 1690); OROZCO Y
BERRA, Apendice al Diccionario Universal (Mexico, 1856).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p10" shownumber="no">MONTES DE OCA Y OBREGÓN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p10.1" title="Cabasa" type="Encyclopedia">Cabasa</term>
<def id="c-p10.2">
<h1 id="c-p10.3">Cabasa</h1>
<p id="c-p11" shownumber="no">A titular see of Egypt. About seven and one-half miles north of Sais
(ruins at Ssa el-Haggar) stands a little village called
Shabas-Sounkour, or Shabas as-Shoada. It has been rightly identified
with the see that figures in a Coptic-Arabian episcopal list of the
seventh century under the names Shabas-Sanhoul and
Gabaseos-tivari-Khevasen. Ptolemy (IV, v, 48) calls it Kabasa, and says
it is the capital of the fifth 
<i>nomos</i> (Kabasites). The city is also known by its coins. It is
mentioned by Pliny (V, ix, 9), Georgius Cyprius (ed. Gelzer, 730), and
Hierocles (724,5). Parthey (ed.), "Notitia Prima", about 840, gives it
as the metropolis of Aegyptus Secunda. Two of its bishops are known:
Theopemptus, present at Ephesus in 431 and 449, and Macarius, an
opponent of Dioscorus at Chalcedon in 451.</p>
<p id="c-p12" shownumber="no">DE ROUGE, Geographie ancienne de la Basse-Egypte (Paris, 1891), 24,
152; SMITH, Dict. of Greek and Roman Geog. (London, 1878), I, 462.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p13" shownumber="no">S. PETRIDES</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p13.1" title="Cabassut, Jean" type="Encyclopedia">Jean Cabassut</term>
<def id="c-p13.2">
<h1 id="c-p13.3">Jean Cabassut</h1>
<p id="c-p14" shownumber="no">(CABASSUTIUS.)</p>
<p id="c-p15" shownumber="no">French theologian and priest of the Oratory, born at Aix in 1604,
died there, 1685. He excelled equally in learning and holiness of life.
He entered the Oratory at the age of twenty-one and thought devoted to
his labour he was always ready to interrupt even his most favourite
study to assist the needy. He had taught canon law at Avignon for some
time, when Cardinal Grimaldi, Archbishop of Aix, took him as companion
to Rome, where Father Cabassut remained about eighteen months.
Returning to Aix, he became a distinguished writer on questions of
ecclesiastical history, canon law, and moral theology. St. Alphonsus
considers him classical. He was a probabiliorist in his moral
solutions. The folowing of his works are worthy of note: "Notitia
Conciliorum" (Lyons, 1668). Cardinal Grimaldi induced the writer to
enlarge this work and publish it under the title, "Notitia
ecclesiastica historiarum, conciliorum et canonum invicem collatorum",
etc. (Lyons, 1680, and other dates; Munich, 1758; Tournai, 1851, 3
vols.). Often modified and enlarged, it was once, under the title
"Cabassutius", an authority for the history of councils. A compendium
of the "Notitia" appeared at Louvain, 1776. "Theoria et Praxis Juris
Canonici" etc. (Lyons, 1660, and other dates; Rouen, 1703; Venice,
1757).</p>
<p id="c-p16" shownumber="no">HURTER, Nomenclator, II, 501; PUNKES in Kirchenlex., II, 1641;
BATTEREL, Mem. pour servir a Phist. de l'Orat. (Paris, 1903), III,
396-412.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p17" shownumber="no">A.J. MAAS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p17.1" title="Cabello de Balboa, Miguel" type="Encyclopedia">Miguel Cabello de Balboa</term>
<def id="c-p17.2">
<h1 id="c-p17.3">Miguel Cabello de Balboa</h1>
<p id="c-p18" shownumber="no">A secular priest, born at Archidona in Spain, dates of birth and
death unknown. In 1566 he emigrated to Peru in South America; from here
he went to Quito, Ecuador, where he began to write the "Miscelánea
Antárctica", finishing it at Lima in 1586. Nothing else is known
of him except that, in the years 1602-1603, he wrote a letter giving
valuable details concerning the regions of Pelechuco and Apolobamba in
eastern Bolivia, between the Andes and the Beni River. In this letter
he does not explicitly state that he visited those districts, but the
information imparted is such as to imply this. The letter is taken from
a book written by Father Cabello of which nothing else is known.</p>
<p id="c-p19" shownumber="no">The "Miscelánea Antárctica", however, is an important
source. Unfortunately, most of it remains in manuscript. Only the third
part has been published in French by Ternaux Compans. The original was
(1853) in possession of the celebrated historiographer Don Joaquin
Garcia Ycazbalceta at Mexico. A complete copy also exists at the Lenox
Branch of the New York Public Library. It contains Indian traditional
records of the coming to South America of white men who are said to
have preached the Gospel to the aborigines; also a theory that the
Indians of Patagonia and Chile are the descendants of pirates of
Macassar. The legendary history of the Inca tribe is expounded at
length, and the origin of the Inca given in a manner somewhat at
variance with the accounts of other Spanish authors.</p>
<p id="c-p20" shownumber="no">TERNAUX COMPANS, Histoire du Pérou (tr. of part of CABELLO'S
book) furnishes a few biographical data. More is told in the
Diccionario universal de Historia (Mexico, 1853); LEóN Y PINELO,
Epítome (1737-1738), has a short notice of the work.
<br />On the missions to the Bolivian Andes and Apolobamba, see the
letter by CABELLO in Relaciones geográficas de Indias (Madrid,
1885), II; MENDIBURú, Diccionario etc. (Lima, 1876), II, gives
only meagre information.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p21" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p21.1" title="Cabeza de Vaca, Alvar Nunez" type="Encyclopedia">Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca</term>
<def id="c-p21.2">
<h1 id="c-p21.3">Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca</h1>
<p id="c-p22" shownumber="no">Born at Jerez de la Frontera in Andalusia, Spain; dates of birth and
death uncertain.</p>
<p id="c-p23" shownumber="no">The family were originally peasants and called themselves 
<i>Alhaja</i> until after the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (11 July,
1212), when they were ennobled for service that contributed to the
important victory which the kings of Castile, Aragon, and Navarre
achieved over the Moors. One of the Alhajas informed the Christians of
a mountain pass by which the position of the Arabs could be turned, and
indicated the entrance by placing the skull of a cow near it. Hence the
change of name and the coat of arms.</p>
<p id="c-p24" shownumber="no">Alvar Nuñez joined the expedition of Pámfilo de Narvaez to
Florida in 1526 as treasurer. With two other Spaniards and an Arab
Moor, he was the only survivor who remained on the mainland. For eight
years they roamed along the coasts of Louisiana and Texas under the
greatest of hardships, their position among the Indians being wellnigh
intolerable. In utter despair, Cabeza de Vaca at last tried his scanty
knowledge of medicine and, his cures proving successful, he became a
renowned medicine man among the natives, his companions following the
example. The treatment to which they resorted partook of the nature of
a faith-cure. He declares the sign of the cross to be a seldom-failing
remedy. The belief of the outcasts in miracles was sincere, while
acknowledging that they also employed indigenous Indian remedies with
simple Christian religious ceremonials. After nine years they reached
the Pacific coast in Sonora, Mexico, thus being the first Europeans to
travel across the North American continent. Cabeza de Vaca arrived at
the city of Mexico in 1536. He was also the first European who saw and
described the American bison or buffalo. But the wanderers did not, as
had been supposed, see the New Mexican pueblos. They only heard of
them.</p>
<p id="c-p25" shownumber="no">Returning to Spain in 1537, he obtained the post of Governor of the
La Plata regions (Argentina), whither he went in 1541. Cabeza de Vaca
was a trustworthy subaltern, but not fit for independent command. His
men rebelled against him in 1543, took him prisoner, and sent him to
Spain, where for eight years he was kept in mild captivity. The date of
his death is not known, but it is stated that he ended his days at
Seville, where he occupied an honourable and modestly lucrative
position in connection with the American trade.</p>
<p id="c-p26" shownumber="no">He wrote two works. One is the story of his first trials in America
as a member of the expedition of Narvaez, which was published at Zamora
in 1542, and is known under the title of 
<i>Naufragios</i> (reprinted 1555 and several times translated into
English); the other is on his career in South America (published 1555)
and called 
<i>Comentarios</i>. Both are valuable for the history of Spanish
colonization, the former also for the customs and manners of North
American Indians.</p>
<p id="c-p27" shownumber="no">There is hardly a work on the history of North America extant that
does not allude, more or less correctly, to Cabeza de Vaca, and the
same may be stated in regard to histories of Argentina and Paraguay.
The earliest publications are of course those written by himself, his 
<i>La Relacion que dio Aluar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca de lo acaescido
en las Indians en la armada donde yua por gouernador Pamphilo de
Narbaez</i> etc. (Zamora, 1542), only two copies of which are known to
exist, and 
<i>La Relacion y comentarios del gouernador Aluar Nuñez Cabeza de
Vaca</i> (Valladolid, 1555).</p>
<p id="c-p28" shownumber="no">OVIEDO, Hist. general y natural (Madrid, 1850), gives the text of
the above with some modifications, adding a communication written while
on the way to Europe. In Documentos inéditos de Indias, there are
a few more documents; RAMUSIO, Delle Navigazioni e Viaggi (Venice,
1556), an Italian version. There is a French translation by TERNAUX
COMPANS, both of the Naufrages and the Commentaires. English
translations: PURCHAS, His Pilgramage (London 1625-26, title, Relation
of the Fleet in India, whereof Pamphilus Naruaez was Governor); SMITH,
tr. (Washington, 1851): reprinted by John Gilmary Shea (New York,
1871). A paraphrase of the work has been given by KINGSLEY, Tales of
Old Travels (London, 1869). FANNY BANDELIER has published the journey
of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca (New York, 1905), a translation of
the 1542 edition of the Naufragios.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p29" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p29.1" title="Cabot, John and Sebastian" type="Encyclopedia">John and Sebastian Cabot</term>
<def id="c-p29.2">
<h1 id="c-p29.3">John &amp; Sebastian Cabot</h1>
<h4 id="c-p29.4">John Cabot</h4>
<p id="c-p30" shownumber="no">(Giovanni Cabota of Gabota.)</p>
<p id="c-p31" shownumber="no">A celebrated navigator and the discoverer of the American mainland,
born in the first half of the fifteenth century at Genoa; date of death
unknown. In 1461 he went to Venice and, after living there fifteen
years, the prescribed residence for obtaining citizenship, was
naturalized, 28 March, 1476. For this reason he is generally called a
Venetian. On his commercial journeys, which took him to the shores of
Arabia, he heard of the countries rich in spices which lay to the far
East. This may have led him to conceive the plan of a great voyage of
dicovery. About 1490 he went to England with his three sons, Ludovico,
Sebastiano, and Sancto, and settled there as an experienced seaman. he
may have inspired the expedition that sailed from Bristol in 1491 to
find the fabulous isles of the West. When the success of Christopher
Columbus became known, Cabot acquainted himself most carefully with the
theories and opinions of his countryman, and finally offered to do for
England what Columbus had done for Spain. By letters patent of 5 March,
1496, King Henry VII granted Cabot and his three sons the right to seek
islands and countries of the heathen towards the west, east, and north,
with five ships under the English flag. Cabot began his preparations
for the voyage at once and sailed from Bristol early in May, 1497, on
the ship Matthew, with eighteen men, among whom may have been his son
Sebastian. After sailing for fifty days, mainly in a westerly
direction, they reache the American mainland, 24 June, 1497, that is,
before Columbus. According to the chart of Sebastian Cabot (1544), the
land was in the vincinity of Cape Breton Island. Some investigators,
however, assert that this entry of the younger Cabot is a falsification
to support the English claim to possession, and they place the spot
where the landing was made in Labrador. On 26 June Cabot began his
return voyage; towards the end of July or the first week of August he
reached England, where he received a warm welcome. Letters patent of 3
February, 1498, empowered him to undertake a second expedition. This
was made up of five ships and three hundred men, and set sail some time
before 25 July, 1498. They first went north, apparently as far as
67° N. lat.; drifting ice forced them to turn, and they sailed
along the east coast of America past Newfoundland, which Cabot named
Bacallaos, as far as the latitude of Cape Hatteras, as is learned from
the chart of Juan de la Cosa (1500). No furthur information has been
preserved of Cabot, even as to his return from this expedition.
Nevertheless, existing data, although scanty, suffice to assure John
Cabot a place among the greatest discoverers.</p>
<h4 id="c-p31.1">Sebastian</h4>
<p id="c-p32" shownumber="no">Son of John Cabot. Born probably in Venice c. 1474; died 1557, or
soon after. As already stated, he may have taken part in the first
expedition of his father. In 1512 he was in the employ of Henry VIII of
England as cartographer; in the same year he accompanied Willoughby to
Spain, where he recieved the rank of Captain from King Ferdinand V.
After Ferdinand's death he returned to England, where, in 1517, he
tried in vain to win the favour of Vice-Admiral Perte for a new
expedition. In 1522, although once more in the employ of Spain and
holding the rank of pilot-major, he secretly offered his services to
Venice, undertaking to find the north-west passage to China. Finally he
received the rank of captain general from Spain, and was entrusted, 4
March, 1525, with the command of a fleet which was to find Tarshish,
Ophir, and the far eastern country of Cathay, and also to discover the
way to the Moluccas. The expedition consisted of three ships with 150
men, and set sail from Cadiz, 5 April, 1526, but only went as far as
the mouth of the Rio de la Plata. Cabot here went ashore and left
behind his companions, Francisco de Rojas, Martin Mendez, and Miguel de
Rodas, with whom he had quarrelled; he explored the Parana River as far
as its junction with the Paraguay and built two forts. In August, 1530,
he returned to Spain, where he was at once indicted for his conduct
towards his fellow commanders and his lack of success, and was
condemned, 1 February, 1532, to a banishment of two years to Oran in
Africa. After a year he was pardoned and went to Seville; he remained
pilot-major of Spain until 1547, when without losing either the title
or the pension, he left Spain and returned to England, where he
received a salary with the title of great pilot. In the year 1553
Charles V made unsuccessful attempts to win him back. In the meantime
Cabot had reopened negotiations with Venice, but he reached no
agreement with that city. After this he aided both with information and
advice the expedition of Willoughby and Chancellor, was made
life-governor of the "Company of Merchant Adventurers", and equipped
(1557) the expedition of Borough. After this, nothing more is heard of
him; he probably died soon afterwards.</p>
<p id="c-p33" shownumber="no">The account of his journeys written by himself has been lost. All
that remains of his personal work is a map of the world drawn in 1544;
one copy of this was found in Bavaria, and is still preserved in the
National Library at Paris. This map is especially important for the
light it throws on the first journey of his father. The character of
Sebastian Cabot does not leave a favourable impression; restless and
unscrupulous, he busied himself with the most varied projects, and was
ready to enter into relations with any country from which he might hope
to gain the realization of his schemes. The country most indebted to
him is England, where he roused enthusiasm for great undertakings; with
his father he laid the foundation of the English supremacy at sea.</p>
<p id="c-p34" shownumber="no">The accounts of the journeys of John and Sebastian Cabot were
collected by Richard Hakluyt in his work "The Principle Navigations,
Voyages" etc., and have been recently published in an extra series of
the Hakluyt Society (Glasgow, 1904), VII, 141-158. In the same series
appears "Ordinances, Instructions, and Advertisements of and for the
Direction of the intended Voyage for Cathay, compiled, made and
delivered by. . . .Sebastian Cabota" (Glasgow, 1903), II, 195-205.
Cabot's picture, apparently by Holbein, appears on page 240 of this
latter volume.</p>
<p id="c-p35" shownumber="no">WINSHIP, Cabot Bibliography (London, 1900), gives a list of the
extensive bibliography on the subject in 579 titles; BIDDLE, Memoir of
Sebastian Cabot (London, 1831); D'AVEZAC, Les navigateurs
terre-neuviens Jean et Sébastien Cabot (Paris, 1869); NICHOLLS,
Life, Adventures, and Discoveries of Sebastian Cabot (London, 1869);
HARRISSE, Jean et Sébastien Cabot (Paris, 1882); IDEM, The
Discovery of North America (Paris, 1892); MARKHAM, ed. and tr., The
Journal of Christopher Columbus and Documents Relating to the Voyages
of John Cabot and Gaspar Corte Real (London, 1893), No. 86 of the
publications of the Hakluyt Society; BEAZLEY, John and Sebastian Cabot
(London, 1898); The Voyages of Columbus and of J. Cabot, ed. BOURNE
(New York, 1906).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p36" shownumber="no">OTTO HARTIG</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p36.1" title="Cabral, Francisco" type="Encyclopedia">Francisco Cabral</term>
<def id="c-p36.2">
<h1 id="c-p36.3">Francisco Cabral</h1>
<p id="c-p37" shownumber="no">Portugese missionary in Japan, born in the castle of Govillou,
Diocese of Guarda, Portugal, 1529; died at Goa, 1609. In 1554 he
entered the Society of Jesus, and after his studies went to Japan,
where he laboured strenuously to propogate the Christian religion.
There he enjoyed the friendship of princes and kings, many of whom,
together with their subjects, were won over to the Faith by his zealous
labours. He filled very important places in the government of his
order, being superior of Japan for twelve years, master of novices, and
rector of the College of San Pablo of Goa, and finally visitor to
India. He died at the age of eighty-one with a great repute for
prudence and holiness.</p>
<p id="c-p38" shownumber="no">Varones Ilustres de la Compañía de Jesús (2nd ed.,
Bilbao, 1887), I, 655-63.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p39" shownumber="no">EDWARD P. SPILLANE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p39.1" title="Cabral, Pedralvarez" type="Encyclopedia">Pedralvarez Cabral</term>
<def id="c-p39.2">
<h1 id="c-p39.3">Pedralvarez Cabral</h1>
<p id="c-p40" shownumber="no">(Pedro Alvarez.)</p>
<p id="c-p41" shownumber="no">A celebrated Portugese navigator, generally called the discoverer of
Brazil, born probably around 1460; date of death uncertain. Very little
is known concerning the life of Cabral. He was the third son of Fernao
Cabral, Governor of Beira and Belmonte, and Isabel de Gouvea, and
married Isabel de Castro, the daughter of the distinguished Fernando de
Noronha. He must have had an exellent training ini navigation and large
experience as a seaman, for King Emmanuel of Portugal considered him
competent to continue the work of Vasco da Gama, and in the year 1500
placed him in command of a fleet which was to set sail for India. His
commision was to establish permanent commercial relations and to
introduce Christianity wherever he went, using force of arms when
necessary to gain his point. The nature of the undertaking led rich
Florentine merchants to contribute to the equipment of the ships, and
priests to join the expedition. Among the captains of the fleet, which
consisted of thirteen ships with 1,200 men, were Bartolomeu Diaz, Pero
Vaz de Caminha, and Nicolao Coelho, the latter the companion of da
Gama. Da Gama himself gave the directions necessary for the course of
the voyage.</p>
<p id="c-p42" shownumber="no">The fleet left Lisbon, 9 March, 1500, and following the course laid
down, sought to avoid the calms of the coast of Guinea. On leaving the
Cape Verde Islands, where Luis Pirez was forced by a storm to return to
Lisbon, they sailed in a decidedly southwesterly direction. On 22 April
a mountain was visible, to which the name of "Mt. Paschoal" was given;
on the 23rd Coelho landed on the coast of Brazil, and on the 25th the
entire fleet sailed into the harbor called "Porto Seguro". Cabral
perceived that the new country lay east of the line of demarcation made
by Alexander VI, and at once sent Andreas Gonçalvez (according to
other authorities Gaspar de Lemos) to Portugal with the important
tidings. Believing the island to be an island he gave it the name of
"Island of Vera Cruz" and took possession of it by erecting a cross and
holding a religious service. The service was celebrated by the
Franciscan, Father Henrique, afterwards Bishop of Ceuta, on the island
called Coroa Vermelha in the bay of Cabralia. Cabral resumed his voyage
3 May; by the end of the month the fleet approached the Cape of Good
Hope, where it was struck by a storm in which four vessels, including
that of Bartolomeu Diaz, were lost. With the ships now reduced to
one-half of the original number, Cabral reached Sofala, 16 July, and
Mozambique, 20 July; in the latter place he received a cordial
greeting. On 26 July he came to Kilwa where he was unable to make an
agreement with the ruler; on 2 August he reached Melinde; here he had a
friendly welcome and obtained a pilot to take him to India. At Calicut,
where he arrived 13 September, he met with many obstacles, so that he
was obliged to bombard the town for two days; in Cochin and Kananur,
however, he succeeded in making advantageous treaties. Cabral started
on the return voyage, 16 January, 1501, and arrived at Lisbon, 31 July,
or, as is sometiimes given, 23 June. On the way home he met Pero Diaz
whom he had dispatched, during his voyage, to Magadoxo, and in
September the last of his ships, in command of Sancho de Toar whom he
had sent to Sofala, returned to Lisbon. Of his later life nothing is
known.</p>
<p id="c-p43" shownumber="no">The authorities for the voyage of discovery of Cabral are contained
in the reports of eyewitnesses, especially in the letter of VAZ DE
CAMINHA to King Emmanuel, of which the original was discovered in 1790.
This letter was first published by CAZAL in his Corografía
brazilica (1817), I, 12-34; the best edition is in the Revista do
Instituto Historico Geographico do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1877), XL,
Pt. II, 12-37. Another narrative is that of a pilot, published by
RAMUSIO in his Delle Navig. e Viaggi (Venice, 1563), I, 1221-127. There
is also a description of the voyage in BARROS, Asia (Lisbon, 1552),
Dec. I, lib. V, i-x; in FARIO Y SOUSA, Asia Port., I, 1, v, 45-49, and
in the writings of other historians. VARNHAGEN, Historia geral do
Brazil (Rio de Janeiro, 1854), I; Materials for a Biography in Revista
do Instituto Histor. Geog. do Brasil (1843), V, 496-98; BALDAQUE DA
SILVA, O Descobrimento do Brazil por Pedro Alvarez Cabral (Lisbon,
1892).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p44" shownumber="no">OTTO HARTIG</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p44.1" title="Cabrillo, Estevan" type="Encyclopedia">Estevan Cabrillo</term>
<def id="c-p44.2">
<h1 id="c-p44.3">Estévan (Juan) Cabrillo</h1>
<p id="c-p45" shownumber="no">A Portugese in the naval service of Spain, date and place of birth
unknown; died on the island of San Bernardo, 3 Jan., 1543. In 1541
Pedro de Alvarado gathered a fleet of twelve vessels on the coast of
Western Mexico (Navidad) for an expedition to the Moluccas. Alvarado
was soon after killed in the assault on the rock of Nochiztlan
(Jalisco), defended by hostile Indians. The Viceroy Mendoza then sent
most of the squadron under the command of Villalobos to the Moluccas,
and two of the largest vessels to the north along the coast, appointing
Cabrillo as commander. The latter sailed from Navidad in 1542, coasting
slowly upwards owing to contrary winds. In the course of his voyage he
discovered Santa Catalina, the Santa Barbara channel, Monterey, Cape
Mendocino, and the Oregon coast as far as latitude 43°, thus being
the discoverer of Oregon and of the entire California coast. Scurvy
having broken out among the crew to a violent degree, Cabrillo could
make but a short stay on the shores of Oregon and Northern California,
and had to turn back.</p>
<p id="c-p46" shownumber="no">His character was distinguished by many honourable features, and his
treatment of the aborigines on the voyage was particularly kind and
generous. Nothing else is known of him, except that he was brought up a
Catholic and remained in the Faith to the time of his death. The report
of Cabrillo has been printed in the "Colección de documentos para
la historia de de España". To that collection and to the
"Colección de documentos de Indias" (both printed at Madrid, and
very volumnious) the reader must be referred for collateral
information. The map of Cabrillo was published by Archbishop Lorenzana
(1770). His voyage is mentioned more or less extensively in every work
of importance on the early history of North America.</p>
<p id="c-p47" shownumber="no">H.H. BANCROFT, History of the Pacific States; CLINCH, California and
Its Missions (San Francisco, 1904); BERISTAIN DE SOUZA, Biblioteca
hispano-americana septentrional (Amecameca, 1883).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p48" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p48.1" title="Cadalous" type="Encyclopedia">Cadalous</term>
<def id="c-p48.2">
<h1 id="c-p48.3">Cadalous</h1>
<p id="c-p49" shownumber="no">Bishop of Parma and antipope, born in the territory of Verona of
noble parentage; died at Parma, 1072. After the death of Nicholas II,
1061, the cardinals, under the direction of Hildebrand, met in legal
form and without any reference to the German Court, elected (30 Sept.)
Alexander II, who as Anselm, Bishop of Lucca, had been one of the
leaders of the reform party. Twenty-eight days after Alexander's
election an assembly of bishops and notables (enemies of reform),
convoked at Basle by the Empress Agnes as regent for her son Henry IV,
and presided over by the Imperial Chancellor Wilbert, chose as antipope
the ambitious prelate of Parma, Cadalous, who assumed the name of
Honorius II (Oct. 28). In the spring of 1062 Cadalous with his troops
marched towards Rome, whither the imperial agent, Benzo, Bishop of
Alba, a clever but unscrupulous man, had been sent in advance to
prepare the way. On 14 April a brief but sanguinary conflict took
place, in which the forces of Alexander were worsted and Cadalous got
possession of the precincts of St. Peter's. The arrival, however, of
Godfrey, Duke of Tuscany, in May, forced the antipope to withdraw to
Parma, Alexander II at the same time engaging to return to his see in
Lucca, there to await the result of Godfrey's mediation with the German
Court.</p>
<p id="c-p50" shownumber="no">In Germany, meanwhile, a revolution had taken place. Anno, the
powerful Archbishop of Cologne, had seized the regency, and the Empress
Agnes retired to the convent at Fructuaria in Piedmont. Having declared
himself against Cadalous, the new regent at the Council of Augsburg,
Oct., 1062, secured the appointment of an envoy to be sent to Rome for
the purpose of investigating Alexander's election. The envoy, Burchard,
Bishop of Halberstadt (Anno's nephew), having pronounced favourably
upon the election, Alexander II was recognized as the lawful pontiff,
and his rival, Cadalous, excommunicated (1063). The antipope did not,
however, abandon his claims. At a counter-synod held at Parma he hurled
back the ban and having gathered about him an armed force, once more
proceeded to Rome, where he established himself in the Castle of Sant'
Angelo and for more than a year defied the power of Alexander at the
Lateran. His cause at length becoming hopeless he fled to his Bishopric
of Parma. The Council of Mantua, Pentecost, 1064, practically ended the
schism by anathematizing Cadalous and formally declaring Alexander II
to be the legitimate successor of St. Peter. Cadalous, however,
maintained his pretensions to the day of his death.</p>
<p id="c-p51" shownumber="no">JAFFÉ, Regesta PP. Rom. (2nd ed.), I, 593 sq.; WILL, Benzos
Panegyrikus auf Heinrich IV (Marburg, 1856); HEFELE, Conciliengesch.
(2d ed.), IV, 850-882; FETZER, Voruntersuchungen zu einer Gesch. des
Pontifikats Alexanders II (Strasburg, 1887); MUNERATI, Sulle origini
dell' antipapa Cadalo (Honorius II) vescovo di Parma in Rivista delle
scienze storiche (Pavia, 1906).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p52" shownumber="no">THOMAS OESTREICH</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p52.1" title="Caddo Indians" type="Encyclopedia">Caddo Indians</term>
<def id="c-p52.2">
<h1 id="c-p52.3">Caddo Indians</h1>
<p id="c-p53" shownumber="no">An important group of closely cognate and usually allied tribes
formerly holding a considerable territory in Western Louisiana and
Eastern Texas, entering upon the Red, Sabine, and Neches Rivers. In the
earlier period they were commonly known to the Spaniards as Tejas,
whence the name of the State, and to the French as Cenis or Assinais.
Of some twenty small tribes, the principal were the Nashitosh
(Natchitoches), Yatasi, and Adai (Adayes), in Louisiana, and the
Kodohadacho (Caddodaquio or Caddo proper), Hainai or Hasinai (Assinai),
Nakohodotsi (Nacogdoches), Nadako (Anadarko), and Hai-ish (Alliche), in
Texas. The Caddo were a semi-sedentary and agricultural people, living
in large, conical, communal, grass-thatched houses, and cultivating
abundant crops of corn, beans, and pumpkins. Their men were brave, but
not aggressive, while their women were expert potters and mat weavers.
In general culture they were on a plane with the Choctaw, Creeks, and
other tribes of the Gulf States, and far superior to the moving tribes
of the Plains, or the fish-eaters of the Texas Coast. They had a fully
developed clan system with ten clans, in which descent followed the
female line. All but one of these (The Sun) were named from animals,
and no Caddo would dare to kill the animal from which his clan derived
its name. The eagle also was held sacred and might be killed, for its
feathers, only by the regularly appointed priest and after certain
propitiatory ceremonies. Their religion savoured of the bloody rites of
the Natchez and Aztecs, including cannibalism.</p>
<p id="c-p54" shownumber="no">The French officer, La Harpe, describes one of these savage
ceremonies which he witnessed while sojourning in their villages in
1712. A large war-party had arrived from an expedition against a
western tribe, bringing with them two prisoners, all that remained of
six unfortunates, the others having been eaten on the way. The
prisoners were closely guarded in the open air, as, according to tribal
custom, a captive who had once entered a Caddo house was therefore free
and safe from harm. Two frames were quickly prepared by planting two
pairs of stout uprights in the earth about four feet apart, with
cross-pieces about one foot and nine feet from the ground. To these
frames the doomed men were then fastened, with their outstretched arms
bound to the cross-pieces above their heads, and with their whole
weight hanging upon the cords. AFter hanging thus for about half an
hour, facing the rising sun, they were taken down and compelled to
dance for their persecutors. At evening, having been all day without
food, they were again tied up in the same way, facing the setting sun.
The next morning they were again suspended from the frames, this time
with their faces looking for the last time upon the rising sun, while
the whole tribe gathered around forthe final tragedy. Fires were
lighted by each family and large earthen pots filled with water were
placed over the blaze. Two old men, each bearing in one hand a knife
and in the other an earthen bowl, then advanced upon the helpless
victims and stabbedthem repeatedly ntil the blood gushed out in streams
and was caught in the bowls held below. This was then poured into a pot
and cooked until clotted, when it was eaten by the priests. The bodies
were then dismembered and a portion given to each family, by whom it
was at once cooked and eaten. The cannibal orgy concluded with a dance.
Such was the savagery which the missionaries challenged.</p>
<p id="c-p55" shownumber="no">Cabeza de Vaca may have met some of the Caddo in his aimless
wanderings in Texas before 1536. De Soto's expedition entered their
territory in 1541-2, and about the middle of the next century another
Spanish expedition reached their country from Santa Fe. In 1687 the
French explorers La Salle and Joutel came into friendly contact with
their principal tribes. In May of 1690 the first mission among the
Tejas was established under the name of San Francisco de los Tejas, on
Trinity River, Texas, by a party of Franciscans under Father Damian
Masanet. At this time the total population of the allied Caddo tribes
must have been close to 10,000 souls, but in the winter of the same
year a terrible epidemic, possibly of white origin, reduced their
number by 3,000, or perhaps one-third, which, with other causes, led to
the abandonment of the mission effort in 1693, after three stations had
been established. Although the missionaries were thus temporarily
withdrawn, the cattle which they had introduced among the Indians were
left behind to increase, and thus augment their food resources and
foster habits of industry. In 1716, the Indians having expressed a wish
for the return of their teachers, Captain Diego Ramon, with an escort
of troops and a party of twelve Franciscan priests and two lay
brothers, came up from the Rio Grande, and after a friendly meeting
with the chiefs concluded with them a treaty of peace on behalf of
Spain. Four missions were at once established--San Francisco, Purisima
Concepci&amp;gt;n, Guadalupe, and San Jose, among the Nakohodotsi, Hasinai,
Neches, and Nasoni respectively--all within easy reach of Nacogdoches,
where a small garrison was established. Later in the year the missions
of Dolores and San Miguel de Cuellar were founded among the Hai-ish
(Aes) and Adai, the last-named being within the present Louisiana,
making six Caddo missions in all.</p>
<p id="c-p56" shownumber="no">French hostility accomplished the abandonment and destruction of the
missions the next year, but in 1721 five of them were re-established,
with a strong Spanish post on their eastern frontier to keep out the
French. The Indian population thus brought within mission influence was
estimated at nearly 5,000, not including the bands on Red River. The
missions reached their highest prosperity about the year 1760, when the
Indian population attached to all the missions of Texas numbered about
15,000 souls. Then began a period of decline, brought about by the
weakening of Spanish power, the increasing hostility of wild tribes,
and the wasting of the Indians under new diseases, which led to the
final abandonment of the Caddo missions in 1773. Five years later the
whole region was swept by small-pox, by which more than one-half the
population was destroyed in a few months. In 1801 another visitation
reduced the Caddo to about 1,400. In 1835 those within Louisiana joined
their kindred in Texas, then a separate government. Later difficulties
with the Texans led to their removal, in 1859, to a reservation in
Western Oklahoma. Here they still reside, being now legal citizens,
upon individual allotments. They numbered 550 in 1906.</p>
<p id="c-p57" shownumber="no">BANCROFT, History of the North American States and Texas (2 vols.,
San Francisco, 1886 and 1889); Annual Reports of Commissioner of Indian
Affairs (Washington, 1831-1907); LA HARPE, Journal Historique de
l'etablissement des Francais, etc. (6 vols., Paris, 1876-1886):
narratives of JOUTEL, LA HARPE, LA SALLE, SAINT DENIS; MOONEY, The
Messiah Religion and the Ghost Dance in Fourteenth Annual Rep. of
Bureau of Am. Ethnology (Washington, 1896), part II; SIBLEY, Historical
Sketches of the Several Indian Tribes in Louisiana (Washington,
1806).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p58" shownumber="no">JAMES MOONEY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p58.1" title="Cades" type="Encyclopedia">Cades</term>
<def id="c-p58.2">
<h1 id="c-p58.3">Cades</h1>
<p id="c-p59" shownumber="no">The name, according to the Vulgate and the Septuagent, of three, or
probably four cities mentioned in Scripture.</p>
<p id="c-p60" shownumber="no">(1) Cades, or Cadesbarne [Heb. 
<i>Qadesh</i> "Holy", and 
<i>Q. Barnea</i>; the meaning of 
<i>Barnea</i> is uncertain], a city on the extreme southern border of
Palestine (Num., xx, 16; xxxiv, 4; Jos., xv, 3). In Psalms xxviii
(xxix), 8 the name is extended to the surrounding desert. That Cades
and Cadesbarne are one place is seen by comparing Num., xiii, 27, with
Num., xxxii, 8, Deut., i, 19, etc. In Gen., xiv, 7, it is called En
Mishpat (Vulg., 
<i>fontem Misphat</i>), "fountain of decision", or "judgment", which
probably was its earlier name. The two names seem to indicated that a
sanctuary with an oracle existed at the place in pre-Israelitic times.
Cades, after Sinai, holds the most important place in the history of
the forty years' wandering of the Israelites in the desert. They came
from Horeb (Sinai) through the desert of Pharan, after eleven days'
journey (Deut., i, 2, 19), with the intention of invading Chanaan from
the south (Ib., i, 20 sq.). From here spies were sent to explore the
country, and here, on their return, forty days after, the discouraging
reports of all but Caleb and Josue provoked a mutiny which changed the
course of events. In punishment the people were condemned to wander
thirty-eight years more, and all who had reached manhood, except Caleb
and Josue, were to die in the desert. To escape this fate the mass of
the people, instead of obeying the command to return towards the Red
Sea, left Moses at Cades and pushed northward with the purpose of
penetrating into the Promised Land, but met with disastrous defeat near
Horma (Num., xiii, 2--xiv, 45; Deut., i, 22-44). During the stay at
Cades occured the death of Mary, the sister of Moses, and the second
miraculous flow of water, on which latter occasion Moses and Aaron were
excluded from the Land of Promise for their want of trust in God (Num.,
xx, 1-13). Cades was probably also the scene of the rebellion of Core,
Dathan, and Abiron (Num., xvi). Lastly, it was from Cades that Moses,
when about to begin the march to the table-land of Moab and the Jordan,
sent to the King of Edom to obtain permission to pass this territory.
The permission being refused, the Israelites were forced to turn aside
from Edom, passing probably through Wady el-Ithm, at the southern end
of the valley of the Arabah (Num., xx, 14 sqq.; Deut., ii, 1 sqq.).</p>
<p id="c-p61" shownumber="no">Opinions differ about the length of the stay at Cades. Many hold
that the command to retrace their steps towards the Red Sea was carried
out after the defeat of the Israelites near Horma, and that they came
to Cades a second time at the beginning of the fortieth year of
wandering. The second stay is said to be indicated by Num., xx, 1 sqq.
In this opinion the stations (seats of headquarters and of the
tabernacle) in Num., xxxiii, 19-35, i.e. from Remmomphares to
Asiongaber, belong to the years of wandering between the first and the
second visit to Cades. It is more probable, however, that the
headquarters and the tabernacle remained at Cades all these years,
while the people roamed about in accordance with Deut., i, 40, ii, 1
sqq. In this case the stations up to Hesmona (Num., xxxiii, 29) would
belong to the journey from Sinai to Cades; those following Hesmona, to
the march towards Moab. The insertion of verses 36-40 after verse 29
would then seem necessary, but the change would clear up this part of
the itinerary.</p>
<p id="c-p62" shownumber="no">A good deal of controversy has existed concerning the site of Cades,
no less than eighteen places having been proposed. This may now be
considered as settled in favour of 'Ain Qadis or Gadis, discovered by
J. Rowlands in 1842, fifty miles south of Bersabee. Its only serious
rival, 'Ain el-Weibeh, on the western edge of the Arabah, forty-five
miles farther east, which was advocated by Robinson and others, is now
generally abandoned. 'Ain Qadis ("Holy Well") preserves the name 
<i>Cades</i> both in meaning and etymology, and best satisfies the
scriptural data. These place Cades to the south of, and close to, the
Negeb, the "south" (Num., xiii, 30), or "south country" (Gen., xx, 1)
of our English version (Cf. Gen., xx, 1; Num., xiii, 23, 30; xiv, 43
sq.; Deut., i, 19, 20), in the Desert of Sin, which was north-east of
the desert of Pharan (Cf. Num., xx, 1; xxvii, 14; xxxiii, 36; Deut.,
xxxii, 51), near the middle of the southern frontier of the land
assigned to Israel (Num., xxxiv, 4; Jos., xv, 3). It must therefore be
sought in the north of the barren plateau Badiet et-Tih, "the desert of
wandering", about midway between the Arabah and the Mediterranean, that
is in the region in which 'Ain Qadis is situated. Moreover, the
position of 'Ain Qadis, at a short distance from the junction of the
main roads leading north, and its abundant supply of good water, a rare
thing in the desert, are advantages which must have made it an
important point, and which would be most likely to attract the
Israelites. Num., xx, 2 sqq., is no objection to the identification.
Cades, wherever situated, must have been near a supply of water. The
miracle in all likelihood occurred at a distance from the town. Still,
it is quite possible that the springs (there are several) may for some
reason have temporarily run dry, and the cliff from underneath which
issue the waters of 'Ain Qadis may well be the rock struck by Moses'
rod. In the Vulgate text of Ecclus., xxiv, mention is made of the palms
of Cades. But the readings, 
<i>en Eggadois, en Gaddi, en Gaddois</i>, found in some manuscripts,
seem to show that Engaddi, where palms were abundant, was referred to
the sacred writer. The Sixtine ed. of the Septuagent has 
<i>en aiggialois</i>, "on the seashore".</p>
<p id="c-p63" shownumber="no">(2) CADES [Heb. 
<i>Qédésh</i> "sanctuary"], a city of the Negeb or "south
country" (Jos., xv, 23). It is sometimes identified with Cadesbarne,
but is more probably distinct from it.</p>
<p id="c-p64" shownumber="no">(3) CADES (or CEDES) OF THE HETHITES (HITITES), a city which
critical conjecture substitutes for Hodsi II Kings, xxiv, 6. It is
identified with 
<i>Qodshu</i> of Egyptian monuments, and is generally placed on the
Lake of Homs (Emesa), Syria, at the point where the Orontes issues from
it. (See also the article CEDES.)</p>
<p id="c-p65" shownumber="no">(1)PALMER, the desert of the Exodus (New York, 1872), 236, 282, sq.,
420 sq.; TRUMBULL, Kadesh Barnea (New York, 1884); HULL, Mt. Seir
(London, 1889), 188; HOLLAND in Pal. Expl. Fund., Qu. St. (1879), 60;
(1884) 9; ROBINSON in Biblic. World, XVII, 327 sq.; LAGRANGE in Rev.
Bib. (1896), 440 sq.; (1899), 373; (1900), 273 sq.; GUTHE in Zeitschr.
d. D. Pal. Ver. (1885), 182-232; LEGENDRE in Dict. de la Bible, II,
16-20.
<br />(3) SAYCE, The Hitites (London, 1888), 100; TOMPKINS in Pal.
Expl. Fund Qu. St. (1882), 47; CONDEN, ibid. (1881), 163-173; TOMPKINS
in Transact. Bibl. Archoeol. (1882), 395, 401; LIPSIUS, Denkmaler, III,
158, 159, 164; VIGOUROUX in Dict. de la Bib., II, 367; ID., Melanges
bibl. (2nd ed.), 340 sq., 351 sq.; HUMMELAUER, Com. in Lib. Sam.,
448.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p66" shownumber="no">F. BECHTEL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p66.1" title="Cadillac, Antoine de Lamothe, Sieur de" type="Encyclopedia">Antoine de Lamothe, Sieur de Cadillac</term>
<def id="c-p66.2">
<h1 id="c-p66.3">Antoine de Lamothe, Sieur de Cadillac</h1>
<p id="c-p67" shownumber="no">Born at Toulouse in 1657; died at Castelsarrasin, 16 October, 1730.
He was the son of a parliamentary councillor, and entered the army at
the age of sixteen. Sent to Acadia in 1683 he served in the Port Royal
garrison, studied the conditions of the English colonies, and in 1689
proposed the conquest of New York and Boston. He took part in the
unsuccessful Caffinière expedition during which the English
destroyed an establishment that he had just begun on Mt. Desert Island,
given him in 1688 by Governor de Denonville, together with an estate at
the mouth of the Union River on the coast of Maine. Despite his
adventerous marriage at Quebec (1687) with Thérèse Guyon, the
daughter of a wealthy merchant, he returned to France in financial
straits. The king took him under his protection, and in 1691 sent him
out to Frontenac, Governor of New France. The latter, meditating an
attack on the coast of New England, used all the information he could
obtain from the crafty and resourceful young officer, who prepared
several memoirs for this special purpose. Under these influential
patrons Cadillac advanced, and was successively made captain of an
infantry, naval ensign, and, in 1694, commandant of Michillimakinac. In
this last office he distinguished himself by his skill in controlling
the savages of the West who threatened to unite with the Iriquois; but
he likewise took advantage of his position to carry on illegal traffic,
and quarraled with the Jesuits who endeavoured to prevent his abuses in
the brandy traffic. Returning to Quebec in 1697 he wrote an interesting
account of Michillimakinac, and was sent to France by Frontenac for the
purpose of making known the latter's views. Falling seriously ill, he
promised to erect a chapel in the Franciscan church at Quebec, which
promise he fulfilled in 1699. He then proposed to the Court to build a
fortified post at the head of Lake Erie, thus to secure the line of
fortifications from the West and prevent the Indians of the interior
from trading with the English.</p>
<p id="c-p68" shownumber="no">In June, 1701, Cadillac founded the city of Detroit, which he called
Pont Chartrain in honour of his protector. Here he erected a church and
a fort, attracted colonists, parceled out land, gathered the Indians,
proposing to civilize them by having them intermarry with the French,
and, in 1705, obtained a monopoly of the trade of this post, at first
given to a special company. He next aimed at making Detroit "the Paris
of New France", suggested the cutting of a canal between Lakes Erie and
Huron, and asked that the settlement be made a marquisat in his favour.
Having become absolute master of Detroit, with the promise of being
appointed its first governor, his ambition eventually led to his
undoing. The merchants of Montreal complained that he was depriving
their city of trade, Governor Vaudreuil objected to the power that he
was arrogating to himself, and the Jesuits protested against abuses in
his transactions with the Indians. Recalled to France in 1710, Cadillac
subsequentially made Governor of Louisiana, where he arrived in 1712.
Entering into partnership with Crozat, he devoted himself chiefly to
mining and to trading with the Spaniards. However, in 1716 he was
deposed, tried, and sentenced to the Bastille, whence he emerged in
1718, and was restored to favour. In 1722 he obtained a decree whereby
he regained possession of his Detroit property and he was later made
Governor of Castelsarrasin, department of Tarn and Garonne, where he
died. His body was interred in the old Carmels church, since
transformed into a prison. Cadillac was shrewd and far-seeing, and
would have been capable of great things had not his career been
blighted by a caustic temperament and an insatiable desire for
gain.</p>
<p id="c-p69" shownumber="no">Archives coloniales de France, series C., II; Acadie, II, carton 10;
Canada, series C., II, XI-XXXI, series B., XIX-LXIII; Archives des
affaires étrangères, Canada, IV; MARGE, Découv. et
Etablis., V, 133-346; ROCHEMONTEIX, Jésuits et Nouv. France au 18e
siècle, I, 59-74, 242; SULTE, Hist. Can. Franc., VI, viii; RAMEAU,
Notes historiques sur la colonie canadienne du Détroit (1861);
VERREAU, Quelques notes sur Antoine Lamothe de Cadillac in Revue
Canadienne (1883); BURTON, A Sketch of the Life of Antoine de la Mothe
Cadillac (Detroit, 1895); IDEM, In the Footsteps of Cadillac
(1899).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p70" shownumber="no">J. EDMOND ROY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p70.1" title="Cadiz, Diocese" type="Encyclopedia">Diocese of Cadiz</term>
<def id="c-p70.2">
<h1 id="c-p70.3">Diocese of Cadiz</h1>
<p id="c-p71" shownumber="no">(Gaditana et Septensis.)</p>
<p id="c-p72" shownumber="no">Suffragan of Seville. Its jurisdiction covers nearly all the civil
province of Cadiz; only a few places, like Sanlucar, belong to the
Diocese of Seville, or, like Grazalema, to that of Malaga. Cadiz
(369,382) is the residence of the bishop, and is situated on the Isle
of Leon, separated from the mainland by a narrow and torturous channel;
very high and thick walls surrounded the city, which from the sea
presents a very picturesque appearance. The greater part of the old
town was consumed in the conflagration of 1569. The city was retaken in
1262 from the Moors, and raised by Urban IV to episcopal rank in 1263
at the request of Alfonso X. Its first bishop was Fray Juan Martinez.
After the Christians had won from the Moors the Plaza (stronghold) de
Algeciras, the ordinaries of Cadiz bore the title of Bishop of Cadiz
and Algeciras, granted by Clement VI in 1352. This see counted amongst
its prelates in 1441 Cardinal Fray Juan de Torquemada, an eminent
Dominican theologian jurisconsult, who took a leading part in the
Councils of Basle and Florence, and defended in his "Summe de
Ecclesiâ" the direct power of the pope in temporal matters. By the
Concordat of 1851 the Diocese of Ceuta, also suffragen of Seville, was
suppressed and incorporated with that of Cadiz, whose bishop is
regularly Apostolic Administrator of Ceuta. There are in Cadiz 32
parishes and 110 priests; in Ceuta, 22 parishes, 26 priests, and 11,700
inhabitants.</p>
<p id="c-p73" shownumber="no">CASTRO, Historia de Cadiz y su provincia (Cadiz, 1858), 207-8, 222,
248; LA FUENTE, Hist. ec. ca de Espana (Madrid, 1873-75), IV, 290;
URRUTIA, Descripcion historico-artistico de la catedral de Cadiz
(Cadiz, 1843).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p74" shownumber="no">EDUARDO DE HINOJOSA</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p74.1" title="Caedmon, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Caedmon</term>
<def id="c-p74.2">
<h1 id="c-p74.3">St. Caedmon</h1>
<p id="c-p75" shownumber="no">Author of Biblical Poems in Anglo-Saxon, date of birth unknown; died
between 670 and 680. While Caedmon's part in the authorship of the
so-called Caedmonian poems has been steadily narrowed by modern
scholarship, the events in the life of this gifted religious poet are
definitively established by the painstaking Bede, who lived in the
nearby monastery of Wearmouth in the following generation (see BEDE).
Bede tells us (Hist. Eccles., Bk. IV, ch. xxiv) that Caedmon, whose
name is perhaps Celtic (Bradley), or a Hebrew or Chaldaic pseudonym
(Palgrave, Cook), was at first attached as a labourer to the double
monastery of Whitby (Streoneshalh), founded in 657 by St. Hilda, a
friend of St. Aidan. (See AIDAN.) One night, when the servants of the
monastery were gathered about the table for good-fellowship, and the
harp was passed from hand to hand, Caedmon, knowing nothing of poetry,
left the company for shame, as he had often done, and retired to the
stable, as he was assigned that night to the care of the draught
cattle. As he slept, there stood by him in vision one who called him by
name, and bade him sing. "I cannot sing, and therefore I left the
feast." "Sing to me, however, sing of Creation." Thereupon Caedmon
began to sing in praise of God verses which he had never heard before.
Of these verses, called Caedmon's hymn, Bede gives the Latin
equivalent, the Alfredian translation of Bede gives a West-Saxon poetic
version, and one manuscript of Bede appends a Northumbrian poetic
version, perhaps the very words of Caedmon. In the morning Caedmon
recited his story and his verses to Hilda and the learned men of the
monastery, and all agreed that he had received a Divine gift. Caedmon,
having further shown his gift by turning into excellent verse some
sacred stories recited to him, yielded to the exhortation of Hilda that
he take the monsastic habit. He was taught the whole series of sacred
history, and then, like a clean animal ruminating, turned it into sweet
verse. His poems treated of Genesis, Exodus, and stories from other
books of the Old Testament, the Incarnation, Passion, Resurrection, and
Ascension, the Descent of the Holy Ghost, the teaching of the Apostles,
the Last Judgment, Hell and Heaven. Bede ends his narrative with an
account of Caedmon's holy death. According to William of Malmesbury,
writing 1125, he was probably buried at Whithy, and his sanctity was
attested by many miracles. His canonization was probably popular rather
than formal.</p>
<p id="c-p76" shownumber="no">The Caedmonian poems, found in a unique tenth-century manuscript,
now in the Bodleian Library, were first published and ascried to
Caedmon in 1655 by Francis Junius (du Jon), a friend of Milton, and
librarian to the Earl of Arundel. The manuscript consists of poems on
Genesis, Exodus, Daniel, and a group of poems in a different hand, now
called collectively "Christ and Satan", and containing the Fall of the
Angels, the Descent into Hell, the Resurrection, the Ascension, the
Last Judgment, and the Temptation in the Wilderness. The tendency among
Anglo-Saxon scholars has been to deny the Caedmonian authorship of most
of these poems, except part of the "Genesis", called A, and parts of
the "Christ and Satan". In 1875 Professor Sievers advanced the theory,
on grounds of metre, language, and style, that the part of the
"Genesis" called B, ll. 235-370, and ll. 421-851, an evident
interpolation, was merely a translation and recension of a lost Old
Saxon "Genesis" poem of the ninth century, whose extant New Testament
part is known as the "Heliand". Old Saxon is the Old Low German dialect
of the continental Saxons, who were converted in part from England. The
Sievers theory, whose history is one of the brilliant episodes of
modern philology, was established in 1894 by the discovery of fragments
of an Old Saxon "Genesis". (Parallel passages in Cook and Tinker.)</p>
<p id="c-p77" shownumber="no">Bede tells us that many English writers of sacred verse had imitated
Caedmon, but that none had equalled him. The literary value of parts of
the Caedmonian poems is undoubtedly of a high order. The Bible stories
are not merely paraphrased, but have been brooded upon by the poet
until developed into a vivid picture, with touches drawn from the
English life and landscape about him. The story of the flight of Israel
resounds with the tread of armies and the excitement of camp and
battle. The "Genesis" and the "Christ and Satan" have the glow of
dramatic life, and the character of Satan is sharply delineated. The
poems, whether we say they are Caedmon's or of the school of Caedmon,
mark a worthy beginning of the long and noble line of English sacred
poetry.</p>
<p id="c-p78" shownumber="no">BROOKE, Early English Literature (London, 1892); MORLEY, English
Writers (London, 1888), I; KER, Dark Ages (New York, 1904);
HAZLITT-WARTON, History of English Poetry (London, 1873); AZARIAS, Old
English Thought (New York, 1879); LINGARD, Anglo-Saxon Church (London,
1852); TURNER, History of the Anglo-Saxons (London, 1803); TEN BRINK,
English Literature (New York, 1882), I; IDEM, Geschichte der enlgischen
Litteratur (Strasburg, 1899), 98 and app.; KÖRTING, Grundriss der
englischen Litteratur (Münster, 1905); WöLCKER, Grundriss zur
Geschichte der angelsächsischen Litt.; IDEM, Caedmon u. Milton,
Anglia, IV, 40; MONTALEMBERT, Monks of the West (Edinburgh, 1861); Acta
Sanctorum, 11 Feb.; SIEVERS, Der Heliand und die angelsächsische
Genesis (Halle, 1875); PLUMMER, Hist. Eccl. Gentis Anglor. Bedae
(Oxford, 1896); GREIN-WöLCKER, Bibliothek der
angelsächsischen Poesie (Kassel, 1894); MILLER, O. E. Version of
Bede, with tr. (London, 1890), 95, 96; THORPE, Caedmon's Metrical
Paraphrase, etc., with Eng. Tr. (London, 1832); COOK AND TINKER,
Translations from Old English (Boston, 1902); PALGRAVE in Archaeologia,
XXIV, 341; COOK, Publications Modern Language Association, VI, 9;
STEVENS in The Acadamy, 21 Oct., 1876; GURTEEN, Caedmon, Dante, and
Milton (New York, 1896); ZANGMEISTER AND BRAUNE, Neue Heidelberger
Jahrbücher (1894), IV, 205; HOLTHAUSEN, Altsächsisches
Elementarbuch (Heidelberg, May, 1900).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p79" shownumber="no">J. VINCENT CROWNE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p79.1" title="Caen, University of" type="Encyclopedia">University of Caen</term>
<def id="c-p79.2">
<h1 id="c-p79.3">University of Caen</h1>
<p id="c-p80" shownumber="no">Founded in 1432 by Henry VI of England, who was then master of Paris
and of a large part of France. In the beginning it included only
faculties of canon and civil law. To these were added, in 1437, a
faculty theology and a faculty of arts, and, in 1438, a faculty of
medicine. The English having been repulsed from Paris, the purpose of
these additions and of the many priviliges granted by Henry VI was to
give the students the same advantages they would have found in Paris,
and thus prevent their going to the university of the capital. On the
petition of the Estates of Normandy, Pope Eugenius IV granted a Bull of
erection to the university and appointed the Bishop of Bayeux as
chancellor (30 May, 1437). All those admitted to degrees were required
to take an oath of fidelity to the Roman Pontiff, and to pledge
themselves never to attempt anything against the interests of the
church. The ceremony of the solemn inauguration took place in 1439, the
first rector being an Englishman, Michael of Tregury, afterwards
Archbishop of Dublin. From the beginning the University of Paris
opposed very strongly the founding of a university at Caen. In 1433
protests were sent to the chancellor of the kingdom and to the
Parlement of Paris. The same year the delegates of the university to
the council of Basle were instructed to ask for the suppression of the
university at Caen. Later a petition was also sent to Eugenius IV.
Notwithstanding this opposition, the university of Caen developed. In
1445 Henry VI declared it the only university in France enjoying the
royal privileges. When Caen was conquered by the French in 1450, King
Charles allowed the university to continue as before. It was, however,
a mere toleration until the king should reach a final decision. This
was given on 30 October, 1452, when Charles VII created anew the
university of Caen and gave it a new charter, ignoring altogether its
former charter and privileges, and granting the same privileges enjoyed
by French universities. Like the other universities in France, the
University of Caen disappeared at the time of the French Revolution.
The present university, founded in 1894, was fifty instructors and 750
students.</p>
<p id="c-p81" shownumber="no">RASHDALL, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages (Oxford,
1895), II, Pt. I, 194; FOURNIER, Les Statutes et privilèges des
universités françaises (Paris, 1892), III, Pt. I, 145; DE
BOURMONT, La foundation de l'université de Caen in Bulletin de la
societé des antiquaires de Normandy (Caen, 1894), XII; CHEVALIER,
Topo-bibliogr., 541.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p82" shownumber="no">C.A. DUBRAY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p82.1" title="Caeremoniale Episcoporum" type="Encyclopedia">Caeremoniale Episcoporum</term>
<def id="c-p82.2">
<h1 id="c-p82.3">Cæremoniale Episcoporum</h1>
<p id="c-p83" shownumber="no">A book containing the rites and ceremonies to be observed at Mass,
Vespers, and other functions, by bishops and prelates of inferior rank,
in metropolitan, cathedral, and collegiate churches. It treats also of
the manner of precedence among ecclesiastics and official lay persons.
From the earliest centuries of the Church there were many books which
contained the rites and ceremonies to be observed in the performance of
ecclesiastical functions. Shortly after Sixtus V had instituted (1587)
the Congregation of Sacred Rites and Ceremonies, Clement VIII appointed
a commission of learned prelates to correct the "Cæremoniale
Episcoporum", which he promulgated by the Apostolic Letter "Cum
novissime", 14 July, 1600. When in course of time errors crept into
this, Innocent X had it revised by a commission of cardinals, and by
his Constitution "Etsi alias" (30 July, 1650) ordered it to be observed
everywhere. A revised edition became necessary during the pontificate
of Benedict XIII, which was promulgated by the Bull "Licet alias" (7
March, 1727). Benedict XIV caused an amended and augmented edition to
be published, the observance of which he made obligatory by Apostolic
Briefs (15 May, 1741; 25 March, 1752). Finally a typical edition was
published under the auspices of the Congregation of Sacred Rites to
which all other editions were to conform (S.R.C., 17 Aug., 1886).</p>
<p id="c-p84" shownumber="no">The "Cæremoniale Episcoporum" is divided into three books. The
first portion concerns what a, bishop must do after his election and
immediately upon entrance into the diocese, regarding his ordinary
dress, his duties and privileges, as indicated, when a legate,
cardinal, nuncio, or other prelate is present (cc. i-iv); the duties of
the master of ceremonies, sacristan, assistant priest, and other
ministers of the bishop (cc.v-xi); the ornaments of the church and of
the bishop's throne (cc. xii-xiv); the ecclesiastical dress of the
bishop and canons, and the manner of entering and leaving the church
(c. xv); the pallium, mitre, and crosier (cc. xvi-xvii); reverences,
genuflexions, and other ceremonies, and sernons during Mass and at
funerals (cc. xviii-xxv); the manner of supplying the places of canons
and other ministers at solemn services (c. xxvi); the orations and
their chant, the organ and organist (cc. xxvii-xxviii); the low Mass of
the bishop or low Mass celebrated in his presence (cc. xxix-xxx); the
rites and ceremonies to be observed at synods. The second book treats
of the Divine Office and of Mass throughout the year celebrated (a) by
the bishop; (b) in his presence; (c) in cathedrals and collegiate
churches when the bishop is absent (cc. i-xxxiv); the anniversary of
the election and of the consecration of the bishop (c. xxxv); the
anniversary of the death of his predecessor and of all the bishops and
canons of the cathedral (cc. xxxvi-xxxvii); the last illness and death
of the bishop and the prayers to be said for the election of his
successor (c. xxxviii); the chant of the Confiteor, the form of
publishing an indulgence, and the blessing given by the bishop after
the sermon (c. xxxix). The third book treats of the formalities to be
observed by provincial presidents, prelatic governors, and vice-legates
in their respective provinces and cities (cc. i-xi).</p>
<p id="c-p85" shownumber="no">The "Cæremoniale Episcoporum" is obligatory not only in
cathedrals and collegiate churches, but also in smaller churches, as
far as it is applicable to the liturgical functions performed therein
(S.R.C., 17 Aug., 1894), not only when a bishop pontificates, but also
when a priest performs the ceremony. In this manner it explains and
makes up the deficiencies in the rubrics of the Breviary and Missal.
That the "C remoniale Episcoporum" obliges in conscience is evident
from the words of Benedict XIII, who, speaking of the rubrics contained
in the official liturgical books of the Church, says: "Ritus . . . .
qui in minimis etiam, 
<i>sine peccato</i> negligi, omitti vel mutari haud possunt" (Conc.
Prov. Roman., 1725, tit. xv, cap. i). Although the Congregation of
Sacred Rites (19 Aug., 1651) decreed:"Nihil addi, minui vel immutari
posse, sed omnia in eodem Missali et 
<i>Cæremoniali</i> pr scripta ad unguem servanda esse", yet
ceremonials peculiar to individual churches may be retained, provided
they do not conflict with the "Cæremoniale Episcoporum" (Sixtus V
in his Bull "Cum novissime" found at the beginning of the "Cærem.
Episc.").</p>
<p id="c-p86" shownumber="no">CATALANI, Cæremoniale Episcoporum...commentariis illustratum
(Paris, 1860); DE HERDT, Praxis Pontificalis (Louvain, 1904); MENGHINI.
Elementa juris liturgici (Rome, 1906); Cérémonial des
évêques commenté et expliqué. Par un
évêques suffragant de la province Ecclésiastique de
Québec (Paris, 1856).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p87" shownumber="no">A.J. SCHULTE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p87.1" title="Caesarea" type="Encyclopedia">Caesarea</term>
<def id="c-p87.2">
<h1 id="c-p87.3">Caesarea</h1>
<p id="c-p88" shownumber="no">A Latin titular see, and the seat of a residential Armenian
bishopric, in Cappadocia (Asia Minor). The native name of this city was

<i>Mazaka</i>, after Mosoch, the legendary Cappadocian hero. It was
also called 
<i>Eusebeia</i> after King Ariarathes Eusebius, and took its new name, 
<i>Caesarea</i>, from Tiberius in A.D. 17, when Cappadocia became a
Roman province. When Valens divided this province, Caesarea remained
the metropolis of Cappadocia Prima. At all times it has been, and still
is the first metropolis of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. Lequien
(I, 367) enumerates fifty bishops from the first to the eighteenth
century. We may mention Primianus, the centurion who stood by the Cross
on Calvary according to St. Gregory of Nyssa; Firmilian, a
correspondent of St. Cyprian of Carthage; St. Basil the Great; Andrew
and Arethas, two commentators of the apocalypse; Soterichus, a famous
Monophysite, and some others who became patriarchs of Constantinople.
Among the principal saints are all the members of St. Basil's family;
the martyrs St. Mamas, or Mammes, St. Gordius, and St. Julitta, whose
panegyrics were pronounced by St. Basil. The illustrious monk St.
Sabas, who founded the great monastery still existing near Jerusalem,
was born in the diocese of Caesarea. At the time of St. Basil this
diocese had fifty chorepiscopi or country bishops, which supposes a
dense population. Councils were held at Caesarea in 314, 358, 371, etc.
As for the Latin bishops, four are known in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries (Lequien, III, 1877).</p>
<p id="c-p89" shownumber="no">Caesarea, under the Turkish name Kaisarieh, is to-day the chief town
of a sanjak in the vilayet of Angora. The ruins of the old city are
still visible about a quarter of a mile to the west of the modern town
at Eski Kaisarieh (Old Caesarea). The present (1908) city seems to have
been established in the early days of the Mussulman occupation. It is
situated on the Kizil Yirmak (Halys), at an altitude of 3281 feet, at
the foot of Mount Argaeus (9996 feet), and has about 72,000
inhabitants: 45,000 Mussulmans, 9000 Gregorian Armenians, 1200
Protestant Armenians, 800 Catholic Armenians, and 15,000 Greeks (few
Catholic Greeks). Kaisarieh, besides the Greek metropolitan see, is a
diocese for the Gregorian, and a diocese for the Catholic, Armenians.
The last-named see has only 2000 faithful with 2 parishes, 4 churches,
and 3 priests. A flourishing school is conducted by the Jesuits, a
school and an orphanage by Sisters of St. Joseph de l'Apparition. An
Assumptionist of the Greek Rite takes care of the Catholic Greeks. The
bazaars are remarkable. The city has a trade in 
<i>pasterma</i> (preserved beef), woollens, cotton stuffs, and very
beautiful objects. There are at Kaisarieh ruins of a Seljuk fortress, a
mosque of Houen (founder of an order of dervishes in the fourteenth
century), and also old tombs. In the neighbourhood are ruins of
churches dedicated to St. Basil, St. Mercurius, etc.</p>
<p id="c-p90" shownumber="no">BELLEY in Mém de l'Acad. des inscript. et belles-lettres
(1780), XL, I, 124-48; KINNEIR, Journey through Asia Minor, 98 sqq.;
TEXIER, Description de l'Asie Mineure, II, 53 sqq.; CUINET, Turquie
d'Asie, I, 304-15; CHANTRE, Mission en Cappadoce, 119-21; PIOLET, Les
missions cath. françaises au XIXe siècle, I, 156 sqq.; SMITH,
Dict. of Greek and Roman Geog. (London, 1878), I, 469.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p91" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p91.1" title="Caesarea Mauretaniae" type="Encyclopedia">Caesarea Mauretaniae</term>
<def id="c-p91.2">
<h1 id="c-p91.3">Caesarea Mauretaniae</h1>
<p id="c-p92" shownumber="no">A titular see of North Africa. There was on the coast of Mauretania
a town called Iol, where the famous Bocchus resided, that belonged
occasionally to the Numidian kings. Juba II, when he had obtained
Mauretania from Augustus, made it his capital and named it 
<i>Caesarea.</i> After the deposition of his son Ptolemy, the city
became the capital of the province named after it, 
<i>Mauretania Caesarea.</i> Under Claudius it became a Roman colony, 
<i>Colonia Claudia Caesarea.</i> At the end of the fourth century it
was burned by the Moors, and in 533 it was besieged by the troops of
Justinian, but the whole province was soon lost by the Byzantines.
Captured by the French in 1840, it is now Cherchel, the chief town of
an arrondissement in the department of Algiers (Algeria), and has 9100
inhabitants. There are in the vicinity ruins of Roman monuments.
Cherchel boasts of marble and plaster quarries, iron mines, and a trade
in oil, tobacco, and earthenware. The port, important in Roman times,
has been partly filled up by alluvial deposits and by earthquakes. As
to the religious history of Caesarea, we know the names of four
Catholic titulars of the see and one Donatist, from 314 to 484.</p>
<p id="c-p93" shownumber="no">MORCELLI, Africa christiana (Rome, 1816); GAMS, Series ep., 464;
MAS-LATRIE, Trésor de chronologie, 1872; DIEHL, L'Afrique
byzantine, 260; WAILLE in Comptes rendus de l'Acad. des inscript. et
belles-lettres (1887-1888), D, XV, 53; XVI, 35, 241; De Caesareae
monumentis (Algiers, 1891); GAUCKLER, Musée de Cherchel (Paris,
1895); SMITH, Dict. of Greek and Roman Geog. (London, 1878), II,
59.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p94" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p94.1" title="Caesarea Palaestinae" type="Encyclopedia">Caesarea Palaestinae</term>
<def id="c-p94.2">
<h1 id="c-p94.3">Caesarea Palaestinae</h1>
<p id="c-p95" shownumber="no">(Caesarea Maritima.) A titular see of Palestine. In Greek antiquity
the city was called 
<i>Pyrgos Stratonos</i> (Straton's Tower), after a Greek adventurer or
a Sidonian King; under this name it antedates, perhaps, Alexander the
Great. King Herod named it Caesarea in honour of Augustus, and built
there temples, palaces, a theatre, an amphitheatre, a port, and
numerous monuments, with colonnades and colossal statues. The civil
life of the new city began in 13 B.C., from which time Caesarea was the
civil and military capital of Judaea, and as such was the official
residence of the Roman procurators, e.g. Pilate and Felix. Vespasian
and Titus made it a Roman colony, 
<i>Colonia Prima Flavia Augusta Caesarea.</i> Under Alexander Severus
it became the civil metropolis of Palestine, and later, when Palestine
had been divided into three provinces, it remained the metropolis of
Palaestina Prima. St. Peter established the church there when he
baptized the centurion Cornelius (Acts, x, xi); St. Paul often
sojourned there (ix, 30, xviii, 22, xxi, 8), and was imprisoned there
for two years before being taken to Rome (xxiii, 23, xxv, 1-13).
However, there is no record of any bishops of Caesarea until the second
century. At the end of this century a council was held there to
regulate the celebration of Easter. In the third century Origen took
refuge at Caesarea, and wrote there many of his exegetic and
theological works, among others the famous "Hexapla", the manuscript of
which was for a long time preserved in the episcopal library of that
city. Through Origen and the scholarly priest, St. Pamphilus, the
theological school of Caesarea won a universal reputation. St. Gregory
the Wonder-Worker, St. Basil the Great, and others came from afar to
study there. its ecclesiastical library passed for the richest in
antiquity; it was there that St. Jerome performed much of his
Scriptural labours. The library was probably destroyed either in 614 by
the Persians, or about 637 by the Saracens. As ecclesiastical
metropolis of Palaestina Prima, subject to the Patriarchate of Antioch,
Caesarea had the Bishop of Jerusalem among its suffragens till 451,
when Juvenalis succeeded in establishing the Patriarchate of Jerusalem.
Caesarea had then thirty-two suffragen sees (Revue de l'Orient
chrét., 1899, 56). Lequien (III, 533-74) mentions thirty-two Greek
bishops of Caesarea, but his list is very incomplete. Among the more
celebrated are Theotecnus, a disciple of Origen; the famous church
historian Eusebius, a disciple of St. Pamphilus; Acacius, the leader of
an Arian group; the historian Gelasius of Cyzicus; St. John the
Khozibite in the sixth century; and Anastasius, a writer of the
eleventh century. During the persecution of Diocletian, Caesarea had
many martyrs to whom Eusebius has consecrated an entire work (De
martyribus Palaestinae). Among them were St. Hadrian, whose church has
just been discovered; Sts. Valens, Paul, Prophyrius, and others.
Another illustrious personage of Caesarea is the sixth-century
Byzantine historian Procopius. When King Baldwin I took the city in
1101, it was still very rich. There was found the famous chalice known
as the Holy Grail, believed to have been used at the Last Supper,
preserved now at Paris, and often mentioned in medieval poems. The city
was rebuilt by the crusaders, but on a smaller scale. A list of
thirty-six Latin bishops, from 1101 to 1496; is given by Lequien (III,
1285-1290) and Eubel (I, 159; II, 126). During the Frankish occupation
the Latin metropolis had ten suffragen sees. The metropolitan See of
Caesarea is still preserved by the Greeks of the Patriarchate of
Jerusalem, as it is by the Latins merely as a titular see. The present
name of the city is Kaisariyeh. Since 1884 a colony of Mussulman
Bosnians has occupied the medieval city, which covers a space of about
1800 feet, north to south, and 7500 feet, east to west. The ancient
walls, bastions, and ditches are well preserved. The ruins of the Roman
city extend to a distance of about four miles; they are the largest in
Palestine, and are used as a stone-quarry for Jaffa and Gaza, and even
for Jerusalem. One sees there, crowded together, the haven of Herod,
restored by the crusaders, the amphitheatre large enough to contain
20,000 spectators, remains of canals and aqueducts, a hippodrome with a
splended obelisk of rose granite, colonnades, ruins of temples and of
at least two churches, and other stupendous relics of past
greatness.</p>
<p id="c-p96" shownumber="no">WILSON, Lands of the Bible, II, 250-53; Discoveries of Caesarea in
Palestine Expoloration Fund, Quart. Statement (1888), 134 sq.; The
Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs, II, 13-19; GU=90RIN, Samarie, II,
321-39.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p97" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p97.1" title="Caesarea Philippi" type="Encyclopedia">Caesarea Philippi</term>
<def id="c-p97.2">
<h1 id="c-p97.3">Caesarea Philippi</h1>
<p id="c-p98" shownumber="no">A Greek Catholic residential see, and a Latin titular see, in Syria.
The native name is unknown; under Antiochus the Great it bore already
the Greek name 
<i>Panion</i> owing to a grotto concecrated to Pan's worship. It was
given (20 B.C.) by Augustus to Herod, who built there a magnificent
temple in honour of the emperor. Soon after, the tetrach Philip
embellished it and dedicated it to his imperial protector Tiberius,
whench its new name 
<i>Caesarea Philippi</i> or 
<i>Caesarea Paneas.</i> Near this city took place the confession of St.
Peter (Matt., xvi, 13-20). There lived the Haemorrhoïssa (Matt.,
ix, 20); according to Eusebius she set up before her house a bronze
monument representing her cure by Jesus; in this group Julian the
Apostate substituted his own statue for that of Christ.</p>
<p id="c-p99" shownumber="no">Caesarea was at an early date a suffragan of Tyre in Phoenicia
Prima. Five bishops (to 451) are mentioned by Lequien (II, 831), the
first of whom, St. Erastus (Rom., svi, 23), is obviously legendary.
After the town's capture by the crusaders (about 1132) a Latin see was
established there; four titulars are mentioned in Lequien (II, 1337);
they must not be confounded with those of Panium, another see in
Thracia. The modern name is Banias, a little village on a pleasing
site, 990 feet above the level of the sea, at the foot of Mount Hermon,
and forty-five miles south-west of Damascus, capital of the vilayet.
The landscape is splendid, and the country very fertile, owing to the
abundance of water. One of the main sources of the Jordan rises in the
grotto of Pan, now partly blocked up and serving as a cattle shed.
Among the rooms are many columns, capitals, sarcophagi, and a gate. The
ancient church of St. George serves as a mosque. The citadel is partly
preserved and is considered the most beautiful medieval ruin in Syria.
Since 1886 Banias has been the see of a Greek Catholic (Melchite)
bishop, with about 4000 faithful and 20 priests. Its first titular,
Monseigneur Géraïgiry, built a number of churches and 26
schools; the residence of the bishop is near Banias at
Gedaïdat-Margyoum.</p>
<p id="c-p100" shownumber="no">WILSON, Lands of the Bible, II, 175 sq.; THOMSON, The Land and the
Book, 228 sq.; GUÉRIN, La Galilee, II, 308 sq.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p101" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p101.1" title="Caesarius of Arles, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Caesarius of Arles</term>
<def id="c-p101.2">
<h1 id="c-p101.3">St. Caesarius of Arles</h1>
<p id="c-p102" shownumber="no">Bishop, administrator, preacher, theologian, born at Châlons in
Burgundy, 470-71, died at Arles, 27 August, 543, according to Malnory.
He entered the monastery of Lérins when quite young, but his
health giving way the abbot sent him to Arles in order to recuperate.
Here he won the affection and esteem of the bishop, Æonus, who had
him ordained deacon and priest. On the death of ths bishop Caesarius
was unanimously chosen his successor (502 or 503). He ruled the See of
Arles for forty years with apostolic courage and prudence, and stands
out in the history of that unhappy period as the foremost bishop of
Gaul. His episcopal city, near the mouth of the Rhone and close to
Marseilles, retained yet its ancient importance in the social,
commercial, and industrial life of Gaul, and the Mediterranean world
generally; as a political centre, moreover, it was subject to all the
vicissitudes that in the early decades of the sixth century fell to the
lot of Visigoth and Ostrogoth, Burgundian and Frank. Eventually (538)
the latter, under King Childebert, obtained full away in ancient Gaul.
During the long conflict, however, Caesarius was more than once the
object of barbarian suspicion. Under Alaric II he was accused of a
treasonable intention to deliver the ity to the Burgundians, and
without examination or trial was exiled to Bordeaux. Soon, however, the
Visigoth king relented, and left Caesarius free to summon the important
Council of Agde (506), while in harmonious co-operation with the
Catholic hierarchy and clergy he himself published the famous
adaptation of the Roman Law known as the "Breviarium Alarici", which
eventually became the civil code of Gaul. Again in 508, after the siege
of Arles, the victorious Ostrogoths suspected Caesarius of having
plotted to deliver the city to the besieging Franks and Burgundians,
and caused him to be temporarily deported. Finally, in 513, he was
compelled to appear at Ravenna before King Theodoric, who was, however,
profoundly impressed by Caesarius, exculpated him, and treated the holy
bishop with much distinction. The latter profited by the occasion to
visit Pope Symmachus at Rome. The pope conferred on him the pallium,
said to be the first location on which it was granted to any Western
bishop. He also granted to the clergy of Arles the use of the dalmatic,
peculiar to the Roman clergy, confirmed him as metropolitan, and
renewed for him personally (11 June, 514) the dignity of Vicar of
Apostolic See in Gaul, more or less regularly held by his predecessors
(see VICAR APOSTOLIC; THESSALONICA; VIENNE), whereby the Apostolic See
obtained in Southern Gaul, still Roman in language, temper, law, and
social organization, an intelligent and devoted co-operator who did
much to confirm the pontifical authority, not alone in his own
province, but also throughout the rest of Gaul. He utilized his office
of vicar to convoke the importance theories of councils forever
connected with his name, presided over by him, and whose decress are,
in part or entirely, his own composition. These are five in number:
Arles (524), Carpentras (527), Orange (II) and Vaison (529), and
Marscilles (533), the latter called to judge a bishop, Contumeliosis of
Riez, a self-confessed adulterer, but who managed later to obtain a
reprive through Pope Agapetus, on the plea of irregular procedure, the
final outcome of the case being unknown. The other councils, whose text
may be read in Clark's translation of Hefele's "History of the
Councils" (Edinburgh, 1876-96), are of primary importance for the
future religious and ecclesiastical life of the new barbarian kingdoms
of the West. Not a few important provisions were later incorporated
into the traditional or written law of the Western Church, e.g.
concerning the nature and security of ecclesiastical property, the
certainty of support for the parochial clergy, the education of
ecclesiastics, simple and frequent preaching of the Word of God,
especially in country parishes, etc. Caesarius had already drawn up a
famous resume of earlier canonical collections known to historians of
canon law as the "Statua Ecclesiae Antiqua", by the inadvertence of
medieval copyist wrongly attributed to the Fourth Council of Carthage
(418), but by Malnory (below, 53-62, 291-93) proved to be the
compilation of Caesarius, after the Ballerini brothers had located them
in the fifth century, and Maassen had pointed out Arles as the place of
compilation. The rich archives of the Church of Arles, long before this
a centre of imperial administration in the West and a papal direction,
permitted him to put together, on the borderline of the old and the
new, this valuable summary, or 
<i>speculum</i>, of ancient Christian life in the Roman West, in its
own way a counterpart of the Apostolic Constitutions (q. v.) and the
Apostolic Canons (see CANONS APOSTOLIC) for the Christian Orient. If we
add to these councils his own above-mentioned council of Agde, those of
Gerone, Saragossa, Valencia and Lerida in Spain (516-524), and these of
Epaone (517) and Orléans (538, 541) in Gaul (influenced by
Caesarius, Malnory, 115, 117), we have a contemporary documentary
portrait of a great Gallo-Roman ecclesiastical legislator and reformer
whose Christian code aimed at and obtained two things, a firm but
merciful and humane discipline of clergy and people, and stability and
decency of ecclesiastical life both clerical and monastic. To a
Catholic mind the above-mentioned Second Council of Orange reflects
special credit on Caesarius, for in it was condemned the false doctrine
concerning grace known as Semipelagianism (g. v.); there is good reason
for believing that the council's decrees (Hefele, ad. an. 529; P. L.,
XXXIX, 1142-52) represent the work (otherwise lost) "De gratiâ et
libero arbitrio" that Gennadius (De vir. ill., c. 86) attributes to
Caesarius, and which he says was approved and widely circulated by
Felix IV (526-530). It is noteworthy that in the preface to the acts of
the council, the Fathers say that they are assembled at the suggestion
and by the authority of the Apostolic See, from which they have
received certain propositions or decrees 
(<i>capitula</i>), gathered by the ancient Fathers from the Scriptures
concerning the matter in hand; as a matter of fact the decrees of the
council are taken almost word for word, says de la Bigne (op. cit.,
1145-46), from St. Augustine. Finally the confirmation of the council's
doctrinal decrees by Boniface II (25 Jan., 531) made them authoritative
in the Universal Church.</p>
<p id="c-p103" shownumber="no">Caesarius, however, was best known in his own day, and is still best
remembered, as a popular preacher, the first great 
<i>Volksprediger</i> of the Christians whose sermons have come down to
us. A certain number of these discourses, forty more or less, deal with
Old Testament subjects, and follow the prevalent typology made popular
by St. Augustine; they seek everywhere a mystic sense, but avoid all
rhetorical pomp and subtleties, and draw much from the admirable
psalm-commentary, "Enarrationes in Psalmos", of St. Augustine. Like the
moral discourses, "Admonitiones", they are quite brief (his usual limit
was fifteen minutes), clear and simple in language, abounding in images
and allusions drawn from the daily life of the townsman or the peasant,
the sea, the market, the vineyard, the sheepfold, the soil, and
reflecting in a hundred ways the yet vigorous Roman life of Southern
Gaul, where Greek was still spoken in Arles and Asiatic merchants still
haunted the delta of the Rhone. The sermon of Caesarius opens usually
with an easy and familiar introduction, offers a few plain truths set
forth in an agreeable and practical way, and closes with a
recapitulation. Most of the sermons deal with the principles of
Christian morality, the Divine sanctions: hell and purgatory (for the
latter see Malnory, 185-86), the various classes of sinners, and the
principal vices of his day and surroundings: public vice, adultery and
concubinage, drunkenness, neglect of Mass, love of (landed) wealth, the
numerous survivals of a paganism that was only newly overcome. In them
the popular life of the 
<i>Provincia</i> is reproduced, often with photographic accuracy, and
frequently with naive good-nature. These sermons are a valuable
thesaurus for historical students, whether of canon law, history of
dogma, discipline, or liturgy.</p>
<p id="c-p104" shownumber="no">Many of these sermons were frequently copied in with works of St.
Augustine, whose text, as stated, they often reproduced. The 
<i>editio princeps</i> is that of Gilbertus Cognatus Nozarenus (Basle,
1558), and includes forty sermons, of which, according to Arnold (see
below, 492), only about twenty-four were surely genuine. The great
Maurists, Constant and Blancpain, made clear his title to 103, which
they printed in the appendix to the fifth volume of the Benedictine
edition of St. Augustine (P. L., LXVII, 1041-90, 1121-25). Casimir
Oudin, the ex-Premonstratensian and familiar in his Catholic period
with the aforesaid Maurists, intended (1722) to bring out a special
edition of the sermons and the writings of Caesarius, the former of
which he calculated as one hundred and fifty-eight in number. The
Benedictine editors of the "Histoire Littéraire de la France"
(III, 200-217) put down as surely genuine one hundred and twenty-two or
one hundred and twenty-three. Joseph Fessler, Bishop of St.
Pölten, had planned an addition of St. Caesarius, but death (1872)
surprised him, and his materials passed to the Benedictines of
Maredsous in Belgium, who have confided this very important task to Dom
Germain Morin. In the "Revue Bénédictine" (Feb., 1893) he
made known the principles and the method of his new edition. Several
other essays from the same pen and in the same place represent the
choicest modern learning on the subject.</p>
<p id="c-p105" shownumber="no">In the history of monastic life and reforms in Gaul, Caesarius
occupies an honourable place between St. Martin of Tours and St.
Honoratus of Lérins on the one hand, and St. Columbanus on the
other, while he is a contemporary of St. Benedict, and in fact survived
him but a few months. He composed two rules, one for men ("Ad
Monachos"), the other for women ("Ad Virgines"), both in Migne, P. L.,
LXVII, 1099 sqq., 1103 sqq., reprinted from Holstein-Brockie, "Codex
regularum monasticarum" (Augsburg, 1759). The rule for monks is based
on that of Lérins, as handed down by oral tradition, but adds the
important element of stability of profession 
(<i>ut usque ad mortem suam ibi perseveret</i>, c. i), a legal
renunciation of one's property, and a more perfect community of goods.
This rule soon gave way to the Rule of Columbanus, and with the latter,
eventually to the Rule of St. Benedict. The rule for nuns, however, had
a different fate. "It was the work of his whole life", says Malnory
(257) and into it he poured all his prudence, tenderness, experience,
and foresight. It borrows much from the famous Epistle ccxi of St.
Augustine and from John Cassian; nevertheless it was the first rule
drawn up for women living in perfect community, and has remained the
model of all such. Even to-day, says Malnory (263), "it unites all the
conditions requisite for a cloistered nunnery of strict observance".
His own sister, St. Caesaria, was placed at the head of the monastery
(first built in the famous Aliscamps, outside the walls of Arles,
afterwards removed within the city), which at the death of the holy
founder counted two hundred nuns. It astonished his contemporaries, who
looked upon it as an ark of salvation for women in those stormy times,
and drew from Pope Hormisdas a cry of admiration, preserved for us in
the letter by which, at the request of Caesarius, he approved and
confirmed this new work (super clericorum et monasteriorum excubias
consuetas puellarum quoque Dei choros noviter instituisse te, P.L.,
LXVII, 1285).</p>
<p id="c-p106" shownumber="no">The pope also confirmed the full exemption of the abbess and her
nuns from all episcopal authority; future bishops could only visit them
occasionally, in the exercise of their pastoral duties, or in case of
grave violation of the rule. Elections, constitution, internal
administration, even the choice of the Mass-priest, were confided
exclusively to the community in keeping with the rule that Caesarius
did not cease to perfect at all times; in the "Recapitulatio" which he
finally added (and in his Testament) he insists again on the
quasi-complete exemption of the monastery, as though this freedom from
all external control or interference seemed to him indispensable. The
nuns on entering made a solemn promise to remain until death; moreover,
at his request, Pope Symmachus invalidated the marriage of any
professional nun (Malnory, 264). The convent furniture was of the
simplest and no paintings were allowed (a provision afterwards
distorted in favour of Iconoclasm). Spinning of wool, the manufacture
of their own garments, the care of the monastery, were their chief
occupations, apart from prayer and meditation. It is to be noted,
however, that the bishop provided for the copying of the Scriptures
(inter psalmos et jejunia, vigilias quoque ac lectiones libros divinos
pulchre scriptitent virgines Christi) under the direction of Caesaria.
In the course of the sixth century the rule of the nuns was elsewhere
in Gaul adapted to monasteries of men, while numerous monasteries of
women adopted it outright, e.g. the famous Abbey of the Holy Cross at
Poitiers founded by St. Radegundis. Its extension was also favoured by
the fact that not a few of his disciples became bishops and abbots, and
as such naturally introduced the ideal of religious life created by
their venerated master. When his end drew near, he made his will 
(<i>Testamentum</i>), with all the formalism of Roman law, in favour of
his beloved nuns (P. L., LXVII, 1139-40; Baronius, Ann. Eccl., ad an.
308, no. 25), commending them and their rule to the affection of his
successor, and leaving to his sister Caesaria, as a special memento, a
large cloak she had made for him (mantum majorem quem de cannabe
fecit). The genuinity of this curious and valuable document has been
called in question, but without sufficient reason. It is accepted by
Malnory, and has been re-edited by Dom Morin (Revue
Bénédictine, 1896, XVI, 433-43, 486). Caesarius was a perfect
monk in the episcopal chair, and as such his contemporaries revered him
(ordine et officio clericus; humilitate, charitate, obedientia, cruce
monachus permanet--Vita Caesarii, I, 5). He was a pious and a peaceful
shepherd amid barbarism and war, generous and charitable to a fault,
yet a great benefactor of his Church, mindful of the helpless, tactful
in dealing with the powerful and rich, in all his life a model of
Catholic speech and action.</p>
<p id="c-p107" shownumber="no">We may add that he was the first to introduce in his cathedral the
Hourse of Terce, Sext, and None; he also enriched with hymns the
psalmody of every Hour.</p>
<p id="c-p108" shownumber="no">MORIN in Revue Bénédictine (Maredsous, 1891-1908), passim;
LEJAY, St. Césaire d'Arles in Revue du Clergé français
(Paris, 1895), IV, 97, 487, and Revue biblique (Paris, 1895), IV, 593;
MALNORY, St. Césaire Evêque d'Arles (Paris, 1894),
bibliography; ARNOLD (non-Catholic), Caesarius von Arelate und die
gallische Kirche seiner Zeit (Leipzig, 1894). For the long conflict
concerning the primacy of Gaul, between the churches of Arles and
Vienne, see GUNDLACH, Der Streit der Bisthümer Arles und Vienne um
den Primatus Galliarum in Neues Archiv (1888-90), XIV, 251, XIV, 9,
233; DUCHESNE, La primatie d'Arles, in Mém. de la Soc. des
Antiquaires de France (1891-92), II, 155; SCHMITZ, Der Vikariat von
Arles in Hist. Jahrbuch (1891), XII, 11, 245. For the general history
of the Church of Arles at this period, see DU PORT, Histoire de
l'Eglise d'Arles, tirée des meilleurs auteurs (Paris, 1690);
SAXIUS, Pontificium Arelatense (Aix-en-Provence, 1629); TRICHAUD, Hist.
de la sainte église d'Arles (N`mes-Paris, 1856); and for the
political and social life of the period, FAURIEL, Hist. de la Gaule
méridionale sous les conquérants germains (Paris, 1856);
DAHN, Könige der Germanen (Leipzig, 1885).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p109" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p109.1" title="Caesarius of Heisterbach" type="Encyclopedia">Caesarius of Heisterbach</term>
<def id="c-p109.2">
<h1 id="c-p109.3">Caesarius of Heisterbach</h1>
<p id="c-p110" shownumber="no">A pious and learned monk of the Cistercian manastery of Heisterbach
near Bonn, born about 1170 at or near Cologne where he had Ensfried,
Daen of St. Andrew, as teacher. He also heard at the Cathedral School
the lectures of the learned Rudolph, who had previously been a
professor at the University of Paris. Under these two competent
teachers Caesarius studied the theology of St. Ambrose, St. Augustine,
St. Jerome, and St. Gregory the Great; the philosophy of Boethius, and
the literary masterpieces of Virgil, Ovid, Senca, and Claudian. He was
a gifted and diligent scholar and upon the completion of his studies
was thoroughly conversant with the writings of the Fathers of the
Church and master of a refined and fluent Latin style. Like most German
educators of his time, he was a theologian rather than a philosopher
and looked with suspicion upon the rationalistic tendencies of
scholastic philosophy, as it was taught in many schools of France.
Acting on the advice of Gevard, Abbot of Heisterbach, Caesarius entered
that monastery in 1199 and after some time was appointed to the
responsible office of master of novices. It was his duty to imbue the
candidates with the spirit of austere asceticism which then animated
the Cistercian Order, and to instruct them in the necessary knowledge
of theology. His fame as teacher soon spread far beyond the walls of
his monastery and, yielding to requests from various quarters, Abbot
Henry, Gevard's successor, asked Caesarius to write an abstract of his
teachings. This occasioned the famous "Dialog". In 1228 Caesarius was
made prior of his monastery and thenceforth accompanied the abbot on
many official visits in Germany and Friesland.</p>
<p id="c-p111" shownumber="no">Caesarius was one of the most popular writers of the thirteenth
century. The numerous manuscripts, still extant, of many of his works
show how greedily they were read by his contemporaries. About the year
1238 he wrote the so-called "Epistola Catalogica", a list of thirty-six
works which he had published up to that date. By far the best known and
most important work, however, of Caesarius is his "Dialoge of Visions
and Miracles" in twelve books (Dialogus magnus visionum atque
miraculorum, Libri XII). It struck the fancy of his thirteenth-century
readers to such an extent that it became probably the most popular book
in Germany at that time. The people that day of the later Crusades,
owing greatly to the many fabulous stories brought from the Orient by
returning crusaders, had an irresistible liking for the strange and
marvelous. Like a true child of his times, Caesarius related in all
seriousness the most incredible stories of saints and demons, but
scrupulously avoids whatever may endanger the principles of true piety
and sane morality. His purpose was not to relate facts of history, but
to entertain and edify his readers. He accomplished this purpose most
successfully. Though his "Dialogue" is merely a collection of ascetical
romances, it has become one of the most important sources for the
history of civilization during the thirteenth century. It presents to
our view a living panorama of all that the student of the history of
civilization cares to know. Popes and emperors, priests and monks, rich
and poor, learned and illiterate, good and bad, all sorts and
conditions of men, pass before our vision as if we were living among
them. More than fifty manuscripts of the "Dialogue" are extant, and
seven printed editions are known. The latest, in two volumes, was
prepared by Strange (Cologne, 1851); an index to the same (Coblenz,
1857). Another work of Caesarius identical in historical value with the
preceding is his "Eight Books of Miracles" (Volumen diversarum visionum
seu miraculorum, Libri VIII). Of this work only a fragment of three
books is known; it was carefully edited with valuable critical notes by
Meister (Rome, 1901). Though not in the form of a dialogue, it has the
same scope as the preceding work. Because, despite diligent researches,
no other fragments of the work could be found, Meister suspects that
Caesarius never completed it.</p>
<p id="c-p112" shownumber="no">The principal historical work of Caesarius is the life of the
murdered St. Engelbert, Archbishop of Cologne (1216-25), entitled
"Actus, pasio et miracula domini Engelberte". It is composed of three
books, the first of which is devoted to an impartial estimate of the
character of the great archbishop; the second narrates with graphic
vividness and tender pathos the circumstances of the sad catastrophe,
while the third book, which was added ten years later (1237), recounts
the miracles wrought through the relics of the archbishop after his
death. Since the biography was begun immediately after the death of
Engelbert, the auther did not fully comprehend what fatal effects the
murder of the best and most trusted advisor of the young King Henry was
to have upon the future history of Germany; but in depicting the
character of his hero, and in narrating the particulars of the foul
deed, Caesarius shows himself a master. There is scarcely another
biography of the Middle Ages so artistically executed and so thoroughly
reliable. It was printed by Surius in the "Acta Sanctorum", 7 November
(1st ed. 1574; 2d ed., Cologne, 1617); by Gelenius (Cologne, 1633);
finally, with the omission of the third book, by Bohmer in his "Fontes
Rerum Germanicarum" (Stuttgart, 1843-68), II, 294-329. A good German
translation was brought out by Bethany (Elberfeld, 1898). Caesarius
also wrote a biography (the oldest extant) of St. Elizabeth of Hungary,
which, however, has never been printed, with the exception of a few
fragments published by Montalembert, in "Sainte Elisabeth" (Paris,
1903), and by Borner, in "Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fur altere
deutsche Geschichtskunde" (Hanover, 1888), 503-506. It is merely a
recasting of the "Libellus de dictis quatuor ancillarum", a list of the
Archbishops of Cologne between the years 94-1238, with important
biographical data and cincise but valuable reflections on the history
of the times. Up to the accession of Philip of Heimsberg (1167) it is
based on an older chronicle, but the rest is an original work of
Caesarius. It was published by Bohmer, op. cit., II, 271-282, and by
Cardauns in "Mon. Germ. Hist: Script.", XXIV, 332-47. When still quite
young, Caesarius began to write sermons, most of which have been
collected by Coppenstein: "Homiliae sive fasciculus moralitatum"
(Cologne, 1615). These sermons, though inferior in thought and style to
the oratorical masterpieces of his great Franciscan contemporary,
Berthold of Regensburg, were highly esteemed on account of their
practical character and their suitability to the conditions of his
hearers.</p>
<p id="c-p113" shownumber="no">KAUFMANN, Caesarius von Heisterbach (2d ed., Cologne, 1862);
SCHONBACH in Sitzungsberichte der k. Akademie der Wissenschaften, No.
144 (Vienna, 1902); MEISTER, Die Fragmente der Libri VIII miraculorum
des Caesarius von Heisterbach in 13. Supplement-Heft zur Romischen
Quartalschrift (Rome, 1901); PONCELET, Note sur les Libri VIII
miraculorum in Analecta Bollandiana (Brussels, 1902); HAUCK,
Kirchengesch. Deutschlands (Leipzig, 1903), IV, 454 sqq.; WATTENBACH,
Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen (Stuttgart, 1904); CARDAUNS in Allg. d.
Biogr., s. v. (Leipzig, 1875); UNKEL in Annalen des hist. Vereins fur
den Niederrhein, No. 34 (Cologne, 1879), 1-67; HOFER, ibid., No. 65
(Cologne, 1898), 237 sqq.; KESSEL in Kirchenlex., s.v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p114" shownumber="no">MICHAEL OTT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p114.1" title="Caesarius of Nazianzus, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Caesarius of Nazianzus</term>
<def id="c-p114.2">
<h1 id="c-p114.3">St. Caesarius of Nazianzus</h1>
<p id="c-p115" shownumber="no">Physician, younger and only brother of Gregory of Nazianzus, born
probably c. 330 at Arianzus, near Nazianzus; died at the end of 368 or
the beginning of 369. He received a careful training from his saintly
mother Nonna and his father Gregory, Bishop of Nazianzus. He studied
probably at Caesarea in Cappadocia, and then at the celebrated schools
of Alexandria. Here his favourite studies were geometry, astronomy, and
especially medicine. In the last-named science he surpassed all his
fellow students. About 355 he came to Constantinople, and had already
acquired a great reputation for his medical skill, when his brother
Gregory, homeward bound from Athens, appeared there about 358.
Caesarius sacrificed a remunerative and honourable post and returned to
his parents with Gregory. The capital, however, soon proved to be too
great an attraction for him; we find him occupying an exalted position
as physician at the court of Constantine and, much to the regret of his
family, at that of Julian the Apostate. Julian failed in his efforts to
win him over to Paganism. Caesarius, more appreciative of his faith
than of imperial favour, ultimately left the court, but returned to
Constantinople after Julian's death. Under the Emperor Valens he became
quaestor of Bithynia. His remarkable escape from the earthquake which
shook Nicaea (11 October, 368) induced him to heed the insistent
appeals of his brother and St. Basil, who urged him to leave the world.
He was suddenly seized with a fatal illness, shorty after having
received baptism, which he, like many others at the period, had
deferred until late in life. He as unmarried, and directed that all his
goods should be distributed to the poor, an injunction which his
servants abused in their own interests. His remains were interred at
Nazianzus, where his brother pronounced the funeral oration in the
presence of his parents.</p>
<p id="c-p116" shownumber="no">The admission of the identity of this Caesarius with his namesake,
the Prefect of Constantinople, who, in 365, was thrown into the prison
by Procopius, rests on an assumption of James Godefroy, the editor of
the Theodosian Code (Lyons, 1665), and not on any solid historical
ground. The four "Dialogues" of one hundred and ninety-seven questions
and answers which go under his name, and are to be found in Migne,
P.G., XXXVIII, 851-1190, can hardly be from his pen, owing to their
nature, contents, and anachronisms. Today they are generally looked
upon as spurious.</p>
<p id="c-p117" shownumber="no">Greg. Naz. in P. G., XXXV. 751-88; BIRKS and CAZENOVE in Dict.
Christ. Biog., s. v.; BARDENHEWER, Patrologie (Freiburg, 1901), 257;
VERSCHAFFEL in Dict. de théol. cath. (Paris, 1905), II,
2185-86.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p118" shownumber="no">N.A. WEBER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p118.1" title="Caesarius of Prum" type="Encyclopedia">Caesarius of Prum</term>
<def id="c-p118.2">
<h1 id="c-p118.3">Caesarius of Prüm</h1>
<p id="c-p119" shownumber="no">Abbot of the Benedictine monastery, near Trier, afterwards a
Cistercian monk at Heisterbach near Bonn, born of the noble family of
Milendonk, and lived in the latter half of the twelfth and in the first
half of the thirteenth century. At the beginning of the thirteenth
century he entered the monastery of Prüm, where in 1212 he was
elected abbot, to succeed Gerard of Vianden. Prüm was then one of
the richest monasteries in Europe, with large estates scattered over
Germany, France, and the Netherlands. Many of the monks were noblemen
who had entered the monastery in order to live a life of comfort. Their
example began to undermine the monastic simplicity and discipline,
without which no monastery can prosper for any length of time. After
ruling five years Caesarius, probably because he desired to lead a more
perfect life than he could as abbot of a rich and undisciplined
monastery, resigned his abbatial dignity and became a hungle monk at
the flourishing Cistercian monastery of Heisterbach. Upon the request
of Abbot Kuno of Prüm he wrote, in 1222, a commentary on the
"Registrum Bonorum" or "Register of the Estates of Prüm", which
had been drawn up by an unknown monk in 893. This commentary has become
an important source for the history of law and civilization during the
thirteenth century. The "Register", together with the commentary of
Caesarius, was published by Leibniz in his "Collectanea Etymologica"
(Hanover, 1717), II, 409 sqq., and by Hontheim in his "Historia
Trevirensis" (Augsburg, 1750), I, 661 sqq. The latest and best edition,
made from the original manuscript of Caesarius, which is preserved in
the royal archives at Berlin, was brought out by Heinrich Beyer in
"Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der mittelrheinischen Territorien"
(Coblenz, 1860), I, 142-201. Schönbach in "Sitzungsberichte der k.
Akademie der Wissenschaften" (Vienna, 1902) after careful researches
ascribes to Caesarius of Milendonk the important historical work "De
Abbatibus Prumiensibus", which heretofore was believed to have been
written by Caesarius of Heisterbach.</p>
<p id="c-p120" shownumber="no">ZEIGELBAUER, Hist. Litt. O.S.B. (Augsburg and Würzburg, 1754),
III, 170; LAMPRECHT, Deutsches Wirtschaftsleben im Mittelalter
(Leipzig, 1886), II, 60.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p121" shownumber="no">MICHAEL OTT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p121.1" title="Caesar of Speyer" type="Encyclopedia">Caesar of Speyer</term>
<def id="c-p121.2">
<h1 id="c-p121.3">Caesar of Speyer (or SPIRES)</h1>
<p id="c-p122" shownumber="no">Friar Minor, first minister provincial of the order in Germany, and
leader of the Caesarines, born towards the close of the twelfth
century; died in 1239. He became renowned as a preacher, and the number
of Albigenses who abandoned their errors as the result of his zealous
efforts so enraged the heretics against him that he was obliged to
leave his native city. In 1212 he went to Paris, where he studied
theology under Conrad of Speyer, the famous crusade-preacher. While in
the Holy Land in 1217, Caesar of Speyer was received into the
Franciscan Order by Brother Elias of Cortona, the first provincial of
Syria; early in 1221 he returned to Italy with St. Francis and Peter of
Catania. It is interesting to note that the Rule of 1223 was probably
written by Caesar of Speyer at the dictation of St. Francis, and it is
very likely that St. Francis refers to him in the words of his
"Testament": "et ego paucis verbis et simplicibus feci scribi et
dominus Papa confermavit mihi." At the chapter of Pentecost held at
Assisi in 1221, Caesar, together with twenty-five companions, was
chosen to go to Germany, and after three months' preparation in the
valley of Spoleto, the missionaries set out on their journey northward.
They were welcomed by both clergy and people at Trent, Brixen, and
other cities, and in October of the same year the first provincial
chapter of the order in Germany was convoked by Caesar at Strausburg.
The famous Tatr missionary, John of Piancarpino, and the chronicler,
Jordan of Giano were both present at this chapter; on its conclusion
the friars dispersed throughout the different provinces of Germany,
according to Caesar's instructions, to meet again the following
year.</p>
<p id="c-p123" shownumber="no">In 1223 Caesar, accompanied by Thomas of Celano, returned to Assisi
to be present at the general chapter of Pentecost, and at his own
request was relieved of the office of provincial minister of St.
Francis. Of the remaining fifteen years of Caesar's life little is
known. He was probably in Italy, with Bernard of Quintavalle, Blessed
Giles, and the other companions of St. Francis, encouraging the friars
by word and work to remain faithful to their rule and life, and warning
them against the innovations of the Relaxati. Jordan of Giano says of
Caesar at this time: "He was a man wholly given to contemplation, most
zealous for evangelica poverty and so commended by the other friars
that he was esteemed the most saintly after St. Francis." Owing to his
opposition towards the Relaxati Caesar was imprisoned by order of the
minister general, Brother Elias; he finally met a violent death at the
hands of the lay brother who had been appointed to guard him. There
seems, however, no warrant for the opinion expressed by some that he
was murdered by order of Elias, and the slight colouring which Angelo
Clareno and Ubertino of Casale give to their accounts of his tragic end
is due to the bias and bitterness against Elias's party which
characterize all the writings of the Spirituals.</p>
<p id="c-p124" shownumber="no">WADDING, Ann. Min., I, an. 1220, xxxiii; II, an. 1221, ivix passim;
Analecta Franciscana (Quaracchi, 1885), I, 1-19; EHRLE, Archiv f. Litt.
u. Kirchengesch. des M. A. (Berlin, 1886), II, 353, 416; III, 409, 552;
GOLUBOVITCH, Bibl. Bio-bibliogr. della Terra Santa (Quaracchi, 1906),
I, 15, 37, 38, 40, 99, 100, 109, 117-19; ROBINSON, A Short Introduction
in Franciscan Literature (New York, 1907), 9, 16-18.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p125" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p125.1" title="Caesaropolis" type="Encyclopedia">Caesaropolis</term>
<def id="c-p125.2">
<h1 id="c-p125.3">Caesaropolis</h1>
<p id="c-p126" shownumber="no">A titular see of Macedonia, the early name and the site of which
have not yet been identified. It is mentioned in Gelzer's "Nova
Tactica" (1717) and in Parthey's "Notitiae episcopatuum", III (c.
1170-1179) and X (twelfth or thirteenth century) as a suffragan of
Philippi in Macedonia. Lequien (II, 65) speaks of the see, but mentions
no bishop. Manuscript notes give the names of two titulars, Meletius,
who was alive in April, 1329, and Gabriel, in November, 1378.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p127" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p127.1" title="Cagliari, Archdiocese of" type="Encyclopedia">Archdiocese of Cagliari</term>
<def id="c-p127.2">
<h1 id="c-p127.3">Archdiocese of Cagliari</h1>
<p id="c-p128" shownumber="no">(Calaritana)</p>
<p id="c-p129" shownumber="no">Cagliari, called by the ancient 
<i>Caralis</i>, is the principal city and capital of the Island of
Sardinia, and an important port on the Gulf of Cagliari. It was founded
by the Carthaginians, and after the War of the Mercenaries fell into
the hands of the Romans, but in the fifth century A.D. was seized by
the Vandals, and in the eighth, like the whole of Sardinia became
subject to the Saracens. In 1022 the Saracens were expelled with the
help of the Pisans, and from that time Cagliari was governed by a
"Judge". In 1324 Jaime of Aragon captured Cagliari and with it the rest
of the island, which remained under Spanish domination until 1714, when
for a short time it acknowledged the authority of Emperor Charles VI;
in 1717 it was placed under the Duke of Savoy, thenceforth known as the
King of Sardinia. According to a legend, evidently false, the gospel
was preached in Cagliari by Bonifatius, a disciple of Christ.
Historians give a long list of bishops of Cagliari, said to have
suffered for the faith during the persecutions, and St. Athanasius in
his second letter to Lucifer, Bishop of Cagliari, speaks of his
predecessors as martyrs. It is certain that St. Juvenal, during the
reign of Diocletian, escaped death by flight. Quintasius, who attended
the Council of Arles (314), is possibly identical with the Bishop of
Cagliari, present at the Council of Sardica (343). The best known of
the early bishops is Lucifer (354-71), the champion of orthodoxy
against Arianism and a friend of St. Athanasius. One of his
contemporaries praises his unworldliness, his constancy in the Faith,
and his knowledge of sacred literature. Towards the end of his life,
however, he became the author of a schism, which persisted after his
death. For this reason, considerable controversy arose in the
seventeenth century as to the veneration of Lucifer. In 1615, the
foundations of his church were discovered outside of the city, not far
from the church of St. Saturninus, and in 1633 his relics were found in
a marble urn, with two inscriptions. During the persecution of the
Vandals, Sardinia, more especially Cagliari, offered a refuge to many
Catholic bishops from North Africa, among them Sts. Eugenius and
Fulgentius, who found there the freedom of worship denied them in their
own country. Primasius was an important contemporary of these saints.
St. Gregory the Great mentions in his correspondence two bishops of
Cagliari, Thomas and Januarius. Deusdedit came twice to Rome during the
reigns of Honorius I and Martin I. Citonatus assisted at the Second
Council of Constantinople (681), was accused of treason, and proved his
innocence. The acts of that council exhibit Cagliari at this early date
as a metropolitan see. In 787, Bishop Thomas sent as representative to
the Second Council of Nicea the deacon Epiphanius. In 1075, Gregory VII
reproached (Epp., VIII, x) the Bishop of Cagliari for wearing a beard,
a fashion which had been introduced into Sardinia at an earlier date;
the pope asked the "Judge" of Cagliari to oblige the clergy to abandon
this custom. The same bishop and his colleages were blamed by Victor
III (1087) for neglect of their churches. Under this pope, the
Archbishop of Cagliari became known as the Primate of Sardinia.
Archbishop Peter restored many churches, among them that of the martyr
St. Antiochus. In 1158, the title of Primate of Sardinia and Corsica
was given to the Archbishop of Pisa, but in 1409 it was reassumed by
the Archbishop of Cagliari, whence arose a controversy between those
sees, which has not yet been settled. Other famous bishops of Cagliari
were: Ildefonso Lasso Sedeno (1597), commisioned by Clement VIII to
reform the convents of Sardinia; Ambrogio Machini, General of the
Macedonians, historian of Cagliari and advocate of the canonization of
Lucifer. In time several other sees were united to Cagliari: Doglia
(the ancient Bona Dola), incorporated with Cagliari by Julius II; Forum
Trajani, which in the fifth century had its own bishop, and is believed
to be the present Tortoli; Fasiana (Phausania), mentioned by St.
Gregory the Great; Suello (Susaleo), which in the ninth century had its
own bishop, and was united to Cagliari by Martin V (1427). The
cathedral was built by the Pisans, but has undergone many restorations
of the barocco style. The archdiocese has 143,000 inhabitants, 81
parishes, 118 churches and chapels, 162 secular, and 38 regular
priests, and contains 7 religious communities of men and 2 of women.
The suffragans are Galtelli-Nuoro, Iglesias, Ogliastra.</p>
<p id="c-p130" shownumber="no">CAPPELLETTI, Le chiese d'Italia (Venice, 1844), XIII; Ann. eccl.
(Rome, 1907).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p131" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p131.1" title="Diocese of Cagli e Pergola" type="Encyclopedia">Diocese of Cagli e Pergola</term>
<def id="c-p131.2">
<h1 id="c-p131.3">Diocese of Cagli e Pergola</h1>
<p id="c-p132" shownumber="no">(Calliensis Et Pergulensis)</p>
<p id="c-p133" shownumber="no">Situated in Umbria (Italy), in the province of Pesaro, suffragan of
Urbino. Cagli is the old Roman colony of 
<i>Callium.</i> The first known bishop was Gratianus who, in 359,
assisted at the Council of Rimini; in 500 we meet the name of
Viticanus, present at the council of Rome, held on account of Pope
Symmachus; in 751 Anastasius attended the council of Rome held against
the Iconoclasts. In 1045 Bishop Luitulphus resigned his see and devoted
himself entirely to works of piety. St. Ranieri, a Benedictine,
governed Cagli from 1156 to 1175, and was then transferred to Spalato
(Dalmatia), where he was killed by some Slavs (1180) for having claimed
for the church lands occupied unjustly by them. Bishop Egidio (1243-59)
had many controversies with the municipality of Gubbio. Under his
successor the Ghibellines revolted against the papal power. After the
death of Bishop Jacopo (1276), the Ghibelline canons wished to elect a
noble, Berardo Berardi, while the Guelphs elected Rinaldo Sicardi,
Abbot of San Pietro di Massa. As a result the see remained vacant for
some years. Finally Berardo was made bishop of Osimo, and Sicardi died,
whereupon a certain Guglielmo was elected bishop (1285). Civil
discords, however, did not cease, and after a terrible massacre, Cagli
was burned by its own citizens. It was afterwards rebuilt on the plain
of St. Angelo, and Nicholas IV named it St. Angelo of the Pope 
(<i>S. Angelo papale</i>). Later on, however, the original name of Cagli
was substituted. In 1297 the first stone of the cathedral was laid by
the Bishop Lituardo Cervati, and in 1398 Niccoló Marciari brought
the building to completion. In 1503 the partisans of Caesar Borgia
killed the Franciscan bishop Gasparo Golfi. His successor, a Spanish
Dominican, Ludovico di Lagoria, was nearly killed by the people.
Giovanni Taleoni (1565) introduced the Tridentine reforms; Filippo
Bigli (1610) restored the episcopal palace and governed with great
wisdom; Bishop Bertozzi (1754) built the seminary. Mention should also
be made of the pious and zealous Alfonso Cingari (1807-17). In 1817
Pergola which had been in the Diocese of Urbino was raised to the rank
of an episcopal city and united to the See of Cagli. The diocese
contains 30,000 Catholics, with 51 parishes, 102 churches and chapels,
102 secular, and 8 regular priests. It has 9 religious houses, among
them the celebrated Camaldolese Abbey of Fonte Avellana. At an earlier
period the Benedictine monasteries of San Geronzio, founded about 700,
and San Pietro della Massa, founded in 850, were very famous.</p>
<p id="c-p134" shownumber="no">CAPPELLETTI, Le chiese d'Italia (Venice, 1844); Ann. eccl. (Rome,
1907), 351-52.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p135" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p135.1" title="Charles Cahier" type="Encyclopedia">Charles Cahier</term>
<def id="c-p135.2">
<h1 id="c-p135.3">Charles Cahier</h1>
<p id="c-p136" shownumber="no">Antiquarian, born at Paris, 26 February, 1807; died there 26
February, 1882. He made his preparatory studies at the College of
Saint-Acheul, and entered the Society of Jesus 7 September, 1824. For
some years he tought successively in its colleges at Paris, Brieg in
the Swiss Canton of Wallis, at Turin, and at Brugalette in Belgium. The
greater part of his life, however, was devoted to the collection,
classification, and interpretation of the countless treasures of
medieval art surviving in France, Belgium, Germany, and elsewhere in
Europe. They interested him not only as relics of its artistic skill,
but chiefly as evidences of its Catholic fath. As early as 1840 he
began his collaboration with his Jesuit confrére, Father Arthur
Martin, an excellent draughtsman, and chief collector of the mass of
artistic material that Father Cahier classified and interpreted in the
light of Catholic faith and theology. Their first important work was a
folio on the thirteenth-century stained glass of the cathedral of
Bourges, "Monographie de la cathédrale de Bourges, première
partie. Vitraux du XIIIe siècle" (Paris, 1841-44); the substance
of it is in Migne (Guinebaut), "Dict. d'Iconographie" (Paris, 1858),
921-38. Their most characteristic work is found in the valuable
"Mélanges d'archéologie, d'histoire, et de littérature"
etc. (Paris, 1848-59), four quarto volumes of illustrated dissertations
on gold and silver church-plate, enamelled ware, carved ivories,
tapestries, bas-reliefs, and paintings belonging to the Carlovingian
and Romanesque periods (ninth to twelfth century). This important
contribution to the history of medieval art was followed later by four
more volumes: "Noveaux mélanges d'archéologie, d'histoire, et
de littérature sur le moyen-âge" etc. (Paris, 1874-77), in
the first volume of which is to be found a memoir of Father Martin by
his collaborator. In the meantime Father Cahier had published a
monograph in two folio volumes on the saints as grasped by the popular
imagination, "Caractéristiques des saints dans l'art populaire"
(Paris, 1867). In spite of his numerous digressions and parentheses,
says Father Brucker (Vacant, II, 1304), and a somewhat neglected style,
Fathe Cahier is never wearisome; a vein of kindly but caustic humor
runs through his pages, in which about pungent words and phrases,
dictated, however, by candour and the love of truth. He was deeply
versed in all kinds of curious medieval lore, and particularly in the
"people's calendar" or every-day usages and customs connected with the
liturgical life of the Church. Specimens of his uncommon erudition in
this respect may be seen in his studies on Christmas and on Epiphany in
"Amide la religion" (Paris, 1848-1849), and in his "Calendrier
populaire du temps passé" in "Revue de l'art chrétien"
(Paris, 1878).</p>
<p id="c-p137" shownumber="no">For his life and writings see Polybiblion (Paris, 1882), I, 264-65;
DE BACKER AND SOMMERVOGEL, Bibl. de la c. de J., I, 264-65; DANIEL,
Etudes religieuses (Paris, 1868), 353-77, 729-50.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p138" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p138.1" title="Cahill, Daniel William" type="Encyclopedia">Daniel William Cahill</term>
<def id="c-p138.2">
<h1 id="c-p138.3">Daniel William Cahill</h1>
<p id="c-p139" shownumber="no">Lecturer and controversialist, born at Ashfield, Queens County,
Ireland 28 November, 1796; died at Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.A., 28
October, 1864. The third son of Daniel Cahill, a civil engineer, he was
sent to Carlow College, and in 1816 entered Maynooth, where he became
proficient in natural philosophy and languages. He was ordained a
priest after he had passed through the Dunboyne establishment, and in
1825 was appointed professor of natural philosophy at Carlow College
where he taught for some years. He then opened a school at Seapoint,
Williamstown, which he conducted from 1835 to 1841. Meanwhile he wrote
largely for the press, and for a time edited the Dublin "Telegraph". He
became a distinguished preacher and lecturer, and his vigorous attacks
on the government and the Established Church of Ireland extended his
reputation in all directions. In December, 1859, he visited the United
States and lectured on Astronomy and other scientific subjects, and
preached in many American and Canadian cities. As he generally gave his
services for religious and charitable purposes, large sums of money
were raised by him for Catholic objects. He was of commanding presence,
being six feet five inches in height, and extremely handsome. He was
buried in Boston, but his body was exumed in 1885 and taken to Ireland,
where it was buried in Glasnevin Cemetary, Dublin. His writings consist
chiefly of lectures and addresses, with some letters to prominent
Protestants. The most important of them were collected and published in
Dublin in 1886 under the title "Life, Letters, and Lectures of Rev. Dr.
Cahill".</p>
<p id="c-p140" shownumber="no">The Lamp (London, 7 June, 1851); COMERFORD, Collections (1883),
198-200; BOASE, Modern English Biography, I; ALLIBONE, Dictionary
(Supp. vol. I).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p141" shownumber="no">D.J. O'DONOGHUE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p141.1" title="Cahors, Diocese of" type="Encyclopedia">Diocese of Cahors</term>
<def id="c-p141.2">
<h1 id="c-p141.3">Diocese of Cahors</h1>
<p id="c-p142" shownumber="no">(Cadurcensis.)</p>
<p id="c-p143" shownumber="no">Comprising the entire department of Lot, in France. In the beginning
it was a suffragan of Bourges and later, from 1676 to the time of the
Revolution, of Albi. From 1802 to 1822 Cahors was under the Archbishop
of Toulouse, and combined the former Diocese of Rodez with a great part
of the former Dioceses of Vabres and Montauban. However, in 1822 it was
restored almost to its pristine limits and again made suffragan to
Albi. According to a tradition connected with the legend of St. Martial
(see LIMOGES), this saint, deputed by St. Peter, came to Cahors in the
first century and there dedicated a church to St. Stephen, while his
disciple, St. Amadour (Amator), the Zaccheus of the Gospel and husband
of St. Veronica 
(<i>see</i> BORDEAUX), evangelized the diocese. In the seventeenth
centuy these traditions were closely examined by the Abbé de
Fouillac, a friend of Fénelon, and, according to him, the bones
discovered at Rocamadour in 1166, and looked upon as the relics of
Zaccheus, were in reality the bones of St. Amator, Bishop of Auxerre. A
legend written about the year 1000 by the monks of Saint-Genou (in the
Diocese of Bourges) relates that Genitus and his son Genulfus were sent
to Gaul by Pope Sixtus II (257-59), and that Genulfus (Genou) was the
first Bishop of Cahors. But Abbé Duchesne repudiates this tardy
legend. The first historically known Bishop of Cahors is St.
Florentius, correspondent of St. Paulinus of Nola (end of the fourth
century). The Diocese of Cahors counted among its bishops: St. Alithus
(fifth century); St. Maurilio and St. Ursinicus (sixth century); St.
Rusticus, who was assassinated, his brother, St. Desiderius (Didier),
the steward of King Dagobert, and St. Capuanus (seventh century); St.
Ambrosius (eighth century); St. Gausbert (end of tenth century);
Guillaume de Cavaillon (1208-34), who took part in the Albigensian
crusade; Hugues Géraud (1312-16), implicated in the conspiracy
against John XXII and sentenced to be burned alive; Bertrand de
Cardaillac (1324-64) and Bégon de Castelnau (1366-87), both of
whom contributed so powerfully to free Quercy from English rule;
Alessandro Farnese (1554-57), nephew of Pope Paul III; the Venerable
Alain de Solminihac (1636-59), one of the most active reformers of the
clergy in the seventeenth century, and Louis-Antoine de Noailles
(1679-80), subsequently Archbishop of Paris. The city of Cahors,
visited by Pope Callistus II (1119-24), was the birthplace of Jacques
d'Euse (1244-1334), who became pope in 1316 under the title of John
XXII, and the tower of whose palace is still to be seen in Cahors. He
built a university there, its law faculty being so celebrated as to
boast at times of 1200 pupils. Fénelon studied at this
institution, which, in 1751, was annexed to the University of Toulouse.
In the sixteenth century the Diocese of Cahors was severely tried by
religious wars, and the Pélegry College, which gratuitously
sheltered a certain number of university students, became noted for the
admirable way in which these young men defended Cahors against the
Huguenots. The cathedral of Cahors, built at the end of the eleventh
and restored in the fourteenth century, has a beautiful Gothic
cloister. When, in the Middle Ages, the bishops officiated in this
church they had the privilege, as barons and counts of Cahors, of
depositing their sword and armour on the altar. In the diocese special
homage is paid to St. Sacerdos, Bishop of Limoges, and his mother,
Mundana (seventh century); Esperie (Speria), virgin and martyr (eighth
century); St. Géraud, Count of Aurillac (beginning of the eleventh
century); Blessed Christopher, companion of St. Francis of Assisi and
founder of a Franciscan convent at Cahors in 1216, and Blessed
Jean-Gabriel Perboyre, born in the village of Mongesty, 1802, and
martyred in China, 1840. The city of Figeac owed its origin to a
Benedictine abbey founded by Pepin in 755. The principal places of
pilgrimage are: Notre-Dame de Rocamadour, visited by St. Louis (1245),
Charles the Fair (1324), and Louis XI (1463), its bell being said to
have rung miraculously several times to announce the deliverance of
shipwrecked sufferers who had commended themselves to the Blessed
Virgin; Notre-Dame de Félines and Notre-Dame de Verdale, both
dating back to the eleventh century; Saint-Hilaire Lalbenque, where
some highly-prized relics of St. Benedict Joseph Labre are preserved.
Prior to the enforcement of the Law of 1901 there were both Capuchins
and Lazarists in the Diocese of Cahors. The schools are in charge of
four important local orders of nuns: the Daughters of Jesus, numbering
800 (founded in 1820, with mother-house at Vaylats); the Sisters of
Mercy, having a membership of 200 (founded in 1814, with mother-house
at Monteng); the Sisters of Our Lady of Calvary, 1000 in number
(founded in 1833, with mother-house at Gramat); and the Sisters of
Saint-Joseph, numbering 150 (mother house at Sainte-Colombe). A society
composed of 8 diocesan missionaries is stationed at Rocamadour. The
"Revue Catholique des Eglises" has recently begun an investigation of
all the dioceses of France, and although little has yet been done, this
investigation has been completed in the Diocese of Cahors, and shows
that, out of 85,000 men and 90,000 women, 60,000 men and over 80,000
women make their Easter duty; and here we would incidentally remark
that, despite this favourable condition, the deputies and senators
elected by the department vote for all anti-religious laws. In 1900 the
Diocese of Cahors had the following religious institutions: 16 infant
schools, 1 boys' orphanage, 6 girls' orphanages, 4 industrial schools,
1 house of shelter, 10 hospitals and asylums, 1 insane asylum, and 12
houses for religious nurses. In 1905 (at the close of the period under
the Concordat) the population was 226,720, with 33 pastorates, 448
succursal parishes (mission churches), and 55 curacies supported by the
State.</p>
<p id="c-p144" shownumber="no">Gallia christiana (nova) (1751), I, 115-58, 1327; Instrumenta,
28-49, 203; PERIE, Histoire politique, religieuse et littéraire du
Quercy (Cahors, 1861); GUILHOU, Les évêques de Cahors
(Cahors, 1865); LACARRIERRE, Histoire des évêques de Cahors,
des saints, des monastéres et des principaux événements
du Quercy (Cahors, 1876); LONGNON, Pouillé du diocèse de
Cahors (Paris, 1874); DUCHESNE, Fastes épiscopaux, II, 44-47,
126-28; CALVET in Revue catholique des églises, 25 Feb., 1905;
CHEVALIER, Topo-bibl., 543-44.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p145" shownumber="no">GEORGES GOYAU</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p145.1" title="Caiazzo, Diocese of" type="Encyclopedia">Diocese of Caiazzo</term>
<def id="c-p145.2">
<h1 id="c-p145.3">Diocese of Caiazzo</h1>
<p id="c-p146" shownumber="no">(Caiacensis.)</p>
<p id="c-p147" shownumber="no">Situated in the province of Caserta, Italy, amid the mountains of
Tifati near the river Volturno. During a Roman period it was known as 
<i>Calatia</i>, and was important, especially during the wars of the
Samnites and of Hannibal. According to legend, Christianity was
introduced by St. Priscus, first Bishop of Capua, of which see Caiazzo
is suffragan. The first known bishop of Caiazzo was Arigisus, the exact
time of whose episcopate is uncertain; however, as the name indicates,
it could not have been before the beginning of the seventh century,
when the Lombards settled in that region. Other bishops known to
history were: Stefano, who had been Abbot of S. Salvatore in Capue
(died 1025), and his successor Ferdinando; Jacopo (died 1253), exiled
by Frederick II for his fidelity to the Holy See; Giuliano Frangipane,
a man of great wisdom, elected in 1472; Vincio Maffa, elected in 1507,
theologian at the Lateran Council (1512); Fabio Mirto, electeed in
1537, who took part in the Council of Trent, and was Apostolic nuncio
to Paris at the time of his death (1587); Ottavio Mirto Frangipane,
elected in 1572; Orazio Acquaviva, who was captured by the Turks at the
battle of Lepanto, and who on regaining Taddeo, elected in 1641,
distinguished for his learning. The Diocese of Caiazzo contains a
population of 25,000, with 72 churches and chapels, 35 secular priests,
and 3 religious institutes.</p>
<p id="c-p148" shownumber="no">CAPPELLETTI, Le chiese d'Italia (Venice, 1844); Ann. eccl. (Rome,
1907), 353.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p149" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p149.1" title="Caillau, Armand-Benjamin" type="Encyclopedia">Armand-Benjamin Caillau</term>
<def id="c-p149.2">
<h1 id="c-p149.3">Armand-Benjamin Caillau</h1>
<p id="c-p150" shownumber="no">Priest and writer, born at Paris, 22 October, 1794, died there,
1850. Ordained in 1818, successively a member of the Missions de
France, rector of Sainte-Geneviève and chaplain of the Infirmerie
Marie-Thérèse, he joined, in 1834, the Fathers of Mercy,
newly re-organized by Father Rauzan. His love of missionary life made
him decline episcopal honours and a chair at the Sorbonne, but was no
obstacle to his literary pursuits. Besides many contributions to the
"Bibliographic Catholique", Caillau wrote "Instructions sur l'oraison
mentale" (Paris, 1833), a French translation of Tertullian's "De
Spectaculis" (Paris, 1835), several monographs on Our Lady's
Sanctuaries: "Roc-Amadour" (1834), "Loretto" (1843), "N.D. de Puy"
(1846), "Litanies du St. Nom de Jesus" (Paris, 1845), "Les nouveaux
illuminés" (Michel Vintras) (Orléans, 1849), etc. He is best
known, however, by the following works: "Thesaurus Patrum" (Paris,
1823-5), a patristic digest modelled on Merz's "Thesaurus biblicus",
with an introduction to petrology; "Collectio selecta Patrum" (Paris
1829-1842), 133 octavo volumes, undertaken in collaboration with Mgr.
Guillon and suspended at the announcement of Migne's "Patrology". The
insertion of new sermons under the name of St. Augustine (P.L., XLVII)
brought about a controversy between the two editors. "Histoire de la
Vie des Saints" (Paris 1835-1840), four octavo volumes, and also (Paris
1863) five octavo volumes, written in collaboration with Abbé
Juste; "S. Gregorii Nazianzeni opera" (Paris, 1842), two folio volumes
(also P.G., XXVII and XXVIII), a splendid edition, partly from the
manuscript notes of D. Clémencet, reviewed by Villemain in the
"Journal des Savants" (1845 and 1847) "Rhetorica Patrum" (Paris, 1838),
three volumes never completed. A similar project of a "Bibliotheca
Mariana" resulted only in the publication of a few opuscula of St.
Ephrem, St. Bonaventure, Idiota (Jordan), and the Marial monographs
noticed above. Caillau also re-edited Merz's "Thesaurus biblicus"
(1822), "L'Année sainte" (1826), vols. III and IV of D. Ceillier's
"Histoire des auteurs sacrés" (1838-9); and "Lettres de
Scheffmacher" (1839).</p>
<p id="c-p151" shownumber="no">DELAPORTE. Vie du P. Rauzan (Paris, 1857); Bibliographie catholique,
X; MANGENOT in Dict. de theol. cath., s.v. See also index of CEILLIER,
Hiotoire des auteurs sacrés (Paris, 1868).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p152" shownumber="no">J.F. SOLLIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p152.1" title="Cain" type="Encyclopedia">Cain</term>
<def id="c-p152.2">
<h1 id="c-p152.3">Cain</h1>
<p id="c-p153" shownumber="no">The first-born of Adam and Eve. His name is derived, according to
<scripRef id="c-p153.1" osisRef="Bible:Gen.4.1" parsed="|Gen|4|1|0|0" passage="Genesis 4:1">Genesis 4:1</scripRef>, from the root 
<i>kanah</i>, to possess, being given to him in consequence of the
words of his mother at his birth: "I have possessed a man by the favour
of the Lord". No very serious objection can be urged against this
derivation. The Book of Genesis, interested in this section in the
origin of the different occupations of men, tells us that Cain became a
husbandman while his brother Abel tended flocks. They both offered to
the Lord a sacrifice, acknowledging, in a manner analogous to that
later prescribed in the law, the sovereign power of the Creator. Cain
offered of the fruits of the earth; Abel of the "firstlings of his
flock and of their fat". By some means not indicated in the sacred
text, perhaps, as has been thought, by some such sign as the fire which
consumed the offering of Gideon (Judges, vi, 21) or that of Elias (III,
Kings, xviii, 38), God manifested to the brothers that Abel and his
sacrifice were acceptable to Him; that, on the contrary, he rejected
Cain and his offering. We are not told the reason of this preference.
Among the conjectures on the subject one that has found most favour
among commentators is that which is incorporated in the Septuagent
version of the words of God to Cain in verse vii: "If thou didst offer
well but divide badly, hast thou not committed sin?" This implies that
Cain committed the fault of presenting to God imperfect gifts,
reserving to himself the better part of the produce of the land.
However, St. Augustine, who was under the influence of the Septuagint,
understood the division in another way. Cain, he tells us, gave God a
part of his goods, but he did not give Him his heart (De Civitate Dei,
XV, vii). This is in keeping with the cause more generally assigned for
God's preference. The sequel of the story shows us the evil disposition
of Cain's heart. St. John says that Cain slew Abel because his works
were evil, while those of his brother were just (I John, iii, 12), and
we read in Hebrews that "by faith Abel offered to God a more excellent
sacrifice than Cain" (Heb., xi, 4).</p>
<p id="c-p154" shownumber="no">Cain is angered by the Divine rejection. In verses 6 and 7 of
chapter iv of Genesis we have God's rebuke and warning: "Why art thou
wroth, and why is thy countenance fallen? If thou dost well, is not thy
countenance raised up? If thou dost not well, sin crouches at the door.
Its desire is towards thee, but thou rule over it." Sin here is
represented under the figure of a wild beast crouching at the door of
the heart ready to pounce upon its victim. Cain is able to resist
temptation. But he does not, and the Bible story goes on to relate the
terrible crime born of his anger and jealousy. He slays Abel.
Questioned by the Lord as to the whereabouts of his brother, he answers
defiantly that he knows not. To avenge the blood of Abel, God
pronounces a curse against the first homicide. The Hebrew text of the
curse may be translated either: "Cursed be thou by the earth which has
opened its mouth and drunk the blood of thy brother" etc., or "Cursed
be thou from the earth" etc. The former translation refers the sentence
to the words which follow: "When thou shalt till it, it shall not give
thee its strength" i.e. its produce; the latter, to the banishment
related afterwards. This banishment from the country where his parents
lived and where, as we learn from such passages from the present one,
God continued to manifest his presence in some special way, is spoken
of as "going out from the face of Jehovah" (verse 16). The country of
Cain's banishment, where he was to lead a wandering, vagrant life, is
called, in the Hebrew, the land of Nod, and is said to be east of Eden.
As we do not know where Eden was, the location of Nod cannot be
determined. The punishment seemed to Cain greater than he could bear;
in answer to his words expressing fear that he might be killed, God
gave him a promise of special protection for his life, and put upon him
a sign. No indication as regards the nature of this sign is given us.
The only event of the subsequent life of Cain spoken of in the Bible is
the founding of a city, called Henoch after a son of that name. A good
many authors find that this tradition, which makes of Cain the first
city builder, is not compatible with the story just related, which they
say is best understood as a popular account of the origin of the
wandering desert tribes. If we do not put into the history of the
author of Genesis elements of which he seems to have been altogether
unconscious, there is no reason to suppose he was wrong in regarding
the words of the curse as consistent with the "building" of a city by
Cain. Conservative commentators are probably right in their judgment
that this "city" of Cain was not of notable extent or importance.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p155" shownumber="no">W.S. REILLY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p155.1" title="Cainites" type="Encyclopedia">Cainites</term>
<def id="c-p155.2">
<h1 id="c-p155.3">Cainites</h1>
<p id="c-p156" shownumber="no">A name used for (1) the descendants of Cain, (2) a sect of Gnostics
and Antinomians.</p>
<h4 id="c-p156.1">(1) The Descendants of Cain</h4>
<p id="c-p157" shownumber="no">The Bible (Gen., iv, 17-22) mentions nine of Cain's descendants in
the direct line: Henoch, Irad, Maviael, Mathusael, and Lamech, who had
four children: Jabel and Jubal by his wife Ada, and Tubalcain with his
sister Noemi by his second wife Sella. The etymology of several of
these name is obscure because it is uncertain whether they are Hebrew,
Babylonian, or Sumerian. The derivation of Mathusael, however, is
obvious, mutusha-ilu being the Babylonian for "vassal of God". Maviael,
if the Septuagint reading is right, would mean "God is my life-giver";
but according to the Hebrew text Mehujael would mean "wiped out by
God". Most likely, however, the word is Babylonian and connected with 
<i>amel ilu</i>, "man of God". Lamech is perhaps connected with 
<i>lamga</i>, the Sumerian for "servant" (of God). Cain "built a city
and called the name thereof by the name of his son Henoch". To some
scholars this has suggested "dedication" as the Hebrew derivation of
Henoch; but others see in it the name of the famous Sumerian city, Unug
(later Uruk, Erech, Warka). For Irad no satisfactory etymology has been
found; it means, perhaps, "scion" from 
<i>arada</i>, "to sprout". It is remarkable that amongst the Sechites
four names occur similar to those of Cainites: Cainan, Mahalael, Jared,
and Mathusala, and two, Henoch and Lamech, are identical in both
pedigrees. Ada probably means "dawn", Sella, "shade", Jabel,
"shepherd", Jubal, "musician". Noemi means "beautiful". The Septuagint
omits Cain after Jubal, thereby suggesting connection with a tribe of
Asia Minor (Gen., x, 2, Ez., xxvii, 13) called Tabalu by Assyrians and 
<i>Tybarenoi</i> by Herodotus. But the Massoretic 
<i>Tubalcain</i> is certainly correct if it be connected with Balgin,
the Sumerian Vulcan, as recently suggested. If we substitute English
equivalents for proper names, Gen., iv, 19-22 would read: "God's
servant took two wives, the name of the one was Dawn and the name of
the other Shade. And Dawn brought forth Shepherd, the father of
dwellers in tents and herdsmen and his brother's name was Musician, the
father of harp- and pipe-players. But Shade brought forth Blacksmith,
the forger of brass and iron, and Blacksmith's sister's name was
Beautiful." This has led some to believe that the inspired narrative
merely records under a figure of speech the introduction of polygamy
and the spread of civilization.</p>
<p id="c-p158" shownumber="no">A similar description existed amongst Phoenicians. As the most
recent research has shown that iron was used in Egypt 3500 B.C., no
argument for lateness of narrative can be drawn from the mention of
iron. As for the six lines of Hebrew poetry (verses 23-24) put into the
mouth of Lemach, though their origin and occasion will probably remain
forever obscure, their general meaning is clear: Cain had committed
deliberate murder, fratricide, yet he was not handed over to the
lawless private vengeance of man. How much less was Lamech, in
self-defence, i.e. slain a man for wounding him, or, in Hebrew
parallelism, for bruising him. In Num., xxiv, 22, Jud., iv, 11, I Par.,
ii, 55, Cinites are mentioned as neighbours to Israel. The Hebrew
consonants would allow the reading Cainites, which some scholars have
adopted against the Massora and Septuagint; but this is at present mere
conjecture.</p>
<h4 id="c-p158.1">(2) Sect of Gnostics and Antinomians</h4>
<p id="c-p159" shownumber="no">A Gnostic Sect of the second century was called Cainites or
Caianites. They regarded all characters held up to retrobation in the
Old Testament as worthy of veneration, as having suffered at the hands
of the cruel God of the Jews; hence Cain, as the first man cursed by
Hysteraa, the Demiurg, claimed their special admiration. This sect of
Antinomians never found many adherents, and Hippolytus at the beginning
of the third century dismisses them with the bare mention of their
name. (See GNOSTICISM.)</p>
<p id="c-p160" shownumber="no">DRIVER, Genesis (London, 1906), 70-74; HAUPT, Polychrome Bible:
Genesis, notes on Hebrew text in loco; BAREILLE in Dict. de théol.
catholique (Paris, 1904), s. v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p161" shownumber="no">J.P. ARENDZEN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p161.1" title="Caiphas, Joseph" type="Encyclopedia">Joseph Caiphas</term>
<def id="c-p161.2">
<h1 id="c-p161.3">Joseph Caiphas</h1>
<p id="c-p162" shownumber="no">According to Josephus (Antiquitates, XVIII, iv, 3), Caiphas was
appointed High-Priest of the Jews by the Roman procurator Valerius
Gratus, the predecessor of Pontius Pilate, about A.D. 18 (Ant., XVIII,
ii, 2), and removed from that office by the procurator Vitellius,
shortly after he took charge of affairs in Palestine, A.D. 36 (Ant.,
XVIII, iv, 3). During this period the famous Annas, father-in-law of
Caiphas (John, xviii, 13), who had been high-priest from A.D. 6 to 15,
continued to exercise a controlling influence over Jewish affairs, as
he did when his own sons held the position. This explains the rather
puzzling expression of Luke, iii, 2, 
<i>epi archiereos Anna kai Kaiapha</i> (under the high-priest Annas and
Caiphas; cf. Acts, iv, 6). Caiphas was certainly the only official
high-priest at the time St. Luke refers to, at the beginning of the
public life of Christ; but Annas still had his former title and a good
deal of his former authority. The role assigned him in the trial of
Christ, in John, xviii, points to the same continued influence. In the
measures taken by the Jewish authorities to do away with Jesus, Caiphas
certainly had the most discreditable part. After the raising of
Lazarus, the priests and Pharisees held council to determine what was
to be done in view of the manifest signs of the Prophet of Nazarus and
what they were pleased to consider the danger resulting to the country.
The wordds of Caiphas, the high-priest of that year, are reported by
St. John: "You know nothing. Neither do you consider that it is
expedient to you that one man should die for the people, and that the
whole nation perish not" (xi, 49-50). They show a disdain for others,
and a determination to get rid of this man who was displeasing to him,
without any consideration of the justice of his cause. But while we may
see in the declaration of Caiphas the manifestation of very unworthy
sentiments, we are warned by St. John that it was prophetical. The
high-priest expressed in a striking way the meaning of the sufferings
of the Man-God (John, xi, 51, 52), though he could not have realized
the full import of those mysterious words. The death of Jesus being
resolved upon, the most unscrupulous means were employed in order to
bring it about, and Caiphas is chiefly to blame. The meeting determined
upon by the princes of the priests and the elders of the people, "that
by subtilty they might apprehend Jesus", was held in the house of
Caiphus (Matt., xxvi, 3-5). The hill south of Jerusalem where this
house is said by tradition to have stood is called the "Hill of Evil
Counsel". As high-priest, Caiphas was the official head of the
Sanhedrin, and consequently responsible for the travesty of a trial to
which Christ was submitted by the Jewish authorities, before they
handed Him over to Pilate and stirred up the people to demand his
death.</p>
<p id="c-p163" shownumber="no">After the death of Jesus, Caiphas continued to persecute his
followers. When Peter and John were brought before the Council after
the cure of the lame man at the Beautiful Gate of the Temple (Acts, iv,
6 sqq.), Caiphas was still high-priest, since he was removed A.D. 36 or
37. We can say with almost equal certainty that he was the high-priest
before whom St. Stephen appeared (Acts, vii, 1), and that it is from
him that Saul obtained letters authorizing him to bring the Christians
of Damascus to Jerusalem (Acts, ix, 1-2). At a time when high-priests
were made and unmade by officials of Rome, and when the principal
quality required seems to have been subserviency, it is no credit to
the character of Caiphas to have enjoyed their favour so long. Josephus
mentions his rule in connection with a series of acts of Vitellius
which were agreeable to the Jews. We are not told what became of him
after his deposition.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p164" shownumber="no">W.S. REILLY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p164.1" title="Caius (3rd Century)" type="Encyclopedia">Caius (3rd Century)</term>
<def id="c-p164.2">
<h1 id="c-p164.3">Caius</h1>
<p id="c-p165" shownumber="no">A Christian author who lived about the beginning of the third
century. Little is known about his personal history. Eusebius mentions
him several times and tells us (Hist. Eccl., VI, xx) that he held a
disputation with Proclus a Montanist leader at Rome in the time of Pope
Zephyrinus (199-217), and calls him a learned man and an ecclesiastic.
This latter designation need not imply that he was a priest. Several
extracts from the dialogue against Proclus are given by Eusebius (Hist.
Eccl., II, xxv; III, xxxi; VI, xx). Caius is also mentioned by Jerome
(de Vir. Ill., 59), Theodoret (Haer. Fab., II, iii), and Nicephorus
Callistus (Hist. Eccl., IV, xii-xx), all of whom derived their
information from Eusebius. Photius (Bibl. Cod., 48) gives some
additional data drawn from a marginal note in a manuscript copy of the
work on the "Nature of the Universe" in which Caius is said to have
been a presbyter of the Roman Church and to have been elected "Bishop
of the Gentiles". These indications, resting as they do on a confusion
of the Anti-Montanist Caius with Hippolytus, are absolutely valueless.
Additional light has been thrown on the character of Caius's dialogue
against Proclus by Gwynne's publication of some fragments from the work
of Hippolytus "Contra Caium" (Hermathena, VI, p. 397 sq.); from these
it seems clear that Caius maintained that the Apocalypse of John was a
work of the Gnostic Cerinthus.</p>
<p id="c-p166" shownumber="no">We owe to Caius a very valuable evidence of the death of Sts. Peter
and Paul at Rome, and the public veneration of their remains at Rome
about the year 200. It is taken from the above-mentioned disputation
with Proclus, and reads as follows (Euseb., Hist. Eccl., II, 25): "But
I can show the trophies of the Apostles. For if you will go to the
Vatican or to the Ostian Way you will find the trophies of those who
laid the foundations of this church". By "trophies" is of course
understood the memorial chapel that preserved in each case the body of
the Apostle (cf. Barnes, St. Peter in Rome, London, 1900, p 145).</p>
<p id="c-p167" shownumber="no">The fragments of Caius are printed in ROUTH, Reliquiae Sacrae
(Oxford, 1846), II, 125-58, and in P.G., X, 25-36. Cf. ZAHN, Geschichte
des neutestamentl. Kanons, II, 985-991; HARNACK, Chronologie, II, 206,
223, 226; BARDENHEWER, Geschichte der altchristlichen Litteratur
(Freiburg, 1901), I, 525.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p168" shownumber="no">PATRICK J. HEALY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p168.1" title="Caius (3rd Century)" type="Encyclopedia">Caius (3rd Century)</term>
<def id="c-p168.2">
<h1 id="c-p168.3">John Caius</h1>
<p id="c-p169" shownumber="no">
(<i>Also</i> Kay, Key.)</p>
<p id="c-p170" shownumber="no">Physician and scholar, born at Norwich, 6 October, 1510; died at
London, 29 July, 1573. He entered the University of Cambridge in 1529,
received the degree M.A. in 1535, and studied medicine under Montanus
and Vesalius at Padua, where he received (1541) the degree of Doctor of
Medicine. After a tour through Italy, France, and Germany, during which
he met the most eminent scholars of the age, he returned to England in
1544, and for twenty years lectured on anatomy in London. He published
"A Boke or Conseille against the Disease commonly called the Sweate or
Sweatyng Sicknesse" (London, 1552), which is considered the best
account of that epidemic. He also wrote translations of, and
commentaries on, the works of Galen and Hippocrates (Basle, 1544). With
the means acquired from his mecical practice he refounded (1558) his
college (Gonville) at Cambridge, which has since been known as Gonville
and Caius College. Under Edward VI he became royal physician, a
position which he retained under Elizabeth until he was dismissed
(1568) on account of his adherence to the Catholic Faith. He was
elected nine times president of the College of Physicians, an account
of which--"Annales collegii medicorum 1520-1565"--he left in
manuscripts. He was accused of atheism and of keeping secretly a
collection of ornaments and vestments for Catholic use. The latter were
found and burned in the College court. His last literary production was
the history of Cambridge University--"Historia Cantabrigiensis
Acadimae" (London, 1574)</p>
<p id="c-p171" shownumber="no">MULLINGER, The University of Cambridge (Cambridge, 1884); IDEM in
Dict. Nat. Biog., s.v.; CLARK, Cambridge (London, 1908).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p172" shownumber="no">E.A. PACE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p172.1" title="Caius and Soter, Saints and Popes" type="Encyclopedia">Caius and Soter, Saints and Popes</term>
<def id="c-p172.2">
<h1 id="c-p172.3">Caius and Soter, Saints and Popes</h1>
<p id="c-p173" shownumber="no">They have their feast together on 22 April, on which day they appear
in most of the martyrologies, though Notker and a few others give Soter
on the 21st and Caius on the 19th or 21st.</p>
<p id="c-p174" shownumber="no">Soter was pope for eight years, c. 167 to 175 (Harnack prefers
166-174). We possess a fragment of an interesting letter addressed to
him by St. Dionysius of Corinth, who writes: "From the beginning it has
been your custom to do good to all the brethren in many ways, and to
send alms to many churches in every city, refreshing the poverty of
those who sent requests, or giving aid to the brethren in the mines, by
the alms which you have had the habit of giving from old, Romans
keeping up the traditional custom of the Romans; which your blessed
Bishop Soter has not only preserved, but has even increased, by
providing the abundance which he has sent to the saints, and by further
consoling with blessed words with brethren who came to him, as a loving
father his children." "Today, therefore, we have kept the holy Lord's
day, on which we have read your letter, which we shall always have to
read and be admonished, even as the former letter which was written to
us by the ministry of Clement." (Euseb., Hist. Eccl., IV, xxiv.) The
letter which Soter had written in the name of his church is lost,
though Harnack and others have attempted to identify it with the
so-called "Second Epistle of Clement" 
(<i>see</i> CLEMENT OF ROME). The reverence for the pope's paternal
letter is to be noticed. The traditional generosity of the Roman Church
is again referred to by St. Dionysius of Alexandria to Pope Dionysius
in the middle of the third century, and Eusebius says it still
continued in his time. Nothing further is known of this pope.</p>
<p id="c-p175" shownumber="no">Caius was pope for twelve years, four months, and seven days, from
17 December, 283, to 22 April, 296, according to the Liberian catalogue
(Harnack, Chronol., I, 155, after Lipsius and Lightfoot); Eusebius is
wrong in giving him fifteen years. He is mentioned in the
fourth-century "Depositio Episcoporum" (therefore not as a martyr): 
<i>X kl maii Caii in Callisti.</i> He was buried in the chapel of the
popes in that cemetary. Nothing whatever is known of his life. He lived
in the time of peace before the last great persecution.</p>
<p id="c-p176" shownumber="no">Soter is said by the fifth-century writer known as
PRÆDESTINATUS (c. xxvi) to have written a book against the
Montanists; he adds that Tertullian wrote against Pope Soter and
Apollonius. As we know (JEROME, De Vir. ill., xl) that Tertullian wrote
against Apollonius in his lost De Ecstasi, this may be true; see
HARNACK, Gesch. der altchristlich. Lit., I, 589; ZAHN, Forschungen
(1893), V, 49. On Caius in later Acts of Saints see TILLEMONT, IV; Acta
SS., 14 April; BECILLUS, Acta S. Caii P. et M. (Rome, 1628). The false
decretals attributed to these two popes will be found in the
collections of councils, in COUSTANT, MIGNE, HINSCHIUS, etc. On a lette
attributed to Caius by the Malabar Christians, see ROUTH, Reliq.
Sacrae, II, 158, and HARNACK, op. cit., 777.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p177" shownumber="no">JOHN CHAPMAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p177.1" title="Cajetan, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Cajetan</term>
<def id="c-p177.2">
<h1 id="c-p177.3">St. Cajetan</h1>
<p id="c-p178" shownumber="no">(GAETANO.)</p>
<p id="c-p179" shownumber="no">Founder of the Theatines, born October, 1480 at Vicenza in Venetian
territory; died at Naples in 1547. Under the care of a pious mother he
passed a studious and exemplary youth, and took his degree as 
<i>doctor utriusque juris</i> at Padua in his twenty-fourth year. In
1506 he became at Rome a prothonotary Apostolic in the court of Julius
II, and took an important share in reconciling the Republic of Venice
with that pontiff. On the death of Julius in 1523 he withdrew from the
court, and is credited with founding, shortly after, an association of
pious priests and prelates called the Oratory of Divine Love, which
spread to other Italian towns. Though remarkable for his intense love
of God, he did not advance to the priesthood till 1516. Recalled to
Vicenza in the following year by the death of his mother, he founded
there a hospital for incurables, thus giving proof of the active
charity that filled his whole life. But his zeal was more deeply moved
by the spiritual diseases that, in those days of political disorder,
infected the clergy of all ranks, and, like St. Augustine in earlier
times, he strove to reform them by instituting a body of regular
clergy, who should combine the spirit of monasticism with the exercises
of the active ministry.</p>
<p id="c-p180" shownumber="no">Returning to Rome in 1523 he laid the foundations of his new
congregation, which was canonically erected by Clement VII in 1524. One
of his four companions was Giovanni Pietro Caraffa, Bishop of Chieti
(in Latin 
<i>Theate</i>), afterwards Paul IV, who was elected first superior, and
from whose title arose the name Theatines. The order grew but slowly.
During the sack of Rome in 1527 the Theatines, then twelve in number,
escaped to Venice after enduring many outrages from the heretic
invaders. There Cajetan met St. Hieronymus Æmiliani (see
SOMASCHI), whom he assisted in the establishment of his Congregation of
Clerks Regular. In 1533 Cajetan founded a house in Naples, where he was
able to check the advances of Lutheranism. In 1540 he was again at
Venice, whence he extended his work to Verona and Vicenza. He passed
the last four years of his life, a sort of seraphic existence, at
Naples where he died finally of grief at the discords of the city,
suffering in his last moments a kind of mystical crucifixion. He was
beatified by Urban VIII in 1629, and canonized by Clement X in 1671.
His feast is kept on the 7th of August.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p181" shownumber="no">JOSEPH KEATING</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p181.1" title="Constantino Cajetan" type="Encyclopedia">Constantino Cajetan</term>
<def id="c-p181.2">
<h1 id="c-p181.3">Constantino Cajetan</h1>
<p id="c-p182" shownumber="no">A Benedictine savant, born at Syracuse, Sicily, in 1560; died at
Rome, 17 September, 1650. While his brothers, Ottavio and Alfonso,
joined the Society of Jesus, Constantino became a Benedictine (29
October, 1586) at San Nicolò d'Arena in Catania, and was soon
called to Rome by Clement VIII, who confided to the promising young
scholar an edition of the works of St. Peter Damian, which he executed
in four folio volumes (Rome, 1606 
<i>et saep.</i>). His constant and successful reasearches in Roman
archives won him the friendship of Cardinal Baronius, through whom he
was made titular Abbot of San Baronzio in the Diocese of Pistoia, and
Custodian of the Vatican Library; the latter important office he held
under four popes until his death. Baronius was much indebted to him in
the composition of his "Annales Ecclesiastici", and more than once
praises Cajetan's thorough knowledge of the Roman arhives (e.g. 
<i>ad an.</i> 1002, n. 10). He was a tireless worker in the field of
ecclesiastical history; the long list of his writings may be seen in
Ziegelbauer, "Hist. rei lit. O. S. B." (Augsburg, 1754, III, 360 sqq.).
Among them are a life of the liturgist, St. Amalarius of Trier (Rome,
1612), annotated lives of St. Isadore of Seville, St. Ildephoses of
Toledo, Cardinal Gregory of Ostia, notes on the life of St. Anselm, an
annotated edition of the "Vita Gelasii II" by Pandolfo of Pisa (Murat.,
Script. Rer. It., III, 367), treatises on the primacy and the Roman
episcopate of St. Peter (Roccaberti, Bibl. max. pontif., VII). He was
persuaded that St. Gregory the Great was a genuine disciple of St.
Benedict, and wrote in defiance of this thesis "De S. Gregorii
monachatu benedictino libri duo" (Salzburg, 1620). The authorship of
the "Imitation of Christ" interested him also, and he several times
broke a lance for the Benedictine Jean Gersen [Joannes Gersen, De Imit.
Xti, acced. Defensio pro Gersen et methodo practicâ IV librorum"
(Rome, 1616); "Concertatio, Apologetica responsio" (Rome, 1618);
"Libellus apologeticus pro Gersen" (Rome, 1644), the latter two against
Rosweyde]. His ardour for the glory of the Benedictine Order troubled
his judgment occasionally, says Father Hurter, e.g. when he claimed for
it such persons as St. Columbanus of Bobbio, St. Thomas Aquinas, St.
Francis of Assisi, St. Ignatius Loyola. He inaugurated the controversy
concerning the authorship of the work known as the "Spiritual
Excercises of St. Ignatius" by his book "De religiosâ S. Ignatii,
sive S. Enneconis fundatoris soc. Jesu per Benedictinos institutione,
deque libello exercitiorum ejusdem ab Exercitatorio Cisnerii desumpto"
(Venice, 1641), in which he claimed priority for the "Exercitatorium
Spirituale" of Garcias de Cisneros, Benedictine Abbot of Montferrat
(1455-1510). (See SPIRITUAL EXCERCISES.) Both this work and the
"Achates, or reply of Giovanni Rho, S.J., were placed on the Index of
Forbidden Books in 1646. Cajetan was an intelligent and munificent
collector of books, and at his death left his fortune to the
"Bibliotheca Aniciana", founded by him in honour of the family of St.
Gregory the Great 
(<i>Gens Anicia</i>); the books have since been divided between the
Propoganda Library and that of the Sapienza, or Roman University. To
many his chief title to fame will seem to rest on his claim to be
considered the first promoter, if not the founder, of the Propoganda
College at Rome. He had long hoped to found at Rome a 
<i>Collegium Gregorianum de propogandâ fide</i>, in which young
Benedictines might be trained for foreign missions, after the spirit
and teachings of St. Gregory the Great, Apostle of the Anglo-Saxons. He
really opened a house of studies for this purpose in the monastery of
San Benedetto in Piscinula at Rome, and this may be looked on as
historically the germ of Propaganda. (Cf. his "De erectione collegii
Gregoriani in Urbe epistola encyclica", Rome, 1622.) His idea was taken
up seriously by Gregory XV (1621-23), and by him enlarged and modified
until it took shape as the "
<i>Collegium</i> [later 
<i>Urbanum</i>] 
<i>de propagandâ fide</i>". However, the enlightened zeal and
pioneer labours of Dom Cajetan received due recognition by his
nomination of first consultor of the new college. (See PROPAGANDA,
COLLEGE OF).</p>
<p id="c-p183" shownumber="no">HURTER, Nomenclator, I, 459: WOLFSGRUBER, in Kirchenlex., s. v.;
BUCHBERGER, Kirchl. Handlex. (Munich, 1906), s. v.; HEURTEBIZE, in
Dict. de théol. cath., s.v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p184" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p184.1" title="Cajetan, Tommaso de Vio Gaetani" type="Encyclopedia">Tommaso de Vio Gaetani Cajetan</term>
<def id="c-p184.2">
<h1 id="c-p184.3">Tommaso de Vio Gaetani Cajetan</h1>
<p id="c-p185" shownumber="no">(Baptized GIACOMO.)</p>
<p id="c-p186" shownumber="no">Dominican cardinal, philosopher, theologian, and exegete; born 20
February, 1469 at Gaeta, Italy; died 9 August, 1534 at Rome. He came of
noble stock, and in early boyhood was devout and fond of study. Against
the will of his parents he entered the Dominican Order before the age
of sixteen. As a student of Naples, Bologna, and Padua he was the
wonder of his fellow-students and preceptors. As bachelor of theology
(19 March, 1492), and afterwards master of students, he began to
attract attention by his lectures and writings. Promoted to the chair
of metaphysics at the University of Padua, he made a close study of the
prevailing Humanism and Philosophism. Besides engaging in controversy
with the Scotist Trombetta, he took a stand against the Averroistic
tendencies or teachings of such men as Vernias, Pompanazzi, and Niphus,
directing against them his celebrated work, "De Ente et Essentiâ",
counted the most subtle and abstruse of his productions. At a general
chapter of the order (Ferrara, 1494) Cajetan was selected to conduct
the customary defence of theses in presence of the assembled
dignitaries. He had to face Pico della Mirandola among others, and such
was his success that the students bore him in triumph on their
shoulders to receive the felicitations of the master general. He was
immediately made master of sacred theology, and for several years
expounded the "Summa" of St. Thomas, principally at Brescia and Pavia,
to which latter chair he had been called by the Duke of Milan, Ludovico
Sforza. After two years he resigned and repaired to Milan, whence in
1500 Cardinal Oliviero Caraffa procured his transfer to Rome. In 1501
he was made procurator general of his order and appointed to the chairs
of philosophy and exegesis at the Sapienza. On the death of the master
general, John Clérée, 1507, Cajetan was named vicar-general
of the order, and the next year he was elected to the generalship. With
foresight and ability, he devoted his energies to the promotion of
religious discipline, emphasizing the study of sacred science as the
chief means of attaining the end of the order. His encyclical letters
and the acts of chapters promulgated during his term of office bear
witness to his lofty ideals and to his unceasing efforts to realize
them. He was wont to say that he could hardly excuse from grevious sin
a brother Dominican who failed to devote at least four hours a day to
study. "Let others rejoice in their prerogatives", he once wrote, "but
the work of our Order is at an end unless sacred doctrine be our
commendation." He was himself a model of diligence, and it was said of
him that he could quote almost the entire "Summa" from memory. About
the fourth year of his generalship, Cajetan rendered important service
to the Holy See by appearing before the Pseudo-Council of Pisa (1511),
where he denounced the disobedience of the participating cardinals and
bishops and overwhelmed them with his arguments. This was the occasion
of his defence of the power and monarchical supremacy of the pope. It
is chiefly to his endeavors that is ascribed the failure of this
schismatical movement, abetted by Louis XII of France. He was one of
the first to counsel Pope Julius II to convoke a real ecumenical
council, i.e. the Fifth Lateran. In this council Cajetan was deputed by
the principal religious orders to defend their common interests. Under
the same pontiff he was instrumental in granting to Ferdinand of Spain
the first Dominican missionaries who devoted organized effort to the
conversion of the natives of America.</p>
<p id="c-p187" shownumber="no">On 1 July, 1517, Cajetan was created cardinal by Pope Leo X. He was
also appointed Archbishop of Palermo, but opposition on the part of the
Sicilian senate prevented his taking possession and he resigned 8
February, 1518. On taking the demand of Charles V, however, he was
later made Bishop of Gaeta, but this was after he had been sent in 1518
as Apostolic legate to Germany, bringing the insignia of the
cardinalate to Albert of Brandenburg, and a sword blessed by the pope
to Emperor Maximilian. On this occasion he was empowered to confer with
the latter and with the King of Denmark on the terms of an alliance
against the Turks. He also represented the pope at the Diet of
Frankfort (1519), and took an active part in the election of Charles V
(1519), thereby winning that emperor's friendship and gratitude. While
executing these missions, the more serious duty of meeting Luther, then
started on his career of rebellion, was assigned to him. Cajetan's
theological learning and humane disposition seemed to fit him for the
task of successfully treating with the proud and obstinate monk, and
Protestants have admitted that in all his relations with the latter
Cajetan exhibited a spirit of moderation, that did honour to his lofty
character. But neither pleading, learning, nor conciliatory words
availed to secure the desired submission. Luther parleyed and
temporized as he had done with the Holy See itself, and finally showed
the insincerity of his earlier protestations by spurning the pope and
his representative alike. Some have blamed Cajetan for his failure to
avert Luther's defection, but others like Hefele and Hergenröther
exonerate him. In 1523 he was sent by Adrian VI as legate to King Louis
of Hungary to encourage the Christians in their resistance to the
Turks. Recalled the following year by Clement VII, he became one of the
pope's chief advisors. During the sack of Rome by the imperialist army
(1527) Cajetan, like other principal persons, was seized, and obtained
the release of himself and household only on payment of five thousand
Roman crowns of gold, a sum which he had to borrow and which he later
made up by strictest economy in the affairs of his diocese. He was one
of the nineteen cardinals who, in a solemn consistory held by Clement
VII (23 March, 1534), pronounced definitively for the validity of the
marriage of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon. This was about the last
public act of his life, for he died the same year and was buried, as he
requested, in an humble tomb in the vestibule of the church of Santa
Maria sopra Minerva. It was the common opinion of his contemporaries
that had he lived, he would have succeeded Clement VII on the papal
throne. Much interest attaches to a portrait of Cajetan, the only one
known, recently discovered by Père Berthier, O.P. in a collection
of notables of the Reformation, owned by Count Krasinski of Warsaw,
Poland (see bibliography).</p>
<p id="c-p188" shownumber="no">Cajetan has been described as small in bodily stature but gigantic
in intellect. In all his varied and laborious offices he never omitted
his daily study and writing, nor failed in the practices of the
religious life. He faced the trying issues of his times calmly and
fearlessly, and endeavored by learning, tact, and charity to pacify
hostile minds, to lead back the erring, to stem the tide of heresy, and
to prevent schism. His written solutions of living moral problems cover
a wide field. His circumstances and position often required him to take
part in polemical discussions, yet he is said never to have given
personal offence in his writings. His style, purely scientific and
unrhetorical, is the more noteworthy for having attained its directness
and simplicity in the golden age of Humanism. More than any other
philosopher and theologian of his epoch, he ministered to actual
intellectual needs of the Church. With penetration and sagacity he
ranged beyond the confines of contemporary thought, and in his
tentative solutions of grave problems, still open and unsettled,
displayed judgment and frankness. It is not strange that he developed
tendencies which surprised the more conservative, and essayed opinions
which in some instances were, and have remained, unusual and
occasionally erroneous. He found numerous critics, even in his own
order, who were as censorious of him as his friends were zealous in
upholding his merits. Among his opponents, the learned Dominican
Bartholomew Spina (died 1542) was conspicuous. His persistent
antagonism began, strangely enough, after he had written a laudatory
preface to Cajetan's commentary on the "Secunda Secundae" (second
section of the second part of the "Summa") of St. Thomas, whose
publication he supervised for the author in 1517. The next year, in his
refutation of Pompanazzi, Spina appears to have considered Cajetan as
falling party within the scope of his strictures because of certain
alleged concessions to the prevalent Averroistic rationalism in a
commentary on the "De Animâ" of Aristotle. Cajetan held that
Averroes had correctly exhibited the Stagirite as a believer in
monopsychism, or the doctrine of the unity of one intellectual soul for
humanity and the mortality of individual souls. Whilst working for, and
concurring in the council's condemnation of this doctrine in 1513,
Cajetan had not favoured the requirement that in their public lectures
professors of philosophy should bring up no teachings in conflict of
Christian faith without refuting them; this, he contended, was the
proper office of theologians. Elsewhere Cajetan had also intimated that
reason left to itself could not adequately and conclusively demonstrate
the soul's immortality. From these beginnings, Spina, who during his
later years was Master of the Sacred Palace, relentlessly pursued
Cajetan living and dead. On these slender grounds some writers,
including Renan (Averroés et l'Averro=8Bsme, Paris, 1867, 351) and
Botta (Ueberweg, History of Philosophy, tr. Morris, New York, 1903, II,
Appendix II), have misrepresented Cajetan as "boldly asserting the
eternity of the universe and the destruction of personality at death",
and have classed him with the very men against whom he wrote, as an
initiator of a new period in the development of anti-Scholastic
philosophy.</p>
<p id="c-p189" shownumber="no">In theology Cajetan is justly ranked as one of the foremost
defenders and exponents of the Thomistic school. His commentaries on
the "Summa Theologica", the first in that extensive field, begun in
1507 and finished in 1522, are his greatest work and were speedily
recognized as a classic in Scholastic literature. The work is primarily
a defence of St. Thomas against the attacks of Scotus. In the third
part it reviews the aberrations of the Reformers, especially Luther.
The important relation between Cajetan and the Angelic Doctor was
emphasized by Leo XIII, when by his Pontifical Letters of 15 October,
1879, he ordered the former's commentaries and those of Ferrariensis to
be incorporated with the text of the "Summa" in the official Leonine
edition of the complete works of St. Thomas, the first volume of which
appeared at Rome in 1882. This edition has restored a number of
passages which St. Pius V desired to have expunged from the texts, the
publication of which he ordered in 1570. The suppressed parts, now for
the most part inoffensive, were largely in the nature of personal views
and had no direct bearing on Thomistic doctrine as a system. In his
exegetical work, begun in 1523 and continued to the time of his death,
Cajetan sought to counteract the Biblical extravagances of the
Humanists and to defeat the Lutheran movement on the ground from which
it had chosen to reject the authority of the Church and of tradition.
Chiefly with rabbinical assistance, it is said, being himself unversed
in Hebrew, and with the aid of current Greek versions he prepared a
literal translation of the Bible, including the Old Testament as far as
the end of the third chapter of Isaias, and all the New Testament
except the Apocalypse, which on account of its difficulties he was
unwilling to undertake. It was his object, he declared in a dedicatory
letter to Clement VII published in his edition of the Gospels, to
ascertain the true literal sense of the Scriptures, and he did not
hesitate to adopt new renderings, provided they did not conflict with
the Sacred Word and with the teachings of the Church. This position,
much criticized in his time, is now quite in line with the common
method of Catholic exegetics. Though closely following St. Jerome on
the authenticity of the Biblical texts and utilizing the New Testament
version and notes of Erasmus, with whom he was on friendly terms, he
produced a work whose importance was not overlooked, but whose freedom
and wide departure from the Fathers and the theological schools created
distrust and alarm. In his critical interpretation, for instance, he
ventured an allegorical explaination of the first chapters of Genesis,
and he seemed more than three centuries in advance of his day in
questioning the authenticity of the last chapter of St. Mark, the
authorship of several epistles, viz., Hebrews, James, II Peter, II and
III John, Jude, the genuineness of the passage of the three witnesses
of (I John, v, 7), etc. In this field also he was bitterly assailed,
especially by Ambrose Catharinus, an extraordinary but erratic genius,
who had abandoned the law to enter the Dominican Order, and had become
a bishop. Cajetan's accompanying theological observations, however, are
important, and many scholars have profitably studied them in
conjunction with his commentaries on the "Summa".</p>
<p id="c-p190" shownumber="no">It has been significantly said of Cajetan that his positive teaching
was regarded as a guide for others and his silence as an implicit
censure. His rectitude, candour, and moderation were praised even by
his enemies. Always obedient, and submitting his works to
ecclesiastical authority, he presented a striking contrast to the
leaders of heresy and revolt, whom he strove to save from their folly.
To Clement VII he was the "lamp of the Church", and everywhere in his
career, as the theological light of Italy, he was heard with respect
and pleasure by cardinals, universities, the clergy, nobility, and
people. The works of Cajetan aggregate about 115 titles. The
commentaries on the several parts of the "Summa" exist in many
editions. Of complete editions, sometimes including the text of the
"Summa" and sometimes without it, the following are noteworthy: 10
vols. fol., Lyons, 1540; edition of Pius V in complete works of St.
Thomas, Rome, 1570; 7 vols. 8vo with commentaries of Javelli and
Caponi, Venice, 1596; 10 vols. fol., Rome, 1773; Leonine edition of St.
Thomas (Summa) Rome, 1888. Other works of Cajetan are:</p>
<ul id="c-p190.1">
<li id="c-p190.2">"Opuscula omnia tribus tomis distincta" (fol., Lyons, 1558; Venice,
1558; Antwerp, 1612), a collection of fifty nine treatises;</li>
<li id="c-p190.3">"Commentaria super tractatum de ente et essentiâ Thomae de
Aquino; super libros posteriorum Aristotelis et praedicamenta", etc.
(fol., Venice, 1506);</li>
<li id="c-p190.4">"In praedicabilia Porphyrii praedicamenta et libros posteriorum
analyticorum Aristotelis castigatissima commentaria" (8vo, Venice,
1587, 1599);</li>
<li id="c-p190.5">"Super libros Aristotelis de Animâ", etc. (Rome, 1512; Venice,
1514; Paris, 1539);</li>
<li id="c-p190.6">"Summula de peccatis" (Rome, 1525, and in many other corrected and
augmented editions);</li>
<li id="c-p190.7">"Jentacula N.T., expositio literalis sexaginta quatuor notabilium
sententiarum Novi Test.", etc. (Rome, 1525);</li>
<li id="c-p190.8">"In quinque libros Mosis juxta sensum lit. commentarii" (Rome,
1531, fol.; Paris, 1539);</li>
<li id="c-p190.9">"In libros Jehosuae, Judicum, Ruth, Regum, Paralipomenon, Hezrae,
Nechemiae et Esther" (Rome, 1533; Paris, 1546);</li>
<li id="c-p190.10">"In librum Job" (Rome, 1535);</li>
<li id="c-p190.11">"In psalmos" (Venice, 1530; Paris, 1532);</li>
<li id="c-p190.12">"In parabolas Salomonis, in Ecclesiasten, in Esaiae tria priora
capita" (Rome, 1542; Lyons, 1545; Paris, 1587);</li>
<li id="c-p190.13">"In Evangelia Matt., Marci, Lucae, Joannis" (Venice, 1530);</li>
<li id="c-p190.14">"In Acta Apostolorum" [Venice, 1530; Paris (with Gospels),
1536];</li>
<li id="c-p190.15">"In Epistolas Pauli" (Paris, 1532);</li>
<li id="c-p190.16">"Opera omnia quotquot in sacrae Scripturae expositionem
reperiuntur, curâ atque industriâ insignis collegii S. Thomae
Complutensis, O.P." (5 vols. fol., Lyons, 1639).</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p191" shownumber="no">FONSECA, Biographical notice of Cajetan in introduction to
Commentary on Pentateuch (Paris, 1539); QUÉTIF-ECHARD, Script.
Ord. Praed. (Paris, 1719), II, 14; CIACCONIUS, Vitae et res gestae
pontificum Romanorum et cardinalium (Rome, 1675), III, 392; TOURON,
Hist. des hommes illus. (Paris, 1743), IV, 1-76; LIMBOURG, Kardinal
Cajetan in Zetschr. f. kath. Theol. (Innsbruck, 1880), IV, 139-179;
HURTER, Nomenclator (Innsbruck, 1903), II, 1201; COSSIO, Il Cardinale
Gaetano e la Riforma (Cividale, 1902); MANDONNET in Dict. de
théol. cath. (Paris, 1904); BERTHIER, Il Ritratto del Gaetano in
Il Rosario (Rome, Aug., Sep., 1907), ser. II, vol. IX, No. 476-477.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p192" shownumber="no">JOHN R. VOLZ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p192.1" title="Calabozo, Diocese of" type="Encyclopedia">Diocese of Calabozo</term>
<def id="c-p192.2">
<h1 id="c-p192.3">Diocese of Calabozo</h1>
<p id="c-p193" shownumber="no">(Calaboso)</p>
<p id="c-p194" shownumber="no">Calabozo is a town in the State of Miranda, Venezuela, on the River
Guárico, 120 miles south-southwest of Caracas. Originally an
Indian village, it was founded as a town in 1730 by the Compania
Guipuzcoana. The city is situated on low ground, and in the rainy
season the surrounding lands are inundated. In its vicinity are thermal
springs. It is well built, has a college and public schools, and enjoys
a considerable trade. The principal occupation of its inhabitants is
cattle-raising. The Diocese of Calabozo was created 7 March, 1863, by
Pius IX, and its first bishop was consecrated 30 October, 1881. It
embraces the section of Guárico and portions of the sections of
Apure, Zamora, Portuguesa, Cojedes, and Guzman Blanco. It has 310,000
Catholics, 38 priests, and 70 churches and chapels at the time of this
writing. Calabozo is a suffragan of Caracas (Santiago de Venezuela)</p>
<p id="c-p195" shownumber="no">BATTANDIER, Ann. pont. cath. (Paris, 1908); HERDER,
Konversations-Lex. (St. Louis, 1903), s. v.; WERNER, Orbis Terrarum
Catholicus (Frerburg, 1890); STREIT, Katholischer Missionsatlas (Steyl,
1906).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p196" shownumber="no">LEO A. KELLY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p196.1" title="Calzada, Diocese of Calahorra and la" type="Encyclopedia">Diocese of Calahorra and la Calzada</term>
<def id="c-p196.2">
<h1 id="c-p196.3">Diocese of Calahorra and La Calzada</h1>
<p id="c-p197" shownumber="no">(Calaguritana et Calceatensis.)</p>
<p id="c-p198" shownumber="no">Suffragan of Burgos, comprising almost all the province of
Logroño and part of the provinces of Navarre and Soria. Calahorra,
the episcopal city, has 9475 inhabitants; it is the centre of a
judicial district, and possesses a collegiate church and a chapter. It
has been asserted, but without a historical foundation, that St. Paul
preached at Calahorra and ordained as its first bishop one of his
disciples, Felix. According to Prudentius, a Christian poet of the
fourth century, the brothers Emeterius and Celedonius, soldiers of the 
<i>Legio VII Gemina</i>, suffered for the Faith at Calahorra, but the
exact date of their martyrdom is unknown. In the fourth century
pilgrims from distant lands came to pray at the tomb of these saints,
whose relics are yet preserved in the cathedral of Calahorra. The first
known bishop of this see is Silvanus. About 465 the bishops of the
province of Tarragona denounced to Pope Hilary the conduct of this
prelate, who had consecrated two bishops in violation of the sacred
canons. During the rule of the Visigoths (415-711) the bishops of
Calahorra took part in several councils of Toledo. From 792 to 871 it
is certain that the see was occupied by Mozarabic bishops, among them
Theodemir at the end of the eighth and Recared in the ninth century.
Calahorra was reconquered from the Moors by King García of
Navarre, and in 1045 the see was restored; its first bishop, Sancho,
also Bishop of Nájera, adopted then the title of Bishop op
Calahorra and Nájera. In 1236 the see was transferred to Santo
Domingo de la Calzada, a city in the same province of Logroño,
where it remained for some time. Hence the existence of a cathedral and
a chapter in each town and the double title of the bishop, who is
chosen alternately by the chapter of each cathedral (Battandier). Among
the bishops worthy of mention is Rodríguez Sánchez de
Arévalo (died 1470), afterwards commander of the Castle of Sant'
Angelo in Rome, author of numerous theological and historical works and
a vigorous champion of papal authority. The Catholic population of the
united dioceses is 65,000; there are 363 parishes, 600 priests, 393
churches, and 268 chapels.</p>
<p id="c-p199" shownumber="no">RISCO, Las antiqüedades civiles y eclesiásticas de
Calahorra, in España Sagrada, XXXIII, 113-222, 271-330; LA FUENTE,
Hist. ec.ca de España (Madrid, 1873-75), II, 81-83, 421-22;
BATTANDIER Ann. pont. cath. (Paris, 1907), 217.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p200" shownumber="no">EDUARDO DE HINOJOSA</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p200.1" title="Calama" type="Encyclopedia">Calama</term>
<def id="c-p200.2">
<h1 id="c-p200.3">Calama</h1>
<p id="c-p201" shownumber="no">A titular see of Africa. Calama appears to be the Roman name of
Suthul, a city in Numidia, besieged by Postumius 110 B.C. (Sallust,
Bel. Jugurth., xxxvii). It became a Roman municipium as early as
Hadrian, and a colony a little later. In the time of Diocletian it was
included in Proconsular Africa, but its bishops were subject to
Numidia. The city was captured by the Vandals on their arrival in
Africa (429). Count Bonifacius was defeated near the city in 431. A
great many inscriptions found at Guelma have proved that it is the
modern substitute for Calama. Guelma, occupied by the French in 1836,
is to-day the chief town of a district, or arrondissement, in the
department of Constantine, Algeria; it is situated near the River
Seybouse and the Djebel Mahonna, about 81 miles east of Constantine. It
has 7300 inhabitants (1500 French), and is an important cattle market.
Among its ruins are a Byzantine citadel and walls built by the
Patricius Solomon during the Byzantine reoccupation. Four bishops are
known: Donatus, 305; Megalius, who consecrated St. Augustine in 395 and
died in 397; St. Possidius, elected in 397; Quodvultdeus in 484.
Possidius was a disciple of St. Augustine in the monastic life; at
Calama he suffered a grievous persecution from heathens and Donatists,
and was obliged to leave his city for some time. The contemporary
Donatist bishop was Crispinus; among the heathens we know a certain
Nectarius, a correspondent of St. Augustine. Possidius disarmed his
enemies by his charity. After the sack of Calama by the Vandals, he
retired to Hippo and attended St. Augustine on his death-bed. He also
wrote the life and a catalogue of the works of his master.</p>
<p id="c-p202" shownumber="no">MORCELLI, Africa christiana, I, 115; GAMS, Series Episcoporum
Ecclesiae Cath. (Ratisbon, 1873), I, 464; RAVOISIÉ, Exploration
scientif. de l'Afrique, II; GSELL, Monuments antiques de l'Algérie
(Paris, 1901); REBOUD, Recueil de not. et mém. de la soc. de
Constantine (1882-1883), C, I, 24-51.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p203" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p203.1" title="Calancha, Fray Antonio de la" type="Encyclopedia">Fray Antonio de la Calancha</term>
<def id="c-p203.2">
<h1 id="c-p203.3">Fray Antonio de la Calancha</h1>
<p id="c-p204" shownumber="no">An erudite Augustinian monk, born 1584 at Chiquisaca (now Sucre) in
Bolivia; died 1 March, 1654. Both his parents were of Spanish descent.
He studied at Lima, where he entered the Order of St. Augustine, and
was successively definitor, secretary of the province, and rector of
the College of San Ildefonso. During the earthquake that made great
ravages in Truxillo, 14 February, 1619, he was at the head of the
convent of that city and afterwards became prior at Lima. His most
important work is the "Corónica moralizada de la orden de N.S.P.S.
Agustín en el Peru", the first volume of which appeared in 1638
and the second in 1653. Both have become very rare. They are bulky
tomes written in a ponderous style, but replete with valuable
information on the Indians of Peru and Bolivia. In regard to the
natives of the Peruvian coast, it must be said that, while Calancha had
ample opportunity to gather information on the spot, he still prefers
to rest mostly on the authority of the Jesuits Arriaga and Terhuel, and
in regard to the Lake Titicaca region he follows almost exlusively the
Augustinian Ramos Gavilán. On primitive conditions Calancha
discourses extensively, but not always in a critical spirit, following
therein the conditions and tendencies of the age in which he lived. The
book is indispensable for the study of the aborigines and antiquities
of South America. His book was also published in Latin by Brullius in
1651. Of the other works of his, only two, one on the Conception of the
Blessed Virgin, and the other on beavers (probably seals), were
printed, the former in 1629, the latter in 1642.</p>
<p id="c-p205" shownumber="no">ANTONIO, Bibliotheca hispana nova (Madrid, 1733-38); MENDIBURU, Dic.
hist. biog. (Lima, 1876), II; LEóN Y PINELO, Epítome etca
(1737-38); JIMÉNEZ DE LA ESPADA, Tres Relaciones peruanas (Madrid,
1880).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p206" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p206.1" title="Calas Case, The" type="Encyclopedia">The Calas Case</term>
<def id="c-p206.2">
<h1 id="c-p206.3">The Calas Case</h1>
<p id="c-p207" shownumber="no">Jean Calas was a French Calvinist, born 19 March, 1698, at La
Caparède near Castres, in the department of Tarn; executed 10
March, 1762, at Toulouse. At the time of the events which made his name
famous, he was a prominent merchant of Toulouse, where he had resided
for some forty years. In 1731 he married Anne-Rose Cabibel, and had six
children: four sons, Marc-Antoine, Louis, Pierre, and Donat, and two
daughters, Rose and Anne. One of the sons, Louis, was converted to
Catholicity about 1760. His brother Marc-Antoine, also manifested an
inclination to alter his faith, but, possibly owing to opposition on
the part of the family, never took the final step. On 13 October, 1761,
a number of people, attracted by the excitement, gathered around the
house of Jean Calas. Marc-Antoine had been found hanged in his father's
warehouse. The news spread rapidly; the 
<i>capitouls</i>, or highest civil magistrates, hurried to the scene.
One of the multitude cried out that Antoine had been murdered by his
father to prevent him from abjuring Protestantism. The crowd
immediately took up the idea, and the members of the family were
arrested. The dead son was looked upon as a martyr by the Catholic
population, and his obsequies were celebrated with great ceremony. In
the interrogatory the accused involved themselves in contradictions,
and, on 9 March, 1762, the Parliament of Toulouse, by a vote of 8 to 5,
pronounced sentence against Jean Calas. He was condemned to the
torture, ordinary and extraordinary, was then broken upon the wheel,
and finally burnt. The sentence was executed the following day. Calas
suffered with admirable courage and, until his last breath, never
ceased to protest his innocence. The property of the family was
confiscated. Madame Calas was liberated; but her two daughters, who
were absent from home at the time of their brother's death, were forced
into a convent of the Visitation. Pierre and Donat escaped to Geneva.
Voltaire, then living at Ferney, made the acquaintance of the family
and employed his all-powerful influence to have the dead father's
innocence officially proclaimed, at the same time using the latter's
condemnation as a welcome source of new attacks upon the hated Catholic
Church. In letters and pamphlets he defended the cause of Calas, and
interested his many powerful friends in the case, which now began to
attract world-wide attention. On 9 March, 1765, a Parisian tribunal
unanimously pronounced Calas innocent. The Parliament of Toulouse was
ordered to revoke the death sentence, but never obeyed the injunction.
The remnant of the property was restored to the family, which, by a
subscription and by gifts of money from King Louis XV, was enabled to
live in moderate circumstances. The Calas Case was not without its
effect on contemporary art and literature. Over a hundred publications
relating to it are in existence. It forms the subject of many plays by
F.-L. Laya (produced for the first time in Paris in 1790), Lemierre
d'Argy (Paris, 1790), Marie-Joseph Chénier (Paris, 1791), and
Victor Du Cange (Paris, 1819). Madame Calas and her daughters were
living in Paris, when several of these were presented on the stage.
Some historians, carried away perhaps by too great a desire to bring
the innocence of Jean Calas to the fore, assert that Marc-Antoine
committed suicide. But there are weighty reasons to doubt the father's
innocence (Barthélemy). Voltaire cannot be considered an impartial
historian of the case, owing to his preconceived desire to present a
strong indictment against the Catholic Church, rather than to state the
facts in their true light. The responsibility of the condemnation in no
way rested with the ecclesiastical authorities, and the penalty was
inflicted not for a mere religious offence, but for murder alleged to
have been committed for a religious motive.</p>
<p id="c-p208" shownumber="no">COQUEREL, Jean Calas et sa famille (Paris, 1869); BARTHÉLEMY,
Erreurs et mensonges historiques (Paris, 1886), 2d series, 1-73;
KREITEN, Voltaire (1884), 413 sqq.; TALLENTYRE, Life of Voltaire
(London, 1893), II, 150-69 passim; MAYNARD, Voltaire (Paris, 1868), II,
429-42.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p209" shownumber="no">N.A. WEBER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p209.1" title="Calasio, Mario di" type="Encyclopedia">Mario di Calasio</term>
<def id="c-p209.2">
<h1 id="c-p209.3">Mario di Calasio</h1>
<p id="c-p210" shownumber="no">Friar Minor and lexicographer, born at Calasio in the Kingdom of
Naples about 1550; died at Rome, 1 February, 1620. Having entered the
Franciscan Order, he devoted himself to the study of Hebrew with such
success that the pope called him to Rome, where he taught Hebrew in the
Franciscan convents of Ara Coeli and San Pietro in Montorio. Calasio
enjoyed the special favour of Paul V who made him his confessor and
bestowed upon him all the titles and privileges generally accorded to
doctors of theology. When he was dying he caused the Passion to be read
to him and expired while chanting the Psalms of David in Hebrew.
Calasio's reputation as a scholar in the Semitic languages rests mainly
upon his "Concordantiae Sacrorum Bibliorum Hebraicorum" which was
published at Rome in 1622, two years after his death. Another, though
inferior, edition of the same work appeared at London in 1747. Besides
this work Calasio wrote a "Dictionarium Hebraicorum" and "Canones
Generales linguae sanctae".</p>
<p id="c-p211" shownumber="no">APOLLINAIRE in Vig., Dict. de la Bible (Paris, 1899), II, 54-55.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p212" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p212.1" title="Calatayud, Pedro de" type="Encyclopedia">Pedro de Calatayud</term>
<def id="c-p212.2">
<h1 id="c-p212.3">Pedro de Calatayud</h1>
<p id="c-p213" shownumber="no">Jesuit missionary, born in Navarre, 1 August, 1689; died in Bologna,
27 February, 1773. He joined the Society of Jesus, 21 October, 1710. In
the Academy of Madrid there is an account of one of his missions in
Bilbao which is described as "portentosa". He had the title of Master
in Theology, and has left a number of pious and theological works.
Among them are: "The Flame of Holy Love for the Sacred Heart"; "Various
Sentences from the Scriptures for the Use of Missionaries"; "Practice
of a Sweet and Reasonable Christian Life"; "Regrets of a Contrite
Heart"; "Practical Doctrines for Explaination on the Missions", a book
which seems to have been particularly famous; "Doctrinal Compendium",
which was an extended edition of Pinamonti's work: "Practical
Catechism"; "Spiritual Exercises for Priests and Ordinandi" -- one
proposition of which (Doctrine IV, p. 111), about restitution by a
negligent priest, was made a subject of criticism; "Practical and
Doctrinal Methods for Religious". He published a great number of
pamphlets and brochures. He was living at the time of the suppression
of the Society of Jesus and was expelled from Spain. He died shortly
afterwards.</p>
<p id="c-p214" shownumber="no">BOERO, Menologio, II, 503; SOMMERVOGEL, Bib. des écr. de la c.
de J.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p215" shownumber="no">T.J. CAMPBELL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p215.1" title="Calatrava, Military Order of" type="Encyclopedia">Military Order of Calatrava</term>
<def id="c-p215.2">
<h1 id="c-p215.3">Military Order of Calatrava</h1>
<p id="c-p216" shownumber="no">Founded in Castile, in the twelfth century, as a military branch of
the great Cistercian family.</p>
<p id="c-p217" shownumber="no">In the Cistercian Order, then only recently formed (1098), there had
been a large number of knights or sons of knights. In Calatrava, on the
contrary, those who had been monks became knights. Monastic life has
been called "a warfare", and it would be a mistake to suppose those
rough medieval warriors sought in the cloister only a comfortable
asylum after a troublous career. In both lives there was an heroic
struggle to sustain, whether against one's passions or against the
Moslems, and the austerities of an ascetic life could not have been
more dreadful to them than the privations of camp life and the wounds
of battle. These impetuous natures, who did nothing by halves, were
eager to take Heaven, as they took earthly strongholds, by storm
(Matt., xi, 12). However, the Order of Calatrava owes its origin not to
any deliberately prepared plan, but to fortuitous circumstances, the
recital of which would seem to be mere romance if the teller, Rodrigo
of Toledo, did not add that he himself had known in his youth the hero
of the story. It runs as follows:</p>
<p id="c-p218" shownumber="no">Calatrava is the Arabic name of a castle recovered from the Moslems,
in 1147, by the King of Castile, Alfonso VII, called 
<i>el Emperador.</i> Situated on the extreme southern borders of
Castile, this conquest was more difficult to keep than to make, at a
time when neither standing armies nor garrisons were known. It was this
deficiency that the military orders, and first of all the Knights
Templars, intended to supply by fulfilling their vow of perpetual war
against the Moslem. To the Templars the king had recourse, but after a
vain attempt to defend Calatrava they abandoned it, and the king was
looking in vain for another defender when Raymond, Abbot of the
Cistercian monastery of Fitero, offered himself. This step is said to
have been suggested to the abbot by Diego Valasquez, a simple monk, but
one who had been a knight, was well acquainted with military matters,
and was inspired with the idea of employing the lay brothers of the
abbey to defend Calatrava. These Cistercian lay brothers--at that time
a recent innovation in religious life--not being in Holy orders, were
variously employed as herdsmen, as labourers, as husbandmen, and so on;
Diego employed them as soldiers of the Cross. They laid down the hammer
and the shepherd's crook, and took up the sword. Thus a new order was
created, which received the name of Calatrava from the castle given up
by the king (1157).</p>
<p id="c-p219" shownumber="no">Once provided with arms, these brethren, filled with warlike
enthusiasm, were eager to take the offensive against the Moors. With
this end in view, they chose, when the Abbot Raymond died (1163), a
certain Don García to lead them in battle as their first grand
master. At the same time, the choir monks, not without protest, left
Calatrava to live under an abbot whom they had chosen, in the monastery
of Cirvelos. Only Velasquez and a few other clerics, to act as
chaplains, remained in Calatrava with the knights, Velasquez becoming
prior of the whole community. This somewhat revolutionary arrangement
was approved by the general chapter at Cîteaux, and by Pope
Alexander III (1164). A general chapter held at Cîteaux in 1187
gave to the Knights of Calatrava their definitive rule, which was
approved in the same year by Pope Gregory VIII. This rule, modeled upon
the cistercian customs for lay brothers, imposed upon the knights,
besides the obligations of the three religious vows, the rules of
silence in the refectory, dormitory, and oratory; of abstinence on four
days a week, besides several fast days during the year; they were also
obliged to recite a fixed number of paternosters for each day Hour of
the Office; to sleep in their armour; to wear, as their full dress, the
Cistercian white mantle with the scarlet cross 
<i>fleurdelisée.</i> Calatrava was subject not to Cîteaux,
but to Morimond in Burgundy, the mother-house of Fitero, from which
Calatrava had sprung. Consequently, the Abbot of Morimond possessed the
right of visiting the houses and of reforming the statutes of
Calatrava, while the highest ecclesiastical dignity of the order, that
of grand prior, could be held only by a monk of Morimond.</p>
<p id="c-p220" shownumber="no">The first military services of the Knights of Calatrava had been
brilliant, and in return for the great services they had rendered they
received from the King of Castile new grants of land, which formed
their first commanderies. They had already been called into the
neighbouring Kingdom of Aragon, and been rewarded by a new 
<i>encomienda</i> (landed estate), that of Alcañiz (1179). But
these successes were followed by a series of misfortunes, due in the
first instance to the unfortunate partition which Alfonso had made of
his possessions, and the consequent rivalry which ensued between the
Castilian and Leonese branches of his dynasty. On the other hand, the
Moors of Spain, wishing to recover their lost dominions, called to
their aid the Moors of Africa, thus bringing on the new and formidable
invasion of the Almohades. The first encounter resulted in a defeat for
Spain. In the disasterous battle of Alarcos, the knights were
overpowered and, in spite of splendid heroism, were obliged to leave
their bulwark of Calatrava iin the power of the Moslem (1195).
Velasquez lived just long enough to be the sorrowful witness of the
failure of his daring scheme. He died the next year in the monastery of
Gumiel (1196). It seemed as if the order was ruined in Castile, and
this opinion so far prevailed that the branch of Aragon regarded itself
as having succeeded the other. The Knights of Alcañiz actually
proceeded to elect a new grand master, but the grand master still
living in Castile claimed his right. Finally, by a compromise, the
master of Alcañiz was recognized as second in dignity, with the
title of Grand Commander for Aragon.</p>
<p id="c-p221" shownumber="no">The scattered remains of Calatrava had meanwhile found a common
shelter in the Cistercian monastery of Cirvelos, and there they began
to repair their losses by a large accession of new knights. They soon
felt themselves strong enough to erect a new bulwark against the
Moslems at Salvatierra, where they took the name, which they kept for
fourteen years, of Knights of Salvatierra (1198). But in the course of
a fresh invasion of the Almohades, Salvatierra, in spite of a desperate
defence, shared the fate of Calatrava (1209). Upon the fall of this
Castilian stronghold dismay spread from Spain throughout Western
Europe. Summoned by the voice of the great Pope Innocent III, foreign
crusaders hatened from all sides to help the Spanish Christians. The
first event in this holy war, now a European one, was the reconquest of
Calatrava (1212), which was given back to its former masters. In the
same year the famous victory of Las Navas de Tolosa marked the
incipient decline of Moslem domination in Western Europe. Having thus
recovered possession of the stronghold, and resumed the title of
Calatrava (1216), the order nevertheless removed to more secure
quarters of Calatrava la Nueva, eight miles from old Calatrava (1218).
From his centre their influence spread to the remotest parts of the
Peninsula; new orders sprang up--Alcántara (q.v.) in the Kingdon
of Leon, Avis (q.v.) in Portugal, both begun under Calatrava's
protection and the visitation of its grand master. This spirit of
generous emulation, spreading among all classes of society, marks the
climax of Spanish chivalry: it was then that King Ferdinand the Saint,
after the definitive coalition of Castile and Leon (1229) dealt a
mortal blow to the Moslem power in the conquest (1235) of their capital
city, Cordova, soon followed by the surrender of Murcia, Jaen, and
Seville. The European crusade seemed at an end. Encouraged by these
victories, Ferdinand's successor, Alfonso X, the Wise, planned a
crusade in the East and contemplated marching, with his Spanish
chivalry, to restore the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (1272). But the
Moors still held out in their little Kingdom of Grenada, which was to
remain for two centuries longer an open door, exposing Western Europe
to the constant danger of African invasion. For the perpetuation of
this menace, Christendom had to thank its own dissentions--not only
international, but personal and dynastic. Into these factious quarrels
the Knights of Calatrava, like other knights of the Cross, were
unhappily drawn.</p>
<p id="c-p222" shownumber="no">Calatrava, with its abundant resources of men and wealth, had by
this time become a power in the State. It had lands and castles
scattered along the borders of Castile. It excercised feudal lordship
over thousands of peasants and vassals. Thus, more than once, we see
the order bringing to the field, as its individual contributions, 1200
to 2000 knights, a considerable force in the Middle Ages. Moreover, it
enjoyed autonomy, being by its constitutions independent in temporal
matters and acknowledging only spiritual superiors--the Abbot of
Morimond and, in appeal, the pope. These authorities interfered, in
consequence of a schism which first broke out in 1296 through the
simultaneous election of two grand masters, García Lopez and
Gautier Perez. Lopez, dispossessed a first time by a delegate of
Morimond, appealed to Pope Boniface VIII, who quashed the sentence and
referred the case to the general chapter at Cîteaux, where Lopez
was re-established in his dignity (1302). Dispossessed a second time,
in consequence of a quarrel with his lieutenant, Juan Nuñez, Lopez
voluntarily resigned in favour of Nuñez, who had taken his place
(1328), on condition that he should keep the commandery of Zurita; as
this condition was violated, Lopez again, for the third time, took the
title of Grand Master in Aragon, where he died in 1336.--These facts
sufficiently prove that after the fourteenth century the rigorous
discipline and fervent observance of the order's earlier times had,
under the relaxing influence of prosperity, given place to a spirit of
intrigue and ambition.</p>
<p id="c-p223" shownumber="no">With the accession of Pedro the Cruel began a conflict between the
Crown and the order. That prince caused three grand masters in
succession to be put to death, as having incurred his suspicion: the
first of these was beheaded (1355) on a charge of having entered into a
league with the King of Aragon; the second Estevañez, having
competed for the grand mastership with the king's candidate,
García de Padilla, was murdered in the royal palace, by the king's
own treacherous hand; lastly García de Padilla himself, a brother
of the royal mistress, fell into disgrace, upon deserting the king's
party for that of his half brother, Henry the Bastard, and died in
prison (1369). Amid all these troubles the war against the Moslem,
which was the very reason of the order's existence, was reduced to a
mere episode in its history. The greater part of its activities were
employed in purely political conflicts, and its arms, consecrated to
the defence of the Faith, were turned against Christians. An even more
pitiable spectacle was that of the knights divided among themselves
into rival and mutually hostile factions. At the same time began the
encroachments of royal authority in the election of the grand master,
whose power was a check upon that of the king. For instance, in 1404,
Henry of Villena was elected 24th grand master merely through the
favour of Henry III of Castile, although Villena was married, a
stranger to the order, and by papal dispensation entered upon his high
functions without even the preliminary of a novitiate. A schism in the
order ensued and was healed only after the king's death, in 1414, when
a general chapter, held at Cîteaux, cancelled the election of
Villena and acknowledged his competitor, Luis Guzman, as the only
legitimate master. After the death of Guzman, a new encroachment of
King John II of Castile gave rise to a new schism. He had succeeded in
forcing upon the electors his own candidate, Alfonso, a bastard, of the
royal stock of Aragon (1443); but Alfonso having joined a party formed
against him, the king sought to have him deposed by the chapter of the
order. This time the electors divided, and a double election issued in
not fewer than three grand masters: Pedro Giron, who took possession of
Calatrava; Ramirez de Guzman, who occupied the castles of Andalusia;
and the bastard Alfonso of Aragon, who continued to be recognized by
the knights of the Aragonese branch. At last, through the withdrawl of
his rivals one after the other, Pedro Giron remained the only grand
master (1457). Giron belonged to an eminent Castilian family; an
ambitious intriguer, more anxious about his family interests than about
those of his order, he played an important part as a leader in the
factions which disturbed the wretched reigns of John II and Henry IV,
the last two lamentably weak descendants of St. Ferdinand of
Castile.</p>
<p id="c-p224" shownumber="no">By turns, Giron sustained first Henry IV, in a war against his
father, John II, then Alfonso, who pretended to the throne, against
Henry IV. Such was Giron's importance that Henry IV, in order to attach
him to his cause, offered him the hand of his own sister, the famous
Isabella of Castile. Giron had already had his vow of celibacy annulled
by the pope, and as on his way to the court, when he died, thus saving
the future Queen of Castile from an unworthy consort (1466). The same
pope, Pius II, granted to Pedro Giron the extravagant privilege of
resigning his high dignity in favour of his bastard, Rodrigo Telles
Giron, a child eight years old. Thus the grand mastership fell into the
hands of guardians--an unheard of event. The Abbot of Morimond was
called upon to devise a temporary administration, untill Telles should
reach his majority. The administration was entrusted to four knights
elected by the chapter, and from this period date the definitive
statutes of the order known as "Rules of Abbot William III" (1467).
These statutes recognized in the order seven high dignitaries: the
grand master; the clavero (guardian of the castle and lieutenant of the
grand master); two grand 
<i>comendadores</i>, one for Castile and the other for Aragon; the
grand prior, representing the Abbot of Morimond in the spiritual
government; the 
<i>sacrista</i> (guardian of the relics); the 
<i>obrero</i> (supervisor of buildings).</p>
<p id="c-p225" shownumber="no">The order, having reached its apogee of prosperity, now held sway
over fifty-six commanderies and sixteen priories, or cures, distributed
between the Diocese of Jaen and the Vicariate of Ciudad Real. Its
lordships included sixty-four villages, with a population of 200,000
souls, and produced an annual income which may be estimated at 50,000
ducats. The kings whose fortune the mismanagement of the late reigns
had depleted could not but covet these riches, while such formidable
military power filled with distrust the monarchs who were obliged to
tolerate the autonomous existence of the order. During the struggle
between Alfonso V of Portugal and Ferdinand of Aragon for the right of
succession to Henry IV of Castile, the last male of his house (1474),
much depended upon the attitude of Calatrava. The knights were divided.
While the grand master, Rodrigo Giron, supported Portugal, his
lieutenant, Lopez de Padilla, stood by Aragon. The battle of Toro
(1479), where the pretensions of Portugal were annihilated, ended this
schism, the last in the history of the order. The grand master,
reconciled with Ferdinand of Aragon, fell, during the war against the
Moors, at the seige of Loja (1482). His lieutenant, Lopez de Padilla,
succeeded him and, as the last of the twenty-seven independent grand
masters of Calatrava, revived for a season the heroic virtues of his
order's better days. A mortified monk in his cell, a fearless warrior
on the battlefield, the glory of Padilla shed its last rays in the war
of the conquest of Grenada, which he did not live to see completed. At
his death (1487), Ferdinand of Aragon exhibited to the chapter,
assembled for the election of a new grand master, a Bull of Innocent
VIII which invested him with authority to administer the order, and to
this decree he compelled the electors to submit. Thus ended the
political autonomy of the Order of Calatrava. The reason of its
being--the struggle against the Moors--seemed, indeed, to end with the
fall of Grenada (1492).</p>
<p id="c-p226" shownumber="no">The canonical bond between Calatrava and Morimond had been relaxing
more and more. The King of Spain was too jealous of his authority to
tolerate any foreign--especially French--intervention in the affairs of
his kingdom. The canonical visits of the Abbot of Morimond ceased;
difficulties were raised when the grand prior came from Morimond to
take possession of his dignity. The last French prior was Nicholas of
Avesnes, who died in 1552. After a long contest, a compromise was
effected in 1630, leaving to Morimond its right of electing the grand
prior, but limiting its choice to Spanish Cistercians. Moreover, the
knights of the order were virtually secularized: Pope Paul III commuted
their vow of celibacy to one of conjugal fidelity (1540). As members of
the order were allowed to found families, and were authorized by Julius
III (1551) to make free use of their personal property, the vow of
poverty also passed into virtual desuetude. In 1652, under Philip IV,
the three Spanish orders took a new vow: that of defending the doctrine
of the Immaculate Conception. This was the last manifestation of any
religious spirit in the orders. The military spirit, too, had long
since disappeared. The orders had, in fact, fallen into a state of
utter inactivity. The commanderies were but so many pensions at the
king's free disposal, and granted by him rather to the high-born than
to the deserving. In 1628 the Order of Calatrava was declared to be
inaccessible not only to tradesmen, but even to sons of tradesment. The
last attempt to employ the knights of the three orders for a military
purpose was that of Philip IV, in quelling the rebellion of the
Catalans (1640-50), but the orders restricted their efforts to the
complete equipment of one regiment, which has since been known in the
Spanish army as "The Regiment of the Orders".</p>
<p id="c-p227" shownumber="no">When the Bourbon dynasty occupied the throne, Charles III, having
founded the personal order of his name, levied upon the old orders a
contribution of a million reals to pension 200 knights of the new order
(1775). Their revenues being the only remaining 
<i>raison d'être</i> of the order, confiscation necessarily led to
dissolution. Confiscated by King Joseph (1808), re-established by
Ferdinand VII at the Restoration (1814), the possessions of Calatrava
were finally dissipated in the general secularization of 1838. (See
ALCÁNTARA; MILITARY ORDERS.)</p>
<p id="c-p228" shownumber="no">Definiciones de la Orden y Cavallería de Calatrava (Valladolid,
1600); MANRIQUE, Series praefectorum militiae Calatravae, in his
Annales, III, Appendix; JONGELINUS, Origines equestrium militarium
ordinis cisterciensis (Cologne, 1640); ZAPATER, Cister militante
(Saragossa, 1662); DUBOIS, Histoire de l'abbaye de Morimond avec les
principaux ordres militaires d'Espagne et de Portugal (Paris,
1851).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p229" shownumber="no">CH. MOELLER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p229.1" title="Calcutta" type="Encyclopedia">Calcutta</term>
<def id="c-p229.2">
<h1 id="c-p229.3">Archdiocese of Calcutta</h1>
<h3 id="c-p229.4">THE ECCLESIASTICAL PROVINCE OF CALCUTTA</h3>
<p id="c-p230" shownumber="no">The Ecclesiastical province of Calcutta comprises practically the
old Indian province of Bengal, where the Catholic Faith was introduced
very early. About the middle of the sixteenth century Portughese
merchants were trading with the ports of Bengal. But they did not stay
in the country, their ships came to Bengal with the monsoon at the end
of May, and went back to Cochin in October. About 1571 they obtained
from Akbar, the great Mogul emperor then residing in Agra, very
important concessions: they were allowed to build a town in Hugli, to
erect churches, send for priests and baptize the natives who might wish
to become Christians. Portuguese merchants and settlers soon flocked to
Hugli, many natives became christians, so that in 1598 the number of
Catholics in Hugli was five thousand, of Portuguese, native, or mixed
origin.</p>
<p id="c-p231" shownumber="no">Quite different were the origin and the character of the other
Catholic communities which sprang up all over Bengal at the end of
sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century. Native rulers
whose states were continually exposed to the raids of their enemies,
appealed for protection to the Portuguese adventurers then numerous in
India and famous for the undaunted bravery. They settled in 
<i>bandels</i>, generally situated on the bank of a river, and received
for their military services lands, a monthly pay, and a share of the
booty. Their numbers increased rapidly, for they married native women,
and many native converts came to them for protection and security.
These converts were called 
<i>topassees</i>, because they wore a hat, like the Portuguese 
(<i>topa</i> means hat). In 1598 there were on the coast of Chittagong
and Arracan 2500 Catholics of Portuguese or mixed origin, besides the
native Christians. All the Catholic communities of Bengal were under
the jurisdiction of the Diocese of Cochin, erected in 1557. But no
regular provision had been made for the supply of priests and the
building of churches. Hugli alone had a church and a parish priest.
Elsewhere Catholics depended for spiritual ministrations on any priest
who happened to be travelling through the country. On 9 January, 1606,
the Diocese of San Thomé de Meliapur was erected, and Bengal was
put under its jurisdiction.</p>
<p id="c-p232" shownumber="no">Two Jesuits had gone to Bengal temporarily in 1579, and two others
were sent there from Cochin in 1598 to report on the hopes and
prospects of a Catholic mission. They erected in Hugli a school and
hospital, in Chittagong two churches and residences; two churches were
contemplated or begun in Siripur and Bacala. The native rulers were
very favourable, and even generously endowed the new missions. But
political disturbances ruined these happy beginnings; churches and
residences were destroyed in 1603, and the four Jesuits then in Bengal
were recalled by thelr superiors. In the meantime a permanent provision
had been made for the Catholics of Bengal by the Bishop of Cochin, Don
Fray André, a Franciscan. He had entrusted Bengal to the
Augustinians of Goa, and is said to have conferred upon them the
exclusive right to the parishes of the country. In 1599 five
Augustinians landed in Hugli, built a convent of St. Nicholas of
Tolentino, and took possession of the church or churches existing in
the town. A few years afterwards we find them established in Angelim
(Hidgelee), Tambolim (Tumlook), Pipli; about 1612 in Dacca, Noricul,
Siripur, Katrabo in 1621 in Chittagong; and after 1640 in Balasore,
Ossumpoor, and Rangamati.</p>
<p id="c-p233" shownumber="no">Chittagong deserves a special notice. The Moguls of Bengal were
continually trying to wrest Chittagong from the dominion of the Emperor
of Arracan. Twice they almost succeeded in taking it in surprise, and
from that time this potentate always kept a large body of Portughese in
his service at Dianga, near Chittagong. Instead of waiting for the
attacks of the Moguls, these Portughese found it easier and more
effective to carry the war into the enemy's territory, and they began
to make periodical raids on the coast of Bengal, carrying away whole
populations of Hindu and Mohammedan villages. Thus between 1621 and
1634 they brought back with them to Chittagong 42,000 slaves, of whom
the Augustians baptized 28,000. They converted besides five thousand
natives of the country, called Mugs or Mogos.</p>
<p id="c-p234" shownumber="no">This barbarous warfare of the Portuguese of Chittagong brought
about, amongst other causes, the ruin of Hugli in 1632. Shah Jehan, the
Mogul emperor ordered Khasim Khan, Nawab of Bengal, to destroy Hugli.
After a siege of three months, the town was stormed; four priests and
many Christians were sent prisoners to Agra. However, the Portuguese
were restored to favour the next year (1633). Either by the exertions
of the Jesuits of Agra and Lahore, the intervention of a Mogul prince
called Assofokhan or the negotiations of the Viceroy of Goa Christians
were allowed to settle, not in Hugli itseif, but on a spot outside the
town, called to this day Bandel. They erected there in 1660 a church
and an Augustinian convent, still existing. The prior of the convent
was the captain of the bandel, with power to try minor but not capital
offences. There also was erected a convent of Augustinian nuns, which
has been the occasion of the accusations levelled by travellers against
the morality of Bandel. The canonical standing of this convent seems to
have been rather undefined. In 1666 Aurangzeb succeeded in taking
Chittagong, and the Portughese colony was transferred to Felinghee
Bazar, near Dacca.</p>
<p id="c-p235" shownumber="no">The Jesuits went back to Bengal about 1612. Their ministry was
hampered by the rivalry of the Augustinians who strongly maintained
their exclusive privilege. The former soon confined their exertions to
their church and college of St. Paul in Hugli. These were built in
1621, destroyed or damaged in 1632, and reappear in 1655. For many
years only one Jesuit priest was stationed there, till, in 1746, church
and college were given up. In 1688 the French started a factory in
Chandernagore, a few miles from Hugli. The Augustinians of Bandel
claimed the right to be the parish priests of the new town, but,
yielding to the representations of the French authorities, the Bishop
of Meliapur created there on 10 of April, 1696, a special parish
entrusted to the French Jesuits. In 1753 there were in Chandernagore
102,000 inhabitants and only 4000 Catholics. The Capuchins had settled
there and built a church in 1726.</p>
<p id="c-p236" shownumber="no">In 1690 Charnock founded Calcutta. Portuguese from Hugli settled in
the new town. They built a chapel and were attended by Augustinian
priests. In 1799 the chapel was replaced by the beautiful church
dedicated to Our Blessed Lady of the Rosary, which is used today as the
cathedral. The Augustinians of Bengal have been severely criticized by
Protestant travellers, and, it must be granted, not without foundation.
It can cause no surprise if in some cases the conduct of half-trained
priests who were sent to outstations, far from any spiritual help or
control, should not always have been exemplary. Besides, they were
living in the midst of Pagan, Mohammedan, and Christian corruption. The
defect lay in the way they were recruited. The Augustinians of Goa
refused all candidates of native or mixed origin, and were therefore
compelled to accept all European candidates, however unfit. As the
supply was not equal to the demand, the training was necessarily short.
Even so, Catholic communities had to remain without a priest for many
years. The Augustinian superiors of Lisbon did not approve of such a
policy; they pointed out that it was much better to select at the best
of the native candidates than to accept indiscriminately the young
adventurers whom their families had sent to India to get rid of them.
These superiors and the King of Portugal himself, in virtue of his
right of patronage, threatened more than once to recall the
Augustinians from Bengal. The bishops of Meliapur insisted on better
organization and discipline. All was useless; the best regulations, the
most stringent orders could not be enforced at such a distance and on
Mogul territory. Francis Laynez. S.J., Bishop of Meliapur, visited all
the stations of Bengal in 1712, but his efforts were fruitless. In all
questions of reform clergy and people were against him. They even went
so far as to appeal to the Mogul authorities to stop the exercise of
his episcopal jurisdiction.</p>
<p id="c-p237" shownumber="no">At the end of the eighteenth century there were Augustinians in
Calcutta and Bandel only; elsewhere the Catholics were attended by
clerics from Goa. The condition of the 25,000 Catholics then living in
the eleven parishes of Bengal may he summed up in two words: ignorance
and corruption. They were an easy prey for Kiernander, called the
"first Protestant missionary in Bengal", who went to Calcutta in 1758.
But what did more for the perversion of Catholics was the erection, at
the end of the eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century, of a
number of well-endowed Protestant Schools. There was no Catholic school
in Bengal before 1830. About 1829 division set in among the Catholics
of Calcutta. One party, with the parish priest of the principal church
at its head, wrote to Rome to obtain a British vicar Apostolic and
British priests. On 18 April, 1834, the pope created the Vicariate
Apostolic of Bengal, and entrusted it to the Jesuits of England. Robert
St. Leger, an Irish Jesuit, was nominated first Vicar Apostolic of
Bengal, and landed in Calcutta with five companions in October, 1834.
The parish priest of the principal church received him in his church.
The companions of St. Leger started a little college of St. Francis
Xavier, which increased slowly. Most of the Catholics accepted the
authority of the Vicar Apostolic; only a few sided with the Goanese
priests of the Boytakhana church, which was interdicted St. Leger. St.
Leger was recalled in 1838, and Mgr. Taberd, titular bishop of
Isauropolis and Vicar Apostolic of Cochin China, then living in Bengal,
was appointed Vicar Apostolic of Bengal 
<i>ad interim.</i> He earnestly promoted Catholic education and
endeared himself to all, but died suddenly 31 July, 1840. Division set
in again amongst the Catholics of Calcutta. Dr. Carew who had just
succeeded Dr. O' Connor as Vicar Apostolic of Madras, was appointed
Vicar Apostolic of Bengal, 20 November, l840. He built in Calcutta the
church of St. Thomas, founded Schools, orphanages, asylums, and the
little college of St. John. Difficulties arose between him and the
Jesuits. The latter were recalled by their superior and their
flourishing college of St. Francis Xavier was closed in 1846.</p>
<p id="c-p238" shownumber="no">In 1850 Eastern Bengal and Arracan were constituted a separate
vicariate, which became in 1886 the Diocese of Dacca. Dr. Oliffe,
coadjutor of Dr. Carew, consecrated in October, 1843, was appointed
Vicar Apostolic of Eastern Bengal. In 1852 the districts of Bengal
south of the Mahanadi River were entrusted by Dr. Carew to Bishop
Neyret, Vicar Apostolic of Vizigapatam. In 1853 the Foreign Missions of
Paris consented to take over Assam, which has since become a prefecture
Apostolic. In 1855 Dr. Carew made over to the Foreign Missions of Milan
the districts of Central Bengal, which became in 1870 a prefecture
Apostolic, and in 1886 the Diocese of Khrishmagur. Dr. Carew remained
Vicar Apostolic of Western Bengal, and died 2 November, 1855.</p>
<h3 id="c-p238.1">THE ARCHDIOCESE OF CALCUTTA</h3>
<p id="c-p239" shownumber="no">The Archdiocese of Calcutta extends along the sea-coast from the
Khabadak to the Mahanundi River. After the death of Dr. Carew, Dr.
Oliffe, the Vicar Apostolic of Eastern Benga! took possession of the
Vicariate of Western Bengal. This vicariate, increased by the addition
of the districts of Hazaribagh in 1871, Kurseong in 1881. Purneah,
Santhal Pargannahs, Darjeeling in 1887, is today the Archdiocese of
Calcutta, with two suffragan dioceses, Dacca and Krishnagur, and the
Prefecture Apostolic of Assam. Taught by experience, Dr. Oliffe
entrusted at once with the approval of the Propaganda, his former
vicariate to the Fathers of the Holy Cross. Three years afterwards he
also obtained permission to put the Jesuits in charge of his Vicariate
of Western Bengal. The British Jesuits being unable to undertake the
work on account of their small number, the pope entrusted the Bengal
Mission to the Belgian Jesuits. Dr. Oliffe died at Naples in May, 1858.
On 28 November, 1859, four Belgian and two English Jesuits with a lay
brother, landed in Calcutta and started at once, in the old St. John's
College, the new College of St. Francis Xavier. In 1842 their
predecessors estimated the Catholic population of Calcutta at 8000.
Carew's estimate was 15,000, which seems much too high, for the Belgian
Jesuits found only 6000 Catholics in Calcutta in 1859. A few hundreds
were spread over Western Bengal. As the new mission was still in its
experimental stage, no vicar Apostolic was appointed till 9 September,
1864, when Father Augustus Van Heule, S.J., was nominated Vicar
Apostolic of Western Bengal. Unfortunately he had been only four months
in Calcutta when he died suddenly 9 June, 1865.</p>
<p id="c-p240" shownumber="no">On 11 January, 1867, the Very Rev. Walter Steins S.J., Vicar
Apostolic of Bombay, was transferred to the Vicariate Apostolic of
Western Bengal. He had accompanied in 1859 the first Belgian Jesuits to
Calcutta to help them with his experience, and had been appointed in
1861 Vicar Apostolic of Bombay. He left Calcutta in 1877 for Australia,
where he was appointed Bishop of Auckland. He died there 1 September,
1881. On 31 December 1877, Father Paul Goethals, S. J., was nominated
titular Archbishop of Hierapolis and Vicar Apostolic of Western Bengal
On 23 June, 1886, a new concordat was concluded between Pope Leo XIII
and the King of Portugal. A concordat had already been signed between
Pope Pius IX and the King of Portugal in 1857, but the difficulties
caused by the double jurisdiction had subsisted in Bengal, though in a
lesser degree than elsewhere. The new concordat established a permanent
peace. On 1 September, 1886, the Bull "Humanae Salutis Auctor" erected
the Catholic hierarchy in India. Leo XIII sent to India Mgr. Agliardi
as Apostolic Delegate, to carry out the dispositions of the Bull and
settle minor points connected with the 
<i>padroado</i> or Portuguese patronage. On 25 November, 1886, Dr.
Goethals was appointed Archbishop of Calcutta, and ecclesiastical
province of Calcutta was constituted above explained. In the
archdiocese two churches remain under the Portuguese jurisdiction: the
church of Boytakhana in Calcutta and the church of Bandel with its
annexed chapel of Chinsurah. The Augustinians having given up Bengal in
1867, these churches are attended by secular priests of the Diocese of
Meliapur. Their juridiction is personal over all those who were
adhering to the Portughese priests at the time of the Concordat of 1857
and all those who go to Calcutta, Bandel, or Chinsurah from a territory
belonging to the Diocese of Maliapur.</p>
<p id="c-p241" shownumber="no">On 9 January, 1894, the first council of the province of Calcutta
opened. His Excellency Mgr. Ladislas Zaleski, titular Archbishop of
Thebes and Delegate Apostolic, presided, and there were present,
Archbishop Goethals of Calcutta, Bishop Francis Pozzi of Khrishnagur,
Bishop Augustine Louage of Dacca, and the Very Rev. Angelus Wuenzloher,
S.D.S., Prefect Apostolic of Assam. The Constitutions of this council,
revised at Rome, were promulgated 25 July, 1905. Archbishop Goethals's
health had for some time been declining, and he died, July, 1901, at
the age of sixty. Father Brice Meuleman, S.J., Superior of the Bengal
Mission, was nominated Archbishop of Calcutta, 21 March, 1902, and
consecrated in the cathedral 25 June following.</p>
<p id="c-p242" shownumber="no">The area of the Archdiocese of Calcutta is about one hundred
thousand square miles inhabited by a population of about twenty-seven
millions. Of these, according to the statistics of 1906, 126, 529 were
Catholics; 81, 000 were baptized, and 44, 759 were catechumens. The
number increased during 1906-1907 by about 25,000 new catechumens.
There are besides in Calcutta and Bandel about 1200 natives belonging
to the jurisdiction of the Diocese of Meliapur.</p>
<p id="c-p243" shownumber="no">One hundred and ninety-three Jesuits, most of them Belgians, of whom
107 are priests, are working in the mission. Besides there are two
secular priests. In Calcutta there are about 13,000 Catholics under the
jurisdiction of the archbishop. They are mostly of mixed blood, called
Eurasians, and many are very poor. The town is divided into eight
parishes attached to the following churches: the Cathedral of Our Lady
of the Rosary, St. John's, St. Xavier's, St. Thomas's, St. Theresa's,
St. Patrick's (Fort-William), St. Joseph's (for the Madrassees), and
the church of the Sacred Heart.</p>
<h3 id="c-p243.1">EDUCATIONAL AND CHARITABLE WORK</h3>
<p id="c-p244" shownumber="no">To give an exact idea of the Calcutta Mission it will be best to
consider the educational and charitable work carried on exclusively by
religious communities, the railway and military chaplains, and the
native missions. The Jesuits have built for the training of their
junior members a house of theological studies (St. Mary's), in Kurseong
and a house of probation (Manresa House), in Ranchi. They have opened
two colleges for boys, St. Xavier's in Calcutta with about 800 boys and
St. Joseph's in Darjeeling with about 200 boarders. In 1847 Dr. Carew
had begun in Calcutta a little congregation of Brothers, which Goethals
succeeded in affiliating to the Irish Christian Brothers in 1890. In
Calcutta they have charge of the Male Orphanage with 300 boys and St.
Joseph's High School with 800; in Howrah, of St Aloysius' School with
70; in Assansol, of St. Patrick's High School with 240, in Kurseong, of
the Goethals Memorial Orphanage with 150. Thirty-five Brothers are
working in the arch-diocese. The Loreto nuns from Rathfarnam, Ireland,
went to Calcutta in 1842. They have charge, in Calcutta, of the
Chowringhee, Bowbazar, Dhurrumtollah, and Sealdah schools and the
Entally orphanage, with about 1500 pupils; in Assansol, of a school
with 140 girls; in Darjeeling, of a boarding school with 160, and in
Morapai, of 160 native Bengali girls. There are ninety nuns of this
order. The Daughters of the Cross of Liege, Belgiunn, located in
Calcutta on 22 December, 1868. They have charge in Calcutta of St.
Vincent's Home with 252 inmates in Howrah, of a school with 120 girls;
in Chaybassa, of a native school and orphanage with 70 girls, in
Kurseollg, of St. Helen's High School with 220 pupils. There are
forty-five nuns. The Ursulines of Thildonck, Belgium, went to Bengal in
January, 1903. They have twelve nuns in charge of the native girls'
schools in the Chotanagpore Mission, and convents in Ranchi, Khunti,
Tongo, Rengarih. The Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny have had charge
since 1903 of the native girls' orphanage in Balasore, where five nuns
take care of 80 inmates. The Daughters of St. Anne are a native
congregation begun five or six years ago. The Bengali branch is under
the direction of the Loreto nuns in Morapai, the Chotanagpore branch
under the direction of the Ursulines in Ranchi.</p>
<h3 id="c-p244.1">RAILWAY AND MILITARY CHAPLAINS</h3>
<p id="c-p245" shownumber="no">For British Catholic soldiers in Bengal there are four military
chaplains stationed at Darjeeling, Dumdum, Calcutta (Fort-Willlarn).
They are paid by the Government. The priest at Serampore attends to the
soldiers stationed at Barrackpore. Railway employees are attended to by
seven railway chaplains stationed at Sealdah, Assansol, Khargpur,
Purneah, Kurseong. All these chaplains attend also to the Catholic
population not belonging to the railway or the army.</p>
<h3 id="c-p245.1">NATIVE MISSlONS</h3>
<p id="c-p246" shownumber="no">One of the great difficulties met with in the conversion of the
natives is the thirty-five languages spoken in the archdiocese. The
Mohammedans seem to give no hope of conversion, the Hindus little more.
But the Catholic Faith has made great progress among the aborigines
during the last twenty-five years. There are small native missions in
Kurseong, Darjeeling, Purneah, Jhargram, each with a few hundred
catholics. During the famine of 1866 Father Sapart gathered at Balasore
a number of native orphans. Later on the station of Khrishnochondropur
was founded in the native state of Morbhunj. The number of Ouryia
converts is about 1800. There are two priests, one church in Balasore,
6 native chapels, a schools with about 220 children. The Sunderbunds
missions were started in 1868 among the 1868 Bengalis who cultivate the
marshy swamps of the Gangetic Delta, south of Calcutta. There are two
central stations with two priests each, Morapai and Raghabpur; 3200
Bengali converts are spread over a great many villages. There are 2
churches, 22 native chapels, 7 schools with 450 children. In the
Chotanagpore missions, west of Calcutta, the population is mostly of
Dravidian (Ouraons) or Mogul (Mundas) origin with a few minor tribes.
They believe in one Supreme God who, however, they say, is so good that
they need not trouble about him; they worship the devil who can do them
harm, and to him they offer sacrifices. At the end of 1868 a priest
started a mission in Chaybassa without great success. In February,
1876, another priest was sent to Ranchi to take care of 200 Madrassee
soldiers stationed there, and opened a native mission in Buruma, in the
direction of Chaybassa. The priest of Chaybassa started then a mission
in Burudi, in the direction of Ranchi.</p>
<p id="c-p247" shownumber="no">It was only in 1885, when Father Lievens, the real founder of the
Chotanagpore mission, appeared on the scene, that the mission began to
make great progress. His policy, followed by his successors, was to
help the natives in every way, to protect them against the tyranny of
their landlords and the native police, and to feed them in times of
scarcity. In return he wanted them to send their children to his
schools, where they were trained as good Christians. The Lutherans of
the Gossner Mission had been working for more than fifty years in
Chotanagpore, and had met till then with great success. But they
opposed in vain Father Lievens's generous efforts. He never spared
himself, and within six years broke down in health. He returned to
Belgium in September, 1982, and died at Louvain in November, 1893, of
consumption. But he had started the work on permanent lines, did not
die with him. Today there are in Chatanagpore more than 100,000
converts, baptized or catechumens; in the year 1906-1907 more than
25,000 catechumens joined the Catholic Church. The difficulty is to
cope with such a number spread over an immense country. There are
fifteen stations with thirty priests. In all these stations there are
central schools; in villages more important a catechist and a school.
The four convents built by Ursulines in Ranchi, Khunti, Tongo, and
Rengarrih exercise a great influence for good in the family life of
these neophytes. Ranchi is the headquarters of the mission, and has a
central boys' school for select pupils from the districts, an Apostolic
school to train catechists and help vocations to the priesthood, and a
central girls' school, where the native Daughters of St. Ann are
trained under the Ursulines nuns. The need of this mission may be
summed up in these two words: men and money. More men and more money
would allow the mission to extend in definitely the field of operations
westwards, so as to create a zone of Catholic country across the whole
of India from Calcutta to Bombay. This mission has 8 churches, 281
native chapels, 85 schools, with more than 3000 pupils.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p248" shownumber="no">LEOPOLD DELAUNOIT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p248.1" title="Caldara, Polidoro (Da Caravaggio)" type="Encyclopedia">Polidoro (Da Caravaggio) Caldara</term>
<def id="c-p248.2">
<h1 id="c-p248.3">Polidoro (da Caravaggio) Caldara</h1>
<p id="c-p249" shownumber="no">An Italian painter, born at Caravaggio, 1492 (or 1495); died at
Messina, 1543. He passed his boyhood in poverty and misery, leaving
Caravaggio when he was eighteen years old to seek work. Going to Rome,
he was employed to carry mortar for the artists in the Vatican who were
painting frescoes for Leo X. He watched them copying Raphael's designs,
and soon emulated them so successfully that he attracted Raphael's
attention and became his pupil. Maturino and Udine, for whom he
prepared plaster, were his first instructors. He studied the antique,
and the friezes and other ornaments he made for Raphael's pictures are
noted for their appropriateness and Athenian purity. Caldara was the
first of the Roman masters to employ chiaroscuro, probably from his
profound study of the antique; and colour was a secondary consideration
with him. He decorated the exterior of many Roman palaces in sgraffito,
a form of painting where, over a dark background, often stucco, a
lighter-coloured layer was painted, and designs, scratched through the
light layer, only showed dark on light 
(<i>en camaïeu</i>).</p>
<p id="c-p250" shownumber="no">These designs are known today only from reproductive etchings and
engravings from the hands of Alberti and Goltzius. When Rome was sacked
in 1527, Caldara went to Naples, where he was helped by Andrea de
Salerna. He started a school and received many commissions for
frescoes. He left Naples for Sicily and in Messina attained great
success. He painted the triumphal arches erected on the return of
Charles V from Tunis, and in 1534 produced his masterpiece, "Christ
Bearing the Cross". This oil is grand in conception and composition,
and is treated in a far more naturalistic style than any of his other
paintings. Some of his noteworthy works are: friezes in the Vatican;
"Psyche received into Olympus", in the Louvre, Paris; "Passage of the
Red Sea", in the Brera, Milan.</p>
<p id="c-p251" shownumber="no">LIPPMAN, Engraving and Etching, tr. HARDIE (New York, 1906);
LöBKE, Geschichte der italienischen Malerei (Stuttgart, 1878);
MUTHER, History of Painting, tr. KRIEHN; WORNUM, Epochs of Painting
Characterized (London, 1847).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p252" shownumber="no">LEIGH HUNT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p252.1" title="Caldas-Barbosa, Domingos" type="Encyclopedia">Domingos Caldas-Barbosa</term>
<def id="c-p252.2">
<h1 id="c-p252.3">Domingos Caldas-Barbosa</h1>
<p id="c-p253" shownumber="no">A Brazilian poet, born of a white father and a negro mother at Rio
Janeiro in 1740; died in Lisbon, 9 November, 1800. Trained at the
Jesuit college in Rio Janeiro, he developed a power of literary
improvisation which he indulged at the expense of the Portugese whites
and thereby stirred them up against him. His enemies had him forcibly
enrolled in a body of troops setting forth for the colony of
Sacramento, where he remained until 1762. Returning to Rio Janeiro he
soon embarked for Portugal, and there obtained the patronage of two
nobles of the Vasconcellos family, the Conde de Pombeiro and the
Marquez de Castello Melhor. Taking minor orders he received a religious
benefice, being attached as chaplain to the Casa da
Supplicaçáo.</p>
<p id="c-p254" shownumber="no">Although he was a mulatto, he obtained entrance into high society in
the Portugese capital, chiefly because he was a clever entertainer who
could improvise 
<i>cantigas</i> and play his own accompaniment on the viol. Hence the
somewhat humiliating sobriquet of 
<i>cantor de viola</i> which was given to him. Well aware that his
social status was an uncertain one, he retained his self possession
even in the face of the insulting attitude of the poet Bocage and
others. With most of the Portugese poets of the time he had pleasant
relations, consorting with them in one or another literary academy. His

<i>cantigas</i> acquired great popularity, and it is sometimes
difficult to single out his compositions from the mass of those claimed
by the people as their own. Yet he was not a great genius; he was
rather a minor poet of a facile vein, able to express himself simply,
and to avoid the bombast and the sensuality so common in his age. His
poetical definition of the characteristically Portugese quality of
saudades remains famous.</p>
<p id="c-p255" shownumber="no">See edition of his poems published under his academic name of
LERENO, Viola de Lereno: collecçao das suas cantigas, etc.
(Lisbon, 1825); DE VARNHAGEN, Florilegio da poesia brazileira (Lisbon,
1850), I, II, III (Madrid, 1853); WOLF, Le Brésil littéraire
(Berlin, 1863); SYLVIO ROMERO, Hist. da litt. brazileira (Rio de
Janeiro, 1902).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p256" shownumber="no">J.D.M. FORD</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p256.1" title="Calderon de la Barca, Pedro" type="Encyclopedia">Pedro Calderon de la Barca</term>
<def id="c-p256.2">
<h1 id="c-p256.3">Pedro Calderon de la Barca</h1>
<p id="c-p257" shownumber="no">Born 1600; died 1681; a Spanish dramatist whose activity marks the
second half of the golden age of Spanish literature. His time was one
of social and political decay under the rule of Phillip III and Phillip
IV, when all things indicated the irretrievable loss of the mighty
foreign empire which Spain had acquired during previous reigns; yet,
even in this melancholy period Spain produced a poet of lasting
national significance in the person of Calderon. Undoubtedly the value
of Calderon has been overrated, in so far as the modern world has
allowed him to outshine Lope de Vega, for it should be remembered that
Calderon inherited the scenic traditions of the sixteenth century, to
which Lope had given a magnificent development. Yet Calderon must be
credited with giving to those traditions an interpretation which
clearly captivated his contemporaries as it did the more recent race of
the Romantics in Germany. By giving full expression in his theatre to
purely national qualities he endeared himself to his own people in a
way that will always safeguard his repute wherever Spanish is spoken
and the past glory of Spain is revered. Like Lope de Vega, he came of a
northern (Asturian) stock, although he was born in Madrid. After a
preliminary training in the capital, he went to the University of
Salamanca at a time when that institution was at the acme of its glory,
and there he spent six years. The few facts ascertainable for the years
ensuing upon his residence at Salamanca show him figuring in the
Spanish campaigns in Italy and in the Netherlands, and then returning
to Madrid to undertake the management of the theatre of the Buen
Retiro. The reigning monarch, Philip IV, was exceedingly attached to
him and showed him favour in various ways, as by bestowing a pension on
him, by urging him to constant dramatic composition, and by providing
funds for the expenses involved in splendid and costly performances of
his plays. In 1637 he was appointed to membership in the Order of
Santiago, and three years later he served with his order in the
campaign against the rebellious Catalans. Like Lope, he turned to Holy
orders when his prime was passing, for in 1651 he was ordained to the
priesthood; but, quite unlike Lope, he was an exemplary minister of the
ministry. Honours came to him in his new vocation; thus, in 1663 he was
appointed an honorary chaplain to the sovereign, and in 1666 he was
made superior of the congregation of St. Peter. His dramatic labours
were carried on unabated after his ordination and continued down to the
year of his death. Of less varied genius than his predecessor, Lope de
Vega, Calderon gave expression to himself in his dramas only; for his
non-dramatic prose works are of very minor value--a treatise on
painting is perhaps the most notable--and his lyrics, although many in
number, are to be sought in his plays and not in any considerable
separate collections. It is to be observed, none the less, that he is a
great lyric poet, and that his lyrism saturates his dramatic
compositions from first to last. With the collected editions of his
plays published during his lifetime, Calderon was not concerned at all,
except that he superinteded the preparation of the edition of his 
<i>autos</i> (sacred allegorical dramas) which appeared in 1676. On the
basis of a list of his pieces which he prepared in 1681, his
biographer, Vera Tasis, published after his death a nine-volume edition
of them. This was made up somewhat 
<i>ad libitum</i>, as the critic Menéndez y Pelayo has pointed
out; yet, in default of a better edition, it still remains
authoritative, in spite of the fact that it was put forth by one of the
most culteranistic disciples of the poet. We should be glad to believe,
as some scholars are inclined to do, that the offensive Gongorism of
many passages in Calderon's best pieces, their obscurity and
extravagant bombast, should be charged to the account of a meddlesome
collector and editor, that is, to Vera Tasis, and not to Calderon. The
extant works of Calderon embrace some 120 
<i>comedias</i>, including individual works and those written in
collaboration with others, and, furthermore, some 70 or 80 
<i>autos sacramentales</i> (sacred allegorical dramas on the
Eucharist). In so far as regards the 
<i>comedias</i>, the modern editions reproduce the text of Vera Tasis;
he did not print the 
<i>autos</i> in his collection. The fullest modern edition of all
Calderon's plays is that of J.G. Keil (4 vols., Leipzig, 1827-30); the
most accessible is, as yet, that in the "Biblioteca de autores
españoles", vols. VII, IX, XII, and XIV, which also has some of
the 
<i>autos</i> in vol. LVIII. The best edition of the 
<i>autos</i> continues to be that of J. Fernandez de Apontes (1759-60).
Vera Tasis stated in his "Fama póstuma de Calderón" that the
poet had written a great number of 
<i>entremeses</i> and 
<i>sainetes</i> (interludes and short farces); as a matter of fact, not
more than a score of such briefer pieces, interludes and the like, can
now be found. Were one to contrast Shakespear with Lope de Vega, he
would discover that, while Shakespear belongs to all men and all time,
Lope is the particular property of Spain, and is bounded by national
limitations. The character of Calderon is even more limited still; he
is not only Spanish rather than universal, but, as a Spaniard, he
typifies the sentiments and ideals of a narrowly restricted period, the
seventeenth century. It may be added that in his theatre and in his
daily life he was a model of the truly Christian and knightly poet of
his period. The ideas most distinctive of his age which we see
reflected in Calderon's dramatic works are:</p>
<ul id="c-p257.1">
<li id="c-p257.2">intense devotion to the Catholic Faith;</li>
<li id="c-p257.3">absolute and unquestioning loyalty to the Spanish sovereign;
and</li>
<li id="c-p257.4">a highly developed, even much exaggerated, feeling of honour (the 
<i>pundonor</i>).</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p258" shownumber="no">His religious fervour is exemplified in his 
<i>comedias devotas</i> (sacred dramas not allegorical) as, for
instance, in his "Príncipe constante" and his "Purgatorio de San
Patricio", the latter being one of the most famous of the literary
treatments of the legend of St. Patrick's Purgatory, and especially in
his 
<i>autos sacramentales.</i> These little pieces (see AUTOS
SACRAMENTALES) deal only with the Eucharistic Mystery, which is set
forth through the medium of allegorical characters. In the production
of them Calderon has never been surpassed. For while "his set pieces",
in the opinion of Fitzmaurice-Kelly, who is a competent judge, "are
disfigured by want of humour and by over-refinement", these faults
"turn to virtues in the 
<i>autos</i>, where abstractions are wedded to the noblest poetry,
where the Beyond is brought down to earth, and where doctrinal
subtleties are embellished." Typical 
<i>autos</i> are "Los encantos de la culpa", which D.F. MacCarthy
translated so skillfully under the title of "The Sorceries of Sin", "La
viña del Señor", "La siembra del Siñor", and "La semilla
y la cizaña".</p>
<p id="c-p259" shownumber="no">In his strictly secular pieces Calderon has succeeded rather by
virtue of his lyrism, which is undoubtedly of transcedent quality, than
because of any considerable dramatic ingenuity of his own. In fact,
fertility of conception as to plot and incident was strikingly lacking
in him, he was not in the least loath to borrow ideas from his
predecessors and contemporaries, and sometimes he went so far as to
appropriate whole sections of their dramas. In the creation and
development of character he achieved any high degree of success only
occasionally. There is, on the whole, so much of a sameness about his
personages and their behaviour as to justify the charge of monotony
brought against him. To the national principle of blind and unreasoning
fealty to the monarch he gives expression in a number of his most read
plays, among which are the "El Príncipe constante", "La banda y la
flor", and "Guárdate de agua mansa". The point of honour, often
carried to morbid extremes, provides the 
<i>motif</i> in such characteristic pieces as the "Alcade de Zalamea",
the "Pintor de su deshonra", the "Médico de su honra", and "A
secreto agravio secreta venganza." The actuating principle in these
works can hardly appeal to us; we can feel little sympathy with a
personage who methodically and in cold blood slays the one by whom his
honour has been affronted. For us such an action is a perversion of the
ideals of chivalry. That Calderono could, when he chose to exert
himself, attain to some depth of philosphic thought is proved by "La
vida es sueño", in which there is a wealth of fancy that charms us
even despite the occasional bombast and obscurity of the style. A
noteworthy piece because of its relation to a philosophic question
agitated by Goethe and Marlowe is the "Mágico prodigioso", wherein
we have a Spanish treatment of the Faust legend. In conclusion, there
may be set down the final judgment upon Calderon by Fitzmaurice-Kelly,
a critic not at all too favourable and yet disposed to do justice to
his subject. He says that "Calderon takes rank among the greatest
authors of the Spanish theatre in that he is the greatest Spanish poet
who has had his recourse in the dramatic form. His race, his faith, his
temperament, his especial environment prevented him from becoming a
universal poet; his majesty, his devout lyrism, his decorative fancy
suffice to put him in the first rank of national poets."</p>
<p id="c-p260" shownumber="no">FITZMAURICE-KELLY, History of Spanish Literature (London and New
York, 1907); TRENCH, Calderon (London, 1880), still useful, although a
little antiquated; MACCOLL, Selected Plays of Calderon (London, 1888);
MACCARTHY, Love the Greatest Enchantment, etc. (London, 1861); KRENKEL,
Klassische Bühnendichtungen der Spanier (annotated edition of
three leading plays, Leipzig, 1881-87); MENÉNDEZ Y PELAYO, ed.,
Teatro selecto de Calderón (4 vols., Madrid, 1881); ROUANET,
Drames religieux de Calderon (Paris, 1888); Poesías inéditas
de Calderon (Madrid, 1881); MOREL-FATIO, Calderon in Revue critique des
travaux d'érudition (Paris, 1881); GöNTHER, Calderon und
seine Werke (2 vols., Freiburg im Br., 1888).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p261" shownumber="no">J.D.M. FORD</p></def>

<term id="c-p261.1" title="Caleb" type="Encyclopedia">Caleb</term>
<def id="c-p261.2">
<h1 id="c-p261.3">Caleb</h1>
<p id="c-p262" shownumber="no">(1) 
<i>Caleb, Son of Jephone, The Cenezite. --</i> The representative of
the tribe of Juda among the spies sent from Cades to explore Chanaan.
On their return he and Josue combated the exaggerated reports of the
other spies and endeavored to reassure the people, but without success,
and in the mutiny which broke out they nearly fell victims to the
popular fury. In reward for thier conduct they were exempted from the
decree condemning the adult population to die in the desert (Num, xiii,
xiv; Deut., i, 19-36). Caleb was appointed one of the commissioners to
divide the Promised Land among the tribes (Num., xxxiv, 19). On the
strength of the Divine promise made to him at Cades at the time of the
mutiny (Num., xiv, 24), he asked and obtained as his portion the
district of Hebron (Jos., xiv, 6 sq.); the city itself was, however,
assigned to the priests (Jos., xxi, 11-13). Though he was then in his
eighty-fifth year, he still possessed the full vigour of manhood, and
took the field to conquer the territory alloted to him (Jos., xiv, 7
sq.; xv, 13 sq.). We last hear of him in connection with the marriage
of his daughter Axa to his brother Othoniel (Jos., xv, 16-19; Judges,
i, 12-15). It may be remarked that probably neither "brother" nor
"daughter" is to be taken in the strict sense. Caleb is praised by the
son of Sirach with the great men of Israel (Ecclus., xlvi, 9 sq.), and
Mathathias numbers him among the Israelites distinguished for their
zeal and faith (I Mach., ii, 56). Although a prominent figure in Hebrew
history, Caleb seems not to have been an Israelite by birth, but to
have become a member of the Chosen People by adoption into the Tribe of
Juda. This is intimated by Jos., xv, 13, where Caleb is distinguished
from the sons of Juda, by the designation Cenezite 
(<i>háqqenizzi</i>), which is a gentilitial form, and by the
absence of Cenez and Jephone from the genealogical lists of Juda in I
Par., ii. A Cenez appears among the grandchildren of Esau (Gen., xxxvi,
11, 15, 42), and a tribe of Cenezites, no doubt descendants of this
Cenez, is mentioned in Gen., xv, 19. Caleb probably was connected with
this tribe. Admission to full tribal membership of strangers who
embraced the Hebrew religion and customs was not foreign to Hebrew
practice, and the Edomites, children of Abraham and Isaac, would be
readily received because of their racial affinity. (Cf. Deut., xxiii,
7-8, where, however, admission is restricted to the third
generation.)</p>
<p id="c-p263" shownumber="no">(2) 
<i>Caleb, Son of Hesron.--</i> A descendant of Juda (I Par., ii, 18, 42
sq.), also called Calubi [Heb., 
<i>Kelûbái</i> (ib., ii, 9)]. He is only mentioned in the
genealogical tables of I Par., ii, where his descendants by different
wives are enumerated. Many identify this Caleb with the son of Jephone,
who, in the view stated above, would be merely the legal son of Hesron
through adoption into his family. The reason for this identification is
that both had a daughter named Achsa (written Axa in the Vulgate, Jos.,
xv, 16, 17; Judges, i, 12, 13). But, to touch only one difficulty, the
son of Jephone could not have been the great-grandfather of Beseleel,
who was a skilled artificer when Caleb was barely forty years old (cf.
Jos., xiv, 7). To get rid of the difficulty, as Hummelauer does (Com.
in Num., 202), by making Uri and Beseleel adopted sons of Hur, or by
rejecting I, Par., ii, 20, is too arbitrary a solution to commend
itself.</p>
<p id="c-p264" shownumber="no">(3) A man of Juda, the brother of Sua and father of Mahir, whose
name according to the Hebrew text is Kelûb (I Par., iv, 11).</p>
<p id="c-p265" shownumber="no">(4) The name of a clan of the tribe of Juda, derived from Caleb, the
son of Jephone, and his Cenezite followers--the Celebites. As said
above [under (1)], they were not of Israelitic origin. They settled in
the territory around Hebron (Jos., xiv, 12-14), chiefly to the south,
it would seem. They must have reached as far south as the Negeb (the
"south" or "south country" in D. V.), since Caleb gave land in the
Negeb to his daughter Axa for dowry (Jos., xv, 19; Jud., i, 15; cf.
Heb. text), and a district of the Negeb was called the Negeb of Caleb
("south of Caleb", D. V., I Kings, xxx, 14). In David's time we find
the Calebite Nabal, the husband of Abigail, dwelling in Maon and having
possessions in Carmel, now el-Kurmul, ten miles south of Hebron. The
statement that Caleb is a totem name, derived from the tribe's totem,
the dog, and therefore equivalent to "dog-tribe", rests on no better
foundation than the questionable etymological connection of 
<i>Caleb</i> with 
<i>Kéléb</i>, "dog".</p>
<p id="c-p266" shownumber="no">(5) 
<i>The Negeb of Caleb (<scripRef id="c-p266.1" osisRef="Bible:1Kgs.30.14" parsed="|1Kgs|30|14|0|0" passage="I Kings 30:14">I Kings 30:14</scripRef>).--</i> One of the districts of
the Negeb, or "south country", a region extending from the "mountain"
or "hill country" of Juda to the Desert of Sin. The Negeb of Caleb is
said to be the district in which lay Ziph, Maon, Carmel (el-Kurmul),
and Jota; in Jos., xv, 55, however, these cities are included in "the
mountain". [See Palmer, Desert of the Exodus (New York, 1872), 238, 358
sq.]</p>
<p id="c-p267" shownumber="no">(6) 
<i>Caleb-Ephrata.--</i> The name of a place, according to the Masoretic
text (I Par., ii, 24); but there is little or no doubt that, with the
Vulgate and Septuagint, we should read "Caleb went in to Ephrata" (his
wife), instead of "in Caleb-Ephrata".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p268" shownumber="no">F. BECHTEL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p268.1" title="Christian Calendar" type="Encyclopedia">Christian Calendar</term>
<def id="c-p268.2">
<h1 id="c-p268.3">Christian Calendar</h1>
<ul id="c-p268.4">
<li id="c-p268.5">GENERALITIES</li>
<li id="c-p268.6">FOUNDATIONS OF THE CHRISTIAN CALENDAR
<ul id="c-p268.7">
<li id="c-p268.8">The Easter Cycle</li>
<li id="c-p268.9">The Nativity of Christ</li>
<li id="c-p268.10">Saints' Days</li>
</ul></li>
<li id="c-p268.11">OUR EARLIEST CALENDARS</li>
<li id="c-p268.12">FEASTS OF OUR LADY</li>
<li id="c-p268.13">THE APOSTLES AND OTHER NEW TESTAMENT SAINTS</li>
<li id="c-p268.14">LATER DEVELOPMENTS</li>
<li id="c-p268.15">VARIOUS PECULIARITIES OF CALENDARS</li>
<li id="c-p268.16">THE MODERN CALENDAR IMPOSED BY AUTHORITY</li>
<li id="c-p268.17">THE CHURCHES OF THE EAST</li>
</ul>
<p class="Centered" id="c-p269" shownumber="no">
<b>GENERALITIES</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p270" shownumber="no">All civilized peoples and even those which seem to be only just
emerging from utter barbarism keep some kind of record of the flight of
time and are prone to recognize certain days, recurring at regular
intervals, as days of special rejoicing or mourning, or occasions for
the propitiation of the powers of the unseen world. In ancient Egypt
and Babylonia, in China and Hindostan, and again on the American
Continent, among the Aztecs or the ancient Peruvians, definite traces
have been found of a more or less elaborate calculation of seasons
serving as a basis for religious observances. In 1897, a remarkable
discovery was made at Coligny in the department of Ain, France, when
certain inscribed stone slabs were brought to light in which all are
agreed in recognizing an ancient Celtic calendar, probably
pre-Christian, though the precise interpretation of the details still
remains a matter of lively controversy. Again, both Greece and Rome
possessed highly developed calendars, and the 
<i>Fasti</i> of Ovid, for example, preserve a detailed description in
verse of the chief celebrations of the Roman year.</p>
<p id="c-p271" shownumber="no">What more nearly concerns us here is the Jewish calendar, outlined
in <scripRef id="c-p271.1" osisRef="Bible:Lev.23" parsed="|Lev|23|0|0|0" passage="Leviticus 23">Leviticus 23</scripRef>. The computation of time among the Jews was based
primarily upon the lunar month. The year consisted normally of twelve
such months, alternately of 29 and 30 days each; such a year, however,
contains only 354 days, which by no means agrees with the number of
days in the mean solar year. Moreover, the exact length of the mean
lunar month is not exactly 29 1/2 days as the above arrangement would
suggest. To compensate for the irregularity two corrections were
introduced. First, a day was added to the month Hesvan (Heshwan) or
subtracted from the month Kislev (Kislew), as need arose, in order to
keep the months in agreement with the moon; secondly, eight years out
of every nineteen were made "embolismic", i.e. an intercalary month
seems to have been introduced when necessary, at this point, in order
to prevent the 14th day of Nisan from arriving too early. On that day
(<scripRef id="c-p271.2" osisRef="Bible:Lev.23.5 Bible:Lev.23.10" parsed="|Lev|23|5|0|0;|Lev|23|10|0|0" passage="Leviticus 23:5, 10">Leviticus 23:5, 10</scripRef>) the firstfruits of corn in the ear had to be
brought to the priests and the paschal lamb sacrificed. This made it
necessary to delay the Pasch (14 Nisan) until the corn was in ear and
the lambs were ready, and the rule was accordingly established that 14
Nisan must fall when the sun had passed the equinox and was in the
constellation of Aries 
(<i>en krio tou heliou kathestotos</i>--Josephus, Ant., I, i, 3). Down
to the time of the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70, it would seem
that in the insertion of this intercalary month the Jews followed no
fixed rule based on astronomical principles, but that the Sanhedrin
decided each time whether the year should be embolismic or not, being
influenced in their decision not by astronomical considerations alone,
but also, in some measure, by the forwardness or backwardness of the
season. It was the difficulty created by such a system and by the
impossibility of accommodating it to the Julian chronology, adopted
throughout the greater part of the Roman Empire, which led to those
troubles about the determination of Easter (the Paschal controversy)
that played so important a part in the history of the early Church.
Besides the Pasch and the week of the unleavened bread (or azymes), of
which the Pasch formed the first day, the Jewish calendar, of course,
included many other feasts. That of Pentecost, or, "of the weeks", 50
days after the Pasch, is of importance because it also found a place in
the Christian Dispensation. The other great celebrations of the Jewish
year occurred in autumn, in the month Tishri. The Day of Atonement fell
on 10 Tishri and the Feast of Tabernacles extended from the 14th to the
21st, with a sort of octave day on the 22nd, but these had no direct
bearing on the calendar of the Christian Church. The same may be said
of the minor Jewish festivals, e.g. the Encoenia mentioned in the
Gospel of St. John, which were, for the most part, of later
institution.</p>
<p id="c-p272" shownumber="no">It might almost be laid down as a general law that in the ancient
world holy days were also holidays. In the Jewish system, besides the
weekly sabbath, rest from work was enjoined on seven other days of the
year, to wit: the first and last day of the Azymes, the feast of
Pentecost, the Neomenia of the Seventh month, the day of Propitiation,
the first day of Tabernacles, and 22 Tishri which immediately followed.
It is not wonderful that this principle was recognized later in the
Christian Church, for it had pagan example also in its favour. "The
Greeks and barbarians", says Strabo (X, 39), "have this in common that
they accompany their sacred rites by a festal remission of labour". So
without seeking to derive the Jewish sabbath from any Babylonian
institution, for which there is certainly no warrant, we may note that
the new moon and the 7th, 15th, and 22nd seem to have been regarded
among the Babylonians as times for propitiating the gods and unlucky;
the result being that on these days no new work was begun and affairs
of importance were suspended. In the Christian system the day of rest
has been transferred from the Sabbath to the Sunday. Constantine made
provision that his Christian soldiers should be free to attend service
on the Sunday (Euseb., Vita Const., IV, 19, 20), and he also forbade
the courts of justice to sit on that day (Sozom., I, 8). Theodosius II
in 425 decreed that games in the circus and theatrical representations
should also be prohibited on the day of rest, and these and similar
edicts were frequently repeated.</p>
<p id="c-p273" shownumber="no">In the Roman chronological system of the Augustan age the week as a
division of time was practically unknown, though the twelve calendar
months existed as we have them now. In the course of the first and
second century after Christ, the hebdomadal or seven-day period became
universally familiar, though not immediately through Jewish or
Christian influence. The arrangement seems to have been astrological in
origin and to have come to Rome from Egypt. The seven planets, as then
conceived of--Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury, and the
Moon, thus arranged in the order of their periodic times (Saturn taking
the longest and the Moon the shortest time to complete the round of the
heavens by their proper motion)--were supposed to preside over each
hour successively, and the day was designated by that planet which
presided over its first hour. Beginning on the first day with the
planets in order, the first hour would be Saturn's, the second
Jupiter's, the seventh the Moon's, the eighth Saturn's again, and so
on. Continuing thus, the twenty-fifth hour, i.e. the first hour of the
second day, and consequently the second day itself, would belong to the
Sun; and the forty-ninth hour, and consequently the third day, to the
Moon. Following always the same plan the seventy-third hour and the
fourth day would fall to Mars, the fifth day to Mercury, the sixth to
Jupiter, the seventh to Venus, and the eighth again to Saturn. Hence,
apparently, were derived the Latin names for the days of the week,
which are still retained (except Samedi and Dimanche) in modern French
and other Romance tongues. These names from an early date were often
used by the Christians themselves, and we find them already in Justin
Martyr. The special honour which the faithful paid to the Sunday 
(<i>dies solis</i>), coupled perhaps with the celebration of Christmas
on the day designated the 
<i>natalis invicti</i> [ 
<i>solis</i>], may have helped, later on, to produce the impression
that the Christians had much in common with the worshippers of
Mithras.</p>
<p class="Centered" id="c-p274" shownumber="no">
<b>FOUNDATIONS OF THE CHRISTIAN CALENDAR</b>

</p>
<h4 id="c-p274.1">The Easter Cycle</h4>
<p id="c-p275" shownumber="no">The starting-point of the Christian system of feasts was of course
the commemoration of the Resurrection of Christ on Easter day. The fact
that for a long time Jews must have formed the vast majority of the
members of the infant Church, rendered it impossible for them to forget
that each returning Passover celebrated by their countrymen brought
with it the anniversary of their Redeemer's Passion and of His glorious
Resurrection from the dead. Moreover, as they had all their lives been
accustomed to observe a weekly day of rest and prayer, it must have
been almost inevitable that they should wish so to modify this holiday
that it might serve as a weekly commemoration of the source of all
their new hopes. Probably at first they did not wholly withdraw from
the Synagogue, and the Sunday must have seemed rather a prolongation
of, than a substitution for, the old familiar Sabbath. But it was not
long before the observance of the first day of the week became
distinctive of Christian worship. St. Paul (<scripRef id="c-p275.1" osisRef="Bible:Col.2.16" parsed="|Col|2|16|0|0" passage="Coloss. 2:16">Coloss. 2:16</scripRef>) evidently
considered that the converts from paganism were not bound to the
observance of the Jewish festivals or of the Sabbath proper. On the
other hand, the name "the Lord's day" 
(<i>dies dominica, he kuriake</i>) meets us in the <scripRef id="c-p275.2" osisRef="Bible:Rev.1.10" parsed="|Rev|1|10|0|0" passage="Apocalypse 1:10">Apocalypse 1:10</scripRef>, and
was no doubt familiar at a much earlier date (cf. <scripRef id="c-p275.3" osisRef="Bible:1Cor.16.2" parsed="|1Cor|16|2|0|0" passage="I Cor. 16:2">I Cor. 16:2</scripRef>). From
the beginning the Sunday seems to have been frankly recognized among
Christians for what it was, viz. the weekly commemoration of Christ's
Resurrection. (Cf. The Epistle of Barnabas, 15.) It was presumably
marked by the celebration of the liturgy, for St. Luke writes in the
Acts: "And on the first day of the week, when we were assembled to
break bread" (<scripRef id="c-p275.4" osisRef="Bible:Acts.20.7" parsed="|Acts|20|7|0|0" passage="Acts 20:7">Acts 20:7</scripRef>); and we may infer from somewhat later
ordinances that it was always regarded as joyful in character, a day
when fasting was out of place, and when the faithful were instructed to
pray standing, not kneeling. "Die dominico", says Tertullian, "jejunium
nefas dicimus vel de geniculis adorare" (De orat. 14). In fact this
upright position in prayer was, according to Pseudo (?) Irenæus,
typical of the Resurrection (Irenæus, Frag., 7). But for a fuller
account of this first element of the Christian calendar the reader must
be referred to the article SUNDAY.</p>
<p id="c-p276" shownumber="no">That the early Christians kept with especial honour the anniversary
of the Resurrection itself is more a matter of inference than of
positive knowledge. No writer before Justin Martyr seems to mention
such a celebration, but the fact that in the latter half of the second
century the controversy about the time of keeping Easter almost rent
the Church in twain may be taken as an indication of the importance
attached to the feast. Moreover the paschal fast of preparation, though
its primitive duration was probably not forty days (Cf. Funk,
Kirchengeschichtliche Abhandlungen, I, 242 sq.), was constantly
referred to by the Early Church as a matter of ancient and even
Apostolic institution. In any case, all our earliest liturgical
monuments both of East and West, for example the "Apostolical
Constitutions" and the "Apostolic Canons", which are a still earlier
document according to Funk and Harnack, are agreed in giving to Easter
the place of honour among the feasts of the year. It is as the Roman
Martyrologium describes it, 
<i>festum festorum</i> and 
<i>solemnitas solemnitatum</i>. With it have naturally always been
associated the commemoration of the events of Christ's Passion, the
Last Supper on the Thursday, the Crucifixion on the Friday, and on the
eve itself that great vigil or night watch when the paschal candle and
the fonts were blessed and the catechumens, after long weeks of
preparation, were at last admitted to the Sacrament of Baptism. Data
are lacking concerning these separate elements in the great paschal
celebration as it was observed in the earliest times. It may, however,
be noted that in Tertullian the word 
<i>pascha</i> clearly designates not the Sunday alone but rather a
period, and in particular. the day of the Parasceve, or as we now call
it, Good Friday; while in Origen a definite distinction is drawn
between two kindred terms: 
<i>pascha anastasimon</i> (the Resurrection Pasch on Easter Sunday),
and 
<i>pascha staurosimon</i> (the Crucifixion Pasch, i.e. Good Friday);
but both were equally memorable as celebrations.</p>
<p id="c-p277" shownumber="no">Closely dependent upon Easter and gradually developing in number as
time went on were other observances also belonging to the cycle of what
we now call the movable feasts. Whitsunday (see PENTECOST), the
anniversary of the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles, was
probably regarded as next in importance to Easter itself, and as Easter
was determined by the Jewish Pasch, there can be little doubt, seeing
that Whitsunday stood in the same close relation to the Jewish feast of
Pentecost, that the Jewish converts observed both a Christian Pasch and
a Christian Pentecost from the very beginning. Ascension day, though
determined in position by the fact that it was forty days after Easter
(<scripRef id="c-p277.1" osisRef="Bible:Acts.1.3" parsed="|Acts|1|3|0|0" passage="Acts 1:3">Acts 1:3</scripRef>) and ten before Whitsuntide, was not superimposed on any
Jewish feast. We do not, consequently, find it attested by any writer
earlier than Eusebius (De sol. pasch., Migne, P.G. xxiv, 679). Lent,
which all admit to have been known as a forty days' fast in the early
years of the fourth century (cf. the various Festal Letters of St.
Athanasius), had of course a fixed 
<i>terminus ad quem</i> in Easter itself, but its 
<i>terminus a quo</i> seems to have varied considerably in different
parts of the world. In some places the understanding seemed to be that
Lent was a season of forty days in which there was much fasting but not
necessarily a daily fast--the Sundays in any case, and in the East
Saturdays also, were always exempt. Elsewhere it was held that Lent
must necessarily include forty actual fasting-days. Again there were
places where the fasting in Holy Week was regarded as something
independent, which had to be superadded to the forty days of Lent. The
times therefore, of commencing the Lenten fast varied considerably,
just as there was considerable diversity in the severity with which the
fast was kept. (For these details see LENT.) All that we need notice
here is that this penitential season, which at a considerably later
period was thrown back to the Sunday known as Septuagesima (strictly
the Sunday within the period of seventy days before Easter), began
earlier or later according to the day on which Easter Sunday fell,
while the later additions at the other end--such as Trinity Sunday,
Corpus Christi, and in still more recent times, the Feast of the Sacred
Heart--all equally formed part of the same festal cycle.</p>
<p id="c-p278" shownumber="no">There can be little doubt that the early Christians felt as we do
the inconvenience of this movable element in the otherwise stable
framework of the Julian calendar. But we have to remember that the
movable element was established there by right of prior occupation.
Since the Jewish Christians, as explained above, had never known any
other computation of time than that based on the lunar month, the only
way which could have occurred to them of fixing the anniversary of Our
Saviour's Resurrection was by referring it to the Jewish Pasch. But
while accepting this situation, they also showed a certain
independence. It seems to have been decided that the occurrence of the
Resurrection feast on the first day of the week, the day which followed
the Sabbath was an essential feature. Hence, instead of determining
that the second day after the Jewish Pasch (17 Nisan) should always he
counted as the anniversary of the Resurrection, independently of the
day of the week upon which it might fall, the Apostles appear to have
settled, though in this we have very little positive evidence, that
that Sunday was to be kept as the Christian Pasch which fell within the
Azymes, or days of the unleavened bread, whether it occurred at the
beginning, middle, or end of the term. This arrangement had the
drawback that it made the Christian feast dependent upon the
computation of the Jewish calendar. When the destruction of Jerusalem
practically deprived the Jews of the dispersion of any norm or standard
of uniformity, they probably fell into erroneous or divergent
reckonings, and this in turn entailed a difference of opinion among the
Christians. If it had been possible to ascertain in terms of the Julian
chronology the day of the month on which Christ actually suffered, it
would probably have been simplest for Christians all over the Roman
world to celebrate their Easter, as later on they celebrated Christmas
or St. Peter's day, upon a fixed anniversary. Yet this, be it noticed,
would have interfered with the established position of "the Lord's day"
as the weekly memorial of the great Sunday 
<i>par excellence</i>, for Easter, as a fixed feast, would of course
have fallen upon all the days of the week in turn. However, though
Tertullian declares without misgiving that Christ suffered upon 25
March, a tradition perpetuated in numberless calendars throughout the
Middle Ages, this date was certainly wrong. Moreover it was probably
quite impossible at that period, owing to the arbitrary manner in which
the Jewish embolismic years had been intercalated, to calculate back to
the true date. For the various phases of the disputes which first broke
out in the second century and were renewed long afterwards in the
British Isles we must refer the reader to the article EASTER
CONTROVERSY. It will suffice here to say that a decision seems to have
been arrived at in the Council of Nicæa, which, though it is
strangely absent from the canons of the council as now preserved to us
(Turner, Monumenta Nicæna, 152), is believed to have determined
that Easter was to be celebrated on the first Sunday after the first
full moon which follows the spring equinox. According to this rule,
which has ever since been accepted, the earliest day upon which Easter
can now fall is 22 March, and the latest 25 April.</p>
<p id="c-p279" shownumber="no">
<b>The Nativity of Christ</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p280" shownumber="no">A second element which fundamentally influences the Christian
calendar and which, though less primitive than the Easter celebrations,
is also of early date, may be described as the 
<i>Nativity Cycle</i>. Of the origin and history of the feast of
Christmas, dealt with in a separate article, little need now be said.
We may take it as certain that the feast of Christ's Nativity was kept
in Rome on 25 December before the year 354. It was introduced by St.
John Chrysostom into Constantinople and definitively adopted in 395. On
the other hand, the Epiphany feast on 6 January, which also in the
beginning seems to have commemorated the birth of Jesus Christ, is
referred to as of partial observance in that character by Clement of
Alexandria (Strom., I, 21), though a recently discovered discourse of
Hippolytus for this day 
(<i>eis ta hagia theophaneia</i>) is entirely devoted to the theme of
Christ's baptism. This last, in fact, is and has long been the primary
aspect of the feast in the Oriental churches. But the feast of the
Nativity is of importance in the calendar not only for itself, as one
of the greatest celebrations of the year, but also for the other days
which depend upon it. These are mostly of later date in point of
origin, but are ecclesiastically of high rank. Thus on this
supposition, however questionable as a fact of history, that the exact
date of Christ's nativity was 25 December, we have first the
Circumcision on 1 January, the eighth day, a festival greatly utilized
in the attempt to divert the newly converted peoples from the
superstitious and often idolatrous pagan practices which immemorial
custom associated with the beginning of the year. The Mass for this day
in the Missals is often headed 
<i>Ad prohibendum ab idolis</i>, and its contents correspond with that
designation. At the same time other service books preserve conspicuous
traces of a time when this day was treated as a festival of the Blessed
Virgin. On the other hand, the eighth day before Christmas (18
December) is kept as the feast of the Expectation of Our Lady, which
was only added to the Roman calendar as lately as the seventeenth
century, but represents an old Spanish feast of the Blessed Virgin. It
was not, however, known in ancient times by its present designation of 
<i>Expectatio partus</i>.</p>
<p id="c-p281" shownumber="no">Again, forty days after Christmas, following, as in the case of the
Circumcision, the data of the Jewish law, we have the Presentation in
the Temple. This, under its Greek name of Hypapante 
(<i>hupapante</i>, "the meeting"), was originally treated as a feast of
Our Saviour rather than of His Blessed Mother. It is older than any
other Marian feast--being mentioned c. 380 in the Pilgrimage of
"Sylvia", i.e. the Spanish lady Etheria--though in Jerusalem at that
date it was kept forty days after the feast which is known to us as the
Epiphany (6 Jan.), but which, as we have seen, then commemorated the
Birth as well as the Baptism of Christ. For some reason, of which no
adequate explanation seems to be forthcoming, the solemn benediction of
candles and the procession were attached at an early period to this
feast. It was long known in England as Candlemas Day and in France as 
<i>la Chandeleur</i>. The Annunciation, or, as it was some times
anciently called, the Conception of Our Lord, seems to be heard of in
the East in the sixth century and to have been transported thence to
Western Europe not long afterwards. Its connection with the Nativity is
obvious, and it is even possible, as Duchesne and others have
suggested, that the Incarnation of Our Saviour was assigned to the 25th
of March because this day, as early as Tertullian, was believed to be
the date of His Passion. If this were true, the 25th of December would
have been determined by the 25th of March and not vice versa. But
certainly the Annunciation as a feast is heard of considerably later
than the Nativity. Still later in the year another early feast, already
familiar in the time of St. Augustine (Serm., 307-308), meets us in the
Nativity of St. John the Baptist. On 25 March, the Fathers calculated,
St. Elizabeth had already been six months with child; its birth
accordingly would have taken place exactly three months later. Neither
does the 24th of June (instead of 25th) assigned to the Nativity of the
Baptist present any difficulty, for in the Roman way of counting both
25 March and 24 June are equally 
<i>octavo kalendas</i>, the eighth day before the kalends of the next
month. Yet another feast, the Conception of the Baptist, found in the
Greek Church and in certain Carlovingian calendars on 24 September,
hardly needs mention. It is chiefly interesting to us as paving the way
for the feast of the Conception of Our Lady and hence for that also of
her Immaculate Conception. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p281.1">Saints' Days</h4>
<p id="c-p282" shownumber="no">Another, and that the most substantial, element in the formation of
the calendar is the record of the birthdays of the saints. It must be
remembered that this word birthday 
(<i>genethlios, natalis</i>) had come to mean little more than
commemoration. Already, before the Christian Era, various royal
personages who were deified after death commonly had their "birthdays"
kept as festivals; but it is very doubtful whether these really
represented the day upon which they were born into this world (see
Rohde, Psyche, 3d ed., I, 235). Hence we are not so surprised at a
later period to meet in Christian liturgical books such phrases as 
<i>natalis calicis</i> as a designation for the feast of Maunday
Thursday, or 
<i>natalis episcopi</i>, which seems to mean the day of a bishop's
consecration. Anyhow, there can be no doubt that the same word was
used, and that from a very early period, to describe the day upon which
a martyr suffered death. It is commonly explained as meaning the
birthday which introduced him into a new and glorious life in heaven,
but we cannot, perhaps, be quite certain that those who first used the
term of a Christian martyr had this interpretation consciously present
to their minds. We are fortunate, however, in possessing in the
contemporary account written from Smyrna of the martyrdom of St.
Polycarp (about A.D. 145) a clear statement that the Jews and pagans
fully anticipated that the Christians would try to recover the martyr's
body as a precious treasure to which they might pay 
<i>cultus</i>, and would institute a birth-feast 
(<i>genethlios</i>), his honour. Here, then, we have the most conclusive
evidence that the Christians already in the first half of the second
century were accustomed to celebrate the feasts of the martyrs.
Probably for a long time these celebrations remained almost entirely
local. They were confined to the place where the martyr suffered or
where a considerable portion of his remains were preserved over which
the Holy Sacrifice would be offered. But in the course of time the
practice of moving such relics freely from place to place enlarged the
circle of the martyr's clients. All the churches that possessed these
relics felt entitled to keep his "birthday" with some degree of
solemnity, and thus we soon find martyrs from Africa, for example,
obtaining recognition in Rome and eventually being honoured by all the
Church. This seems to be, in brief, the history of the inclusion of
saints' days in the calendar. At first the number of such days was very
small, depending generally upon some special local tie, and rigorously
limited to those who had shed their blood for Christ. But before very
long the names of confessors also began to find a place in the lists,
for confessors and bishops were already written in the diptychs and in
those days the line between praying to a departed servant of God and
praying for him was by no means so clearly defined as it is with us
now. This was the process which was already being inaugurated in the
fourth century and which has continued ever since.</p>

<h3 id="c-p282.1">OUR EARLIEST CALENDARS</h3>OUR EARLIEST CALENDARS

<p id="c-p283" shownumber="no">As feasts and Saints' days multiplied, it became desirable that some
sort of record should be kept of them. We may divide the documents of
this kind, roughly speaking, into two categories: 
<i>Calendars</i> and 
<i>Martyrologia</i>, both officially recognized by the Church. A
calendar in its ecclesiastical sense is simply a list of the feasts
kept in any particular church, diocese, or country, arranged in order
under their proper dates. A martyrologium was originally, as its name
implies, a record of mar- tyrs, but it soon assumed a more general
character, extending to all classes of saints and embracing all parts
of the world. The entries which are included in a martyrologium are
independent of the fact of actual liturgical cultus in any particular
place. They follow the same orderly arrangement by months and days
which we observe in a calendar, but under each day not one but many
names of saints are given, while certain topographical and biographical
details are often added. It will, however, be readily understood that
it is not always easy to draw a hard and fast line between calendars
and martyrologia. They naturally shade into one another. Thus the
ancient Irish poem commonly known as the "Calendar of Aengus" is more
properly a martyrologium, for a number of names of saints are assigned
to each day quite independently of any idea of liturgical cultus. On
the other hand, we sometimes find true calendars in the blank spaces of
which the names of saints or deceased persons have been inserted whom
there was no intention of commemorating in the liturgy. They have thus
been partly converted into martyrologies or necrologies. Of early lists
of feasts, the most famous and the most important is the information
which it preserves, the so called "Philocalian Calendar", hardly
deserves to be called by this name. It is, in fact, no more than the
commonplace book of a certain Furius Dionysius Philocalus, who seems to
have been a Christian interested in all kinds of chronological
information and to have compiled this book in A. D. 354. There is
indeed a calendar in his volume, but this is a table of purely secular
and pagan celebrations containing no Christian references of any kind.
The value of Philocalus' manuscript to modern scholars lies in two
lists headed 
<i>Depositio Martyrum</i> and 
<i>Depositio Episcoporum</i>, together with other casual notices. We
thus learn that a considerable number of martyrs, including among them
Sts. Peter and Paul and several Popes, were honoured in Rome on their
own proper days in the middle of the fourth century, while three
African martyrs, Sts. Cyprian, Perpetua, and Felicitas, also found a
place on the list. The only other fixed feasts which are mentioned are
the Nativity of Christ and the feast of St. Peter's Chair (22
Feb.).</p>
<p id="c-p284" shownumber="no">Not far removed from the Philocalian document in the witness which
it bears to the still present influence of paganism is the "Calendar of
Polemius Sylvius" of 448. This presents a medley not unlike a modern
almanac. The days are indicated when the Senate sat and when the games
were celebrated in the Circus, as also the times of those pagan
festivals like the Lupercalia, the Terminalia, etc., which had become
in a sense national holidays throughout the empire. But side by side
with these we have the mention of certain Christian feasts--Christmas
Day, the Epiphany, 22 February (strangely characterized as 
<i>depositio Petri et Pauli</i>), and four or five other saints' days.
Very curious, also, is it to notice in such company the 
<i>natales</i> of Virgil and of Cicero. Next to this comes a document
of the North African Church which is commonly described as the
"Calendar of Carthage", and which belongs to the closing years of the
sixth century. It presents a considerable array of martyrs, mostly
African, but including also some of the more famous of those of Rome,
e.g. St. Sixtus, St. Lawrence, St. Clement, St. Agnes, etc., with Sts.
Gervasius and Protasius from Milan, St. Agatha from Sicily, St. Vincent
from Spain, and St. Felix from Nola in Campania. We also find days
assigned to some of the Apostles and to St. John the Baptist, but as
yet no feast of Our Lady. Earlier in point of time (c. 410), is a
compilation preserved to us in Syriac, of Oriental and Arian origin. It
was first published by the English Orientalist, William Wright, and has
since been edited by Duchesne and De Rossi in their edition of the
"Martyrologium Hieronymianum" (Acta Sanctorum, Nov., vol. II). The
Syriac document is chiefly important as witnessing to one of the main
sources, direct or indirect, of that famous martyrologium, but it also
shows how even in the East a calendar was being formed in the fourth
century which took notice of the martyrs of Nicomedia, Antioch, and
Alexandria, with even a few Western entries like Sts. Perpetua and
Felicitas (7 March), and probably Xystus. Sts. Peter and Paul are
commemorated on 28 December, which may be a mere error, Sts. John and
James on 27 December, St. Stephen on 26 December, which is still his
proper day. The month of December is partly lacking, or we should
probably have found the Nativity on 25 December. The Epiphany is
mentioned on 6 January.</p>
<p id="c-p285" shownumber="no">Closely connected in certain of its aspects with this memorial of
the Eastern Church is the so-called "Martyrologium Hieronymianum
"already mentioned. This work, which in spite of its name owes nothing
directly to St. Jerome, was probably first compiled in Southern Gaul
(Duchesne says Auxerre, Bruno Krusch, Autun) between the years 592 and
600, i.e. at the same period that St. Augustine was preaching the
Gospel to our Anglo-Saxon forefathers. As a martyrologium it is the
type of a class. It contains long lists of obscure names for each day
mingled with topographical data, but as contrasted with the later
martyrologia of Bede, Ado, Usuard, etc., out of which our modern
"Martyrologium Romanum" has developed, the "Hieronymian" includes few
biographical details regarding the subject of its notices. The fuller
discussion of this document, however, belongs to the article
MARTYROLOGY (q.v.). It is sufficient here to notice that in its
primitive form the "Hieronymian" includes no proper feast of Our Lady;
even the Purification, on 2 February, is only indirectly alluded
to.</p>

<h3 id="c-p285.1">FEASTS OF OUR LADY</h3>FEASTS OF OUR LADY

<p id="c-p286" shownumber="no">And here it may be convenient to observe that the principal
festivals of the Blessed Virgin, the Assumption, Annunciation, and
Nativity, were undoubtedly first celebrated in the East. There seems
very good reason to believe, from certain apocryphal Syriac narratives
of the "Falling asleep of Mary the Mother of the Lord", that some
celebration of her Assumption into Heaven was already observed in Syria
in the fifth century on a day corresponding to our 15 August (cf.
Wright, in Journal of Sacred Literature, N.S., VII, 157). The
Annunciation again is said to be commemorated in an authentic sermon of
Proclus of Constantinople, who died in 446, while the agreement of the
Armenian and Æthiopic Christians in keeping similar festivals
seems to throw back the period of their first introduction to a time
earlier than that at which these schismatical churches broke away from
unity. In the West, however, we have no definite details as to the
earliest occurrence of these Marian feasts. We only know that they were
kept at Rome with solemnity in the time of Pope Sergius I (687-701). In
Spain, if we may safely follow Dom G. Morin in assigning the
"Lectionary of Silos" to about 650, there is definite mention of a
feast of Our Lady in Advent, which may be earlier than those just
referred to; and in Gaul the statutes of Bishop Sonnatius of Reims
(614-631) apparently prescribe the observance of the Annunciation,
Assumption, and Nativity, though the Purification strange to say, is
not mentioned.</p>
<p id="c-p287" shownumber="no">Although the mention is a departure from the natural chronological
order, a word may also be said here about the feast of the Immaculate
Conception. In the East we find it known to John of Euboea towards the
close of the eighth century. It was then kept, as it still is in the
Greek Church, on 9 December, but it is described by him as being only
of partial observance. Nevertheless, about the year 1000, we find it
included in the calendar of the Emperor Basil Porphyrogenitus, and it
seems by that time to have become universally recognized in the East.
The West, however, did not long lag behind. A curious trace may be
found in the Irish "Calendar of Aengus" (c. 804), where the Conception
of Our Lady is assigned to 3 May (see The Month, May, 1904, pp.
449-465). This probably had no liturgical significance, but Mr. Edmund
Bishop has shown that in some Anglo-Saxon monasteries a real feast of
the Conception was already kept upon 8 December before the year 1050
(Downside Review, 1886, pp. 107-119). At Naples, under Byzantine
influence, the feast had long been known, and it appears in the famous
Neapolitan marble calendar of the ninth century under the form 
<i>Conceptio S. Annæ</i>, being assigned, as among the Greeks, to
9 December. The general recognition of the feast in the West seems,
however, to have been largely due to the influence of a certain
tractate, "De Conceptione B. Mariæ", long attributed to St.
Anselm, but really written by Eadmer, his disciple. At first only the
Conception of Our Lady was spoken of, the question of the 
<i>Immaculate</i> Conception was raised somewhat later. For the feast
of the Presentation of Our Lady (21 November), an early Eastern origin
has also been claimed dating back to the Year 700 (see Vailhé, in
("Echos d'Orient", V, 193-201, etc.), but this cannot be accepted
without fuller verification. For the other Marian festivals, e.g. the
Visitation, the Rosary, etc., the reader must be referred to these
separate articles. All are comparatively modern additions to the
calendar.</p>

<h3 id="c-p287.1">THE APOSTLES AND OTHER NEW TESTAMENT SAINTS</h3>THE APOSTLES AND OTHER NEW TESTAMENT SAINTS

<p id="c-p288" shownumber="no">From the mention of Sts. Peter and Paul conjointly on 29 June in the
"Depositio Martyrum" of the "Philocalian Calendar", it is probable that
the two Apostles both suffered on that day. In the time of St. Leo
(Sermon 84) the feast seems to have been celebrated in Rome with an
octave, while the Syriac martyrologium in the East and Polemius Silvius
in Gaul equally manifest a tendency to do honour to the 
<i>Principes Apostolorum</i>, though in the former the commemoration is
attached to 28 December, and in the latter to 22 February. This latter
day was, generally, given to the celebration of the 
<i>Cathedra Petri</i>, also belonging to very early times, while a
feast in honour of St. Paul's conversion was kept 25 January. Of the
other Apostles, Sts. John and James appear together in the Syriac
martyrologium on 27 December, and St. John still retains that day in
the West. With regard to St. Andrew we probably have a reliable
tradition as to the day on which he suffered, for apart from an
explicit reference in the relatively early "Acta" (cf. Analecta
Bollandiana, XIII, 373-378), his feast has been kept on 30 November,
both in the East and in the West, from an early period. The other
Apostles nearly all appear in some form in the "Hieronymian
Martyrologium", and their festivals gradually came to be celebrated
liturgically before the eighth or ninth century.</p>
<p id="c-p289" shownumber="no">The fixing of the precise days was probably much influenced by a
certain "Breviarius" which was widely circulated in somewhat varying
forms, and which professed to give a brief account of the circumstances
of the death of each of the Twelve. As an indication that some of these
feasts must have been adopted at a more remote date than is attested in
existing calendars, it may be noted that Bede has a homily upon the
feast of St. Matthew, which the arrangement of the collection shows to
have been kept by him in the latter part of September, as we keep it at
present. St. John the Baptist, as already noted, had also more than one
festival in early times. Besides the Nativity on 24 June, two of St.
Augustine's sermons (nos. cccvii, cccviii) are consecrated to the
celebration of his martyrdom 
(<i>Passio</i> or 
<i>Decollatio</i>). Similar honours were paid to St. Stephen, the first
martyr, more particularly in the East. St. Gregory of Nyssa, in his
funeral oration over St. Basil, delivered at Cæsarea in Cappadocia
in 379, attests this, and lets us know that the feast was kept then as
it is now, the day after Christmas. On the other hand, St. Joseph's
name does not occur in the calendar until comparatively late. Curiously
enough the earliest definite assignment which the writer has been able
to find of a special day consecrated to his memory occurs in the
"Calendar of Aengus" (c. 804) under its existing date, 19 March. There
we read of "Joseph, name that is noble, Jesus' pleasant fosterer". But
despite an invocation of St. Joseph in the old Irish hymn "Sen De",
ascribed to St. Colman Ua Cluasaigh (c. 622), we cannot regard this
entry as indicative of any proper cultus. It seems probable, from the
nature of some of the apocryphal literature of the early centuries,
that honour was of old paid to St. Joseph in Syria, Egypt, and the East
generally, but reliable data as to his feast are at present
wanting.</p>

<h3 id="c-p289.1">GROWTH OF THE CALENDAR</h3>GROWTH OF THE CALENDAR

<p id="c-p290" shownumber="no">During the Merovingian and Carlovingian period the number of
festivals which won practical recognition gradually increased. Perhaps
the safest indications of this development are to be gathered from the
early service-books--sacramentaries, antiphonaries, and
lectionaries--but these are often difficult to date. Somewhat more
compendious and definite are one or two other lists of feasts which
have accidentally been preserved to us, and which it will be
interesting to quote. A certain Perpetuus, Bishop of Tours (461-491),
sets down the Principal feasts celebrated in his day with a vigil as
the following:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p290.1">"Natalis Domini; Epiphania; Natalis S. Ioannis (June 24th);
Natalis S. Petri episcopatus (February 22d); Sext. Cal. Apr.
Resurrectio Domini nostri I. Chr.; Pascha; Dies Ascensionis; Passio S.
Ioannis; Natalis SS. apostolorum Petri et Pauli; Natalis S. Martini;
Natalis S. Symphoriani (July 22d); Natalis S. Litorii (September 13th);
Natalis S. Martini (November 11th); Natalis S. Bricii (November 13th);
Natalis S. Hilarii (January 13th)." (Mon. Germ. SS. Meroving., I,
445.)</blockquote>

<p id="c-p291" shownumber="no">Similarly Bishop Sonnatius of Reims (614-631) makes
the following list of festivals which were to be kept as holidays 
<i>absque omni opere forensi</i>:</p>
<blockquote id="c-p291.1">Nativitas Domini, Circumcisio, Epiphania, Annuntiatio
beatæ Marie, Resurrectio Domini cum die sequenti, Ascensio Domini,
dies Pentecostes, Nativitas beati Ioannis Baptistæ, Nativitas
apostolorum Petri et Pauli, Assumptio beatæ Mariæ, eiusdem
Nativitas, Nativitas Andreæ apostoli, et omnes dies
dominicales.</blockquote>

<p id="c-p292" shownumber="no">In the course of the eighth and ninth
centuries various German synods drew up lists of the ecclesiastical
holidays which were to be celebrated with rest from work. In an early
constitution, ascribed to St. Boniface, we find nineteen such days in
each year besides the ordinary Sundays, three free days after the feast
itself being appointed both at Christmas and Easter. A council at
Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen) in 809 fixed twenty-one holidays. This
included a week at Easter and such feasts as St. Martin and St. Andrew.
At Basle in 827 the list was further extended, and it now comprised all
the feasts of the Apostles. In England the days honoured in this way
seem not to have been quite so numerous, at any rate not at first; but
before the end of the tenth century many additions were made, while the
ordinances of the synods were enforced by the royal authority. The list
comprised the four chief festivals of Our Lady and the commemoration of
St. Gregory the Great. The observance of St. Dunstan's feast was
imposed a little later during the reign of Cnut.</p>
<p id="c-p293" shownumber="no">As regards existing documents, perhaps the oldest ecclesiastical
calendar, in the proper sense of the word, which still survives, is the
one which was in the possession of the Englishman St. Willibrord,
Apostle of the Frisians, who has left in it an autograph note of the
date of his consecration as bishop (A. D. 695). The calendar was
probably written in England between 702 and 706. As it has never been
printed it may be interesting to give here the entries made in the
original hand, omitting the interpolations made by others at a slightly
later date. The manuscript which contains it is the well-known "Codex
Epternacensis", now Latin manuscript 10837, in the Bibliothèque
Nationale, Paris.</p>

<div id="c-p293.1" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">
<p id="c-p294" shownumber="no">
<b>JANUARY</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>1</b> Circumcision
<br />
<b>3</b> St. Genevieve of Paris
<br />
<b>6</b> Epiphany
<br />
<b>13</b> St. Hilary
<br />
<b>14</b> St. Felix of Nola
<br />
<b>17</b> St. Anthony, Hermit
<br />
<b>18</b> St. Peter's Chair at Rome and the Assumption of Holy Mary
<br />
<b>20</b> St. Sebastian
<br />
<b>21</b> St. Agnes (Virgin)
<br />
<b>24</b> St. Babilas, Bishop and Martyr
<br />
<b>25</b> Conversion of St. Paul at Damascus
<br />
<b>29</b> St. Valerius, Bishop, and St. Lucy (Virgin) at Treves</p>
<p id="c-p295" shownumber="no">
<b>FEBRUARY</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>1</b> St. Denis, St. Polycarp and St. Brigid (Virgin)
<br />
<b>2</b> St. Symeon, Patriarch
<br />
<b>5</b> St. Agatha
<br />
<b>6</b> St. Amandus
<br />
<b>16</b> St. Juliana
<br />
<b>22</b> The Chair of Peter at Antioch</p>
<p id="c-p296" shownumber="no">
<b>MARCH</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>1</b> Donatus
<br />
<b>7</b> Perpetua and Felicitas
<br />
<b>12</b> St. Gregory at Rome
<br />
<b>17</b> St. Patrick, Bishop in Ireland
<br />
<b>20</b> St. Cuthbert, Bishop
<br />
<b>21</b> St. Benedict, Abbot
<br />
<b>25</b> The Lord was crucified and St. James the brother of Our Lord
<br />
<b>27</b> The Resurrection of Our Lord</p>
<p id="c-p297" shownumber="no">
<b>APRIL</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>4</b> St. Ambrose
<br />
<b>22</b> Philip, Apostle</p>
<p id="c-p298" shownumber="no">
<b>MAY</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>1</b> St. Philip, Apostle
<br />
<b>5</b> The Ascension of the Lord
<br />
<b>7</b> The Invention of the Holy Cross
<br />
<b>11</b> Pancratius, Martyr
<br />
<b>14</b> Earliest date for Pentecost
<br />
<b>31</b> St. Maximinius at Treves</p>
<p id="c-p299" shownumber="no">
<b>JUNE</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>2</b> Erasmus, Martyr
<br />
<b>8</b> Barnabas, Apostle
<br />
<b>9</b> St. Columkill
<br />
<b>22</b> James the son of Alpheus
<br />
<b>24</b> Nativity of John the Baptist
<br />
<b>29</b> Sts. Peter and Paul at Rome</p>
<p id="c-p300" shownumber="no">
<b>JULY</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>15</b> St. James of Nisibis
<br />
<b>26</b> St. James, Apostle, Brother of John
<br />
<b>26</b> St. Symeon, Monk in Syria
<br />
<b>29</b> St. Lupus</p>
<p id="c-p301" shownumber="no">
<b>AUGUST</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>1</b> The Machabees, seven brothers with their mother
<br />
<b>5</b> St. Oswald, King
<br />
<b>6</b> St. Syxtus, Bishop
<br />
<b>10</b> St. Laurence, Deacon
<br />
<b>13</b> Hippolitus, Martyr
<br />
<b>16</b> 
(<i>Sic</i>) [erasure] St. Mary
<br />
<b>25</b> St. Bartholomew, Apostle
<br />
<b>28</b> Augustine and Faustinus, Bishops
<br />
<b>29</b> Martyrdom of St. John the Baptist
<br />
<b>31</b> St. Paulinus, Bishop at Trier</p>
<p id="c-p302" shownumber="no">
<b>SEPTEMBER</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>7</b> Sergius, Pope at Rome
<br />
<b>9</b> (Sic) Nativity of St. Mary at Jerusalem
<br />
<b>13</b> Cornelius and Cyprian
<br />
<b>15</b> St. Euphemia, Martyr
<br />
<b>19</b> Januarius. Martyr
<br />
<b>21</b> Matthew, Apostle
<br />
<b>22</b> Passion of St. Maurice
<br />
<b>24</b> Conception of St. John the Baptist
<br />
<b>27</b> Cosmas and Damian at Jerusalem
<br />
<b>29</b> St. Michael, Archangel</p>
<p id="c-p303" shownumber="no">
<b>OCTOBER</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>1</b> Remedius and Germanus
<br />
<b>4</b> Sts. Heuwald and Hewald, Martyrs
<br />
<b>14</b> Paulinus, Bishop in Canterbury
<br />
<b>18</b> Luke, Evangelist
<br />
<b>28</b> Simon and Jude, Apostles
<br />
<b>31</b> St. Quintinus, Martyr</p>
<p id="c-p304" shownumber="no">
<b>NOVEMBER</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>10</b> St. Leo, Pope
<br />
<b>11</b> St. Martin, Bishop at Tours
<br />
<b>22</b> St. Cecilia
<br />
<b>23</b> Clement at Rome
<br />
<b>24</b> Crisogonus
<br />
<b>30</b> St. Andrew, Apostle</p>
<p id="c-p305" shownumber="no">
<b>DECEMBER</b>
<br />
<br />
<b>10</b> St. Eulalia and seventy-five others
<br />
<b>20</b> St. Ignatius, Bishop and Martyr
<br />
<b>21</b> St. Thomas, Apostle in India
<br />
<b>25</b> Nativity of Our Lord Jesus Christ
<br />
<b>26</b> St. Stephen, Martyr
<br />
<b>27</b> John, Apostle, and James, his brother
<br />
<b>28</b> The Innocents
<br />
<b>31</b> St. Silvester, Bishop</p>
</div>

<p id="c-p306" shownumber="no">This list very well illustrates the arbitrary choice of
saints to be commemorated, which is observable in most early calendars.
The mention of the Nativity of our Lady on 9 September instead of 8
September is interesting in view of the Eastern practice, attested by
the Naples marble calendar, of celebrating the Conception of Our Lady
on 9 December. The appearance of St. Januarius (19 September) is also
noteworthy. The link between England and Southern Italy in the matter
of the commemoration of saints has often been noticed without ever
being quite adequately explained. (See Morin, Liber Comicus, Appendix,
etc.) The occurrence of the Invention of the Cross on 7 May, as in the
Greek Church, is also remarkable. It is further curious to note the
partial erasure of the Assumption feast on 16 August 
(<i>sic</i>), and its appearance upon 18 January. The later Anglo-Saxon
calendars, of which a fair number have been printed by Hampson and
Piper, offer fewer points of interest than the above; but a word should
be said of one or two which are especially noteworthy. The metrical
Latin calendar printed among the works of Bede is shown not to be his
by the reference to the second Wilfrid of York, who died after his
time, but it offers some useful points of comparison with Bede's
genuine martyrologium, which, thanks to the patient labour of Dom
Quentin, has at last been recovered for us (see Les Martyrologes
Historiques, Paris, 1908, pp. 17-119). Not less interesting is the
ancient English martyrology edited for the Early English Text Society
by G. Herzfeld. This document, though not a calendar, and though
including later interpolations, probably reflects the arrangement of a
calendar which may be even older than the time of Bede. It is
especially noteworthy for brief references to certain Capuan and South
Italian saints, which it professes to derive from the "old Mass Books",
probably missals of that Gelasian type for which the Gregorian
Sacramentary was afterwards substituted.</p>
<p id="c-p307" shownumber="no">Another early calendar which must possess an interest for all
English-speaking students is the "Anglo-Saxon Menologium", a short but
rather ornate poem of the tenth century, describing the principal
feasts of each month and probably intended for popular use (see
Imelmann, Das altenglische Menologium, p. 40). The writer's main
purpose is indicated by his concluding words:</p>

<verse id="c-p307.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p307.2">Nû ge findan magon</l>
<l id="c-p307.3">Hâligra tiid, the man healdan sceal,</l>
<l id="c-p307.4">Swa bebûgeth gebod geond Brytenricu</l>
<l id="c-p307.5">Sexna kyninges on thâs sylfan tiid.</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="c-p308" shownumber="no">(Now ye may find the holy tides which men should 
observe as the command goeth
through Britain of the king of the Saxons at this same time.) The use
of metrical calendars, however, was by no means peculiar to England.
The Irish "Calendar of Aengus", already referred to, was written in
verse, and some of the versified Latin calendars printed by Hampson
have been shown by Dr. Whitley Stokes to present clear signs of Irish
influences. So on the Continent, to take but one example, we have an
elaborate calendar or rather martyrologium composed about 848 in Latin
hexameters by Wandelbert of Prüm.</p>

<h3 id="c-p308.1">LATER DEVELOPMENTS LATER DEVELOPMENTS</h3>

<p id="c-p309" shownumber="no">The history of the more detailed martyrologia, which has been worked
out with such thoroughness by Dom Quentin, may serve to show how
far-reaching is the principle that nature abhors a vacuum. Almost all
the writers, such as Florus, Ado, and Usuard, who undertook the task of
supplementing the martyrologium of Bede, worked with the avowed object
of filling up the days which he had left blank. We may fairly infer
that the same spirit will have affected the calendar as well. The mere
sight of a vacant space, no doubt, in many cases tempted scribes and
correctors to fill it up, if their erudition sufficed for the purpose;
and though for a long time these entries remained mere
paper-commemorations, they will certainly in the long run have reacted
upon the liturgy. We may say that much the same influence was at work
when Alcuin took in hand the task of supplying the lacunæ in the
"Gregorian Sacramentary", more particularly when he provided a complete
set of different masses for the Sundays after Pentecost. But besides
this we have, of course, to consider the potent factor of new
devotional interests, creating such feasts as those of All Saints, All
Souls, the Blessed Trinity, the various festivals of the Angels, and
notably St. Michael, and, in more modern times, Corpus Christi, the
Sacred Heart, the Five Wounds, the commemoration of the various
instruments of the Passion, the many different invocations under which
Our Lady is honoured, and the duplications of feasts provided by
translations, dedications, and miraculous events, such as the stigmata
of St. Francis of Assisi or the "Transverberation" of the heart of St.
Teresa. Necessarily also, among the countless holy men who lived in the
practice of heroic virtue, some in a more pronounced way caught the
imagination of their contemporaries. The piety of the faithful who had
been the witness of their virtues during life, or who, after their
death, benefited by the power of their intercession with God, clamoured
for some adequate means of manifesting devotion and gratitude.</p>
<p id="c-p310" shownumber="no">At first this recognition of sanctity was in a measure local,
informal, and popular, with the result that it was not always very
discerning. Later the authority of the Holy See was invoked to
pronounce after full inquiry a formal decree of canonization. But if
this system, on the one hand, tended to limit the number of recognized
saints, it also helped to extend more widely the fame of those whose
history or whose miracles were more remarkable. Thus, in the end, we
find that the cultus of such a saint as St. Thomas of Canterbury, to
take an English example, was not limited to his own diocese or to his
own province, but within a period of ten years after his death his name
found a place in the calendars of almost every country of Europe. To
these causes we must add the growth of literary culture among the
people, especially after the invention of printing, and last, but by no
means least, the cosmopolitan character of so many of the religious
orders. Wherever the Cistercians had settled the name of St. Bernard
was necessarily held in honour. If, again, there was no part of
Christendom in which the friars had not laboured, so were there hardly
any of the faithful who had not heard of St. Francis, St. Dominic, St.
Clare, St. Catharine of Siena, and many more. It is no wonder, then, if
at an early date the calendar grew crowded, and if in our own times
hardly any vacant days are left in which some festival does not take
precedence and exclude the ferial office. To enter into detail
regarding this great variety of feasts would be impossible in an
article like the present. All the more important celebrations will be
found treated separately in their proper place, e.g. ALL SAINTS, ALL
SOULS, CANDLEMAS, CORPUS CHRISTI, etc.</p>

<h3 id="c-p310.1">VARIOUS PECULIARITIES OF CALENDARS VARIOUS PECULIARITIES OF CALENDARS</h3>

<p id="c-p311" shownumber="no">From the ninth century onwards a calendar was a common adjunct to
most of the different classes of service-books, e.g. sacramentaries,
psalters, antiphonaries, and even pontificals. At a later date, and
especially after such books came to be printed, it was hardly ever
omitted before missals, breviaries, and horæ. In the printed
liturgical calendars with which we are now more familiar, we find
little but the bare catalogue of ecclesiastical feasts. In the
calendars of early date there is a much greater variety of information.
We have, for example, a number of astronomical data referring to the
times of equinox and solstice, the sun's entry into the various signs
of the Zodiac, the dog days, the beginning of the four seasons, etc.,
and these are often emphasized by verses written above or below the
entries for each month, e.g. 
<i>Procedunt duplices in martis tempore pisces</i>, referring to the
fact that at the beginning of March the sun is in the constellation
Pisces. Sometimes, also, the verses thus prefixed bear an astrological
import, e.g. 
<i>Jani prima dies et septima fine timetur</i>, which is meant to
convey that the first day of the month of January and the seventh from
the end are unlucky. It must be confessed that the traces of pagan, or
at least secular, influences in many of our surviving early calendars
are numerous. A very curious feature in many Anglo-Saxon documents of
this class is the acquaintance which they manifest with Oriental and
especially Coptic usages. For instance in the Jumièges Missal, at
the head of each month we have a line giving the Oriental names for the
corresponding period; e.g. in the case of April: "Hebr. Nisan;
Ægypti Farmuthi; Græc. Kanthicos; Lat. Apr; Sax.
Eastermonath;" and further against 26 April we find the entry "IX
Ægyptior. mensis paschæ." [i.e. Pashons]. As a rule, the
information given about the Coptic arrangement of months is at least
approximately correct. In other specimens again the so-called 
<i>dies ægyptiaci</i> which were reputed to be unlucky (see
Chabas, "Le Calendrier des jours fastes et néfastes de
l'année égyptienne", pp. 22, 119 sq.) are carefully
noted.</p>
<p id="c-p312" shownumber="no">As regards ornament, early calendars are sometimes inserted in a
sort of arcading, two pillars forming the sides of each column of
writing, and an arch crowning the whole; while in the later Middle Ages
we often find beautifully drawn vignettes, sometimes broadly or
delicately humorous, illustrating with much play of the imagination the
different seasons of the year. One feature which comes down from the
earliest times, but which survives even in the printed calendars of our
existing Breviary and Missal, is the insertion against each day of the
"Epact" and the "Dominical Letter". These have reference to a highly
artificial method of computation and are meant to supply, ready to
hand, the means for ascertaining the day of the week in any assigned
year, and more particularly the age of the moon. The age of the moon,
ascertained by these methods, is read out before the martyrologium
every day during the public recitation of the Office of Prime. When the
calendar was reformed under Gregory XIII, it was considered advisable
to retain in a corrected form the old apparatus and names to which
people were accustomed. As this system of computation is intricate and
has little but an antiquarian interest to recommend it, we may refer
the reader to the article EPACT, or to the explanations given along
with the calendar in every copy of the Roman Breviary and Missal.</p>
<p id="c-p313" shownumber="no">Besides the calendars for ecclesiastical use which were written in
the service-books, a practice grew up towards the close of the Middle
Ages of compiling calendars for the use of the laity. These correspond
rather to what we should now call almanacs, and in them the
astrological element plays a much more prominent part than in the
missals or horæ. One of the most famous of these compilations was
that known as the "Calendrier des Bergers", or the "Shepherds'
Calendar". It was several times most sumptuously printed at Paris
before the end of the fifteenth century, and it afterwards spread to
England and Germany. The religious tone is very pronounced, but we find
at the same time the most elaborate astrological directions as to lucky
and unlucky days for certain medical operations, particularly bleeding,
as well as for agricultural pursuits, such as sowing, reaping,
ploughing, sheep-shearing, and the like. It is a remarkable
illustration of the conservatism of the rustic mind that editions of
the "Shepherds' Calendar" were published in London until past the
middle of the seventeenth century, the essentially Catholic tone of the
book being easily recognizable under the very thinnest of disguises
(see Ecclesiastical Review, July, 1902, pp. 1-21).</p>

<p class="Centered" id="c-p314" shownumber="no"> <b>THE MODERN CALENDAR IMPOSED BY AUTHORITY</b></p>

<p id="c-p315" shownumber="no">It will have been inferred from what has been said above that
considerable divergence prevailed among the calendars in use at the
close of the Middle Ages. This lack of uniformity degenerated into an
abuse, and was a fertile source of confusion. Hence the new Roman
Breviary and Missal, which in accordance with a decree of the Council
of Trent eventually saw the light in 1568 and 1570 respectively,
contained a new calendar. Like other portions of the new liturgical
code, the observance of the new calendar was made obligatory upon all
churches which could not prove a prescription of two hundred years in
the enjoyment of their own distinctive customs. This law, which is
still in force, has not, of course, prevented successive sovereign
pontiffs from adding very many new festivals; neither does it preclude
different dioceses, or even churches, from adopting various local
celebrations, where the permission of the pope or of the Congregation
of Rites has been sought and obtained. But though local saints may be
added, the feasts prescribed in the Roman calendar must also be kept.
In point of fact a considerable license is conceded in such matters.
There is hardly any diocese in which the calendar, owing to these
additions, does not differ considerably from those of neighbouring
dioceses or provinces. Even the introduction of a single new feast,
owing to the transferences thus necessitated, may effect a considerable
disturbance. In the British Isles, England, Ireland, and Scotland all
celebrate a number of national saints independently of each other, but
these are merely additions to the general Roman calendar which all
observe in common. Moreover, this universal calendar during three
centuries, and especially during the last thirty years, has undergone
very notable modifications, partly in consequence of new saints' days
that have been introduced, partly in consequence of changes made in the
grade of feasts already admitted. A tabular arrangement will help to
make this clear. What the original meaning of the term 
<i>double</i> may have been is not entirely certain. Some think that
the greater festivals were thus styled because the antiphons before and
after the psalms were "duplicated", i.e. twice repeated entire on these
days. Others, with more probability, point to the fact that before the
ninth century in certain places, for example at Rome, it was customary
on the greater feasts to recite two sets of Matins, the one of the
feria or week-day, the other of the festival. Hence such days were
known as "doubles". However this may be, the primitive division into
doubles and simples has given place to a much more elaborate
classification. At present we have six grades, to wit: doubles of the
first class; doubles of the second class; greater doubles; doubles;
semi-doubles; simples. Now from the various official revisions of the
Breviary, made in 1568, 1662, l631, 1882, the following data [on feasts
entered in the Breviary] may be gleaned. For purposes of comparison we
may add the figures for 1907:</p>
<ul id="c-p315.1">
<li id="c-p315.2">
<i>Pius V (1508)</i>: 19 Doubles of the First Class -- 17 Doubles of
the Second Class -- 53 Doubles -- 60 Semidoubles -- 149 Total</li>
<li id="c-p315.3">
<i>Clement VIII (1602)</i>: 19 Doubles of the First Class -- 18 Doubles
of the Second Class -- 16 Greater Doubles -- 43 Doubles -- 68
Semidoubles -- 164 Total</li>
<li id="c-p315.4">
<i>Urban VIII (1631)</i>: 19 Doubles of the First Class -- 18 Doubles
of the Second Class -- 16 Greater Doubles -- 45 Doubles -- 78
Semidoubles -- 176 Total</li>
<li id="c-p315.5">
<i>Leo XIII (1882)</i>: 21 Doubles of the First Class -- 18 Doubles of
the Second Class -- 24 Greater Doubles -- 128 Doubles -- 74 Semidoubles
-- 275 Total</li>
<li id="c-p315.6">
<i>Pius X (1907)</i>: 23 Doubles of the First Class -- 27 Doubles of
the Second Class -- 25 Greater Doubles -- 133 Doubles -- 72 Semidoubles
-- 280 Total</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p316" shownumber="no">These figures (which include not merely the fixed but also the
movable feasts, as well as octave days, etc.) will suffice to
illustrate the crowding of the calendar which has taken place of recent
years. Moreover, it must be remembered that, practically speaking, it
never happens that feasts of the higher grade are "simplified", i.e.
reduced to the level of bare commemorations. If a greater double
chances to fall on a day already occupied, it is "transferred", and a
free day has to be found for it later on in the year. On the other
hand, while there has been a great increase of doubles of the first and
second class, etc. 
(<i>festa chori</i>), the holidays of obligation 
(<i>festa chori et fori</i>), owing largely to the difficulties created
by the civil rulers of the various European countries, have grown
steadily fewer. Pre-Reformation England, with its forty or more
holidays of precept, did not go beyond the rest of the world. To take
almost the first example which comes to hand, in the Diocese of
Liàge, in 1287 (Mansi, Concilia, XXIV, 909), there were, besides
the Sundays, forty-two festivals on which the people were bidden to
rest from servile work. It is, therefore, hardly surprising that the
excessive number of these feast-days was included in 1523 among the 
<i>Centum Gravamina</i>, the Hundred Grievances, of the German nation,
nor that Pope Urban VIII in 1642, deprived bishops of the right to
institute new ecclesiastical holidays without the permission of the
Holy See, and limited the number of those of general obligation to
thirty-four. In the eighteenth century, under pressure from various
temporal rulers, this list in certain countries was further curtailed.
Many of those festivals which had hitherto been holidays of precept
were reduced to the status of feasts of devotion, i.e. the obligation
of hearing Mass and resting from servile work was abolished, while at
the same time their vigils ceased to be observed as fast-days. But even
after the concessions which Clement XIV, in 1772, made to the Empress
Maria Theresa, eighteen holidays 
(<i>festa chori et fori</i>) still remained obligatory in the Austrian
dominions. In France, under the Napoleonic regime, the pope was forced
to consent to the reduction of the holidays of obligation to four only,
Christmas Day, the Ascension, the Assumption, and All Saints. For the
rest of Christendom other concessions were made by Leo XII, and still
later by his successors. At the present day Rome numbers eighteen
holidays of obligation (always, of course, exclusive of Sundays), but
only nine of these are recognized as legal holidays by the Government
of Italy. The French rule of four 
<i>festa præcepti</i> prevails also in Belgium and parts of
Holland. In Spain, in Austria, and throughout the greater portion of
the German Empire, some fifteen days are observed, though both the
total number and the particular feasts selected vary greatly in the
different provinces. In England the holidays of obligation are the
Circumcision, the Epiphany, the Ascension, Corpus Christi, Sts. Peter
and Paul, the Assumption, All Saints, and Christmas Day. To these two
other days are added in Ireland, the Annunciation and the feast of St.
Patrick, and in Scotland one day, the feast of St. Andrew. In the
United States six festivals are kept as of precept--Christmas, the New
Year, the Ascension, the Assumption, All Saints, and the Immaculate
Conception.</p>
<p id="c-p317" shownumber="no">For English-speaking Catholics in past centuries, while living under
the penal laws, the situation must often have been a difficult one.
Down to 1781, as the rare copies of the old "Laity's Directory" still
bear witness, our forefathers were bound to keep every Friday of the
year (except during Paschal time) as a fast-day. Besides this there was
abstinence upon all Saturdays and a fair number of fasting vigils, for
which last, in 1771, the Wednesdays and Fridays of Advent were
substituted. The holidays of obligation amounted to thirty-four, but in
1778 these were reduced to eleven, the rest for the most part being
treated as feasts of devotion. On the other hand the calendar grew by
the restoration to full liturgical cultus of many of the old English
saints. The first permission was given by Benedict XIV in 1749 at the
request of His Royal Highness the Cardinal of York. This was limited to
half a dozen saints, including St. Augustine of England and St. George,
both to be kept as doubles of the first class; but in 1774 ampler
concessions were made by Clement XIV. Again in 1884 the list was still
further extended, and in 1887 the beatification of the English martyrs
became the occasion for approving several other new offices and
masses.</p>

<p class="Centered" id="c-p318" shownumber="no"> <b>THE CHURCHES OF THE EAST</b></p>

<p id="c-p319" shownumber="no">With regard to the calendars of the various Eastern Churches it
would be impossible here to enter into detail. For the most part they
are subject, like that of the Western Church, to the complications
caused by a system of feasts which are partly fixed and partly movable.
Most of the more important festivals of the Roman calendar-- for
example the Circumcision, the Epiphany, the Purification, the Nativity
of St. John the Baptist, St. Peter and Paul, the Assumption, the
Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, St.
Andrew, and the Nativity of Our Lord--are kept on the days
corresponding to those observed in Western Christendom. But the
correspondence, though recognizable in some few cases, is not quite
exact. For example, the Greeks keep the feast of the Immaculate
Conception, under the title 
<i>he sullepsis tes theoprometoros Annes</i> 
(<i>conceptio Annæ aviæ Dei</i>), upon 9 December, not 8
December; and while the Invention of the Cross is celebrated by us on 3
May, the Greeks and Syrians have their corresponding feast on 7 May.
Again, among Oriental Christians the octaves of festivals are not kept
in the same uniform way as by the Latins. Their celebrations, indeed,
in many cases continue after the day of the feast, but not for exactly
a week; and it is peculiar to these rites that on the day following the
feast a sort of commemoration is made of the personages who are most
closely connected with it. Thus on 3 February, the day after the feast
of the Purification, the Greeks pay special honour to Holy Simeon and
Anna, while on 9 September, the day after Our Lady's Nativity, St.
Joachim and St. Anne are more particularly mentioned. Many other
exceptional features, some of them decidedly extravagant, are presented
by the Syriac, Armenian, and Coptic Rites. It may be sufficient here,
however, to call attention to the practice in the last-named Church of
assigning a day each month for the special cultus of Our Blessed
Lady.</p>
<p id="c-p320" shownumber="no">As regards the movable feasts, the chief interest centres in the
beginning of Lent. With the Greek and some of the other rites, the
Lenten season may be said to begin the week before our Septuagesima,
though this is only a time of preparation. Sexagesima Sunday is known
as 
<i>he kuriake tes apokreo</i> (the Sunday of abstinence from flesh),
not that they are forbidden meat on that day, but because it is the
last day on which meat is allowed. Similarly, the next Sunday
(Quinquagesima) is known as 
<i>he kuriake tes turines</i> (cheese Sunday), because this is the last
day upon which cheese and eggs can be eaten. The movable feasts of the
Greek Church, moreover, include other festivals besides those strictly
belonging to the Easter cycle. The most noteworthy example is the feast
of All Saints 
(<i>ton hagion panton</i>), which is kept upon the Sunday which follows
Pentecost, or in other words upon our Trinity Sunday.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p321" shownumber="no">HERBERT THURSTON</p></def>

<term id="c-p321.1" title="Calendar, Jewish" type="Encyclopedia">Jewish Calendar</term>
<def id="c-p321.2">
<h1 id="c-p321.3">Jewish Calendar</h1>
<h4 id="c-p321.4">Days</h4>
<p id="c-p322" shownumber="no">From the remotest time to the present the Israelites have computed
the day 
(<i>yôm</i>) from sunset to sunset, or rather from sunset to the
appearance of the first three stars which marked the beginning of a new
day [Cf. <scripRef id="c-p322.1" osisRef="Bible:Lev.23.32" parsed="|Lev|23|32|0|0" passage="Lev. 23:32">Lev. 23:32</scripRef>; II Esd. (Nehem.) 4:21; etc.]. Before the
Babylonian Exile the time between sunrise and sunset was divided into
"morning", "midday", and "evening" (<scripRef id="c-p322.2" osisRef="Bible:Ps.54.18" parsed="|Ps|54|18|0|0" passage="Ps. 54:18">Ps. 54:18</scripRef>; <scripRef id="c-p322.3" osisRef="Bible:Heb.55.17" parsed="|Heb|55|17|0|0" passage="Heb. 55:17">Heb. 55:17</scripRef>); but during
the stay in Babylon the Hebrews adopted the division into twelve hours
(Cf. <scripRef id="c-p322.4" osisRef="Bible:John.11.9" parsed="|John|11|9|0|0" passage="John 11:9">John 11:9</scripRef>), whose duration varied with the length of the day. On
an average, the first hour corresponded to about 6 a.m.; the third hour
to 9 a.m.; the end of the sixth to noon; while at the eleventh the day
was near its close. Earlier than this division of the day by hours was
that of the night into three watches: the first till midnight; the
second or middle watch (cock-crow) till 3 a.m.; and the third or
morning watch till about 6 a.m.</p>
<h4 id="c-p322.5">Weeks</h4>
<p id="c-p323" shownumber="no">Seven consecutive days form the week, or second element of the
Jewish calendar. As in our ecclesiastical calendar, the days of the
Jewish week are numbered, not named. They are called the first day, the
second day, the third day, and so on to the seventh, which last is also
called "sabbath" 
(<i>shábbath</i>) a name likewise used to designate the week
itself. The sixth day, our Friday, is also known in the New Testament,
in Josephus, and in Rabbinical writings as "the eve of the sabbath", or
as "the day of the preparation", the 
<i>paraskeué</i>, a term still employed by the Latin Church in
connection with Good Fridays (Cf. <scripRef id="c-p323.1" osisRef="Bible:Mark.15.42" parsed="|Mark|15|42|0|0" passage="Mark 15:42">Mark 15:42</scripRef>; Josephus, Antiquities of
the Jews, XVI, vi, 2; Talmud of Jerusalem, Treatise 
<i>Pesahîm</i>, chap. iv, I).</p>
<h4 id="c-p323.2">Months</h4>
<p id="c-p324" shownumber="no">The third and most important element in the Jewish arrangement of
time is the month. The two Hebrew words for month are 
<i>yéráh</i>, and 
<i>hodésh</i>, whose primitive meaning, "moon", "new moon", points
to the dependence of the Jewish month on the phases of the moon. As a
matter of fact, the Hebrew months have always been lunar, and extended
from one new moon to another. The beginning of the month with the
appearance of the new moon was--as it is still--of great practical
importance among the Hebrews, inasmuch as the first of every month was
to be observed as New Moon's Day, and certain feasts were affixed to
the 10th, 14th, or other days of the month. The earliest appearance of
the new moon was long ascertained by direct observation, and
authoritatively settled by a commission of the Sanhedrin, and the
intelligence then made known to the Jews at large, first by means of
fire signals, and later on through special messengers. In the present
day, and for many centuries, this very primitive manner of fixing the
beginning of the month has given way to a systematic calculation of the
latter's duration, and the Jewish calendar is now constructed on the
basis of a mean lunation of 29 days, 12 hours, 44 min., and 30 sec.
Besides being indicated by means of numerals, the first month, the
second month, etc., the Hebrew months have been designated in the
course of Jewish history by two sets of names. Of the former set--going
back probably to Chanaanite times--only four names have survived in the
Hebrew Bible. These are: 
<i>'Abhîbh</i> (A.V. <scripRef id="c-p324.1" osisRef="Bible:Exod.13.4 Bible:Exod.13.23" parsed="|Exod|13|4|0|0;|Exod|13|23|0|0" passage="Ex. 13:4, 23">Ex. 13:4, 23</scripRef>:15; <scripRef id="c-p324.2" osisRef="Bible:Deut.16.1" parsed="|Deut|16|1|0|0" passage="Deut. 16:1">Deut. 16:1</scripRef>), subsequently
the first month; Zíw (III K. 6:1), subsequently the second month; 
<i>'Ethanîm</i> (III K. 8:2), subsequently the seventh month; and 
<i>Bûl</i> (III K. 6:38), subsequently the eighth month. The
latter set of names, certainly of Babylonian origin, began to be used
after the Exile. Of its twelve names now found in the Jewish calendar
only seven occur in the Hebrew text, but the whole twelve appear as the
main divisions of the 
<i>Megillath Ta'anith</i> (Scroll of Fasting), which in its original
form is referred to a date before the Christian Era. These twelve names
are as follows:</p>
<ol id="c-p324.3">
<li id="c-p324.4">
<i>Nîsan</i> (<scripRef id="c-p324.5" osisRef="Bible:Neh.2.1" parsed="|Neh|2|1|0|0" passage="Nehem. 2:1">Nehem. 2:1</scripRef>; <scripRef id="c-p324.6" osisRef="Bible:Esth.3.7" parsed="|Esth|3|7|0|0" passage="Esth. 3:7">Esth. 3:7</scripRef>)</li>
<li id="c-p324.7">
<i>'Iyyar</i> (not named in Scripture)</li>
<li id="c-p324.8">
<i>Sîwan</i> (<scripRef id="c-p324.9" osisRef="Bible:Esth.8.9" parsed="|Esth|8|9|0|0" passage="Esth. 8:9">Esth. 8:9</scripRef>; <scripRef id="c-p324.10" osisRef="Bible:Bar.1.8" parsed="|Bar|1|8|0|0" passage="Baruch 1:8">Baruch 1:8</scripRef>)</li>
<li id="c-p324.11">
<i>Támmûz</i> (Cf. A.V. <scripRef id="c-p324.12" osisRef="Bible:Ezek.8.14" parsed="|Ezek|8|14|0|0" passage="Ezek. 8:14">Ezek. 8:14</scripRef>)</li>
<li id="c-p324.13">
<i>'Abh</i> (not named in Scripture)</li>
<li id="c-p324.14">
<i>'Elûl</i> (<scripRef id="c-p324.15" osisRef="Bible:Neh.6.15" parsed="|Neh|6|15|0|0" passage="Nehem. 6:15">Nehem. 6:15</scripRef>; I Mach. 14:27)</li>
<li id="c-p324.16">
<i>Tíshrî</i> (not named in Scripture)</li>
<li id="c-p324.17">
<i>Márhéshwan</i>, or simply 
<i>Héshwan</i> (not named in Scripture)</li>
<li id="c-p324.18">
<i>Kíslew</i> (Zach. 7:1; <scripRef id="c-p324.19" osisRef="Bible:Neh.1.1" parsed="|Neh|1|1|0|0" passage="Nehem. 1:1">Nehem. 1:1</scripRef>)</li>
<li id="c-p324.20">
<i>Tebeth</i> (<scripRef id="c-p324.21" osisRef="Bible:Esth.2.16" parsed="|Esth|2|16|0|0" passage="Esth. 2:16">Esth. 2:16</scripRef>)</li>
<li id="c-p324.22">
<i>Shebhat</i> (Zach. 1:7, I Mach. 16:14)</li>
<li id="c-p324.23">
<i>'Adar</i> (<scripRef id="c-p324.24" osisRef="Bible:1Esd.6.15" parsed="|1Esd|6|15|0|0" passage="I Esdras 6:15">I Esdras 6:15</scripRef>; <scripRef id="c-p324.25" osisRef="Bible:Esth.3.7-Esth.3.8" parsed="|Esth|3|7|3|8" passage="Esth. 3:7, 8">Esth. 3:7, 8</scripRef>:12, etc.)</li>
</ol>
<h4 id="c-p324.26">Years</h4>
<p id="c-p325" shownumber="no">The twelve months thus named made up the ordinary year 
(<i>shanah</i>), or next important element in the Jewish calendar. As
they were lunar months they formed a mean year of 354 days, a year
consequently shorter than the solar year by ten or eleven days. This
difference, as can be readily seen, would have, in the course of time,
completely disordered the months in relation to the seasons of the
year; thus the first month, or 
<i>Nîsan</i>, (corresponding to the end of March or the beginning
of April), in the middle of which the first ripe barley was to be
presented to Yahweh in connection with the paschal feast (<scripRef id="c-p325.1" osisRef="Bible:Exod.12.1" parsed="|Exod|12|1|0|0" passage="Ex. 12:1">Ex. 12:1</scripRef>
sqq., 13:3 sqq; <scripRef id="c-p325.2" osisRef="Bible:Lev.23.10-Lev.23.12" parsed="|Lev|23|10|23|12" passage="Lev. 23:10-12">Lev. 23:10-12</scripRef>), might have fallen in the middle of
winter; and some other festivals depending likewise on the products of
the seasons would also have been materially interfered with. Hence it
was soon felt--how soon cannot now be ascertained--that the difference
between the lunar and the solar years should be equalized by the
intercalation of a month. The year in which such an intercalation
should be made was for a while determined by an authoritative decision
of the Sanhedrin, and ultimately fixed in a permanent manner by
astronomical calculation. In a cycle of nineteen years the third,
sixth, eighth, eleventh, fourteenth, seventeenth, and nineteenth are
made leap-years with an average length of 384 days, by the addition of
a month following the twelfth 
(<i>'Adar</i>), and usually called 
<i>We-'Adar</i> (Second Adar). It is plain, therefore, that the Jewish
year has long been, and still is, a luni-solar year. The Hebrew year
thus far described is one constituted in harmony with ritual
requirements, and hence it is called the sacred Jewish year. Together
with it the Jews have had from time immemorial what may be called a
common or civil year commencing in the month of 
<i>Tíshrî</i> (corresponding generally to part of September
and part of October), on or immediately after the new moon following
the autumnal equinox. The beginning of the Hebrew civil year
practically coincides with that of seed time in Palestine, while the
beginning of the sacred year corresponds to that of the harvest season
in the same country.</p>
<h4 id="c-p325.3">Eras</h4>
<p id="c-p326" shownumber="no">There now remains to consider the era, or last element of the Jewish
calendar. As might well be expected in connection with a people whose
history has been so checkered, the Hebrews have adopted various points
of time from which to reckon the succession of years. Their principal
ancient eras have been:</p>
<ul id="c-p326.1">
<li id="c-p326.2">the one which was dated from the deliverance from Egypt;</li>
<li id="c-p326.3">the regnal era, or computation of time from the year of accession
of the Jewish kings to the throne;</li>
<li id="c-p326.4">the Seleucid era, introduced after the Babylonian Exile, beginning
312 B.C., and used by the Jews probably till the twelfth century.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p327" shownumber="no">For centuries they have employed their present method of counting
by 
<i>anno mundi</i> (A.M.). (See the table below for the yearly
arrangement of the principal festival days.)</p>
<p id="c-p328" shownumber="no">According to the current Jewish reckoning the calendar is dated from
the Creation of the World, which is considered to have taken place 3760
years and 3 months before the commencement of the Christian Era. To
find the number of the Hebrew year, beginning in the autumn of a given
year of our common era, we have to add 3761 to the number of the
latter. Thus the Jewish year beginning September, 1908, is 5669
A.M.</p>
<h3 id="c-p328.1">THE JEWISH CALENDAR</h3>
<table border="1" id="c-p328.2">
<tr id="c-p328.3">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.4" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Hebrew
<br />Month</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.6" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Sacred
<br />Year</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.8" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Civil
<br />Year</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.10" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Ordinary
<br />Year</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.12" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Leap
<br />Year</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.14" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">During 20th c
<br />first of month
<br />occurs between</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.17" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Principal Feasts</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.18">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.19" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>Nîsan</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.20" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">1</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.21" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">7</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.22" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30 (days)</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.23" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.24" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">March 13-
<br />April 11</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.26" rowspan="1">1. New Moon
<br />14. Paschal lamb killed
<br />15-21. Paschal Feast
<br />(Firstfruits of barley
<br />offered)</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.31">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.32" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>'Iyyar</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.33" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">2</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.34" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">8</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.35" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.36" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.37" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">April 12-
<br />May 11</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.39" rowspan="1">1. New Moon
<br />14. Second Passover</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.41">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.42" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>Sîwan</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.43" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">3</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.44" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">9</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.45" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.46" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.47" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">May 11-
<br />June 9</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.49" rowspan="1">1. New Moon
<br />6. Pentecost (Firstfruits
<br />of wheat harvest</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.52">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.53" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>Támmûz</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.54" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">4</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.55" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">10</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.56" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.57" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.58" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">June 10-
<br />July 9</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.60" rowspan="1">1. New Moon
<br />7. Fast. Taking of Jeru-
<br />salem by Titus</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.63">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.64" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>'Abh</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.65" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">5</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.66" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">11</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.67" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.68" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.69" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">July 9-
<br />Aug. 7</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.71" rowspan="1">1. New Moon
<br />7. Fast. Destruction of
<br />the Temple</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.74">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.75" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>'Elûl</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.76" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">6</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.77" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">12</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.78" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.79" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.80" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Aug. 8-
<br />Sept. 6</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.82" rowspan="1">1. New Moon</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.83">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.84" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>Tíshrî</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.85" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">7</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.86" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">1</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.87" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.88" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.89" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Sept. 6-
<br />Oct. 5</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.91" rowspan="1">1-2. New Year's Feast
<br />10. Day of Atonement
<br />15-21. Feast of Taber-
<br />nacles. (Firstfruits of
<br />wine and oil)</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.96">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.97" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>Márhéshwan
<br />(Héshwan)</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.99" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">8</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.100" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">2</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.101" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29+</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.102" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29+</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.103" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Oct. 6-
<br />Nov. 4</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.105" rowspan="1">1. New Moon</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.106">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.107" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>Kíslew</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.108" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">9</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.109" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">3</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.110" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30-</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.111" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30-</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.112" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Nov.4-
<br />Dec. 3</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.114" rowspan="1">1. New Moon
<br />25. Feast of the Dedi-
<br />cation of the Temple</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.117">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.118" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>Tebheth</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.119" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">10</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.120" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">4</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.121" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.122" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.123" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Dec. 4-
<br />Jan. 2</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.125" rowspan="1">1. New Moon
<br />7. Fast. Siege of Jeru-
<br />salem</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.128">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.129" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>Shebbat</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.130" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">11</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.131" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">5</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.132" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.133" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">30</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.134" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Jan.2-
<br />Jan. 31</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.136" rowspan="1">1. New Moon
<br /></td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.138">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.139" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>'Âdar</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.140" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">12</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.141" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">6</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.142" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.143" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">29</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.144" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Feb. 1-
<br />March 2</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.146" rowspan="1">1. New Moon
<br />14, 15. Feast of Purim
<br /></td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.149">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.150" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">
<i>[We-'Âdar]</i>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.151" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">(Inter-
<br />calary)</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.153" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">(Inter-
<br />calary)</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.155" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">(...)</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.156" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">(29)</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.157" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">March 3-
<br />March 13</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.159" rowspan="1">1. New Moon
<br />14, 15. Feast of Purim</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p328.161">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.162" rowspan="1" />
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.163" rowspan="1" />
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.164" rowspan="1" />
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.165" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">----
<br />354</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.167" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">----
<br />384</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.169" rowspan="1" />
<td colspan="1" id="c-p328.170" rowspan="1" />
</tr>
</table>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p329" shownumber="no">FRANCIS E. GIGOT</p></def>

<term id="c-p329.1" title="Calendar, Reform of the" type="Encyclopedia">Reform of the Calendar</term>
<def id="c-p329.2">
<h1 id="c-p329.3">Reform of the Calendar</h1>
<p id="c-p330" shownumber="no">For the measurement of time the most important units furnished by
natural phenomena are the 
<i>Day</i> and the 
<i>Year</i>. In regard of both, it is convenient and usual to speak of
the apparent movements of the sun and stars as if they were real, and
not occasioned by the rotation and revolution of the earth.</p>
<p id="c-p331" shownumber="no">The 
<i>Day</i> is the interval between two successive passages of the sun
across the meridian of any place. It is commonly computed from the
midnight passage across the inferior meridian on the opposite side of
the globe; but by astronomers from the passage at the noon following.
The 
<i>Civil Day</i> is thus twelve hours in advance of the 
<i>Astronomical</i>.</p>
<p id="c-p332" shownumber="no">The 
<i>Solar Day</i>, which is what we always mean by this term 
<i>day</i>, is longer by about four minutes of time than the 
<i>Sidereal</i>, or the successive passages of a fixed star across the
same meridian; for, owing to the revolution of the earth in its orbit
from west to east, the sun appears to travel annually in a path (the
ecliptic), likewise from west to east, among the stars round the entire
heavens. The belt of constellations through which it appears to proceed
is styled the zodiac. During half the year (March to September) the
ecliptic lies to the north of the celestial equator; during the other
half (September to March) to the south. The points where ecliptic and
equator intersect are called the equinoxes. In the northern hemisphere
the March equinox (or "first point of Aries") is called the vernal
equinox; the September equinox ("first point of Libra"), the
autumnal.</p>
<p id="c-p333" shownumber="no">The 
<i>Year</i> 
(<i>Tropical Year</i>) is the period in which the sun makes a complete
circuit of the heavens and returns to the point in the zodiac whence it
started, and the problem to be solved by those who construct calendars
is to find the exact measure of this yearly period in terms of days,
for the number of these occupied by the sun's annual journey is not
exact. Taking the vernal equinox as a convenient starting-point, it is
found that before the sun arrives there again, 365 days and something
more have passed. These are, of course, solar days; of sidereal days,
each shorter by four minutes, there are 366. The first attempt to find
a practical solution of this problem was made by Julius Cæsar, who
introduced the Julian Calendar. With the assistance of the astronomers
of Alexandria, he determined the true length of the year to be 365 days
and 6 hours, or a quarter of a day. From this it followed that the
reckoning of the civil year began too soon, i.e. six hours before the
sun had reached the point whence it started its annual cycle. In four
years, therefore, the year would begin an entire day too soon. To
remedy this Cæsar instituted leap-years, a 366th day being
introduced in every fourth year, to cover the fractional portions of a
day thus accumulated. This extra day was assigned to February, the 24th
and 25th day of which were styled in leap-year the 
<i>sixth</i> before the calends (or first) of March. Hence the name 
<i>Bissextile</i> given to these years.</p>
<p id="c-p334" shownumber="no">Cæsar's reform, which was introduced in the year 46 B.C., would
have been perfect had the calculation on which it was based been
accurate. In reality, however, the portion of a day to be dealt with,
over and above the complete 365, is not quite six hours, but 11 minutes
and 14 seconds less. To add a day every fourth year was, therefore,
almost three quarters of an hour too much, the following new year
commencing 44 minutes and 52 seconds after the sun had passed the
equinox. At the end of a century these accumulated errors amounted to
about three-quarters of a day, and at the end of four centuries to
three entire days. The practical inconveniences of this defect in the
system were not slow in making themselves felt, the more so as,
Cæsar being murdered soon after (44 B.C.), leap-year, by a
misunderstanding of his play, occurred every third year, instead of
every fourth. At the time of the Julian reform the sun passed the
vernal equinox on 25 March, but by the time of the Council of
Nicæa (A.D. 325) this had been changed For the 21st, which was
then fixed upon as the proper date of the equinox--a date of great
importance for the calculation of Easter, and therefore of all the
moveable feasts throughout the year.</p>
<p id="c-p335" shownumber="no">But the error, of course, continued to operate and disturb such
arrangements. In the thirteenth century the year was seven days behind
the Nicæan computation. By the sixteenth it was ten days in
arrear, so that the vernal equinox fell on 11 March, and the autumnal
on 11 September; the shortest day was 11 December, and the longest 11
June, the feast of St. Barnabas, whence-the old rhyme:</p>

<verse id="c-p335.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p335.2">Barnaby bright, the longest day and the shortest night.</l>
</verse>

<p id="c-p336" shownumber="no">Such alterations were too obvious to be ignored, and throughout the
Middle Ages many observers both pointed them out and endeavoured to
devise a remedy. For this purpose it was necessary, however, not only
to determine with accuracy the exact amount of the Julian error, but
also to discover a practical means of correcting it. It was this latter
problem that chiefly stood in the way of reform, for the amount of
error was ascertained almost exactly as early as the thirteenth
century. The necessity of a reform was continually urged, especially by
Church authorities, who felt the need in connexion with the
ecclesiastical calendar. It was accordingly strongly pressed upon the
attention of the pope by the councils of Constance, Basle, Lateran
(A.D. 1511), and finally by Trent, in its last session (A.D. 1563).</p>
<p id="c-p337" shownumber="no">Nineteen years later the work was accomplished by Pope Gregory XIII
(from whom the Gregorian reform takes its name) with the aid chiefly of
Lilius, Clavius, and Chacon or Chaconius. There were two main objects
to be attained: first, the error of ten days, already mentioned, which
had crept in, had to be got rid of; second, its recurrence had to be
prevented for the future. The first was attained by the omission from
the calendar of the ten superfluous days, so as to bring things back to
their proper position. To obviate the recurrence of the same
convenience, it was decided to omit three leap years in every four
centuries, and thus eliminate the three superfluous days, which, as we
have seen, would be introduced in that period under the Julian system.
To effect this, only those 
<i>Centurial</i> years were retained as leap years the first two
figures of which are exact multiples of 4--as 1600, 2000, 2400--other
centurial years 1700, 1800, 1900, 2100, etc.--becoming common years of
365 days each. By this comparatively simple device an approximation to
perfect accuracy was effected, which for all practical purposes is
amply sufficient; for, although the length of the Gregorian year
exceeds the true astronomical measurement by twenty-six seconds, it
will be about thirty-five centuries before the result will be an error
of a day, and, as Lord Grimthorpe truly says, before that time arrives
mankind will have abundant time to devise a mode of correction. For the
actual introduction of the Gregorian Calendar or New Style, throughout
Christendom, see CHRONOLOGY.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p338" shownumber="no">JOHN GERARD</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p338.1" title="Calepino, Ambrogio" type="Encyclopedia">Ambrogio Calepino</term>
<def id="c-p338.2">
<h1 id="c-p338.3">Ambrogio Calepino</h1>
<p id="c-p339" shownumber="no">An Italian lexicographer, born about 1440 at Calepio (province of
Bergamo); died 1510 or 1511. He entered the Augustinian Order in 1458.
His Latin dictionary, under the title of "Cornucopiæ", appeared
first in 1502 at Reggio. It was reprinted many times during the
sixteenth century, the Aldi alone giving no less than eighteen editions
from 1542 to 1592. Later editions were considerably enlarged. To the
Latin of the original were added equivalents in other languages. Thus
we have the Basle edition (1590) which contains eleven languages:
"Ambrosii Calepini dictionarium undecim linguarum: respondent autem
latinis vocabulis hebraica, græca, gallica, italica, germanica,
belgica, hispanica, polonica, ungarica, angelica". The edition in seven
languages by Facciolati (Pavia, 1718) was reprinted many times.
Calepinus became a common name, a synonym of dictionary or lexicon, and
we find titles like the following: "Septem linguarum calepinus, hoc
est, lexicon latinum". Calepino also wrote the life of St. John the
Hermit which is found in the "Acta Sanctorum" for the 22nd of October
(Oct. IX, 748-767).</p>
<p id="c-p340" shownumber="no">TIRABOSCHI, Storia della letteratura italiana (Florence, 1812), VII,
IV, 1552-1554; Nuova enciclopedia italiana (Turin, 1875----), IV,
636.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p341" shownumber="no">C.A. DUBRAY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p341.1" title="Caliari, Paolo" type="Encyclopedia">Paolo Caliari</term>
<def id="c-p341.2">
<h1 id="c-p341.3">Paolo Caliari</h1>
<p id="c-p342" shownumber="no">
(<i>Also</i> Paolo Veronese.)</p>
<p id="c-p343" shownumber="no">An eminent painter of the Venetian school; born at Verona, 1528;
died at Venice, 19 April, 1588. He was the son of a sculptor, Gabriele
Caliari, and was at first educated in his father's craft, but his taste
was towards painting; and he entered the studio of Antonio Badile, a
Veronese painter of some repute. His first works were executed at
Verona, and at Mantua, and at Castelfranco. In the last-named place he
decorated the Villa Soranzo with large frescoes. He was summoned to
Venice in 1555 and commissioned to decorate the ceiling of San
Sebastiano, his work giving such satisfaction that he was further
employed to paint an altar-piece and smaller works in the same church.
In 1561 the historical paintings he executed in a castle near Vicenza
were brought under the notice of Titian, who selected him to carry out
part of the decoration of the great hall of the Library of Saint Mark,
and his three medallions were successful in winning for him the gold
chain offered for the best painting in the library. In 1562 he painted
his great picture, the "Marriage at Cana" (now in the Louvre), for the
Convent of San Giorgio Maggiore, following it by several other great
banqueting scenes. In the next year he was again in the church of San
Sebastiano, painting two superb pieces of wall-decoration depicting the
martyrdom of St. Sebastian and the execution of Saints Marcellus and
Marcellinus. In this same year he decorated in masterly style the
Palladian Villa Masiera, not far from Treviso. Soon after 1566,
Veronese went to Rome in the suite of the ambassador of the Republic of
Venice, Guniani, and carefully studied the works of Michelangelo and
Raphael; but he was speedily back in his native districts; the
remainder of his life was spent in the service of the Republic of
Venice, and he was buried in the church of San Sebastiano. He married
the daughter of Antonio Badile and had a large family, two of his sons,
Gabriele (born 1568) and Carletto (born 1570), adopting their father's
profession.</p>
<p id="c-p344" shownumber="no">He is declared to have been a man of sweet character, amiable and
generous, very affectionate towards his family, and greatly esteemed by
all who knew him. He was a painter of prodigious facility and of
untiring energy, and his paintings are exceedingly decorative, glowing
with gorgeous colour, and splendidly composed. His paintings are all
frankly anachronistic, and he makes no pretension to depict religious
scenes in the surroundings which should belong to them. There is no
trace of religious feeling about them, and no attempt to produce such
an emotion. The subjects were treated by the painter purely as offering
good possibilities for pictorial representation, and he introduced
historical characters into his gorgeous scenes quite irrespective of
historic unity, merely with a view to decorative charm. His aim was
magnificence, and the church of San Sebastiano is a splendid monument
of his masterly skill in decoration. It glows with his sumptuous
colour. His "Vision of St. Helena", in the National Gallery, London,
shows us, however, that he had deep poetic feeling, such as is not
always apparent in his better-known banqueting scenes. One of the
peculiarities of his great scenes is his habit of introducing
irreverent details, such as dwarfs, Swiss guards, dogs, cats, monkeys,
and other animals, into his Scriptural subjects, and for so doing he
was twice summoned before the Inquisition and severely reprimanded. The
inquisitors were particularly scandalized at the introduction of the
Swiss guards, as they were presumed to be Protestants, and at the
figure of a disciple who is depicted in the act of picking his teeth
with a fork.</p>
<p id="c-p345" shownumber="no">The full-length family groups which this artist painted must be
alluded to. In "The Family of Darius before Alexander", every noble
quality of the painter is seen to perfection. The colouring is superb,
the touch sparkling and crisp, the composition unrivaled, while the
stately male figures and beautiful women are worthy of all praise. He
was exceedingly fond of gigantic compositions, and Tintoretto was the
only painter who surpassed him in the use of huge canvases. Doubtless
he was influenced by Carotto, Brusasorci, and other Veronese painters,
and the effect of his early training in Verona can be seen in all his
works, but in splendid pomp of colour and in the presentation of a
noble race of human beings in full enjoyment of all the delights of
life he is a true follower of the school of the great republic. It has
been well said that the beauty of his figures is more addressed to the
senses than to the soul, but it must be borne in mind that his pictures
have a feeling for grace and a splendour of life which had entirely
departed from the other schools of the period. Venice contains numerous
works by Paolo Veronese, and there are many of his paintings in
Florence, Milan, Dresden, Munich, Vienna, London, Paris, and
Castelfranco, while more than a dozen works by him are to be seen in
Madrid. His decorative fresco work can be studied only in the district
round about Venice, in the Villas Fanzolo, Tiene, Masiera, and
Magnadole.</p>
<p id="c-p346" shownumber="no">There is a detailed description of his decoration in the Villa
Masiera by BLANC in La Gazette des Beaux-Arts. See also SIRET;
KöGLER; BRYAN, Dictionary.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p347" shownumber="no">GEORGE CHARLES WILLIAMSON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p347.1" title="California" type="Encyclopedia">California</term>
<def id="c-p347.2">
<h1 id="c-p347.3">California</h1>
<p id="c-p348" shownumber="no">California, the largest and most important of the Pacific Coast
States, is the second State of the United States in point of area, and
the twenty-first in point of population. It is bounded on the north by
the State of Oregon; on the east by the State of Nevada and, for a
comparatively short distance, by the Territory of Arizona; on the south
by the Peninsula of Lower California (Mexico); and on the west by the
Pacific Ocean. It lies entirely between 42° and 32° N. lat.,
and between 12°5 and 11°3 W. long. It is 800 miles long,
running in a north-westerly and south-easterly direction, and has an
average width of 200 miles. According to the official returns of the
United States Census of 1900, its total area is 158,360 square miles.
Of this number 2,188 square miles constitute the water area; the total
land area, therefore, is 156,172 square miles. The capital of the State
is Sacramento, with a population (1900) of 29,000. San Francisco, built
on San Francisco Bay, is the metropolis, with a population (1900) of
342,000. The other chief cities, with a population according to the
United States Census of 1900, are Los Angeles, 102,000; Oakland,
66,000; San Jos, 21,000; San Diego, 17,000; Stockton, 17,000; Alameda,
17,000; Berkeley and Fresno, 12,000. These figures have been enormously
increased since 1900. The estimated population of the three largest
cities in January, 1907, was as follows: San Francisco, 400,000;
Oakland, 276,000; and Los Angeles, 245,000.</p>
<h3 id="c-p348.1">PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS</h3>
<p id="c-p349" shownumber="no">The State presents two systems of mountains which converge at Mount
Shasta, in the north, and Tehachapi, in the south. The outer, or
western, range is called the Coast Range, and is close to the sea, in
some places coming down precipitately to the water's edge; the eastern
range is called the Sierra Nevada. The latter is considerably higher
than the former, and in several peaks reaches a height of more than
14,000 feet. The Sierra Nevadas extend along the eastern border of the
State for about 450 miles; they are but a portion, physically, of the
Cascade Range, which traverses also the States of Oregon and
Washington. The Sierra Nevada Range is practically unbroken throughout
the entire length of the State of California, the Coast Range is broken
by the magnificent harbour of San Francisco. Both of these ranges
follow the general contour of the coast line. Between them lies a great
valley which is drained by the Sacramento River in the north and the
San Joaquin River in the south. These two rivers, navigable by steamers
for about 100 miles from their mouth in San Francisco Bay, constitute a
great parent water-system of California, and both empty into the
harbour of San Francisco, which is situated approximately midway
between the northern and southern extremities of the State. The Sierra
Nevada Mountains form the great watershed from which are fed most of
the rivers and streams of California. The combined valleys of the
Sacramento and the San Joaquin rivers are approximately 500 miles long,
and have an average width of 50 miles. This area, the surface of which
is quite level, is one of the most fertile regions in the world.</p>
<p id="c-p350" shownumber="no">In addition to those already mentioned, the divisions of the
mountain ranges form numerous smaller valleys. The principal of these
are Sonoma, Napa, Ukiah, Vaca, Contra Costa, and Alameda valleys in the
north; and Santa Clara, Pajaro, and Salinas valleys in the south. South
of the Tehachapi Range, in Southern California, is another low-lying
stretch of country which has become the centre of the citrus industry
and the home of a large variety of semi-tropical fruits. In the
south-eastern part of the State and east of the mountains is the
low-lying desert region consisting of the Mojave Desert and Death
Valley. Owing to the great height of the Sierra Nevada Mountains and
their comparative proximity to the sea, the numerous streams, fed from
their glaciers and perpetual snows, afford abundant water-power
throughout their steep descent to the sea. This power is utilized for
generating light and operating mills and factories.</p>
<p id="c-p351" shownumber="no">California has one of the finest harbours in the world, San
Francisco Bay, capable of accommodating the combined navies of the
world. There are five other bays forming good harbours, San Diego, San
Pedro, Humboldt, Santa Barbara, and Monterey bays. The 800 miles of
California's length from north to south are equal to the combined
length of ten States on the Atlantic seaboard; the northern line of
California is on the same latitude as Boston, and the southern line is
that of Savannah, Georgia. The entire state is subject to the
beneficent influence of the Japan Current. The climate is equable;
except in the high mountains, snow and the extremes of cold,
experienced in the same latitudes on the Atlantic Coast, are unknown.
There are, in reality, but two seasons: the wet and the dry. the wet or
rainy season lasts from about September to April, during which the
rains are occasional, alternating with clear weather. During the entire
summer the winds from the west and south-west blow over the coast,
keeping the weather cool, and not infrequently bringing in cold fogs
towards evening. But it is chiefly in the balminess of its winters that
the climate of California excels. It is never too cold to work
outdoors, and the citrus fruits, semi-tropical as they are, grow to
perfection throughout the valleys of California. The records of the
climate left by early Franciscan missionaries who evangelized
California are duplicated by those of the Government Weather Bureau of
today.</p>
<h3 id="c-p351.1">POPULATION</h3>
<p id="c-p352" shownumber="no">The population of California, according to the United States Census
of 1900, is 1,485,053, or 9.5 per square mile. This figure constitutes
an increase of 22.7 percent upon the population of 1890. The following
table, taken from the United States Census of 1900, exhibits the
population of California in each census year since its admission into
the Federal Union, its rank among the States in point of population,
and the percentage of increase in its population during the period of
ten years between each census:</p>
<table id="c-p352.1">
<tr id="c-p352.2">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.3" rowspan="1">
<b>Year</b>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.4" rowspan="1">
<b>Rank</b>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.5" rowspan="1">
<b>Population</b>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.6" rowspan="1">
<b>Percentage of Increase</b>
</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p352.7">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.8" rowspan="1">1850</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.9" rowspan="1">29</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.10" rowspan="1">92,597</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.11" rowspan="1">---</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p352.12">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.13" rowspan="1">1860</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.14" rowspan="1">26</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.15" rowspan="1">379,994</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.16" rowspan="1">310.4</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p352.17">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.18" rowspan="1">1870</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.19" rowspan="1">24</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.20" rowspan="1">560,247</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.21" rowspan="1">47.4</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p352.22">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.23" rowspan="1">1880</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.24" rowspan="1">24</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.25" rowspan="1">864,694</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.26" rowspan="1">54.3</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p352.27">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.28" rowspan="1">1890</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.29" rowspan="1">22</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.30" rowspan="1">1,208,130</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.31" rowspan="1">39.7</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p352.32">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.33" rowspan="1">1900</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.34" rowspan="1">21</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.35" rowspan="1">1,485,053</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p352.36" rowspan="1">22.7</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="continue" id="c-p353" shownumber="no">Year 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 Rank 29 26 24 24 22 21
Population 92,597 379,994 560,247 864,694 1,208,130 1,485,053
Percentage of Increase----- 310.4 47.4 54.3 39.7 22.7</p>
<p id="c-p354" shownumber="no">The census of 1900 also presents the following details of
population: (a) White, 1,402,727; African, 11,045; Indian, 15,377;
Chinese, 45,753; Japanese, 10,151. (b) Native-born, 1,117,813;
Foreign-born, 367,240; (c) Males, 820,531; Females, 664,522. The
estimated population of California (January, 1907) is 2,217,897, an
increase of 732,844, or 49.3 percent since the census of 1900.</p>
<h3 id="c-p354.1">RESOURCES</h3>
<h4 id="c-p354.2">Agriculture</h4>
<p id="c-p355" shownumber="no">The soil of the State of California is rich and highly productive.
It consists for the most part of alluvial deposits. This is especially
true of the delta lands of the Sacramento and San Joaquin Rivers. Much
of the so-called desert land consists of a rich subsoil covered with
but a thin crust of sand. The value of irrigation in making this desert
land productive, as well as in enriching the soil by bearing to it the
washed-out life-principles from the uplands, is almost incalculable.
The soil readily responds to the plough, and there is no hard, tough
subsoil to be turned and mellowed. California has approximately
40,000,000 acres of arable land. To this must be added fully 10,000,000
acres of its so-called desert land, which needs but the touch of water
from its irrigation systems to make it as productive as the valley or
farm lands. The remaining 50,000,000 acres of California's domain, the
mountainous and desert acreage, afford pasturage for millions of cattle
and sheep. The chief products of the soil of California are hay, grain,
fruits, wines, lumber, dairy produce, and livestock. It may be safely
said that, in the combined values of these products, California is the
richest in the United States. Ships loaded with her grain at San
Francisco Bay carry their precious cargoes to every port in the world;
her fruits, packed in special cars and shipped by fast freight, are the
first choice in Chicago and New York, and find a ready market in
London; her wines have given a standard of excellence to American
wines, and "American wines" means "California wines" the world
over.</p>
<p id="c-p356" shownumber="no">The total value of all California's agricultural products, according
to the census of 1900, was $131,690,606. The value of the output in
1906 reached the total of $213,000,000. The following table presents
the total output of agricultural products in detail for the year
1906:</p>
<p id="c-p357" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">Asparagus -- 23,000,000 pounds
<br />Almonds -- 4,200,000 pounds
<br />Apricots -- 585,000 pounds
<br />Apples -- 132,455,000 pounds
<br />Beans -- 125,000,000 pounds
<br />Barley -- 24,000,000 bushels
<br />Brandy -- 4,070,992 gallons
<br />Citrus Fruits -- 18,220,000 boxes
<br />Canned Fruits and Veg. -- 4,475,751 cases
<br />Corn -- 2,000,000 bushels
<br />Cherries -- 5,382,000 pounds
<br />Figs -- 45,000 pounds
<br />Grapes -- 73,224,000 pounds
<br />Hops -- 73,000 bales
<br />Hay -- 3,000,000 tonnes
<br />Lumber -- 900,000,000 feet
<br />Pears -- 54,390,000 pounds
<br />Peaches -- 21,015,000 pounds
<br />Plums -- 43,938,000 pounds
<br />Prunes -- 180,000,000 pounds
<br />Raisins -- 100,000,000 pounds
<br />Other Dried Fruit -- 41,000,000 pounds
<br />Olive Oil -- 51,000 gallons
<br />Potatoes -- 6,500,000 bushels
<br />Walnuts -- 12,800,000 pounds
<br />Wool -- 22,000,000 pounds
<br />Wheat -- 4,700,000 centals
<br />Wine -- 41,000,000 gallons</p>

<p id="c-p358" shownumber="no">The total annual output of
fruit from California farms is $40,000,000, and this is made up of all
known fruits that grow in temperate and semi-tropical climates. In the
year 1906 there were 30,000,000 fruit trees in California; this figure
does not include nuts, figs, olives, or berries. Six million of these
fruit trees belong to Santa Clara Valley alone. The principal fruit
trees are as follows: apple trees, 4,000,000; apricot trees, 3,500,000;
cherry trees, 1,000,000; peach trees, 4,500,000; pear trees, 2,000,000;
orange trees, 6,000,000; lemon trees, 2,000,000. There are 272,500
acres of land devoted to the cultivation of grapes: 250,000 for wine,
and 22,500 for table grapes.</p>

<h4 id="c-p358.1">Industries and Manufactures</h4>
<p id="c-p359" shownumber="no">The total value of the output in manufactures in 1900, according to
the census, was $302,874,761. In 1906 it amounted to $400,000,000. The
chief elements contributing to California's success in manufactures are
an abundance of raw material from her soil, cheap fuel from her
forests, and cheap power from her streams. The heaviest items of
manufacture are sugar, lumber and timber products, flour, machinery,
and leather goods. During 1906 the total output of sugar was 62,110
tons. The discovery of rich deposits of petroleum has given an impetus
to manufactures that is already far-reaching in its results. In 1900
there were 12,582 manufacturing plants in California, representing a
total investment of $205,395,025, and giving employment to 98,931
persons; the sum paid out for labour was $55,786,776, and for
materials, $188,125,602.</p>
<h4 id="c-p359.1">Mining</h4>
<p id="c-p360" shownumber="no">Mining is still one of the most important industries of California,
notwithstanding that the flood of population first lured to her
mountains by the discovery of gold has long ago been turned to
agriculture and commerce. There are some forty-seven mineral substances
now being mined in the State. The value of the total output in 1900 was
$28,870,405. In 1906 it was over $54,000,000. Gold, petroleum, and
copper are now the most valuable items of this output. In the same year
there were 1,107 producing mines in the State. The value of the gold
output was $19,700,000; silver, $2,460,000; copper, $3,750,000;
quicksilver, $904,000; petroleum, $10,000,000. It is estimated that in
the petroleum industry alone the total investment is more than
$20,000,000; 35,000,000 barrels of oil were produced in 1906. There are
also large and valuable deposits of brick and pottery clays, lime,
asphaltum, bitumen, and iron ore.</p>
<h4 id="c-p360.1">Lumber</h4>
<p id="c-p361" shownumber="no">Twenty-two per cent of the area of the State is forest-clad, and the
importance of the lumber industry in California increases each year as
the mountains of the east and the north are denuded of their treas.
California is the home of the redwood (Sequoia). These remarkable trees
attain a height of three hundred feet in the famous groves of Big Trees
in Mariposa and Calveras Counties. Redwood and pine are the two
principle woods. It is estimated that, without the growth of another
tree, the forests of California can not be exhausted for two hundred
years. San Francisco alone sends 400,000,000 feet of lumber to the
world each year. The total output of the State for 1906 was 900,000,000
feet. There are $16,000,000 invested in the industry, 250 mills, and
the value of the total output, together with the by-products of the
forests, is $17,000,000--the lumber itself amounting to $8,500,000.</p>
<h4 id="c-p361.1">Commerce</h4>
<p id="c-p362" shownumber="no">Throughout the splendid harbour of San Francisco passes by far the
greatest part of the ocean commerce of California, as well as of the
entire Pacific Coast. The harbours of the State now carry on an ocean
commerce of about $100,000,000 per year, the precise figure for 1906
being: imports $49,193,303; exports $45,479,422. The total foreign
commerce of the State for 1900 was $119,212,911, and in 1906 San
Francisco was fourth among the cities of the United States in point of
customs receipts. Besides the ocean commerce of California with every
port of the world which passes through her harbours, she has direct
communication by rail with every quarter of the United States. Four
great transcontinental railroads carry her goods and passengers to and
from her cities, and a fifth is now (1907) nearing completion. In 1900
the total railroad mileage of the State was 5,532.</p>
<h3 id="c-p362.1">EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM</h3>
<p id="c-p363" shownumber="no">The educational system of the State commences with primary schools
and continues through grammar schools and high schools, culminating in
the State University. These are all public schools, being supported by
the State and counties, and affording free education to all. The State
Constitution creates the office of Superintendent of Public
Instruction; it also provides for a superintendent of schools for each
of the fifty-seven counties of the State. It makes provision for the
maintenance of the public school system, and directs that the proceeds
of all public lands and of all escheated estates shall be appropriated
to the support of the common schools. The State University is situated
at Berkeley on the Bay of San Francisco. It was created by act of the
legislature on 23, March, 1868, and this act is confirmed by the
present constitution (that of 1879), making the organization and
government of the university perpetual. The university is designed for
the education of male and female students alike, and in fact the
principle of co-education is recognized and put in practice in nearly
all state educational institutions.</p>
<p id="c-p364" shownumber="no">The total number of professors, including the various officers of
instruction and research, in the University of California, for the year
ending 30 June, 1906, was 318, as follows: academic, 252; art, 9; Lick
Astronomical Observatory, 9; law, 6; medicine, 34; pharmacy, 8. The
total number of students for the same period was 3,338, of whom 2,007
were men, and 1,331 women, the women being nearly 40 percent of the
total enrollment. This percentage is far higher in the Colleges of
Letters, Social Sciences, and Natural Sciences, in which, as an
average, the women outnumber the men more than two to one. The College
of Agriculture, as well as several other technological colleges,
including the College of Mechanics, the College of Mining, the College
of Commerce, the College of Civil Engineering, and the College of
Chemistry, are designed to afford a complete technical training in
their respective branches. The Affiliated Colleges of the University,
being the schools of Law, Medicine, Pharmacy, and Dentistry, are
situated in San Francisco; there are several experiment stations for
which the university receives $15,000 annually from the Federal
Government; and there is a State University Farm of 780 acres at
Davisville. The university has been the recipient of munificent
endowments both from the State and from private persons. In addition to
these, and the proceeds of public land already mentioned, a direct tax
of two cents on every $100 of taxable property in the State is levied,
and applied to the support of the university. But four of the
fifty-seven counties of the State have no high school, and some
counties have several. There are also five normal schools, situated
respectively at San Francisco, Los Angeles, San Jos, San Diego, and
Chico. In addition to these there are night schools, technical schools,
and commercial schools in all the large cities of the State.</p>
<p id="c-p365" shownumber="no">The public school system of the State was founded in the
constitutional convention at Monterey, in September, 1849. The 500,000
acres of land granted by Congress to new States for the purpose of
internal improvement were appropriated to constitute a perpetual school
fund. It was also provided that a school should be kept in each
district at least three months each year to secure any share of the
State school funds. In the school year ending 30 June, 1906, there were
3,227 primary and grammar schools in the State, and 117 high schools.
The total number of teachers in the public schools was 9,371; the total
number of pupils, 321,870. The total number of pupils in private
schools was 43,080. California has been more than lavish in her
provision for her public school system. The total income of her public
schools during the scholastic year 1905-06 was $11,494,670.29. The
total value of public school property for the same year was
$23,860,341. This does not include the State University. The total
income of the State University for the same period was $1,564,190. The
Leland Stanford Junior University is situated at Palo Alto. It was
founded by Mr. and Mrs. Leland Stanford as a memorial to their only
child. The total value of the endowments given to the university by its
founders reaches the astonishing figure of $26,000,000. Like the
University of California, it is co-educational, but the number of women
students is limited to 500. The university was opened to students in
1891.</p>
<p id="c-p366" shownumber="no">The work of religious education in California is confined almost
exclusively to institutions under Catholic auspices. In California the
Catholic Church, notwithstanding that she receives no financial aid
from the State, and that the support of her schools and colleges must
be derived entirely from contributions of the faithful, has done great
things in the cause of Christian education. The great pioneers of
Catholic education in California were the Jesuits. In 1851 Santa Clara
College was founded by the venerable Father John Nobili, S. J. This was
followed, four years later, by the establishment of St. Ignatius
College in San Francisco under the leadership of the Rev. Anthony
Maraschi, S. J. From the days of these small beginnings the zeal of
those charged with the education of Catholic youth has been untiring,
progress has been steady, and the results already achieved have more
than compensated for the sacrifices and expenditures which the work
entailed. The following figures for the year 1907 will give some idea
of the importance of Catholic education in California: 1 archdiocesan
seminary, 5 seminaries of religious orders, 1 normal school, 11
colleges, academies and high schools for boys, 47 academies for girls,
73 parochial schools, 31,814 young people under Catholic care . Besides
the institutions just mentioned there are numerous orphan asylums,
industrial school, infant asylums, day homes and a protectory for boys
to which is attached a boys' industrial farm at Rutherford. In addition
to the colleges in charge of the Jesuits already mentioned, the
Christian Brothers conduct Sacred Heart College in San Francisco, and
St. Mary's College in Oakland. St. Vincent's College, in Los Angeles,
is under the care of the Vincentian Fathers. There are several other
universities and colleges, as well as numerous grammar, primary and
secondary schools and kindergartens, under private management.</p>
<h3 id="c-p366.1">HISTORY</h3>
<p id="c-p367" shownumber="no">The origin of the name 
<i>California</i> has been the subject of some conjecture; but certain
it is that by the end of the sixteenth century it was applied to all
the territory claimed by the Spanish Crown, bordering on the Pacific
Ocean and lying north of Cape San Lucas. In a much later day it came to
designate, under the familiar phrase, "The Two Californias", the
territory now included in the State of California, and the Peninsula of
Lower California. After Florida, California is the oldest name of any
of the United States. The land was discovered by the Spaniards--Lower
California by Cortez who visited the peninsula in 1533; and Alta or
Upper California by Cabrillo, in 1542. Lower California had been
evangelized by the Jesuits who established eighteen missions between
1697 and 1767. Upon the expulsion of the Jesuits in the latter year,
the care of the missions and the conversion of the Indians in the
Spanish settlements were entrusted to the Franciscans. To them
therefore belongs the honour of founding the great mission system of
California proper. The leader of this gigantic work was the renowned
Father Junípero Serra, and his first settlement in California was
the mission of San Diego, which he established in July, 1769. San
Francisco was founded in 1776. For fifteen years the saintly man
laboured in California with apostolic zeal, and at the time of his
death in 1784, he established nine missions between San Diego and San
Francisco. The total number of missions founded in California by the
Franciscans was twenty-one, and they extended from Sonoma in the north
to San Diego in the south. Prominent among them were Santa Clara, San
Luis, Obispo, Santa Barbara, and San Juan Capistrano. The missions were
all established under the sovereignty of the King of Spain; each
mission had its church, a residence for the fathers, a 
<i>presidio</i>, or military guard, and shops and workrooms for the
Indians, who, besides receiving instruction in the Faith, were taught
the useful arts of civilization. (See CALIFORNIA MISSIONS.) Each
mission was established in conjunction with a Spanish settlement under
a civil governor, and during this period, the immigration was almost
exclusively Spanish and Mexican. In 1822 California ceased to be a
Spanish colony and became part of the territory of Mexico. From that
date begins the decline of the missions; the policy of the government
became one of annoyance, interference, and aggression. Finally, in
1834, began the secularization of the missions, which was in fact their
downright confiscation. The Fathers were deprived of their lands and
buildings; and the Indians freed from the benevolent government of the
friars.</p>
<p id="c-p368" shownumber="no">The results were disastrous. The Indians were scattered and
dispersed, and many of them lapsed into barbarism. The missions
themselves were destroyed. This confiscation forms one of the saddest
injustices in history. The temporal wrongs done at this time were
partially righted in 1902 by the award of the International Tribunal of
Arbitration at The Hague, in the case of the Pious Fund, which adjudged
the payment by Mexico to the United States for the Catholic Church in
California, of the accrued interest of the Fund. When taken over by
President Santa Anna in 1842, the total value of the Pious Fund estates
was estimated at $1,700,000. In 1826 the first emigrant train of
Americans entered the present territory of California. From that year
onward there was a gradual influx of Americans, most of whom engaged in
trading, hunting, prospecting, cattle-raising, and farming. As the
American population increased there were frequent misunderstandings and
clashes with the Mexican authorities, some of them not altogether
creditable to the Americans. Commodore Jones made an unauthorized
seizure of Monterey in 1842. The United States Government subsequently
disavowed his acts and made apologies to Mexico.</p>
<p id="c-p369" shownumber="no">In 1846 a party of Americans seized Sonoma, captured the commandant,
and proclaimed the independence of the Republic of California. The
young republic chose the Bear Flag as its emblem. In a few weeks news
was received of hostilities between the United States and Mexico; the
Bear Flag gave place to the American Flag; and Monterey, San Francisco,
Sonoma, and Sutter's Fort were soon in the hands of the Americans.
California was finally ceded to the United States, on the conclusion of
the war with Mexico, by the Treaty of Guadeloupe Hidalgo, proclaimed 4
July, 1848. In January, 1848, gold was discovered by James W. Coloma,
on the American River. The news spread like wildfire, and by the early
part of 1849 a mighty tide of immigration had set in. The gold-seekers
came from every section of the United States, and from Europe. In that
year more than 80,000 men arrived in California. These men were
afterwards called the "Forty-niners". Some of them came from Australia;
some, from New York and Europe by way of Cape Horn; some crossed the
Isthmus of Panama; while a large number came across the plains in
caravans, on horseback, and even on foot. Fortune awaited thousands of
these pioneers in the rich placer mines, and California became the
richest gold-producing State in the United States. But thousands of
those who were unsuccessful in their quest for gold, found even greater
and more lasting wealth in tilling the rich soil and engaging in
commerce. After the excitement caused by the discovery of gold had
subsided, a steady stream of immigration began, and continues to the
present time. The foreign immigrants have been chiefly Irish, German,
English, Canadian, Italian, and French, though there are also
considerable numbers of Portuguese and Swedes. As shown in the tables
already presented, more than seventy five percent of the total
population in 1900 was native-born.</p>
<p id="c-p370" shownumber="no">So rapid was the growth of population after the discovery of gold,
that in 1849 a constitution was adopted by the convention at Monterey,
and California was admitted into the Union of States by Act of Congress
on 9 September, 1850. That day has ever since been a legal holiday, and
is generally celebrated and referred to as Admission Day. Peter H.
Burnett was elected first governor of the new state and served during
1851 and 1852. All sorts of men found their way into the new El Dorado,
as it was called. Most of them were hardy, industrious, and
honest--these were the true pioneers. But there was a considerable
admixture of the reckless and daredevil element, criminals and
desperadoes, who sought fortune and adventure in the new gold diggings.
In 1851 there was a veritable carnival of crime in San Francisco which
the lawfully constituted authorities were unable to suppress. The
citizens of the city oranized themselves into a Vigilance Committee and
punished crimes and criminals in summary fashion. The members of the
committee were known as "Vigilantes", and were for the most part honest
and reputable men, who resorted to these measures only from motives of
necessity and duty, in the disturbed condition of the government. A
similar condition arose again in 1856 and was met by the same remedy.
It must be said that the trials of the Vigilance Committee, while
informal, were in the main fair, and the punishments inflicted richly
deserved.</p>
<p id="c-p371" shownumber="no">Large numbers of Chinese coolies had emigrated to California ever
since 1850; the influx was greatest during the building of the Central
Pacific Railroad which was completed in 1869. A strong anti-Chinese
sentiment developed, due chiefly to three principal objections made
against them: they worked for wages much lower than white men; they
spent little of their earnings; they rarely established homes, but
lived together in large numbers and in unclean surroundings. The
agitation grew to tremendous proportions, provoked serious riots, and
finally resulted in the so-called Chinese exclusion acts which have
been enacted periodically by Congress since 1882. There were at one
time over 100,000 Chinese in California. In 1900 the number had
decreased to 45,753; and it is now (1907) much smaller. In 1891 the
Australian Ballot was introduced at State elections. Among other
important political events of the last twenty-five years was the
prohibition of hydraulic mining, which had destroyed immense areas for
agriculture and had choked up river beds with the accumulation of
detritus; also the passage of numerous beneficial laws for the
promotion of irrigation, for the fumigation of fruit trees, and for the
importation of predatory insects for the purpose of destroying insect
pests. The present constitution of California was adopted in 1879.
During the Spanish-American War and the subsequent American occupation
of the Philippines, San Francisco has been the chief depot for the
transportation of troops and supplies. On 18 April, 1906, one of the
greatest earthquakes recorded in history visited the coast of
California; it was most sever in San Francisco. Fire started
simultaneously in a dozen quarters and burned incessantly for three
days. All but the western and southern parts of the city were consumed.
The city, as a city, was destroyed. The loss of life is estimated at
500, and of property at $500,000,000. More than 300,000 people left the
city after the fire. Over 200,000 of these have returned, and
incredible strides have been made in rehabilitating the city. Nearly
$200,000,000 have been expended (December, 1907) on improvements in the
497 city blocks that were destroyed.</p>
<h3 id="c-p371.1">RELIGION</h3>
<h4 id="c-p371.2">Dioceses</h4>
<p id="c-p372" shownumber="no">The territory of the State of California is divided,
ecclesiastically, into the Archdiocese of San Francisco, the Diocese of
Monterey and Los Angeles, and the Diocese of Sacramento. The first
includes the city of San Francisco and the central and more westerly
counties of the State. The second includes all of Southern California.
The third embraces the entire northern part of the State, as well as
nearly half of the State of Nevada. With the exception of the Diocese
of Sacramento, their boundaries are conterminous with those of the
State. The Diocese of Salt Lake, in Utah, and the Dioceses of
Sacramento and of Monterey and Los Angeles are suffragan to the
Archdiocese of San Francisco. The Catholic population of California is
estimated at 344,000 (1906), made up as follows: Archdiocese of San
Francisco, 227,000; Diocese of Sacramento, 42,000; Diocese of Monterey
and Los Angeles, 75,000. By far the greater portion of these are white,
the total of blacks, Indians, and Chinese being less than five
percent.</p>
<h4 id="c-p372.1">Catholic Immigration</h4>
<p id="c-p373" shownumber="no">From 1769, the year which saw the foundation of San Diego, until the
second expedition of Fremont (1846), the settlers and immigrants were
chiefly Catholic, being natives of Spain and Mexico. The discovery of
gold in 1848 was immediately followed by an inrush of thousands of
immigrants. These gold-seekers were mostly Americans, but there was
also a large proportion of foreigners. From that time until the
present, the immigration has been steadily on the increase, the
Catholic part of it being chiefly Irish, Irish-American, Italian,
French, and German.</p>
<h4 id="c-p373.1">Catholics Distinguished in Public Life</h4>
<p id="c-p374" shownumber="no">The first governor of California, Peter H. Burnett (q. v.), was a
convert to the Catholic Faith. Stephen M. White, who represented
California in the Senate of the United States, was one of the first
graduates of the Jesuit college at Santa Clara. He was an astute
lawyer, a brilliant orator, and a tireless worker. E. W. McKinstry,
like Judge Burnett, was a convert to the Faith; and like him, also, was
a member of the Supreme Bench. Judge McKinstry was a man of deep
erudition, a fine constitutional lawyer, and an exemplary Catholic. W.
G. Lorigan, a Catholic, was also chosen to the Supreme Bench. Joseph
McKenna, another California Catholic, became a Justice of the Supreme
Court of the United States (1898), and James F. Smith, General in the
United States Army, Member of the Philippine Commission, and
Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, is another alumnus of Santa
Clara College. Garret W. McEnerney, one of the leaders of the
California Bar, who won international fame by his masterful
presentation of the claims of the Catholic Church in California to the
Pious Fund (q.v.) before the Tribunal Arbitration at The Hague in 1902,
graduated at St. Mary's College.</p>
<h4 id="c-p374.1">Principal Religious Denominations</h4>
<p id="c-p375" shownumber="no">The following statistics of the Catholic Church in California are
taken from the Catholic Directory for 1907: archbishop, 1; bishops, 2;
total priests, 488; secular, 321; religious, 167; total churches, 366;
churches with resident priests, 209; missions with churches, 157;
stations, 119; seminary, 1; seminaries of religious orders, 5; colleges
and academies for boys, 11; academies for young ladies, 47; parishes
with parochial schools, 73; orphan asylums, 12; total young people
under Catholic care, 31,814; Catholic population, 344,000. There are
houses or monasteries of Jesuits, Dominicans, Franciscans, Paulists,
Marists, Selesians, Christian Brothers, and Brothers of Mary. The
Catholic sisterhoods are almost all represented.</p>
<p id="c-p376" shownumber="no">The following statistics of the religious denominations of
California given below were represented by the United States Census of
1890, published in 1894.</p>
<p id="c-p377" shownumber="no">The total number of churches was 1505; total value of church
property, $11,961,914; total number of communicants, 280,619. Of
course, these figures have been greatly increased since that time.
Catholics do not recognize any such enumeration as "communicants"; the
total for this head therefore underestimates the Catholic
population.</p>
<table id="c-p377.1">
<tr id="c-p377.2">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.3" rowspan="1">
<b>Denomination</b>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.4" rowspan="1">
<b>Organization</b>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.5" rowspan="1">
<b>Churches</b>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.6" rowspan="1">
<b>Value of church property</b>
</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.7" rowspan="1">
<b>Number of communicants</b>
</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p377.8">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.9" rowspan="1">Adventist</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.10" rowspan="1">51</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.11" rowspan="1">32</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.12" rowspan="1">$170,850</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.13" rowspan="1">2,822</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p377.14">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.15" rowspan="1">Baptist</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.16" rowspan="1">165</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.17" rowspan="1">123</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.18" rowspan="1">763,860</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.19" rowspan="1">11,383</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p377.20">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.21" rowspan="1">Catholic</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.22" rowspan="1">250</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.23" rowspan="1">244</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.24" rowspan="1">2,667,950</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.25" rowspan="1">157,346</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p377.26">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.27" rowspan="1">Congregational</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.28" rowspan="1">182</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.29" rowspan="1">149</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.30" rowspan="1">1,014,975</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.31" rowspan="1">11,907</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p377.32">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.33" rowspan="1">Jewish</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.34" rowspan="1">15</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.35" rowspan="1">12</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.36" rowspan="1">396,000</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.37" rowspan="1">6,179</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p377.38">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.39" rowspan="1">Lutheran</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.40" rowspan="1">39</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.41" rowspan="1">21</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.42" rowspan="1">364,800</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.43" rowspan="1">4,267</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p377.44">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.45" rowspan="1">Methodist</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.46" rowspan="1">559</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.47" rowspan="1">438</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.48" rowspan="1">2,575,631</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.49" rowspan="1">36,874</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p377.50">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.51" rowspan="1">Presbyterian</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.52" rowspan="1">263</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.53" rowspan="1">211</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.54" rowspan="1">1,895,675</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.55" rowspan="1">18,934</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p377.56">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.57" rowspan="1">103</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.58" rowspan="1">95</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.59" rowspan="1">1,019,695</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.60" rowspan="1">9,221</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p377.61" rowspan="1" />
</tr>
</table>
<h4 id="c-p377.62">Matters Directly Affecting Religion</h4>
<p id="c-p378" shownumber="no">The constitutional provision safeguarding religious freedom is ample
and specific. It reads as follows: "The free exercise and and enjoyment
of religious profession and worship, without discrimination or
preference, shall be forever guaranteed by this State; and no person
shall be rendered incompetent to be a witness or juror on account of
his opinions on matters of religious belief; but the liberty of
conscience hereby secured shall not be so construed as to excuse acts
of licentiousness, or justify practices inconsistent with the peace or
safety of this State." The Constitution prohibits the appropriation of
money from the State treasury for the use or benefit of any
corporation, association, asylum, hospital, or any other institution
not under the exclusive management and control of the State as a State
institution. But there is, nevertheless, a proviso authorizing the
granting of State aid to institutions conducted for the support of
maintenance of "minor orphans, or half-orphans, or abandoned children,
or aged persons in indigent circumstances". The Constitution also
expressly prohibits the appropriation of money in support of any
sectarian creed, church, or school. The policy of the State is to
afford the fullest measure of religious liberty to all, to discriminate
in favour of, or against, no one on account of religious belief, and
not to permit the power or resources of the State to be used for the
propagation of any form of religion or for the benefit of any religious
institution. Every Sunday is by express legislative enactment a legal
holiday (Civil Code, 7); on that day all courts are closed, and
business is universally suspended. Any act required by law or contract
to be done or performed on a particular day which happens to fall on a
Sunday, may be done or performed on the next day with full legal
effect. But there is no law compelling the religious observance of
Sunday, and contracts, deeds, wills, notes, etc. executed on Sunday are
just as valid as if executed on any other day. But, while there is no
Sunday Law, properly so-called, there is an act of the legislature
passed 27 February, 1893, securing to all employees one day's rest in
seven, and making it a misdemeanor to violate the provisions of the
act.</p>
<p id="c-p379" shownumber="no">The Code of Civil Procedure provides that "every court, every judge
or clerk of any court, every justice and every notary public, and every
officer or person authorized to take testimony in any action or
proceeding, or to decide upon evidence, has power to administer oaths
or affirmations". Any person who desires it may, at his option, instead
of taking an oath, make his affirmation. The Bible is not used in
administering oaths; in judicial proceedings, the witness raises his
right hand and the clerk or judge swears him "to tell the truth, the
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God". To make a
willfully false statement after having taken an oath or affirmation,
before an officer authorized to administer it, to testify to the truth,
is perjury, a felony punishable by imprisonment in the State's prison
for from one to fourteen years. The Penal Code makes it a misdemeanor,
punishable by a fine of $200 or imprisonment for ninety days, to utter
profane language in the presence or hearing of women and children
(Penal Code, sect. 415). The Supreme Court of the State, in the case of
Delaney, 
<i>ex parte</i>, California Reports, Vol. XLIII, page 478, has held it
to be within the power of a municipal corporation empowered by its
charter to prohibit practices which are against good morals, to
prohibit and punish the utterance of profane language. The entire
matter of profane language is generally left to the control of the
local authorities, and most of the counties and cities have ordinances
prohibiting and punishing it. It is customary to open the sessions of
the legislature with prayer, though there is no provision of law either
requiring or prohibiting the practice. There is no recognition of any
religious holidays, by name, except Sunday. New Years' Day and
Christmas are both holidays, but they are described in the Civil Code
merely as "the first day of January. . .and the twenty-fifth day of
December". It must be said that the same rule is observed in the Code
in referring to the other legal holidays. Washington's Birthday,
Memorial Day, Independence Day, etc. are simply the twenty-second day
of February, the thirtieth day of May, the fourth day of July, etc. The
seal of confession has the full sanction and protection of the law. It
occupies the same position in the eyes of the law as communications
made to attorneys and physicians in their professional capacities. It
is the policy of the law to encourage these confidential or privileged
communications, as they are called, and to keep them inviolate. Section
1881 of the Code of Civil Procedure provides that a priest cannot be
examined as to any confession made to him, as such, by a penitent.</p>
<h4 id="c-p379.1">Matters Affecting Religious Work</h4>
<p id="c-p380" shownumber="no">The laws governing the incorporation of churches, and religious
societies and providing for the protection and management of church
property are both beneficent and effective. The Civil Code (section
602) provides that any bishop, chief priest, or presiding elder, may
become a sole corporation by complying with certain simple legal
formalities. Thereafter, the usual attributes of corporation aggregate
attach, 
<i>mutatis mutandis</i>, to the corporation sole. Under this statute
all Catholic Church property in the Archdiocese of San Francisco is
held in the name of "The Roman Catholic Archbishop of San Francisco", a
corporation sole. Upon the death of the incumbent, his successor,
properly appointed and qualified, takes the place of his predecessor,
and no probate or other proceedings are required to vest the title to
the church property which, in contemplation of law, remains always in
the corporation sole, regardless of who may be, for the time being, the
incumbent. In addition to the laws governing corporations sole, there
are very liberal statutes authorizing the incorporation of single
churches, as well as of religious, charitable, and educational
associations, and the holding of property by such corporations; also
authorizing the consolidation of two or more churches or parishes into
one corporation. Under the law of California, therefore, the property
interests of the church are jealously safeguarded, and she is free to
hold her church property in either of the methods above pointed out.
Prior to the year 1900, California stood alone among the States of the
Union in taxing church property in the same manner and at the same rate
as business or residence property. On 6 November, 1900, the people of
the State adopted an amendment to the Constitution, providing that "all
buildings, and so much of the real property on which they are situated
as may be required for the convenient use and occupation of said
buildings, when the same are used solely and exclusively for religious
worship, shall be free from taxation". The residences of the clergy,
the hospitals, orphanages, refuges, asylums, and all other institutions
which are devoted to charitable or eleemosynary objects, but which are
not used "solely and exclusively for religious worship", are still
subject to taxation as before. The law exempts "ministers of religion"
from military duty; and "a minister of the gospel, or a priest of any
denomination following his profession" is exempt from jury duty.</p>
<h4 id="c-p380.1">Marriage and Divorce</h4>
<p id="c-p381" shownumber="no">The Civil Code defines marriage as "a personal relation arising out
of a civil contract, to which the consent of parties capable of making
that contract is necessary. Consent alone will not constitute marriage;
it must be followed by a solemnization authorized by this code" (55).
This section of the code formerly permitted "a mutual assumption of
marital rights, duties or obligations" to take the place of a
solemnization. In other words, the so-called common-law marriages were
permitted, and their validity upheld, by the laws of the State. But the
difficulty of determining just what constituted "a mutual assumption of
marital rights, duties or obligations", and the numerous and scandalous
cases of intrigue, temporary or illicit relations, hasty, ill-advised,
and clandestine unions, with their consequent perplexing questions of
legitimacy, succession, property rights, and the status of the parties
themselves, convinced the leading minds of California that the position
of the Catholic Church on the necessity of the public safeguards with
which she protects the marriage ceremony, is the only wise and safe
one. Accordingly, in 1895, the legislature amended the law, and made it
necessary that the consent of the parties to the marriage be evidenced
by a solemnization of the marriage. No particular form of solemnization
is required, but the parties must declare in the presence of the person
solemnizing the marriage that they take each other as husband and wife.
Marriages may be solemnized by a priest, or a minister of any
denomination, or by a justice or judge of any court. A license must
first be obtained, and the person solemnizing the marriage must attach
his written certificate to the license, certifying to the fact, the
time, and the place of, and the names and residences of the parties and
the witnesses to, the marriage. The license and certificate must then
be recorded with the County Recorder. Under these stringent rules
little or no difficulty is found in proving a marriage; and all
relations between the sexes are simply meretricious unless the parties
avail themselves of the legal requirements of solemnization of
marriage. There is a charitable provision of the law, designed for the
benefit of innocent offspring, to the effect that all children of a
marriage void in law or dissolved by divorce are legitimate. The age of
consent to marriage is eighteen in males and fifteen in females; but if
the male be under the age of twenty-one, or the female under the age of
eighteen, the consent of parents or guardian must first be obtained.
The law of the State forbids and makes absolutely void marriages: (1)
Between whites and negroes, mongolians, or mulattoes; (2) Between
ancestors and descendants, brothers and sisters, uncles and nieces,
aunts and nephews (marriages between cousins are permitted); (3) If
either party be already married, for one year after the entry of an
interlocutory decree of divorce. The annulment of marriages is provided
for in certain cases; such marriages are considered voidable and may be
annulled for any of the following causes: (1) If, at the time of the
marriage, either party be under the age of consent, and the consent of
parents or guardian be not obtained; (2) If either party be of unsound
mind at the time of the marriage; (3) If consent of the marriage be
obtained by fraud; or (4) By force, or (5) If either party be
physically incapable of entering into the marriage state. The annulment
of marriage must carefully be distinguished from divorce. The latter
implies the existence of a perfectly valid marriage. The former affords
relief to the injured party, who may either ratify the marriage, and
thus make it valid from the beginning, or have it set aside and
declared void from the beginning.</p>
<p id="c-p382" shownumber="no">The principle of divorce is recognized by the law of California,
which assigns six grounds of divorce: adultery, extreme cruelty,
willful desertion, willful neglect (failure to provide), habitual
intemperance, and conviction of a felony. Notwithstanding that a cause
for divorce be proved to exist, the divorce must be denied upon proof
of any of the following: connivance, collusion, condonation,
recrimination (proof of a cause of divorce against the plaintiff), or
lapse of time. To prevent fraudulent and secret divorces, as well as
the promiscuous granting of divorces, the law requires a 
<i>bona fide</i> residence by the plaintiff for one year in the State,
and for three months in the county, before filing suit. Upon
dissolution of the marriage by divorce, the Superior Court has
jurisdiction to award the care and custody of the children to the
innocent party, or to make such other provision for their care and
custody as the best interests of the children, both moral and material,
may require; and this disposition may be altered from time to time in
the discretion of the Court.</p>
<p id="c-p383" shownumber="no">In 1903 the law on the subject of divorce was amended. Since that
year, upon proof by the plaintiff of a cause for divorce, an
interlocutory decree of divorce is granted. This decree entitles the
successful party to a final decree of divorce upon the expiration of
one year after the entry of the interlocutory decree. This change in
the law prevents the remarriage of either of the parties until the
expiration of one year from the entry of the interlocutory decree.</p>
<h4 id="c-p383.1">Education</h4>
<p id="c-p384" shownumber="no">As previously explained, the Church receives no financial aid from
the State towards the religious education of her children, and here, as
elsewhere, Catholics are taxed for the support of public schools, as
well as charged with the duty of maintaining schools of their own. Here
also, as elsewhere, the effects of the public school system of
non-religous education emphasize the necessity of providing for
Catholic youth a complete system of education that includes, with the
best profane scholarship, a sound moral and religious training. The
need is especially felt in the university courses, whose systems of
philosophy, if not positively anti-Christian, are certainly not
calculated to foster belief in a personal God, or to strengthen faith
in a Divine revelation. There are liberal statutes in force, permitting
and encouraging the foundation and maintenance of private institutions
of learning, and the only interference permitted the State authorities
concerns the supervision of sanitary arrangements, and the prescribing
of such standards of scholarship as will entitle graduates to admission
to the State University without examination.</p>
<p id="c-p385" shownumber="no">There are also liberal statutes authorizing the incorporation of
religious, social, benevolent, or charitable organizations. Such
corporations may make and enforce rules for the government of
themselves and their institutions, and may purchase and hold such real
property as may be necessary for the objects of the association, not
exceeding six whole lots in any city or town, or fifty acres in the
country, and the annual profit or income of such land must not exceed
$50,000. Orphan asylums, however, maintaining at least 100 orphans are
permitted to purchase and hold 160 acres of land, of a net annual value
of not more than $50,000. These provisions, it must be remembered, do
not limit the power of purely religious corporations, whether sole or
aggregate, to purchase and hold such lands as may be necessary for
their churches, hospitals, schools, colleges, orphan asylums, and
parsonages, under statutes previously discussed. The State Constitution
prohibits the appropriating of public money "for the support of any
sectarian or denominational school, or any school not under the
exclusive control of the officers of the public schools"; it also
provides that no "sectarian or denominational be taught, or instruction
thereon be permitted, directly or indirectly, in any of the common
schools of the State". Under another constitutional provision already
discussed, the legislature passed a law in 1880 appropriating annually
to every institution maintaining orphans the sum of $100 for each
orphan, and $75 for each half orphan. In 1903 the legislature created a
State Board of Charities and Correction, consisting of six members
appointed by the governor. This board has a supervisory jurisdiction
over all charitable, correctional, and penal institutions, including
hospitals for the insane.</p>
<h4 id="c-p385.1">Sale of Liquor</h4>
<p id="c-p386" shownumber="no">There is no State law forbidding the sale of liquor to citizens
generally. But it is forbidden: to bring intoxicating liquor to a
prison, jail, or reformatory; or to sell, give, or expose it for sale
within half a mile to a State prison, or within 1,900 feet of a
reformatory, or within one mile of the University of California at
Berkeley, or within one an one-half miles of any veteran's home, or
within the State Capitol, or on the grounds adjacent thereto; or at a
camp meeting; or to a common or habitual drunkard; or to an Indian; or
to a minor under the age of eighteen years; or within one mile of an
insane asylum. It is forbidden to permit a minor under the age of
eighteen years to enter a saloon; and it is also forbidden to give or
sell intoxicating liquor to anyone on election day. Beyond these
provisions, the general law leaves the control of the sale of liquor
entirely to local authority. Each county, city, and town is free to
regulate the liquor traffic to suit the wishes of its citizens.</p>
<h4 id="c-p386.1">Prisons and Reformatories</h4>
<p id="c-p387" shownumber="no">There are two State prisons, situated respectively at San Quentin
and Folsom. These prisons, under the Constitution, are subject to the
direct control of the State Board of Prison Directors, consisting of
five members appointed by the governor. The prisoners are kept at work,
in the rock-crushing plant, in making grain bags, in building roads,
etc. Priests and ministers are free to visit the prisoners and conduct
religious services for their benefit. There are two State reformatories
for juvenile offenders--the Preston School of Industry at Ione City,
and the Whittier State School, at Whittier. Each is governed by its own
board of trustees, and is entirely independent of the Board of Prison
Directors. There is also a juvenile court charged with the control and
punishment of juvenile dependents and delinquents. A large discretion
is vested with the judge of this court and much good has been
accomplished since its creation in keeping children of Catholic
parentage under the care and influence of conscientious Catholic
officers.</p>
<h4 id="c-p387.1">Wills and Testaments</h4>
<p id="c-p388" shownumber="no">In California every person of sound mind who has reached the age of
eighteen years may dispose of his entire estate by will, subject to the
payment of his debts and expenses of administration. Such part of a
decedent's estate as is not disposed of by will is distributed
according to the statutes of succession. The estates of such persons as
die without wills and without heirs escheat to the State. The phrase
"expenses of administration" includes funeral expenses of the deceased,
expenses of his last illness, and provision for the support of his
family, including the homestead, family allowance, and setting apart
property exempt from execution.</p>
<h4 id="c-p388.1">Charitable Bequests</h4>
<p id="c-p389" shownumber="no">No person is permitted to dispose by will of more than one-third of
the value of his estate to charitable uses. A will attempting to
dispose of a greater proportion to charity would not be absolutely
void, but all the charitable bequests and devises would be reduced
proportionately so that their total value would not exceed one third.
Moreover, every charitable bequest and devise is absolutely void unless
it be made at least thirty days prior to the testator's death. A
bequest or devise to a church as such, or to a college, orphan asylum,
missionary society, hospital, or home for the aged would be for a
charitable use under this provision. But not so a devise or bequest to
a priest or bishop by name, and in his individual capacity. It has also
been held that a bequest to a priest for Masses to be offered for the
repose of the soul of the deceased, is not a charitable bequest.</p>
<h4 id="c-p389.1">Cemeteries</h4>
<p id="c-p390" shownumber="no">Cemeteries may be purchased, held, and owned under the liberal
statutes for the ownership of church property, already explained. Or,
they may be purchased, held, and owned by cemetery corporations formed
under a general law, by which their land holdings are limited to 320
acres situated in the county in which their articles of incorporation
are filed, or in an adjoining county. The law provides for the survey
and subdivision of such lands into lots or plots, avenues or walks, and
for the government of such corporations, as well as the sale and tenure
of burial plots.</p>
<p id="c-p391" shownumber="no">CLINCH, California and Its Missions (San Francisco, 1904); JAMES, In
and Out of the Old Missions (Boston, 1906); JACKSON, California and the
Missions (Boston, 1903); BURNETT, Recollections of an Old Pioneer;
EDWORDS, California Annual (San Francisco, 1907); U. S. Census of 1900
(Washington); U. S. Census of 1890 (Washington); SWETT, History of the
Public School System of California (San Francisco, 1876); Catholic
Directory for 1907 (Milwaukee); Twenty-second Biennial Report of the
Superintendent of Public Instruction (Sacramento, 1906); University of
California Register (Berkeley, 1907); BABCOCK, History of California
(Sacramento, 1907); TREADWELL, Constitution of California (San
Francisco, 1907); Civil Code, Code of Civil Procedure, Political Code,
Penal Code (San Francisco, 1906).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p392" shownumber="no">GEORGE A. CONNOLLY</p></def>

<term id="c-p392.1" title="California, Vicariate Apostolic of Lower" type="Encyclopedia">Vicariate Apostolic of Lower California</term>
<def id="c-p392.2">
<h1 id="c-p392.3">Vicariate Apostolic of Lower California</h1>
<p id="c-p393" shownumber="no">Includes the territory of that name in Mexico (Sp. 
<i>Baja</i> or 
<i>Vieja California</i>), a peninsula 770 miles long by 30 to 120
broad. It is traversed longitudinally by mountain chains; on the gulf
side the descent is abrupt, but on the western side more gradual.
Running water is very scarce amid these granitic and volcanic hills,
hence irrigation is dependent on showers which, though short, are often
violent and flood the country. The climate is hot and dry in the north,
more temperate in the south. In some places cereals and vegetables
abound, also excellent grapes and many kinds of fruit. There are gold
and silver mines, also deposits of copper, lead, and coal, while the
seacoast abounds with many varieties of fish. This vicariate was
created 20 January, 1874, and confided to the Bishop of Sonora; it is
now directly subject to Propaganda, which since 8 November, 1895, has
entrusted it to the Missionary College of Sts. Peter and Paul, founded
by Pius IX at Rome. The boundaries of the vicariate are, on the north,
the Diocese of Monterey and Los Angeles; on the south and west, the
Pacific Ocean; on the east, the Gulf of California. It had in 1900 a
Spanish-speaking population of about 47,000, nearly all Catholics.
There are six churches with resident, and ten without resident,
priests, twenty chapels, and as many stations. The chief town, and
residence of the vicar Apostolic, is La Paz, in the south-eastern
extremity of the peninsula; other centres of population are Encenada de
Todos Santos, San José del Cabo, and Santa Rosalía. A number
of islands (several with good ports) belong to this vicariate. Civilly
this territory is dependent upon the Federal Government at Mexico. (For
earlier missions in the peninsula, see CALIFORNIA MISSIONS.)</p>
<p id="c-p394" shownumber="no">Missiones Catholicæ (Rome, 1907), 657; Lippincott's Gazeteer
(Philadelphia, 1907), 18-19; Statesman's Year Book (London, 1907),
1203.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p395" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p395.1" title="California Missions" type="Encyclopedia">California Missions</term>
<def id="c-p395.2">
<h1 id="c-p395.3">California Missions</h1>
<h3 id="c-p395.4">I. LOWER CALIFORNIA</h3>
<p id="c-p396" shownumber="no">California became known to the world through Hernando Cortés,
the conqueror of Mexico, who probably first applied the name. It is
divided into Lower or Old California and Upper California. The first
Missionaries were the Franciscans, who, under the leadership of Martin
de la Coruna, one of the so-called "Twelve Apostles of Mexico," on the
3d of May, 1535, landed with Cortés at Santa Cruz Bay, near what
is now La Paz on the lower eastern coast of the peninsula. After a year
of extreme privations, due to the sterility of the soil, the
undertaking, which had cost the famous conqueror $300,000, had to be
abandoned. The Friars Minor made another effort to establish missions
among the natives, when in 1596 Sebastian Vizcaino set out to found a
colony in California. The missionaries were Diego de Perdomo,
Bernardino de Zamudio, Antonio Tello, Nicolás de Arabia, and a lay
brother, Cristóbal López. Hunger and hostility of the
savages, who proved to be on the lowest plane of humanity, put an end
to the venture before the close of the year.</p>
<p id="c-p397" shownumber="no">In 1683, the Jesuit Fathers Eusebius Kuehn, better known as Kino,
and Pedro Matias Goni, with Fray José Guijosa, of the Order of St.
John of God, accompanying Admiral Isidro Otondo y Antillon, landed
somewhat north of La Paz for the purpose of converting the natives and
establishing a Spanish colony. After two years and six months as many
as four hundred Indians attended the catechetical instructions. Owing
to the precarious state of the enterprise, the missionaries
administered baptism only to those neophytes who were found in danger
of death. For want of supplies, and after an expenditure of $225,000 on
the part of the Government, the Spaniards once more withdrew, in
September 1685, despite the protests of the religious, and the sorrow
of the catechumens.</p>
<p id="c-p398" shownumber="no">Anxious to secure a foothold in the territory lest a foreign power
take possession, but having learned from experience that the military
could not succeed, the Spanish Government, through the viceroy, invited
the Society of Jesus to establish to undertake the conquest and the
settlement of the country. Urged by Fathers Kino and Salvatierra the
Superiors of the Society at length accepted the charge. Thereupon, the
Viceroy Moctezuma, on the 5th of February, 1697, formally authorized
the Society of Jesus to establish missions in California on the
condition that the royal treasury not be expected to pay any expenses
incurred without order of the king, and that possession of the
territory be taken in the name of the King of Spain. In turn the
Jesuits were to enjoy the privilege of enlisting soldiers to act as
guards for the missions at the expense of the Society, and at time of
war these soldiers were to be considered on the same footing with those
of the regular army. The Jesuits were to have absolute authority on the
peninsula in temporal as well as spiritual affairs, and were empowered
to choose men suitable for the administration of justice. Father Juan
Maria Salvatierra was appointed superior of the California missions. He
at once began to collect funds to place the undertaking on a firm
basis. It would require ten thousand dollars, he thought, to furnish a
revenue of five hundred dollars a year to maintain one priest at each
mission. The Rev. Juan Caballero of Querétaro donated twenty
thousand dollars for two missions, and the Confraternity of Our Lady of
Sorrows in the city of Mexico supplied ten thousand dollars for the
founding and maintaining of a third establishment. This was the
beginning of the celebrated Pius Fund of California. Other benefactors
in the course of time provided necessary capital for additional
missions until the fund, which was judiciously invested in Mexican real
estate, with its accumulations amount to half a million dollars by the
year 1767. A Jesuit, the Rev. Juan de Ugarte, was appointed to manage
the fund and act as procurator for the missionaries. After collecting
minor donations and goods to the value of fifteen thousand dollars, and
having enlisted five trustworthy guards under the command of Captain
Luis Tortolero y Torres, Father Salvatierra crossed the Gulf of
California and landed at San Dionisio Bay on the 19th of October,
1697.</p>
<p id="c-p399" shownumber="no">The first and the principal mission of Lower California was
established a league from the shore and placed under the patronage of
Our Lady of Loreto. The necessary buildings were hastily constructed,
and the zealous Jesuit assembled the neighbouring Indians. He first
endeavored to learn their language, and meanwhile through signs tried
to make them understand his object and the most necessary truths of
religion. Father Francisco Maria Piccolo soon joined him, and assisted
especially in teaching the little ones. Father Juan de Ugarte, who had
resigned the procuratorship, followed in 1700. Next to Salvatierra this
religious is the most noted of the early California missionaries. It
was he who introduced agriculture and stock-raising at the second
mission of San Francisco Xavier, for the purpose of making the missions
self-supporting. He succeeded to some extent, but the barrenness of the
soil, and the lack of water, except at two or three other
establishments, prevented the system from becoming general on the
peninsula. Indeed the scarcity of water and arable land brought the
mission establishments to the verge of abandonment several times, even
before the death of Salvatierra, which occurred at Guadalajara in 1717.
It was also the energetic Ugarte who built the first large ship in
California, of native timber, and made a voyage of exploration to the
mouth of the Colorado River in 1712. Though the missionaries devoted
themselves heart and soul to their task, the work of conversion proved
truly disheartening, inasmuch as polygamy, sorcery, and the vilest
habits prevailed among the lower Californians to a degree not known
elsewhere. If we add to this the total indifference of the natives, who
possessed no religious ideas whatever, the frequent epidemics and
almost constant wars which destroyed the labours of years and caused
the desertions of several missions, it becomes plain that only the most
zealous and ascetic men could have succeeded as well as these
missionaries did. Pagan hatred frequently attacked the isolated
religious, and in October, 1734, brought about the violent death of two
priests. These were Father Lorrenzo Carranzo of Mission Santiago, and
Nicolás Tamaral of Mission San José del Cabo, of the southern
part of the peninsula, both of whom were killed with arrows and clubs,
after which the bodies were frightfully mutilated. Two other religious,
warned in time, barely escaped with their lives. Notwithstanding all
these drawbacks and obstacles, to which must be added the animosity of
the pearl-fishers and their friends in Mexico, besides the want of
every convenience of life, the Jesuits in time established a chain of
mission which extended from Cape San Lucas to the thirty-first degree
of latitude. These missions and the year of their establishment,
beginning from south to north, were:</p>
<ul id="c-p399.1">
<li id="c-p399.2">San José de Cabo (1730);</li>
<li id="c-p399.3">Santiago de las Coras (1721);</li>
<li id="c-p399.4">San Juan de Ligni (1705);</li>
<li id="c-p399.5">Nuestra Señora de los Dolores del Sur (1721);</li>
<li id="c-p399.6">Santa Rosa or Todos Santos (1733);</li>
<li id="c-p399.7">San Luis Gonzaga (1737);</li>
<li id="c-p399.8">San Francisco Xavier (1699);</li>
<li id="c-p399.9">Nuestra Señora de Loreto (1697);</li>
<li id="c-p399.10">San José de Comund£ (1708);</li>
<li id="c-p399.11">Purisima Concepción de Cadegomó (1718);</li>
<li id="c-p399.12">Santa Rosalía de Mulegé (1705);</li>
<li id="c-p399.13">Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe (1720);</li>
<li id="c-p399.14">San Ignacio (1728);</li>
<li id="c-p399.15">Santa Gertrudis (1728);</li>
<li id="c-p399.16">San Francisco de Borja (1729); and</li>
<li id="c-p399.17">Santa Maria de los Angeles (1766).</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p400" shownumber="no">Only fourteen of these missions existed in 1767; epidemics had
carried off the neophytes of the other establishments so that they had
to be abandoned.</p>
<p id="c-p401" shownumber="no">No statistics exist from which the success of the Jesuit missionary
labours can be estimated, because no such minute reports were required
by the Government as were demanded at subsequent periods. Some of the
missionaries were rather enthusiastic in describing the reception given
to the Gospel by the natives in their respective localities, but owing
to the unfavorable conditions, according to the Jesuit, Father John
Jacob Baegert (q. v.) who had toiled for seventeen years at one of the
missions, the religious and moral impression was nowhere very deep or
lasting. Like other Jesuit historians, he describes the Indians as
indolent to the last degree, dull, cruel, treacherous, indifferent, and
addicted to the lowest vices, from which it was exceedingly difficult,
if not impossible, to wean them, on account of the little control which
the missionaries could exercise over the neophytes. Owing to the
sterility of the soil and the lack of water for irrigation, it was
impossible, except in a few places, to feed and clothe a large number
of people at the missions and thus keep them under the watchful eye of
the missionaries. After a course of instruction more or less long,
during which period they were fed at the missionary establishments, the
neophytes were permitted to return to their haunts in order to search
for food in the mountains, as had been their custom from time
immemorial. A chief and a catechist would, indeed, exercise some kind
of supervision over the concerts and report grievous transgressions to
the missionary; but the neophytes were necessarily left to themselves,
save when the turn came for each particular village to repair for a
week to the mission for examination in the catechism and for further
instruction, during which week the Fathers had to maintain them.
Nevertheless, the missionaries succeeded in opening the gates of heaven
to many thousands of souls who, but for the unselfish efforts of the
religious, would not have learned even of the existence of God.</p>
<p id="c-p402" shownumber="no">During the sixty years that the Jesuits were permitted to labour
among the natives of California, fifty-six members of the Society of
Jesus came to the peninsula, of whom sixteen, two as martyrs, died at
their posts. Fifteen priests and one lay brother survived the
hardships, only to be subjected to enforcement of the brutal decree
launched against the Society of Jesus by King Carlos III of Spain. The
Jesuits of lower California were placed on board a ship in February,
1768, and brought to Mexico whence, with the Mexican religious, those
who outlived the cruelties inflicted on the way thither were shipped to
Europe. The missions meanwhile were left in charge of military officers
called 
<i>comisionados</i>, who for a year mismanaged the temporalities
regardless of the rights of the Indians.</p>
<p id="c-p403" shownumber="no">Immediately after the decree of expulsion had been published at the
capital in Mexico (July, 1767). Viceroy De Croiz requested the
Franciscans of the Apostolic Missionary College of San Fernando in the
city of Mexico to accept the missions of California. Their superiors
acquiesced reluctantly, for they were not in a position to furnish the
requisite number of missionaries. To be able to comply with the demand,
five flourishing Indian missions in the Sierra Gorda were surrendered
to the Archbishop of Mexico. Fifteen volunteer friars, led by the
famous Junipero Serra, finally arrived at Loreto on Good Friday, the
1st of April, 1768, and were at once assigned to deserted missions.
They were given charge of the spiritual affairs only, to the amazement
of the Indians who had been accustomed to receive food, clothing, and
presents as well as religious instruction from their spiritual guides.
When, however, the inspector-general, Don José Galvez, arrived in
July, 1768, with almost unlimited power to remedy the irregularities
brought on by the sudden change, and discovered from personal
observation how the comisionados had squandered the mission property,
he at once turned it over to the Franciscans who, thereafter, could
manage the missions as freely as the Jesuits had done. The friars
continued the system of their predecessors and sought, though in vain
at various places, to repair the damage wrought during the misrule of
the secular officials. A year after their arrival another mission as
founded to the north of Santa María at Velicatá under the
patronage of San Fernando. The fathers were about to establish five
additional missions in obedience to the orders of the viceroy, who had
already named the patron saints, when the hostility of Governor Barri
frustrated the plan. From a report, the only general one we have
concerning Lower California during the mission period, which Father
Francisco Palou, then superior, or 
<i>presidente</i>, of the missions, sent to Mexico, we learn that the
Franciscans, from April, 1768, to September, 1771, baptized 1731
persons, nearly all Indians. During the same period they blessed 787
marriages and buried 2165 dead.</p>
<p id="c-p404" shownumber="no">As early as 1768, the Dominican vicar-general, Father Juan Pedro de
Iriarte, sought permission from the king to found missions in Lower
California, and succeeded in obtaining a royal decree to that effect on
the 8th of April, 1770; but the Franciscan College of San Fernando,
deeming the territory too sparsely populated for two different
missionary bands, offered to cede the whole peninsula to the Dominican
Order. An agreement between Father Raphael Verger, the guardian of the
college, and Father Juan Pedro de Iriarte, the vicar-general of the
Dominicans, was accordingly drawn up on the 7th of April, 1772, and
approved by the viceroy Bucareli on the twelfth of May, 1772. Nine
Dominicans Fathers and one lay brother landed at Loreto on the 14th of
October, 1772, but refused to accept control of the missions until
their superior, Father Iriarte, should arrive. The latter some time
after suffered shipwreck and was drowned in the Gulf of California.
Father Vincente Mora was then appointed superior or 
<i>presidente</i>, whereupon Father Francisco Palou began the formal
transfer at Loreto in May, 1773, and repeated the ceremony at each
mission as he travelled north on his way to Upper California.
Thirty-nine friars Minor had been active on the peninsula during the
five years and five months of Franciscan rule. Four of them died, ten
were transferred to Upper California, where Father Junipero Serra had
begun to open a much larger field for his brethren, and the remainder
returned to the mother-house.</p>
<p id="c-p405" shownumber="no">During their long incumbency, which lasted to about the year 1840,
the Dominicans established the following new missions between San
Fernando de Velicatá and San Diego:</p>
<ul id="c-p405.1">
<li id="c-p405.2">Rosario (1774);</li>
<li id="c-p405.3">Santo Domingo (1775);</li>
<li id="c-p405.4">San Vincente Ferrar (1780);</li>
<li id="c-p405.5">San Miguel (1787);</li>
<li id="c-p405.6">Santo Tomás (1791);</li>
<li id="c-p405.7">San Pedro Mártir (1794); and</li>
<li id="c-p405.8">Santa Catarina Mártir (1797).</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p406" shownumber="no">Little is on record about the activities of these friars. As far
as known, down to the year 1800, seventy Dominicans came to the
peninsula. How many died at their missions, or how many died after that
year, it is impossible to say. The missions were finally secularized by
the Mexican government in 1834. The management of the land, stock, and
other temporalities was taken from the missionaries and turned over to
hired comisionados, with the same result that was experienced after the
departure of the Jesuits. The Indians gradually disappeared, and the
missions decayed, so much so that a government report in 1856 declared
the missions to be in ruins, and gave the Indian population of the
whole of the peninsula as only 1938 souls.</p>

<h3 id="c-p406.1">II. UPPER CALIFORNIA</h3>
<p id="c-p407" shownumber="no">Don José de Galvez, the inspector-general, was sent to Lower
California not merely for the purposes of correcting abuses; he had
been directed to secure for the crown of Spain the whole northwest
coast as far as it had been discovered and explored by Juan Rodriguez
Cabrillo in 1542, and by Sebastian Vizcaino in 1602-1603. The Russians
had often visited that territory with a view, Spain believed, of taking
possession, which would have endangered the lucrative Philippine trade.
To prevent any foreign power from acquiring the country, which Spain
claimed by right of discovery, the Spanish king resolved to found
missions among the natives and to erect forts or presidios for their
protection. Galvez consulted Father Junipero Serra, then superior of
the peninsula missions, who enthusiastically agreed to the plan, as it
gave to his insatiable desire for a wider sphere. Two ships, the San
Carlos and the San Antonio, were equipped and weighted with provisions,
agricultural implements, and church-goods. The San Carlos sailed for
the port of San Diego from La Paz in January, 1769; the San Antonio
departed from Cape San Lucas in February. The latter ship, having on
board a Franciscan friar, reached the port on the 11th of April; the
San Carlos, also bringing a friar, and with a crew suffering from
scurvy, arrived on the 29th of April.</p>
<p id="c-p408" shownumber="no">Meanwhile Galvez also sent out two land expeditions for the same
port. The first under Captain Rivera arrived at San Diego on the 14th
of May; the other, under Governor Portolá with Father Juniper
Serra, came up 1 July, 1769. By order of the inspector-general, all the
missions along the routes contributed church-goods, provisions, and
livestock according to their means for the benefit of the new
establishments in the north. San Diego had been discovered by Cabrillo
and named San Miguel for the archangel; the appellation San Diego was
given by Vizcaino, who also named a bay farther north Monterey. It was
at this bay that the 
<i>presidio</i> or fort was to be located. Governor Portolá
therefore set out by land to find it, but failed and instead discovered
the present San Francisco Bay, 1 November, 1769. Meanwhile, Father
Junipero founded, 16 July 1769, the first in the chain of missions
which extended from San Diego to Sonoma, a distance of about six
hundred miles.</p>
<p id="c-p409" shownumber="no">A second expedition by land, and another by sea, at last reached the
port of Monterey in May, 1770; thereafter it was the headquarters for
the governor as well as the 
<i>presidente</i> of the missions. The conditions in Upper California
were much more favourable to the system under which it was intended to
convert and civilize the natives, and the latter were found less dull
and brutish than those of the peninsula. The Indians about San Diego,
however, stubbornly resisted the Gospel, even by force of arms, so that
prior to April, 1779, a full year after the appearance of the first
missionary, Father Serra and his companions, with all their kindness,
persuasiveness and presents, did not succeed in gaining a single soul,
a fact which makes the historian Bancroft exclaim: "In all the
missionary annals of the northwest there is no other instance where
paganism remained stubborn so long."</p>
<p id="c-p410" shownumber="no">When a sufficient number of religious had arrived, Father Serra, in
compliance with the rules of his apostolic college, which forbade a
friar to live alone, placed two fathers at each mission. To these the
governor assigned a guard of five or six soldiers under a corporal. The
latter generally acted as steward of the mission temporalities subject
to the missionaries. For the erection of the temporary church and other
structures at each mission, and for the purchase of agricultural
implements and church-goods, the Government, out of the revenues of the
Pious Fund, paid to the procurator of the Franciscan college in Mexico
the sum of one thousand dollars. Each missionary was allowed an annual
stipend of four hundred dollars. The money was likewise paid to the
procurator who would purchase the articles designated by the
missionaries. Money was never sent to the missionaries in California.
When a site had been selected for a mission, the temporary buildings
were constructed. As soon as practical, permanent structures took their
place, and were built of adobe or sunburnt brick, or in a few cases of
stone, generally in the form of a square. The church was located
usually in one corner, and adjoining this stood the quarters of the
missionaries to which women or girls had no admittance. Then followed
the rooms of the attendants and cooks, who were Indian youths selected
from among the converts. The sides and rear of the mission square,
enclosing a courtyard called the 
<i>patio</i>, contained the shops, storerooms, granary, stables, and
apartments for the young women. This last-named part of the mission was
called the 
<i>monjério</i> or nunnery, and the inmates went by the name of
nuns, though of course they were not nuns in reality. The 
<i>monjério</i> was an important and necessary institution of the
mission system and due to the carnal propensities of the Indians.
According to this arrangement girls twelve years of age and more, and
younger girls who had lost both parents, made their home at the mission
in the charge of a trustworthy matron, where they lived pretty much
like the girls at an orphanage or boarding school. During the day, when
not occupied at work in their shops, they were permitted to visit their
parents in the neophyte village, but at night they had to rest in the
mission building under the eyes of the matron. Young men too, though
not kept so strictly, had their quarters in another section of the
mission buildings in the charge of the missionary. When a young man
wished to marry he approached the missionary, who would direct him to
make the selection, and if the girl consented the pair were married
with solemn ceremonies at Mass after the banns had been published. A
hut in the village was then assigned where they lived, subject to the
regulations of the community.</p>
<p id="c-p411" shownumber="no">Besides this, through extreme kindness, the natives were won by
means of presents in the shape of food, clothing, and trinkets of which
the Indians were very fond. The principal points of the Christian Faith
were explained in the simplest manner possible, through interpreters,
at first, and later on in their own and the Spanish languages by the
missionary. Inasmuch as the Indians in every mission had a different
language, and frequently several dialects were spoken among the
neophytes of a single mission, it was an exceedingly burdensome task
for the missionary to make himself understood by all in the native
idiom. Nonetheless, some of the Fathers became expert linguists, and
some of them composed vocabularies which are still extent. To insure
regular attendance and to prevent backsliding the Indians were induced
to leave their desert or mountain hovels and make their homes with the
missionaries. For those that came separate huts were erected in more or
less regular order. Once baptized, the neophytes were not permitted to
leave the mission for the purpose of going back to their pagan homes
for any length of time without permission of the missionary. The
license would extend over two and three weeks for the men only. In the
mission village under the shadow of the church, the neophyte families
dwelt with their children, except for the marriageable girls who had to
take up their quarters at the mission proper. Morning and evening
prayers were said in common at the church, and all attended Mass after
which there was breakfast, followed by a few hours of labour. The
noonday meal was again taken together, whereupon in the hot season
there would be a rest more or less followed by work until the Angelus,
when supper was taken. The evening was devoted to all kinds of
amusements consisting of music and play; the Spanish dance was general.
Every mission had its band. Thus the inventory of 1835 enumerates the
following musical instruments in use at Mission Santa Barbara which was
typical of all:</p>
<ul id="c-p411.1">
<li id="c-p411.2">four flutes,</li>
<li id="c-p411.3">three clarinets,</li>
<li id="c-p411.4">two horns or trumpets,</li>
<li id="c-p411.5">two bass violas,</li>
<li id="c-p411.6">one 
<i>chinesco</i>,</li>
<li id="c-p411.7">one bass drum,</li>
<li id="c-p411.8">two kettle drums,</li>
<li id="c-p411.9">sixteen violins,</li>
<li id="c-p411.10">four new violins, and</li>
<li id="c-p411.11">three triangles.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p412" shownumber="no">There were uniforms for all the members of the band. The Indians
also did the singing at the high Mass and at other occasions. While the
missionaries exercised independent control, which was the case to the
end of 1834, the neophyte community was like one great family, at the
head of which stood the padre, under which title the missionary was
universally known. To him the Indians looked for everything concerning
their bodies as well as their souls. He was their guide and protector;
nor would they ever have suffered had not the beneficent Spanish laws
been replaced by the selfishness and cupidity of the Mexican and
Californian politicians, who did away with the mission system, which
the well-known non-Catholic writer, Charles F. Lummis, declares "was
the most just, humane, and equitable system ever devised for the
treatment of an aboriginal people." Peace and contentment reigned to
such a degree that the Protestant historian, Alexander Forbes, who
lived in California at the time, testifies that the best and most
unequivocal proof of the good conduct of the Fathers is to be found in
the unbounded affection and emotion invariably shown towards them by
their Indian subjects. They venerate them not merely as friends and
fathers, but with a degree of devotion approaching adoration.
("California," London, 1839.)</p>
<p id="c-p413" shownumber="no">Each great mission family was comprised of many hundred, sometimes
two or three thousand natives, good, bad, and indifferent. Excesses
were necessarily to be expected, especially in the neighbourhood of
white people. To prevent disorders, the missionaries, with the approval
of the viceregal government, drew up what may be called police
regulations, for the transgressions of which various punishments were
meted out, of a kind which would impress the dull and rude nature of
the Indians. The missionary dictated the punishment which was ever
tempered with mercy. When simple reproof availed nothing, the whip was
applied. This was the only correction, besides fasting, which affected
the lower class natives of the Pacific Coast. This manner of punishment
had been introduced by the Jesuit founder of the Lower California
missions, Father Juan María Salvatierra, about seventy years
before, as the only means to make the rude creatures grasp the
wickedness of a deed. The number of lashes to be administered was
governed by law, and might never exceed twenty-five for one offense,
nor more than once a day. The chastisement was not applied by the
missionary, but by an Indian chief or other native official, nor was it
so readily inflicted as malevolent and ignorant writers would have the
world believe. The stories of cruelty prevalent among closet historians
were either manufactured or exaggerated out of all resemblance to the
truth by the enemies of the friars, because the latter stood between
white cupidity and Indian helplessness. At times the culprit would be
locked up, but that was a penalty he courted, as it relieved him from
work, for which the Indian had an innate aversion. If the offense was
of a serious nature, or a crime against the natural or the civil laws,
the delinquent had to be turned over to the military authorities.
Inasmuch as the missionary considered himself, as regards the
neophytes, in 
<i>loco parentis</i>, and was so recognized by Spanish law, he acted in
that capacity. It was this fatherly treatment which gained for him the
veneration of the converts which "approached adoration."</p>
<p id="c-p414" shownumber="no">Throughout the mission period, the missionaries aimed at making
their establishment self-supporting, with a view to independence of
government assistance, and to wean the natives from insolence, so that
they might adopt civilized ways and learn to maintain themselves by the
fruit of their labour. The friars succeeded so well that from the year
1811, when all government aid ceased, as well for the missions as for
the soldiers, on account of the revolutionary situation in Mexico, the
California establishments maintained not only themselves, but also the
whole military and civil government on the coast down to the end of
1834, when the Franciscans were deprived of control. From the beginning
of a mission the Fathers insisted that all should work according to
their capacity, either on the farm or at the workshops, during six or
seven hours a day. The product was stored in the granaries or warerooms
for the benefit of the community. It was their endeavour to raise or
manufacture everything consumed or used by the Indians. For this reason
much of the meagre allowance of the friars was invested in agricultural
implements or mechanical tools, and it was for that reason, too, that
the missions were located where there was sufficient arable land and
enough water to irrigate the soil. In this way, notwithstanding the
primitiveness of the implements of those days, and the frequent
droughts, thousands of acres of land were brought under cultivation by
the natives directed by the missionaries, who themselves, for the sake
of example, never disdained to labour like the Indians. The official
records show that in the twenty-one missions of Upper California from
the year 1770 to the end of 1831, when the general reports cease, there
were harvested in round numbers 2,200,000 bushels of wheat, 600,000
bushels of barley, 850,000 bushels of corn, 160,000 bushels of beans,
and 100,000 bushels of peas and lentils, not to mention garden
vegetables, grapes, olives, and various fruits, for which no reports
were required. It must be remembered that before the arrival of the
Franciscans, the natives raised absolutely nothing, but subsisted on
whatever the earth provided spontaneously, e. g., acorns, seeds,
berries in their season, fish near the coast, or, when there was
nothing else, anything that crept above the surface of the land. All
the grains now raised, and all the fruits, such as apples, oranges,
peaches, pears, plums, prunes, lemons, grapes, pomegranates, olives,
nuts, etc., were introduced by the missionaries. To irrigate the land,
long ditches had often to be constructed, some of which were of solid
masonry. The one which brought the water down to Mission San Diego was
of stone and cement and ran along the river side over a distance of six
miles, beginning at a dam made of brick and stone.</p>
<p id="c-p415" shownumber="no">Much livestock was raised, not only for the purpose of obtaining
meat, but also for wool, leather, and tallow, and for cultivating the
land. Thus the missions in the height of their prosperity owned
altogether:</p>
<ul id="c-p415.1">
<li id="c-p415.2">232,000 head of cattle,</li>
<li id="c-p415.3">268,000 sheep,</li>
<li id="c-p415.4">34,000 horses,</li>
<li id="c-p415.5">3500 mules or burros,</li>
<li id="c-p415.6">8300 goats, and</li>
<li id="c-p415.7">3400 swine.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p416" shownumber="no">These figures are official, though quite different from those
encountered in the works of writers on California. All these various
kinds of animals were brought up from Mexico. It required a great many
Indians to guard the herds and flocks, and this occupation created a
class of horsemen scarecely surpassed anywhere. In addition, as almost
everything was raised or manufactured at the missions except sugar and
chocolate, which then served as the common beverage in place of coffee
or tea, most of the trades were practiced among the Indians under the
direction of the friars. A special United States report from 1852 tells
us, what is evident from the annual mission accounts, that the
Franciscans had turned the naked savages into masons, carpenters,
plasterers, soapmakers, tanners, shoemakers, blacksmiths, millers,
bakers, cooks, brickmakers, carters and cart makers, weavers and
spinners, saddlers, shepherds, agriculturalists, herdsmen, vintagers,
in a word they filled all the laborious occupations known to civilized
society. Nor was the secular education, so called, altogether
neglected; but as the Indians were averse to book-learning, and
school-books and writing material had to be brought from Mexico on the
backs of mules, causing them to be very expensive, and inasmuch as
competent schoolmasters were scarce, the missionaries had to devote
their spare time to teaching reading, writing, and a little arithmetic
to those boys who evinced any inclination for these branches. Some of
the men who later on became most prominent in California politics
acquired these necessary arts of civilization from the friars.</p>
<p id="c-p417" shownumber="no">It was Mexican independence of Spain that put an end to the
prosperity of the missions and the happiness of their inmates. With the
advent of Echeandia, the first governor under the Mexican flag, began
the decay of those homes of peace for nearly thirty thousand neophytes.
In 1835 secularization completed the ruin. According to the intent of
the Spanish laws, which always recognized the Indian's right to his
land, secularization meant nothing more than the turning over of the
spiritual affairs of the mission from the respective religious order to
the bishop of the diocese, while the Indians retained control of the
temporalities in severalty or as a whole. To this manner of
secularization the friars made no objection. Secularization as
practiced by the Mexicans and Californians was the turning over of the
mission or Indian property to the control of hired commissioners
appointed by the governor without regard to the wishes of the rightful
owners, the Indians, placing the missionary on a level with the secular
priest, and leaving it optional to the Indians whether they would
practice their religion or not. This kind of secularization, which was
disguised confiscation, encountered the fierce opposition of the
Franciscans, because the friars insisted that the land and all it
produced, along with the live stock and buildings, belonged to the
Indians and must be held sacred to the rightful owners; that the
neophytes were incapable of managing their property and therefore it
should be left in charge of those who, with the aid of the natives, had
accumulated its wealth without salary or compensation for the benefit
of those same Indians, inasmuch as the hired officials were both
incompetent and unworthy of the trust, because they were not looking to
the welfare of the rightful owners, but only aimed at enriching
themselves. As no court existed to which appeal could be made, the
friars were powerless to secure the rights of their wards. The result
was similar to that experienced in lower California. The Indians
gradually disappeared; the mission property was squandered; the mission
buildings given over to destruction; the missionaries one by one died
amid the few faithful who shared the poverty of the beloved 
<i>padre</i>, and the land once cultivated by the neophytes passed into
the hands of the avaricious.</p>
<p id="c-p418" shownumber="no">Notwithstanding the many drawbacks, the opposition, and the
scandalous example among the military and the white settlers, the
missionaries met with extraordinary spiritual success. Down to the year
1845, when but few friars and Indians survived, the Fathers had
baptized, according to the records, 99,000 persons, of whom possibly
nine thousand were not Indians; they had blessed 28,000 marriages, of
which possibly 1,000 were not Indians, and they had buried 74,000 dead,
four thousand of whom were probably not Indians. The largest number of
neophytes harboured, fed, clothed, and instructed at all the missions
at one time was nearly thirty thousand.</p>
<p id="c-p419" shownumber="no">One hundred and forty-six Friars Minor, all priests and mostly
Spaniards by birth, laboured in California from 1769 to 1845.
Sixty-seven died at their posts, two as martyrs, and the remainder
retired to their mother-houses on account of illness, or the expiration
of their ten years of service. The missions from south to north, with
the date of founding, were:</p>
<ul id="c-p419.1">
<li id="c-p419.2">San Diego (16 July, 1769);</li>
<li id="c-p419.3">San Luis Rey (13 July, 1798);</li>
<li id="c-p419.4">San Juan Capistrano (1 November, 1776);</li>
<li id="c-p419.5">San Gabriel (8 September, 1771);</li>
<li id="c-p419.6">San Fernando (8 September, 1797);</li>
<li id="c-p419.7">San Buenaventura (31 March, 1782);</li>
<li id="c-p419.8">Santa Barbara (4 Dec., 1786);</li>
<li id="c-p419.9">Santa Inez (17 Sept., 1804);</li>
<li id="c-p419.10">Purísima Concepción (8 Dec., 1787);</li>
<li id="c-p419.11">San Luis Obispo (1 Sept., 1772);</li>
<li id="c-p419.12">San Miguel (25 July, 1797);</li>
<li id="c-p419.13">San Antonio de Padua (14 July, 1771);</li>
<li id="c-p419.14">Soledad (9 Oct., 1791);</li>
<li id="c-p419.15">San Carlos or Carmelo (3 June, 1770);</li>
<li id="c-p419.16">Santa Cruz (29 Sept., 1791);</li>
<li id="c-p419.17">San Juan Bautista (24 June, 1797);</li>
<li id="c-p419.18">Santa Clara (12 January, 1777);</li>
<li id="c-p419.19">San José (11 June, 1797);</li>
<li id="c-p419.20">San Francisco (9 Oct., 1776);</li>
<li id="c-p419.21">San Raphael (14 Dec., 1817);</li>
<li id="c-p419.22">San Francisco Solano (4 July, 1823).</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p420" shownumber="no">For Lower California: Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana (Madrid, 1723),
3 vols; Díaz, Historia Verdadera (Madrid, 1632); Vetancurt,
Crónica (Mexico, 1697); Mendieta, Historia Ec.ca Indiana (Mexico,
1870); Tello, Crónica (Guadalajara, 1891); Venegas, Noticia de la
California (Madrid, 1757) 3 vols.; Clavijero, Historia de la California
(Mexico, 1852); Baegert, Nachrichten (Mannheim, 1772); Alegre, Historia
(Mexico, 1841), 3 vols; Palou, Noticias de la Nueva California (San
Francisco, 1874), 4 vols.; Palou, Relación Histórica, Vida de
la P. Serra (Mexico, 1787); California Archives (U.S. Land Office, San
Francisco), 300 vols. In addition, for Upper California, cf. Santa
Barbara Mission Archives, 2000 documents; Archives of the Archbishopric
of San Francisco, 8 vols.; H.H. Bancroft, History of California (San
Francisco, 1886), 7 vols.; Englehardt, The Missions and Missionaries of
California (San Francisco, 1908).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p421" shownumber="no">ZEPHYRIN ENGLEHARDT</p></def>

<term id="c-p421.1" title="Callieres, Louis-Hector de" type="Encyclopedia">Louis-Hector de Callieres</term>
<def id="c-p421.2">
<h1 id="c-p421.3">Louis-Hector de Callières</h1>
<p id="c-p422" shownumber="no">Thirteenth Governor of New France; born at Cherbourg, France, 1646;
died 26 May, 1705. He was the son of Jacques de Callières and
Madeleine Potier de Courey. He ranked as captain in the regiment of
Navarre. He came to Canada in 1684, and was appointed Governor of
Montreal at the demand of the Sulpicians who were Seigneurs of the
island. The situation of the colony at that time was most critical,
owing to Frontenac's departure, the weakness of Governor de la Barre,
and the woeful error of the French government in sending to the galleys
in France some Iroquois chiefs captured at Cataracoui (Kingston). In
1689 Callières proposed to Louis XIV to invade New England by land
and sea, and obtained the reappointment of Frontenac as governor. In
1690 he marched to the defense of Quebec, when it was besieged by
Phipps. A valiant and experienced soldier, he aided Frontenac in saving
New France from the Iroquois and in raising the prestige of the French
flag. He was one of the first to receive the Cross of St. Louis (1694).
Having succeeded Frontenac in 1698, he devoted all his skill and energy
to the pacification of the Indians. The treaty of Montreal (1701),
agreed to by representatives of all the tribes, was the crowning result
of all his efforts. This treaty is considered as Callières' chief
title to fame. That same year he sent Lamothe-Cadillac to found
Detroit. One of the most conspicuous figures in Canadian history, he
left a reputation of disinterestedness, honour, and probity.</p>
<p id="c-p423" shownumber="no">GARNEAU, Histoire du Canada (Montreal, 1882); FERLAND, Cours
d'histoire du Canada (Quebec, 1882); SULTE, La Famille de
Callières (Montreal, 1890).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p424" shownumber="no">LIONEL LINDSAY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p424.1" title="Callinicus" type="Encyclopedia">Callinicus</term>
<def id="c-p424.2">
<h1 id="c-p424.3">Callinicus</h1>
<p id="c-p425" shownumber="no">A titular see in Asia Minor. The city was founded by Alexander the
Great under the name of Nicephorium, and restored by Seleucus
Callinicus, King of Syria (246-225 B.C.), who gave his name to it. In
the fifth century of our era it was refortified by Emperor Leo I, after
which it was commonly known to Byzantine geographers as Callinicus or
Leontopolis, being mentioned by Hierocles and Georgius Cyprius among
others. Two famous battles were fought on the broad surrounding plain,
one in 531 between Belisarius and the Persians, the other in 583
between the Persians and Mauritius. Callinicus was a suffragan of
Edessa, the metropolis of Osrhoene. Four bishops are mentioned by
Lequien (II, 696); Paul, deposed in 519 as a Monophysite, translated
into Syriac so many Greek works that he is called by the Jacobites "the
interpreter of books". The patriarch Michael the Syrian mentions twenty
Jacobite bishops of Callinicus from the eighth to the thirteenth
century (Revue de l'Orient chrétien, VI, 1901, 193). Eubel (I,
333, note 2) mentions a Latin titular in 1369. Callinicus is to-day
Raqqah (Rakka), nine miles west of the confluence of the rivers Belik
(Bilichus) and Euphrates, the centre of a caza in the vilayet of
Aleppo, the population consisting chiefly of wandering tribes. It
contains about 2000 tents. On its rich plain are pastured many camels
and Arab thoroughbred horses, but the vicinity is not very safe.</p>
<p id="c-p426" shownumber="no">SMITH, Dict. of Greek and Roman Geography (London, 1878), s.v.
Nicephorium, II, 424.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p427" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p427.1" title="Callipolis" type="Encyclopedia">Callipolis</term>
<def id="c-p427.2">
<h1 id="c-p427.3">Callipolis</h1>
<p id="c-p428" shownumber="no">A titular see of Thrace, now called Gallipoli (Turkish, 
<i>Guelibolou</i>), is a city in the southern part of the Thracian
Chersonese, on the right shore, and at the entrance of the Dardanelles.
Justinian fortified it and established there important military
warehouses for corn and wine. In 1304 it became the centre of that
strange dominion created by the Almugavares, or Catalonian routiers,
who burned it in 1307, before retiring to Cassandria. It was taken by
the Turks as early as 1357, being their first possession in Europe.
Callipolis was a bishopric depending on Heracleia. Lequien (I, 1123)
mentions only six Greek bishops, the first as being present at Ephesus
in 431, when the see was united to that of Coela (Coelia or Coele), the
last about 1500. His list could easily be increased, for the Greek see
still exists; it was raised in 1904 to the rank of a metropolis,
without suffragans, after the manner of most Greek metropolitan sees.
Lequien (III, 971) also gives the names of eight Latin bishops, from
1208 to 1518. (See Eubel, I, 269, note.) Gallipoli is today the chief
town of a 
<i>Kaïmakamlik</i> in the vilayet of Adrianople, with about 30,000
inhabitants, Greeks, Turks, Armenians and Jews. There are numerous
schools and a small museum; a large cemetery is the resting place of
many French soldiers who died of disease (chiefly cholera) during the
Crimean War. The port is bad and trade unimportant, for want of roads.
A Catholic mission is conducted there by Assumpionist Fathers; there
are also a number of Armenian and Greek Catholics, with priests of
their respective rites.</p>
<p id="c-p429" shownumber="no">DRAKOS, 
<i>Thrakika</i> (Athens, 1892, with a list of the Greek bishops),
93-116.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p430" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDES</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p430.1" title="Callistus I, Pope" type="Encyclopedia">Pope Callistus I</term>
<def id="c-p430.2">
<h1 id="c-p430.3">Pope Callistus I</h1>
<p id="c-p431" shownumber="no">(Written by most Latins, Augustine, Optatus, etc. CALLIXTUS or
CALIXTUS).</p>
<p id="c-p432" shownumber="no">Martyr, died c. 223. His contemporary, Julius Africanus, gives the
date of his accession as the first (or second?) year of Elagabalus,
i.e., 218 or 219. Eusebius and the Liberian catalogue agree in giving
him five years of episcopate. His Acts are spurious, but he is the
earliest pope found the fourth-century "Depositio Martirum", and this
is good evidence that he was really a martyr, although he lived in a
time of peace under Alexander Severus, whose mother was a Christian. We
learn from the "Historiae Augustae" that a spot on which he had built
an oratory was claimed by the tavern-keepers, 
<i>popinarii</i>, but the emperor decided that the worship of any god
was better than a tavern. This is said to have been the origin of Sta.
Maria in Trastevere, which was built, according to the Liberian
catalogue, by Pope Julius, 
<i>juxta Callistum</i>. In fact the Church of St. Callistus is close
by, containing a well into which legend says his body was thrown, and
this is probably the church he built, rather than the more famous
basilica. He was buried in the cemetery of Calepodius on the Aurelian
Way, and his anniversary is given by the "Depositio Martirum" 
(<i>Callisti in viâ Aureliâ miliario III</i>) and by the
subsequent martyrologies on 14 October, on which day his feast is still
kept. His relics were translated in the ninth century to Sta. Maria in
Trastevere.</p>
<p id="c-p433" shownumber="no">Our chief knowledge of this pope is from his bitter enemies,
Tertullian and the antipope who wrote the "Philosophumena", no doubt
Hippolytus. Their calumnies are probably based on facts. According to
the "Philosophumena" (c. ix) Callistus was the slave of Carpophorus, a
Christian of the household of Caesar. His master entrusted large sums
of money to Callistus, with which he started a bank in which brethren
and widows lodged money, all of which Callistus lost. He took to
flight. Carpophorus followed him to Portus, where Callistus had
embarked on a ship. Seeing his master approach in a boat, the slave
jumped into the sea, but was prevented from drowning himself, dragged
ashore, and consigned to the punishment reserved for slaves, the 
<i>pistrinum</i>, or hand-mill. The brethren, believing that he still
had money in his name, begged that he might be released. But he had
nothing, so he again courted death by insulting the Jews at their
synagogue. The Jews haled him before the prefect Fuscianus. Carpophorus
declared that Callistus was not to be looked upon as a Christian, but
he was thought to be trying to save his slave, and Callistus was sent
to the mines in Sardinia. Some time after this, Marcia, the mistress of
Commodus, sent for Pope Victor and asked if there were any martyrs in
Sardinia. He gave her the list, without including Callistus. Marcia
sent a eunuch who was a priest (or "old man") to release the prisoners.
Callistus fell at his feet, and persuaded him to take him also. Victor
was annoyed; but being a compassionate man, he kept silence. However,
he sent Callistus to Antium with a monthly allowance. When Zephyrinus
became pope, Callistus was recalled and set over the cemetery belonging
to the Church, not a private catacomb; it has ever since borne
Callistus's name. He obtained great influence over the ignorant,
illiterate, and grasping Zephyrinus by bribes. We are not told how it
came about that the runaway slave (now free by Roman law from his
master, who had lost his rights when Callistus was condemned to penal
servitude to the State) became archdeacon and then pope.</p>
<p id="c-p434" shownumber="no">Döllinger and De Rossi have demolished this contemporary
scandal. To begin with, Hippolytus does not say that Callistus by his
own fault lost the money deposited with him. He evidently jumped from
the vessel rather to escape than to commit suicide. That Carpophorus, a
Christian, should commit a Christian slave to the horrible punishment
of the 
<i>pistrinum</i> does not speak well for the master's character. The
intercession of the Christians for Callistus is in his favour. It is
absurd to suppose that he courted death by attacking a synagogue; it is
clear that he asked the Jewish money-lenders to repay what they owed
him, and at some risk to himself. The declaration of Carpophorus that
Callistus was no Christian was scandalous and untrue. Hippolytus
himself shows that it was as a Christian that Callistus was sent to the
mines, and therefore as a confessor, and that it was as a Christian
that he was released. If Pope Victor granted Callistus a monthly
pension, he need not suppose that he regretted his release. It is
unlikely that Zephyrinus was ignorant and base. Callistus could hardly
have raised himself so high without considerable talents, and the
vindictive spirit exhibited by Hippolytus and his defective theology
explain why Zephyrinus placed his confidence rather in Callistus than
in the learned disciple of Irenaeus.</p>
<p id="c-p435" shownumber="no">The orthodoxy of Callistus is challenged by both Hippolytus and
Tertullian on the ground that in a famous edict he granted Communion
after due penance to those who had committed adultery and fornication.
It is clear that Callistus based his decree on the power of binding and
loosing granted to Peter, to his successors, and to all in communion
with them: "As to thy decision", cries the Montanist Tertullian, "I
ask, whence dost thou usurp this right of the Church? If it is because
the Lord said to Peter: Upon this rock I will build My Church, I will
give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven', or whatsoever though
bindest or loosest on earth shall be bound or loosed in heaven', that
thou presumest that this power of binding and loosing has been handed
down to thee also, that is to every Church in communion with Peter's 
(<i>ad omnem ecclesiam Petri propinquam</i>, i.e. 
<i>Petri ecclesiae propinquam</i>), who art thou that destroyest and
alterest the manifest intention of the Lord, who conferred this on
Peter personally and alone?" (De Pudicitia, xxi.) The edict was an
order to the whole Church (ib., i): "I hear that an edict has been
published, and a peremptory one; the bishop of bishops, which means the
Pontifex Maximus, proclaims: I remit the crimes of adultery and
fornication to those who have done penance." Doubtless Hippolytus and
Tertullian were upholding a supposed custom of earlier times, and the
pope in decreeing a relaxation was regarded as enacting a new law. On
this point it is unnecessary to justify Callistus. Other complaints of
Hippolytus are that Callistus did not put converts from heresy to
public penance for sins committed outside the Church (this mildness was
customary in St. Augustine's time); that he had received into his
"school" (i. e. The Catholic Church) those whom Hippolytus had
excommunicated from "The Church" (i.e., his own sect); that he declared
that a mortal sin was not ("always", we may supply) a sufficient reason
for deposing a bishop. Tertullian (De Exhort. Castitatis, vii) speaks
with reprobation of bishops who had been married more than once, and
Hippolytus charges Callistus with being the first to allow this,
against St. Paul's rule. But in the East marriages before baptism were
not counted, and in any case the law is one from which the pope can
dispense if necessity arise. Again Callistus allowed the lower clergy
to marry, and permitted noble ladies to marry low persons and slaves,
which by the Roman law was forbidden; he had thus given occasion for
infanticide. Here again Callistus was rightly insisting on the
distinction between the ecclesiastical law of marriage and the civil
law, which later ages have always taught.. Hippolytus also declared
that rebaptizing (of heretics) was performed first in Callistus's day,
but he does not state that Callistus was answerable for this. On the
whole, then, it is clear that the Catholic church sides with Callistus
against the schismatic Hippolytus and the heretic Tertullian. Not a
word is said against the character of Callistus since his promotion,
nor against the validity of his election.</p>
<p id="c-p436" shownumber="no">Hippolytus, however, regards Callistus as a heretic. Now
Hippolytus's own Christology is most imperfect, and he tells us that
Callistus accused him of Ditheism. It is not to be wondered at, then,
if he calls Callistus the inventor of a kind of modified Sabellianism.
In reality it is certain that Zephyrinus and Callistus condemned
various Monarchians and Sabellius himself, as well as the opposite
error of Hippolytus. This is enough to suggest that Callistus held the
Catholic Faith. And in fact it cannot be denied that the Church of Rome
must have held a Trinitarian doctrine not far from that taught by
Callistus's elder contemporary Tertullian and by his much younger
contemporary Novatian--a doctrine which was not so explicitly taught in
the greater part of the East for a long period afterwards. The
accusations of Hippolytus speak for the sure tradition of the Roman
Church and for its perfect orthodoxy and moderation. If we knew more of
St. Callistus from Catholic sources, he would probably appear as one of
the greatest of the popes.</p>
<p id="c-p437" shownumber="no">The Acts of St. Callistus were uncritically defended in the 
<i>Acta SS.</i>, 14 Oct.; and by MORETTI, 
<i>De S. Callisto P. et M.</i> (Rome, 1752). The 
<i>Philosophumena</i> were first published in 1851. On the story of
Callistus BUNSEN, 
<i>Hippolytus and his Age</i> (London, 1852), and CH. WORDSWORTH, 
<i>St. Hippolytus and the Church of Rome</i> (London, 1853) are
worthless. DOLLINGER'S great work 
<i>Hippolytus und Kallistus</i> (Ratisbon, 1853), tr. PLUMMER
(Edinburgh, 1876) is still the chief authority. See also DE ROSSI, 
<i>Bulletino di Arch. Crist.</i>, IV (1886); NORTHCOTE AND BROWNLOW, 
<i>Roma Sotterranea</i> (London, 1879), I, 497-505. De Rossi observes
that the 
<i>Liber Pontificalis</i> calls Callistus the son of Domitius, and he
found 
<i>Callistus Domitiorum</i> stamped on some titles of the beginning of
the second century. Further there is extant an inscription of a
Carpophorus, a freedman of M. Aurelius. The edict of Callistus on
penance has been restored with too much assurance by ROLFFS, 
<i>Das Indulgenz-Edikt des romischen Bischofs Kallist</i> (Leipzig,
1893), Harnack thinks that Callistus also issued a decree about
fasting, and that other writings of his may have been known to
Pseudo-Isidore, who attributed two letters to him (which will be found
in the Councils, in HINSCHIUS, etc.); one of these seems to connect
itself with the decision attributed to Callistus by Hippolytus; see
HARNACK, 
<i>Chronol.</i>, II, 207-8. On the Catacomb of St. Callistus see DE
ROSSI, 
<i>Roma Sotterranea</i> (Rome, 1864-77); NORTHCOTE AND BROWNLOW, 
<i>Roma Sotterranea</i> (London, 1879).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p438" shownumber="no">JOHN CHAPMAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p438.1" title="Callistus II, Pope" type="Encyclopedia">Pope Callistus II</term>
<def id="c-p438.2">
<h1 id="c-p438.3">Pope Callistus II</h1>
<p id="c-p439" shownumber="no">Date of birth unknown; died 13 December, 1124. His reign, beginning
1 February, 1119, is signalized by the termination of the Investiture
controversy which, begun in the time of Gregory VII, had raged with
almost unabated bitterness during the last quarter of the eleventh
century and the opening years of the twelfth. Guido, as he was called
before his elevation to the papacy, was the son of Count William of
Burgundy, and both by his father's and mother's side was closely
connected with nearly all the royal houses of Europe. His brother Hugh
had been appointed Archbishop of Besancon, and he himself was named
Archbishop of Vienne (1088), and afterwards appointed papal legate in
France by Paschal II. During Guido's tenure in this office, Paschal II,
yielding to the threats of Henry V, was induced to issue the
"Privilegium" (1111) by which he yielded up much of what had been
claimed by Gregory VII, but these concessions were received with
violent opposition and nowhere more so than in France, where the
opposition was led by Guido, the papal legate. The latter was present
at the Lateran Synod (1112), and on his return to France convoked an
assembly of the French and Burgundian bishops at Vienne (1112), where
the investiture of the clergy was denounced as heretical, and sentence
of excommunication pronounced against Henry V because he had dared to
extort from the pope by violence an agreement opposed to the interests
of the Church. These decrees were sent to Paschal II with a request for
confirmation, which they received in general terms, 20 October, 1112
(Hardouin, VI, 2, 1916).</p>
<p id="c-p440" shownumber="no">Guido was later, apparently, created cardinal by Pope Paschal,
though the latter does not seem to have been quite pleased with his
zeal in his attacks upon Henry V. On the death of Paschal II (21 Jan.,
1118), Gelasius II was elected pope, but he was immediately seized by
the Italian allies of Henry V, and on his liberation by the populace
fled to Gaeta, where he was solemnly crowned. Henry V demanded the
confirmation of the "Privilegium", but, receiving no satisfactory
reply, set up as antipope under the name of Gregory VIII, the
Archbishop of Braga, Burdinus, who had already been deposed and
excommunicated for having crowned Henry at Rome with the imperial crown
(1117). Gelasius promptly excommunicated both the antipope and the
emperor, but was himself obliged to flee, and took refuge in the
monastery of Cluny, where he died (January, 1119). On the fourth day
after the death of Gelasius (1 February), owing mainly to the exertions
of Cardinal Cuno, Guido was elected pope, and assumed the title of
Callistus II. He was crowned at Vienne (9 February, 1119).</p>
<p id="c-p441" shownumber="no">His election was everywhere received with approbation. On account of
his close connection with the royal families of Germany, France,
England, and Denmark, it was hoped that he would be able to effect a
favourable settlement of the controversy which had so long distracted
the Church. Even Henry V received the papal embassy at Strasburg, and
showed clearly that he was not unwilling to sue for peace, and at the
same time he withdrew his support from the antipope. It was even agreed
that pope and emperor should meet at Mousson. In 1119 (8 June)
Callistus held a synod at Toulouse mainly to promote disciplinary
reforms in the French Church, and in October of the same year he opened
the council at Reims which had been contemplated in the preliminary
arrangements made between the emperor and the papal ambassadors at
Strasburg. Louis VI and most of the barons of France attended the
council, which was composed of more than four hundred bishops and
abbots. It had been arranged that during the council the pope and
emperor were to have a personal conference at Mousson, and in
compliance with this agreement Henry V arrived at Mousson, not alone,
as had been anticipated, but with an army of over thirty thousand men.
Callistus II left Reims to attend the conference at Mousson, but on
learning of the warlike preparations made by the emperor, and fearing
that force was likely to be used to extract from him prejudicial
concessions, he hastily returned to Reims. Here the council busied
itself mainly with disciplinary regulations, especially with decrees
against investiture, simony, and concubinage of the clergy. In the end,
as there was no hope of a favourable compromise with Henry, it was
determined that the emperor and the antipope should be solemnly
excommunicated in the presence of the assembled fathers and the
representatives of the secular authority (30 October, 1119). Before
leaving France Callistus tried to effect a settlement between Henry I
of England and his brother Robert, but his efforts in this direction
were without result.</p>
<p id="c-p442" shownumber="no">Callistus determined to visit Italy and Rome. In the latter city
Gregory VIII, supported by the German forces and the Italian allies of
the emperor, had taken up his residence, but on the approach of
Callistus, who was everywhere received with demonstrations of welcome,
the antipope was obliged to flee to the fortress of Sutri, and
Callistus entered Rome amid the universal rejoicings of the populace.
He went south to secure the aid of the Normans of Southern Italy in his
struggle against Henry V and Gregory VIII. The negotiations were
entirely satisfactory. Gregory was taken prisoner and escorted to Rome
(1121), where he was with difficulty saved from the wrath of the
people, and lodged in a prison near Salerno and afterwards in the
fortress of Fumo. By the aid of the princes of Southern Italy Callistus
broke the power of the Italian allies of the emperor in Italy, notably
of Cencio Frangipani, who had already given so much trouble to Gelasius
II and to Callistus himself (1121).</p>
<p id="c-p443" shownumber="no">Having thus established his power in Italy, he once more resolved to
open negotiations with Henry V on the question of investiture. The
latter had already shown that he was anxious to put an end to a
controversy which had alienated from him his best friends, and which
threatened to endanger the peace of the empire. An embassy consisting
of three cardinals was sent by Callistus to Germany, and negotiations
for a permanent settlement of the investiture struggle were begun at
Wurzburg (October, 1121). Here it was agreed that a general truce
should be proclaimed between the emperor and his rebellious subjects;
that the Church should have free use of her possessions; that the lands
of those in rebellion should be restored, and peace with the Church
permanently established with the least possible delay. These decrees
were communicated to Callistus II, who despatched Cardinal Lambert of
Ostia as his legate to assist at the synod that had been convoked at
Worms. The synod began at Worms, 8 September, 1122, and 23 September
the concordat known as the Concordat of Worms (or 
<i>Pactum Calixtinum</i>) between the pope and the emperor was
concluded. On his side the emperor abandoned his claim to investiture
with ring and crosier and granted freedom of election to episcopal
sees; on the other hand, it was conceded that the bishops should
receive investiture with the sceptre, that the episcopal elections
should be held in the presence of the emperor or his representatives,
that in case of disputed elections the emperor should, after the
decision of the metropolitan and the suffragan bishops, confirm the
rightfully elected candidate, and lastly, that the imperial investiture
of the temporalities of the sees should take place in Germany before
the consecration, in Burgundy and in Italy after this ceremony, while
in the Papal States the pope alone had the right of investiture,
without any interference on the part of the emperor. As a result of
this Concordat, the emperor still retained in his hands the controlling
influence in the election of the bishops in Germany, though he had
abandoned much in regard to episcopal elections in Italy and
Burgundy.</p>
<p id="c-p444" shownumber="no">To secure the confirmation of this Concordat of Worms, Calistus II
convoked the First Lateran Council (18 March, 1123). The council was
most representative, nearly three hundred bishops and six hundred
abbots from every part of Catholic Europe being present. The council
solemnly confirmed the agreement that had been arrived at with Henry V
with regard to episcopal elections, and passed several disciplinary
decrees directed against existing abuses, such as simony and
concubinage among the clergy. Decrees were also passed against
violators of the Truce of God, church-robbers, and forgers of
ecclesiastical documents. The indulgences already granted to the
crusaders were renewed, and the jurisdiction of the bishops over the
clergy, both secular and regular, was more clearly defined.</p>
<p id="c-p445" shownumber="no">In the last few years of his life, Callistus II endeavoured to
secure for the Church the restoration in its entirety of the Patrimony
of St. Peter, which had been greatly diminished by the constant wars
and rebellions; to break the power of the nobles in the Campagna, and
restore peace and order to the city of Rome itself, which had suffered
much since the time of Gregory VII. He also devoted much of his time to
the interests of the Church of France and to combating the errors and
abuses which made their appearance in that country in his time. In the
Synod of Toulouse (1119) he condemned the teaching of Peter de Bruis
and his followers (Hardouin, VI, 2, 1977-84). He established the Church
of Vienne as the metropolitan church of the adjoining ecclesiastical
provinces (1120), thereby ending in favour of the former (that he still
held as pope) the ancient controversy between Vienne and Arles. For the
privileges in favour of Vienne forged during the reign of Guido, see
Gundlach, "Streit der Bisthumer Arles und Vienne" (1890). Duchesne
maintains ("Fastes Eccl.", I, 145 sqq.) that only the more recent of
them date from the time of Guido (cf. Robert, "Calixte II", Paris,
1891). He settled several disputes between bishops and abbots in
France, dispatched Gerard of Angouleme as papal legate to Brittany, and
finally confirmed the primatial rights of Lyons over the Church of
Sens. He demanded of Henry I of England the release of his brother,
Robert of Normandy, as well as the acknowldgment of Thurstan, whom he
himself had consecrated at Reims, as Archbishop of York. Henry at first
refused, but on the threat of excommunication he consented to admit
Thurstan as Archbishop of York, and to acknowledge the latter see's
independence of Canterbury. In Spain he transferred the metropolitan
rights from the old see of Merida 
(<i>Emerita</i>) to Santiago de Compostella, to the patron saint of
which Callistus seems to have had a special devotion. He showed his
attention to Germany by the canonization of Conrad of Constance at the
Lateran Synod (1123) and by dispatching Otto of Bamberg as papal legate
to regulate the Churches of Pomerania. In Rome he devoted much
attention to beautifying and improving the city, but especially the
church of St. Peter. He suppressed the suburban See of Santa Rufina by
uniting this diocese with Porto, so that thenceforth there were only
six cardinal-bishops instead of seven as had formerly been the
case.</p>
<p id="c-p446" shownumber="no">Callistus died in 1124, and after some dipute Honorius II was
selected as his successor. As to the great influence of the reign of
Callistus II on the policy of the Church there can be no dispute. Owing
mainly to him the concessions so weakly made by Paschal II were
recalled, and on his own accession to the papal throne, his firmness
and strength of character secured a settlement of the controversy
between Church and State which, though not entirely satisfactory, was
at least sufficient to assure a much needed peace. Through his
exertions he put an end to the wholesale bestowal of ecclesiastical
offices by laymen; he re-established the freedom of canonical elections
and secured recognition of the principle that ecclesiastical
jurisdiction can come only from the Church, while on the other hand he
conceded to the secular authorities the influence to which they were
rightly entitled in the election of prelates who were at the same time
the most powerful and richest subjects of the State. On the other hand,
he was blamed at the time, principally by Archbishop Conrad of
Salzburg, for not insisting upon the withdrawal of the oath of homage
which every bishop was required to make to the emperor or his feudal
lord, but it should be remembered that Callistus II well understood
that unless something were conceded peace was impossible, and that the
oath of homage, however improper the ceremony might seem, was not an
unnatural demand on the part of the emperor in regard to subjects who
wielded such an enormous political power as did the bishops of the
German Empire.</p>
<p id="c-p447" shownumber="no">Callistus II was not very remarkable for his literary productions;
yet a few works have come down to us which are ascribed to his pen.
They are: "De Miraculis Sancti Jacobi Apostoli", "De obitu et Vita
Sanctorum", "Vita Caroli Magni Imperatoris". Many letters attributed to
him are preserved. These, together with his other writings, may be
found in Migne, P.L., CLXIII (1073-1383). Besides this edition,
thirty-six of his letters are contained in Hardouin's "Concilia" (VI,
2, 1949-1976). These same letters, with two additional, are published
by Mansi (XXI, 190-218); some others are given by D'Achery [Spicilegium
(Paris, 1723), II, 964; III, 478, 479]; some additional ones are to be
found in "Magn. Bull. Rom. Continuat.", III, ed. Luxembourg, 1730, 12.
See INVESTITURES; VIENNE.</p>
<p id="c-p448" shownumber="no">Biographies of Callistus II have been written by PANDULPHUS
ALETRINUS, ARAGONIUS, and BERNARDUS GUIDONIS (MURATORI, 
<i>Script. Rer. Ital.</i>, III, 1, 418). Cf. WATTERICH, 
<i>Vitae Rom. Pontif.</i>, II, 115; MIGNE, P.L., CLXIII, 1071; ROBERT, 
<i>Bullaire du pape Calixte II</i> (Paris, 1891); MAURER, 
<i>Papst Calixtus II</i>, in 2 parts (Munich, 1886, 1889). For the
Synod of Vienne, see MANSI, XXI, 175, and HARDOUIN, VI, 2, 1752. For
the Synod of Reims, MANSI, XXI, 187, and HEFELE, 
<i>Conciliengesch.</i>, V, 344; HALLER, 
<i>Die Verhandlungen zu Mouzon</i> (1119), etc. in 
<i>Heidelberger Jahrbucher</i>, 1892. For Concordat of Worms, see
MANSI, XXI, 273, 287, and JAFFE, 
<i>Bibl. Rer. Germ.</i>, V, 383, also MUNCH, 
<i>Vollstandige Sammlung aller Concordate</i>, I (Leipzig, 1830), and
NUSSI, 
<i>Conventiones de Rebus Eccles.</i> (Mainz, 1870); BERNHEIM, 
<i>Zur Geschichte des Wormser Konkordates</i> (Leipzig, 1878); BRESLAU,

<i>Die kaiserliche Ausfertigung des Wormser Konkordates</i> in 
<i>Mitteil. des Instituts fur Oesterreich. Gesch.</i>, 1885.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p449" shownumber="no">JAMES MACCAFFREY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p449.1" title="Callistus III, Pope" type="Encyclopedia">Pope Callistus III</term>
<def id="c-p449.2">
<h1 id="c-p449.3">Pope Callistus III</h1>
<p id="c-p450" shownumber="no">Born near Valencia in Spain, 31 December, 1378; died at Rome, 6
August, 1458. Alfonso de Borja (Ital. Borgia), as he was known before
he became pope, came of a noble family, and having finished his studies
espoused the cause of the antipope Benedict XIII, and received from the
latter the title of canon. When Alfonso V of Aragon resolved to
withdraw from the Schism and place himself and his kingdom under the
jurisdiction of Martin V, Alfonso Borgia acted the part of mediator
with Benedict's successor, Clement VIII, and induced the latter to
submit to the lawful pope. Martin V appointed Borgia Bishop of Valencia
(1429), and in 1444 Eugene IV made him cardinal. In both offices he was
remarkable for his mortified life, his firmness of purpose, and his
prudence in face of serious difficulties. Already popular opinion had
marked him as a candidate for the papacy.</p>
<p id="c-p451" shownumber="no">On the 25th of March, 1455, Nicholas V died, and Alfonso Borgia was
elected (8 April) and assumed the name of Callistus III. As pope he was
chiefly concerned with the organization of Christian Europe against the
invasion of the Turks. Constantinople had been captured by Mohammed II
(1453), and though Pope Nicholas V had made every effort nothing had
been done to stay the victorious march of the forces of Islam. Already,
as cardinal, Callistus had manifested a special interest in this work,
and on his election he set himself to carry out the programme which he
had already planned. Nuncios were dispatched to all the countries of
Europe to beseech the princes to forget for a time their national
jealousies and to join once more in a final effort to check the danger
of a Turkish invasion. Missionaries were sent to England, France,
Germany, Hungary, Portugal, and Aragon to preach the Crusade, to secure
volunteers for active service in the wars, to collect the taxes
necessary for the support of those in the field, and to engage the
prayers of the faithful for the success of the enterprise. It was by
order of Callistus III that the bells were rung at midday to remind the
faithful that they should pray for the welfare of the crusaders.</p>
<p id="c-p452" shownumber="no">But the princes of Europe were slow in responding to the call of the
pope. In Germany, Frederick III, through hatred of Ladislaus of
Hungary, was unwilling to join a movement from which Hungary was
certain to derive an immediate advantage, while the bishops and
electors were opposed to the collection of the papal tax imposed in
favour of the crusaders. England and France were at war and refused to
allow their forces to be weakened by participation in the plans of
Callistus III. Genoa did organize a fleet and dispatch it against the
Turks, but only to lay herself open to attack by Aragon, while
Portugal, disheartened by lack of success, withdrew the fleet that it
had already dispatched. Fortunately for Europe, the efforts of the pope
were not entirely in vain. The crusading forces led by Hunyady, and
inspired by the zeal and courage of the papal legate Carvajal and St.
John Capistran, met the Turks at Belgrade (22 July, 1456) and inflicted
upon them one of the worst defeats they underwent during their long
conflict with Christian Europe. The pope had longed for such a success
in the hope that it might encourage the princes of Europe to respond to
his call for assistance. The news of the victory was duly announced to
the courts by special messengers of the pope, but warm congratulations
were the only reply. Unfortunately, too, shortly after his victory over
Mohammed II at Belgrade, Hunyady himself died of a fever, and it seemed
as if no Christian general could be found equal to the task of saving
Europe.</p>
<p id="c-p453" shownumber="no">In the next year of this pontificate renewed efforts were made to
enlist the co-operation of Germany. The pope endeavoured to make peace
between Frederick III and Ladislaus of Hungary, but during the
negotiations Ladislaus died (1457), after a reign of seven years, and
his death was the occasion of renewed disputes between the three great
representatives of the House of Hapsburg, Frederick III, Albrecht VI,
and Sigismund of Tyrol. In Albania alone was found a leader,
Scanderbeg, who had steadily resisted the invasion of the Turks, and
against whom all the powers of Mohammed were unavailing. Callistus III
summoned (1457) another assembly of the princes of Europe to devise
measures against the inroads of Mohammed. But again his efforts were
unavailing. In France, the Dauphin was in favour of the proposals of
Callistus, but the king refused to join in the enterprise, and the
clergy were so discontented with the levy of the crusading tax that in
many provinces they refused to pay, and appealed to a general council.
Similar sentiments of distrust and resentment were felt by the clergy
and the prince-electors of the German Empire. England, on account of
the war against the allied powers, France and Scotland, was unwilling
to embark in any new expedition. The war between Aragon and Genoa
continued, while, as usual, Venice was more anxious to promote her own
commerce than to take part in the destruction of the Turkish fleet. In
Bohemia disputes raged about the succession to the throne, and even
when an assembly of the nobles declared in favour of George Von
Podiebrad, he was too much concerned in trying to reconcile his
Catholic and Utraquist subjects, and to secure an understanding with
Frederick III, to permit himself to join in the Crusade. Hungary, too,
was distracted by the disputes between the rival claimants to the
throne. William of Saxony and Casimir of Poland, in the names of their
wives, put forward pretensions, but found little or no support from the
people of Hungary. A national assembly held at Pesth chose as king
Matthias Hunyady, a son of the conqueror of Belgrade, but the rival
parties refused to submit to this choice. At last (1459) they proceeded
to the election of Frederick III. The result of so many disputes was
that the countries most closely affected by the Turkish danger were
unable to do anything, and though the younger Hunyady was anxious to
follow in the footsteps of his father, and to join in the imperial
plans for a general crusade, he was too much occupied with provisions
against internal disorder and the pretensions of Frederick III to be
able to lend any real assistance. Scanderbeg was still in the field,
but with the small forces at his command he could at most hope to
defend his country, Albania, against attack. The pope was involved in
new disputes after the death of Alfonso V of Aragon. According to the
arrangements made, the latter's brother was to succeed him in Aragon
and Sicily, while his son Ferdinand, previously recognized as
legitimate by Callistus III, was to have Naples. But the pope refused
to acknowledge Ferdinand's claim to Naples and, as feudal lord of the
territory, asserted for himself the power of disposing of it as he
wished. This dispute prevented him from continuing the work of
organizing the Crusade and alienated from the cause the powerful family
of Aragon.</p>
<p id="c-p454" shownumber="no">Moreover, it injured the reputation of Callistus III, as it gave
more colour to the charges of nepotism which were even then freely
levelled against him. He had already raised to the cardinalate two of
his nephews, one of whom, the youthful Rodrigo, was later to become
Pope Alexander VI; he bestowed upon a third the governorship of the
Castle of Sant' Angelo and the title of Duke of Spoleto. Many asserted
that his opposition to Ferdinand of Aragon was due to his desire of
securing Naples for the worthless Duke of Spoleto. In this way the
early part of 1458 was spent, and during the last few months of his
life even Callistus himself had begun to clearly realize that the work
to which he had devoted his pontificate had proved a failure, and that
on other shoulders must devolve the task of driving back the Turk.</p>
<p id="c-p455" shownumber="no">His reign is also remarkable for the revision of the trial of Joan
of Arc, which was carried out by direction of the pope, and according
to which the sentence of the first court was quashed, and the innocence
of the Maid of Orléans proclaimed. He also had the honour of
placing the name of Osmund, Bishop of Salisbury, on the list of
canonized saints. The energies of Callistus were too much directed
towards the campaign against the Turks to permit him to devote so much
attention to the literary revival of the time as did some of his
predecessors, especially Nicholas V, and this neglect of the Humanists
made some of them his enemies; yet he seems to have spent a
considerable sum of money in securing some valuable additions to the
treasures of the Vatican.</p>
<p id="c-p456" shownumber="no">Callistus III must ever be regarded as a man of lofty ideals, of
boundless courage, energy, and perseverance. He realized the dangers
which then confronted Europe, and made every effort to unite its
Christian princes for the defence of their own countries; if he failed,
the blame must fall not on the pope, but on those who refused to
hearken to his counsels. It is unfortunate that a character, otherwise
straightforward and unsullied, should have been damaged by contemporary
charges of nepotism and avarice. He left, at his death, a rather
remarkable sum of money. His letters are to be found in Raynaldus,
"Annales Eccl." from 1455 to 1458; see also Harduin, "Concilia", IX,
1375-78, D'Achéry, "Spicilegium", III (Paris ed. 796-804), and
"Magn. Bullar. Rom." (Lyons, 1692), I, 279-82.</p>
<p id="c-p457" shownumber="no">HARDUIN, 
<i>Concilia</i>, IX, 1375; PASTOR, tr. ANTROBUS, 
<i>History of the Popes</i> (London, 1894), III; CREIGHTON, 
<i>History of the Papacy during the Reformation</i>, III, IV; BLUME, 
<i>Iter Italicum</i>, III; REUMONT, 
<i>Geschichte der Stadt Rom</i> (Berlin, 1858), III; 126 sq; HEFELE, 
<i>Concilieng.</i>, VIII, 74 sqq.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p458" shownumber="no">JAMES MACCAFFREY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p458.1" title="Callot, Jacques" type="Encyclopedia">Jacques Callot</term>
<def id="c-p458.2">
<h1 id="c-p458.3">Jacques Callot</h1>
<p id="c-p459" shownumber="no">A French etcher, engraver, and painter, b. at Nancy, France, 1592;
d. in the same city, 28 March, 1635. His father was Jean Callot, a
noble, the herald-at-arms for Lorraine, who desired that his son should
become a soldier or a priest. But the boy's inclinations for art were
so intense, and he was so precocious that parental wishes were of no
avail. His work even as a schoolboy showed a grasp of human character,
and the bizarre and humerous, particularly in people of the lower
orders, attracted him. Before he was twelve years old he had studied
design, wherein he was so soon to become a master, and had received aid
from Henriet Israel, son of the Lorraine court-painter, and from
Dumange Crocq, the royal engraver.</p>
<p id="c-p460" shownumber="no">In 1604 he ran away to Italy in the company of a band of gypsies,
hoping to reach the goal of his ambition, Rome. He stopped in Florence
and studied engraving under the celebrated Remigio Gallina, and copied
the work of the masters, thus tempering his love for the grotesque. The
young runaway was soon sent home, to the joy of his parents, but his
father finally consented to his accompanying the envoy of Duke Henry II
to the Papal Court. In Rome he practised engraving and etching and
invented a hard varnish for grounding copper-plates. When he left Italy
(1621 or 1622) his fame was already great, and it soon became
world-wide. He engraved for the Infanta Eugenia in Brussels and for
Louis XIII in Paris. It is said that when the French monarch in 1633
commanded Callot to engrave a plate commemorative of the fall of Nancy
the artist cried that he "would rather cut off his right hand than use
it on such a work".</p>
<p id="c-p461" shownumber="no">If little is known of his intimate life and traits, his 1600 plates
afford full information concerning the artistic side of his career.
Callot was often ugly in his realism, but he was a master of the art of
design, clear in drawing, fertile in invention, precise in line, and
varied in his style. The freedom and naïveté in his small
figures, the lifelike manner in which he treated them, and the
certainty with which he arranged complicated groups made him the
pioneer of methods followed by Rembrandt and his forerunners. The
Macaberesque note in medieval art is dominant in his work, and there is
a piquancy and newness given to the slightest details. A peculiarity in
nearly all his figures is the smallness of the heads in proportion to
the bodies. His landscapes are inferior to his figure-pieces and
architectural plates, though the latter are of great historical and
topographical interest ("La Tour de Nesle" with "the Old Louvre"). No
authentic finished painting by Callot exists among the great
collections, and it is very doubtful if he ever completed a work in
oil. The master of the grotesque and humerous was the father of etching
in France, and his fame comes from his etchings, which are better than
his engravings. He frequently spoiled his splendid point-work with the
burin, and his reputation as an aquafortist depends, therefore, more on
what he did than on how he did it. Notable among his works are eighteen
plates entitled "TheMiseries of War"; twenty-five plates of beggers;
"The Holy Family"; "Cosmo III, Grand Duke of Tuscany"; "Charles III of
Lorraine". His last years were spent industriously in Nancy, where he
died. He was buried in the church of the Franciscans (Cordeliers). He
was noted for his loyalty and courage as a subject of Lorraine, and for
his generosity, probity, and kindness of heart as a citizen.</p>
<p id="c-p462" shownumber="no">Meaume, Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages de Jacques Callot
(Paris, 1860); Dictionnaire général des artistes de
l'école française, s.v. (Paris, 1882).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p463" shownumber="no">LEIGH HUNT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p463.1" title="Cally, Pierre" type="Encyclopedia">Pierre Cally</term>
<def id="c-p463.2">
<h1 id="c-p463.3">Pierre Cally</h1>
<p id="c-p464" shownumber="no">Philosopher and theologian, b. at Mesnil-Hubert, department of Orne,
France, date of birth uncertain; d. 31 December, 1709. In 1660 he was
appointed professor of philosophy and eloquence in the University of
Caen, and in 1675, president of the Collège des Arts in the same
city. In 1684 he assumed charge of the parish of Saint-Martin. He wrote
a course of philosophy, "Universæ philosophiæ institutiones"
(Caen, 1695), in which the theories of Descartes are explained and
defended. He worked with great zeal for the conversion of Protestants,
and gave conferences in which he endeavoured to solve their
difficulties. For the same purpose he composed a book on the Eucharist,
"Durand commenté, ou accord de la philosophie avec la théolog
ie touchant la transsubstantiation de l'eucharistie" (Caen, 1700). In
it he denies the existence of absolute accidents and, instead of
transubstantiation, admits a transformation. Before and after the
consecration the matter of the bread remains the same; by the
consecration the matter of the bread becomes the matter of the body of
Christ. A publisher in Caen was asked to print sixty copies of the work
to be sent to competent judges before making it public. In fact, eight
hundred copies were printed immediately and sold. At once the book
became the subject of many discussions, and was bitterly denounced. On
30 March, 1701, Bishop de Nesmond of Bayeux condemned seventeen
propositions taken from Cally's work as "false, rash, erroneous,
scandalous, injurious, to the Council of Trent (Sess. XIII, c. iv and
canon ii), destructive of the real presence of the body of Christ in
the Eucharist, and leading to heresy concerning transubstantiation".
Cally made a public retraction on 21 April of the same year. In
addition to the works already mentioned he wrote "Doctrine
hérétique et schismatique touchant la primauté du pape
enseignée par les jésuites dans leur collége de Caen"
(1644); "Discours en forme d'homélies sur les mystères, sur
les miracles et sur les paroles de Notre-Scigneur Jésus-Christ qui
sont dans l'évangile" (Caen, 1703), and published a new edition
with commentaries of Boethius's work, "De consolatione
philosophicâ" (Caen, 1695).</p>
<p id="c-p465" shownumber="no">Picot, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire
eclésiastique pendant le 18e siècle (3d ed., Paris, 1853), I,
229; Werner, Der Heilige Thomas von Aquino (Ratisbon, 1889), III, 555;
Mangenot in Dict. de théol. cath., II, 1368.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p466" shownumber="no">C.A. DUBRAY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p466.1" title="Calmet, Dom Augustin" type="Encyclopedia">Dom Augustin Calmet</term>
<def id="c-p466.2">
<h1 id="c-p466.3">Dom Augustin Calmet</h1>
<p id="c-p467" shownumber="no">Celebrated exegetist; b. at Ménil-la-Horgne, near Commercy,
Lorraine, France, 26 Feb., 1672; d. at the abbey of Senones, near
Saint-Dié, 25 Oct., 1757. He was educated at the Benedictine
priory of Breuil, and in 1688 joined the same order in the Abbey of
St-Mansuy at Toul, where he was admitted to profession 23 Oct. of the
following year. After his ordination, 17 March, 1696, he was appointed
to teach philosophy and theology at the Abbey of Moyen-Moutier. Here
with the help of his brethren he began to gather the material for his
commentary of the Bible, which he completed at Münster in Alsace
where he was sent in 1704 as sub-prior and professor of exegesis. The
first volume appeared in Paris in 1707 with the title "Commentaire
littéral sur tous les livres de l'Ancien et du Nouveau Testament";
the last of the twenty-three quarto volumes, owing to various delays,
was published only in 1716. To satisfy the demand for the work a second
edition in twenty-six volumes quarto was issued 1714-1720, and a third,
enlarged, edition in nine volumes folio 1724-1726. A Latin translation
by Mansi was published at Lucca, 1730-1738, in nine folio volumes, with
new editions at Augsburg (1756, eight volumes folio) and Würzburg
(1789, nineteen volumes quarto); another Latin translation by F.
Vecelli appeared at Venice and Frankfort (1730, six volumes folio).
This shows how much the commentary was esteemed. But while it was
received with high praise, even by Protestants, critics were not
wanting, among whom may be mentioned the Oratorian Richard Simon. It
cannot be denied that in spite of its merits and great erudition it is
in some respects open to criticism. Difficult passages are often passed
over lightly, and too frequently different explanations of a text are
set down without a hint to the reader as to which is the right or
preferable one.</p>
<p id="c-p468" shownumber="no">The work inaugurated a new method of Biblical exegesis, inasmuch as
its author very sensibly departed from the general custom of giving an
allegorical (mystical) and tropological (moral) interpretation besides
the literal, and confined himself to the latter. The most valuable part
of the commentary were the introductory prefaces to the several books
and 114 learned dissertations on special topics. These he published
separately with nineteen new ones in three volumes, under the title
"Dissertations qui peuvent servir de prolégomènes à
l'Ecriture Sainte" (Paris, 1720). The collection met with such success
that two editions were printed at Amsterdam in 1722, the title being
changed to "Trésors d'antiquités sacrées et profanes".
It was translated into English (Oxford, 1726), Latin (by Mansi, Lucca,
1729), Dutch (Rotterdam, 1728), German (Bremen, 1738,1744, and 1747)
and Italian. In the meanwhile he had prepared two other works closely
connected with Biblical exegesis: (1) "Histoire de l'Ancien et du
Nouveau Testament et des Juifs" (Paris, 1718), which went through
several editions, and was translated into English (London, 1740),
German (Augsburg, 1759) and Latin (ib., 1788); (2) "Dictionnaire
historique, critique, chronologique, géographiqu e et
littéral de la Bible" (Paris, 1720, two vols. folio), a supplement
(also folio) was added in 1728. An improved and enlarged edition in
four folio volumes was published in 1730, which has several times been
reprinted, the last time in Migne, "Encyclopédie
théologique", I-IV. It, too, was translated into Latin and the
principal European languages. The English translation by D'Oyley and
Colson (1732), revised and with additions by Taylor (1795), went
through many editions in a larger and compendious form. In his later
years Calmet published some further Biblical dissertations in the
"Bible de Vence" (1742). Among his other published works may be
mentioned: (1) "Histoire universelle sacrée et profane, depuis le
commencement du monde jusqu'à nos jours" (Strasburg, 1735,
quarto), in which he follows the ideas enunciated in Bossuet's
"Discours sur l'histoire universelle"; (2) "Histoire
ecclésiastique et civile de la Lorraine" (Nancy, 1728), of great
value for the history of that province; (3) "Bibliothèque
Lorraine" (Nancy, 1751), containing his autobiography (pp. 209-217);
(4) "Commentaire littéral historique et moral sur la règle de
S. Benoît" (Paris, 1734). Calmet was a pious religious as well as
a learned man. In recognition of these qualities he was elected prior
of Lay-Saint-Christophe in 1715, abbot of St-Léopold at Nancy in
1719, and of Senones in 1729; he was also twice entrusted with the
office of president or superior general of the congregation. Benedict
XIII wished to confer episcopal dignity upon him, but his humility
could not be brought to accept the honour.</p>
<p id="c-p469" shownumber="no">Fangé, Vie du R. P. D. Aug. Calmet (Senones, 1762); Maggiolo,
Eloge historique de D. A. Calmet (Nancy, 1839); Digot, Notice
biographique et littéraire sur D. Augustin Calmet (Nancy, 1860);
Bazelaire, Dom Calmet et la Congr. de Saint-Vanne in Le Correspondant
(1845), 703-727, 846-874; Hurter, Nomenclator; Magenot in Vig., Dict.
de la Bible, II, 72 sq.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p470" shownumber="no">F. BECHTEL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p470.1" title="Caloe" type="Encyclopedia">Caloe</term>
<def id="c-p470.2">
<h1 id="c-p470.3">Caloe</h1>
<p id="c-p471" shownumber="no">A titular see of Asia Minor, mentioned as Kaloe, and Keloue in
inscriptions of the third century, Kalose in Hierocles' "Synecdemos"
(660); as Kalloe, Kaloe, and even Kolone in Parthey's "Notitiæ
episcopatuum", where it figures from the sixth to the twelfth or
thirteenth century. Caloe must be identified with the modern village of
Kilis, Keles, Kelas, a 
<i>nahié</i> in the vilayet of Smyrna, to the southwest of
Ala-Shehir (ancient Philadelphia), in the upper valley of the
Kutchuk-Mendérès (Caÿstrus). There was in Lydia a Lake
Koloe, near which the tombs of Lydian kings and the temple of Artemis
Koloene stood. According to Lequien, the titular see took its name from
this locality; but Loquien's view is inconsistent with the position
assigned to Caloe by the "Notitiæ episcopatuum" as a suffragan see
of Ephesus.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p472" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈ;S</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p472.1" title="Caltagirone" type="Encyclopedia">Caltagirone</term>
<def id="c-p472.2">
<h1 id="c-p472.3">Caltagirone</h1>
<p id="c-p473" shownumber="no">(Calata Hieronis; Calatayeronensis).</p>
<p id="c-p474" shownumber="no">Caltagirone is a city in the province of Catania, Sicily, built on
two eminences about 2000 feet above sea-level, connected by a bridge.
It is supposed by some to be the ancient 
<i>Hybla Minor</i>, by others the ancient 
<i>Gela</i>. In the Middle Ages it became a Saracen stronghold. The
first two syllables of its name are of Arabic origin 
(<i>kalaat</i>, castle). The Genoese tried unsuccessfully to expel the
Arabs from Caltagirone, which later, however, with the rest of Sicily
fell into the hands of the Normans. It belonged at one time to the
Diocese of Syracuse, but when the latter was made the seat of a
metropolitan, Caltagirone was erected into a suffragan see. The first
bishop was Gaetano Maria Trigona, afterwards transferred to Palermo.
The diocese contains a population of 115,500 with 25 parishes, 112
churches and chapels, 199 secular and 48 regular priests, 5 religious
houses for men, and 5 for women.</p>
<p id="c-p475" shownumber="no">Cappelletti, Le chiese d'Italia (Venice, 1844), XXI, 628; Ann. eccl.
(Rome, 1907), 354-55.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p476" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p476.1" title="Caltanisetta" type="Encyclopedia">Caltanisetta</term>
<def id="c-p476.2">
<h1 id="c-p476.3">Caltanisetta</h1>
<p id="c-p477" shownumber="no">(Calathanisium; Calathanisiadensis).</p>
<p id="c-p478" shownumber="no">The city is situated in a fertile plain of Sicily, on the River
Salso, in the vicinity of the most extensive sulphur mines in the
world. The name is Arabic in origin. The immense cavern of
Caltabillotta is famous on account of the legend of a great dragon,
driven thence by the holy hermit Peregrinus when he chose that spot for
a life of penance. This city formerly belonged to the Diocese of
Girgenti, but was created an episcopal see by Gregory XVI in 1844, and
is a suffragan of Monreale. The first bishop was Antonio Stromillo. The
churches of the city worthy of notice are: Santa Maria Nuova, the
cathedral, and Santa Maria Vecchia, whose Saracen-Norman portal is an
exquisite work of art. Caltanisetta has 17 parishes, 182 churches and
chapels, 225 secular priests, 145,000 Catholics, 4 religious houses for
men and 16 for women.</p>
<p id="c-p479" shownumber="no">Cappelletti, La chiese d'Italia (Venice, 1844), XXI, 609; Ann. eccl.
(Rome, 1907), 355-56.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p480" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p480.1" title="Calumny" type="Encyclopedia">Calumny</term>
<def id="c-p480.2">
<h1 id="c-p480.3">Calumny</h1>
<p id="c-p481" shownumber="no">(Lat. 
<i>calvor</i>, to use artifice, to deceive)</p>
<p id="c-p482" shownumber="no">Etymologically any form of ruse or fraud employed to deceive
another, particularly in judicial proceedings. In its more commonly
accepted signification it means the unjust damaging of the good name of
another by imputing to him a crime or fault of which he is not guilty.
The sin thus committed is in a general sense mortal, just as is
detraction. It is hardly necessary, however, to observe that as in
other breaches of the law the sin may be venial, either because of the
trivial character of the subject-matter involved or because of
insufficient deliberation in the making of the accusation. Objectively,
a calumny is a mortal sin when it is calculated to do serious harm to
the person so traduced. Just as in the instance of wrongful damage to
person or estate, so the calumniator is bound to adequate reparation
for the injury perpetrated by the blackening of another's good name. He
is obliged (1) to retract his false statements, and that even though
his own reputation may necessarily as a consequence suffer. (2) He must
also make good whatever other losses have been sustained by the
innocent party as a result of his libellous utterances, provided these
same have been in some measure 
(<i>in confuso</i>) foreseen by him. In canon law the phrase 
<i>juramentum calumniae</i> is employed to indicate the oath taken by
the parties to a litigation, by which they averred that the action was
brought and the defence offered in good faith.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p483" shownumber="no">JOSEPH F. DELANY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p483.1" title="Calvaert, Dionysius" type="Encyclopedia">Dionysius Calvaert</term>
<def id="c-p483.2">
<h1 id="c-p483.3">Dionysius Calvaert</h1>
<p id="c-p484" shownumber="no">An eminent painter, usually known as "The Fleming" and called Denis,
a native of Antwerp and a student at Bologna, born about the year 1640;
died 1619. The Antwerp "Record of Artists" or "Liggeren" (1556-57),
gives his name as Caluwaert. He first studied under Christiaen van
Queecborne, but early left his olden country for Bologna, becoming a
pupil first with Prospero Fontana, in 1570, and afterwards with Lorenzo
Sabbatini, whom he accompanied to Rome in 1572 and remained there for
two years assisting his master in his paintings in the Vatican. On his
return to Bologna he settled there permanently, establishing a
celebrated school from which sprang among other notable artists,
Albani, Guido, and Domenichino. The rival school in Bologna was that of
the Carracci, but Calvaert was so respected in the city that on his
decease Ludovico Carracci attended his funeral in the Servite church
and brought with him all his pupils.</p>
<p id="c-p485" shownumber="no">Calvaert was a profound student of architecture, anatomy, and
history, exceedingly accurate in perspective and graceful in design.
His colouring is full and rich, his execution suave and accurate and,
although there is something of an awkward stillness in the movements of
his figures and an academic mannerism in his grouping, yet in
composition he was far ahead of his rivals and in colouring undoubtedly
their superior. As an instructor few excelled him. His principal works
are to be seen at Bologna, Florence, St. Petersburg, Parma, and Caen,
and many of his pictures have been engraved. His life was one of great
devotion to his art and his faith, and he was greatly respected in
Bologna.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p486" shownumber="no">GEORGE CHARLES WILLIAMSON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p486.1" title="Calvary, Congregation of Our Lady of" type="Encyclopedia">Congregation of Our Lady of Cavalry</term>
<def id="c-p486.2">
<h1 id="c-p486.3">Congregation of Our Lady of Calvary</h1>
<p id="c-p487" shownumber="no">A congregation founded at Poitiers, in 1617, by Antoinette of
Orléans-Longueville, assisted by the famous Capuchin Father Joseph
Le Clerc du Tremblay. Antoinette was left a widow in 1596, and entered
the convent of Feuillantines at Toulouse in 1599. After her profession
she was commanded by the pope to act as coadjutrix to the Abbess of
Fontevrault, and assist her in reforming her convent. Here Antoinette
met Father Joseph, who became her director: he had just reformed the
monastery of l'Encloître, and when Paul V ordered Antoinette to
found a seminary for training religious, this convent was chosen for
that purpose, and was soon filled with novices. In 1614 Antoinette
founded and built a new convent at Poitiers, dedicated to Our Lady of
Calvary, which became the cradle of the congregation. By permission of
the pope, she left Fontevrault to enter this monastery, and took with
her those nuns who wished to follow the Benedictine rule in all its
strictness. The Abbess of Fontevrault at first consented to this, but
afterwards objected, and it was not until Antoinette's death that
Father Joseph established the new congregation, gave them
constitutions, and got Gregory XV to issue a Bull erecting them into an
independent congregation under the title of Our Lady of Calvary. They
were finally approved by the Holy See, 17 January, 1827. The
congregation succumbed to the French Revolution, but was restored
afterwards and in 1860 had twenty houses in France, of which seven
still exist. The mother-house is at Orléans, three convents are in
Vendôme, Angers, and La Capelle Marival, and in 1897 an orphanage
and boarding-school were opened for girls of the Greek Rite on the
Mount of Olives at Jerusalem. The life is mixed. Father Joseph ordered
that there should always be a nun meditating before the crucifix day
and night. The nuns have boarding-schools and take charge of deaf and
dumb girls, and the old and infirm. The habit is brown with a black
scapular.</p>
<p id="c-p488" shownumber="no">Heimbucher, Die Orden und Congregationen der katholischen Kirche
(Paderborn, 1907). Braunmüller in Kirchenlex., II, 358;
Hélyot, Dict. des Ordres Religieux (Paris, 1860); de Feller,
Biographie Universelle (Besançon, 1848), VI; Constitutions des
Bénédictines de la congrégation du Calvaire (Paris,
1635).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p489" shownumber="no">FRANCESCA M. STEELE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p489.1" title="Calvary, Mount" type="Encyclopedia">Mount Calvary</term>
<def id="c-p489.2">
<h1 id="c-p489.3">Mount Calvary</h1>
<p id="c-p490" shownumber="no">The place of the Crucifixion of Jesus Christ.</p>
<h3 id="c-p490.1">NAME</h3>
<h4 id="c-p490.2">Etymology and Use</h4>
<p id="c-p491" shownumber="no">The word Calvary (Lat. 
<i>Calvaria</i>) means "a skull". Calvaria and the Gr. 
<i>Kranion</i> are equivalents for the original 
<i>Golgotha</i>. The ingenious conjecture that Golgotha may be a
contraction for 
<i>Gol Goatha</i> and may accordingly have signified "mount of
execution", and been related to Goatha in Jer., xxi, 39, has found
scarcely any supporters. The diminutive 
<i>monticulus</i> (little mount) was coupled with the name A.D. 333 by
the "Pilgrim of Bordeaux".</p>
<p id="c-p492" shownumber="no">Towards the beginning of the fifth century Rufinus spoke of "the
rock of Golgotha". Since the sixth century the usage has been to
designate Calvary as a mountain. The Gospel styles it merely a "place",
(Matt. xxvii, 33; Mark xv, 22; Luke, xxiii, 33; John, xix, 17).</p>
<h4 id="c-p492.1">Origin of the Name</h4>
<p id="c-p493" shownumber="no">The following theories have been advanced:</p>
<ul id="c-p493.1">
<li id="c-p493.2">Calvary may have been a place of public execution, and so named
from the skulls strewn over it. The victims were perhaps abandoned to
become a prey to birds and beasts, as Jezabel and Pharao's baker had
been (IV K., ix, 35; Gen., xl, 19, 22).</li>
<li id="c-p493.3">Its name may have been derived from a cemetery that may have stood
near. There is no reason for believing that Joseph's tomb, in which the
body of Christ was laid, was an isolated one, especially since it was
located in the district later on described by Josephus as containing
the monument of the high-priest John. This hypothesis has the further
advantage of explaining the thinness of the population in this quarter
at so late a period as that of the siege of Jerusalem (Jos., Bell.
jud., V, vi, 2). Moreover, each of the rival Calvaries of to-day is
near a group of ancient Jewish tombs.</li>
<li id="c-p493.4">The name may have been occasioned by the physical contour of the
place. St. Luke (loc. cit.) seems to this by saying it was the place
called "a skull" 
(<i>kranion</i>). Moreover, Golgotha (from a Hebrew root meaning "to
roll"), which borrows its signification from the rounded or rolling
form of the skull, might also have been applied to a skull-shaped
hillock.</li>
<li id="c-p493.5">There was a tradition current among the Jews that the skull of
Adam, after having been confided by Noah to his son Shem, and by the
latter to Melchisedech, was finally deposited at the place called, for
that reason, Golgotha. The Talmudists and the Fathers of the Church
were aware of this tradition, and it survives in the skulls and bones
placed at the foot of the crucifix. The Evangelists are not opposed to
it, inasmuch as they speak of one and not of many skulls. (Luke, Mark,
John, loc. cit.)</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p494" shownumber="no">The curious origins of many Biblical names, the twofold and
sometimes disagreeing explanations offered for them by the Sacred
Writers (Gen., 
<i>passim</i>) should make us pause before accepting any of the above
theories as correct. Each of them has its weak points: The first seems
to be opposed to the Jewish law, which prescribed that the crucified
should be buried before sundown (Deut., xxi, 23). Josephus intimates
that this enactment was scrupulously observed (Bell. jud., IV, v, 2).
The executions cited in support of the opinion are too few, too remote,
and too isolated to have the force of proof. Moreover, in this
supposition Calvary wold have been called more correctly a place "of
skulls" but the Evangelists nowhere use the plural. In the first tow
theories no sufficient reason is assigned for selecting the skull in
reference to any other member of the body, or the corpse itself, as a
name-giver. The third theory is plausible and more popular. Yet it may
not be urged a priori, as indicating a requisite for a Calvary
otherwise unauthenticated. The Evangelists seem to have been more
intent upon giving an intelligible equivalent for the obscure name,
Golgotha, than upon vouching for its origin. The fourth theory has been
characterized as too absurd, though it has many serious adherents. It
was not absurd to the uncritical Jew. It would not seem absurd to
untaught Christians. Yet it is among the untaught that names arise
spontaneously. Indeed Christians embellished the legend, as we shall
see.</p>

<h3 id="c-p494.1">DESCRIPTIVE DATA</h3>
<h4 id="c-p494.2">The New Testament</h4>
<p id="c-p495" shownumber="no">The only explicit notices are that the Crucifixion took place
outside the city (Heb., xiii, 12), but close to it; a newly-hewn tomb
stood in a garden not far away (John, xix, 20, 41); the spot was
probably near a frequented road, thus permitting the passers-by to
revile the supposed criminal. That the Cyrenian was coming from the
country when he was forced into service seems to exclude only two of
the roads entering Jerusalem, the one leading from Bethlehem and the
one from Siloe (Matt., xxvii, 30; Mark, xv, 24, 29; Luke, xxiii, 26).
Any other road entering Jerusalem might fulfil the condition. The
incidents recorded along the sorrowful journey are so few that the
distance from the praetorium is left a matter of conjecture.</p>
<h4 id="c-p495.1">Early Medieval Narratives</h4>
<p id="c-p496" shownumber="no">After the Apostolic Age no more is heard of Calvary until the fourth
century. Under pagan rule an idol had been place there, and had been
later embraced within the same enclosure as the crypt of the
Resurrection (Sozomen, Hist. Eccl., II, 1, 2). Eustachius,
Constantine's architect, separated it from the latter by hewing away a
great mass of stone. It was St. Melania the Younger who first adorned
Mount Calvary with a chapel (436).</p>
<p id="c-p497" shownumber="no">The place is described as a "knoll of scanty size" 
(<i>deficiens loci tumor</i> -- Eucherius, 427-440), apparently natural,
and in the sixth century approached by steps. It was fifteen paces from
the Holy Sepulchre. It was encircled with silver railings and contained
a cell in which the Cross was kept, and a great altar (Theodosius,
530). Two years after the ravages of the Persians (614), a large church
replaced the ruined chapel (Arculfus, 680). From its roof a brazen
wheel adorned with lamps was suspended over a silver cross that stood
in the socket of Our Saviour's gibbet. This Church was destroyed in
1010, but was restored in 1048. The rock beneath is spoken of by
Soewulf (1102) as being "much cracked near the fosse of the Cross". In
the traditions, Adam's burial and Abraham's sacrifice are repeatedly
located there.</p>
<p id="c-p498" shownumber="no">By 1149 the Calvary chapel had been united by the crusaders with the
surrounding oratories into a vast basilica. The part of the rock
believed to have held the Cross is said to have been removed and lost
in a shipwreck on the coast of Syria while being transported to
Constantinople (1809). Another fragment is shown in the chapel of
Longinus, one of many in the basilica.</p>
<h4 id="c-p498.1">Contemporary Sources</h4>
<p id="c-p499" shownumber="no">Wilson, Warren, Fraas, and other eminent topographers engaged in the
interests of the English Ordinance Survey (1864-5), declare that the
lower part of this traditional Calvary is natural, and that the upper
part "may very likely be so". The knoll is of soft white limestone
(nummulitic) containing nodules, and occupies a position normally
required for such a bed in Palestine, viz. above the Missae and Malaki
strata respectively. These last beds are seen on lower levels in the
basilica. The direction taken by the rent in the rock, 96 degrees east
of north, is practically the same as that of the veining of the rocks
roundabout. Other points of similarity have been observed. The fissure
broadens eastwards. The rock has been cut away on the side of the Holy
Sepulchre, thus bearing out the architectural datum afforded by the
period of Constantine. Calvary is 140 feet south- east of the Holy
Sepulchre and 13 feet above it. The early traditions mentioned at the
beginning of this article still cling to it. The chapel of Adam beneath
that of Calvary stands for the first. A picture in it represents the
raising of Adam to life by the Precious Blood trickling down upon his
skull. An altar is there dedicated to Melchisedech. A vestige of the
second tradition subsists in a scraggy olive tree a few yards away,
religiously guarded, which the Abyssinians still claim to have been the
bush in which the ram's horns were caught when the angel stayed the
hand of Abraham.</p>
<h4 id="c-p499.1">Calvary Chapel</h4>
<p id="c-p500" shownumber="no">The small, low, poorly lighted oratory, built upon the traditional
Calvary, is divided into two sections by a pair of massive pillars. The
chapel of the Exaltation of the Cross comprises the section on the
north and belongs to the Orthodox Greeks. That of the Crucifixion on
the south is in possession of the Latins. At the eastern end, behind a
thickly-set row of sanctuary lamps kept constantly burning, there are
three altars of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth stations of the
Way of the Cross. That of the twelfth station is in the Greek chapel,
and marks the position of Our Saviour's Cross. It is near the rent made
in the rock by the earthquake. Two black marble discs at its sides
indicate the presumed positions of the malefactors' crosses. Behind it,
among numerous icons, stands a large painted image of the Crucified
Saviour.</p>
<p id="c-p501" shownumber="no">The altars of the Crucifixion and Mater Dolorosa (eleventh and
thirteenth stations) belong to the Latins. The image on the latter, or
middle, altar is screened, and incased with a profusion of votive
offerings. The floor of the chapel, which is on a level with the top of
the rock, is covered with coarse mosaics. A round stone in the pavement
on the Latin side, near the eleventh station, marks the place of the
tenth. In the roof, there is a mosaic representation of Christ.
Entrance to the chapel is obtained by the stairways. The two most
frequently used are at the west end. The eighteen steps in each
stairway, which are narrow, steep and much worn, are mostly of pink 
<i>Santa Croce</i> marble commonly quarried in Palestine.</p>
<h3 id="c-p501.1">AUTHENTICITY</h3>
<p id="c-p502" shownumber="no">It is beyond doubt that the Calvary we have been considering is the
same as that of the Middle Ages, but is it correct to identify it with
that of the Gospels? It has long been far within the city walls. But
did the city wall which has enclosed it for so many centuries enclose
it when Christ was crucified? That is, did the present city wall exist
when the Saviour was put to death? If so, this could not have been the
place of the crucifixion; for Christ was crucified outside the walls
(Heb., xiii, 12), St. Willibald (eighth century), Soewulf (twelfth
century), and many others asked themselves this question. But it was
not until two centuries ago that an affirmative answer was ventured by
Korte, a German bookseller (see below). Not, however, until the last
century did the new opinion obtain supporters. Then a school sprang up
which first rejected the old side and eventually set about seeking new
ones. Catholics, as a class, with many leading Anglicans support the
traditional claims.</p>
<p id="c-p503" shownumber="no">The authenticity of Calvary is intimately bound up with that of the
Holy Sepulchre. Relative to the authenticity of the sites of both, the
ecclesiastical writers who are the first to break silence after the
Evangelists seem to leave no room for doubt. Now it is not easy to see
how these, the chief representatives of an apologetical age, could have
overlooked the above difficulty advanced by modern writers, especially
since simple pilgrims are known to have advanced it. The spirit of
investigation had awakened in the Church long years previous to them;
and the accredited custodians of the tradition, the Jerusalem
community, had been ruled by a continuous succession of bishops since
Apostolic times. Under these circumstances, our first available
witnesses tell us that a remembrance of the site had actually been
transmitted. As a telling testimony to the confidence they merit
herein, it need only be remarked that of sixteen modern charts of the
Holy City collated by Zimmermann (Basle, 1876) only four place Golgotha
within the second or outermost wall in the time of Christ. Moreover,
Dr. Schick, the author of one of these, accepted the traditional view
before his death. Dr. Reiss, in his "Bibel-Atlas" (Freiburg im
Breisgau, 1895), also agrees with the majority. (See JERUSALEM; HOLY
SEPULCHRE.)</p>
<h3 id="c-p503.1">MODERN CALVARIES</h3>
<p id="c-p504" shownumber="no">The most popular of several sites proposed is that of Otto Thenius
(1849), better known as Gordon's Calvary, and styled by the latter,
"Skull Hill", because of its shape. Conder is the chief supporter of
this view. This site is the elevation over Jeremiah's Grotto, not far
from the Damascus Gate. In default of an historic basis, and owing to
the insufficiency of the Gospel data -- which may be verified equally
well on any side of the city -- the upholders of the new theories
usually take for granted one or other of the following statements, viz:
that Christ should have been immolated north of the altar, like the
typical victims (Lev., i, 10, 11); that Calvary was a place of public
execution; that the place reserved for crucifixion, if there was one,
was identical with a presumed stoning-place; that a modern Jewish
tradition as to a fixed stoning-place could be substantiated in the
time of Christ; and that the violent mob to which Christ was delivered
would have conformed to whatever custom prescribed for the occasion.
These affirmations all bear the mark of fitness; but until documents
are produced to confirm them, they must inevitably fall short as proof
of facts.</p>
<p id="c-p505" shownumber="no">For Fathers, see article, HOLY SEPULCHRE.
<br />Pilgrims.-GLYER, Itinera Hierosolymilana; TOBLER, Descriptions
Terrae Sanctae (1874).
<br />General Treatment.-Dictionaries of the Bible; Quarterly statement
P.E.F. (passim, especially 1902-1903); WARREN, Ordinance Survey of
Jerusalem in Notes (London, 1865); WARREN and CONDER in Jerusalem
(1881).
<br />Controversial (authors marked with an asterisk * oppose the
traditional view):- BREEN*, Harm. Expos. of the Four Gospels
(Rochester, New York), IV; FERGUSSON*, Essay on Ancient Topography of
Jerusalem (London, 1847); FINDLAY, On the Site of the Holy Sepulchre
(London, 1847); LEWIN, Siege of Jerusalem (London, 1863); REILLY,
Authenticity, etc. in Ecclesiastical Review (Philadelphia), NXXVI, nn.
6 sqq; ROBINSON*, Biblical Researches (Boston, 1840), I; SANDAY, Sacred
Sites of the Gospels (Oxford, 1903); THRUPE, Ancient Jerusalem
(Cambridge, 855); WILLIAMS, The Holy City (London, 1845);
CHATEAUBRIAND, Itineraire de Paris a Jerusalem (Paris, 1811), II;p
KORTE*, Reise nach dem gelolden Laude Aeg. Syr. tr. Mea (Halle, 1751);
KRAFFT, Die Topographie Jerusalems (Bonn, 1846); TOBLER*, Topographic
von Jerusalem a. Seinen Ungebungen (Berlin, 1853), I.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p506" shownumber="no">THOMAS À K. REILLY</p></def>

<term id="c-p506.1" title="Calvert, George" type="Encyclopedia">George Calvert</term>
<def id="c-p506.2">
<h1 id="c-p506.3">George Calvert</h1>
<p id="c-p507" shownumber="no">First Lord Baltimore, statesman and colonizer. Born at Kiplin,
Yorkshire, England, c. 1580; died in London, England, 15 April, 1632.
He graduated from Oxford in 1597. In 1605 he married a daughter of John
Mayne, a lady of distinguished family, who died in 1622. He spent some
time on the continent, where he met Robert Cecil, the secretary of
state. After his return, Calvert was made private secretary to Lord
Cecil. He was soon appointed by the king a Clerk of the Crown for the
Province of Connaught and the County Clare of Ireland. In 1609 he was
sent to Parliament from Bossiney. He was sent on a mission to the
French Court in 1610 on the occasion of the accession of Louis XIII.
Upon the death of Lord Cecil in 1613, Calvert was made clerk of the
Privy Council. Afterwards he was sent by the king to Ireland to report
on the success of the policy of bringing the Irish people into
conformity with the Church of England. There was a great deal of
discontent among the Irish, and several commissions were appointed to
hear and report on the grievances. Calvert served on two of these
commissions. He became a favorite of King James I. He translated into
Latin the argument of the king against the Dutch theologian, Vorstius.
In 1617 the order of knighthood was conferred on him and two years
later he was appointed principal secretary of state. Spain and France
were rivals for English favor. Calvert, believing Spain would be the
better friend or more formidable foe, favored the proposed marriage of
Charles, Prince of Wales, with the Infanta Maria, daughter of Philip
III, although the majority in Parliament were opposed to this union. In
the year 1620 the king made Calvert one of the commissioners for the
office of treasurer. In 1621 he served in Parliament as a
representative from Yorkshire, and in 1624 from Oxford. He was one of
the minority that favored the Spanish Court policy. He also tried to be
a conciliator between the king and the country party. As a reward for
faithful service the king granted him (in 1621) a manor of 2300 acres,
in the county of Longford, Ireland, on the condition that all settlers
"should be conformable in point of religion." Calvert, becoming a
Catholic, in 1624, surrendered this manor, but received it again, with
the religious clause omitted. On becoming a Catholic he resigned his
secretaryship. The king retained him in his Privy Council and in 1625,
elevated him to the Irish Peerage as Baron Baltimore of Baltimore in
County Longford. After the death of James, Charles offered to dispense
with the oath of religious supremacy, if Calvert would remain in the
council, but Calvert declined.</p>
<p id="c-p508" shownumber="no">Lord Baltimore purchased a plantation in Newfoundland in 1620, which
he called Avalon, and quasi-royal authority was given him. He went to
Avalon in 1627 to observe conditions in the province and to establish a
colony where all might enjoy freedom in worshipping God. He landed at
Fairyland, the settlement of the province, in 1627 and remained till
fall. When he returned next spring he brought with him his family,
including Lady Baltimore, his second wife, and about forty colonists.
On his first visit to Avalon he brought two priests, and on his second
visit one priest. After Lord Baltimore's second visit to Avalon, a
Protestant minister, Mr. Stourton, went back to England and complained
to the Privy Council that his patron was having Mass said in the
province, and that he favored the Catholics. No attention, however, was
paid to Stourton's complaints. In the war with France French cruisers
attacked the English fisheries, and Lord Baltimore's interests suffered
heavily.</p>
<p id="c-p509" shownumber="no">About 1628 Lord Baltimore requested a new grant in a better climate.
In the following year, before word came before the king, he went to
Virginia and being a Catholic, was received with various indignities.
He returned to England and at first received from Charles a grant of
land south of the James River. Meeting opposition from some of the
Virginia company, he sought another grant north and east of the
Potomac, which he obtained. Before the charter was granted, however, he
died. It is claimed that he dictated its provisions. Baltimore's works
are "Carmen Funebre in D. Hen. Untonum." in a collection of verses on
Sir Henry Unton's death, 1596; "The Answer to Tom Tell-troth: The
Practice of Princes and the Lamentations of the Kirk," (1642), a
justification of the policy of King James in refusing to support the
claim of the Elector Palatine to the crown of Bohemia; various letters
and papers of value.</p>
<p id="c-p510" shownumber="no">Browne, George and Cecilius Calvert (New York, 1880); Idem,
Maryland; Hughes, History of the Society of Jesus in North America,
Federal and Colonial (Cleveland, 1970); Hart, American History Told by
Contemporaries; Chalmers, Political Annals of the present United
Colonies from their Settlement to the Peace of 1763; Bancroft, History
of the United States; Russell, Maryland, the Land of the Sanctuary
(Baltimore, 1907).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p511" shownumber="no">J.E. HAGERTY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p511.1" title="Calvert, Cecilius" type="Encyclopedia">Cecilius Calvert</term>
<def id="c-p511.2">
<h1 id="c-p511.3">Cecilius Calvert</h1>
<p id="c-p512" shownumber="no">Second Lord Baltimore, founder of Maryland, born 1606, died 1675. At
the age of thirteen, he entered Trinity College, Oxford, where he was
educated. In 1629 he married Anne Arundell, of Wardour. When his father
died, in 1632, the charter of Maryland was granted to Cecilius, who was
made a palatine, and "Absolute Lord of Maryland and Avalon." It was
Lord Baltimore's intention, at first to come to America with the
colonists, but as there were many enemies of his colonial project at
home, he concluded to send his brothers, Leonard and George, at the
head of the expedition. The former was appointed governor. The enemies
of the charter, chiefly members of the London Company, did everything
in their power to defeat the objects of the proprietor. It was claimed
that the charter interfered with the grant of land of the Virginia
Company and that, owing to its liberality, it would attract people from
other colonies and depopulate them. The arguments of the enemies of the
charter were of no avail, and finally the colonists, numbering twenty
gentlemen and about three hundred labourers, embarked on the Ark and
the Dove, in the harbour of Cowes, Nov., 1633. Before sailing, Leonard
received instructions for the government of the colonists. Religious
toleration was the keynote of Baltimore's policy throughout his long
career. In spite of the fact that the Catholics were persecuted when
Calvert's government was overthrown, every time his authority was
restored persecution ceased and every faith had equal rights. When the
Puritans were persecuted in Massachusetts, Baltimore offered them a
refuge in Maryland, with freedom of worship.</p>
<p id="c-p513" shownumber="no">Lord Baltimore paid for the expedition, which cost him in the first
two years forty thousand pounds in transportation, provisions, and
stores. He provided them not only with the necessity but also many of
the conveniences adapted to a new country. So well were they equipped
for the founding of a colony that it was said they as much progress in
six months as Virginia made in many years. Unable to go with the first
settlers he believed that he could soon follow them to Maryland. The
privilege was forever denied him, as the enemies of his charter kept
him at home fighting fore his rights. His absence from the colony
produced a peculiar condition, the absence of laws. The charter gave
the proprietor the right to make laws with the advice and consent of
the freemen. The latter met in 1634-35 and passed "wholesome laws and
ordinances." Feeling that this act had infringed on his rights, in his
commission to the governor, April, 1637, the proprietor expressed his
disapproval of all laws passed by the colonists. For the endorsement of
the assembly of 1637-38, he sent a body of laws with his secretary,
John Lewger. These laws were rejected by the assembly, as they were
considered unsuited to the colony. A few laws not differing materially
from those sent by Baltimore were agreed to and sent to the proprietor
for his consent. At first his approval was withheld, and the colony was
without laws. Later, however, his sanction was given to the laws in a
commission to the governor, authorizing him to give his assent to the
laws made by the freemen, which would make the laws binding until they
were either approved or rejected by the proprietor. With this
commission the privilege of initiative in matters of legislation was
conceded to the colonists, the proprietor retaining the right of
absolute veto. As this power was never used by Baltimore except in
extreme cases, the colonists practically enjoyed freedom in
self-government.</p>
<p id="c-p514" shownumber="no">The difficulties between Baltimore and the Jesuits were very
difficult for the welfare of the colony. Jesuit priests were on the
first expedition. From the Indians they received grants of large tracts
of land. Baltimore objected to this, believing that any other grants
than those coming from the proprietor were illegal. The Jesuits
believed that they, their domestic servants, and half their planting
servants should be exempted from taxation and military service; that
they and their adherents should not be tried by the civil authority in
temporal matters; and that they should have the same privileges here
that were enjoyed by religious orders in Catholic countries. On each of
these points, their views clashed with those of the proprietor.
Baltimore applied to the Propaganda in Rome "to appoint a prefect and
send secular priests to take charge of the Maryland Mission." Dom
Rosetti, titular Archbishop of Tarsus, was appointed prefect, and two
secular priests were sent to the colony. To this the Jesuits objected,
claiming that they were the first on the ground, and had endured great
hardships in the interests of the colony. Finally an agreement was
entered into between the provincial, acting for the Jesuits, and
Baltimore which, if not satisfactory to both parties, closed the
matter. The whole affair seems even to this day somewhat cloudy, as
good authorities take opposing points of view. Cecilius Calvert ruled
over the colony for nearly forty years. Although he never interfered
with the administration of details, he ruled at every turn with an iron
hand.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p515" shownumber="no">J.E. HAGERTY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p515.1" title="Calvert, Charles" type="Encyclopedia">Charles Calvert</term>
<def id="c-p515.2">
<h1 id="c-p515.3">Charles Calvert</h1>
<p id="c-p516" shownumber="no">Third Baron of Baltimore and second Proprietary Governor of
Maryland. Born in London, 1629; died at Epsom, Surrey, England, 20
February, 1715. He was the son of Cecilius Calvert, second Lord
Baltimore, and Anne Arundel (Calvert). He was Proprietary Governor of
Maryland from 1661 to 1684, and Lord Proprietor from 1675 to 1691. He
married Jane, widow of Henry Sewell of Matapaney on the Patuxent,
Maryland. During his administration, boundary disputes with Virginia,
the Swedes of Delaware, and William Penn came up and were settled. He
became proprietor upon the death of his father, 1675. At this time an
effort was made by the Protestants to make the Church of England the
established Church of Maryland, but he succeeded in maintaining
religious freedom. In 1676 the assembly was called together and
important changes were made in the laws. At this time the colony was
growing rapidly, the population having increased from 1200 to 2000
between the years 1660 and 1675. He went to England in 1676 and
returned in 1680. In 1682 he, with his uncle Philip Calvert, met
William Penn to settle the boundary dispute between Maryland and
Pennsylvania. At this time dissensions were frequent in the colony and
Protestant bigotry was rising in England. Calvert left for the mother
country in 1684 to look after the interests of the colony. After the
Protestant revolution in 1688, which placed William and Mary on the
throne of England, Baltimore was deprived of his proprietary rights in
1691. In 1711 he petitioned the crown to have the government of the
province restored to him, but this was refused on account of his
Catholicism. Although he never visited Ireland, he was outlawed there
for high treason on account of his religion but this outlawry was
reversed by the king in 1691.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p517" shownumber="no">J.E. HAGERTY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p517.1" title="Calvert, Leonard" type="Encyclopedia">Leonard Calvert</term>
<def id="c-p517.2">
<h1 id="c-p517.3">Leonard Calvert</h1>
<p id="c-p518" shownumber="no">Proprietary Governor of Maryland, 1634-1647, born in England, 1607;
died in Maryland, 9 June, 1647. He was the second son of George
Calvert, first Lord Baltimore. In 1629 he was sent to Newfoundland in
charge of a vessel to protect the colony of Avalon against the
depredations of French cruisers. In 1633, his brother, the second Lord
Baltimore, appointed him Governor of Maryland and sent him in charge of
an expedition to make a settlement. Two vessels, the Ark and Dove,
carrying over 300 settlers sailed from the harbour of Cowes, 22
November, 1633, arriving at point Comfort, Virginia, 24 February, 1634.
On 27 March they landed at what is now St. Mary's, then the site of an
Indian village, and they began the work of establishing a settlement.
The Indians received them kindly and sold them the land. Clayborne of
the Virginia colony had established a trading post on Kent Island,
which was in the domain of Maryland. After the settlement at St. Mary's
this trade was continued. Trouble arose and Clayborne went to England
to lay is claims before the king, but was informed that the island
belonged to Lord Baltimore. The governor at once took possession of the
island and established a settlement there.</p>
<p id="c-p519" shownumber="no">The troubles in England following 1640 were responsible for
disturbances in Maryland. In 1643 Governor Calvert went to England to
discuss policies with the proprietor, leaving the affairs of the colony
in charge of acting Governor Brent. At the close of 1643 Captain Ingle
appeared at St. Mary's with a vessel commissioned by Parliament. The
ship was captured and the oath against Parliament was tendered the
crew. Ingle escaped. When Governor Calvert returned he found the colony
distracted by factions. Ingle returned the following year, and, with
the assistance of the Protestants and Clayborne, the Catholics,
including Governor Calvert, were driven into Virginia. An oath of
submission was tendered but not one Catholic took it. The Jesuit
priests were sent to England. A state of anarchy prevailed for two
years. Calvert returned in 1646 and captured St. Mary's, and in the
following year Kent island. he favored the right of initiative in
legislation by the colonists and won for them this privilege. In the
difficulty between the proprietor and the Jesuits, he sympathized with
the latter and prevented a rupture between them. In 1890 the state of
Maryland erected a monument to him and his wife at St. Mary's.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p520" shownumber="no">J.E. HAGERTY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p520.1" title="Calvert, Philip" type="Encyclopedia">Philip Calvert</term>
<def id="c-p520.2">
<h1 id="c-p520.3">Philip Calvert</h1>
<p id="c-p521" shownumber="no">Proprietary Governor of Maryland, 1660 to 1661, son of George
Calvert, first Lord Baltimore and his second wife, Arabella. He came to
Maryland on the first expedition under Leonard Calvert. In 1656 he was
made secretary of the province and one of its councillors. After the
treason and overthrow of governor Fendall, Calvert became governor in
1660, and displayed clemency in pardoning Fendall. In 1661 Charles
Calvert, son of the proprietor, was made governor, and Philip was
appointed deputy-lieutenant and councillor of the province. After this
he negotiated a treaty with the Dutch in which they agreed to abandon
the disputed territory on the Delaware River. He was one of a committee
which negotiated a treaty with the Indians, and of another commission
which settled with the Virginia authorities a boundary line between
Maryland and Virginia.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p522" shownumber="no">J.E. HAGERTY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p522.1" title="Calvi and Teano, Diocese of" type="Encyclopedia">Calvi and Teano, Diocese of</term>
<def id="c-p522.2">
<h1 id="c-p522.3">Diocese of Calvi and Teano</h1>
<p id="c-p523" shownumber="no">
(<i>Calvensis et Theanensis</i>).</p>
<p id="c-p524" shownumber="no">The city of Calvi is the ancient 
<i>Cales</i> or 
<i>Calenum</i> in the Campagna, not far from Capua. Towards the end of
the fifth century it was certainly a bishopric, since Valerius, Bishop
of Calenum, was present at the Roman Council held by Pope Symmachus in
499. Destroyed in the ninth century by the Saracens, it was rebuilt by
Atenulfo, Count of Capua, at which time, most probably, the see was
re-established. It certainly had a bishop at the end of the eleventh
century. Remarkable among the bishops were: Odoardo, who assisted at
the Council of Lyons (1245) and vigorously opposed Frederick II, his
sovereign, who, on his return, had him slain; Bernardo Spada (1543);
the monk Gennaro Filomarino (1623). In 1818 Calvi was united with the
See of Teano, a small city of the same province and a former fief of
the Gaetani. Its first bishop was St. Paris, ordained by Sylvester I;
according to tradition, St. Urbanus and St. Amasius were bishops of
that city in the fourth century.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p525" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p525.1" title="Calvin, John" type="Encyclopedia">John Calvin</term>
<def id="c-p525.2">
<h1 id="c-p525.3">John Calvin</h1>
<p id="c-p526" shownumber="no">This man, undoubtedly the greatest of Protestant divines, and
perhaps, after St. Augustine, the most perseveringly followed by his
disciples of any Western writer on theology, was born at Noyon in
Picardy, France, 10 July, 1509, and died at Geneva, 27 May, 1564.</p>
<p id="c-p527" shownumber="no">A generation divided him from Luther, whom he never met. By birth,
education, and temper these two protagonists of the reforming movement
were strongly contrasted. Luther was a Saxon peasant, his father a
miner; Calvin sprang from the French middle-class, and his father, an
attorney, had purchased the freedom of the City of Noyon, where he
practised civil and canon law. Luther entered the Order of Augustinian
Hermits, took a monk's vows, was made a priest and incurred much odium
by marrying a nun. Calvin never was ordained in the Catholic Church;
his training was chiefly in law and the humanities; he took no vows.
Luther's eloquence made him popular by its force, humour, rudeness, and
vulgar style. Calvin spoke to the learned at all times, even when
preaching before multitudes. His manner is classical; he reasons on
system; he has little humour; instead of striking with a cudgel he uses
the weapons of a deadly logic and persuades by a teacher's authority,
not by a demagogue's calling of names. He writes French as well as
Luther writes German, and like him has been reckoned a pioneer in the
modern development of his native tongue. Lastly, if we term the doctor
of Wittenberg a mystic, we may sum up Calvin as a scholastic; he gives
articulate expression to the principles which Luther had stormily
thrown out upon the world in his vehement pamphleteering; and the
"Institutes" as they were left by their author have remained ever since
the standard of orthodox Protestant belief in all the Churches known as
"Reformed." His French disciples called their sect "the religion"; such
it has proved to be outside the Roman world.</p>
<p id="c-p528" shownumber="no">The family name, spelt in many ways, was Cauvin latinized according
to the custom of the age as Calvinus. For some unknown reason the
Reformer is commonly called Maître Jean C. His mother, Jeanne Le
Franc, born in the Diocese of Cambrai, is mentioned as "beautiful and
devout"; she took her little son to various shrines and brought him up
a good Catholic. On the father's side, his ancestors were seafaring
men. His grandfather settled at Pont l'Evêque near Paris, and had
two sons who became locksmiths; the third was Gerard, who turned
procurator at Noyon, and there his four sons and two daughters saw the
light. He lived in the Place au Blé (Cornmarket). Noyon, a
bishop's see, had long been a fief of the powerful old family of
Hangest, who treated it as their personal property. But an everlasting
quarrel, in which the city took part, went on between the bishop and
the chapter. Charles de Hangest, nephew of the too well-known Georges
d'Amboise, Archbishop of Rouen, surrendered the bishopric in 1525 to
his own nephew John, becoming his vicar-general. John kept up the
battle with his canons until the Parliament of Paris intervened, upon
which he went to Rome, and at last died in Paris in 1577. This prelate
had Protestant kinsfolk; he is charged with having fostered heresy
which in those years was beginning to raise its head among the French.
Clerical dissensions, at all events, allowed the new doctrines a
promising field; and the Calvins were more or less infected by them
before 1530.</p>
<p id="c-p529" shownumber="no">Gerard's four sons were made clerics and held benefices at a tender
age. The Reformer was given one when a boy of twelve, he became
Curé of Saint-Martin de Marteville in the Vermandois in 1527, and
of Pont l'Eveque in 1529. Three of the boys attended the local
Collège des Capettes, and there John proved himself an apt
scholar. But his people were intimate with greater folk, the de
Montmor, a branch of the line of Hangest, which led to his accompanying
some of their children to Paris in 1523, when his mother was probably
dead and his father had married again. The latter died in 1531, under
excommunication from the chapter for not sending in his accounts. The
old man's illness, not his lack of honesty, was, we are told, the
cause. Yet his son Charles, nettled by the censure, drew towards the
Protestant doctrines. He was accused in 1534 of denying the Catholic
dogma of the Eucharist, and died out of the Church in 1536; his body
was publicly gibbeted as that of a recusant.</p>
<p id="c-p530" shownumber="no">Meanwhile, young John was going through his own trials at the
University of Paris, the dean or syndic of which, Noel Bédier, had
stood up against Erasmus and bore hard upon Le Fèvre d'Etaples
(Stapulensis), celebrated for his translation of the Bible into French.
Calvin, a "martinet", or oppidan, in the Collèege de la Marche,
made this man's acquaintance (he was from Picardy) and may have glanced
into his Latin commentary on St. Paul, dated 1512, which Doumergue
considers the first Protestant book emanating from a French pen.
Another influence tending the same way was that of Corderius, Calvin's
tutor, to whom he dedicated afterwards his annotation of I
Thessalonians, remarking, "if there be any good thing in what I have
published, I owe it to you". Corderius had an excellent Latin style,
his life was austere, and his "Colloquies" earned him enduring fame.
But he fell under suspicion of heresy, and by Calvin's aid took refuge
in Geneva, where he died September 1564. A third herald of the "New
Learning" was George Cop, physician to Francis I, in whose house Calvin
found a welcome and gave ear to the religious discussions which Cop
favoured. And a fourth was Pierre-Robert d'Olivet of Noyon, who also
translated the Scriptures, our youthful man of letters, his nephew,
writing (in 1535) a Latin preface to the Old Testament and a French one
-- his first appearance as a native author -- to the New Testament.</p>
<p id="c-p531" shownumber="no">By 1527, when no more than eighteen, Calvin's educatlon was complete
in its main lines. He had learned to be a humanist and a reformer. The
"sudden conversion" to a spiritual life in 1529, of which he speaks,
must not be taken quite literally. He had never been an ardent
Catholic; but the stories told at one time of his ill-regulated conduct
have no foundation; and by a very natural process he went over to the
side on which his family were taking their stand. In 1528 he inscribed
himself at Orléans as a law student, made friends with Francis
Daniel, and then went for a year to Bourges, where he began preaching
in private. Margaret d'Angoulême, sister of Francis I, and Duchess
of Berry, was living there with many heterodox Germans about her.</p>
<p id="c-p532" shownumber="no">He is found again at Paris in 1531. Wolmar had taught him Greek at
Bourges; from Vatable he learned Hebrew; and he entertained some
relations with the erudite Budaeus. About this date he printed a
commentary on Seneca's "De Clementiâ". It was merely an exercise
in scholarship, having no political significance. Francis I was,
indeed, handling Protestants severely, and Calvin, now Doctor of Law at
Orléans, composed, so the story runs, an oration on Christian
philosophy which Nicholas Cop delivered on All Saints' Day, 1532, both
writer and speaker having to take instant flight from pursuit by the
royal inquisitors. This legend has been rejected by modern critics.
Calvin spent some time, however, with Canon du Tillet at Angoulême
under a feigned designation. In May, 1534, he went to Noyon, gave up
his benefice, and, it is said, was imprisoned. But he got away to Nerac
in Bearn, the residence of the Duchess Margaret, and there again
encountered Le Fèvre, whose French Bible had been condemned by the
Sorbonne to the flames. His next visit to Paris fell out during a
violent campaign of the Lutherans against the Mass, which brought on
reprisals, Etienne de la Forge and others were burnt in the Place de
Grève; and Calvin accompanied by du Tillet, escaped -- though not
without adventures -- to Metz and Strasburg. In the latter city Bucer
reigned supreme. The leading reformers dictated laws from the pulpit to
their adherents, and this journey proved a decisive one for the French
humanist, who, though by nature timid and shy, committed himself to a
war on paper with his own sovereign. The famous letter to Francis I is
dated 23 August, 1535. It served as a prologue to the "Institutes", of
which the first edition came out in March, 1536, not in French but in
Latin. Calvin's apology for lecturing the king was, that placards
denouncing the Protestants as rebels had been posted up all over the
realm. Francis I did not read these pages, but if he had done so he
would have discovered in them a plea, not for toleration, which the
Reformer utterly scorned, but for doing away with Catholicism in favour
of the new gospel. There could be only one true Church, said the young
theologian, therefore kings ought to make an utter end of popery. (For
an account of the "Institutes" see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p532.1">Calvinism.</span>) The second edition belongs to 1539,
the first French translation to 1541; the final Latin, as revised by
its author, is of 1559; but that in common use, dated 1560, has
additions by his disciples. "It was more God's work than mine", said
Calvin, who took for his motto 
<i>"Omnia ad Dei gloriam"</i>, and in allusion to the change he had
undergone in 1529 assumed for his device a hand stretched out from a
burning heart.</p>
<p id="c-p533" shownumber="no">A much disputed chapter in Calvin's biography is the visit which he
was long thought to have paid at Ferraro to the Protestant Duchess
Renée, daughter of Louis XII. Many stories clustered about his
journey, now given up by the best-informed writers. All we know for
certain is that the Reformer, after settling his family affairs and
bringing over two of his brothers and sisters to the views he had
adopted undertook, in consequence of the war between Charles V and
Francis I, to reach Bale by way of Geneva, in July, 1536. At Geneva the
Swiss preacher Fare, then looking for help in his propaganda, besought
him with such vehemence to stay and teach theology that, as Calvin
himself relates, he was terrified into submission. We are not
accustomed to fancy the austere prophet so easily frightened. But as a
student and recluse new to public responsibilities, he may well have
hesitated before plunging into the troubled waters of Geneva, then at
their stormiest period. No portrait of him belonging to this time is
extant. Later he is represented as of middle height, with bent
shoulders, piercing eyes, and a large forehead; his hair was of an
auburn tinge. Study and fasting occasioned the severe headaches from
which he suffered continually. In private life he was cheerful but
sensitive, not to say overbearing, his friends treated him with
delicate consideration. His habits were simple; he cared nothing for
wealth, and he never allowed himself a holiday. His correspondence, of
which 4271 letters remain, turns chiefly on doctrinal subjects. Yet his
strong, reserved character told on all with whom he came in contact;
Geneva submitted to his theocratic rule, and the Reformed Churches
accepted his teaching as though it were infallible.</p>
<p id="c-p534" shownumber="no">Such was the stranger whom Farel recommended to his fellow
Protestants, "this Frenchman", chosen to lecture on the Bible in a city
divided against itself. Geneva had about 15,000 inhabitants. Its bishop
had long been its prince limited, however, by popular privileges. The
vidomne, or mayor, was the Count of Savoy, and to his family the
bishopric seemed a property which, from 1450, they bestowed on their
younger children. John of Savoy, illegitimate son of the previous
bishop, sold his rights to the duke, who was head of the clan, and died
in 1519 at Pignerol. Jean de la Baume, last of its ecclesiastical
princes, abandoned the city, which received Protestant teachers from
Berne in 1519 and from Fribourg in 1526. In 1527 the arms of Savoy were
torn down; in 1530 the Catholic party underwent defeat, and Geneva
became independent. It had two councils, but the final verdict on
public measures rested with the people. These appointed Farel, a
convert of Le Fevre, as their preacher in 1534. A discussion between
the two Churches from 30 May to 24 June, 1535 ended in victory for the
Protestants. The altars were desecrated, the sacred images broken, the
Mass done away with. Bernese troops entered and "the Gospel" was
accepted, 21 May, 1536. This implied persecution of Catholics by the
councils which acted both as Church and State. Priests were thrown into
prison; citizens were fined for not attending sermons. At Zürich,
Basle, and Berne the same laws were established. Toleration did not
enter into the ideas of the time.</p>
<p id="c-p535" shownumber="no">But though Calvin had not introduced this legislation, it was mainly
by his influence that in January, 1537 the "articles" were voted which
insisted on communion four times a year, set spies on delinquents,
established a moral censorship, and punished the unruly with
excommunication. There was to be a children's catechism, which he drew
up; it ranks among his best writings. The city now broke into "jurants"
and "nonjurors" for many would not swear to the "articles"; indeed,
they never were completely accepted. Questions had arisen with Berne
touching points that Calvin judged to be indifferent. He made a figure
in the debates at Lausanne defending the freedom of Geneva. But
disorders ensued at home, where recusancy was yet rife; in 1538 the
council exiled Farel, Calvin, and the blind evangelist, Couraud. The
Reformer went to Strasburg, became the guest of Capito and Bucer, and
in 1539 was explaining the New Testament to French refugees at fifty
two florins a year. Cardinal Sadolet had addressed an open letter to
the Genevans, which their exile now answered. Sadolet urged that schism
was a crime; Calvin replied that the Roman Church was corrupt. He
gained applause by his keen debating powers at Hagenau, Worms, and
Ratisbon. But he complains of his poverty and ill-health, which did not
prevent him from marrying at this time Idelette de Bure, the widow of
an Anabaptist whom he had converted. Nothing more is known of this
lady, except that she brought him a son who died almost at birth in
1542, and that her own death took place in 1549.</p>
<p id="c-p536" shownumber="no">After some negotiation Ami Perrin, commissioner for Geneva,
persuaded Calvin to return. He did so, not very willingly, on 13
September, 1541. His entry was modest enough. The church constitution
now recognized "pastors, doctors, elders, deacons" but supreme power
was given to the magistrate. Ministers had the spiritual weapon of
God's word; the consistory never, as such, wielded the secular arm
Preachers, led by Calvin, and the councils, instigated by his
opponents, came frequently into collision. Yet the ordinances of 1541
were maintained; the clergy, assisted by lay elders, governed
despotically and in detail the actions of every citizen. A presbyterian
Sparta might be seen at Geneva; it set an example to later Puritans,
who did all in their power to imitate its discipline. The pattern held
up was that of the Old Testament, although Christians were supposed to
enjoy Gospel liberty. In November, 1552, the Council declared that
Calvin's "Institutes" were a "holy doctrine which no man might speak
against." Thus the State issued dogmatic decrees, the force of which
had been anticipated earlier, as when Jacques Gouet was imprisoned on
charges of impiety in June, 1547, and after severe torture was beheaded
in July. Some of the accusations brought against the unhappy young man
were frivolous, others doubtful. What share, if any, Calvin took in
this judgment is not easy to ascertain. The execution of however must
be laid at his door; it has given greater offence by far than the
banishment of Castellio or the penalties inflicted on Bolsec --
moderate men opposed to extreme views in discipline and doctrine, who
fell under suspicion as reactionary. The Reformer did not shrink from
his self-appointed task. Within five years fifty-eight sentences of
death and seventy-six of exile, besides numerous committals of the most
eminent citizens to prison, took place in Geneva. The iron yoke could
not be shaken off. In 1555, under Ami Perrin, a sort of revolt was
attempted. No blood was shed, but Perrin lost the day, and Calvin's
theocracy triumphed.</p>
<p id="c-p537" shownumber="no">"I am more deeply scandalized", wrote Gibbon "at the single
execution of Servetus than at the hecatombs which have blazed in the
autos-da-fé of Spain and Portugal". He ascribes the enmity of
Calvin to personal malice and perhaps envy. The facts of the case are
pretty well ascertained. Born in 1511, perhaps at Tudela, Michael
Served y Reves studied at Toulouse and was present in Bologna at the
coronation of Charles V. He travelled in Germany and brought out in
1531 at Hagenau his treatise "De Trinitatis Erroribus", a strong
Unitarian work which made much commotion among the more orthodox
Reformers. He met Calvin and disputed with him at Paris in 1534, became
corrector of the press at Lyons; gave attention to medicine, discovered
the lesser circulation of the blood, and entered into a fatal
correspondence with the dictator of Geneva touching a new volume
"Christianismi Restitutio," which he intended to publish. In 1546 the
exchange of letters ceased. The Reformer called Servetus arrogant (he
had dared to criticize the "Institutes" in marginal glosses), and
uttered the significant menace, "If he comes here and I have any
authority, I will never let him leave the place alive." The
"Restitutio" appeared in 1553. Calvin at once had its author delated to
the Dominican inquisitor Ory at Lyons, sending on to him the man's
letters of 1545-46 and these glosses. Hereupon the Spaniard was
imprisoned at Vienne, but he escaped by friendly connivance, and was
burnt there only in effigy. Some extraordinary fascination drew him to
Geneva, from which he intended to pass the Alps. He arrived on 13
August, 1553. The next day Calvin, who had remarked him at the sermon,
got his critic arrested, the preacher's own secretary coming forward to
accuse him. Calvin drew up forty articles of charge under three heads,
concerning the nature of God, infant baptism, and the attack which
Servetus had ventured on his own teaching. The council hesitated before
taking a deadly decision, but the dictator, reinforced by Farel, drove
them on. In prison the culprit suffered much and loudly complained. The
Bernese and other Swiss voted for some indefinite penalty. But to
Calvin his power in Geneva seemed lost, while the stigma of heresy; as
he insisted, would cling to all Protestants if this innovator were not
put to death. "Let the world see" Bullinger counselled him, "that
Geneva wills the glory of Christ."</p>
<p id="c-p538" shownumber="no">Accordingly, sentence was pronounced 26 October, 1553, of burning at
the stake. "Tomorrow he dies," wrote Calvin to Farel. When the deed was
done, the Reformer alleged that he had been anxious to mitigate the
punishment, but of this fact no record appears in the documents. He
disputed with Servetus on the day of execution and saw the end. A
defence and apology next year received the adhesion of the Genevan
ministers. Melanchthon, who had taken deep umbrage at the blasphemies
of the Spanish Unitarian, strongly approved in well-known words. But a
group that included Castellio published at Basle in 1554 a pamphlet
with the title, "Should heretics be persecuted?" It is considered the
first plea for toleration in modern times. Beza replied by an argument
for the affirmative, couched in violent terms; and Calvin, whose
favorite disciple he was, translated it into French in 1559. The
dialogue, "Vaticanus", written against the "Pope of Geneva" by
Castellio, did not get into print until 1612. Freedom of opinion, as
Gibbon remarks, "was the consequence rather than the design of the
Reformation."</p>
<p id="c-p539" shownumber="no">Another victim to his fiery zeal was Gentile, one of an Italian sect
in Geneva, which also numbered among its adherents Alciati and
Gribaldo. As more or less Unitarian in their views, they were required
to sign a confession drawn up by Calvin in 1558. Gentile subscribed it
reluctantly, but in the upshot he was condemned and imprisoned as a
perjurer. He escaped only to be twice incarcerated at Berne, where in
1566, he was beheaded. Calvin's impassioned polemic against these
Italians betrays fear of the Socinianism which was to lay waste his
vineyard. Politically he leaned on the French refugees, now abounding
in the city, and more than equal in energy -- if not in numbers -- to
the older native factions. Opposition died out. His continual
preaching, represented by 2300 sermons extant in the manuscripts and a
vast correspondence, gave to the Reformer an influence without example
in his closing years. He wrote to Edward VI, helped in revising the
Book of Common Prayer, and intervened between the rival English parties
abroad during the Marian period. In the Huguenot troubles he sided with
the more moderate. His censure of the conspiracy of Amboise in 1560
does him honour. One great literary institution founded by him, the
College, afterwards the University, of Geneva, flourished exceedingly.
The students were mostly French. When Beza was rector it had nearly
1500 students of various grades.</p>
<p id="c-p540" shownumber="no">Geneva now sent out pastors to the French congregations and was
looked upon as the Protestant Rome. Through Knox, "the Scottish
champion of the Swiss Reformation", who had been preacher to the exiles
in that city, his native land accepted the discipline of the Presbytery
and the doctrine of predestination as expounded in Calvin's
"Institutes". The Puritans in England were also descendants of the
French theologian. His dislike of theatres, dancing and the amenities
of society was fully shared by them. The town on Lake Leman was
described as without crime and destitute of amusements. Calvin
declaimed against the "Libertines", but there is no evidence that any
such people had a footing inside its walls The cold, hard, but upright
disposition characteristic of the Reformed Churches, less genial than
that derived from Luther, is due entirely to their founder himself. Its
essence is a concentrated pride, a love of disputation, a scorn of
opponents. The only art that it tolerates is music, and that not
instrumental. It will have no Christian feasts in its calendar, and it
is austere to the verge of Manichaean hatred of the body. When dogma
fails the Calvinist, he becomes, as in the instance of Carlyle, almost
a pure Stoic. "At Geneva, as for a time in Scotland," says J. A.
Froude, "moral sins were treated as crimes to be punished by the
magistrate." The Bible was a code of law, administered by the clergy.
Down to his dying day Calvin preached and taught. By no means an aged
man, he was worn out in these frequent controversies. On 25 April,
1564, he made his will, leaving 225 French crowns, of which he
bequeathed ten to his college, ten to the poor, and the remainder to
his nephews and nieces. His last letter was addressed to Farel. He was
buried without pomp, in a spot which is not now ascertainable. In the
year 1900 a monument of expiation was erected to Servetus in the Place
Champel. Geneva has long since ceased to be the head of Calvinism. It
is a rallying point for Free Thought, Socialist propaganda, and
Nihilist conspiracies. But in history it stands out as the Sparta of
the Reformed churches, and Calvin is its Lycurgus.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p541" shownumber="no">WILLIAM BARRY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p541.1" title="Calvinism" type="Encyclopedia">Calvinism</term>
<def id="c-p541.2">
<h1 id="c-p541.3">Calvinism</h1>
<p id="c-p542" shownumber="no">No better account of this remarkable (though now largely obsolete)
system has been drawn out than Möhler's in his "Symbolism or
Doctrinal Differences." The "Institutes of the Christian Religion," in
which Calvin depicted his own mind, were never superseded by creed or
formulary, though the writer subscribed, in 1540, at Worms to the
Confession of Augsburg, i.e. the second revised edition. To take his
bearings in theology we must remember that he succeeded Luther in point
of time and was committed to a struggle with Zwingli's disciples at
Zurich and elsewhere, known as Sacramentarians, but who tended more and
more towards a Christianity without mysteries. In 1549 he and Farel
entered with Bullinger into a moderate view as regarded the Eucharist,
the "Consensus Tigurinus," or compact of Zurich, which Bucer also
accepted. Another compact, of the "pastors of Geneva" strengthened his
hands, in 1552, on the subjects of predestination, against Jerome
Bolsec, whom he refuted and cast into prison. Bolsec finally returned
to the Catholic Church. In 1553 a controversy between the German
Lutherans about the Lord's Supper led Calvin to declare his agreement
with Melanchthon (the Philippists), but Melanchthon kept silence.
Further complications ensued when Beza, softening the real doctrine of
Geneva, drew nearer still to the Lutheran belief on this head.
Bullinger and Peter Martyr cried down Beza's unauthorized glosses; but
Calvin supported his favourite. Nevertheless, that "declaration" was
dropped by Beza when, in company with Farel, he put together a
"Confession of the French Church," and fell back on the creed of
Augsburg issued in 1530, while not assenting to its 10th article. The
Eucharist was to be more than a sign; Christ was truly present in it,
and was received by Faith (compare the English Prayer Book, which
reproduces his conception). Beyond these, on the whole, abortive
efforts toward a common understanding, Calvin never went. His
individual genius demanded its own expression; and he is always like
himself, unlike any other. The many creeds fell into olivion; but the
"Institutes" were recognized more and more as the sum of Reformed
Theology. It was said after 1560, by the Jesuit St. Peter Canisius,
that Calvin appeared to be taking Luther's place even among Germans.
Three currents have ever since held their course in this development of
Protestantism:</p>
<ul id="c-p542.1">
<li id="c-p542.2">the mystic, derived from Wittenberg;</li>
<li id="c-p542.3">the logical-orthodox, from Geneva; and</li>
<li id="c-p542.4">the heterodox-rationalist, from Zurich (Zwingli), this last being
greatly increased, thanks to the Unitarians of Italy, Ochino, Fausto,
and Lelio Socino.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p543" shownumber="no">To the modern world, however, Calvin stands peculiarly for the
Reformation, his doctrine is supposed to contain the essence of the
Gospel; and multitudes who reject Christianity mean merely the creed of
Geneva.</p>
<p id="c-p544" shownumber="no">Why does this happen? Because, we answer, Calvin gave himself out as
following closely in the steps of St. Paul and St. Augustine. The
Catholic teaching at Trent he judged to be Semi-Pelagian, a stigma
which his disciples fix especially on the Jesuit schools, above all, on
Molina. Hence the curious situation arises, that, while the Catholic
consent of the East and West finds little or no acknowledgement as an
historical fact among assailants of religion, the views which a single
Reformer enunciated are taken as though representing the New Testament.
In other words, a highly refined individual system, not traceable as a
whole to any previous age, supplants the public teaching of centuries.
Calvin, who hated Scholasticism, comes before us, as Luther had already
done, in the shape of a Scholastic. His "pure doctrine" is gained by
appealing, not to tradition, the "deposit" of faith, but to argument in
abstract terms exercised upon Scripture. He is neither a critic nor a
historian; he takes the Bible as something given; and he manipulates
the Apostles' Creed in accordance with his own ideas. The "Institutes"
are not a history of dogma, but a treatise, only not to be called an
essay because of its peremptory tone. Calvin annihilates the entire
space, with all its developments, which lies between the death of St.
John and the sixteenth century. He does, indeed, quote St. Augustine,
but he leaves out all that Catholic foundation on which the Doctor of
Grace built.</p>
<p id="c-p545" shownumber="no">The "Institutes of the Christian Religion" are divided into four
books and exhibit a commentary on the Apostles' Creed.</p>
<ul id="c-p545.1">
<li id="c-p545.2">Book I considers God the Creator, the Trinity, revelation, man's
first estate and original righteousness.</li>
<li id="c-p545.3">Book II describes the Fall of Adam, and treats of Christ the
Redeemer.</li>
<li id="c-p545.4">Book III enlarges on justifying faith, election, and
reprobation.</li>
<li id="c-p545.5">Book IV gives the Presbyterian idea of the Church.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p546" shownumber="no">In form the work differs from the "Summa" of St. Thomas Aquinas by
using exposition where the Angelic Doctor syllogizes; but the style is
close, the language good Latin of the Renaissance, and the tone
elevated, though often bitter. Arguments employed are always ostensibly
grounded on Scripture, the authority of which rests not upon fallible
human reasoning, but on the internal persuasion of the Holy Spirit. Yet
Calvin is embarrassed at the outset by "unsteady men" who declare
themselves enlightened of the same spirit and in no want of Scripture.
He endeavours to refute them by the instance of St. Paul and other
"primitive believers," i.e. after all, by Catholic tradition. It will
be obvious, moreover, that where the "Institutes" affirm orthodox
tenets they follow the Councils and the Fathers, while professing
reliance on the Bible alone. Thus we need not rehearse those chapters
which deal with the Nicene and Chalcedonian formulas.</p>
<p id="c-p547" shownumber="no">We shall best apprehend Calvin's master-thought if we liken it to
modern systems of the Unconscious, or of physical predetermination,
wherein all effects lie folded up, as it were, in one First Cause, and
their development in time is necessitated. Effects are thus mere
manifestations, not fresh acts, or in any way due to free will choosing
its own course. Nature, grace, revelation, Heaven, and Hell do but show
us different aspects of the eternal energy which works in all things.
There is no free will outside the Supreme. Zwingli argued that, since
God was infinite being, He alone existed -- there could be no other
being, and secondary or created causes were but instruments moved
entirely by Divine power. Calvin did not go to this length. But he
denies freedom to creatures, fallen or unfallen, except it be 
<i>libertas a coactione</i>; in other words, God does not compel man to
act by brute force, yet he determines irresistibly all we do, whether
good or evil. The Supreme is indeed self-conscious -- not a blind Fate
or Stoic destiny; it is by "decree" of the sovereign Lawgiver that
events come to pass. But for such decrees no reason can be rendered.
There is not any cause of the Divine will save Itself. If we ask why
has the Almighty acted thus and thus, we are told, "Quia ipse voluit"
-- it is His good pleasure. Beyond this, an explanation would be
impossible, and to demand one is impiety. From the human angle of
sight, therefore God works as though without a reason. And here we come
upon the primal mystery to which in his argument Calvin recurs again
and again. This Supreme Will fixes an absolute order, physical,
ethical, religious, never to be modified by anything we can attempt.
For we cannot act upon God, else He would cease to be the First Cause.
Holding this clue, it is comparatively simple to trace Calvin's
footsteps along the paths of history and revelation.</p>
<p id="c-p548" shownumber="no">Luther had written that man's will is enslaved either to God or to
Satan, but it is never free. Melanchthon declaimed against the "impious
dogma of Free Will," adding that since all things happen by necessity
according to Divine predestination, no room was left for it. This was
truly the article by which the Reformation should stand or fall. God is
sole agent. Therefore creation, redemption, election, reprobation are
in such sense His acts that man becomes merely their vehicle and
himself does nothing. Luther, contending with Erasmus, declares that
"God by an unchangeable, eternal, infallible will, foresees purposes
and effects all things. By this thunderbolt Free Will is utterly
destroyed." Calvin shared Luther's doctrine of necessity to the full;
but he embroiled the language by admitting in unfallen Adam a liberty
of choice. He was likewise at pains to distinguish between his own
teaching and the "nature bound fast in Fate" of the Stoics. He meant by
liberty, however, the absence of constraint; and the Divine wisdom
which he invoked could never be made intelligible to our understanding.
What he rejected was the Catholic notion of the self-determining second
cause. Neither would he allow the doctrine laid down by the Fathers of
Trent (Sess. VI Canon 16), that God permits evil deeds, but is not
their author. The condemnation struck expressly at Melanchthon, who
asserted that the betrayal by Judas was not less properly God's act
than the vocation of St. Paul. But by parity of reasoning it falls upon
Calvinism. For the "Institutes" affirm that "man by the righteous
impulsion of God does that which is unlawful," and that "man falls, the
Providence of God so ordaining" (IV, 18, 2; III, 23, 8). Yet elsewhere
Calvin denied this impulse as not in accordance with the known will of
the Almighty. Both he and Luther found a way of escape from the moral
dilemma inflicted on them by distinguishing two wills in the Divine
Nature, one public or apparent, which commanded good and forbade evil
as the Scripture teaches, the other just, but secret and unsearchable,
predetermining that Adam and all the reprobate should fall into sin and
perish. At no time did Calvin grant that Adam's transgression was due
to his own free will. Beza traces it to a spontaneous, i.e. a natural
and necessary, movement of the spirit, in which evil could not fail to
spring up. He justifies the means -- sin and its consequences -- by the
holy purpose of the Creator who, if there were no one to punish, would
be incapable of showing that he is a righteously vindictive God. As,
however, man's intent was evil, he becomes a sinner while his Creator
remains holy. The Reformed confessions will not allow that God is the
author of sin -- and Calvin shows deep indignation when charged with
"this disgraceful falsehood." He distinguishes, like Beza, the various
intentions concurring to the same act on the part of different agents-
but the difficulty cannot well be got over, that, in his view, the
First Cause alone is a real agent, and the rest mere instruments. It
was objected to him that he gave no convincing reasons for the position
thus taken up, and that his followers were swayed by their master's
authority rather than by the force of his logic. Even an admirer, J. A.
Froude, tells us:</p>
<blockquote id="c-p548.1">To represent man as sent into the world under a curse, as
incurably wicked-wicked by the constitution of his nature and wicked by
eternal decree-as doomed, unless exempted by special grace which he
cannot merit, or by any effort of his own obtain, to live in sin while
he remains on earth, and to be eternally miserable when he leaves it-to
represent him as born unable to keep the commandments, yet as justly
liable to everlasting punishment for breaking them, is alike repugnant
to reason and conscience, and turns existence into a hideous nightmare.
(Short Studies, II, 3.)</blockquote>
<p id="c-p549" shownumber="no">Another way to define the Reformed theology would be to contrast its
view of God's eternal decrees with that taken in the Catholic Church,
notably by Jesuit authors such as Molina. To Calvin the ordinances of
Deity seemed absolute, i.e. not in any way regardful of the creature's
acts, which they predetermined either right or wrong; and thus
reprobation -- the supreme issue between all parties -- followed upon
God's unconditioned fiat, no account being had in the decree itself of
man's merits or demerits. For God chose some to glory and others to
shame everlasting as He willed, not upon foreknowledge how they would
act. The Jesuit school made foreknowledge of "future contingencies" or
of what creatures would do in any possible juncture, the term of Divine
vision 
<i>"scientia media"</i> which was logically antecedent (as a condition
not a cause) to the scheme of salvation. Grace, said Catholic dogma,
was offered to all men; none were excluded from it. Adam need not have
transgressed, neither was his fall pre-ordained. Christ died for the
whole human race; and every one had such help from on high that the
reprobate could never charge their ruin upon their Maker, since he
permitted it only, without an absolute decree. Grace, then, was given
freely; but eternal life came to the saints by merit, founded on
correspondence to the Holy Spirit's impulse. All these statements
Calvin rejected as Pelagian, except that he would maintain, though
unable to justify, the- imputation of the sinner's lapse to human
nature by itself.</p>
<p id="c-p550" shownumber="no">To be consistent, this doctrine requires that no prevision of Adam's
Fall should affect the eternal choice which discriminates between the
elect and the lost. A genuine Calvinist ought to be a supralapsarian;
in other terms, the Fall was decreed as means to an end; it did not
first appear in God's sight to be the sufficient cause why, if He
chose, He might select some from the 
<i>"massa damnata,"</i> leaving others to their decreed doom. To this
subject St. Augustine frequently returns in his anti-Pelagian
treatises, and he lays great emphasis on the consequences to mankind as
regards their final state, of God's dealing with them in fallen Adam.
But his language, unlike that of Calvin, never implies absolute
rejection divorced from foreknowledge of man's guilt. Thus even to the
African Father, whose views in his latter works became increasingly
severe (see "On the Predestination of the Saints" and "On Correction
and Grace") there was always an element of 
<i>scientia media</i>, i.e. prevision in the relation of God with His
creatures. But, to the Reformer who explained Redemption and its
opposite by sheer omnipotence doing as it would, the idea that man
could, even as a term of knowledge, by his free acts be considered in
the Everlasting Will was not conceivable. As the Arian said, "How can
the Eternal be begotten?" and straightway denied the generation of the
Word, in like manner Calvin, "How can the contingent affect the First
Cause on which it utterly depends?" In the old dilemma, "either God is
not omnipotent or man is not self determined," the "Institutes" accept
the conclusion adverse to liberty. But it was, said Catholics, equally
adverse to morals; and the system has always been criticised on that
ground. In a word, it seemed to be antinomian.</p>
<p id="c-p551" shownumber="no">With Augustine the Geneva author professed to be at one. "If they
have all been taken from a corrupt mass," he argued, "no marvel that
they are subject to condemnation." But, his critics replied, "were they
not antecedently predestined to that corruption?" And "is not God
unjust in treating His creatures with such cruel mystery?" To this
Calvin answers, "I confess that all descendants of Adam fell by the
Divine will," and that "we must return at last to God's sovereign
determination, the cause of which is hidden" (Institutes, III, 23, 4).
"Therefore," he concludes, "some men are born devoted from the womb to
certain death, that His name may be glorified in their destruction."
And the reason why such necessity is laid upon them? "Because," says
Calvin "life and death are acts of God's will rather than of his
foreknowledge," and "He foresees further events only in consequence of
his decree that they shall happen." Finally, "it is an awful decree, I
confess [ 
<i>horribile decretum, fateor</i>], but none can deny that God foreknew
the future final fate of man before He created him -- and that He did
foreknow it because it was appointed by His own ordinance." Calvin,
then, is a supralapsarian; the Fall was necessary; and our first
parents, like ourselves, could not have avoided sinning.</p>
<p id="c-p552" shownumber="no">So far, the scheme presents a cast-iron logic at whatever expense to
justice and morality. When it comes to consider human nature, its terms
sound more uncertain, it veers to each extreme in succession of
Pelagius and Luther. In St. Augustine, that nature is almost always
viewed historically, not in the abstract hence as possessed by unfallen
Adam it was endowed with supernatural gifts, while in his fallen
children it bears the burden of concupiscence and sin. But the French
Reformer, not conceding a possible state of pure nature, attributes to
the first man, with Luther (in Gen., iii), such perfection as would
render God's actual grace unnecessary, thus tending to make Adam
self-sufficient, as the Pelagians held all men to be. On the other
hand, when original sin took them once captive the image of God was
entirety blotted out. This article of "total depravity" also came from
Luther, who expressed it in language of appalling power. And so the
"Institutes" announce that "in man all which bears reference to the
blessed life of the soul is extinct." And if it was "natural" in Adam
to love God and do justice, or a part of his very essence, then by
lapsing from grace he would have been plunged into an abyss below
nature, where his true moral and religious being was altogether
dissolved. So, at any rate, the German Protestants believed in their
earlier period, nor was Calvin reluctant to echo them.</p>
<p id="c-p553" shownumber="no">Catholics distinguish two kinds of beatitude: one corresponding to
our nature as a rational species and to be acquired by virtuous acts;
the other beyond all that man may do or seek when left to his own
faculties, and in such wise God's free gift that it is due only to acts
performed under the influence of a strictly supernatural movement. The
confusion of grace with nature in Adam's essence was common to all the
Reformed schools; it is Peculiarly manifest in Jansenius, who strove to
deduce it from St. Augustine. And, granting the Fall, it leads by
direct inference to man's utter corruption as the unregenerate child of
Adam. He is evil in all that he thinks, or wills, or does. Yet Calvin
allows him reason and choice, though not true liberty. The heart was
poisoned by sin, but something remained of grace to hinder its worst
excesses, or to justify God's vengeance on the reprobate (over and
above their original fault inherited). On the whole, it must be said
that the "Institutes" which now and then allow that God's image was not
quite effaced in us, deny to mankind, so far as redemption has not
touched them, any moral and religious powers whatsoever. With Calvin as
with his predecessor of Wittenberg, heathen virtue is but apparent, and
that of the non-Christian merely "political," or secular. Civilization,
founded on our common nature, is in such a view external only, and its
justice or benevolence may claim no intrinsic value. That it has no
supernatural value Catholics have always asserted; but the Church
condemns those who say, with Baius, "All the works of unbelievers are
sinful and the virtues of the philosophers are vices." Propositions
equivalent to these are as follows: "Free Will not aided by God's
grace, avails only to commit sin," and "God could not have created man
at the beginning such as he is now born" (Props. 25, 27, 55, censured
by St. Pius V, Oct., 1567, and by Urban VIII, March, 1641). Catholic
theology admits a twofold goodness and righteousness -- the one
natural, as Aristotle defines it in his "Ethics," the other
supernatural inspired by the Holy Ghost. Calvin throws aside every
middle term between justifying faith and corrupt desire. The integrity
of Adam's nature once violated, he falls under the dominion of lust,
which reigns in him without hindrance, save by the external grace now
and again preventing a deeper degradation. But whatever he is or does
savours of the Evil One. Accordingly the system maintained that faith
(which here signifies trust in the Lutheran sense) was the first
interior grace given and source of all others, as likewise that outside
the Church no grace is ever bestowed.</p>
<p id="c-p554" shownumber="no">We come on these lines to the famous distinction which separates the
true Church that of the predestined, from the seeming or visible, where
all baptized persons meet. This falls in with Calvin's whole theory,
but is never to be mistaken for the view held by Roman authorities,
that some may pertain to the soul of the Church who are not members of
its body. Always pursuing his idea, the absolute predestinarian finds
among Christians, all of whom have heard the Gospel and received the
sacraments, only a few entitled to life everlasting. These obtain the
grace which is in words offered to every one; the rest fill up the
measure of their condemnation. To the reprobate, Gospel ordinances
serve as a means to compass the ruin intended for them. Hereby, also,
an answer is made possible when Catholics demand where the Reformed
Church was prior to the Reformation. Calvin replies that in every age
the elect constituted the flock of Christ, and all besides were
strangers, though invested with dignity and offices in the visible
communion. The reprobate have only apparent faith. Yet they may feel as
do the elect, experience similar fervours, and to the best of their
judgment be accounted saints. All that is mere delusion; they are
hypocrites "into whose minds God insinuates Himself, so that, not
having the adoption of sons, they may yet taste the goodness of the
Spirit." Thus Calvin explained how in the Gospel many are called
believers who did not persevere; and so the visible Church is made up
of saints that can never lose their crown, and sinners that by no
effort could attain to salvation.</p>
<p id="c-p555" shownumber="no">Faith, which means assurance of election, grace, and glory, is then
the heritage of none but the predestined. But, since no real secondary
cause exists man remains passive throughout the temporal series of
events by which he is shown to be an adopted son of God. He neither
acts nor, in the Catholic sense co-operates with his Redeemer. A
difference in the method of conversion between Luther and Calvin may
here be noted. The German mystic begins, as his own experience taught
him, with the terrors of the law. The French divine who had never gone
through that stage, gives the first place to the Gospel; and
repentance, instead of preceding faith, comes after it. He argued that
by so disposing of the process, faith appeared manifestly alone,
unaccompanied by repentance, which, otherwise, might claim some share
of merit. The Lutherans, moreover, did not allow absolute
predestination. And their confidence in being themselves justified,
i.e. saved, was unequal to Calvin's requirements. For he made assurance
inevitable as was its object to the chosen soul. Nevertheless, he
fancied that between himself and the sounder medieval scholastics no
quarrel need arise touching the principle of justification -- namely,
that "the sinner being delivered gratuitously from his doom becomes
righteous." Calvin overlooked in these statements the vital difference
which accounts for his aberration from the ancient system. Catholics
held that fallen man kept in some degree his moral and religious
faculties, though much impaired, and did not lose his free will. But
the newer doctrine affirmed man's total incompetence, he could neither
freely consent nor ever resist, when grace was given, if he happened to
be predestinate. If not, justification lay beyond his grasp. However,
the language of the "Institutes" is not so uncompromising as Luther's
had been. God first heals the corrupt will, and the will follows His
guidance; or, we may say, cooperates.</p>
<p id="c-p556" shownumber="no">The one final position of Calvin is that omnipotent grace of itself
substitutes a good for an evil will in the elect, who do nothing
towards their own conversion but when converted are accounted just. In
all the original theology of the Reformation righteousness is something
imputed, not indwelling in the soul. It is a legal fiction when
compared with what the Catholic Church believes, namely, that justice
or sanctification involves a real gift, a quality bestowed on the
spirit and inherent, whereby it becomes the thing it is called. Hence
the Council of Trent declares (Sess. VI) that Christ died for all men,
it condemns (Canon XVII) the main propositions of Geneva, that "the
grace of justification comes only to the predestinate," and that "the
others who are called receive an invitation but no grace, being doomed
by the Divine power to evil." So Innocent X proscribed in Jansenius the
statement: "It is Semipelagian to affirm that Christ died for all men,
or shed His blood in their behalf." In like manner Trent rejected the
definition of faith as "confidence in being justified without merit";
grace was not "the feeling of love," nor was justification the
"forgiveness of sin," and apart from a special revelation no man could
be infallibly sure that he was saved. According to Calvin the saint was
made such by his faith, and the sinner by want of it stood condemned,
but the Fathers of Trent distinguished a dead faith, which could never
justify, from faith animated by charity -- and they attributed merit to
all good works done through Divine inspiration. But in the Genevese
doctrine faith itself is not holy. This appears very singular; and no
explanation has ever been vouchsafed of the power ascribed to an act or
mean, itself destitute of intrinsic qualities, neither morally good nor
in any way meritorious, the presence or absence of which nevertheless
fixes our eternal destiny</p>
<p id="c-p557" shownumber="no">But since Christ alone is our righteousness, Luther concluded that
the just man is never just in himself; that concupiscence, though
resisted, makes him sin damnably in all he does, and that he remains a
sinner until his last breath. Thus even the "Solid Declaration"
teaches, though in many respects toning down the Reformer's truculence.
Such guilt, however, God overlooks where faith is found -- the one
unpardonable sin is want of faith. "Pecca fortiter sed crede fortius"
-- this Lutheran epigram, "Sin as you like provided you believe,"
expresses in a paradox the contrast between corrupt human nature,
filthy still in the very highest saints, and the shadow of Christ, as,
falling upon them, it hides their shame before God. Here again the
Catholic refuses to consider man responsible except where his will
consents; the Protestant regards impulse and enticement as constituting
all the will that we have. These observations apply to Calvin -- but he
avoids extravagant speech while not differing from Luther in fact. He
grants that St. Augustine would not term involuntary desires sin; then
he adds, "We, on the contrary, deem it to be sin whenever a man feels
any desires forbidden by Divine law -- and we assert the depravity to
be sin which produces them" (Institutes, III, 2, 10). On the hypothesis
of determinism, held by every school of the Reformers, this logic is
unimpeachable. But it leads to strange consequences. The sinner commits
actions which the saint may also indulge in; but one is saved the other
is lost; and so the entire moral contents of Christianity are emptied
out. Luther denominated the saint's liberty freedom from the law. And
Calvin, "The question is not how we can be righteous, but how, though
unworthy and unrighteous, we may be considered righteous." The law may
instruct and exhort, but "it has no place in the conscience before
God's tribunal." And if Christians advert to the law, "they see that
every work they attempt or meditate is accursed" (Institutes, III, 19,
2, 4). Leo X had condemned Luther's thesis, "In every good work the
just man sins." Baius fell under censure for asserting (Props. 74, 75)
that "concupiscence in the baptized is a sin, though not imputed." And,
viewing the whole theory, Catholics have asked whether a sinfulness
which exists quite independent of the will is not something
substantial, like the darkness of the Manichaeans, or essential to us
who are finite beings.</p>
<p id="c-p558" shownumber="no">At all events Calvin seems entangled in perplexities on the subject,
for he declares expressly that the regenerate are "liable every moment
at God's judgment-seat to sentence of death" (Instit., III, 2, 11); yet
elsewhere he tempers his language with a "so to speak," and explains it
as meaning that all human virtue is imperfect. He would certainly have
subscribed to the "Solid Declaration," that the good works of the pious
are not necessary to salvation. With Luther, he affirms the least
transgression to be a mortal sin, even involuntary concupiscence -- and
as this abides in every man while he lives, all that we do is worthy of
punishment (Instit., II, 8, 68, 59). And again, "There never yet was
any work of a religious man which, examined by God's severe standard
would not be condemnable" (Ibid., III, 14,11). The Council of Trent had
already censured these axioms by asserting that God does not command
impossibilities, and that His children keep His word. Innocent X did
the like when he proscribed as heretical the fifth proposition of
Jansenius, "Some commandments of God are impossible to the just who
will and endeavour; nor is the grace by which they should become
possible given to them."</p>
<p id="c-p559" shownumber="no">Two important practical consequences may be drawn from this entire
view: first, that conversion takes place in a moment -- and so all
evangelical Protestants believe; and, second, that baptism ought not to
be administered to infants, seeing they cannot have the faith which
justifies. This latter inference produced the sect of Anabaptists
against whom Calvin thunders as he does, against other "frenzied"
persons, in vehement tones. Infant baptism was admitted, but its value,
as that of every ordinance, varied with the predestination to life or
to death of the recipient. To Calvinists the Church system was an
outward life beneath which the Holy Spirit might be present or absent,
not according to the dispositions brought by the faithful, but as grace
was decreed. For good works could not prepare a man to receive the
sacraments worthily any more than to be justified in the beginning. If
so, the Quakers might well ask, what is the use of sacraments when we
have the Spirit? And especially did this reasoning affect the
Eucharist. Calvin employs the most painful terms in disowning the
sacrifice of the Mass. No longer channels of grace, to Melanchthon the
sacraments are "Memorials of the exercise of faith," or badges to be
used by Christians. From this point of view, Christ's real presence was
superfluous, and the acute mind of Zwingli leaped at once to that
conclusion, which has ever since prevailed among ordinary Protestants.
But Luther's adherence to the words of the Scripture forbade him to
give up the reality, though he dealt with it in his peculiar fashion.
Bucer held an obscure doctrine, which attempted the middle way between
Rome and Wittenberg. To Luther the sacraments serve as tokens of God's
love; Zwingli degrades them to covenants between the faithful. Calvin
gives the old scholastic definition and agrees with Luther in
commending their use, but he separates the visible element proffered to
all from the grace which none save the elect may enjoy. He admits only
two sacraments, Baptism and the Lord's Supper. Even these neither
contain nor confer spiritual graces; they are signs, but not
efficacious as regards that which is denoted by them. For inward gifts,
we must remember, do not belong to the system, whereas Catholics
believe in ordinances as acts of the Man-God, producing the effects
within the soul which He has promised, "He that eateth Me shall live by
Me."</p>
<p id="c-p560" shownumber="no">When the Church's tradition was thrown aside, differences touching
the Holy Eucharist sprang up immediately among the Reformers which have
never found a reconciliation. To narrate their history would occupy a
volume. It is notable, however, that Calvin succeeded where Bucer had
failed, in a sort of compromise, and the agreement of Zurich which he
inspired was taken up by the Swiss Protestants. Elsewhere it led to
quarrels, particularly among the Lutherans, who charged him with
yielding too much. He taught that the Body of Christ is truly present
in the Eucharist, and that the believer partakes of it that the
elements are unchanged, and that the Catholic Mass was idolatry. Yet
his precise meaning is open to question. That he did not hold a real
objective presence seems clear from his arguing against Luther, as the
"black rubric" of the Common Prayer Book argues -- Christ's body, he
says, is in heaven. Therefore, it cannot be on earth. The reception was
a spiritual one; and this perfectly orthodox phrase might be
interpreted as denying a true corporal presence. The Augsburg
Confession, revised by its author Melanchthon, favoured ambiguous views
-- at last he declared boldly for Calvin, which amounted to an
acknowledgment that Luther's more decided language overshot the mark.
The "Formula of Concord" was an attempt to rescue German Churches from
this concession to the so-called Sacramentarians; it pronounced, as
Calvin never would have done, that the unworthy communicant receives
Our Lord's Body; and it met his objection by the strange device of
"ubiquity" -- namely, that the glorified Christ was everywhere. But
these quarrels lie outside our immediate scope.</p>
<p id="c-p561" shownumber="no">As Calvin would not grant the Mass to be a sacrifice, nor the
ministers of the Lord's Supper to be priests, that conception of the
Church which history traces back to the earliest Apostolic times
underwent a corresponding change. The clergy were now "Ministers of the
Word," and the Word was not a tradition, comprising Scripture in its
treasury, but the printed Bible, declared all-sufficient to the mind
which the Spirit was guiding. Justification by faith alone, the Bible,
and the Bible only, as the rule of faith -- such were the cardinal
principles of the Reformation. They worked at first destructively, by
abolishing the Mass and setting up private judgment in opposition to
pope and bishops. Then the Anabaptists arose. If God's word sufficed,
what need of a clergy? The Reformers felt that they must restore creeds
and enforce the power of the Church over dissidents. Calvin, who
possessed great constructive talent, built his presbytery on a
democratic foundation -- the people were to choose, but the ministers
chosen were to rule. Christian freedom consisted in throwing off the
yoke of the Papacy, it did not allow the individual to stand aloof from
the congregation. He must sign formulas, submit to discipline, be
governed by a committee of elders. A new sort of Catholic Church came
into view, professing that the Bible was its teacher and judge, but
never letting its members think otherwise than the articles drawn up
should enjoin. None were allowed in the pulpit who were not publicly
called, and ordination, which Calvin regarded almost as a sacrament,
was conferred by the presbytery.</p>
<p id="c-p562" shownumber="no">In his Fourth Book the great iconoclast, to whom in good logic only
the Church invisible should have signified anything, makes the visible
Church supreme over Christians, assigns to it the prerogatives claimed
by Rome, enlarges on the guilt of schism, and upholds the principle, 
<i>Extra Ecclesiam nulla salus</i>. He will not allow that corrupt
morals in the clergy, or a passing eclipse of doctrine by superstition,
can excuse those who, on pretence of a purer Gospel, leave it. The
Church is described in equivalent terms as indefectible and infallible.
All are bound to hear and obey what it teaches. Luther had spoken of it
with contempt almost everywhere in his first writings; to him the
individual guided by the Holy Spirit was autonomous. But Calvin taught
his followers so imposing a conception of the body in which they were
united as to bring back a hierarchy in effect if not in name. "Where
the ministry of Word and Sacraments is preserved," he concludes, "no
moral delinquencies can take away the Church's title." He had
nevertheless, broken with the communion in which he was born. The
Anabaptists retorted that they did not owe to his new-fashioned
presbytery the allegiance he had cast away -- the Quakers, who held
with him by the Inward Light, more consistently refused all
jurisdiction to the visible Church.</p>
<p id="c-p563" shownumber="no">One sweeping consequence of the Reformation is yet to be noticed. As
it denied the merit of good works even in the regenerate, all those
Catholic beliefs and ordinances which implied a Communion of Saints
actively helping each other by prayer and self-sacrifice were flung
aside. Thus Purgatory, Masses for the dead, invocation of the blessed
in Heaven, and their intercession for us are scouted by Calvin as
"Satan's devices." A single argument gets rid of them all: do they not
make void the Cross of Christ our only Redeemer? (Instit., III, 5, 6).
Beza declared that "prayer to the saints destroys the unity of God."
The Dutch Calvinists affirmed of them, as the Epicureans of their
deities, that they knew nothing about what passes on earth. Wherever
the Reformers triumphed, a wholesale destruction of shrines and relics
took place. Monasticism, being an ordered system of mortification on
Catholic principles, offended all who thought such works needless or
even dangerous -- it fell, and great was the fall thereof, in
Protestant Europe. The Calendar had been framed as a yearly ritual,
commemorating Our Lord's life and sufferings, with saints' days filling
it up. Calvin would tolerate the Swiss of Berne who desired to keep the
Gospel festivals; but his Puritan followers left the year blank,
observing only the Sabbath, in a spirit of Jewish legalism. After such
a fashion the Church was divorced from the political order -- the
living Christian ceased to have any distinct relation with his departed
friends; the saints became mere memories, or were suspected of Popery;
the churches served as houses of preaching, where the pulpit had
abolished the altar; and Christian art was a thing of the past.</p>
<p id="c-p564" shownumber="no">The Reformers, including Calvin, appealed so confidently to St.
Augustine's volumes that it seems only fair to note the real difference
which exists between his doctrine and theirs. Cardinal Newman sums it
up as follows:</p>
<blockquote id="c-p564.1">The main point is whether the Moral Law can in its
substance be obeyed and kept by the regenerate. Augustine says, that
whereas we are by nature condemned by the Law, we are enabled by the
grace of God to perform it unto our justification; Luther [and Calvin
equally] that, whereas we are condemned by the law, Christ has Himself
performed it unto our justification -- Augustine, that our
righteousness is active; Luther, that it is passive; Augustine, that it
is imparted, Luther that it is only imputed; Augustine, that it
consists in a change of heart; Luther, in a change of state. Luther
maintains that God's commandments are impossible to man Augustine adds,
impossible without His grace; Luther that the Gospel consists of
promises only Augustine, that it is also a law, Luther, that our
highest wisdom is not to know the Law, Augustine says instead, to know
and keep it -- Luther says, that the Law and Christ cannot dwell
together in the heart. Augustine says that the Law is Christ; Luther
denies and Augustine maintains that obedience is a matter of
conscience. Luther says that a man is made a Christian not by working
but by hearing; Augustine excludes those works only which are done
before grace is given; Luther, that our best deeds are sins; Augustine,
that they are really pleasing to God (Lectures on Justification, ch.
ii, 58).</blockquote>
<p id="c-p565" shownumber="no">As, unlike the Lutheran, those Churches which looked up to Calvin as
their teacher did not accept one uniform standard, they fell into
particular groups and had each their formulary. The three Helvetic
Confessions, the Tetrapolitan, that of Basle, and that composed by
Bullinger belong respectively to 1530, 1532, 1536. The Anglican 42
Articles of 1553, composed by Cranmer and Ridley, were reduced to 39
under Elizabeth in 1562. They bear evident tokens of their Calvinistic
origin, but are designedly ambiguous in terms and meaning. The French
Protestants, in a Synod at Paris, 1559, framed their own articles. In
1562 those of the Netherlands accepted a profession drawn up by Guy de
Bres and Saravia in French, which the Synod of Dort (1574) approved. A
much more celebrated meeting was held at this place 1618-19, to
adjudicate between the High Calvinists, or Supralapsarians, who held
unflinchingly to the doctrine of the "Institutes" touching
predestination and the Remonstrants who opposed them. Gomar led the
former party; Arminius, though he died before the synod, in 1609, had
communicated his milder views to Uytenbogart and Episcopius, hence
called Arminians. They objected to the doctrine of election before
merit, that it made the work of Christ superfluous and inexplicable.
The Five Articles which contained their theology turned on election,
adoption, justification, sanctification, and sealing by the Spirit, all
which Divine acts presuppose that man has been called, has obeyed, and
is converted. Redemption is universal, reprobation due to the sinner's
fault and not to God's absolute decree. In these and the like
particulars, we find the Arminians coming close to Tridentine formulas.
The "Remonstrance" of 1610 embodied their protest against the
Manichaean errors, as they said, which Calvin had taken under his
patronage. But the Gomarists renewed his dogmas; and their belief met a
favourable reception among the Dutch, French, and Swiss. In England the
dispute underwent many vicissitudes. The Puritans, as afterwards their
Nonconformist descendants, generally sided with Gomar; the High Church
party became Arminian. Wesley abandoned the severe views of Calvin;
Whitefield adopted them as a revelation. The Westminster Assembly
(1643-47) made an attempt to unite the Churches of Great Britain on a
basis of Calvinism, but in vain. Their Catechism -- the Larger and the
Smaller -- enjoyed authority by Act of Parliament. John Knox had, in
1560 edited the "First Book of Discipline," which follows Geneva, but
includes a permissive ritual. The "Second Book of Discipline" was sent
out by a congregation under Andrew Melville's influence in 1572, and in
1592 the whole system received Parliamentary sanction. But James I
rejected the doctrines of Dort. In Germany the strange idea was
prevalent that civil rulers ought to fix the creed of their subjects, 
<i>Cujus regio, ejus religio</i>. Hence an alternation and confusion of
formulas ensued down to the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. Frederick III,
Count Palatine, put forward, in 1562, the Heidelberg Catechism, which
is of Calvin's inspiration. John George of Anhalt-Dessau laid down the
same doctrine in 20 Articles (1597). Maurice of Hesse-Cassel patronized
the Synod of Dort; and John Sigismund of Brandenburg, exchanging the
Lutheran tenets for the Genevese, imposed on his Prussians the
"Confession of the Marches." In general, the reformed Protestants
allowed dogmatic force to the revised Confession of Augsburg (1540)
which Calvin himself had signed.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p566" shownumber="no">WILLIAM BARRY</p></def>

<term id="c-p566.1" title="Calvinus, Justus Baronius" type="Encyclopedia">Justus Baronius Calvinus</term>
<def id="c-p566.2">
<h1 id="c-p566.3">Justus Baronius Calvinus</h1>
<p id="c-p567" shownumber="no">A convert and a apologist, b. at Kanthen, Germany, c. 1570; d. after
1606. He was born of Calvinist parents and educated at Heidelberg where
he took a course in theology. His study of the Fathers inclined him
towards Catholicism and finally led him to Rome where he was kindly
received by Cardinals Bellarmin and Baronius and by Pope Clement VIII.
The writings of Bellarmin strengthened his conviction regarding the
Church, and his gratitude to Baronius caused him to add that cardinal's
name to his own. On his return to Germany he became a Catholic (1601)
and a staunch defender of the Faith. In his "Apologia" (Mainz, 1601) he
gives the reasons for his conversion and in his "Praescriptionum
adversus haereticos . . . Tractatus" (ibid. 1602, 1756) he appeals to
the Fathers in support of the truth of Catholicism.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p568" shownumber="no">E.A. PACE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p568.1" title="Calynda" type="Encyclopedia">Calynda</term>
<def id="c-p568.2">
<h1 id="c-p568.3">Calynda</h1>
<p id="c-p569" shownumber="no">A titular see of Asia Minor. It was probably situated at the
boundary of Lycia and Caria (on the river Indos?), for it is placed in
the former territory by Ptolemy (xxxi, 16), in the latter by Stephanus
Byzantius (s.v.). Stephanus gives also another form of the name,
Karynda. Calynda must be carefully distinguished from Kalydna,
Kalydnos, Karyanda, and Kadyanda. Its king, Damasithemos, was an ally
of Queen Artemisia (Herod., VIII, lxxxvii; Pliny, V, xxvii, who writes
its name Calydna). It is mentioned among the cities that struck coins
in the Roman period. Its Christian history is very short, for it is not
mentioned in the "Notitiæ episcopatuum". We know only that it was
at a certain time a suffragan of Myra, the metropolis of Lycia. Bishop
Leontius of Calynda is mentioned in 458 (Mansi, Concil., VII, 580) in
the letter of the Lycian bishops to the Emperor Leo.</p>
<p id="c-p570" shownumber="no">Smith, Dict. of Greek and Roman Geog. (London, 1878), I, 485.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p571" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p571.1" title="Camachus" type="Encyclopedia">Camachus</term>
<def id="c-p571.2">
<h1 id="c-p571.3">Camachus</h1>
<p id="c-p572" shownumber="no">A titular see in Armenia. This city does not appear in
ecclesiastical history before the seventh century of our era. The true
primitive name seems to have been Camacha. Camachus or Camache are
later forms. When the "Pseudo- Ecthesis" of St. Epiphanius was drawn up
(about 1640), it was not yet a see. In 681 George, "Bishop of Daranalis
or Camachus", was present at the Council of Constantinople and
subscribed its acts as "bishop of the clima of Daranalis"; a third name
of the see, Analibla, is given by the old Latin version. The same
prelate subscribed (692) the acts of the Trullan Council. About the end
of the ninth century, Camachus, until then a suffragan of Sebaste
(metropolis of Armenia Prima), was made a metropolitan see by Leo the
Philosopher; it had five, and at one time eight, suffragan sees. Bishop
Sisinnius is mentioned in 1028 (Lequien, I, 435). The Assumptionist
manuscript lists contain many other names. By the fifteenth century the
see had disappeared. Three Latin titulars are mentioned by Lequien
(III, 1109). Camachus is to-day Kemakh, the chief town of a caza in the
vilayet of Erzeroum; the whole district has about 20,000 inhabitants
(5000 Christians, mostly Armenians). It is a village of the western
Euphrates (Kara-Sou), half way between Sivas and Erzeroum, about 135
miles from both towns, and carries on a trade in gloves and carpets. In
the neighbourhood are many old Byzantine or Turkish castles, and 
<i>turbés</i> (Mussulman tombs).</p>
<p id="c-p573" shownumber="no">Smith, Dict. of Greek and Roman Geog., (London, 1878), I, 486.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p574" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p574.1" title="Camaldolese" type="Encyclopedia">Camaldolese</term>
<def id="c-p574.2">
<h1 id="c-p574.3">Camaldolese</h1>
<p id="c-p575" shownumber="no">
(<span class="sc" id="c-p575.1">Camaldolites, Camaldulensians</span>).</p>
<p id="c-p576" shownumber="no">A joint order of hermits and cenobites, founded by St. Romuald at
the beginning of the eleventh century. About 1012, after having founded
or reformed nearly a hundred unconnected monasteries and hermitages,
St. Romuald arrived in the Diocese of Arezzo seeking place for a new
hermitage. It was here, according to the legend, that he was met by a
certain count called Maldolus. This man, after describing his vision of
monks in white habits ascending a ladder to heaven (while he had slept
in one of his fields in the mountains), offered this spot to the saint.
The field, which was held by Maldolus in fief of the Bishop of Arezzo,
was readily accepted by St. Romuald, who built there the famous
hermitage afterwards known as 
<i>Campus Maldoli</i> or 
<i>Camaldoli.</i> In the same year he received from the count a villa
at the foot of the mountains, about two miles below Camaldoli, of which
he made the monastery of Fonte Buono. This latter house was intended to
serve as infirmary, guest-house, and bursary to the hermitage, in order
that the hermits might not be distracted by any worldly business.</p>
<p id="c-p577" shownumber="no">Camaldoli and Fonte Buono may be considered as the beginning of the
Camaldolese Order; the former foreshadowing the eremitical, the latter
the cenobitical, branches. It is true that this opinion has been
gravely contested. The Camaldolese writers are naturally inclined to
place the date of the foundation of their order as early as possible,
and their judgment is further influenced by their views on the
birth-date of St. Romuald. But they differ considerably among
themselves, their estimates varying from the year 940, chosen by
Blessed Paolo Giustiniani, to the year 974, that commends itself to
Hastiville. They point out that St. Romuald founded many monasteries
and hermitages, and was many times surrounded by disciples before he
came to Camaldoli; and they argue that in founding Camaldoli he did not
intend to begin the order, but merely a new hermitage; that the order
was called the 
<i>Romualdine</i> until the later years of the eleventh century, and
then received the name 
<i>Camaldolese,</i> not from its origin at Camaldoli, but from the fact
that the Holy Hermitage had always retained its first fervour and had
been an exemplar to all other houses. It seems probable, however, that
St. Romuald before 1012 was rather a reformer of Benedictine houses and
a founder of isolated monasteries and hermitages, than the originator
of a new order. Indeed it is doubtful if he had ever any intention of
founding an order, in the modern sense, at all. But at Camaldoli the
Rule, which later appeared in modified form as the "Constitutions of
the Blessed Rudolph", is first heard of; at Camaldoli the distinctive
white habit first appears; at Camaldoli are first found in combination
the two cenobite and hermit branches that are afterwards so marked a
feature of the order. Strictly, perhaps, the order did not come into
existence till the Bull "Nulli fidelium", of Alexander II, in 1072.
But, as all its distinctive features are first found together at
Camaldoli in 1012, it may not be unwarranted to asign the foundation of
the Camaldolese Order to that date.</p>
<h3 id="c-p577.1">THE FIVE CAMALDOLESE CONGREGATIONS</h3>
<p id="c-p578" shownumber="no">For six centuries the order grew steadily as one body, recognizing
the Holy Hermitage as its head. But in process of time it became
divided into five separate congregations, viz.: (i) The Holy Hermitage,
(ii) San Michele di Murano, (iii) Monte Corona, (iv) The Congregation
of Turin (San Salvatore di Turino), (v) Notre-Dame de Consolation. The
history of these congregations had better be considered separately,
after which something will be said of the Camaldolese Nuns.</p>
<p id="c-p579" shownumber="no">(i) 
<i>The Congregation of the Holy Hermitage</i></p>
<p id="c-p580" shownumber="no">Little need be said here of this great congregation, for throughout
the centuries it has changed but little, and its history is mostly to
be found in its relations with the congregations to which it gave
birth. Before the separation of San Michele di Murano, the Holy
Hermitage had given four cardinals and many bishops to the church, and
was famous throughout Europe for the sanctity and austerity of its
members. Gratian, the great canonist; Guido d'Arezzo, the founder of
modern music; Lorenzo Monaco, the painter; Niccola Malermi, the first
translator of the Bible into Italian, are all claimed as sons of this
great congregation. To the present day, in spite of persecution and
spoliation, the hermits of Camaldoli and the cenobites of Fonte Buono
remain examples of austerity and monastic fervour.</p>
<p id="c-p581" shownumber="no">(ii) 
<i>The Congregation of Murano</i></p>
<p id="c-p582" shownumber="no">In the year 1212 the Venetian Republic, anxious that a hermitage
should be founded within its borders, sent a request to this effect to
Guido, Prior of Camaldoli. By him were sent Albert and John, hermits,
and two lay brothers. To these was made over the little church of San
Michele, on an island (now known as the Cemetery Island) between Venice
and Murano, where tradition asserts St. Romuald to have lived with
Marinus. The church was partly under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of
Castello, partly under that of the Bishop of Torcello. It was, however,
at once released from the jurisdiction of both and handed over to
Albert as representing the Prior of Camaldoli. At first a hermitage was
started; but soon, on account of the rapid influx of novices, it was
found necessary to adopt the cenobitical manner of life. The church was
rebuilt and was consecrated by Cardinal Ugolino, and by 1227 the house
is included by Gregory IX in his enumeration of the monasteries subject
to Camaldoli. In 1243 another attempt to found a hermitage near Venice
was made, John and Gerard, hermits of Camaldoli, being sent by Guido,
the prior-general, to take possession of the house and church of San
Mattia in Murano, which had formerly been a nunnery and had been given
to Camaldoli by the Bishop of Torcello. This hermitage prospered
greatly, and, six years after its foundation, was granted a
much-mitigated form of the rule by Martin III, prior general of
Camaldoli. Within twenty years this hermitage already possessed a
subject house, and by the middle of the fourteenth century we find the
Prior of San Mattia making a visitation of his suffragan monasteries,
and the hermitage itself adopting the cenobitical life.</p>
<p id="c-p583" shownumber="no">Meanwhile, about the end of the thirteenth century, the Priory of
San Michele had developed into an abbey, and in 1407 its monks were
allowed to elect their own abbot, subject only to the confirmation of
the Prior of Camaoldoli. Two years later Paolo Venerio, Abbot of San
Michele, was appointed by the pope one of the visitors and reformers of
monasteries in Venice. In 1434 Camaldoli asserted its authority, when
Ambrogio Traversari, the prior general, suddenly made a visitation of
San Mattia di Murano and deposed the prior for contumacy. At the same
time he exempted San Michele from the jurisdiction of the vicar, and
subjected it immediately to the prior-general. But in another ten years
came a further impulse towards independence, when Pope Eugenius IV
suggested that the Camaldolese abbeys should form a congregation
similar to that of Santa Giustina di Padova. The times, however, were
not opportune, and though a union of nine abbeys was attempted in 1446
(called the Union of the Nine Places) it was soon abandoned, and for
twenty years the matter rested. But in 1462 Pius II granted to
Mariotti, prior general, and to his successors the right of appointing
all superiors under his jurisdiction 
<i>ad nutum</i>. At once the question of separation became again
important, and twelve years later it was solved. The Abbeys of Santa
Maria dei Carreri, at Padua, and of San Michele di Murano and the
Priory of San Mattia di Murano formed a new congregation. To escape the
danger of 
<i>commendam</i> it was arranged that the superiors of these houses
should be elected for only three years at a time, and a semblance of
connexion with Camaldoli was maintained by requiring confirmation of
their election by the prior general. The new congregation was confirmed
by Sixtus IV, and soon showed signs of vigour. In 1475 the two great
abbeys of Sant' Apollinaire and of San Severo at Classe were united to
it; and in 1487 Innocent VIII confirmed and extended the privileges
granted by his predecessor. By 1513, however, the life tenure of office
by the prior general was found to be inconvenient by others as well as
by the new congregation, and a general chapter of the whole order was
held at Florence. It was decided to form a new united congregation "of
the Holy Hermitage and of San Michele di Murano", with a prior general
elected annually (afterwards triennially), and alternately from the
hermits and the "regular" cenobites. The "conventuals" were expressly
excluded from the generalship and were forbidded to take novices. This
congregation was confirmed and was granted extraordinary privileges by
the Bull "Etsi a summo" of Leo X. The reunion lasted, in spite of many
disputes between the hermits and the cenobites, for more than a
century. In 1558 the conventuals were separated from all privileges of
the order, and eleven years later (1569) were finally suppressed by
Pius V.</p>
<p id="c-p584" shownumber="no">In the same year the congregation was much strengthened by the
suppression of the hermit order of Fonte Avellana, which, with all its
possessions, was united to the Camaldolese Order. Four years later, in
1573, the great Abbey of San Gregorio on the Cœlian Hill in Rome
was united to the congregation. The whole order was, at the beginning
of the seventeenth century, at the summit of its fortunes. In 1513
there had been seventeen "groups of monasteries" and four nunneries in
the order, and since then had been added Fonte Avellana with its
dependencies, the congregations of Monte Corona and of Turin, and
several great historic abbeys. But the disruptive tendencies in the
order were fatal to its continued prosperity. In 1616 the differences
between the hermits and the cenobites of the great Congregation of the
Holy Hermitage and San Michele resulted in their separation again into
two congregations, and in spite of an attempt at reunion in 1626 this
separation was final. The Congregation of San Michele di Murano had its
own general, styled "the general of all the Camaldolese monks and
hermits". It possessed at one time about thirty-five monasteries
(including Sant' Apollinaire at Ravenna, San Michele and San Mattia at
Murano, Santa Croce at Fonte Avellana, Santi Angeli at Florence, and
San Gregorio at Rome), as well as eight nunneries. The houses subject
to the congregation were divided into the four provinces of Venice,
Tuscany, Romagna, and The Marches and Umbria, each with its "house of
profession", whose abbot was the vicar of the province. At each of the
quinquennial chapters, the four great offices of the general, the two
visitors, and the procurator general were distributed in turn among the
four provinces, so that each province every twenty years had possessed
all these dignities. Under this organization the congregation attracted
many devout and intelligent subjects, and its reputation both for
learning and for strictness was widespread. Romano Merighi (1658-1737),
one of the founders of the Accademia degli Arcadi; Guido Grandi
(1670-1742), historian of the order and famous mathematician, friend
and correspondent of Newton; the two brothers Collina; Angelo
Calogerà (1699- 1768), the historian of letters; Claude Frommond
(1705-65), physician and chemist; Benedetto Mittarelli (1708-77) and
Anselmo Costadoni (1714-85), authors of the "Annales Camaldulenses";
Mauro Sarti (1709-66), historian; Isidore Bianchi (1733-1807) and
Clemente Biagi (1740-1804), archæologists; Ambrogio Soldani
(1736-1808), naturalist–these are but a few of the illustrious
names that adorn the congregation. It has also produced four cardinals:
Andrea Giovannetti (1722-1800), for twenty-three years Archbishop of
Bologna; Placido Zuria (1769- 1834), Vicar of Rome under three popes;
Mauro Cappellari (1765- 1846), who in 1831 was elected pope and assumed
the name of Gregory XVI; and Ambrogio Bianchi, who was also general of
the order till his death in 1856. It was Mauro Cappellari to whom the
Camaldolese Order is indebted for its survival. The great catastrophe
of the French Revolution resulted in 1810 in the general suppression of
religious orders in Italy. Fonte Avellana was spared in recognition of
the scientific attainments of the titular abbot, Dom Albertino
Bellenghi. But the Venetian houses were involved in the general ruin.
S. Mattia was deserted and ultimately demolished. But Mauro Cappellari,
who was at that time Abbot of S. Michele di Murano, succeeded in
retaining house and community, by clothing the latter in the habits of
secular priests, and by turning the former into a college for noble
youths. The magnificent library was confiscated, and, after its chief
treasures had been placed in public libraries, the remaining 18,000
volumes were sold by public auction. In 1813, after the blockade of
Venice by the Austrians, the Commune made a public cemetery of the
island of San Michele, thus destroying the vineyards of the abbey. In
1829 the same body gave the monastery and island into the custody of
the Friars Minor Observant, who still possess them. Meanwhile, in 1825,
Cappellari had been created cardinal by Leo XII, and it was owing to
the strenuous opposition of the former and of Cardinal Zuria that that
pope relinquished his intention to suppress the now enfeebled order.
And when Cappellari mounted the pontifical throne as Gregory XVI, he
not only materially assisted the finances of the order, but in every
way furthered its attempts to regain something of its former
prosperity. At his death, in 1846, it had recovered several of its
historic houses and had hopes of regaining all. But these hopes have
not been realized.</p>
<p id="c-p585" shownumber="no">(iii) 
<i>The Congregation of Monte Corona</i></p>
<p id="c-p586" shownumber="no">If we except Camaldoli itself, all the houses of the order may be
said to have abandoned, by the end of the fifteenth century, the
eremetical mode of life so dear to St. Romuald. The establishment of
hermitages in the neighbourhood of towns had rendered the solitary life
of the hermit almost impossible, and the munificent benefactions which
at various times had been made to the order had caused it to lose not a
little of its primitive spirit and to abandon many of its stricter
observances. It was reserve to Paolo Giustiniani, a member of the
illustrious Venetican family of that name, to restore to the order the
observance of St. Romuald's ideal of a life of silence and solitude. At
an early age he left Venice, where he had been born in 1476, to study
philosophy and theology in the famous schools of Padua, and at the end
of a brilliant career there he went on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land.
On his return to Italy he entered religion at the age of thirty-four,
becoming a hermit at Camaldoli. His promotion to high offices in the
order was rapid. Shortly after his profession he was sent on an embassy
to the court of Leo X to obtain papal protection against a certain
abbot of S. Felice at Florence, who seems to have been lavishly
spending the revenues of Camaldoli, and whom the prior of Camaldoli,
general of the order, was unable himself to deal with. The result of
the embassy was a Bull from the pope ordering restitution to be made to
Camaldoli and forbidding to the Abbot of S. Felice any further
interference. On Giustiniani's return from Rome, the general of the
order, Pietro Delphino, invited his co-operation in the difficult task
of suppressing the abuses which had grown up. All authority in the
order, which by right belonged to the prior of Camaldoli, was now
possessed by the superiors of the regulars and conventuals. The
discipline and observance of the former seem to have been strict, but
the case of the conventuals left a great deal to be desired. Their
superiors were perpetual, and apparently independent of one another.
Recourse was had to Leo X, who, in 1513, ordered a general chapter to
assemble. The results of its deliberations have been given above in the
history of San Michele di Murano.</p>
<p id="c-p587" shownumber="no">In 1516 Paolo Giustiniani was elected Prior of Camaldoli, and on the
expiration of the three years of office, he again journeyed to Rome on
business concerning the order. After the lapse of another three years
spent in seclusion at Camaldoli, he was re-elected to the office of
prior and once again approached the court of Leo X, to obtain
permission from that pontiff to attempt an extension of the order. Leo,
who appears to have had a great respect for Giustiniani, not only
encouraged him in his project, but allowed the foundation of an
entirely new congregation, exempt from the jurisdiction of the general
and possessing its own peculiar constitutions. Returning from Rome to
Camaldoli, he read the Brief from Leo to the assembled hermits and
monks, and proceeded to resign the office of prior. Accompanied by a
single companion he travelled on foot to Perugia to seek advice and
spiritual direction from a solitary (of the Third Order of St. Francis)
who dwelt at Monte Calvo. With this latter and a member of the Order of
St. Dominic, he betook himself to a retreat in the Apennines–a
dismal and solitary rock known as Pascia Lupo. A ruined chapel appears
to have been the sole shelter for the three wanderers, and their right
to possess even this was disputed by the priest of the neighbouring
village so vigorously that it required papal authority to settle the
question. Paolo was soon forsaken by his Dominican and Franciscan
companions, who were aggrieved at the idea of adopting St. Romuald's
rule, he himself remaining at Pascia Lupo with the companion whom he
had brought from Camaldoli and two others who had joined him. He was
not destined, however, to remain long in this lonely spot, for,
acceding to an earnest request from the hermits of Camaldoli to live
near them, he came, with his original companion, to a place near
Massaccio, and was there joined by some of the religious from
Camaldoli. Such were the first beginnings fo the congregation founded
by Paolo Giustiniani. Soon it was increased by the addition of two
famous monasteries, viz. that of St. Leonard, situated on the summit of
Monte Volubrio, in the Diocese of Fermo, and that of St. Benedict, near
Ancona. The former was given to the order by its commendatory abbot,
Gabrielli, nephew of the Cardinal of Urbino. Massaccio was given over
entirely to the new congregation by Camaldoli in 1522. In the same year
Giustiniani drew up his constitutions. No important additions to
previous legislation seem to have been made. The rule of life was to be
kept with the greatest rigour, as in St. Romuald's time. The hermits'
food was rarely to consist of anything better than dry bread, and wine
was very seldom allowed. The form of the monastic habit was
considerably altered: the tunic and scapular were so shortened as to
come only a few inches below the knee, and in place of the cowl the new
hermits were given a capuce with a hood attached to it, and a short
cloak fastened with a piece of wool at the throat.</p>
<p id="c-p588" shownumber="no">There were now in all four hermitages belonging to the congregation,
and in January of the year 1524 the first general chapter was held in
the monastery of St. Benedict near Ancona. In this chapter Paolo
Giustiniani was elected general of the congregation, priors were chosen
for the different monasteries, and the constitutions were confirmed. In
the same year Cardinal Giulio dei Medici, the friend and helper of
Giustiniani, succeeded to the papacy as Clement VII. Giustiniani
immediately repaired to Rome to obtain from the new pontiff
confirmation of the acts of Leo X and full possession of the
monasteries which Gabrielli, holding 
<i>in commendam,</i> had given over to the congregation when he joined
it. Clement readily gave the necessary confirmation and at the same
time granted the congregation certain dispensations from canon law.</p>
<p id="c-p589" shownumber="no">This confirmation of Gabrielli's gift did not imply that the
monasteries would remain in the possession of the congregation after
Gabrielli's death. Giustiniani, anxious that the gift should be made
perpetual, once more set out for Rome, accompanied this time by
Gabrielli. It was the month of May, 1527, the very time at which the
soldiers of the Emperor Charles V were occupying Rome. Giustiniani and
his companion on their arrival were made prisoners, but, having nothing
in their possession, were released, and travelled first to Venice and
then to Massaccio. In 1528 Giustiniani went to Rome for the last time.
He saw Clement in the Castle of S. Angelo and obtained the confirmation
he had sought in the preceding year. Besides this he received
confirmation of a gift previously made by the Abbot of St. Paul's, of
the monastery of San Silvestro on Monte Soracte. On his way to this
monastery, which was about twenty miles distant from Rome, he was
seized by his last illness, and died at his newly acquired monastery on
the 28th of June, 1528.</p>
<p id="c-p590" shownumber="no">On the death of the founder, a new general was chosen for the
congregation in the person of Agostino di Basciano, who died shortly
after. His place was taken by Giustiniano di Bergamo, formerly a
Benedictine monk. He summoned a general chapter to decide which of the
then existing houses was to be considered as the chief of the
congregation. Many preferred Massaccio, as being the first-founded, but
precedence was finally given to the monastery of Monte Corona.</p>
<p id="c-p591" shownumber="no">In 1540, reunion was effected between the Congregations of Monte
Corona and Camaldoli, with the prior of Camaldoli as general. It was
arranged that a general chapter was to be held yearly at Camaldoli, at
which the prior was to be chosen. This state of things only lasted for
a year; the congregations were again separated and remained so till the
year 1634, when they were again united by Pope Urban VIII. This union
lasted till 1667, when they were finally separated by a Bull of Clement
IX.</p>
<p id="c-p592" shownumber="no">(iv) 
<i>The Congregation of Turin</i></p>
<p id="c-p593" shownumber="no">The Congregation of Turin owes its foundation to Alessandro Ceva, a
member of a noble Piedmontese family. Born in 1538, he went to Rome in
1560 to study for the priesthood, and there placed himself under the
spiritual direction of St. Philip Neri. Eight years later, with the
saint's advice, he determined to join the Camaldolese, and we find him
becoming prior general of the order in 1587. From 1589 to 1595 he was
in perpetual dispute with the order concerning the reformation of the
Breviary ordered by Popes Pius V and Clement VIII. In 1596 he was sent
to Turin as prior of the Camaldolese monastery of Puteo Strata, with
authority to found hermitages of the order in Piedmont. Two years later
a terrible plague visited Turin, during which the Camaldolese monks
undertook the care of the sick, which the secular clergy, whose numbers
had been terribly reduced by the pestilence, were scarcely able to
perform. Alessandro Ceva, in the midst of his ministrations in the
afflicted city, was called away to assume the priorship of the
monastery of San Vito at Milan, and we find him writing from this place
in 1599 to the Archbishop of Turin, begging him to ask Charles
Emmanuel, Duke of Savoy, to make a solemn vow to God to found a
Camaldolese hermitage, that the plague might be arrested. The vow was
made publicly by the Duke of Savoy and the people of Turin, and the
foundation of the new hermitage after much delay was laid in July,
1602, at a lonely spot between Turin and Peceto. The church of this new
hermitage was finished in 1606, and endowed by the Duke of Savoy as the
chapel of the Order of the Knights of the Annunciation (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p593.1">Military Orders</span>), of which order the hermits
were to be regarded as chaplains. Little is known about this
congregation, which seems to have been reabsorbed into the congregation
of Monte Corona in the eighteenth century.</p>
<p id="c-p594" shownumber="no">(v) 
<i>The Congregation of Notre-Dame de Consolation.</i></p>
<p id="c-p595" shownumber="no">In the year 1626 there entered the Congregation of Turin Boniface
d'Antoine, a French priest belonging to the Diocese of Lyons. Almost
immediately he was sent to France by the general of the congregation,
to solicit from Louis XIII authorization for the founding of
Camaldolese hermitages in France. His first monastery was in his native
Diocese of Lyons, near a town named Bothéon. It was dedicated to
Our Lady of Consolation and was founded and endowed by Balthassar de
Gudaigne de Hostun, Marquis do Baume, in 1631. His second foundation
was at Mont Peuchant in Le Forez, thanks to the help and munificence of
the Archbishop of Lyons, Cardinal de Marque Mont. The Archbishop of
Vienne, Pierre de Villars, was also friendly to the new order,
authorizing the foundation of the hermitage of Notre Dame de Grâce
at Sapet: and testifying at the same time to the sanctity and austerity
of d'Antoine. Another foundation in the Diocese of Lyons was made in
1633, when Père Vital de Saint-Paul, an Oratorian, and his sister
presented the two churches of St.-Roch and Val-Jésus, situated in
the parish of Chambre, to d'Antoine. In the following year Louis XIII
gave his formal consent by letters patent to the establishment of the
Camaldolese in his dominions, on the condition that their general
should always be French. He also prevailed upon the reigning pontiff,
Urban VIII, to form the French Camaldolese into a separate
congregation, with the title of "Notre-Dame de Consolation", which was
effected by a Bull dated 8 October, 1634. They were to observe the
constitutions of Monte Corona, to which congregation they were
affiliated. The new order seems to have been popular in France. In 1642
Charles de Valois, almoner of the Duc d'Angoulême, founded a
hermitage at La Flotte, in Vendôme, and in 1659 the order was
presented with another house in Vendôme, at La Gavalerie, in the
parish of Bessé. A foundation was made in 1674 by the Comte de
Guénégaud and his wife, Elizabeth de Choiseul, on their
estate at Rogat, in the parish of Congard, in Brittany. In 1671 the new
congregation took possession of the hermitage of Mont-Valérien,
near Paris, whither they had been invited two years previously by a lay
religious community. This foundation, however, was abandoned two years
later. In 1679 a Camaldolese community was introduced into the old
Benedictine abbey at Ile Chauvet, in Lower Poitou. This abbey had been
held 
<i>in commendam</i> by various persons, some of whom had been laymen.
In 1654 Henri de Maupas, Abbot of St.-Denis at Reims and afterwards
Bishop successively of Le Puy and Evreux, became commendatory abbot,
and fifteen years later introduced the Camaldolese, with the consent of
the Bishop of Luçon, in whose diocese the abbey was situated. This
was the only foundation of any importance made in France after the
death of Boniface d'Antoine in 1673. Henceforth the history of this
congregation is closly connected with the history of Jansenism.
Throughout the congregation there were many obstinate adherents of the
new heresy, and in 1728 a pamphlet, entitled "Le Témoignage",
defending their position, appeared in answer to the punitive measures
taken against them by the General Chapter of 1727. No amount of
repression could remove all traces of this persistent heresy, and the
whole Congregation was suppressed in 1770.</p>
<p id="c-p596" shownumber="no">The first house of 
<i>Camaldolese Nuns,</i> San Pietro di Luco in Mugello, near Florence,
was founded by Blessed Rudolph, in the year 1086. It is true that St.
Romuald himself had founded houses for nuns in 1006 and 1023; but there
is no evidence that they followed the Camaldolese rule, and the
Camaldolese writers almost unanimously assign the beginning of the
houses for women to Blessed Rudolph. By 1616, when the congregation of
San Michele di Murano was finally separated, there were eight houses
subject to that congregation, besides many others under the
jurisdiction of the bishops in whose dioceses they were situated. The
nuns follow the rule of Camaldoli. They wear a white habit, veil,
scapular, and girdle, to which the choir nuns add a black veil. In
choir the choir nuns wear a white cowl, but the lay sisters a white
cloak.</p>
<h3 id="c-p596.1">RULE AND CONSTITUTIONS</h3>
<p id="c-p597" shownumber="no">St. Romuald has left no written rule; the austere manner of life led
by his hermits was transmitted by oral tradition. His great ideal was
to introduce into the West the eremitical life led by the Eastern monks
and the Fathers of the Desert. In the words of St. Peter Damian, his
endeavour was "to turn the whole world into a hermitage, and make all
the multitude of the people associates of the monastic order" 
(<i>totum mundum in eremum convertere, et monachico ordini omnem populi
multitudinem sociare</i>). He introduced into Western monasticism a
system hitherto unknown, and attempted a blending of the cenobitical
life of the West with the eremitical life of the East. The rule was of
the utmost severity. The brethren lived each in their separate cells,
in the midst of which stood the oratory or chapel, where they met for
the Hours of the Divine Office, the whole Psalter being recited daily.
There were two Lents during the year, one in preparation for Christmas,
the other for Easter. During both these periods every day of the week
except Sunday was an abstinence day, that is to say, really a fast of
the most rigorous kind on bread and water. During the remainder of the
year this abstinence was to be kept on all days except Thursdays and
Sundays, when fruit and vegetables might be eaten. The ideal of St.
Romuald was one of absolute asceticism, and there was little room in
his system for the "nothing harsh, nothing burdensome" 
(<i>nihil asperum, nihil grave</i>) which is so striking a feature in
the Rule of St. Benedict, with its broad comprehensiveness and wise
power of dispensation. This rule of life remained unrelaxed at
Camaldoli till the year 1080, when the fourth prior, Blessed Rudolph I,
gave the first written constitutions to the order. Besides a mitigation
of austerity, there had become necessary a definite written code which
everyone who joined would be bound to follow. The abstinence on bread
and water, which had hitherto been observed on all days except Sundays
during the two Lents, was now dispensed on Thursday as well, and also
on the feasts of St. Andrew, St. Gregory, St. Benedict, the
Annunciation, Palm Sunday, and Maundy Thursday. On these days fish and
wine were to be allowed. On feasts of twelve lessons, if these were not
days of abstinence, the hermits were allowed to take their meals
together in a common refectory. The observance of silence which was
continual under St. Romuald, was slightly relaxed in Rudolph's
constitutions. It was to be observed throughout both Lents and on all
abstinence days. At other times it was to be observed from Vespers till
after the conventual Mass. An important change in the character of the
order was made by Rudolph's extension of the cenobitical life. Fonte
Buono, from being merely an adjunct of Camaldoli, now became a separate
monastery, and henceforth the Camaldolese Order is distinguished by
this twofold character. In his legislation for cenobites Rudolph built
carefully on St. Benedict's Rule. The interpretation which adhered
closely to the letter and rigour of this rule, without consideration of
circumstances of time, place, and national characteristics, was that
which naturally appealed most strongly to the monastic reformer, and it
was this aspect of the rule, if anything, intensified, which Rudolph
chose for his monks, who were regarded by their contemporaries, and
have ever since been regarded, as forming one of the many branches of
the great Benedictine tree. In 1085 and 1188 further constitutions were
given, more mititgated than those given in 1080; and as time went on
the tendency was ever towards greater relaxation. In 1249 and 1253
Blessed Martin III gave his constitutions, and others again were
promulgated in 1328. When the hermits of Camaldoli were united with the
monks of the Congregation of San Michele di Murano, in 1513, special
constitutions were drawn up, and when the first union was made between
the Congregations of Camaldoli and of Monte Corona, in 1540, separate
constitutions were given to the former.</p>
<p id="c-p598" shownumber="no">With regard to the rule observed at Camaldoli to-day, it may be said
with truth to retain some of the early rigour and austerity. Meat is
never allowed except to the sick, and the severe abstinence on bread
and water has to be observed on every Friday throughout the year. Meals
are always taken in the seclusion of the cell, except on the great
feasts, and even then in silence. The two Lents are still observed, and
during these periods eggs, milk, butter, and cheese are strictly
forbidden. All the Hours of the Divine Office are said in common in the
hermitage church, a building which practically consists of one long and
spacious choir. The hermits rise all the year round at half an hour
after midnight for Matins, Lauds, and Meditation, which last for an
hour and a half. A rest is then allowed till sunrise, when they betake
themselves again to the church for the Office of Prime, and then return
to their separate oratories to celebrate Mass. A slight collation is
then taken, and the time between that and Tierce is spent in spiritual
reading. Tierce is sung at nine, followed immediately by the conventual
Mass and Sext. The remainder of the morning till the Office of None, at
eleven, is passed daily in study and manual labour, each hermit having
his own little garden and workship. Dinner is taken at half-past eleven
and is followed by recreation, during which the hermits are allowed in
summer to take a siesta. Vespers are sung at sunset, and a slight
collation is taken later on. The day is closed by Complin, Meditation,
and the Rosary. Twice a week in winter, and three times a week in
summer, talking is allowed during recreation time, and walks may be
taken through the woods surrounding the hermitage. The monks at Fonte
Buono live a life somewhat similar, though, of course, without the
solitude of the hermits' life, and a walk beyond the monastic enclosure
is allowed daily. Their hospice is now an hotel, and their forests have
been appropriated by the Government. Speaking generally, the
Camaldolese cenobites to-day may be said to follow the Benedictine rule
in its ordinary interpretation.</p>
<p id="c-p599" shownumber="no">The habit of the Camaldolese is now but little changed from that
worn in the earliest days of the order. A white tunic reaching to the
ankles, with scapular, girdle, and hood of the same colour. The cowl,
worn only during the Divine Office, is also white, and of the same
shape as the ample cowl of the Benedictines. A cloak is worn when
walking abroad in cold weather, and the hermits also have another very
ample cloak in which the whole body can be wrapped when hurrying to the
midnight Office from their cells in severe weather.–Camaldoli, it
should be remembered, stands on a range of the Tuscan Apennines at an
altitude of 3680 feet above the sea.</p>
<p id="c-p600" shownumber="no">An aspirant to the solitary or to the cenobitical life at Camaldoli
has to undergo a long and severe probation. He is at first regarded as
a guest for some days, and is then summoned before the community,
assembled in chapter, and formally received. Placed immediately in the
novitiate, he continues to wear his secular dress for forty days, after
which period he is clothed in the novice's habit and begins a novitiate
of two years. If he should persevere he is admitted to simple vows,
which may, if necessary, be dispensed during the three following years.
During these three years the young religious does part of his
ecclesiastical studies, and then, unless his superiors think a longer
period necessary, he is admitted to solemn or final vows and to Holy
orders. A lay brother's probation is different. He remains one year in
the novitiate, and then becomes an "oblate" for seven years; another
year's novitiate is then gone through, at the end of which he is called

<i>conversus,</i> and his simple vows are taken for three years. If all
is satisfactory, at the end of this period he is allowed to take solemn
vows.</p>
<h3 id="c-p600.1">PRESENT STATE OF THE ORDER</h3>
<p id="c-p601" shownumber="no">There are at the present date (1907) three congregations in the
Camaldolese order: the Congregation of Cenobites, which possesses four
monasteries, with about fifty subjects; the Congregation of Hermits of
Etruria, which possesses two hermitages and three monasteries, with
nearly sixty subjects; the Congregation of Hermits of Monte Corona,
which possesses ten houses, with about one hundred and thirty subjects.
All these houses are in Italy, except the monastery of Bielany in
Poland, belonging to the Congregation of Cenobites, and the hermitage
of Nuova Camaldoli, near Caxias in Brazil, belonging to the
Congregation of Hermits of Etruria. This last was founded from
Camaldoli in 1899, by Dom Ambrogio Pierattelli and Dom Michele
Evangelisti, and one lay brother, Ermindo Dindelli. In 1900 these were
joined by three more hermits and two more lay brothers from Camaldoli.
Dom Ambrogio was elected prior in 1903, and the first Camaldolese
hermitage in the New World shows many signs of rapid and fruitful
growth.</p>
<p id="c-p602" shownumber="no">There are also five houses of nuns in existence, with about 150
inmates. These are all in Italy.</p>
<p id="c-p603" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.1">Augustinus Fortunius,</span> 
<i>Historia Camaldolensium</i> (Venice, 1575, 1579); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.2">Beaunier,</span> 
<i>Receuil historique des Archevêchés, Evêchés,
Abbayes et Prierurés de France</i> (Ligurgé, 1906),
introduction; 
<i>Camaldoli ed i Camaldolesi, brevi note di un sacerdote secolare ad
un giovane</i> (Rome, 1905); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.3">Carmichael,</span> 
<i>In Tuscany</i> (London, 1901), 245-264; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.4">Campbell,</span> 
<i>Guida storica illustrata di Camaldoli</i> (Udine, 1906); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.5">Grandi,</span> 
<i>Dissertationes Camaldolenses</i> (Lucca, 1707); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.6">Hastivillius,</span> 
<i>Romualdina seu Eremetica Camaldulensis Ordinis Historia</i>f (Paris,
1631); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.7">Heimbucher,</span> 
<i>Die Orden und Kongregationen der catholischen Kirche</i> (Paderborn,
1907), I, 401-408; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.8">Helyot,</span> 
<i>Histoire des ordres monastiques</i> (Paris, 1718), V, 236-79; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.9">Herzog and Hauck,</span> 
<i>Realencyclopädie für protestantischle Theologie und
Kirche</i> (Leipzig, 1897), III, 683-87; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.10">Mabillon,</span> 
<i>Acta Sanctorum O. S. B.</i> (Venice, 1733-1740), Sæc. VI, i,
246-78; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.11">Idem,</span> 
<i>Annales Ordinis S. Benedicti</i> (Paris, 1707), IV, l261-3, 275,
289, 339; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.12">Mattabelli and Costadoni,</span> 
<i>Annales Camaldulenses O. S. B.</i> (9 vols., Venice, 1755-73); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.13">Moroni,</span> 
<i>Diz.</i> (Venice, 1840-58), V, 290, 308; XCI, 519-53, 561--62; S. 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.14">Petrus Damianus,</span> 
<i>Vita Sancti Romualdi</i> (Florence, 1513); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.15">Razzi,</span> 
<i>Regola della vita eremitica data dal b. Romualdo</i> (Florence,
1575); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.16">Razzi,</span> 
<i>Vite dei santi e beati del ordine di Camaldoli</i> (Florence, 1600);

<span class="sc" id="c-p603.17">Thomas de Minis,</span> 
<i>Catalogue Sanctorum et Beatorum totius ordinis Camaldulensis</i>
(Florence, 1605); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p603.18">Ziegelbauer,</span> 
<i>Centifolium Camaldlulense</i> (Venice, 1750); 
<i>Regola di S. Benedetto e Constitutioni della Congregazione degli
Eremiti Camaldolesi di Monte Corona</i> (Rome, 1670); 
<i>Regolamento giornaliero pei novici degli Eremiti Camaldolesi di
Monte Corona</i> (Frascatri, 1906);; 
<i>Le Messager des Fidèles, Revue Bénédictine</i>
(Maredsous, 1887), IV, 356-63; 
<i>Revista Storica Benedictina</i> (Rome, 1906-7), I, 288-9, 470-5; II,
371-383, 600-4.</p>
<p id="c-p604" shownumber="no">R. 
<span class="sc" id="c-p604.1">Urban Butler</span>
<br />Leslie A. St. L. Toke.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p604.3" title="Camargo, Diego Munoz" type="Encyclopedia">Diego Munoz Camargo</term>
<def id="c-p604.4">
<h1 id="c-p604.5">Diego Muñoz Camargo</h1>
<p id="c-p605" shownumber="no">(According to Beristain de Souza, Muñoz should be the
surname).</p>
<p id="c-p606" shownumber="no">Born of a Spanish father and Indian mother soon after 1521; died at
a very advanced age, the exact date unknown. He acquired the knowledge
of letters and rudimentary acquaintance with other branches of learning
from the Franciscans at Mexico in the first half of the sixteenth
century, and diligently inquired into the traditions and antiquities of
the Nahuatl Indians, chiefly of the tribe of Tlaxcala, in which
investigations he was encouraged and sustained by the clergy and the
higher Spanish officials. For many years he acted as official
interpreter. He wrote the "historia de Tlaxcala", first published in a
French translation in the "Annales des voyages" and but lately in the
Spanish original. It is the only chronicle specially devoted to the
past of the tribe Tlaxcala thus far accessible in print, except one,
printed 1870, and which yet prove to be a fragment of Camargo's work.
Torquemada's "Monarquia" is largely based on Camargo, and the history
is of course partial, as all tribal chronicles are, extolling the
Indians of Tlaxcala, and placing them above all others of Nahuatl
stock. This does not, however, detract from its value. It presents a
view differing from that of other Indian writers, and furnishes
elements of useful criticism.</p>
<p id="c-p607" shownumber="no">Torquemada, Monarquia Indiana (Madrid, 1613, and 1723);
Boturini-Benaducci, Idea de una nueva Historia general de la
América Setentrional (Madrid, 1746); Clavigero, Storia del Messico
(Cesna, 1780); Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca hispano-americana
setentrioonal (Amacameca, 1883); Brinton, Aboriginal Authors.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p608" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p608.1" title="Cambiaso, Luca" type="Encyclopedia">Luca Cambiaso</term>
<def id="c-p608.2">
<h1 id="c-p608.3">Luca Cambiaso</h1>
<p id="c-p609" shownumber="no">(Also known as Luchetto da Genova, and as Luchino).</p>
<p id="c-p610" shownumber="no">Genoese painter, b. at Moneglia near Genoa, in 1527; d. in the
Escorial, Madrid, 1585. He received his first instruction from his
father, Giovanni Cambiaso, who is believed to have been the author of
the method adopted in designing whereby the human body is divided into
small squares in order to give correct proportions in foreshortening.
Luca exhibited considerable talent, and was enabled by the assistance
of a friend to visit Florence and Rome, where he carefully studied the
works of Michelangelo. His early paintings are somewhat extravagant and
grotesque, but later in life he checked his impetuosity, and his
paintings were distinguished by exquisitely transparent colour and by
grace in pose and composition. He was an exceedingly rapid painter,
using both hands at once, and passionately fond of glowing colour and
the sumptuous architectural backgrounds. In 1583 he was invited to
visit Spain, where he was employed by Philip II in the Escorial, and
painted the ceiling of the choir and several alter-pieces. His wife, to
whom he was deeply attached, died in Genoa, and being unable to obtain
a dispensation to marry her sister, he gave way to severe
disappointment, and allowed it to prey upon his mind until it produced
melancholia, from which he died. He had one son, Orazio, who
accompanied his father to Spain and who worked for Philip II after his
father's decease.</p>
<p id="c-p611" shownumber="no">Cambiaso was a man of little historical knowledge, but as an artist
was distinguished by accurate drawing, clever composition, and
admirable colouring. The women in his pictures are modest, the men
impassioned, and he was fond of introducing horses into his scenes and
painted them with beauty and spirit. His best works are in Madrid,
Munich, and Florence.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p612" shownumber="no">GEORGE CHARLES WILLIAMSON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p612.1" title="Cambrai, Archdiocese of" type="Encyclopedia">Archdiocese of Cambrai</term>
<def id="c-p612.2">
<h1 id="c-p612.3">Archdiocese of Cambrai</h1>
<p id="c-p613" shownumber="no">(CAMERACENSIS.)</p>
<p id="c-p614" shownumber="no">Comprises the entire Département du Nord of France. Prior to
1559 Cambrai was only a bishopric, but its jurisdiction was immense and
included even Brussels and Antwerp. The creation of the new
metropolitan See of Malines in 1559 and of eleven other dioceses was at
the request of Philip II of Spain in order to facilitate the struggle
against the Reformation. The change greatly restricted the limits of
the Diocese of Cambrai which, when thus dismembered, was made by way of
compensation an archiepiscopal see with St. Omer, Tournai and Namur as
suffragans. By the Concordat of 1802 Cambrai was again reduced to a
simple bishopric, suffragan to Paris, and included remnants of the
former dioceses of Tournai, Ypres, and St. Omer. In 1817 both the pope
and the king were eager for the erection of a see at Lille, but Bishop
Belmas (1757-1841), a former constitutional bishop, vigorously opposed
it. Immediately upon his death, in 1841, Cambrai once more became an
archbishopric with Arras as suffragan.</p>
<p id="c-p615" shownumber="no">For the first bishops of Arras and Cambrai, who resided at the
former place, see ARRAS. On the death of St. Vedulphus (545-580) the
episcopal residence was transferred from Arras to Cambrai. Among his
successors were: St. Gaugericus (580-619); St. Berthoaldus (about 625);
St. Aubert (d. 667); St. Vindicianus (667-693), who brought King
Thierri to account for the murder of St. Léger of Autun; St.
Hadulfus (d. 728); Alberic and Hildoard, contemporaries of Charlemagne,
and who gave to the diocese a sacramentary and important canons;
Halitgarius (817-831), an ecclesiastical writer and apostle of the
Danes; St. John (866-879); St. Rothadus (879-886); Wiboldus (965-966),
author of the 
<i>ludus secularis</i> which furnished amusement to clerkly persons;
Gerard the Great (1013-1051), formerly chaplain to St. Henry II,
Emperor of Germany, and helpful to the latter in his negotiations with
Robert the Pious, King of France; (Gerard also converted by persuasion
the Gondulphian heretics, who denied the Blessed Eucharist); St.
Lietbertus (1057-1076), who defended Cambrai against Robert the
Frisian; Blessed Odo (1105-1113), celebrated as a professor and
director of the school of Tournai, also as a writer and founder of the
monastery of St. Martin near Tournai; Burchard (1115-1131), who sent
St. Norbert and the Premonstratensians to Antwerp to combat the heresy
of Tanquelin's disciples concerning the Blessed Eucharist; Robert II of
Geneva (1368-1371), antipope in 1378 under the name of Clement VIII;
Jean IV T'serclaes (1378-1389), during whose episcopate John the
Fearless, son of the Duke of Burgundy, married Margaret of Bavaria at
Cambrai (1385); the illustrious Pierre d'Ailly (1396-1411); the
celebrated Fénelon (1695-1715); and Cardinal Dubois (1720-1723),
minister to Louis XV.</p>
<p id="c-p616" shownumber="no">In the Middle Ages the Diocese of Cambrai was included in that part
of Lorraine which, after various vicissitudes, passed under German rule
in 940, and in 941 the Emperor Otto the Great ratified all the
privileges that had been accorded the Bishop of Cambrai by the Frankish
kings. Later, in 1007, St. Henry II invested him with authority over
the countship of Cambrésis; the Bishop of Cambrai was thus the
overlord of the twelve "peers of Cambresis". Under Louis XIV (1678) the
Bishopric of Cambrai once more became French. The councils of Leptines,
at which St. Boniface played an important role, were held in what was
then the Belgian part of the former Diocese of Cambrai. Under the old
regime the Archdiocese of Cambrai had forty-one abbeys, eighteen of
which belonged to the Benedictines. Chief among them were the Abbey of
St. Géry, founded near Cambrai about the year 600 in honour of St.
Médard by St. Géry (580-619), deacon of the church of Treves,
and who built a chapel on the bank of the Senne, on the site of the
future city of Brussels; the Abbey of Hautmont, founded in the seventh
century by St. Vincent, the husband of St. Wandru, who was foundress of
the chapter at Mons; the Abbey of Soignies, founded by the same St.
Vincent, and having for abbots his son Landri and, in the eleventh
century, St. Richard; the Abbey of Maubeuge, founded in 661 by St.
Aldegonde the sister of St. Wandru and a descendant of Clovis and the
kings of Thuringia, among whose successors as abbesses were her niece,
St. Aldetrude (d. 696) and another niece, St. Amalberte (d. 705),
herself the mother of two saints, one of whom, St. Gudule, was a nun at
Nivennes and became patroness of Brussels, and the other, St. Raynalde,
a martyr; the Abbey of Lobbes which, in the seventh and eighth
centuries, had as abbots St. Landelin, St. Ursmar, St. Ermin, and St.
Theodulph, and in the tenth century, Heriger, the ecclesiastical
writer; the Abbey of Crespin, founded in the seventh century by St.
Landelin, who was succeeded by St. Adelin; the Abbey of Maroilles
(seventh century), which St. Humbert I, who died in 682, was abbot; the
Abbey of Elnon, founded in the seventh century by St. Amandus and
endowed by Dagobert; the Abbey of St. Ghislain, founded in the seventh
century by the Athenian philosopher, St. Ghislain, and having as abbots
St. Gerard (tenth century) and St. Poppo (eleventh century); the Abbey
of Marchiennes, founded by St. Rictrudes (end of the seventh century);
the Abbey of Liessies (eighth century) which, in the sixteenth century,
had for abbot Ven. Louis de Blois (1506-1566), author of numerous
spiritual writings (see BLOSIUS); the Abbey of St. Sauve de
Valenciennes (ninth century), founded in honour of the itinerant bishop
St. Sauve (Salvius), martyred in Hainault at the end of the eighth
century; and the Abbey of Cysoing, founded about 854 by St. Evrard,
Count of Flanders and son-in-law of Louis the Debonair.</p>
<p id="c-p617" shownumber="no">The list of the saints of the Diocese of Cambrai is very extensive,
and their biographies, although short, take up no less than four
volumes of the work by Canon Destombes. Exclusive of those saints whose
history would be of interest only in connection with the Belgian
territory formerly belonging to the diocese, mention may be made of St.
Eubertus, an itinerant bishop, martyred at Lille (third century); St.
Chrysole, martyr, patron of Comines, and St. Piat, martyr, patron of
Tournai and Seclin (end of third century); St. Pherailde, patron of
Bruay near Valenciennes (eighth century); the Irish missionaries Fursy,
Caidac, Fricor, and Ultan (seventh and eighth centuries); St. Winnoc,
Abbot of Bergues (end of seventh century); Blessed Evermore, disciple
of St. Norbert and Bishop of Ratzburg in Germany (twelfth century);
Blessed Charles le Bon, Count of Flanders, son of King Canute of
Denmark and assassinated at Bruges in 1127; and Blessed Beatrice of
Lens, a recluse (thirteenth century). The Jesuits Cortyl and du
Béron, first apostles of the Pelew (Caroline) Islands, were
martyred in 1701, and Chomé (1696-1767), who was prominent in the
Missions of Paraguay, and the Oratorian Gratry (1805-1872), philosopher
and member of the French Academy, were natives of the Diocese of
Cambrai. The English college of Douai, founded by William Allen in
1568, gave in subsequent centuries a certain number of apostles and
martyrs to Catholic England. Since the promulgation of the law of 1875
on higher education, Lille has been the seat of important Catholic
faculties. (See BAUNARD; LILLE.)</p>
<p id="c-p618" shownumber="no">The principal places of pilgrimage are: Notre-Dame de la Treille at
Lille, a church dedicated in 1066 by Baldwin V, Count of Flanders,
visited by St. Thomas of Canterbury, St. Bernard, and Pope Innocent
III, and where, on 14 June, 1254, fifty-three cripples were suddenly
cured; Notre-Dame de Grâce at Cambrai, containing a picture
ascribed to St. Luke; Notre-Dame des Dunes at Dunkerque, where the
special object of interest is a statue which, in the beginning of the
fifteenth century, was discovered near the castle of Dunkerque; the
feast associated with this, 8 September, 1793, coincided with the
raising of the siege of this city by the Duke of York; Notre-Dame des
Miracles at Bourbourg, made famous by a miracle wrought in 1383, an
account of which was given by the chronicler Froissart, who was an
eyewitness. A Benedictine abbey formerly extant here was converted by
Marie Antoinette into a house of noble canonesses. Until a
comparatively recent date, the great religious solemnities in the
diocese often gave rise to 
<i>ducasses</i>, sumptuous processions in which giants, huge fishes,
devils, and representations of heaven and hell figured prominently.
Before the law of 1901 was enforced there were in the diocese
Augustinians, English Benedictines, Jesuits, Marists, Dominicans,
Franciscans, Lazarists, Redemptorists, Camillians, Brothers of St.
Vincent de Paul, and Trappists; the last-named still remain. Numerous
local congregations of women are engaged in the schools and among the
sick, as, for instance: the Augustinian Nuns (founded in the sixth
century, mother-house at Cambrai); the Bernardines of Our Lady of
Flines (founded in the thirteenth century); the Daughters of the Infant
Jesus (founded in 1824, mother-house at Lille); the Bernardines of
Esquernes (founded in 1827); the Sisters of Providence, or of St.
Thérèse (mother-house at Avesnes); the Sisters of Our Lady of
Treille (mother-house at Lille), and the Religious of the Holy Union of
the Sacred Hearts (mother-house at Douai).</p>
<p id="c-p619" shownumber="no">In 1900 the religious institutions of the archdiocese included 7
foundling asylums, 260 infant schools, 4 infirmaries for sick children,
2 schools for the blind, 2 schools for deaf-mutes, 19 boys' orphanages,
57 girls' orphanages, 20 industrial schools, 1 trades' school, 3
schools of domestic economy, 5 reformatories, 89 hospitals and
hospices, 32 houses of religious nurses, 7 houses of retreat, 2 insane
asylums, and 177 conferences of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul. The
development of charitable establishments, to which should be added many
institutions founded by Catholic employers for their workmen, may be
accounted for by the immense labouring class in the Archdiocese of
Cambrai. The retreats of Notre-Dame de Hautmont are well patronized by
the working Catholics of the district. Statistics for the end of 1905
(close of the Concordat period) show a population of 1,866,994 with 67
pastorates, 599 succursales, or second-class parishes, and 157 curacies
then remunerated by the State.</p>
<p id="c-p620" shownumber="no">
<i>Gallia Christiana, ed. nova</i> (1725), III, 1-7 and 206, and 
<i>instrumenta</i>, 1-44; FISQUET, 
<i>Metropole de Cambrai</i> (Paris, 1869); BLIN, 
<i>Histoire des eveques et archeveques de Cambrai</i> (Tournai, 1876);
DESTOMBES, 
<i>Les vies des Saints et des personnes d'une eminente piete de Cambrai
et d'Arras</i> (Lille, 1890); CHEVALIER, 
<i>Topo-bibliographie</i>, 554-558.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p621" shownumber="no">GEORGES GOYAU</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p621.1" title="Cambridge, University of" type="Encyclopedia">University of Cambridge</term>
<def id="c-p621.2">
<h1 id="c-p621.3">University of Cambridge</h1>
<h3 id="c-p621.4">I. ORIGIN AND HISTORY</h3>
<p id="c-p622" shownumber="no">The obscurity which surrounds the ancient history of Cambridge makes
it impossible to fix with any certainty the date of the foundation of
the great seat of learning now known as the university. In the days of
Queen Elizabeth the most extraordinary legends were current, propounded
by learned men at Oxford and Cambridge, regarding the respective
antiquity of these two universities. The Oxford schools, it was
claimed, had been founded by certain Greek professors who came to
England with Brutus of Troy "about the time when Eli was judge in
Israel"; while Cambridge traced her origin to "Cantaber a Spanish
prince", who arrived in Britain in the year of the world 3588. No more
trustworthy is the statement of the chronicler known as Peter de Blois,
who assigns 1110 as the date of certain learned monks coming to
Cambridge from the great Abbey of Croyland, in the fen country,
lecturing there, and assembling round them a nucleus of scholars. All
that is certain is that long (though how long is not known) before the
establishment of the first college in Cambridge, a body of students was
in residence in the town, lodging at first in the houses of the
townspeople, but gathered later into "hostels", houses licensed by the
university authorities, who appointed principals to each, responsible
for the order, good discipline, and comfort of the inmates. These
hostels, of which Fuller enumerates thirty-four, continued to exist up
to, and after, the foundation of the first colleges, which were
originally composed only of the master, fellows, and poor scholars, or
sizars, who paid for their education by performing menial work. To the
Benedictine Order belongs the honour of having established the first
college within the university, St. Peter's, better known as Peterhouse.
It was founded in 1284 by Hugh de Balsham, monk and sometime prior of
the Abbey of Ely, and Bishop of Ely from 1257 to 1286; and its
constitution and statutes were modelled on those of Merton College,
Oxford, founded twelve years previously by Walter de Merton, Bishop of
Rochester.</p>
<p id="c-p623" shownumber="no">Bishop de Balsham obtained leave from Edward I to place his scholars
in the buildings of St. John's Hospital, in the place of the religious
brethren of that foundation, and a few years later acquired possession
of a neighbouring monastery belonging to a suppressed order of friars.
He and his successor at Ely, Bishop Simon Montacute, drew up an
admirable code of statutes providing for the maintenance of a master
and fourteen fellows, who were to be "studiously engaged in
literature", and withal "honourable, chaste, peaceable, humble and
modest". The scholars who attended the college lectures (prototypes of
the "pensioner" of today) were still accommodated in the hostels, but
the statutes provided for the maintenance of a few "indigent scholars
well grounded in Latin", who came later to be known as sizars. Monks
and friars were explicitly excluded from the benefits of the
foundation, but clerical students were evidently expected to be in the
majority, and indeed the clerical dress and tonsure is specially
enjoined on the master and all the scholars of Peterhouse. In the
statutes of the second college founded, that of Michaelhouse
(afterwards absorbed in Trinity), the religious provisions are
particularly prominent. All the fellows were to be in Holy orders and
students of theology, and the provisions for Divine service are
elaborate and minute. In Cambridge, as at Oxford, the earliest colleges
made use of the nearest parish church as their place of worship, and
Pembroke, which dates from 1347, was the first which had from the
beginning a chapel for its members within its own precincts. Thirteen
of the existing colleges are pre-Reformation foundations, and three
more were established in the sixteenth century. The three hundred
subsequent years of Protestantism have produced but a single benefactor
to emulate the pious achievements of Catholic times; and Downing
college, founded in 1800, is the only one which has had its rise in the
seventeenth, eighteenth, or nineteenth centuries. The modern revival of
hostels has not been markedly successful, two out of three founded
having been closed in recent years; nor has the institution of the
non-collegiate system (introduced in 1869) attracted a great number of
students, in spite of the advantages it offers of a considerably more
economical university career.</p>
<p id="c-p624" shownumber="no">Many of the features of the collegiate discipline and internal
government as originally instituted are due to the fact of their
earlier colleges having been largely modelled on the monasteries.
Magdalene (like Gloucester, now Worcester, College, Oxford) was
actually established for students belonging to the Benedictine Order,
the young monks resorting thither from Croyland, Ely, Ramsey, and other
East Anglian abbeys; while Emmanuel was built in 1584 on the site of a
former Dominican house, becoming afterwards, curiously enough, the
favourite resort of Puritan students. To the semi-monastic origin of
the colleges must be traced such rules as those enjoining on the
fellows celibacy and the clerical status, which were in force until
almost the close of the nineteenth century. The final abolition of the
restrictions as to marriage and clerical orders was brought about only
in 1881, when new statutes were issued by the Cambridge commissioners
in conformity with an act of Parliament passed four years previously.
All religious tests have been abolished within the same period, except
for degrees in divinity, examinations and degrees in the other
faculties being now thrown open to students of every creed. The
Anglican element is still strongly represented in the governing body,
more than half the heads of houses, for example, being (1907) clergymen
of the established church.</p>
<p id="c-p625" shownumber="no">Looking back on the past three centuries of the history of the
university, one is struck by the long succession of eminent men whom
Cambridge has produced, notwithstanding the narrow and cramping
influence of a system which, during a great part of that time, rigidly
excluded non-members of the Church of England from every position of
influence and emolument, and even from the benefits of a degree. A list
by no means exhaustive includes, among philosophers and men of science,
Bacon, Newton, Herschel, Adams, Darwin, Rayleigh, and Kelvin; among
statesmen, Burleigh, Strafford, Cromwell, Pitt, Palmerston, Devonshire,
and Balfour; among scholars and men of letters, Erasmus, Bentley,
Porson, Paley, Stern, Ben Johnson, Lytton, Macaulay, and Thackeray;
among lawyers, Coke, Littleton, Ellenborough, and Lyndhurst; among
historians, Hume and Acton; and (last, not least) among the galaxy of
poets, who are perhaps the brightest gems in Cambridge's crown of
famous men, Spenser, Milton, Herbert, Dryden, Cowley, Otway, Prior,
Gray, Coleridge, Byron, Wordsworth, and Tennyson. Apart from the
unbroken chronicle of the intellectual achievements of her sons, the
university as such has never during the six centuries and more of her
existence figured prominently in history. Her part in politics has been
on the whole unimportant, and her tendency, in matters both of Church
and State, has ever been towards moderation and an avoidance of
extremes. Her relations with kings and rulers have been friendly, if
not always cordial; during the troubles of the Civil War she was loyal,
but not with the exuberant loyalty of Oxford, to Charles I; her
colleges sent him their plate, but they came later easily into the
obedience of the Commonwealth. So in religious matters she has never
been in the forefront of the great religious movements which have
originated at Oxford and have shaken England to its centre. She has
bred eminent divines both high and low in their ecclesiastical views;
but her chief glory has been, and is, in that stamp of churchmen who
form the broad, or liberal, section of the Anglican body. Ellicott and
Alford, Vaughan and Kingsley, Lightfoot and Maurice, are names as
typical of Cambridge as those of Newman and Pusey, Wilberforce and
Liddon and Bright, are characteristic of Oxford. It remains to add that
the corporate existence of Cambridge University dates from the
thirteenth year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, when it was
incorporated under the designation of "The Chancellors, Masters, and
Scholars of the University of Cambridge". The endowment of the first
professorships dates from an earlier period of the same century, the
Lady Margaret professorship of divinity having been founded in 1502 by
Margaret, mother of Henry VII. Henry VIII established in 1540 the five
regius professorships of divinity, civil law, physics, Hebrew, and
Greek. Thirty-nine professorships have since been founded, making a
total of forty-five, in addition to assistants, demonstrators, and
readers.</p>
<h3 id="c-p625.1">II. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT</h3>
<h4 id="c-p625.2">(A) The University</h4>
<p id="c-p626" shownumber="no">Nothing is more difficult to foreigners than to understand the
constitution of such a university as that of Cambridge, complicated as
it is by the dual and simultaneous existence of the central governing
body with its complete organization and staff of officials, and of the
separate colleges, each an autonomous corporation, with its own
officers, its own property, and its own statutes, and yet all
constituting an essential part of the university as a whole. The
combined university and college system of Cambridge and Oxford is in
fact unique, and is in as marked contrast with the pure university
system prevailing in Germany, France, and Scotland, as well as of the
most recently founded universities in England, as it is with the pure
college system of some universities in the United States. The supreme
legislative and governing power of the whole body (for the statutes of
the several colleges are subject to the paramount authority of the
university laws) is vested in the senate, whose place of meeting is
called the senate-house. The constituent members of the senate are the
chancellor, vice-chancellor, doctors of the six several faculties,
bachelors of divinity, and all masters of arts, law, surgery, and
music, who have their names on the university register. The matters to
which the jurisdiction of the senate extends, include the management of
the finances and property of the university (as distinguished from that
belonging to the individual colleges), the general conduct of the
studies and examinations, and the regulations affecting morals and
discipline. It is, however, to be noted that nothing whatever can be
proposed for enactment or confirmation by the senate except with the
sanction of the council, a body established by the authority of
Parliament about 1857. The council is really a committee of the whole
senate, consisting of the chancellor, vice-chancellor, four heads of
colleges, four university professors, and eight other members of the
senate elected by the whole body. Meetings of the senate, styled
congregations, and presided over by the vice-chancellor or his deputy,
are held about once a fortnight during term for the transaction of
university business. The executive power of the governing body is
vested in the following officials: the Chancellor, elected for life,
who is head of the university, and has power to adjudicate in all
matters affecting members of the university, excepting cases of felony;
the Vice-Chancellor, elected annually, who exercises the full powers of
the chancellor in his absence or in case of a vacancy in the office;
the High Steward, who has special powers to try scholars, within the
limits of the university, even in cases of felony, and appoints a
resident deputy; the Sex Viri, elected by the senate every two years,
with power to hold a court for the trial of all senior members of the
university charged with offences against the statutes; the Court of
Discipline, consisting of the chancellor and six elected heads of
colleges, for the trial of scholars in 
<i>statu pupillari</i>; the Public Orator, who voices the senate on
public occasions, writes letters when required, in the name of the
university, and presents to all honorary degrees with an appropriate
oration; the Registrary, who keeps the record of all university
proceedings, and the roll of members of the university, and is the
custodian of all important documents; the two Proctors (with their
Pro-Proctors), who are responsible for the morals and discipline of the
younger members of the university, and assist the vice-chancellor in
the discharge of his duties. Other university officials are the two
members elected by the senate to represent the university in the
imperial parliament, the Counsel to the university, appointed by the
senate; the Solicitor, nominated by the vice-chancellor; the General
Board of Studies, consisting of the vice-chancellor, and various
elected members of the senate, and of special boards; the Financial
Board, for the care and management of the property of the university,
consisting of the vice-chancellor and eight members of the senate, half
elected by the colleges and half nominated by the vice-chancellor. The
university property consists chiefly of a small amount of landed
estate, the fees charged for matriculations, examinations, and
graduating, the quarterly due or tax paid by every member of the
university whose name is on the register, the profits of the university
printing-press, contributions from the various colleges, as provided by
the statutes, and various minor sources of income of a fluctuating
kind.</p>
<h4 id="c-p626.1">(B) The Colleges</h4>
<p id="c-p627" shownumber="no">The order of the members of the several colleges, which number
seventeen in all, is as follows: (1) The head, who is usually, but not
necessarily or always, a doctor in his own faculty. The head of King's
College is styled provost; of Queen's, president; of all the other
colleges, master. (2) The fellows, numbering altogether about 400, and
as a rule graduates (usually masters) in some faculty. (3) Doctors in
the several faculties, bachelors in divinity, masters of arts, law, and
surgery, who are not on the foundation of the college. (4) Bachelors in
the four faculties last-named. (5) Fellow-commoners, generally men of
rank and fortune, who are entitled to dine at the fellows' table (hence
their name) and enjoy other privileges. (6) Scholars,
foundation-members of the several colleges and enjoying certain
emoluments and advantages accordingly. They are as a rule elected by
direct competitive examination prior to the commencement of their
residence. (7) Pensioners (corresponding to "commoners" at Oxford), the
great body of undergraduate students, who pay for their board and their
lodging either within or without the college precincts. (8) Sizars,
students of limited means who receive, as a rule, their rooms and
commons free.</p>
<p id="c-p628" shownumber="no">The following is a list of the colleges at Cambridge, in
chronological order, with the date of the foundation of each: St.
Peter's or Peterhouse (1257), Clare (1326), Pembroke (1347), Gonville
and Caius (1348), Trinity Hall (1350), Corpus Christi (1352), King's
(1441), Queen's (1448), St. Catherine's (1473), Jesus (1496), Christ's
(1505), St. John's (1511), Magdalene (1519), Trinity (1546), Emmanuel
(1584), Sidney Sussex (1595), Downing (1800). There is also one public
hostel, Selwyn College, founded in 1882, and restricted to members of
the Church of England, and a body of non-collegiate students (under a
censor) who under a statute of 1869 are admitted into the university
without becoming members of any college or hostel. The total number of
members of the university having their names on the register was, in
July, 1907, 14,053, including 7220 members of the senate and 3463
undergraduates. Of these many more were on the books of Trinity than of
any other college, namely 3675, the next in order being St. John's,
with 1475. The total number of matriculations (of new members) in the
academical year 1906-1907 was 1083, the highest in the history of the
university. The government of each college is by its own master (or
other head) and fellows, or else by the master and council, a select
committee of the fellows. Each college has its visitor, either the
Sovereign, the Lord Chancellor or the Chancellor of the University, or
some bishop or other high dignitary, to whom reference is made when
questions arise as to the interpretation of the college statutes; but
no college statute is binding unless in harmony with the general code
of statutes for the university approved by Queen Victoria in Council in
1882.</p>
<h3 id="c-p628.1">III. STUDIES AND DISCIPLINE</h3>
<h4 id="c-p628.2">(A) Studies</h4>
<p id="c-p629" shownumber="no">The Cambridge University system may be defined as one which subjects
all candidates for degrees, and for all university and college
distinctions, to the test of competitive examinations, held at fixed
intervals, and which allows the preparation and study for these
examinations to be held whenever, and in whatever way, the individual
thinks proper. Professors and readers, lecturers, demonstrators, and
tutors, public and private, in every subject of the university
curriculum, are provided in abundance by the university itself, by the
various colleges, and by private enterprise. But the test, and
practically the sole test (apart from certain disciplinary regulations)
of the fitness of an undergraduate to receive the degree, whatever it
be, which is the object of his university career, is not regular
attendance at lectures, still less proficiency or perseverance in his
course of private study, but his success in passing the various
examinations, whether with or without "honours", which are the only
avenue to the baccalaureate. For the ordinary degree of B.A., which may
be taken in the ninth term of residence (that is, there being three
terms in each academical year, in two years and eight months after
coming into residence), the ordinary "passman", who does not aspire to
honours, has to pass (1) the "previous examination", or "little go", in
Greek, Latin, and mathematics (all of a pretty elementary kind), and
Paley's "Evidences of Christianity". The Gospel, which is one of the
Greek books set, and Paley can if desired be replaced by a classic and
logic. Oriental students may take Arabic, Chinese, or Sanskrit instead
of Greek or Latin, under certain conditions. (2) The General
Examination, somewhat more advanced classics and mathematics and
(optional) English literature. (3) A Special Examination, in one of the
following subjects: theology, political economy, law, history,
chemistry, physics, modern languages, mathematics, classics, mechanics
and applied science, music.</p>
<p id="c-p630" shownumber="no">Candidates for honours have to pass in certain additional subjects
in their "little go", being then exempt from further examination until
the final, or "tripos"--a word sometimes derived from the three-legged
stool on which candidates formerly sat, but now referring to the three
classes into which successful candidates are divided. Honours may be
taken in any of the following triposes: mathematics, classics,
theology, law, history, medieval and modern languages, Oriental
languages, moral sciences, natural sciences, mechanical sciences, and
economics. Nearly all these tripos examinations are divided into two
parts, with an interval between them; and only those who have obtained
honours in the first part may proceed to the second. The three classes
into which the successful candidates in the mathematical tripos are
divided are called respectively wranglers, senior and junior optimes.
The names in each class are placed in alphabetical order, the
distinction of "senior wrangler", long the blue ribbon of Cambridge
scholarship, having been abolished in 1907. The prominence formerly
assigned to mathematics at Cambridge is shown by the fact that up to
1851 no candidate could obtain classical honours without previously
gaining a place in the mathematical tripos. Although this rule no
longer exists, the Cambridge theory remains on the whole the same, that
mathematical studies form the most perfect course of intellectual
training. Cambridge scholarship is sometimes said to derive its
accuracy from mathematics; but the complete course of mathematics at
Cambridge demands different and higher qualities than mere accuracy,
namely breadth of reasoning, readiness to generalize, perception of
analogies, quickness in the assimilation of new ideas, a keen sense of
beauty and order, and, above all, inventive powers of the highest kind.
This is the spirit of the typical Cambridge scholar, and it has
produced and fostered some of the keenest intellects and brightest
geniuses in the world of science, using that word in its widest and
most general sense.</p>
<p id="c-p631" shownumber="no">The instruction in preparation for the manifold examinations, which
are the gates to degrees in arts and other faculties, is derived from
three sources: the university professors, the college tutors, and
private instructors, usually known as "coaches". Least important,
strangely enough, are the lectures given by the five-and-forty
highly-paid professors, some of whom lecture very infrequently, while
others may be themselves sound and even brilliant scholars, without
being competent to impart the knowledge which they possess. The
provision made by each college for the instruction of those residing
within its walls consists of a system of lectures given by the college
tutors, and annual or terminal examinations of all its own members.
These lectures include every subject comprised in the university
examinations, both pass and honour; attendance at them is compulsory on
the students, and they are often of high excellence. Nevertheless the
main work of tuition of serious and most successful students is done by
the entirely extra-official private tutors, who are in no way publicly
recognized as part of the university staff, but who undertake the
greater part of the strenuous task of preparing their pupils for the
various examinations. The position of these tutors is, in fact, in
entire consonance with the general university system, the object of
which is to ascertain, at stated intervals, and in the most thorough
and searching manner, what a young man knows, without seeking to
inquire how he knows it, or from what source, public or private,
official or unofficial, his knowledge is derived. Under recent
statutes, "advanced students", over twenty-one years of age, may be
admitted as members of the university (their name being placed on the
books of some college or hostel), may enter in their third term for
certain honour examinations, and after six terms' residence proceed to
the B.A. degree. They may be students either of the arts course or of
law, or may pursue a course of research, and present a dissertation
embodying the results of such research, as a qualification for their
degree. These students can afterwards proceed to the degree of M.A., or
to other degrees, under the usual conditions.</p>
<h4 id="c-p631.1">(B) Discipline</h4>
<p id="c-p632" shownumber="no">The general discipline of the university, for which the senate is
responsible, is in the hands of the proctors, two members of their body
nominated annually by the different colleges in turn. The disciplinary
powers of these officials, which formerly extended to the townsmen as
well as to the students, have become decidedly restricted in recent
years, and would be difficult accurately to define; but they may be
said to be generally responsible for the good order and morals of the
younger members of the university outside the college walls, and have
authority to punish in various ways public breaches of discipline or of
the university statutes. Within the college the discipline is in the
hands of the tutors and the dean. Every undergraduate on his arrival is
assigned to a particular tutor, who is supposed to stand 
<i>in loco parentis</i> to him, and exercises more or less control over
every department of his undergraduate career. Both deans and tutors
have punitive powers of different kinds, including pecuniary fines,
admonitions, varying in seriousness, "gating", or confining within
college or lodgings at an earlier hour than usual, and (as a last
resource) "rustication", i.e. sending down for one or more terms, or
even for good. In serious matters there is of course an appeal to the
head, whose authority is absolute within his own college walls. On the
whole, the system, though certainly framed for the control of youths
considerably younger than the average undergraduate of to-day, works
satisfactorily; and though minor breaches of discipline are numerous,
grave delinquencies are happily rare.</p>
<h3 id="c-p632.1">IV. UNIVERSITY AND COLLEGE BUILDINGS</h3>
<p id="c-p633" shownumber="no">It is a commonplace remark that Cambridge as a town contrasts
unfavourably with Oxford, and an acute American writer, himself an
alumnus of Trinity College, has gone so far as to describe it as, of
all English provincial towns, the most insignificant, the dullest, and
the ugliest. Certainly there is nothing at Cambridge comparable to the
unrivalled High Street of Oxford. The street architecture is mean,
dingy yellow brick being the chief material of the houses, and the
site, on the edge of the chalk and fen country, is as dreary and
uninteresting as anything in England. But the glory of Cambridge is of
course its group of colleges, whose varied beauty is rivalled only by
Oxford; and the Cantab will not easily allow that anything at Oxford,
even Magdalen itself, is finer than Trinity, King's, or the FitzWilliam
Museum. Of the university buildings, the last-named, founded by
Viscount FitzWilliam, who died in 1816, is one of the noblest classical
buildings in England, and contains valuable books, paintings, prints,
and sculpture. The Senate-house, opened in 1730, is a building of
admirable proportions, with a richly-decorated interior. Near it are
the schools and the University Library, containing about 400,000 books
and MSS., and entitled (like three or four other libraries) to a copy
of every book published in the United Kingdom. Other buildings are the
Pitt Press, conspicuous with its lofty tower, erected in 1831 in memory
of William Pitt; the Geological Museum, containing the Woodward
collection, and the excellently equipped Observatory, about a mile
outside the town. Among the colleges, Trinity holds the premier place
as the largest in any English university. Its great court covers more
than two acres of ground; the splendid library was designed by
Christopher Wren; the hall, 100 feet long, contains many interesting
pictures; and the chapel, dating from Queen Mary's reign, has within
the last generation been restored and elaborately decorated. King's
College, founded by Henry VI, in connection with his famous school at
Eton, is celebrated for its chapel, unquestionably the finest building
in Cambridge. It was finished in 1536, and ranks with St. George's
Chapel, Windsor, among the most perfect existing specimens of
perpendicular architecture. The other buildings of the college are of
little interest. Third in architectural importance is St. John's, with
its four courts, one of the most notable modern additions to any
college in Cambridge. The picturesque buildings are mostly Tudor or
Jacobean, while Gilbert Scott's magnificent chapel, opened in 1869, is
Early Decorated. In size and wealth, St. John's ranks next to Trinity,
and it has produced many famous scholars.</p>
<p id="c-p634" shownumber="no">Taking the remaining colleges in alphabetical order, we have first
St. Catherine's, its red brick buildings dating from the end of the
seventeenth century, and its court, planted with elms, opening to the
street. Many noted ecclesiastics and theologians have been educated
here. Christ's College, founded (like St. John's) by the mother of
Henry VII, is associated with Milton, and the mulberry-tree said to
have been planted by him is still shown. The ancient buildings were all
modernized in the eighteenth century. Clare is the second oldest
college in the university, but the present structure is entirely of the
seventeenth century, and is a very pleasing example of the Palladian
style. Corpus Christi, founded in 1352 by the guilds of Corpus Christi
and of the Blessed Virgin, came early to be known as Benet College,
from the neighbouring church of St. Benedict, and its proper name was,
curiously enough, revived only in the nineteenth century. The modern
buildings are imposing from their size, and the library contains a most
valuable collection of books brought together by Archbishop Parker from
the dissolved monasteries. Downing, the only modern college in
Cambridge (founded 1800), has large grounds, but there is nothing
noteworthy about its buildings. Emmanuel, on the site of a Dominican
monastery, and the chosen home of the Puritans for a hundred years, has
a chapel and picture-gallery designed by Wren. The founder of Harvard
College, U. S. A., was a member of Emmanuel. Gonville and Caius
(usually known as Caius, pronounced "Keys") has some valuable medical
studentships, and is the chief medical college. The stained glass in
the chapel depicts the miracles of healing. The college buildings have
been greatly altered and enlarged, but the three famous old gates (of
Humility, of Virtue, and of Honour) are still preserved. Jesus (dear to
Catholics as the college of the martyred Bishop Fisher of Rochester)
occupies the site of a Benedictine convent, of which the
fifteenth-century chapel still remains, and has been restored by Pugin.
It is the only college with a complete range of cloisters. Magdalene,
the only college on the north side of the river Cam, was a Benedictine
foundation. Not much remains of the ancient buildings, the finest part
of the college being the Pepysian library, containing the books of the
famous diarist, and many black letter volumes. Pembroke, the college of
Spenser, Gray, and Pitt, has a chapel built by Wren, but has little
architectural interest. It has been a noted nursery of Anglican
prelates. St. Peter's or Peterhouse, the oldest college in Cambridge
(founded 1257), preserves some of its ancient buildings, has pretty
gardens and a small deer-park, and a library rich in medieval theology.
The chapel is Laudian Gothic, dating from 1633. Queen's College,
founded by the consorts of Henry VI and Edward IV (the only college
which has a president, not a master), is charmingly picturesque, its
ancient buildings having suffered less than most from restoration. It
boasts Erasmus, whose study is still shown, as its most famous alumnus;
but the college has hardly kept up its ancient reputation for learning.
Sidney Sussex, with its pretty gardens, is the college of Oliver
Cromwell, and possesses the best extant portrait of him. It occupies
the site of a Franciscan monastery, but almost all that was old or
interesting in the buildings was destroyed by Wyattville's
"restorations" about 1830. Trinity Hall, also with charming gardens,
has mostly been rebuilt since a fire in 1851. It has always been more
or less the legal college, as Caius, the medical, and has also turned
out many famous boating men. Selwyn College, the hostel founded in 1882
in memory of a well-known Anglican prelate, aims at economy, and is
exclusively Anglican by its foundation charter. Girton and Newnham, the
two colleges for female students at Cambridge, are in no sense part of
the university. Apart from the beauty and interest possessed by the
individual colleges, a peculiar charm common to nearly all is their
picturesque position on the bank of the little river Cam, the buildings
and gardens of the larger colleges extending on either side of the
river, which is spanned by nine bridges. This unique combination of
river, meadow, avenue, garden, and collegiate buildings is known
collectively as the "backs", and it would be difficult to exaggerate
its charm, especially on a fresh morning in the early summer.</p>
<h3 id="c-p634.1">V. CAMBRIDGE AND ENGLISH CATHOLICS</h3>
<p id="c-p635" shownumber="no">Up till about the middle of the nineteenth century, although no
religious test, or subscription to the Anglican Articles was (as at
Oxford) required on matriculation into the University of Cambridge, it
was impossible to proceed to the bachelor's (or of course to any
higher) degree without first signing the oaths of allegiance and
supremacy, and declaring oneself a 
<i>bona fide</i> member of the Church of England. It was not until
nearly thirty years after these disabilities and restrictions were
removed that Catholics began once again to frequent the universities in
any numbers; not, in fact, until, in response to a petition addressed
to the Congregation of Propaganda, through the English Bishops, by a
representative body of English Catholics (including many Peers and
university graduates), permission was formally granted by the Holy See,
under certain conditions and with certain safeguards, for the Catholic
youth of Great Britain to attend the national universities. During the
ten years from 1897 to 1907, considerable advantage has been taken of
this concession, Catholics coming in gradually increasing numbers both
from the principal English Catholic schools, and from other parts of
the British Empire, as well as from the Continent of Europe and from
the United States, to avail themselves of the peculiar advantages of
English university education. At the beginning of the academical year
1907-1908 there were (at Cambridge) seventy-six Catholics in residence
at the university, including six members of the senate, two bachelors
of arts, and sixty-eight undergraduates. About two-fifths of the
Catholic students were from English Catholic schools (Beaumont,
Downside, the Oratory, Stonyhurst, Ushaw, etc); two-fifths had been
educated at non-Catholic public schools (Eton, Harrow, Wellington, St.
Paul's, etc.); while the remaining fifth were foreigners, many of them
young Austrians or Hungarian nobles, and others from Germany, France,
Spain, or Italy, and a few from India and the United States. The
largest number, as was to be expected, were members of Trinity College,
the others being pretty well distributed over the other colleges. The
Catholic students, small as is their number in comparison with the
great mass of the undergraduates, have earned a good reputation both
for steadiness and industry, and a large majority of them are, as a
rule, reading for honours. There is always a fair percentage of
Catholics who hold college scholarships, gained in open
competition.</p>
<p id="c-p636" shownumber="no">
<i>St. Edmund's House</i>, an institution for students preparing for
the (secular) priesthood, occupies a house formerly known as Ayerst's
Hostel, but later purchased for the Catholic body by the Duke of
Norfolk. It is not corporately recognized by the university, as an
attempt, soon after its foundation, to have it erected into a regular
hostel was defeated in the senate, although the university authorities
were not opposed to the idea. The members of the house are, however,
all affiliated either to some college or to the non-collegiate body,
permission being granted to them to live together under their own head
or rector. Besides the seminarists, who belong to various English
dioceses, there are generally one or two members of the secular or
regular clergy living and studying at St. Edmund's.</p>
<p id="c-p637" shownumber="no">
<i>St. Benet's House</i>, a small house of studies for members of the
Benedictine Order, was founded in 1896 by the community of Downside,
near Bath, Dom Cuthbert Butler (afterwards abbot) being the first head
of it. The members of this house belong (like the members of St.
Edmund's) to one or other of the colleges, with leave from the
authorities to live together in community and enjoy certain exemptions
from the ordinary collegiate rule. All the Benedictines who have passed
through St. Benet's have graduated with honours, except two who entered
as "advanced students" and have taken research degrees.</p>
<p id="c-p638" shownumber="no">A final word may be said as to the annual expense of living at
Cambridge for an undergraduate. It must be remembered that the regular
university terms last little more than half the year, although an
extra, or subsidiary, term may now be kept during the long vacation,
and many men, especially those reading for honours, are therefore in
residence for about eight months out of the twelve. It would probably
be fairly accurate to estimate the average income of an undergraduate
at Cambridge, available for the period of his residence, to be about
two hundred pounds a year. A large number of men, especially those
belonging to the smaller colleges, undoubtedly spend less than this
annual sum, but on the other hand there is a considerable number whose
income is much higher. The acute American observer (himself a Cantab)
already cited concludes that an undergraduate with an allowance of two
hundred and fifty pounds per annum could live surrounded by comforts,
and what to an American student would be luxuries, but that he could
not live on much less without great care and a certain amount of
self-sacrifice. The estimate is perhaps unduly high; but so much
depends on a young man's antecedents, training, disposition, and
tastes, that it is impossible to give more than an approximate idea of
the total cost of an undergraduate's academic career. Scholars of the
various colleges receive an annual emolument varying from fifty pounds
to one hundred pounds, for a period of residence of three to five
years, and enjoy other advantages and allowances which reduce their
necessary annual expenditure to a very moderate figure. Many clever
boys also come up to Cambridge with scholarships or exhibitions gained
at the public schools where they have been educated, and their expenses
at the university are of course reduced in proportion.</p>
<p id="c-p639" shownumber="no">
<i>Cambridge University Calendar</i> (1907-1908); COOPER, 
<i>Athenae Cantabrigienses</i> (1856-61); LE KEUX, 
<i>Memorials of Cambridge</i> (1880); MULLINGER, 
<i>The University of Cambridge</i> (1873); WORDSWORTH, 
<i>Scholae Academiae</i> (1877); WILLIS AND CLARK, 
<i>Architectural History of the University of Cambridge</i> (1886);
EVERETT, 
<i>On the Cam</i> (1866); HUBER, 
<i>The English Universities</i> (1843); RASHDALL, 
<i>Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages</i> (1895); WALSH, 
<i>Historical Account of the University of Cambridge</i> (1837);
CAMBRIDGE, 
<i>Report of the Universities' Commission</i> (1874); CLARKE, 
<i>Cambridge</i> (London, 1908).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p640" shownumber="no">D.O. HUNTER-BLAIR</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p640.1" title="Cambysopolis" type="Encyclopedia">Cambysopolis</term>
<def id="c-p640.2">
<h1 id="c-p640.3">Cambysopolis</h1>
<p id="c-p641" shownumber="no">A titular see of Asia Minor. The name is owing to a mistake of some
medieval geographer. After his victory at Issus (333 B.C.) Alexander
the Great built, near the ancient town of Myriandros, a city called
after him Alexandria Minor (or ad Issum, more frequently 
<i>Scabiosa</i>, i.e. mountainous). It became a suffragan of Anazarbus,
metropolis of Cilicia Secunda. Lequien (II, 903) mentions a dozen
bishops; among them St. Helenus, St. Aristion, and St. Theodore,
martyrs, and Paulus, a Monophysite (E.W. Brooks, The Sixth Book of the
Select Letters of Severus, II, 98). In an Antiochene "Notitiae
episcopatuum" of the tenth century [A.P. Kerameus, Maurocordatos'
Library (Greek), Constantinople, 1884, p. 66], instead of Alexandria
Scabiosa, we read the strange form Alexandroukambousou, in one word. A
little later, and surely in the twelfth century, this corrupt form was
mistaken for two names and thus arose Alexandrou and Kambysou 
(<i>polis</i>). Hence came two episcopal titles connected with one city,
and the name Cambysopolis passed into all the Greek and Latin "Notitiae
episcopatuum". The Roman Curia today preserves only the title
Cambysopolis; the only correct name, Alexandria Scabiosa, exists no
more. The city is now called Alexandretta (by the Turks, Iskanderoun);
it is situated on the bay of the same name in the vilayet of Aleppo,
and is united to the latter city by a carriage-road. It has about 7000
inhabitants (3000 Greeks, 500 Catholics of Latin and Eastern Rites).
The Catholic parish is conducted by Carmelites, and there are attached
to it Sisters of St. Joseph.</p>
<p id="c-p642" shownumber="no">CUINET, Turquie d'Asie, II, 201-208; ALISHAN, Sissouan (Venice,
1899), 499-502.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p643" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p643.1" title="Camel, George Joseph" type="Encyclopedia">George Joseph Camel</term>
<def id="c-p643.2">
<h1 id="c-p643.3">George Joseph Camel</h1>
<p id="c-p644" shownumber="no">(Kamel).</p>
<p id="c-p645" shownumber="no">Botanist, born at Brunn, in Moravia, 21 April 1661, died in Manila,
2 May, 1706. He entered the Society of Jesus as a lay brother in 1682.
Although sometimes spoken of as "Father Camellus" it is not sure that
he was ever a priest. He was sent as a missionary to the Philippine
Islands six years later. There he took up the study of the plants and
the natural history of the Islands and sent the results of his
investigations to Europe where they were published in the "
Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society" (London). In his
honour, Linnaeus gave the name Camellia to a genus of evergreen shrubs
remarkable for the beauty of their flowers, among them being the
well-known Japan rose 
(<i>Camellia Japonica</i>). The mere enumeration of Camel's
contributions to the pages of the "Philosophical Transactions" is ample
evidence of the industry of this simple missionary and his orderly
method of investigation. Besides many treatises on the plants and
animals of the islands, Camel left two bulky volumes on the "Medicinal
Plants of the Philippine Islands", which were published in part in the
"Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society" (London) and in the
"Historia Plantarum" of Ray. In the library of the Jesuits at Louvain
there is a manuscript collection of his drawings, representing 360
varieties of plants and herbs of the Island of Luzon. Ray published the
text of the work, but omitted the drawings. Camel established a
pharmacy in Manila where the poor were supplied with remedies
gratis.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p646" shownumber="no">E.P. SPILLANE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p646.1" title="Camerino, Diocese of" type="Encyclopedia">Diocese of Camerino</term>
<def id="c-p646.2">
<h1 id="c-p646.3">Diocese of Camerino</h1>
<p id="c-p647" shownumber="no">(Camerinum, Camerinensis).</p>
<p id="c-p648" shownumber="no">Camerino is a city situated in the Italian province of Macerata in
the Apennines, about 40 miles from Ancona. When the Exarchate of
Ravenna was donated to the Holy See, it became subject to the Roman
pontiff. It suffered much under Frederick II on account of its loyalty
to the pope; Manfred besieged it (1262?), but happily Camerino was
saved by Gentile Varano, under whom it became a papal fief. In the
sixteenth century it became a fief of the Farnesi. During the
persecution of Decius (249), the priest Porphyrius, master of the
youthful martyr Venantius, and the Bishop Leontius suffered martyrdom
at Camerino. Gerontius appears at the Council of Rome in 464. Other
bishops were St. Ansovinus (816); Alberto degli Alberti (1437),
prominent at the Council of Florence, where he was made cardinal and
sent as legate by Eugenius IV to Alfonso of Aragon and René of
Anjou, between whom he brought about a peace; Agapito Rufo (1465), of
whom Pius II said "that it was doubtful if there ever was a more joyous
poet or a more illustrious orator" -- he was also a prudent and zealous
pastor; Berardo Buongiovanni (1537), legate in Poland and present at
the Council of Trent, where he gave proof of great erudition; Alfonso
Binarino (1547) and Girolamo Bobo (1580), who distinguished themselves
by their zeal for reform; Innocenzo del Bufalo (1601), legate to Henry
II of France. In the last century the local university was widely
known. Camerino was the cradle of the Capuchin Order. The famous
medieval Abbey of Fiastra is now abandoned. The diocese contains 182
parishes, 45,900 inhabitants, 13 religious orders of men and 13 of
women.</p>
<p id="c-p649" shownumber="no">CAPPELLETTI, Le chiese d'Italia (Venice, 1844), IV, 231; TURCHI, De
Ecclesiae Camerinensis pontificibus (Rome, 1762).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p650" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p650.1" title="Camerlengo" type="Encyclopedia">Camerlengo</term>
<def id="c-p650.2">
<h1 id="c-p650.3">Camerlengo</h1>
<p id="c-p651" shownumber="no">(Latin 
<i>camerarius</i>).</p>
<p id="c-p652" shownumber="no">The title of certain papal officials. The Low Latin word 
<i>camera</i> (chamber) means the treasure of the prince, monastery,
etc.; also in general the royal treasury 
(<i>fiscus</i>), the temporal administration of a monastery. The term 
<i>camerarius</i> was, therefore, very frequently equivalent to civil
treasurer, and in the case of monasteries meant the monk charged with
the administration of the monastic property. This is also the sense of
the Italian term 
<i>camerlengo</i>, still borne at Rome by three ecclesiastics, (1) The
Camerlengo of the Holy Roman Church, (2) the Camerlengo of the Sacred
College (of Cardinals), and (3) the Camerlengo of the Roman Clergy. The
Roman confraternities have also an officer similarly entitled.</p>
<h4 id="c-p652.1">(1) The Camerlengo of the Holy Roman Church</h4>
<p id="c-p653" shownumber="no">The Camerlengo of the Holy Roman Church is the administrator of the
property and the revenues of the Holy See, and as such is successor
both of the Archdeacon of Rome and of the 
<i>Vicedominus</i>, the former of whom administered the property of the
entire Roman Church, i.e. the Diocese of Rome, while the latter was
especially charged with the administration of the 
<i>mensa</i> of the pope and the entire personnel of the 
<i>patriarchium Lateranense</i> (St. John Lateran).</p>
<p id="c-p654" shownumber="no">This latter official was the same as the syncellus at
Constantinople. The office of Archdeacon of Rome was suppressed by
Gregory VII, himself its last incumbent under Alexander II; owing to
its numerous ancient privileges and rights it had come to be a frequent
hindrance to independent papal action. When these were lopped off, the
(Roman) office of arch-deacon shrank to its original proportions.
Thereafter the cardinal to whom was committed the supervision of the 
<i>Camera Apostolica</i> (a term even then customary for the
administration of the temporalities of the Holy See) was known as 
<i>Camerarius</i> or, in popular language, Camerlengo. The subordinates
of this official are known as clerks 
(<i>chierici</i>) of the Camera; chief among them are the treasurer and
the auditor 
<i>di Camera.</i> Their body is known as 
<i>Reverenda Camera Apostolica</i> (see APOSTOLIC CAMERA). When the
cardinal-camerlengo happened to be absent on some pontifical business,
a vice-camerlengo was chosen in his place. The office of camerlengo
included not only the supervision of the immediate properties of the
Holy See, but also the fiscal administration of the Pontifical States,
the 
<i>Patrimonium Petri.</i></p>
<p id="c-p655" shownumber="no">The following were its chief attributions:</p>
<ul id="c-p655.1">
<li id="c-p655.2">the collection of the 
<i>taxæ</i>, or dues paid for the delivery of the Bulls of
appointment to dioceses and abbeys (see CHANCERY, APOSTOLIC);</li>
<li id="c-p655.3">the registry of the oblations or gifts of the faithful;</li>
<li id="c-p655.4">charge of the papal coinage 
(<i>Moneta</i>);</li>
<li id="c-p655.5">jurisdiction, civil and criminal, over officials of the Camera 
(<i>chierici di Camera</i>).</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p656" shownumber="no">Under the Avignon popes and their successors the office of
camerlengo received more definite organization; at the same time its
rights and jurisdiction were increased. When Boniface VIII founded the
Roman University (Sapienza) he decreed that the cardinal-camerlengo
should be always its archchancellor. Briefly the Camerlengo of the Holy
Roman Church was, for the Papal States, Minister of Finance, Public
Works, and Commerce. From the sixteenth century the office was
purchasable from the Papal Government. Cardinal Cibo bought it in 1521
for 35,000 
<i>scudi</i>; Cardinal Vitellozzo, under Pius IV, for 70,000 
<i>scudi</i>, and under Pius V Cardinal Cornaro paid as much for the
place; the revenue thus gained served to keep up the wars against the
Turks, etc. By the Constitution "Post Diuturnos" Pius VII restricted
greatly the authority of the camerlengo, in keeping with the thorough
reorganization of the Papal Government undertaken by him. Between the
death of the pope and the election of his successor 
(<i>sede vacante</i>) the cardinal-camerlengo is the head of the Sacred
College. It is his duty to verify the death of the pope (see POPE), to
direct the preparations for the conclave, and to take charge of the
same.</p>

<h4 id="c-p656.1">(2) The Camerlengo of the Sacred College</h4>
<p id="c-p657" shownumber="no">The Camerlengo of the Sacred College (of Cardinals) does not
antedate Leo X (1513-21). He administers all fees and revenues
belonging to the College of Cardinals, pontificates at the requiem Mass
for a deceased cardinal, and is charged with the registry of the "Acta
Consistoralia" (see PAPAL CONSISTORY).</p>
<h4 id="c-p657.1">(3) The Camerlengo of the Roman Clergy</h4>
<p id="c-p658" shownumber="no">The Camerlengo of the Roman Clergy is elected by the canons and
parish priests of Rome; he has an honorary place in the great
processions, presides over the ecclesiastical conferences of the
parochial clergy, acts as arbiter in all questions of precedence, and
administers the "oath of free estate" 
(<i>juramentum de statu libero</i>), obligatory on persons desirous of
marrying.</p>
<p id="c-p659" shownumber="no">BOUIX, De Curia romana (Pari, 1880); BANGEN, Die römische Curie
(Münster, 1854); HUMPHREY, Urbs et Orbis (London, 1899),
359-60.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p660" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p></def>

<term id="c-p660.1" title="Camillus de Lellis, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Camillus de Lellis</term>
<def id="c-p660.2">
<h1 id="c-p660.3">St. Camillus de Lellis</h1>
<p id="c-p661" shownumber="no">Born at Bacchianico, Naples, 1550; died at Rome, 14 July, 1614.</p>
<p id="c-p662" shownumber="no">He was the son of an officer who had served both in the Neapolitan
and French armies. His mother died when he was a child, and he grew up
absolutely neglected. When still a youth he became a soldier in the
service of Venice and afterwards of Naples, until 1574, when his
regiment was disbanded. While in the service he became a confirmed
gambler, and in consequence of his losses at play was at times reduced
to a condition of destitution. The kindness of a Franciscan friar
induced him to apply for admission to that order, but he was refused.
He then betook himself to Rome, where he obtained employment in the
Hospital for Incurables. He was prompted to go there chiefly by the
hope of a cure of abscesses in both his feet from which he had been
long suffering. He was dismissed from the hospital on account of his
quarrelsome disposition and his passion for gambling. He again became a
Venetian soldier, and took part in the campaign against the Turks in
1569. After the war he was employed by the Capuchins at Manfredonia on
a new building which they were erecting. His old gambling habit still
pursued him, until a discourse of the guardian of the convent so
startled him that he determined to reform. He was admitted to the order
as a lay brother, but was soon dismissed on account of his infirmity.
He betook himself again to Rome, where he entered the hospital in which
he had previously been, and after a temporary cure of his ailment
became a nurse, and winning the admiration of the institution by his
piety and prudence, he was appointed director of the hospital.</p>
<p id="c-p663" shownumber="no">While in this office, he attempted to found an order of lay
infirmarians, but the scheme was opposed, and on the advice of his
friends, among whom was his spiritual guide, St. Philip Neri, he
determined to become a priest. He was then thirty-two years of age and
began the study of Latin at the Jesuit College in Rome. He afterwards
established his order, the Fathers of a Good Death (1584), and bound
the members by vow to devote themselves to the plague-stricken; their
work was not restricted to the hospitals, but included the care of the
sick in their homes. Pope Sixtus V confirmed the congregation in 1586,
and ordained that there should be an election of a general superior
every three years. Camillus was naturally the first, and was succeeded
by an Englishman, named Roger. Two years afterwards a house was
established in Naples, and there two of the community won the glory of
being the first martyrs of charity of the congregation, by dying in the
fleet which had been quarantined off the harbour, and which they had
visited to nurse the sick. In 1591 Gregory XIV erected the congregation
into a religious order, with all the privileges of the mendicants. It
was again confirmed as such by Clement VIII, in 1592. The infirmity
which had prevented his entrance among the Capuchins continued to
afflict Camillus for forty-six years, and his other ailments
contributed to make his life one of uninterrupted suffering, but he
would permit no one to wait on him, and when scarcely able to stand
would crawl out of his bed to visit the sick. He resigned the
generalship of the order, in 1607, in order to have more leisure for
the sick and poor. Meantime he had established many houses in various
cities of Italy. He is said to have had the gift of miracles and
prophecy. He died at the age of sixty-four while pronouncing a moving
appeal to his religious brethren. He was buried near the high altar of
the church of St. Mary Magdalen, at Rome, and, when the miracles which
were attributed to him were officially approved, his body was placed
under the altar itself. He was beatified in 1742, and in 1746 was
canonized by Benedict XIV.</p>
<p id="c-p664" shownumber="no">[ 
<i>Note:</i> In 1930, Pope Pius XI named St. Camillus de Lellis,
together with St. John of God, principal Co-Patron of nurses and of
nurses' associations.]</p>
<p id="c-p665" shownumber="no">BUTLER, Lives of the Saints (Derby, 1845); Bullar. Roman,, XVI, 83;
CICATELLO, Life of St. Camillus (Rome, 1749); GOSCHLER, Dict. de theol.
cath. (Paris, 1869), III.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p666" shownumber="no">T.J. CAMPBELL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p666.1" title="Camisards" type="Encyclopedia">Camisards</term>
<def id="c-p666.2">
<h1 id="c-p666.3">Camisards</h1>
<p id="c-p667" shownumber="no">(Probably from 
<i>camise</i>, a black blouse worn as a uniform).</p>
<p id="c-p668" shownumber="no">A sect of French fanatics who terrorized Dauphiné, Vivarais,
and chiefly the Cévennes in the beginning of the eighteenth
century. Their origin was due to various causes; the Albigensian spirit
which had not completely died out in that region, and which caused Pope
Clement XI to style the Camisards "that execrable race of ancient
Albigenses"; the apocalyptic preaching and literature of the French
Calvinists, such as Jurieu's "Accomplissement des propheties", on which
they were nourished; and the revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685),
along with the singular methods of conversion employed by the agents of
Louis XIV. If the Camisards withstood the armies of Louis for wellnigh
two decades, the reason is to be found in the desultory manner of
warfare which the latter adopted, in the failure of Louis' generals, de
Broglie, Montrevel, Villars, etc., properly to realize the danger of
the situation, and also, to a very great extent, in the support given
them by the Protestant house of Nassau, then in control of Holland and
England. The insurrection began in the Cévennes. Du Serre, an old
Calvinist of Dieulefit in Dauphiné, became suddenly "inspired",
and his religious hysteria spread rapidly. The murder of the Abbé
de Chaila, inspector of the missions in Cévennes, in 1702, was
tantamount to a declaration of war. Armed bands led by Séguier,
Laporte, Castanet, Ravenel, Cavalier, and others carried on a sort of
guerilla warfare till about 1705, when they either surrendered or were
destroyed. In 1709 Cavalier, who had sought refuge in England, tried,
though without much success, to rekindle the revolt in Vivarais. There
were a few more disturbances as late as 1711, when a treaty of peace
with England deprived the Camisards of a powerful support. On the 8th
of March, 1715, by medals and a proclamation, Louis XIV announced the
entire extinction of the sect.</p>
<p id="c-p669" shownumber="no">Much has been written on the "prophets" of the Camisard uprising.
Fléchier and Brueys believed in a school of prophets, wherein Du
Serre gave a systematic training, chiefly to young recruits. The
prophetic inspiration, of which there four degrees, 
<i>avertissement, souffle, propheties, dons</i>, was communicated by
breathing upon subjects who had gone through severe macerations,
memorized long Biblical texts and formulae of imprecation, learned to
perform the strangest contortions, and generally wrought themselves
into a sort of trance. On the other hand, Court and Arnault, themselves
Calvinists, deny the very existence of such a school. They cast aside
as obviously fraudulent a number of so-called spiritual manifestations.
The rest they trace to an overheated imagination, pietism, excessive
fasts, the reading of the Prophets and Jurieu's pastoral letters, and
also to the peculiar temperament of those Southern mountaineers. If
such is the case, there is no need of admitting with Görres,
Mirville, and H. Blanc supernatural influences -- diabolical, of course
-- to account for the Camisards' antics.</p>
<p id="c-p670" shownumber="no">Though Calvinists, the Camisards should not be too closely
identified with Calvinism. Many Calvinists condemned their cruelties
and despised their visions. The Synod of Nîmes, 1715, enacted two
statutes, evidently aimed at the Camisards: that women and unauthorized
persons be debarred from preaching; and that Holy Scripture be adopted
as the sole rule of faith and source of preaching. Fourteen years after
that synod Court had organized in Languedoc a strong Calvinist
community, in which no traces of the Camisard spirit could be
discerned. It is true that those who had fled to England did try to
propagate their "mystical phalanx" in London, and published in 1707, in
the British capital, a mass of Camisard literature: "Le
théâtre sacré des Cévennes"; "A cry from the
desert"; etc.; but the Consistory of the French Church in the Savoy
pronounced their ecstasies to be assumed habits. Voltaire (Siècle
de Louis XIV, xxxvi) relates that Elie Marion, one of the refugees,
became unpopular, both on account of his writings 
(<i>avertissements prophetiques</i>) and false miracles, and was at last
compelled to leave England. Catholics, too, organized under the name of
White Camisards, or Cadets of the Cross, the better to check the black
Camisards, but they soon fell into atrocities similar to those they
sought to punish, and were disowned by Montrevel.</p>
<p id="c-p671" shownumber="no">FLECHIER, Recit fidele in Lettres choisies (Lyons, 1715); BRUEYS,
Hist. du fanatisme de notre temps (Montpellier, 1713); CAVALIER, Mem.
of the Wars of the Cevennes (London, 1726); COURT, Hist. des troubles
des Cevennes (Alais, 1819); BLANC, De l'inspir. des Camisards (Paris,
1859); DUBOIS, Sur les prophetes Cevenols (Stasburg, 1861); ARNAULD,
Hist. des protestants de Dauphine (Paris, 1876; LEGRELLE, La revolte
des Camisards (Braine-le-Comte, 1897); See also ROSBACH in Hist. gen.
du Languedoc, XIII; MONIN in La grande encyl., s.v.; VERNET in Dict. de
theol. cath., s. v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p672" shownumber="no">J.F. SOLLIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p672.1" title="Camoes, Luis Vaz de" type="Encyclopedia">Luis Vaz de Camoes</term>
<def id="c-p672.2">
<h1 id="c-p672.3">Luis Vaz de Camões</h1>
<p id="c-p673" shownumber="no">(OR CAMOENS)</p>
<p id="c-p674" shownumber="no">Born in 1524 or 1525; died 10 June, 1580. The most sublime figure in
the history of Portuguese literature, Camões owes his lasting fame
to his epic poem "Os Lusiadas," (The Lusiads); he is remarkable also
for the degree of art attained in his lyrics, less noteworthy for his
dramas. A wretched exile during a large part of his lifetime, he has,
like Dante, enjoyed an abundance of fame since his death; his followers
have been legion, and his memory has begot many fabulous legends.
Actual facts regarding his career are not easily obtained. There are
but few documentary sources of information regarding him, and these are
concerned simply (1) with the trifling pension which King Sebastian
bestowed upon him and which Philip II continued in favour of his
mother, who survived him; (2) with his imprisonment as a result of an
assault made by him upon a public official; and (3) with the
publication of "The Lusiads". Personal references contained in various
letters and in his literary works, all of a certain autobiographical
value, provide further data.</p>
<p id="c-p675" shownumber="no">Camões came of a reduced noble family. The place of his birth
has been the subject of contention, but in all probability he was born
at Coimbra. He belonged to the same stock as the noted explorer, Vasco
da Gama, who is so important in "The Lusiads". His father was a
sea-captain who died at Goa in India as the result of a shipwreck, soon
after the birth of Luiz. It seems likely that the poet received his
training at the University of Coimbra, where his uncle, Bento de
Camões, was chancellor for several years. Some early love lyrics,
Platonic of inspiration and Petrarchian in form, date back to his
college days. Passing to the court at Lisbon, he there fell in love
with Catherina de Athaide, a lady of the queen's suite. Catherina, the
Natercia (anagram of Caterina) of his lyrics, responded to his suit,
but those in authority opposed it, and Camões, meeting their
resistance with words of wrath and violent deeds, was ere long banished
from the court. For two or three years, that is between 1546 and 1549,
he fought in the campaign in Africa and there lost one of his eyes,
which was struck by a splinter from a cannon. Back once again in
Lisbon, he found himself utterly neglected, and in his despair he
proceeded to lead a disorderly life. Wounding an officer of the royal
court, he was incarcerated for some months and was released in March of
1553 only on condition that he go to India as a soldier. Forthwith he
departed, a private in the ranks, on his way to the region which his
great kinsman had made known to the Occident. In the East his career
was full of the greatest vicissitudes. At one time fighting valiantly
against the natives, he was again languishing in jail on a charge of
malfeasance in office while occupying a governmental post in Macao; he
entered into a new love affair with a native, either before or soon
after the death of Catherina (1556); now rolling in wealth, he was
again overwhelmed with debt, and he was always gaining more enemies by
his too ready pen and tongue; seldom stationary anywhere for long, he
engaged in long journeys which took him as far as Malacca and the
Moluccas, and upon one occasion he escaped death by shipwreck only
through his powers as a swimmer. Finally, in 1567, he began the return
trip to Portugal. Stopping at Mozambique in his course, he there spent
two years, a prey to disease and dire poverty. With the help of
generous friends he continued his journey and reached Lisbon in 1570,
after an absence of sixteen years. there was no welcome for Portugal's
greatest bard in a capital that had just been visited by plague, and
was governed by that visionary and heedless young monarch, Dom
Sebastian; but Camões, publishing his epic, dedicated it to the
king and was rewarded with a meagre royal pension. His last gloomy
years were spent near his aged mother, and he died, heart-broken at the
misfortune that had come to his beloved land with the great disaster of
Alcacer-Kebir, where Sebastian and the flower of the Portuguese
nobility went to their doom.</p>
<p id="c-p676" shownumber="no">It is possible that Camões had conceived the purpose of writing
an epic poem as early as his student days, and there are reasons for
supposing that he had composed some passages of "The Lusiads" before
1544; but in all likelihood the idea of making Vasco da Gama's voyage
of discovery the central point of his work occurred first to him during
the voyage to India in 1553. During that trip and on the return, with
the delay at Mozambique, he could acquire that familiarity with the
ocean and with the coast of Africa which is clear in some of his most
striking octaves; but it was during the long sojourn in India that he
gave shape to the major part of the epic. Adapting a metrical
form—the octave—of which the Italian Ariosto had proved the
pliancy, and modelling his epic style on that of Vergil, Camões
set up as his hero the whole Lusitanian people, the sons of Lusus,
whence the title, "Os Lusiadas". His purpose was a serious one; he
desired to abide by the sober reality of his country's history, which,
in poetic speech, is related in a long series of stanzas by Vasco da
Gama himself. From first to last the ten cantos of the work glow with
patriotic fervour inspired by the genuine achievements of the poet's
compatriots. but, side by side with chronicled fact, there appears also
a somewhat complicated mythological machinery. Venus, the friend of the
wandering Portuguese; Bacchus, their enemy; Mars, Jupiter, deities of
the sea, and a number of symbolical figures play a large part in the
fortunes of Vasco da Gama's nautical expedition, and at times the union
of Christian belief and pagan fable is carried to absurd extremes, as
when Bacchus is made to assume the form of a Christian priest and offer
a feigned worship to the Christian God. For the introduction of pagan
mythology into a Christian and historical epic Camões has been
harshly censured by many; yet it must be admitted that much of the
charm of the poem is to be found in just those parts in which the
mythological elements abound. It is interesting, furthermore, to note
that the ecclesiastical authorities, as represented by the Dominican
Ferreira, who examined the manuscript and gave the necessary permission
to print the book, found nothing contrary to faith or morals in it; the
mythology was regarded as a mere poetic fiction. The action of the poem
is not of great extent, yielding often to passages of narration and
description; of course it is developed in accord with the events of
Vasco da Gama's voyage along the African coast to Mombaca and Melinde,
on to Calicut in India, and back again over the ocean to Portugal The
chief edition of "The Lusiads" is that of 1572, prepared by the poet
himself; the modern editions still leave much to be desired in the way
of critical apparatus.</p>
<p id="c-p677" shownumber="no">It has been the lot of Camões, the epic bard, to be more talked
of and written about by foreigners than he is read by them. Hence the
uncertainty of opinion regarding his proper rank among modern poets.
There is, however, no need of depreciating Ariosto, or Tasso, or any
others who have essayed the epic, in order to render to Camões his
just deserts. In artistic feeling and accomplishments he is doubtless
not the equal of several among them; as the exponent of patriotic pride
in national endeavour and sturdy enterprise, and as the greatest master
of Portuguese poetic style and diction, he will ever command the
admiration of his countrymen and of all who love what is best in
literature. The mass of lyrics still attributed to Camões requires
much deliberate sifting; fully a fifth part of it is probably not his
work. The poems that may with certainty be ascribed to him follow, as
has been said, the Petrarchian model. They comprise sonnets, odes,
elegies, eclogues, 
<i>canções, redondilhas</i>, and the like, and in sentiment
reflect the moods and passions of the poet's mind and heart throughout
the periods of his varied and ill-starred life. He produced three
comedies in verse, which are of decided merit as compared with the
pieces hitherto written in Portuguese, but yet show no transcendent
powers as a dramatist on his part. One of them, the "Filodemo", gives
scenic setting to the plot of a medieval story of love and adventurous
travel; another, the "Rei Seleuco", takes up a love episode in the life
of the Syrian King Seleucus and his son Antiochus, which had been
narrated by Plutarch and treated by Petrarch and many other poets; the
third and best of all, the "Enfatriões" (or "Amphitryões"),
is a free and attractive rendering of the "Amphitruo" of Plautus.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p678" shownumber="no">J.D.M. FORD</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p678.1" title="Campagna, Girolamo" type="Encyclopedia">Girolamo Campagna</term>
<def id="c-p678.2">
<h1 id="c-p678.3">Girolamo Campagna</h1>
<p id="c-p679" shownumber="no">Born in Verona, 1552; died about 1623 or 1625. He was an able, but
not strikingly individual sculptor of Northern Italy. He studied under
Jacopo Sansovino and Danese Cattaneo, and completed many of the
latter's works. To him we owe the figure of Doge Leonardo Loredano on
the tomb which Cattaneo made at SS. Giovanni e Paolo, Venice. After his
master's death, Campagna went to Padua where he secured the commission
intended for Cattaneo in the church of St. Anthony. This was his
masterpiece, a bas-relief of the saint bringing back to life a man who
had been murdered. Some years later Campagna made another trip to Padua
and wrought the bronze tabernacle for the chapel of the Blessed
Sacrament. The greater part of his life was spent in Venice, and there
we have the majority of his works: the statues of St. Francis and St.
Clare bearing the ostensorium at Santa Maria de'Miracoli; that of St.
Giustina over the door of the Arsenal, commemorating the battle of
Lepanto, which occurred on her feast-day (7 October, 1571), during
Campagna's lifetime; the colossal St. Sebastian at the Zecca; the
figures of Our Lady, the Archangel Gabriel and patron saints of Venice,
in relief on the Ponte di Rialto; the group in bronze of Christ on a
globe, supported by the Four Evangelists at San Giorgio Maggiore. In
Verona there is a good Annunciation over the portal of the old Palazzo
del Consiglio and a Madonna at the Collegio dei Mercatanti.</p>
<p id="c-p680" shownumber="no">Perekins, Italian Sculptors (London and New York); Idem, Historical
Handbook of Italian Sculpture (New York, 1883).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p681" shownumber="no">M.L. HANDLEY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p681.1" title="Campagnola, Domenico" type="Encyclopedia">Domenico Campagnola</term>
<def id="c-p681.2">
<h1 id="c-p681.3">Domenico Campagnola</h1>
<p id="c-p682" shownumber="no">Painter of the Venetian school, b. at Padua in 1482; date of death
unascertained. This excellent artist was one of the cleverest pupils of
the School of Titian, and was so proficient that he is said to have
aroused the jealousy of his master. He was also an expert engraver, and
is known to have executed etchings and woodcuts. His fresco paintings
are to be seen in the Scuola del Santo at Padua and in Venice. They are
marked by fresh animated colour, strong poetic sympathy, and easy
brilliant technic. He is said to have been even more daring than Titian
in the manner in which he drew the nude figure. A fine panel picture by
him representing Adam and Eve is in the Pitti Palace, Florence. He was
also a painter of landscapes which so closely resemble the works of
Titian that they are often attributed to that artist. Many of these
landscapes have been engraved by Corneille. His etchings, ten of which
are known, almost all bear the same date, 1517. On some his name
appears in full, on others abbreviated Do.Cap. or Do.Camp.</p>
<p id="c-p683" shownumber="no">For his early work as an engraver, see Ottley, Inquiry into the
Origin and Early History of Engraving; Passavant, Peintre-Graveur;
Galichon, Life of Giulio Campagnola (1862); For his paintings, see
Lanzi, Storia pittorica dell' Italia; Ridolfi, Le Maraviglie dell'
arte.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p684" shownumber="no">GEORGE CHARLES WILLIAMSON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p684.1" title="Campan, Jeanne-Louise-Henriette" type="Encyclopedia">Jeanne-Louise-Henriette Campan</term>
<def id="c-p684.2">
<h1 id="c-p684.3">Jeanne-Louise-Henriette Campan</h1>
<p id="c-p685" shownumber="no">
(<i>Née</i> Genest; known as Madam Campan).</p>
<p id="c-p686" shownumber="no">A French educator, born 6 November, 1752, at Paris; died in 1822, at
Mantes. She was carefully educated under the direction of her father, a
head-clerk in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in whose house she met
such distinguished men of letters as Duclos, Marmontel, and Thomas. At
the age of fifteen she spoke English and Italian, and read so well that
she was appointed reader to the young princesses, Victoire, Sophie, and
Louise, the daughters of Louis XV. Soon afterwards she married M.
Campan, whose father was secretary to the queen's cabinet. On that
occasion Louis XV gave her an annual income of 5000 livres ($1000) as
dowry. She then entered the service of Marie Antoinette, as first lady
of the bed-chamber (1770), and retained that position till 20 June,
1792. When the unfortunate queen was sent to prison, Mme Campan
courageously asked to be allowed to share her sad lot. Her request was
denied, and she retired to Coubertin, a small village in the Chevreuse
valley. She found herself in straitened circumstances, having to
provide for her young son and for her husband who was heavily in debt
and in poor health. With a nun as associate, she established a
boarding-school for girls at Saint-Germain, which soon achieved success
and counted among its pupils Hortense de Beauharnais, the daughter of
Joséphine. Napoleon was so much pleased with the order, elegance,
and distinction of the school that he appointed Mme Campan
superintendent of the Imperial Academy of Ecouen, founded for the
education of the daughters of members of the Legion of Honour (Dec.,
1807). She adopted the programme of the old Saint-Cyr house, modifying
it to suit the new conditions. Her chief aim was to train girls to be
useful women and good mothers. In 1814 the school was abolished and Mme
Campan bitterly denounced as a traitor by the Royalists, because she
accepted the favours of the "usurper". She retired to Mantes and spent
her time in writing didactic and historical essays. Mme Campan's
principal works are: "Mémoires sur la vie de Marie-Antoinette,
suivis de souvenirs et anecdotes sur le règne de Louis XIV et de
Louis XV" (3 vols., Paris, 1823); "Lettres de deux jeunes filles"
(1811); L'éducation des femmes" (1823); "Conversations d'une
mère avec ses filles" (1804); "Nouvelles et comédies à
l'usage de la jeunesse" (1823). These four books have been published
under the title of "uves complètes de Mme Campan sur
l'éducation" (Paris, 1823).</p>
<p id="c-p687" shownumber="no">Journal anecdotique de Mme Campan, ou sounenirs recueillis de ses
entretiens, ed. Maigne (1823); Barrère, Notice sur Madame Campan
in the first volume of her memoirs; D'Aubier, Observations sur les
mémoires de Mme Campan (Paris, 1823).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p688" shownumber="no">LOUIS N. DELAMARRE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p688.1" title="Campana, Pedro" type="Encyclopedia">Pedro Campana</term>
<def id="c-p688.2">
<h1 id="c-p688.3">Pedro Campaña</h1>
<p id="c-p689" shownumber="no">Flemish painter, known in France as Pierre de Champagne, and in
Brussels as Pieter de Kempeneer (his actual name), or, as translated in
Flemish, Van de Velde, b. at Brussels in 1503; d. there in 1580, after
spending the greater part of his life in Spain. He is said to have been
a pupil of Raphael, but it is exceedingly doubtful whether this was the
case. In the early days he spent some time in Italy, especially in
Venice, Rome, and Bologna, and studied very closely the paintings of
Raphael. In 1530 he decorated the triumphal arch eerected at Bologna
for the coronation of Charles V. Under the protection of Cardinal
Grimani he went to Spain, sojourned in Seville between 1537 and 1552,
and there established a school of painting in conjunction with Louis de
Vergas and the Italian sculptor Torrigiano. The school eventually
became an academy and numbered among its pupils the illustrious
Morales. Campaña's masterpiece is the "Descent from the Cross",
painted in 1548 for the church of Santa Cruz and removed to the Seville
cathedral when the former church was destroyed. This painting was
enthusiastically admired by Murillo, who highly appreciated its
life-like qualities and desired to be buried below the picture. There
are two other paintings by Campaña in the same cathedral and
important works works at Carmoña and Triana. Campaña returned
to Brussels about 1564.</p>
<p id="c-p690" shownumber="no">His pictures were all painted on panel, and are irreproachable in
accurate draftmanship, admirable in composition, and vigorous in
execution. The luminous quality of their colour-scheme recalls the best
Italian work, and the finest paintings are dignified and life-like,
full of strength and power. Theere are five of his best pictures in the
churches of Seville, and his work can be studied in Berlin and
Paris.</p>
<p id="c-p691" shownumber="no">Bryan; Dict. of Painters and engravers (London-New York, 1903);
Conway, Flemish Painters; Bermudez, Diccionario Histórico (Madrid,
1800); Blanc, Histoire des Peintres (Paris, 1854); Gestoso, Diccionario
de Artistas (Madrid, s. d.); Hartley, Spanish Painting (London,
1904).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p692" shownumber="no">GEORGE CHARLES WILLIAMSON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p692.1" title="Campanella, Tommaso" type="Encyclopedia">Tommaso Campanella</term>
<def id="c-p692.2">
<h1 id="c-p692.3">Tommaso Campanella</h1>
<p id="c-p693" shownumber="no">(Baptized GIOVANNI DOMENICO)</p>
<p id="c-p694" shownumber="no">Dominican philosopher and writer, b. 5 Sept. 1568 at Stilo in the
province of Calabria, Italy; d. at Paris, 21 May, 1659. He was a facile
writer of prose and verse at the age of thirteen, and when not yet
fifteen entered the Dominican Order, attracted by the fame of Albert
the Great and Thomas Aquinas. With a predilection for philosophical
inquiry, he was sent to different convents to hear the best masters.
Campanella wrote his first work, "Philosophia sensibus demonstrata"
(Naples, 1590) in defence of the naturalistic philosopher Bernardino
Telesio. He next went to Rome and afterwards to the University of
Padua, from Oct., 1592, to the end of 1594. An ardent and somewhat
captious temperament led him into the expression of views offensive to
many of the older and newer schools alike. He was especially vigorous
in his opposition to the authority of Aristotle, and was cited before
the Holy Office at Rome, where he was detained till 1597. Some accounts
speak of his having been accused of magic and of his fleeing to
Florence, Venice, Padua, and Bologna, thence back to Naples and Stilo.
Continuing to lecture and write, however, he retained favour in certain
circles. At length, in Sept., 1599, he was seized as head of a
conspiracy against the Spanish rule. In the trial at Naples, involving
many persons, lay and ecclesiastical, he was charged with divers
heresies and with aiming to set up a communistic commonwealth.
Arraigned before an ecclesiastical tribunal, he was at the same time
harassed and put to torture by a political court. On 8 Jan., 1603, he
was sentenced to perpetual imprisonment. Among several who sought to
obtain his liberation was Pope Paul V. In the meantime the viceroy,
Giron, who used to visit Campanella in prison, seeking his counsel
about matters of state, became involved in trouble. In his endeavours
to extricate himself he laid the blame largely on Campanella, who was
again subjected to many indignities. Through Pope Urban VIII, who
applied directly to Philip IV of Spain, the unfortunate prisoner was at
last released from his Neapolitan captivity, 15 May, 1626, an event
which was commemorated by Gabriel Naude in his "Panegyricus" (Paris,
1644). He was taken to Rome and held for a time by the Holy Office, but
was restored to full liberty, 6 April, 1629. In 1634 another Calabrian
conspiracy under one of Campanella's followers threatened fresh
complications. With the aid of Cardinal Barberini and the French
ambassador, De Noailles, Campanella, disguised as a Minim, withdrew to
France. Louis XIII and Richelieu received him with marked favour, the
latter granting him a liberal pension. He spent the rest of his days,
enjoying papal favour, in the Dominican convent of St-Honore at
Paris.</p>
<p id="c-p695" shownumber="no">Of the life and character of Campanella, conflicting estimates are
given. He was well thought of by Popes Clement VIII, Paul V, and Urban
VIII. Cardinal Pallavicini declared him a "man who had read all things
and who remembered all things; of mighty but indomitable character." In
faith and theological allegiance he was held above suspicion by Juan De
Lugo, afterwards cardinal; Theophile Raynaud considered him heretical.
Vincent Baron, O.P., who knew him well, gave a careful eulogy of him as
skilled in mathematics, astrology, medicine, and other sciences; more
famous, perhaps, than he deserved to be, but still a man of
extraordinary gifts. John Addington Symonds, who translated a book of
his sonnets (Sonnets of Michael Angelo Buonarotti and Tommaso
Campanella, London, 1878), refers to him as the "audacious Titan of the
modern age, possessing essentially a combative intellect; a poet and
philosopher militant, who stood alone making war upon the authority of
Aristotle in science, of Machiavelli in statecraft, and of Petrarch in
art". His nunquam tacebo is evidenced in almost every act and utterance
of his strange career. Campanella's work is critical and composite
rather than constructive and original. It exhibits an almost
encyclopedic acquaintance with all the known sciences of his day. His
doctrine does not form a system, but discloses a syncretic adaptation
of certain fundamental principles of St. Thomas Aquinas and Albert the
Great, modified by original opinions and fused with ideas, often
unsound and bizarre, borrowed from Pythagoras, Plato, Aristotle, Zeno,
Empedocles, the Christian mystics, and the Jewish and Arabic schools of
thought. He aimed to reconstruct scholastic philosophy, but, lacking
grasp and depth, his judgment was often obscured by an untempered
imagination, and his writings, of widest scope, abound in the
inequalities of undisciplined genius. With the fondness of the
Renaissance for disputation and innovation, he was also singularly
swayed by the popular pseudo-science of judicial astrology. Unlike
Bruno, however, he remained loyal to his order and to the Church. In
his theologico-cosmological theory, being, both created and Divine, is
invested with three primordial properties: power, wisdom, and love.
Non-being is characterized by impotence, darkness, and odium or
metaphysical aversion. In God, Who is pure being, simple and infinite,
the three properties of being exist and subsist in simplest unity to
the absolute exclusion of non-being and its attributes. Creatures
participate in God's wisdom, power, and love; but, because derived from
nothingness, their essence is a mixture of being and non-being. The
Divine, impressed upon, immanent in, and shared by, finite natures, is
the principle, the sufficient reason, and the measure of their relative
perfection and of their development in time and space. The universe is
vivified, directed, and governed by a universal soul of sense and
intelligence. The world is as a living statue of God. The sun and the
earth are its principal parts and the common source of animal life and
movement, and of the sensation which is also found in all material
things, light, air, metals, and wood. Prior to Descartes, to whom he
was otherwise superior in erudition, Campanella demonstrated the
absurdity of scepticism and undertook to establish by
psychologico-ontological argument the existence of God against Atheism.
In the field of natural science Campanella preceded Bacon in insisting
on the direct observation and experimental study of nature. It is
noteworthy that whilst Bacon rejected the astronomical theory of
Galileo, Campanella favoured it, and wrote a brilliant defence of its
author. In his treatise, "De Monarchia Hispanica" ["A Discourse
touching the Spanish Monarchy", tr. by Edmund Chilmead (London, 1654)
and again by Wm. Prynne (ibid., 1660)], Campanella evinces, among ideas
singularly strange and erroneous, considerable practical knowledge of
civil government. To extend Spanish rule in Europe he advised
intermarriage of the Spaniards with other nationalities, urged the
establishment of schools of astronomy, mathematics, mechanics, etc.,
and the immediate opening of naval colleges to develop the resources of
the New World and further the interests of its inhabitants. In general
he advocated natural honesty and justice and the universal love of god
and man in place of the utilitarian principles and egoism of
Machiavelli.</p>
<p id="c-p696" shownumber="no">Because of its political character, his "Civitas Solis" (City of the
Sun), is the most celebrated of his works. It appears in "Ideal
Commonwealths" (New York, 1901) and in "Ideal Empires and Republics"
(Washington and London, 1901). It was probably intended by Campanella
as a philosophical fiction, like Plato's "Republic" and More's
"Utopia", for its essentially communistic delineation, and advocacy, of
goods, education, women, labour, and all necessaries in common could
hardly represent the true mind of an author who, after all, was
faithful to at least the spirit of Christianity, and who vehemently
resisted the rationalistic trend of his contemporaries. Various lists,
some furnished by Campanella himself, show him to have been the author
of about eighty-eight works. The more important are: "Prodromus
Philosophiae instaurandae" (Frankfort, 1617); "Philosophiae rationalis
partes quinque" (Paris, 1638); "Realis philosophiae epilogisticae
partes quatour" (which contains the "Civitas Solis", Frankfort, 1623);
"Medicinalium juxta propria principia libri VII" (Lyons, 1635);
"Astrologicorum libri VI" (Lyons, 1629); "Apologia pro Galileo
mathematico" (Frankfort, 1622); "Atheismus triumphatus" (Rome, 1631);
"De praedestinatione, electione, reprobatione et auxiliis divinae
gratiae, cento thomisticus" (Paris, 1636). Numerous unpublished MSS.
are preserved in the archives of the Dominican Order at Rome.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p697" shownumber="no">JOHN R. VOLZ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p697.1" title="Campani, Giuseppe" type="Encyclopedia">Giuseppe Campani</term>
<def id="c-p697.2">
<h1 id="c-p697.3">Giuseppe Campani</h1>
<p id="c-p698" shownumber="no">An Italian optician and astronomer who lived in Rome during the
latter half of the seventeenth century. His brother, Matteo
Campani-Alimensis, and he weere experts in grinding and polishing
lenses, especially those of great focal length and slight curvature.
These lenses were used in long telescopes of considerable power. The
astronomer Cassini made his discoveries with these lenses. Campani also
made many observations himself. Cassini called his attention to the
spots on Jupiter, and he disputed with Eustachio Divini, an Italian
optician, the priority of their discovery. His astronomical
observations and his descriptions of his telescopes are detailed in the
following papers: "Ragguaglio di due nuovi osservazioni, una celeste in
ordine alla stella di Saturno, e terrestre l'altra in ordine agl'
instrumenti" (Rome, 1664, and again in 1665); "Lettere di G. C. al sig.
Giovanni Domenico Cassini intorno alle ombre delle stelle Medicee nel
volto di Giove, ed altri nuovi fenomeni celesti scoperti co' suoi
occhiali" (Rome, 1666).</p>
<p id="c-p699" shownumber="no">His brother, mentioned above, is also noted as a mechanician for his
work on clocks. He was a priest in charge of a parish in Rome. Louis
XIV of France ordered several long-focus lenses (86, 100, 136 feet
respectively) for Cassini, who discovered with their aid additional
satellites of Saturn.</p>
<p id="c-p700" shownumber="no">Jöcher (Adelung), Allgem. Gelehrten-Lexicon: Auzout, Lettre
à l'abbé Charles.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p701" shownumber="no">WILLIAM FOX</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p701.1" title="Campeche" type="Encyclopedia">Campeche</term>
<def id="c-p701.2">
<h1 id="c-p701.3">Campeche</h1>
<p id="c-p702" shownumber="no">Diocese in the State of Campeche, Republic of Mexico, suffragan of
the Archdiocese of Yucatan (see Yucatan). It was created 24 March,
1895, by division of the Diocese of Yucatan. Its territory includes the
western portion of the Peninsula of Yucatan, and in the north is mainly
a plain, from which rise the heights of Sierra Alta. Broad savannahs
and dense forests abound. The southern part is abundantly watered by
running streams. The Spanish captain, Hernández de Córdova,
and the pilot, Anton de Alaminos, discovered (20 March, 1517) a seaside
village inhabited by Maya Indians, and known to the natives as Ah Kin
Pech, which the Spaniards translated 
<i>Campeche</i>, often, anglicized as 
<i>Campeachy</i>. In 1540 Captain Montejo, with thirty Spaniards,
founded on this site a seaport town. A church was at once begun (Santa
Maria de la Concepción, the present cathedral); the first priest
was Francisco Hernández, Montejo's chaplain. Later on a storm
drove upon the Campeche coast the vessel in which Fray Bartolomé
de las Casas, Bishop of Chiapas, was returning to his diocese; this
illustrious man was therefore the first bishop to visit Campeche. Its
first missionaries were Franciscans; in 1715 the Jesuits came to
Campeche, but were expelled 12 June, 1767.</p>
<p id="c-p703" shownumber="no">The diocese is bounded on the north by the Diocese of Yucatan; on
the south by the Archdiocese of Guatemala and the Vicariate Apostolic
of Belize; on the south-east and west by the Dioceses of Chiapas and
Tabasco, and by the Gulf of Mexico. It has a population of about
100,000, with twenty-three parishes. The third bishop, Don Francisco
Mendoza y Herrera, who was appointed 17 January, 1905, opened a
diocesan seminary and three colleges, and built an episcopal residence.
Since 1901 there has been in the Diocese of Campeche a small group of
non-Catholics. The episcopal city, Campeche, situated on the bay of
that name, about ninety miles south-west of Mérida, has about
16,000 inhabitants, two parishes, and twelve churches. The chief
exports are maze, sugar, sisle-hemp, salt, wax, logwood, and mahogany.
Ship-carpentry is the principal local industry, the harbour, though
shallow, being quite capacious.</p>
<p id="c-p704" shownumber="no">Gerarchia Cattolica (Rome, 1907); Battendier, Ann. pont. cath.
(Paris, 1907), 217; Catholic Directory (Milwaukee, 1907, Foreign,
187.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p705" shownumber="no">ALBERTO MARCILLA</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p705.1" title="Campeggio, Lorenzo" type="Encyclopedia">Lorenzo Campeggio</term>
<def id="c-p705.2">
<h1 id="c-p705.3">Lorenzo Campeggio</h1>
<p id="c-p706" shownumber="no">Cardinal, an eminent canonist, ecclesiastical diplomat, and
reformer, b. 1472 (1474) at Bologna, the son of Giovanni Campeggio, a
famous civil lawyer; d. at Rome, 25 July, 1539. He studied civil law
under his father at Padua and Bologna, and in due course married and
had a family of five children. After the death of his wife (1509), he
entered the ecclesiastical state. In 1512 he was appointed to the
Bishopric of Feltre by Julius II, and was made auditor of the Rota, at
that time the supreme court of justice in the Church, and the universal
court of appeal. Thenceforth till his death he took a leading part as
papal representative in some of the greatest events of the Reformation,
especially in Southern Germany and England. In 1513 he was sent by Leo
X as Nuncio to Maximilian I, to bring about peace among the Christian
princes and unite them in a crusade against the Turks. While still in
Germany he was nominated cardinal (1 July, 1517), at first of the Title
of San Tommaso in Parione, afterwards of Sant' Anastasia, and finally
of Santa Maria in Trastevere. Returning to Rome, he was sent as
cardinal legate to England for the purpose of engaging Henry VIII in
the crusade. He set out on his journey in the middle of April, 1518,
but was not allowed to enter England until the end of July. The delay
arose from Henry's objection to the presence of a foreign legate within
his dominions. The pope agreed that Campeggio should share the legatine
powers with Wolsey, who was his senior in the Sacred College.
Accordingly the two cardinals worked together, though Wolsey managed to
secure the precedence. The main object of Campeggio's mission was not
accomplished; instead of a universal league against the Turk, Wolsey
arranged an alliance between France and England. He also contrived to
obtain an extension of his legatine powers for three years and
afterwards for life. Campeggio made a favourable impression on Henry,
who bestowed upon him the Bishopric of Salisbury (which he held until
1534) and the Roman residence now known as the Giraud-Torlonia palace,
then recently built from Bramante's designs.</p>
<p id="c-p707" shownumber="no">On his return to Rome (28 November, 1519), Campeggio was appointed
to the 
<i>Segnatura</i>, at that time a post of the highest dignity and power.
When Adrian VI was elected pope (1522), many plans for reform of the
abuses in the Church were submitted to him. One of the best and most
thorough-going of these was that of Campeggio. He boldly declared that
the chief source of all the evils was the Roman Curia, of which, as has
been stated, he was himself a most influential member. He recommended
that the powers of the Dataria, whose officials he styled
"blood-suckers", should be greatly curtailed; that benefices should not
be combined, or reserved, or held in commendam; and that none but able
and virtuous men should be appointed to them. He bewailed the fact that
the Holy See had, by means of concordats, surrendered the rights of the
Church to the secular powers. He spoke strongly against the reckless
granting of indulgences: especially against those of the Franciscans,
and those connected with the contributions towards the building of St.
Peter's in Rome. As one who had held high diplomatic posts, he urged
the importance of peace between the Emperor Charles V and Francis I of
France, so that these two great monarchs might join hands against the
common enemy, the Turk. He also pleaded strongly for the extirpation of
the Lutheran errors by the enforcement of the Edict of Worms. Adrian's
pontificate was too short to enable him to carry out any of the
proposed reforms. His successor, Clement VII, appointed Campeggio to
the See of Bologna and sent him to Germany as cardinal legate (8
January, 1524).</p>
<p id="c-p708" shownumber="no">Campeggio soon had reason to note the vast changes which had taken
place since his former visit. At Augsburg he was grossly insulted by
the populace; at Nuremberg he was obliged to dispense with the
ceremonies of a public entry. He adopted a conciliatory attitude at the
diet which was being held at the latter city, but he insisted that the
Edict of Worms should be carried out. The members of the diet demanded
that a national council should be held at Speyer, but he induced the
emperor to veto this, on condition that a general council should be
summoned at Trent. Moreover he obtained from Charles a promise that the
Edict of Worms should be enforced. Campeggio, however, saw clearly that
the spread of the Lutheran errors could be checked only by a reform of
the German clergy. For this purpose he held an assembly of twelve
bishops, with the Archduke Ferdinand and the Bavarian dukes. The
outbreak of the Peasants' War (November, 1524) destroyed all hope of a
peaceful solution of the difficulties with the Reformers. Campeggio was
recalled because his efforts had not met with the success which the
pope had expected, and also because he was said to be on too friendly
terms with the emperor. He was back in Rome 20 October, 1525, and was
made a member of the papal commission on the affairs of the Teutonic
Knights. During the sack of Rome by the imperial troops (1527), he
remained with Clement in Castel Sant' Angelo, and after the escape of
the pontiff was left behind as legate.</p>
<p id="c-p709" shownumber="no">The next year (1528), at Wolsey's request, he was sent to England to
form, jointly with Wolsey, a court to try the so-called divorce suit of
Henry VIII. (For a complete account of the case see article 
<span class="sc" id="c-p709.1">Henry</span> VIII.) Here we need only refer to
Campeggio's conduct in it. He did his best to escape the responsibility
which the pope thrust upon him, for he knew well the difficulties both
of law and fact connected with the case; and he thoroughly realized,
from his intimate acquaintance with Henry and Charles (Catherine's
nephew), that, whichever way it was decided, a great nation would be
lost to the Church. His instructions were to proceed with extreme
slowness and caution; to bring about if possible the reconciliation of
Henry with Catherine; and under no circumstances to come to a final
decision. In spite of all Wolsey's wiles and the bribes held out to him
by the king, he refused to express any opinion and adhered strictly to
the orders which he had received. He did, indeed, try his best to
induce Catherine to enter a convent, but when she with much spirit
declined to do so, he praised her conduct. In the trial (June-July,
1529), it should be noted, Campeggio treated Wolsey as a subordinate
and as the king's advocate rather than as a judge. On the last day (23
July), when everyone expected the final decision, he boldly adjourned
the court. Some days later the news arrived that Catherine's appeal had
already been received in Rome and that the case was reserved to the
Holy See. On his way back to Italy Campeggio was detained at Dover,
while his baggage was searched by the king's officials in the hope of
finding the decretal Bull defining the law of the divorce. But the
prudent legate had already destroyed the document, and the search only
proved that he left the country poorer than when he had entered it.</p>
<p id="c-p710" shownumber="no">We next find Campeggio at Bologna, his episcopal city, present at
the coronation of Charles V by the pope (24 February, 1530), and
afterwards accompanying the emperor to the Diet of Augsburg as legate.
His influence was now greater than ever. He wrote triumphantly to
Clement, assuring him that all would soon be made right in Germany. He
opposed the holding of a council, because he did not believe in the
good faith of the Protestants, and relied chiefly on the exercise of
the imperial authority to put down Protestantism, if necessary by
force. After Clement's death (25 September, 1534), Campeggio returned
to Rome and took part in the conclave in which Paul III was elected. By
him he was appointed to the suburbicarian See of Praeneste
(Palestrina), and was sent to Vicenza for the opening of the council.
His death took place, as above stated, at Rome, and he was buried at
Bologna.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p711" shownumber="no">T.B. SCANNELL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p711.1" title="Campi, Bernardino" type="Encyclopedia">Bernardino Campi</term>
<def id="c-p711.2">
<h1 id="c-p711.3">Bernardino Campi</h1>
<p id="c-p712" shownumber="no">An Italian painter of the Lombard School, b. at Cremona, 1522; d. at
Reggio, about 1590. His father, Pietro Campi, was his first teacher and
instructed the boy in his own art, the goldsmith's; but whenBernardino
saw Titian's drawings, and prints, and designs for tapestries, the
youth at once abandoned plastic art to study painting. Giulio Campi was
his teacher at Cremona; later at Mantua, he was Ippolito Corta's pupil.
He commenced painting when nineteen years old, and soon excelled his
masters. Deeplyimpressed by the works of Correggio, Titian, Raphael,
and Romano, he endeavoured—as did his teacher Giulio—to
unite all their merits into a "style" and extablish a standard of
excellence. Finally, however, Bernardino acquired a vigorous style of
his own, painted excellent portraits, and decorated many of the
Lombardy churches. When he added a Cæsar to the eleven Cæsars
of Titian it was difficult to distinguish his picture from those of the
great Venetian. His masterpiece is at Cremona in the cupola of S.
Sigismondo. Here are depicted the multitude of saints and the blessed,
with their symbols. This prodigious composition, exhibiting great
invention, variety, and harmony, he finished in seven months; and so
successfully did he manage the drawing and perspective that the figures
seem to be natural size, whereas they are ten feet high. In 1580 or
1584 he published at Cremona a quarto, "Parere sopra la pittura", a
book full of valuable information for the artist. Bernardino had many
pupils, and his influence on Italian art in the sixteenth century was
the most healthful and invigorating. He was buried in San Prospero, at
Reggio, a church he was engaged in decorating with frescoes when he
died. Noteworthy among his works are the "Descent from the Cross" in
the Brera gallery at Milan, "Mater Delorosa" in the Louvre at Paris,
and the frescoes in the cupola of S. Sigismondo at Cremona.</p>
<p id="c-p713" shownumber="no">Crowe and Cavalcaselle, History of Painting in North Italy, II;
Burckhardt, Art Guide to Painting in Italy (London, 1883); Jameson,
Sacred and Legendary Art (London, 1850); Blanc, Histoire des peintres
de toutes les écoles: Ecole Lombarde (Paris, 1877).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p714" shownumber="no">LEIGH HUNT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p714.1" title="Campi, Galeazzo" type="Encyclopedia">Galeazzo Campi</term>
<def id="c-p714.2">
<h1 id="c-p714.3">Galeazzo Campi</h1>
<p id="c-p715" shownumber="no">An Italian painter, b. at Cremona, 1475; d. 1536. He commenced his
studies, according to Vasari, with the noted Boccaccino; but Lanzi
doubts this, because Galeazzo's style was so different from that of
Boccaccino's. Galeazzo did not possess great talent, most of his work
being but a weak imitation of Perugino's. His best production is a
portrait of hinself (1528) which was accorded a place in the Uffizi
gallery at Florence. The most celebrated and the most interesting of
his paintings, however, is the quaintly curious "Raising of Lazarus",
painted in 1515 and owned (1903) by Canon Bignami. A "Virgin and Child"
at Cremona is also worthy of mention. He left three sons, all painters.
It is not determined definitively whether Bernardino Campi was of his
family or not.</p>
<p id="c-p716" shownumber="no">Lanzi, History of Painting in Italy, tr. Roscoe (London); Vasari,
Lives of the Painters, tr. Foster (London, 1878); see, also Campi,
Bernardino.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p717" shownumber="no">LEIGH HUNT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p717.1" title="Campi, Giulio" type="Encyclopedia">Giulio Campi</term>
<def id="c-p717.2">
<h1 id="c-p717.3">Giulio Campi</h1>
<p id="c-p718" shownumber="no">An Italian painter and architect, b. at Cremona about 1500; died
there, 1572. He was the eldest son of Galeazzo Campi, who was his first
teacher. In 1522, in Mantua, he studied painting, architecture, and
modelling under the great Romano. He visited Rome, became an ardent
student of the antique, and like Bernardino—who may have been
related to him—he come so strongly under the influence of
Raphael's and Correggio's paintings, that he endeavoured to combine the
best in them into a composite style; indeed, Guilio and the other
members of the Campi family were pioneers in the movement to rid
painting of its empty mannerisms and to instill into it a healthy
vitality. Giulio is called the "Ludovico Carracci of Cremona" although
he preceded the founder of the "Eclectics". When but twenty-seven
Giulio executed for the church of Sant' Abbondio his masterpiece, a
"Virgin and Child with SS. Celsus and Nazarus", a decoration masterly
in the freedom of its drawing and in the splendour of its colour. His
numerous paintings are grandly and reverently conceived, freely drawn,
vigorously coloured, lofty in style, and broadly handled. He was a real
founder of a school, and was animated in all his work by a deep piety.
The churches of Cremona, Mantua, and Milan are filled with his
frescoes; and Saint Margaret's, in his native town, is a giulio Campi
gallery. Among his chief works are the "Descent from the Cross" (S.
Sigismondo) at Cremona, and the frescoes in the dome of S. Girolamo at
Mantua. An alter-piece in S. Sigismondo and his "Labours of Hercules"
were engraved by the celebrated Ghiso, "il Mantovano".</p>
<p id="c-p719" shownumber="no">For bibliography see article Campi, Bernardino.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p720" shownumber="no">LEIGH HUNT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p720.1" title="Campo Santo De' Tedeschi" type="Encyclopedia">Campo Santo De' Tedeschi</term>
<def id="c-p720.2">
<h1 id="c-p720.3">Campo Santo de' Tedeschi</h1>
<p id="c-p721" shownumber="no">(Holy Field of the Germans)</p>
<p id="c-p722" shownumber="no">A cemetery, church, and hospice for Germans on the south side of St.
Peter's, Rome, which covers part of the ancient Circus Vaticanus, where
great numbers of Christians suffered death by the order of Nero. After
the Emperor Constantine built his great basilica over the graves of the
Apostles Peter and Paul, the faithful sought to be buried in the
vicinity of these holy sepulchres. On account of local conditions the
graves were dug chiefly on the south side of the basilica, in the earth
with which Nero's circus was filled during the construction of St.
Peter's. Whether St. Helena covered this burial place with earth from
Mount Calvary, or whether, at the time when Pisa obtained earth from
Jerusalem for its cemetery, the basilica of the Vatican also obtained
sacred soil for this cemetery, is uncertain, but it is a fact, that
since the fifteenth century the soil of this cemetery has been held to
be sacred earth from Jerusalem, and as such it has been asked for and
obtained, under papal sanction, by many localities when new cemeteries
were to be laid out. This tradition, in connection with the immediate
vicinity of the graves of the Apostles and with the memory of the first
martyrs under Nero, fully justifies the name of 
<i>campus sanctus</i>, "holy field".</p>
<p id="c-p723" shownumber="no">In 796 Charlemagne, by permission of Pope Leo III, founded on ground
adjoining this spot a hospice for pilgrims, which was intended for the
people of his empire. In connection with the hospice was a church
dedicated to the Saviour and a graveyard for the burial of the subjects
of Charlemagne who died in Rome. From the beginning this foundation was
placed under the care of the ecclesiastical authorities of St. Peter's.
The decline, soon after this period, of the Carlovingian empire,
brought the hospice, the 
<i>Schola Francorum</i>, entirely under the jurisdiction of the
basilica; at the same time the original intent of a place for pilgrims
and the poor was preserved. In the complete ruin which overtook Rome
during the residence of the popes at Avignon (1309-1378), and during
the following period of the Schism, the ecclesiastical foundations in
the vicinity of St. Peter's sank into decay. After the return of the
popes new life sprang up, and the enthusiasm for building and endowing
foundations in this part of the Eternal City was rekindled under Popes
Martin V, Eugenius IV, and Nicholas V. The remembrance of Charlemagne
and his hospice revived in the mind of the large and influential German
colony then residing at Rome, and during the reign of Martin V
(1417-1431) the enlarged cemetery was surrounded with a wall built by
Fredericus Alemannus, who also erected a house for its guardians.
Johannis Assonensis, a German confessor attached to St. Peter's and
later Coadjutor Bishop of Wurzburg, assembled his countrymen there
during the pest of 1448 and founded among them a brotherhood, the
object of which was to provide suitable burial for all poor Germans
dying in Rome. This brotherhood built a church, a new hospice for
German pilgrims on the adjoining land, and developed the Campo Santo
into a German national institution.</p>
<p id="c-p724" shownumber="no">In the fifteenth, sixteenth, and even in the nineteenth century the
German nation was represented at Rome by numerous officials at the
papal court and by guilds of German bakers, shoemakers, and weavers; in
these ages Germans were to be found in every industry of ordinary life,
and German bankers and inn-keepers were especially numerous.
Nevertheless the steadily decreasing German population of Rome during
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries caused the Campo Santo, as a
national foundation, and the brotherhood to sink more and more into
neglect. Pius IX, who thoroughly understood the change of conditions
and the demands of modern times, in 1876 sanctioned a new foundation in
a college for priests in which archaeological studies and church
history were to be pursued. Friends of the undertaking in Germany
endowed five free scholarships and made possible the acceptance of
resident students. The library contains 6000 volumes and embraces large
collections of works on Christian antiquities and modern church
history. The museum includes sarcophagi, carvings, inscriptions, a
large number of early Christian lamps, textile fabrics of the sixth
century from Egypt, and many small articles of various kinds. In 1887,
a periodical was established under the name of "Romische Quartalschrift
fur shristliche Altertumskunde und fur Kirchengeschichte", and in 1901
another periodical entitled "Oriens Christianus". These publications
afford the members of the college the opportunity to publish at once
the results of their studies and researches. The college gives the
German people a new institution for the cultivation and development of
ecclesiastical science. Its students have already furnished a large
number of university professors and church dignitaries of high rank.
The church of the foundation has been restored and adorned with
stained-glass windows and the building greatly enlarged and newly
furnished; furthermore, it has received a large number of sacred
utensils and vestments.</p>
<p id="c-p725" shownumber="no">The tombstones in the adjoining cemetery bear many distinguished
names, among them those of Cardinal Hohenlohe, Archbishop de Merode,
Bishop von Anzer, Monsignor Schapman, and other church dignitaries. The
names of many artists also occur, as those of Koch, von Rhoden,
Ahlborn, Achtermann; among the diplomats and scholars buried here are
Theiner, Platner, Diekamp; other tombs are those of the queen-mother
Carlotta of Denmark, Princess Caroline Wittgenstein, Princess Sophie
Hohenlohe, and other women of high rank. Some of the monuments are of
artistic value. Formerly the Campo Santo was seldom visited by the
Germans in Rome and was scarcely known in Germany. Now, especially on
the great church festivals, they gather for service and prayer in the
church of the Campo Santo and in the cemetery. The priests of the
college often guide German travellers through the catacombs and
accompany them on visits to the other objects of interest in the
Eternal City. The Campo Santo is a national foundation for the
Catholics of the former German Confederation, that is, it is intended
both for Austrians and Germans. The secular protector is the Emperor of
Austria, while the spiritual protectorate is exercised by a cardinal in
the name of the pope. The cardinal protector has, in conjunction with
the archbishops of Salzburg, Munich, and Cologne, the right to name the
rector.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p726" shownumber="no">ANTON DE WAAL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p726.1" title="Camus de Pont-Carre, Jean-Pierre" type="Encyclopedia">Jean-Pierre Camus de 
Pont-Carre</term>
<def id="c-p726.2">
<h1 id="c-p726.3">Jean-Pierre Camus de Pont-Carré</h1>
<p id="c-p727" shownumber="no">French bishop, b. 3 November, 1584, at Paris; d. there 25 April,
1652. A Burgundian of good birth, he was ordained priest, immediately
won a reputation for eloquence, and by a special dispensation of Paul V
was made Bishop of Belley at the age of twenty-six, being consecrated
by St. Francis of Sales, bishop of Geneva. From that event (1609) dates
the close friendship which ever united the two prelates. The episcopal
administration of Camus was marked by an ardent, though somewhat
inconsiderate, zeal. In 1614 he went as delegate of the clergy to the
Etats-Généraux, and there stoutly defended the rights of the
Church. Love of study and contemplation tempted him to resign his see,
but, in deference to the counsels of St. Francis of Sales, Camus
remained at his post until the death of that saint in 1629, when he
left Belley and retired to the Abbey of Aulnay, near Caen. The coveted
retirement, however, was of brief duration. François de Harlay,
Archbishop of Rouen, being incapacitated by illness, claimed the
services of Camus as auxiliary. This connection with the archiepiscopal
see lasted until the resignation of Harlay in 1651, when Camus retired
to the Hospice des Incurables, at Paris, less to be a patient than to
be a sympathizer with patients. Louis XIV pressed the Bishopric of
Arras upon him, but Camus, having at length reluctantly accepted the
charge, died before the arrival of the papal confirmation. His remains
were laid to rest in the nave of the hospice chapel, where, until 1904,
an epitaph told the tale of his disinterestedness and charity: Qui sibi
pauper — Pauperibus dives — Inter pauperes — Vivere,
mori et humari voluit (Poor for himself, rich for the poor, he wished
to live, die, and be buried among the poor).</p>
<p id="c-p728" shownumber="no">Richelieu said of Camus that his acrimony against the mendicant
orders was the only flaw in his character. Owing, doubtless, to this
well-known antipathy, verging on hatred, some strange charges have been
made against him: Voltaire makes him the author of a vile book,
"Apocalpyse de Meliton", which was really written by Claude Pitois, an
apostate monk, in 1668. Sauvage (Réalité du projet de
Bourg-Fontaine) accuses him of joining the Jansenists in a plot against
the Church, basing his accusation on the fact that, in the alleged
plot, the work of defaming the religious orders had been assigned to
one "P.C." (Pierre Camus). Sainte-Beuve (Port-Royal, I, 241) probably
comes nearer the truth when he describes Camus as naively eager for
public notice, and led by this foible to consort with the Jansenists of
Port-Royal, though he did not escape their ridicule. His literary
activity was prodigious. Leclerc and Nicéron enumerate over two
hundred books written by him. His sermons and religious novels have
been completely forgotten, in spite of the efforts of H. Rigault
(preface to his edition of "Palombe", 1853) and St.-Marc-Girardin
(Cours de littérature, IV) to rescue them from oblivion. Of his
theological and controversial works, such as "Introduction à la
théologie" (1645); "Du chef de l'églisé" (1630); "De la
Primaute" (1630); "Enseignements catéchétiques" (1642);
"Correspondance de l'écriture sacrée et de la sainte
église" (1683); "Antithèses protestantes" (1638), only one
survives, "L'avoisinement des protestants vers l'église romaine"
(Paris, 1640, re-edited by Richard Simon (1703), and translated into
Latin by Zaccaria, in Migne, "Theol. cursus compl.", V. On the other
hand, his ascetical books, e.g. "L'usage de la pénitence et
communion" (1644), "Du rare ou fréquent usage de l'Eucharistie"
(1644), "Partique de la communion fréquente" (1644), have had a
great influence. One of them, "L'esprit de Saint François de
Sales" (Paris, 1641), a minute and loving portrayal of the saint, has
gone through many editions (Collot, Paris, 1727; Depéry, Paris,
1840), and two English translations of it have appeared, that of Sidney
Lear (London, s.d.) and O'Shea (New York, 1869). To the same class of
writings, at least in the mind of Camus, belong several pamphlets
against the mendicants: "Le voyageur inconnu" (1630); "Le directeur
spirituel" (1631); "L'antimoine" (1632); "Pauvreté
évangélique" (1634); "Rabat-joie du triomphe monacal" (1634),
and so on — sometimes quoted under the general head, "Des
moines". Of these it may be said that they only detract from the
otherwise good fame of their author. The Spanish translation by
Cabillas of a treatise by Camus on the love of God has been on the
Spanish Index since 1747.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p729" shownumber="no">J.F. SOLLIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p729.1" title="Cana" type="Encyclopedia">Cana</term>
<def id="c-p729.2">
<h1 id="c-p729.3">Cana</h1>
<p id="c-p730" shownumber="no">A city of Galilee, Palestine, famous throughout all ages as the
scene of Our Lord's first miracle, when He turned water into wine at
the Marriage Feast (John, ii). It is mentioned by the same Evangelist
in two other passages, once (iv, 46) in connection with another
miracle, when He cured the ruler's son at a distance, and once (xxi, 2)
as the birthplace of Nathaniel, or St. Bartholomew. No direct
indication can be gathered of its locality, except that it was not far
from either Nazareth or Capharnaum, and higher than the latter city, as
indeed all the land west of the Plain of Genesareth is; and that an
ordinary traveler from Jerusalem to Nazareth would pass through or near
it. It is not mentioned by either of the Synoptists, nor indeed
anywhere else in the Scriptures. An old tradition identifies the site
of Cana with modern Kefr' Kenna, a village of about 600 inhabitants.
This lies some four or five miles northeast of Nazareth, on the road
from thence to Tiberias, at the foot of a short, steep hill. The
tradition dates back at least to the eighth century, and probably a
good deal earlier, while the site fulfills all the requisite conditions
mentioned above. At the time of the Crusades, or before, there was a
church which was believed to be on the spot where the miracle of Our
Lord was worked. This site is now in the hands of the Franciscans, who
have built a large new church. In recent years some interesting
excavations have been carried out within its walls, discovering parts
of the old church beneath. The Greeks also have a church close by,
inside which are two large jars, said to be the original "water pots of
stone" in which the water was turned into wine; but the probability of
their being genuine is not great. The fountain still existing in the
village, however, must have been the actual source from which the water
was drawn. The inhabitants of the village are very rough and
uncivilized. About one-third of them are Christians, the majority
belonging to the Greek Church.</p>
<p id="c-p731" shownumber="no">Towards the far end of the town, there is a church dedicated to St.
Bartholomew, said to be on the site of his house, though this tradition
cannot be traced back very far. A curious light is thrown on the ease
with which such traditions used to originate by the existence of a
similar church on the supposed site of the house of Simon the Cananean.
The name Cananean must have deceived some, who consequently sought for
the site of his house, and the demand created the supply. In reality,
however, the Chanaanites were a strict national sect among the Jews,
and the name is wholly unconnected with Cana. The site of Kefr' Kenna
held almost undisputed possession for many centuries. It is only in
recent years that its authenticity has been seriously questioned. There
are now two other claimants for the site. One of these, Kenet-el-Jalil,
is some six miles further north, on the slope of a hill. There is
nothing there now but ruins. Some remains of cisterns have been
discovered but there is no fount or spring. It se ems to have been
known in quite early times as possibly the site of Cana, and has in its
favor that the name is said to be a closer equivalent than that of
Kefr' Kenna. Recently as third site has been put forward by Dr.
Robinson, Ain Kana, which is somewhat nearer to Nazareth. The site is
accepted by Dr. Condor; although the name is said to be still closer
etymologically than either of the other two, there is no tradition
whatever to support this hypothesis.</p>
<p id="c-p732" shownumber="no">The miracle which has made Cana forever famous was worked by Christ
before His public life had fully commenced. This is usually taken to be
the meaning of the words "My hour is not yet come". He had however,
already five disciples -- Sts. Peter, Andrew, John, Phillip, and
Bartholomew (Nathaniel). They had followed Him from the banks of the
Jordan, but had received as yet no permanent call, such as is recorded
later on in the other Gospels. Our Lord was on His way back to Nazareth
when He passed by Cana. From the language of the Gospel we should infer
that the marriage which was taking place was that of a close relative
of the Blessed Virgin, for it is said without comment that she was
there; and it was no doubt in her honor that Christ was invited. Again,
the cause of the shortage of wine is not explained by St. John; but it
has been inferred that it may have been due to the presence of Our Lord
and the five Disciples that accompanied Him, who would have made a
substantial increase in a small and modest party. If this was so, it
would explain the confidence with which Our Lady appealed to Him when
she noticed it. The answer of Christ, which has been variously
rendered, has given rise to long discussion, and cannot be said to be
even yet properly understood. The Greek 
<i>ti emoi kai soi, gynai</i>; is translated in the Vulgate, "Quid mihi
et tibi est mulier?" In most English Catholic Bibles this is rendered
"Woman, what is it to me and to thee?" The translation adopted in the
Authorized and Revised Versions, "Woman, what have I to do with thee?",
even if better idiomatically conveys a wrong impression, for it gives
the idea of a rebuke which is totally against the context. Father
Rickaby, S.J., in his short commentary on St. John suggests as a fair
English equivalent, "Leave me alone, Lady". At any rate, she at once
told the waiters to take orders from Our Lord. They filled the jars
with water, which Jesus converted into wine. Taking the narrative as it
stands, we have one of the best authenticated of Our Lord's miracles;
for, unlike the case of the cure of bodily ailments, the waiters were
comparatively disinterested parties, and yet they bore witness that the
water had become wine and was even the best wine of the feast. Not only
the miracle but also the whole incident of Christ's attendance at the
marriage feast has always been taken as setting His seal on the
sanctity of marriage, and on the propriety of humble rejoicing on such
occasions. And if the bride or bridegroom was, as is believed, a
relative of Our Lady, we may take it as an example of the sympathy
which family ties should bring in the ordinary joys, no less than in
the sorrows of life.</p>
<p id="c-p733" shownumber="no">Ewing in Hast., Dict. of the Bible, s.v.; Thompson, The Land and the
Book (1876), 425; Stanley, Sinai and Palestine; Sanday, Sacred Sites of
the Gospel.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p734" shownumber="no">BERNARD WARD</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p734.1" title="Canada" type="Encyclopedia">Canada</term>
<def id="c-p734.2">
<h1 id="c-p734.3">Canada</h1>
<p id="c-p735" shownumber="no">(See also 
<span class="sc" id="c-p735.1">Catholicity in Canada</span>)</p>
<p id="c-p736" shownumber="no">Canada, or to be more exact, the Dominion of Canada, comprises all
that part of North America north of the United States, with the
exception of Newfoundland, Labrador, and Alaska. The distance from the
Atlantic Ocean on the east to the Pacific Ocean on the west is 3000
miles, and from the borders of the United States to the farthest point
in the Arctic Ocean at least 1500 miles. With its 3,745,574 square
miles, Canada exceeds in size both the united States and Australasia,
and is almost as large as Europe.</p>
<h4 id="c-p736.1">Physical Features</h4>
<p id="c-p737" shownumber="no">The physical aspect of the land shows a wide central plain lying
between two mountainous regions, the Columbian on the west and the
Laurentian plateau on the east. The most important mountain system is
that of the west, which consists of the northern end of the Cordilleran
region. The great parallel chains enclose British Columbia and Yukon,
then decreasing in height turn towards the west, finally ending on the
shores of Alaska. The most prominent of these ranges is the eastern,
known as the Rocky Mountains. From an average height of 5000 to 10,000
feet, they rise at times to 13,000 and 14,000 feet, like Mounts Brown,
Columbia, Hooker, etc. Mounts Purcell, Selkirk, and the Gold Range,
which rise west of the Rocky Mountains in successive and parallel
lines, are not as high but are very picturesque, bordering on the
plateau of British Columbia. Of an average height of 2000 or 3000 feet
and more than 100 miles wide, this plateau is crossed by the rivers
Fraser and Columbia, which flow through wide basins interrupted here
and there by rapids and waterfalls. It extends towards west as far as
the Coast Range, which lies parallel to the Pacific Ocean, where it
suddenly rises to a great height, cut by innumerable fiords reaching as
far as the borders of Alaska. The highest peak in Canada is Mount Logan
(19,539 feet). Finally, there is a range partly submerged, which forms
the islands of Vancouver and Queen Charlotte; it attains a height of
6840 feet in the Victoria Peak in Vancouver. The mountains in the east
of Canada, which are far less important, are called the Laurentians
because they rise on the left shore of the St. Lawrence River. From
Labrador to Hudson Bay, whose basin it outlines, as it also does that
of the St. Lawrence, this range is at least 3000 miles in length. The
average elevation is 1500 feet, but a few peaks in the northern part
reach a height of 3000 to 4000 feet. Studded with innumerable lakes and
crossed here and there by rivers, these mountains of granite, quartz,
gneiss, and mica are extremely picturesque. South of the St. Lawrence,
the Alleghanies or Appalachian Mountains, leaving their course from
south to north, turn towards the east and form the peninsulas of
Gaspé and Nova Scotia.</p>
<p id="c-p738" shownumber="no">The immense central plain which stretches as far as the frozen north
is simply the continuation of the Missouri and Mississippi valley in
the United States. In the valley of the Mackenzie the altitude varies
between 500 and 1000 feet, and from the border of Lake Winnipeg to the
Arctic Ocean the width is from 100 to 300 miles. Between the two the
ground rises to a maximum height of 2000 feet, the highest parts being
near the Rocky Mountains. In Alberta and the southern part of
Saskatchewan the elevation varies between 2000 and 5000 feet. This vast
plain contains many lakes, pools, and ponds, which have no doubt taken
the place of glaciers. Besides the great lakes to the south of Canada
which form the boundary and belong, with the exception of Lake
Michigan, partly to the United States and partly to Canada, there are
also many sheets of water such as Great Slave Lake, Great Bear Lake,
Lake Athabasca, Reindeer, Manitoba, Winnipeg, and Winnipegosis Lakes.
The lakes of Canada cover an area of 77,391,304 acres, distributed as
follows: British Columbia 1,560,830; Manitoba 6,019,200; Maritime
Provinces 277,332; Ontario 25,701,944; Quebec 3,507, 318; Alberta and
Saskatchewan 8,665,620; Mackenzie 18,910,080; Keewatin 8,588,260;
Ungava 3,745,440; Yukon 415,280. These immense bodies of water drain
into the oceans through large rivers which empty into four basins: the
Pacific basin with an area of 387,800 sq. m. into which empty the
Frazer, Columbia, Stikine, and Yukon; the Hudson bay basin, area
1,486,000 sq. m., principal rivers Nelson, Red River, Saskatchewan,
Churchill, Albany, Dubawnt, Assiniboine, Winnipeg, Moose, Nottaway,
Big, and Koksoak; the Atlantic basin, area 554,000 sq. m., principal
rives the St. Lawrence, with its tributaries Ottawa, St. Maurice and
Saguenay; and the Arctic basin, area 1,290,000 sq. m., principal rivers
the Mackenzie, Peace, Athabasca, and Liard.</p>
<h4 id="c-p738.1">Field Products</h4>
<p id="c-p739" shownumber="no">The vegetable products are diverse, owing to the varied climates.
There are three principal zones. The southern zone close to the Great
Lakes and the St. Lawrence is known for its fruit, especially apple,
trees, its grain, and its prairies. In the central zone, which extends
somewhat beyond 60 N. lat., grain is also grown, but this region is
better known for its forests, north of 50°. In the great northern
region, beyond 60°, where winter reigns during the greater part of
the year, there is northing to the west but sparsely grown forests and
stunted trees, and to the east barren lands covered during the summer
with moss and lichens. Agriculture is the source of Canada's greatest
wealth. The census of 1901 valued at $363,126,384 the annual farm
production of Canada, and the value of farms, including live stock, was
appraised at $1,787,102,630. There is no doubt that these figures have
increased since then. In the five years, 1901-06, the production of
wheat was doubled. In 1901 it was 55,572,368 bushels, in 1906,
119,011,136. Farm products occupy a conspicuous place among the
exports.</p>

<p id="c-p740" shownumber="no">Table of Exports</p>

<p id="c-p741" shownumber="no">, 1871, 1881, 1891, 1901, 1906, 1907 Total Exportation, $74,173,618, $98,290,823, $98,417,296, $186,996,224, $240,123,646, $272,206,605 Field Products, 9,853,146, 21,268,327, 13,666,858, 36,940,785, 52,173,705, 58,327,323 Animal and animal Products, 11,473,019, 15,849,776, 16,458,941, 57,558,796, 67,580,378, 68,659,980 Cheese, 1,109,906, 5,510,443, 9,508,800, 20,696,951, 24,441,664, 22,028,281* Forest Products, 22,352,211, 24,960,012, 24,282,015, 28,814,055, 36,568,418, 46,017,000 Mineral Products, 3,221,461, 2,767,829, 5,784,143, 33,297,336, 34,761,048, 36,390,759 Manufactures, 2,201,331, 3,075,095, 6,296,249, 15,844,959, 26,365,311, 29,614,436 Fisheries, 3,994,275, 6,867,715, 9,715,401, 11,076,380, 15,265,256, 13,828,234 *Nine months only.</p>
<p id="c-p742" shownumber="no">The farm products of Canada are quoted in the exports of 1906 at
$120,518,297, that is more than half the total value of the exports for
that year. It is evident also that the progress of agriculture has been
very rapid during the last decade, exceeding that of the lumber
industry.</p>
<h4 id="c-p742.1">Forests</h4>
<p id="c-p743" shownumber="no">Throughout Canada there are vast forests. It is estimated that
1,326,258 square miles are covered with timber, this being more than a
third of the total area of Canada. Outside of the Maritime Provinces,
which have altogether more than 8000 square miles of forests, there are
three distinct wooded zones. That of British Columbia is 770 miles long
by 200 to 300 miles wide, where grow the red or Oregon pine, the red
and the yellow cedar, the fir tree, and the western oak. Owing to the
mildness of the climate these trees attain an enormous size. The
northern zone runs from the banks of the Mackenzie to the border of
Labrador, a length of 3000 miles, with a width of about 200 miles, and
contains the largest forest of fir trees in the world. The southern
zone is between 45° and 50° N. Lat. in the provinces of
Quebec and Ontario and stretches towards the west, taking in the
northern part of Saskatchewan and Alberta as far as the Peace River.
The chief resource of this region is the white pine. The figures of
exportation do not show the entire value of the wood, which serves many
purposes. It is used not only for building purposes but is also ground
to pulp and converted into paper, in consequence of which a great many
paper mills have been erected. In 1904 they employed nearly 55,000 men,
and the income from this industry is estimated at $51,082,605,
distributed as follows: Quebec, $18,969,716; Ontario, $21,351,898; Nova
Scotia, $3,409,528; New Brunswick, $2,998,038; British Columbia,
$2,634,157; Manitoba, $950,057; the Territories, $484,263; Prince
Edward Island, $285,038.</p>
<p id="c-p744" shownumber="no">The Dominion Government has kept under its control 742,798 square
miles of land, of which 506,220 square miles are managed by the
Provincial Governments, which concede the right of exploitation within
certain limits. For some years now the Federal Government has retained
immense territories under the name of parks or reservations, where game
and furred animals are protected. This example has been followed by the
provinces of Ontario and Quebec. The best known are Yoho Park in the
Rocky Mountains, Algonkin Park of more than 200,000 acres, in Ontario,
and Victoria Park near Niagara Falls. Quebec also has a reservation in
the northern part of the province, covering 1,620,000 acres.</p>
<h4 id="c-p744.1">Fisheries</h4>
<p id="c-p745" shownumber="no">This industry has always employed many hands and still on the
increase. In 1881 there were 59,056 fishermen; in 1886, 62000; in 1891,
65,575; in 1900, 78,290; in 1903, 79,134. Fishing, which in 1881
yielded an income of $15,817,162, in 1891 brought $18,977,878; in 1901,
$25,737,154; in 1903, $23,101,878. Nova Scotia, British Columbia, New
Brunswick, and the Province of Quebec rank highest. The value of the
boats, nets, and fishing tackle has been estimated at $12,241,454. Cod,
lobster, salmon, herring, and mackerel form the principal catch. The
salmon fisheries of Columbia are known all over the world. In 1901
their value of $7,221,387 headed the list, but in 1903 they fell to
third place, with a valuation of $3,521,158. The chief exports go to
Great Britain (in 1903, $3,904,793); the United Stat es ($3,760,266);
the West Indies ($938,721), France, and the Antilles.</p>
<h4 id="c-p745.1">Mines</h4>
<p id="c-p746" shownumber="no">Though there are many mines in Canada, they are far from being all
in operation. Coal is found in large quantities on Vancouver Island and
in Nova Scotia and even in Manitoba and Saskatchewan; pit-coal in Nova
Scotia north of Lake Superior and in the Province of Quebec. Nickel is
found at Sudbury, Ontario and in British Columbia; asbestos in the
Province of Quebec and mica in Ontario. Besides the rich placers of the
Klondike, there is gold in the Province of Quebec and in Saskatchewan.
The mineral products, which in 1886 amounted to $10,221,255, reached
$19,931,158 in 1894; $49,584,027 in 1899, $60,343,165 in 1904, and
$80,000,048 in 1906. From 1899 the gold production is included in the
sum total. Columbia holds first rank in the output of minerals. Ontario
comes next, with its silver mines at Cobalt. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p746.1">Manufactures</h4>
<p id="c-p747" shownumber="no">Canadian factories employ a large number of labourers. The census of
1900 gave the number of employees as 313,344 and the capital invested
$446,916,487. The provinces of Ontario and Quebec stand first. In 1900
Ontario produced $241,533,486, and Quebec $158,287,994 of the total
value of manufactured articles.</p>
<h4 id="c-p747.1">Commerce</h4>
<p id="c-p748" shownumber="no">Of the $273,173,877, the value of exports in 1907, all but
$28,992,955 represented the natural products of the country. The most
important commerce is with Great Britain and the United States, as is
evident from the following figures. In 1907 the value of exports to
England reached $134,469,420, to the United Stat es $109,772,944, to
other countries $217,964,242. The total value of imports for 1906
reached $340,374,745; imports from England $83,229,256, from the United
Stat es $208,741,601, other countries $45,304,148; the custom receipts
$46,671,101. The total commerce for 1907 reached $612,581,351.</p>
<h4 id="c-p748.1">Population</h4>
<p id="c-p749" shownumber="no">A census of Canada is taken every tenth year. That of 1901 gives the
population as 5,371,315, which has, however, greatly increased since.
In 1906 it was estimated by the Department of the Interior as
6,440,000. The increase is chiefly the result of immigration and has
taken place principally in the Provinces of the West, Manitoba,
Saskatchewan, and Alberta. During the nineteenth century the increase
in population was 5,000,000. The population is for every 10,000
inhabitants, 5,123 men to 4,877 women. 87 per cent are natives of
Canada and 94 per cent are British subjects. The yearly increase in
immigration has swelled these figures and altered this proportion, as
is evident from statistics of immigration to Canada between 1 January,
1897, and 31 March, 1907. 
</p>
<p id="c-p750" shownumber="no">During the decade ending 1907, 35 per cent of the immigrants were of
British origin, 33 per cent from the United States, and 32 per cent of
other nationalities. During the first nine months of the fiscal year
1906 - 07, 90,008 immigrants received at the various ports were classed
according to occupation: 18,191 agriculturists, 26,807 general
labourers, 24,414 mechanics, 6,686 clerks, 2,878 miners, 4,583 female
servants, 6,449 unclassified. Of these the Maritime Provinces received
6,491, Quebec 18,063, Ontario 32, 265, Manitoba 17,036, Saskatchewan
4,257, Alberta 3,474, British Columbia 8,406, and Yukon 16. These
figures do not include the 34,659 arrivals from the United States.</p>
<h4 id="c-p750.1">The Indians</h4>
<p id="c-p751" shownumber="no">In all parts of Canada there are still to be found descendants of
the aborigines whom the white men met on landing three hundred years
ago. But their condition now is very different. Deprived of all they
possessed, they are dependent on the nation which despoiled them. They
are divided into four large families: (1) The Huron-Iroquois; (2) the 
<i>Innuit</i> or Eskimo; (3) the Tinneh; and (4) the Algonquins. The
first three named belong to the Turanian race and are allied to the
Mongolians and the Turks; the fourth belong to the Polynesian Malays of
the Pacific Islands. Their language, physique, and disposition indicate
two different races. The Iroquois loves the land, the Algonquin the
water; the former is fond of war and all manly sports, the latter
although aggressive is lazy; the Algonquin is taciturn and nomadic, the
Iroquois is garrulous and sedentary in his habits. The Eskimo
(consumers of raw flesh) live on the shores of the Arctic Ocean from
Labrador to Alaska. They speak the same language and form but one
tribe. The 
<i>Tinneh</i> or 
<i>Déné Dindejies</i> are found in the valleys of the
Athabasca and Peace Rivers, in the regions of the Great Bear Lake and
on the slopes of the rocky Mountains south of British Columbia, on
Vancouver and Queen charlotte Islands. They are divided into nineteen
tribes. The Algonquins are scattered from the Atlantic Ocean to the
Rockies and comprise eleven tribes. To the east are the Micmac,
Malecite, Abnaki, Nascapi, and the Montagnais of Labrador; west of
Quebec are the Missisauga and the Ojibwa Confederacy; and in the
southern part of the north-west the Saulteurs, Wood Cree, Plain Cree,
the Blackfeet, the Mixed-bloods, and the Piegans. The home of the
Iroquois is in the valley of the St. Lawrence, at Lorette near Quebec;
Caughnawaga; Lake of the Two Mountains; Saint Regis; between Lake St.
Clair and Lake Erie; and near the Rocky Mountains where they are known
as Assiniboin and Sioux.</p>
<p id="c-p752" shownumber="no">The first Indian census was taken in 1871. They then numbered
102,358, as follows: Eskimo 4028; Tinneh 42,000; Algonquins 46,000;
Huron-Iroquois 10,330. Their division according to provinces is: Prince
Edward Island 323; Nova Scotia 1666; New Brunswick 1403; Quebec 6988;
Ontario 12,978; Manitoba 500; British Columbia 23,000; Rupert's Land
33,000; Labrador and the Arctic regions 22,000. The census of 1901
shows a decrease of 8904 in thirty years, if the given figures (93,454)
are correct. In 1905, the superintendent of the Indian bureau gave the
total number of Indians as 107,637. Of this number 22,084 lived outside
the reservations. The 85,553 who were in the reservations in 1905 owned
44,195 acres of cultivated land and had 44,972 head of cattle and
33,119 horses. They had at that time 302 schools with an attendance of
10,113 pupils. 104 of these schools were under Catholic clergy, 86
under the Anglicans, 49 under the Methodists, 16 under Presbyterians,
and 47 were nonsectarian. The same census gave 35,060 Catholic Indians,
15,079 Anglicans, 11,791 Methodists, 1489 Presbyterians, 1103 Baptists,
646 other Christians, and 10,906 pagans.</p>
<h4 id="c-p752.1">Freedom of Worship</h4>
<p id="c-p753" shownumber="no">Freedom of worship and the equality of all creeds before the law
forms the basis of the political constitution of Canada. When Canada
became a British dependency, the Catholic Church ceased to be the State
Church. Governmental favour was now transferred to Anglicanism, which
strove to acquire on Canadian soil the position it occupied in Great
Britain. This gave rise to a constant friction between the two
religions, intensified by the differences of nationality (English and
French) and the relative positions of conquerors and conquered.
Protected by British colonial rights, by the terms of surrender of
Quebec and Montreal, and by the Treaty of Paris (1763), the Catholic
religion was free and independent, in spite of the systematic
persecutions organized against it in England. It was the Legislature of
Lower Canada that first gave expression to this principle of freedom of
worship now recognized throughout the Dominion. It stated in 1851 that
"the equality before the law of all religious denominations is a
recognized principle of the colonial legislation and that in the state
and condition of this province (Quebec) to which it is particularly
applicable, it is desirable that the principle receive the direct
sanction of the Legislative Assembly, which recognizes and declares
that it is the 
<i>fundamental principle of our social policy</i>". Then it was
proclaimed by statute "that the free exercise and enjoyment of
profession and religious worship without distinction or preference, but
in such manner as not to serve as an excuse for outrageous acts, nor as
a justification for practices at variance with the peace and safety of
the province, be allowed by the constitution of this province to all
her Majesty's subjects living therein" (14 and 15 Victoria, Ch. 175).
This liberty, so clearly formulated in 1851, had by degrees entered
into public legislation.</p>
<h4 id="c-p753.1">Incorporation of Bishoprics</h4>
<p id="c-p754" shownumber="no">The Catholics of Upper Canada who were in the minority had already
benefited by this. In 1843 the Legislative Assembly drafted a bill
allowing all denominations the right of corporation; in this it was
declared that the Catholic bishops of Upper Canada, those occupying the
present bishoprics then in existence as well as bishoprics to be
erected in the future, would each form a corporation sole. The
Legislative Council rejected this bill. But in 1845 a special act,
embodying the same idea, was adopted by Parliament and a;;roved by the
Crown, at the request of Bishop Power of Toronto and Bishop Phelan,
coadjutor of Kingston. This act constitutes each bishop a perpetual
corporation, with the right of owning real estate in mortmain without
restrictions as to extent or revenue. It further states that all church
goods, buildings, chapels, cemeteries, rectories and immovable property
of any kind, be declared and recognized as belonging exclusively to the
bishop of the diocese. All this was to apply equally to churches,
chapels, etc. which should bed erected in the diocese at any future
time. Any one holding immovable property in trust for the Catholic
Church was to transfer titles to such property to the bishop, who
thereby becomes sole proprietor of church goods. He alone can transfer
them with the consent of the coadjutor and vicar-general, or in their
absence, in the presence of two priests chosen by him. These provisions
applied to any bishopric which might be established in Upper Canada in
the future. They are still in force in the diocese where no parishes
are canonically erected though still having churchwardens 
(<i>marguilliers</i>), and a board of trustees 
(<i>conseil de fabrique</i>) responsible for the administration of
church property.</p>
<p id="c-p755" shownumber="no">Therefore, outside of the Province of Quebec ecclesiastical property
is directly under the episcopal corporation, though the management of
it is in the hands of the parish or resident priest, sometimes assisted
by a committee of laymen chosen by himself; within that Province its
administration rests with the board of trustees of each parish. This
board, like any ecclesiastical body, exercises its administration
according to laws laid down by a higher authority. The civil law also
in clear terms recognizes these holdings as "things sacred by their
very nature as well as their purpose, inalienable and imprescriptible
so long as they serve their original purpose" (Cod. Civ., art. 1486,
2217). Church goods comprise in addition to the immovable property
mentioned above (1) the pew rents; (2) the due connected with certain
ecclesiastical functions; (3) funds from which is derived the income
necessary for the support of Divine worship and the maintenance of the
parish priest; and (4) pious endowments for educational purposes or the
celebration of Masses; these are 
<i>res ecclesiæ proindeque sub potestate et jurisdicione
ecclesiæ constitut</i>, as expressed in the Eleventh Provincial
Council of Quebec. The parish priest is at the head of the
marguilliers, and by right the president of the board of trustees,
which cannot convene without him.</p>
<h4 id="c-p755.1">Taxation</h4>
<p id="c-p756" shownumber="no">Throughout the Dominion, places of worship and adjacent land used
for religious purposes are exempt from taxation. The same may be said
of colleges, schools, universities, and educational institutions with
their yards and gardens, also any immovable property and land set apart
for charitable purposes. The religious communities in the Province of
Quebec enjoy the same immunity from taxes. The laws governing asylums,
hospitals, and other charitable institutions are left to the provincial
governments which support them in whole or in part as the case may be.
Sometimes the districts or cities in which these institutions are
established maintain them entirely or obtain a grant for that purpose
from the provincial government. Generally, these grants are in the form
of a fixed sum and an allowance 
<i>per capita</i> for the inmates, though the methods are also used
separately. The Federal Government also allows a certain sum for each
alien received in these institutions. These grants, however, would
rarely be sufficient for the support of such houses, hospitals,
hospices, homes, crèches, and shelters, were it not for previous
endowments or the ingenuity and labour of the religious in charge. Many
have formed committees of patronesses who by means of entertainments
and personal contributions strive to provide these charities with the
necessary funds. Similarly, institutions in charge of men have formed
committees of patrons.</p>
<h4 id="c-p756.1">Wills and Testaments</h4>
<p id="c-p757" shownumber="no">The greatest liberty in the matter of wills exists in Canada. A man
may dispose of all his goods in any manner he chooses, without any
restriction of law. A father may leave everything to one of his
children to the exclusion of the rest. He may even exclude them all and
leave his property to a stranger. There is the same liberty in the
choice of testamentary executors. A priest, even the testator's
confessor, may be legally chosen for the office. However the lawful
heirs who have been dispossessed may contest the document in court and
have it declared null and void, if it is proved that undue influence
was used to coerce the will of the testator. These testaments are
generally in one of three forms: (1) written entirely by hand by the
one making the will and signed by himself, when it is called
holographic; (2) written in the presence of two proper witnesses, who
may be women, and signed by the testator after it has been read to him,
and countersigned by the witnesses; this is the form derived "from
English law"; (3) it may be written before a notary and two witnesses
or, as it is generally done to-day, before two notaries; or written by
one in the presence of the other at the dictation of the testator, and
the two notaries or the notary witness; this is the "public" or
"authentic" will. In case the testator cannot sign his name, mention is
made of this fact at the end of the will and the reason stated.</p>
<h4 id="c-p757.1">Marriage</h4>
<p id="c-p758" shownumber="no">The North American Act has left to the Federal Government the
question of marriage and divorce. (See 
<span class="sc" id="c-p758.1">Divorce</span>, sub-title II. 
<i>In Civil Jurisprudence.</i>) 
 The
solemnization of marriage and everything pertaining thereto is left by
the same Act to the provincial legislatures. In the Province of Quebec
the civil law had adopted the legislation of the Church on this point;
in other words there is no such thing as civil marriage. Marriage is a
religious ceremony and the law recognizes the impediments and conforms
to the dispensations of the Church. When two persons have decided to be
married the banns are published in the presence of the assembled
faithful three successive Sundays before the solemnization; a
dispensation may be obtained from one or two publications, but not from
all. If there is no impediment the marriage takes place before the
parish priest, generally the bride's pastor, and two witnesses, after
which an entry is made in a special register. It is read aloud, and
signed by the priest, the witnesses, the bride and bridegroom, and all
those present who wish to do so. The same entry with the same
signatures is made in a second register which the parish priest returns
to the city or country record office at the end of each year. The
Church is strongly opposed to all mixed marriages, viz. of Catholics
with Protestants or schismatics. In cases where consent is given 
<i>ad duritiam cordis</i> to such unions, promise must be given not to
go before a clergyman, Protestant or otherwise, and to rear the
children in the Catholic Faith after having baptized.</p>
<h4 id="c-p758.2">Exemption for Priests</h4>
<p id="c-p759" shownumber="no">As military duty is voluntary in the Dominion, a priest is not
compelled to serve. He is also exempt from jury duty both in criminal
and civil cases. He cannot belong to the municipal council in his own
parish or any other. But there is no law to prevent his becoming a
member of Parliament or taking an active part in the agricultural
development of his country. In point of fact it is the colonizing
priests who give much needed help in directing the work of colonization
and in applying progressive methods to the cultivation of the land.</p>
<h4 id="c-p759.1">Primary Education</h4>
<p id="c-p760" shownumber="no">Education in Canada is a provincial and not a federal matter. Each
province has its own system. Ontario and British Columbia have a
minister and a general superintendent of education. In the Province of
Quebec, education is under the control of the superintendent of public
instruction, assisted by a council of 35 member divided into two
committees, one in charge of Catholic, the other of Protestant schools.
In Manitoba, New Brunswick, Alberta, and Saskatchewan, the schools are
left in control of the executive, who names a superintendent and other
competent persons to take charge; in Nova Scotia educational matters
are under the executive and a superintendent, in Prince Edward Island
under a committee and superintendent.</p>


<p id="c-p761" shownumber="no">Public schools are divided, on a religious basis, in Quebec and part
of Ontario. In those two provinces there are separate schools for
Catholics and for Protestants, and it is left to the parents to decide
which schools their children shall attend. In the other provinces the
educational laws do not recognize any such distinctions. In fact,
Catholics, who are in the minority in other provinces, strive, as far
as their means and the tolerance of the civil authorities will permit,
to maintain separate schools, which more aptly, perhaps should be named
minority schools. 
</p>
<p id="c-p762" shownumber="no">Atlas of Canada, published by the Department of the Interior
(Ottawa, 1906); Le Canada, son histoire, ses productions et ses
ressources naturelles, published by the Minister of Agriculture of
Canada (Ottawa, 1906); Annual Report of the Department of the Interior
(1907); PAGNUELO, La liberté religieuse en Canada (Montreal,
1872); MIGNAULT, Droit civil canadien (Montreal, 1895-98); IDEM, Droit
civil canadien (Quebec); Report of the department of Trade and Commerce
(Ottawa, 1907).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p763" shownumber="no">A. FOURNET</p>
</def>


<term id="c-p763.1" title="Catholicity in Canada" type="Encyclopedia">Catholicity in Canada</term>
<def id="c-p763.2">
<h1 id="c-p763.3">Catholicity in Canada</h1>
<p id="c-p764" shownumber="no">The subject will be treated under three headings: I. Period of
French domination, from the discovery of Canada to the Treaty of Paris,
in 1763; II. Period of British rule, from 1763 to the present day; III.
Present conditions.</p>
<h3 id="c-p764.1">I. PERIOD OF FRENCH DOMINATION</h3>
<p id="c-p765" shownumber="no">To France belongs the honour of having planted Catholicism in
Canada. To-day there seems little doubt that Basque, Breton and Norman
sailors had raised the cross on the shores of this country before the
landing of the Venetian, Cabot (1497), and the Florentine, Verrazzano
(1522), and above all before Jacques Cartier, of Saint-Malo, who is
regarded as the discoverer of the country, had reached Canada and made
a brief sojourn on its shores. This celebrated explorer, spurred on by
the favour of Francis I, made three voyages to Canada. On the first he
discovered GaspÈ Peninsula, and had Mass celebrated there (7 July,
1534); on the second he sailed up the St. Lawrence, which he named (10
August, 1535), reached Stadacona (Quebec), and even proceeded as far as
Hochelaga, on the site of which now stand the flourishing city of
Montreal. His last voyage (1541-42) is unimportant. If Cartier did not
succeed in founding a colony in the territory which he added to his
country's possessions, it is due to him to state that the thought of
spreading the Catholic Faith in new lands, far from being foreign to
his undertaking, was its principal incentive.</p>
<p id="c-p766" shownumber="no">The second half of the sixteenth century witnessed some attempts at
settlements in Acadia which resulted in the foundation of Sainte-Croix
and Port Royal (Annapolis in Nova Scotia). The appearance in this
country of the first missionaries, secular priests and Jesuits, is
worthy of note, though internal divisions and the hostility of England
prevented their success. We must come down to Champlain and the opening
of the seventeenth century to find traces of a regular colony. Samuel
de Champlain (q.v.), after seveal voyages to Canada, settled there in
1608, and that same year laid the foundations of Quebec. Being a
fervent Catholic he wished to spread the blessings of the Faith among
the pagan savages of the country. With this object in view, he sought
aid from the Franciscan Recollects, who arrived in 1615, and
inaugurated in the interior of Canada the missions so famous in the
seventeenth century, in which the Jesuits (1625) as well as the
Sulpicians (1657) were soon to have so glorious a share. The Canadian
Indians, to whose conversion the Catholic missionaries devoted
themselves, were divided into two quite distinct stocks: The Algonquins
and the Huron-Iroquois. The former were found under various names north
of the St. Lawrence and in the basin of Ottawa, from the mouth of the
great river to the prairies of the North-West; the latter were settled
south of Lake Ontario and in the Niagara peninsula. Their total
population does not seem to have exceeded 100,000 (See ALGONQUINS).</p>
<p id="c-p767" shownumber="no">On the arrival of the Recollects (1615), Father d'Olbeau began his
labours among the Montagnais of the River Saguenay, and Father Le
Caron, ascending the St. Lawrence and the Ottawa, carried the Faith
into the heart of the Huron country, while two of their companions
remained at Quebec to look after the colonists and the neighbouring
Indians. For ten years they made repeated journeys, opened schools for
the young Indians, summoned recruits from France, among their Friar
Viel, who was hurled into the Ottawa by an apostate Indian and drowned,
and Friar Sagard, the first to publish a history of Canada. Feeling
themselves unable to carry on unaided a work of such importance, the
Recollecgts sought the assistance of the Jesuits, whereupon Fathers
BrÈbeuf, Charles Lallemant, and several others went to Canada
(1625). But the united efforts of the missionaries were thwarted in a
measure by the Merchant Company to which the King of France had
conceded the colony. As the spirit of gain prevented the Company from
helping the missionaries, and co-operating with them for the welfare of
the country, it was suppressed by Louis XIII and Richelieu (1627), and
replaced by the "Company of New France", also known as the "Company of
the Hundred Associates", which pledged itself "to bring the peoples
inhabiting Canada to a knowledge of God and to instruct them in the
Catholic, Apostolic, Roman Religion". These promises bore no fruit. In
less than two years (1629) Quebec fell into the hands of David Kertk
(Kirk) a native of Dieppe, who was battling for English interests.
Acadia, with the exception of Fort Saint-Louis, had surrendered the
preceding year. All the missionaries returned to France.</p>
<p id="c-p768" shownumber="no">Canada belonged to England until 1632, when the Treaty of
Saint-Germain-en-Laye restored it to France. Thereupon Cardinal
Richelieu gave to the Jesuits the privilege of resuming their missions,
and several of them set sail for Canada. Champlain, the governor, and
Lauson, president of the 'Company of the Hundred Associates" 
(<i>Les Cent AssociÈs</i>) lent them all possible aid. Father
Lejeune organized religious services in Quebec, founded a mission at
Three Rivers, and opened the College of Quebec (1635). In the meanwhile
other Jesuits had established a mission at Miscou, an island at the
entrance of the Baie des Chaleurs, whence they evangelized GaspÈ,
Acadia, and Cape Breton. For more than thirty years (1633-64) the chief
results of their sacrifices were the baptism of children in danger of
death and the conversion of some adults. In 1664 the Recollects once
more took charge of Acadia and of GaspÈ. In the meantime Champlain
had died (25 Dec., 1635) in the arms of Father Lallemant, rejoicing at
the spread of the Faith. The ardour of the missionaries did not cool.
Father Lejeune followed the wandering tribe of the Montagnais and
returned with a definite plan of evangelization. It was profitable and
even necessary, he argued, to establish missions among fixed and
settled tribes like the Hurons, but this was ueseless among nomadic
tribes. These wandering Indians must be induced to group themselves in
villages near the French settlements, where they could be protected
from hostile invasion and be taught to lead an industrious and settled
life. Two settlements were made on this plan: one at Three Rivers and
one near Quebec. In 1640, a new mission was opened at Tadousac, and it
soon became a centre of Catholic evangelization.</p>
<p id="c-p769" shownumber="no">About this time nursing sisters and the first Ursulines arrived in
Quebec from France. The former took charge of the Hôtel-Dieu,
which had been endowed by the Duchesse d'Aiguillon, a niece of
Richelieu; the latter, under the celebrated Marie de l'Incarnation,
devoted themselves to the education of girls. Their protectress, Madame
de la Peltrie, followed them. These heroic women vied with one another
in their zeal for the conversion of the savages. Meanwhile, the
"Company of Associates" paid no more regard to its obligations than had
its predecessors. It attracted few colonists, did nothing towards the
civilization of the Indians, and showed no interest in the spread of
the Faith. On the other hand the Iroquois were daily becoming more
menacing. In 1641 Governor de Montmagny had to conduct a campaign
against them. At the juncture the "Company of Montreal" was formed,
which proposed, without laying any burden on the king, the clergy, or
the people "to promote the glory of God and the establishment of
religion in New France". This inspiration of two men of God,
Jean-Jacques Olier and JÈrôme de la Dauversière,
encouraged by Pope Urban VIII, found in Paul de Chomedey de Maisonneuve
a faithful instrument of its purpose. The new association purchased
from M. de Lauson of the old company the island of Montreal (1640).
Less than two years later Maisonneuve, at the head of a little band of
chosen Christians, among them Jeanne Mance, future foundress of the
Hôtel-Dieu, landed on the island and laid the foundations of
Ville-Marie, or Montreal (18 May, 1642). We shall not recall the
energy, vigilance, and resourcefulness required of Maisonneuve to
strengthen and develop the infant colony, nor recount the heroic
struggles made for thirty years by the colonists against the Iroquois.
In 1653 there arrived at Montreal Marguerite Bourgeoys, foundress of
the Congregation of Notre Dame, which has been so great an educational
factor in Canada and the United States. Four years later M. Olier, then
on his death-bed, sent the first four Sulpicians, with M. de Queylus at
their head, to Montreal, whither he himself had ardently desired to
go.</p>
<p id="c-p770" shownumber="no">Meanwhile the Jesuits were actively prosecuting their labours among
the Indians. For them the era of martyrdoms had arrived. The years
1648-49 saw the destruction of the flourishing mission of the Hurons,
at which eighteen Jesuits had toiled for nearly ten years. In the
course of their apostolic journeys they traversed the region lying
between Georgian bay and Lake Simcoe, scarcely every meeting in their
residence of Sainte-Marie, save for their annual retreat. They had won
many Christians to the Faith before the incursion of the Iroquois, a
massacre of extermination to which Fathers Daniel, BrÈbeuf, G.
Lallemant, Garnier, and Chabanel fell victims. Fathers BrÈbeuf and
Lallemant succumbed before the atrocious tortures practised upon them,
mingled with buffoon gibes at their religion. They were burned at a
slow fire, lacerated, and mutilated with a devilish ingenuity which
aimed to prolong life and drag out their sufferings. Their firmness in
supporting all these horrors in order to strengthen the faith of the
Hurons doomed to death like themselves has earned for them from the
people the title of martyrs. The Hurons who escaped from the fury of
the Iroquois took refuge, some in Manitoulin Island, others in Ile
Saint-Joseph (Christian Island) in Georgian Bay. In the spring of 1650
this remannt came down to the Ile d'OrlÈans, near Quebec. Three
years prior to the massacre of the Hurons, the Iroquois had murdered
Father Isaac Jogues (18 Oct., 1646), who had attempted a third
missionary journey to one of their tribes, the Agniers. It should be
said that Father Bressani had escaped from these barbarians only with
the greatest difficulty, and that Father Buteux perished in one of
their ambushes (1652). These and other acts of violence had made the
Iroquois a terror to the French colony. Montreal owed its safety solely
to the heroic courage of Maisonneuve and Lambert Closse, and to the
heroism of young Dollard.</p>
<p id="c-p771" shownumber="no">The year 1659 marks the beginning of the ecclesiastical hierarchy in
Canada. Up to that time the missionaries regarded themselves first as
directly dependent on the Holy See, and afterwards for some time as
under the authority of the Archbishop of Rouen. Rightly or wrongly, the
latter looked upon Canada as subject to his jurisdiction in matters
spiritual, and acted accordingly. Neither the French Government nor the
sovereign pontiff opposed this as an illegitimate pretension. When M.
de Queylus was sent to Montreal by M. Olier, he received from the
Archbishop of Rouen (1657) the title of vicar-general, nor did anyhone
in Canada think of questioning his authority. The arrival (1659) of
François de Montmorency-Laval, appointed by Alexander VII titular
Bishop of Petræa and Vicar Apostolic of New France, caused a
conflict of jurisdiction between the new and the old authority,
resulting in the suspension of M. de Queylus for disobedience and
obstinacy, and in his consequent return to France. When he came back
five years later Bishop Laval received him with open arms, and
conferred upon him the title of vicar-general (cf. Aug. Gosselin,
"VÈnÈrable François de Laval-Montmorency", Quebec, 1901,
286-87). The new bishop encountered many difficulties. They arose in
the first place from the sale of intoxicating liquors, a traffic which
the governors, d'Argenson, d'Avaugour, and MÈsy abetted, or at
least did not prohibit, and which was a perpetual source of conflict
between the civil and the ecclesiastical authorities. The Church braved
the disfavour of those in power rather than surrender the interests of
souls and of Christian morality. Bishop Laval had other dissensions
with M. de MÈsy on occasions when the episcopal rights of the
former clashed with the despotic administration of the governor. The
governor had recourse to violent measures. He forced Maisonneuve to
return to France, where he died at Paris, poor and unknown (1677).</p>
<p id="c-p772" shownumber="no">MÈsy, who ws reconciled with Bishop Laval before his death, was
succeeded by Courcelles. He had come to Canada in the company of Tracy,
who bore the title of Viceroy, and the Intendant, Talon. They came to a
satisfactory understanding with the bishop, carried on two campaigns
against the Iroquois (1665-66), whom they reduced to an inaction of
twenty years, and promoted in many ways the colon's interest, above all
by attracting to it new settlers. In 1668 Bishop Laval had begun a
preparatory seminary 
(<i>petit sÈminaire</i>). Ten years later he opened a seminary 
(<i>grand sÈminaire</i>) for the training of his clergy. The
increase in population necessitate a more numerous clergy as well as a
better arrangement of parishes. In 1672 outside of Quebec the parishes
numbered twenty-five, each with a resident priest. To provide for the
support of the clergy the bishop imposed a tax on the faithful, which
by an act of 1663 was fixed at a thirteenth part of the crops; later
this was reduced to one twenty-sixth, the king agreeing to make up the
rest. The parish priests then formed with the seminary of Quebec a sort
of corporation, the respective rights and duties of whose members were
legally established. The progress of the missions had not ceased
between 1660 and 1680. The Jesuit, Father Allouez, penetrate to Lake
Superior, and there founded two missions (1665). Fathers Dablon and
Marquette planted the cross at Sault Sainte Marie. Other Jesuits
allying themselves with the discoverers Saint-Lusson and Cavelier de la
Salle, took possession of the western shores of Lake Huron; two years
afterwards Father d'Albanel pierced the wilderness as far as Hudson
Bay. The Jesuits also restored the Iroquois missions south of Lake
Ontario, and founded, south of Montreal, the permanent mission of "La
Praierie de la Madeleine". This was the home of Catherine Tegakwitha,
the "Lily of Canada", who died at the age of twenty-three in the odour
of sanctity. The Third Council of Baltimore asked to have the cause of
her beatification introduced. The Christian community, transferred to
Sault Saint Louis (Caughnawaga), is still flourishing, and numbers more
than 2000 souls. After many changes it was once more placed under the
care of the Jesuits (1902). We may note here that it was from Canada
that L. Jolliet and the famous Father Marquette set forth for the
discovery of the Mississippi (1673). The missions of the Sulpicians,
who were already engaged in evangelizing the savages, will be treated
in the articles SULPICIANS and MONTREAL. The Recollects (Franciscans)
had returned to Canada in 1670, and from their establishment at Quebec,
had founded four missions: Three Rivers, Ile PercÈe, River St.
John, and Fort Frontenac on Lake Ontario. In 1682 M. Dollier de Casson
invited them to Montreal. Later Bishop Saint-Valier entrusted to them
the Cape Breton mission and that of Plaisance in Newfoundland.</p>
<p id="c-p773" shownumber="no">During this development of the missions, Bishop Laval had prevailed
upon Clement X to make Quebec an episcopal see (1674); he had confirmed
the affiliation of his seminary with that of the Missions
Etrangères in Paris, had erected a chapter of canons, organized
his diocese, and maintained a struggle against Governor Frontenac for
the rights of the Church and the prohibition of the sale of liquors to
the savages. In 1684 he placed his resignation in the hands of Louis
XIV. On his return to Quebec in 1688, he lived twenty years in
retirement and died (1708) in odour of sanctity. In 1878 his body was
removed from the cathedral to the chapel of the seminary where he
wished to lie, and a process for his canonization was begun and
submitted for the approbation of Leo XIII. Bishop Laval was succeeded
by Bishop Saint-Vallier, to whom Quebec owes the foundation of its
General Hospital, a work of no little labour and expense. He freed the
seminary from the parochial functions imposed upon it by his
predecessor, so that it might be thenceforth devoted solely to the
education of the clergy. Meanwhile the English admiral Phipps, had
attacked Quebec (1690) with thirty-two ships. While Frontenac made
preparations for its defence the bishop in a pastoral letter exhorted
the Canadians to do their duty valiantly. After fruitless attacks the
enemy withdrew, whereupon the bishop, in fulfilment of a vow, dedicated
to Our Lady of Victory the church in the lower town. It is still
standing. The era of the great missions had come to an end, yet de la
Mothe-Cadillac with a hundred Canadians and a missionary founded, in
1701, the city of Detroit. The Seminary of Quebec sent apostles to the
Tamarois, between the Illinois and the Ohio rivers. The Recollects took
over the missions of the Ile Royale, or Cape Breton. The Jesuits on
their part evangelized the Miamis, the Sioux, the Outaouais (Ottawas),
and the Illinois.</p>
<p id="c-p774" shownumber="no">In the meantime England continued to cast envious eyes on the
Catholic colony of Canada, which France, with her lack of foresight,
was neglecting more and more. After the close of the seventeenth
century there was scarcely any emigration from the mother country to
New France, and Canada was forced to rely on her own resources for her
preservation and growth. Her population, which in 1713 was 18,000, had
increased to 42,000 by 1739, the year of the last census taken under
French administration. This was a small number at best to stand out
against the colonists of New England, who numbered 262,000 in 1706.
Acadia was especially weak, having only 2000 inhabitants, and against
her the efforts of England and her American colonies were first
directed. Port royal was taken in 1710, and three years later, by the
Treaty of Utrecht (1713), France ceded to England Acadia, Newfoundland,
and the Hudson Bay territory. As early as 1604 Catholic missionaries
had gone to Acadia and converted to the Faith its native Indians, the
Micmac and the Abnaki. The English conquest did not interrupt their
missionar5y activity, but it often rendered their labours more
difficult. Fortified by them, the Acadians increased in number, despite
English persecution, and about 1750 their number had risen to 15,000.
The company of Saint-Sulpice and the Seminary of Quebec supplied them
with their principal missionaries. The incredible vexations to which
the unhappy Acadians were subjected by unworthy English governors will
not be recounted here. History has branded their memory with infamy,
especially that of Lawrence, who with calculating violence embarked
(1755) the Acadians on English vessels and scattered them throughout
the American colonies. This act of barbarism, which has caused his name
to be execrated by all men, furnished Longfellow with the inspiration
for his touching poem, "Evangeline". Canada in the meantime enjoyed
comparative peace. There was a presentiment, however, that England
would soon make a final effort to conquer the country. Instead of
sending colonists and troops the French Government persisted in
constructing at great expense fortifications at Louisburg and at
Quebec.</p>
<p id="c-p775" shownumber="no">After making rich donations to the religious establishments of
Quebec (estimated at 600,000 livres, about $120,000), Bishop
Saint-Vallier died in 1727. His successor was Bishop Duplessis-Mornay,
whom infirmities prevented from coming to Canada. Bishop Dosquet, his
coadjutor and administrator from 1729, succeeded him in 1733, and
laboured earnestly for education and for the increase of religious
communities. The education of girls was in the hands of the Ursulines,
who had one boarding -school at Quebec and another at Three Rivers, and
of the Sisters of the Congregation of Notre Dame, of Montreal, who had
fourteen houses. Primary instruction for boys was conducted by male
teachers. Prematurely exhausted by the rigour of the climate, Bishop
Dosquet resigned his office and left Canada. His successor, Bishop
Lauberivière, died on his arrival at Quebec, a victim of his
devotion to the sick soldiers on the voyage from France. With Bishop
Pontbriand (1741-1760) we reach the end of the French rule. He restored
the cathedral of Quebec then falling into decay, went to the assistance
of the Ursulines of Three Rivers and the Hôtel-Dieu of Quebec on
the occasion of disastrous fires, administered his diocese wisely, and
was a model for his clergy in wisdom and virtue.</p>
<p id="c-p776" shownumber="no">At Montreal the Sulpicians still pursued their beneficent work. To
their superior, M. de Belmont (1701-32) must be ascribed the
construction of the Fort of the Mountain and of the old seminary which
is still in existence, and the opening of the Lachine canal. M. Normant
du Faradon, his successor (1732-59), saved the General Hospital from
ruin, and entrusted it to the "Grey Nuns", whose founder he may be
called, together with the Venerable Mère d'Youville. The AbbÈ
François Piquet, honoured by the city of Ogdensburg as its founder
(1749), was also a Sulpician. The well-known events which hastened the
fall of the colony are a part of general history. After the capture of
Quebec by Wolfe (1759), Bishop Pontbriand took refuge with the
Sulpicians at Montreal, where he died before that city fell into the
hands of the English. On 10 February, 1763, the Treaty of Paris was
signed, ceding Canada to England, closing for the Church in Canada the
period of establishment and settlement, and opening the period of
conflict and development.</p>
<h3 id="c-p776.1">II. PERIOD OF BRITISH RULE (1763—)</h3>
<p id="c-p777" shownumber="no">At the time of the Treaty of Paris (see QUEBEC) the Catholic
population of Canada, all of french descent, scarcely numbered 70,000.
Abandoned by their civil rulers and representatives, who had returned
to France, they owed to their clergy the preservation of their Faith
and in great measure the recovery of their political and civil rights.
While the clauses of the Treaty of Paris were still under discussion a
memorial had been laid before the French ambassador in London
concerning the religious affairs of Canada. This demanded, among other
things, security for the See and Chapter of Quebec. The intentions of
the British Government were quite different. It proposed to substitute
the Anglican hierarchy for the Catholic, and English Protestantism for
Catholicism, and it flattered itself that it could easily overcome the
scruples of a handful of French colonists. With this end in view it
spared priests and laity no vexation. The government policy was
especially active against the young, who were to be educated in schools
of a marked Anglican tone. The Canadians, who had good cause for
anxiety, sent a deputation to King George III, to demand the
maintenance of their ecclesiastical organization and to complain of
violations of the Treaty of Paris, which assured them religious
liberty.</p>
<p id="c-p778" shownumber="no">In the meantime the Chapter of Quebec proceeded to elect M. de
Montgolfier, superior of the Sulpicians of Montreal, bishop. The
English authorities refused consent to his consecration. Oliver Briand,
vicar general to Bishop Pontbriand, was then consecrated with only the
tacit consent of the Government, which always refused him the title of
Bishop, which it reserved for the head of the Anglican hierarchy;
instead of bishop they used the term Superintendent (Surintendant) of
Catholic Worship. The communities of men, Recollects, Jesuits, and
Sulpicians, were forbidden to take novices in Canada, or to receive
members from abroad. They were marked out for extinction, and the State
declared itself heir to their property. The English confiscated the
goods of the Recollects and Jesuits in 1774, and granted the religious
modest pensions. The Sulpicians fared better. In 1793, of the thirty
Sulpicians living in 1759 there remained only two septuagenarians,
whose last moments were being eagerly looked for, when the British
Government relaxed its rigour in favour of the victims of the French
Revolution, and opened Canada as a place of refuge for persecuted
French priests.</p>
<p id="c-p779" shownumber="no">While Catholic interests on the banks of the St. Lawrence were thus
menaced by the new English masters there was brewing an event, big with
consequences, that counselled more moderation. The British American
colonies were threatening revolt. England realized that she must
conciliate the Canadians at any cost, and by the Quebec Act of 1774 she
granted them many liberties hitherto withheld or suppressed. (See
QUEBEC). This was due chiefly to Governor Guy Carleton (1769-96), who
was wise, judicious, and tolerant, very sympathetic toward Catholicism,
and loved by Bishop Briand and his flock. The Americans were unable to
induce the French Canadians to take part in the American Revolution,
and Montgomery's invasion (1775) was checked at Quebec. Led by Bishop
Briand, the champions of loyalty were the Catholic priests, whom Great
Britain had hitherto regarded with suspicion. Bishop Briand resigned in
1784. By this time Catholics numbered 130,000. The Maritime Provinces
-- New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and even the Ile Saint-Jean (Prince
Edward Island) -- were being peopled by Scotch and Irish Catholics (see
BURKE, EDMUND). Bishop d'Esglis succeeded Bishop Briand, who, to
forestall a vacancy hastened to secure a successor in the person of
François Hubert (1788). The diocese now contained 160 priests,
among them the AbbÈs Desjardins, Sigogne, Calonne, and Picquart,
who gathered again the scattered remnants of the Acadians, a race
supposed to be practically extinct. There is an interesting memorial of
Bishop Hubert to the Holy See (1794), in which he notes the fidelity of
the Catholics to their religion, and dwells upon the necessity of
creating new sees. The opposition of the British Government continued
inexorable, so that it was necessary to wait for more propitious
circumstances. This opposition was all the more unjustifiable, becoming
evident, as it did, shortly after the constitutional Act of 1791. This
was the famous act which granted Canada a constitutional government,
and divided the country into two provinces, Upper and Lower Canada,
each having a governor, an assembly, and a legislative council.
Concerning the french Catholic inhabitants of Lower Canada the Act
read: "All possible care must be taken to ensure them the enjoyment of
the civil and religious rights guaranteed them by the terms of the
capitulation of the province, or since accorded them by the liberal and
enlightened spirit of the British Government" (Christie, op.cit.infra,
16; Pagnuelo, 69).</p>
<p id="c-p780" shownumber="no">During the episcopate of Bishop Denaut (1797-1806) and Bishop Octave
Plessis (1806-1825) the antagonism of Anglican Protestantism manifested
itself in two very different forms. Under the name of "Royal
Institution" Dr. Mountain, the Anglican Bishop of Quebec, devised a
corporation which was to monopolize instruction in all its stages by
concentrating all educational authority in the hands of the governor.
In this way the entire educational system was to be withdrawn from the
Catholic clergy and fall under Protestant control; the natural result
would be the easy seduction of childhood and youth. The vigilance of
the clergy and of Bishop Denaut balked these astute machinations
(Pagnuelo, "Etudes historiques et lÈgales sur la libertÈ
religieuse en Canada", Montreal, 1872). The difficulties which beset
Bishop Plessis were a different kind. He had to deal with a powerful
and fanatical oligarchy determined to reduce the Church to a condition
of servitude to the civil power, to make it, as in England, a docile
instrument of the Government, in a word, to insensibly render Canada
Protestant by administrative pressure. The chief spirit of this
coalition was a certain Witzius Ryland, secretary to the governors of
Canada from 1790 to 1812. His policy was the confiscation of all
ecclesiastical property and the exclusion of Catholicism from its
dominant position. It was to be treated as a dissenting sect, tolerated
by the condescension of the authorities. Chief Justice Monk,
Attorney-General Sewell, and the Anglican Bishop Mountain shared the
same ideas, and they had no difficulty in converting to their opinions
the governor, James Craig, whose administration has been called a
"reign of terror". Bishop Plessis was given to understand that he must
recognize the royal authority in religious matters, renounce his
jurisdiction in parochial maters, and subordinate his administration to
state supremacy. The bishop was quite able to hold his own against his
opponents. Firm yet gentle, he knew how to maintain his independence,
abdicate no right, and renounce no just claim, yet he never wounded
English feeling. In the end he was successful. It must be admitted
indeed that Providence sent him unexpected support. The War of 1812 had
just broken out between Great Britain and the United states. Bishop
Plessis took the same stand as Bishop Briand thirty years before. He
did all in his power to maintain the loyalty of Catholics and to
promote the defence of Canada. When the American invasion had been
repelled, the governor, Sir George PrÈvost, felt that a renewal of
the early conflict would be a poor return on the part of the
Government. He conceded to the Bishop and his successors the official
recognition of the title of Catholic Bishop of Quebec (1813), and
granted them a yearly stipend of $5000. For some years (1814-20) the
Catholic Church enjoyed a certain degree of favour. During this time
the Vicariate Apostolic of Nova Scotia was erected (1817), and the
Bishop of Quebec given the title of Archbishop, with auxiliary bishops
(1819). Upper Canada was placed under Bishop Alexander MacDonnell
(q.v.) and Prince Edward Island and New Brunswick under Bishop
McEachern (q.v.) Bishops were later placed over the North-West and the
district of Montreal (1820).</p>
<p id="c-p781" shownumber="no">The favour granted to the Catholic Church could not fail to arouse
some dissatisfaction. A group of fanatics resolved to abrogate the
Constitution of 1791, which had separated Upper from lower Canada, and
to bring about the union of the two provinces, the one Catholic, the
other Protestant, on the most unjust terms, with a view to destroying
the influence of the Catholic and French population. The plot found a
powerful agent in England in a certain Ellice, who succeeded in having
a bill to this effect brought before the House of Commons (1822). It
could have passed almost unnoticed had not one Parker, an enemy of
Ellice, put the ministry on its guard. The news of this attempt caused
great excitement in Lower Canada. Bishop Plessis and the clergy drew up
protests, which were quickly endorsed with 60,000 signatures, and were
taken to London by Papineau and Neilson, legislative councillors. Their
mission was successful, and the bill was withdrawn.</p>
<p id="c-p782" shownumber="no">Meanwhile the Canadian population continued to increase. In 1832 the
French Canadians alone numbered 380,000. Primary schools multiplied
everywhere, promoted by the Educational Society 
(<i>SociÈtÈ d'Èducation</i>) of Quebec and by the law of
the parish schools 
(<i>Ecoles de fabrique</i>). Colleges for secondary instruction were
founded wherever needed, and several episcopal sees were erected:
Kingston (1826), Charlottetown (1829), and Montreal (1836). In all
these movements Bishop Panet (1825-32), successor to Bishop Plessis,
took a leading part. He died the year of the cholera, which carried off
4000 in five weeks, and was succeeded by Bishop Signay, whose
episcopate was marked by several calamities: a second scourge of the
cholera (1834); civil war (1837-38); disastrous fires which reduced
Quebec to a mass of ruins (1845); and the typhus fever brought by the
Irish immigrants, driven from their country by the terrible famine and
evictions of 1847.</p>
<p id="c-p783" shownumber="no">This period is marked by the solution of a question which had been
agitated since the conquest: the recognition by the British Crown of
the property of the Sulpicians, which being of considerable value,
aroused great cupidity. The bigoted counsellors who surrounded Sir
James Craig at the beginning of the nineteenth century urged its
confiscation. Sewell made reports and suggested plans; Ryland made
vigorous use of his pen and was most active in promoting the cause; he
went to London for the same purpose. The British Government did not
reply. In his memoir of 1819 M. roux, superior of Saint-Sulpice at
Montreal, answered every adverse claim, and Bishop Plessis pleaded the
same cause with great force before Lord Bathurst (1821). The attacks
were renewed in 1829, and the seminary was on the point of giving up
its rights in exchange for an annual income. Rome, when appealed to,
refused to ratify any such transaction, and the matter dragged on.
Finally Queen victoria, by an ordinance of the Privy Council, declared
the Seminary of Saint-Sulpice the lawful owner of its holdings, an act
of justice which permitted the Sulpicians to continue their beneficent
work. Montreal owed to them its prosperity, the settlement of the
surrounding districts, its flourishing college and great church of
Notre-Dame, the work of M. Roux (1825-30). It owed to them also its
schools. A short time previous M. Quiblier, successor of M. Roux, had
brought to Canada the Brothers of the Christian Schools. The Grand
SÈminaire, now so prosperous, was soon to open (1840).</p>
<p id="c-p784" shownumber="no">In 1840 the union of Upper and Lower Canada, so long fought off by
the latter as an act of gross injustice, was accomplished. The avowed
aim of the Protestants of Ontario was to make Quebec subject to
Ontario, the French element to the English, the Catholic to the
Protestant. Contrary to all expectation, this act turned out favourable
to the liberty and progress of Catholicism. Far from abrogating the
provisions of the constitution of 1791 concerning the Catholic
religion, it extended them, at the same time providing for their
enforcement. For in 1840, after the guarantees of liberty given the
Catholic Church by the British Government, the spiritual supremacy of
the king in religious affairs could not be maintained as defined in the
Royal Instructions of 1791. Let us add that Lord Elgin, a broad-minded
governor, appeared on the scene, and recognized that it was time to put
an end to a system of government based on partiality and the denial of
justice.</p>
<p id="c-p785" shownumber="no">To this governor Canada is indebted for her religious liberty,
plainly granted in an act of 1851 issued by the King of Great Britain
and published in the Canadian press, 1 June 1852. Here it is formally
stated that the "free exercise and enjoyment of profession and
religious worship, without distinction or preference, are permitted by
the constitution and laws of this province of Canada to all the
subjects of His Majesty in the said province."</p>
<p id="c-p786" shownumber="no">The fifteen years that followed the Act of Union were therefore very
productive for Canadian Catholicism. Archbishop Signay of Quebec, his
successor, Archbishop Turgeon (1850), and in an especial manner Bishop
Ignace Bourget, the successor Bishop Lartigue in the See of Montreal,
gave a great impetus to the religious life of Canada. During their
episcopates five religious communities of men and sixteen of women
either arose on Canadian soil or came thither from France. The
following may be mentioned: Oblate Fathers of Mary Immaculate, who were
to repeat among the savages of the "Far West" the missionary successes
of the Society of Jesus during the seventeenth century; The Jesuit
Fathers (1842), whom Canada had been calling in vain for over fifty
years; the Clerics of St. Viator, and the Fathers of the Holy Cross. In
this period were founded at Montreal: the Sisters of Providence (1843),
the Sisters of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary (1843), the sisters of
Mercy (1848), the sisters of St. Anne (1850); at Quebec, the Servants
of the Immaculate Heart of Mary (1850). The number of sees was
increased by the foundation of Toronto (1841), Halifax (1842), raised
to an archdiocese in 1852, St. John, New Brunswick (1842), Arichat,
Nova Scotia (1844), transferred to Antigonish in 1886, Bytown or Ottawa
(1847), St. John's, Newfoundland (1847). The First Council of Quebec,
since 1844 a Metropolitan See, with Montreal, Kingston, and Toronto for
suffragans, was held in 1851. The Sees of Three Rivers and St.
Hyacinthe wee erected in 1851. This decade was also marked by: (1) the
celebrated "missions" of Monsignor de Forbin-Janson, former Bishop of
Nancy, and the institution of parochial retreats; (2) the adoption of a
school system that assured separate primary and normal schools for
Catholics and Protestants (1841); (3) a genuine crusade for the
promotion of temperance (1843) and the founding of societies for the
suppression of alcoholism; (4) the establishment of the Society for the
Propagation of the Faith and the Work of the Holy Childhood; (5)
colonization societies to provide for the surplus of the Canadian
population (1848). 
</p>
<p id="c-p787" shownumber="no">The Catholic population now needed more primary schools; the need
was met chiefly by Meilleur, the superintendent of education. On
assuming office he found a school attendance of only 3000, which, when
he retired in 1855, thirteen years later, had increased to 127,000. New
centres of secondary education has been opened: the college of Joliette
(1846), Saint-Laurent (1847), Rigaud (1850), Sainte-Marie de Monnoir
(1853), and LÈvis (1853). The following year (1854) the
inauguration of a Catholic university, the Laval University at Quebec,
crowned all the generous efforts already made for the cause of
education. This was also due to the Canadian clergy. The First council
of Quebec had manifested the need and desire for such an institution;
less than ten years later all the difficulties had been surmounted, and
the Seminary of Quebec, which had undertaken this difficult task, could
exhibit fresh proof of its devotion to Church and country. Laval
University had already proved its worth and accomplished much good when
it was canonically established by a Bull of Pius IX (1876).</p>
<p id="c-p788" shownumber="no">While the Church was thus progressing in Eastern Canada, in the West
it was only beginning its work. About 1818 a priest of the Diocese of
Quebec, the AbbÈ Provencher, founded on the banks of the Red River
the first Western Canadian missions beyond the pale of civilization.
Two years later he was consecrated bishop, and for the remaining years
of his life Bishop Provencher multiplied his labours, called to his aid
assistants, and sent missionaries as far as British Columbia. In 1844
he was made Vicar apostolic of the North-West, and in 1847 Bishop of
St. Boniface. The same year another missionary from Quebec, Modeste
Demers, was named Bishop of Vancouver. To establish his missions
securely Bishop Provencher invited to his diocese the Oblate Fathers,
recently established at Montreal. They accepted the invitation, and in
1853 one of their number, Bishop TachÈ, succeeded the first Bishop
of St. Boniface. In 1862 the Vicariate Apostolic of Athabaska was
erected, with Bishop Faraud (1828-90) as titular. The ecclesiastical
province of St. Boniface (Manitoba) was created in 1871. Bishop
TachÈ was raised to the rank of archbishop by Pius IX, and his
coadjutor, Monseigneur Grandin (1829-1902), was named Bishop of the
newly-erected see of St. Albert. To the See of St. Albert and the
Vicariate Apostolic of Athabaska were added in 1890 the Vicariate
Apostolic of Saskatchewan, raised in 1908, to the rank of a bishopric,
with the title of Prince Albert, and the See of New Westminster
(British Columbia), and in 1901 the Vicariate Apostolic of Mackenzie
and the Yukon. The last department, by a Brief of Leo XIII (1903), was
detached from St. Boniface and attached to Victoria (Vancouver), which
was raised to archiepiscopal rank, and has been known since 1904 as the
archdiocese of Victoria.</p>
<p id="c-p789" shownumber="no">While the ecclesiastical hierarchy was forming in the West the
Church was pursuing her beneficent work in Eastern Canada. At the
Second Council of Quebec (1854) the bishops promulgated disciplinary
regulations concerning primary schools, secret societies, temperance,
educational institutions, politics, erroneous Bibles, immoral books,
and parochial libraries. The definition of the dogma of the Immaculate
Conception (8 Dec., 1854) brought joy to the hearts of pastors and
faithful. During the ensuing years the Catholics of Canada watched
sadly the march of ideas and event sin Europe, and bishops drew
attention in the pastorals to errors condemned by the head of the
Church. Canadian Catholics were indignant at the invasion of the
Pontifical States by the Piedmontese, and seven corps of Zouaves were
spontaneously formed to hasten to the defence of the common father of
the faithful (1868-1870). The division of Montreal into parishes should
be mentioned as belonging to this period. Until then the Sulpicians had
been able to minister to the city. But in 1866 an Apostolic decree
authorized Bishop Bourget to divide the city into as many parishes as
he thought proper. Montreal contained 199,000 Catholics. By 1908
Montreal had more than trebled its population of 1866, and there were
over forty parishes in addition to the mother-parish of Notre Dame, of
which the Sulpicians have had charge for over two hundred and fifty
years. New sees were created: Rimouski (1867), Sherbrooke (1874),
Chicoutimi (1878), and Nicolet (1885). In 1870 Toronto was made an
archdiocese, with Kingston (1826) and Hamilton (1856) as suffragan
sees. In 1889 Kingston was erected into an archdiocese, with
Peterborough (1882) as suffragan. Alexandria (1890) and Sault Sainte
Marie (1904) were erected and added later. London (1855) was made
suffragan to Toronto. In 1886 Ottawa was made an archdiocese, and
assigned as suffragan Vicariate Apostolic of Pontiac, which since 1898
has been the See of Pembroke, and finally Leo XIII honoured Archbishop
Taschereau of Quebec with the cardinal's hat (1886).</p>
<p id="c-p790" shownumber="no">A few special points deserve a brief separate treatment.</p>
<h4 id="c-p790.1">(1) The Restoration of the Acadians</h4>
<p id="c-p791" shownumber="no">At the time of Lawrence's violent dispersion of the Acadians (1755)
1268 of them had escaped, and by 1815 formed a nucleus of 25,000 souls;
in 1864 they numbered 80,000. A Canadian priest, Father Lefebvre
gathered them together, founded for them the college of Memramcook (New
Brunswick), provided for them primary schools, organized them, and
awoke in them a consciousness of their strength. In 1880 seventy
Acadian delegates represented their compatriots at the great national
reunion. The national society of the Acadians is called "The Society of
the Assumption". By 1899 the Acadians amounted to 125,000; they had six
deputies in the local legislatures of the Maritime Provinces and two in
the Federal Parliament at Ottawa. 

If to the Acadian population of 139,006 be added the Catholic Acadians
of the GaspÈ coast and the Magdalen islands, the total will easily
reach 155,000, surely an element of Catholic strength for the
future.</p>
<h4 id="c-p791.1">(2) Schools of New Brunswick and Manitoba</h4>
<p id="c-p792" shownumber="no">Prior to the confederation of the Canadian Provinces (1867), New
Brunswick legislation rendered possible the establishment of religious
schools. This privilege was abolished in 1871 by the Provincial
Legislature. The Catholics, thus forced either to send their children
to public schools or to pay a double school tax, appealed to the
Federal parliament. Sir John MacDonald, who was all-powerful at the
time, made promises, which, however, failed to satisfy Bishops Sweeney
and Rogers, who organized for resistance and opposed the tax
collectors. This convinced the Protestants that it was advisable to
reach a satisfactory agreement. The unjust law was not repealed, but
enough concessions were made to restore peace (1874). A parallel act of
injustice was done against the rights of Manitoban Catholics in 1890.
The British North America Act, which consolidated the Dominion of
Canada, gave each province the right to exclusively make laws in
relation to education, but safeguarded all rights or privileges granted
by the law at the time of legislative union to any class of persons
enjoying denominational schools. Moreover, when Manitoba entered the
confederation (1870) the Catholic delegates, guided by Archbishop
TachÈ of St. Boniface, had taken steps to have the rights of their
coreligionists respected. Despite these precautions, separate schools
were abolished by an intolerant ministry (1890). In 1894 the bishops of
the Dominion sent a petition to the Governor-General in Council. On
appeal, the British Privy council decided that this appeal was
admissible, but referred its settlement to the Governor-General in
council. In 1896 a pastoral letter appeared, signed by Cardinal
Taschereau and the bishops of the Quebec province, protesting against
the injustice done their Manitoban coreligionists. The issue in the
general elections of 1896 was whether the wrongs of the Manitoba
Catholics should be removed by remedial legislation of the Dominion
Parliament, as the Conservatives proposed, or by conciliation and
compromise with the provincial authorities, as the Liberals suggested.
The Liberal party came into power under Sir Wilfred Laurier, and a
compromise was effected which, without repealing the law, lessened its
disastrous results. The Catholic Liberal members of the dominion
Parliament petitioned the Holy See to send an Apostolic delegate, and
Leo XII confided the delicate mission of making a full investigation to
Monsignor Merry del Val, after 1903 Cardinal Secretary of State. The
first permanent Apostolic Delegate to Canada was Monsignor Diomede
Falconio, later Apostolic Delegate at Washington, who was succeeded in
turn by Monsignor Donato Sbaretti, former Bishop of Havana. The seat of
the delegation is at Ottawa.</p>
<h4 id="c-p792.1">(3) Foundation of the University of Laval at Montreal</h4>
<p id="c-p793" shownumber="no">The ever-increasing importance of Montreal made it desirable that
the city should have a Catholic university. Bishop Bourget addressed a
petition to the Propaganda, asking for its establishment. By a decree
of 1 February, 1876, the Sacred Congregation gave permission to erect
at Montreal a branch of the University of Laval of Quebec. In 1889 Leo
XIII established the administrative autonomy of the new university by
the decree "Jam dudum". M. Colin, superior of Saint-Sulpice (1880-1902)
took the foremost part in the establishment and organization of the
Laval University at Montreal. He even induced his society to give the
site needed for the university buildings and to subscribe almost half
of the sum considered necessary for their construction.</p>
<h4 id="c-p793.1">(4) Colonization</h4>
<p id="c-p794" shownumber="no">The first colonists in Canada settled along the great rivers,
especially the St. Lawrence. There each family was wont to clear a
strip of land, quite narrow as compared with the extent of the country,
leaving intact the interior forest. About 1835 all the cleared portions
were occupied by the growing population, and the surplus for forced to
migrate to the cities or the United States to find some readier means
of subsistence. The emigration movement threatened to become general
and disturbed the Canadian patriots. The clergy organized a veritable
crusade to keep the people on their own soil. The colonizing priest is
a type found only in Canada. None is better known than the CurÈ
Labelle, who devoted his life to the work of colonization, founding by
his own efforts more than thirty parishes in the Province of Quebec.
Wherever the work of colonization has been carried on, at
Temiscamingue, on the shores of Lake St. John or of the river Saguenay,
in GaspÈ, or north of Montreal, priests and religious are found,
directing and helping the settlers. It is they who still form a
majority of the deputies and members who attend the annual agricultural
congresses at the Trappist monastery of Notre-dame d'Oka, the
colonization congresses and societies. We may add that the agricultural
schools of Notre-Dame d'Oka, Sainte-Anne de la Pocatière and the
Assumption are conducted by ecclesiastics.</p>
<h3 id="c-p794.1">III. PRESENT CONDITIONS</h3>
<h4 id="c-p794.2">(1) Ecclesiastical Provinces</h4>
<p id="c-p795" shownumber="no">Canada has eight ecclesiastical provinces: Quebec, Montreal, Ottawa,
Toronto, Kingston, Halifax, St. Boniface, and Victoria. To each
archiepiscopal see are attached as suffragans one or more episcopal
sees or vicariates Apostolic. There are twenty-three bishoprics and
three vicariates Apostolic. Newfoundland, which has not yet joined the
Dominion, has an archdiocese and two dioceses, and since 1904 has been
an ecclesiastical province. The Catholic Church in Canada is
immediately dependent on the Sacred Congregation of the Propaganda, and
contains about 3500 priests and 2,400,000 faithful. On the death of a
bishop his colleagues of the same ecclesiastical province send to Rome
a list of three names, arranged in order of merit: 
<i>dignissimus, dignior, dignus,</i> together with a similar list left
by the deceased prelate, if an archbishop, and it rests with the Holy
See, after making inquiries, to name the bishop. It is different if
during his lifetime the bishop is given a coadjutor 
<i>cum futurâ successione</i>. The coadjutor is chosen by the
bishop, who proposes his name to the Holy See. The bishop is completely
independent of the State. As soon as he receives the Apostolic Bull he
enters upon his functions without any civil formality. The faithful
render him homage and obedience at once. In the Province of Quebec the
local government accords him recognition and grants him certain rights,
e.g. a seat in the Superior council of Public Instruction. In the other
provinces in which Protestantism preponderates the bishop acts in his
own sphere, side by side with the civil authority but
independently.</p>
<p id="c-p796" shownumber="no">Bishoprics may for civil corporations, recognized by the State, and
thus acquire, possess, or alienate property. The bishop enjoys complete
liberty in the nomination to spiritual offices, the erection of
parishes, the building of churches and parochial residences. As soon as
a parish priest is named he is installed and enters upon his duties. No
parish priest is irremovable, except in the cathedral parish at Quebec.
In the Province of Quebec the parish priest keeps the civil registers
of baptisms, marriages, and deaths, which are accepted by the court.
Outside the Province of Quebec the civil register of births, marriages,
and deaths is kept by a lay official of the provincial government. The
parish priest sends him, once a month or oftener, the parish record of
births, marriages, and deaths on a printed form provided for that
purpose. In the Province of Quebec the parish priest named by the
bishop has a right to tithes, and this right is recognized by the civil
authority. This tax tends to change from a tithe in kind to a tithe in
money. Where tithes do not exist the support of the priest is provided
for by an annual contributions, either voluntary or prescribed by the
bishop, or else by church collections. Missions, properly so called,
are supported by the Association for the Propagation of the Faith. In
canonically established parishes a parochial council 
(<i>Conseil de fabrique</i>) made up of prominent citizens known as
church wardens 
(<i>marguilliers</i>) administer the church property, under the
direction of the parish priest. Outside the Province of Quebec the
parish priest alone takes charge of the goods of his church. These,
including church-buildings, cemeteries, parochial residences, etc.,
belong to the episcopal corporation, and it is the bishop who is
responsible for them in the eyes of the Government. Members of
religious orders are under the same ruling as secular priests, and have
no need for property requiring special incorporation; they are always
in charge of parishes or missions. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p796.1">(2) Religious Orders and Congregations</h4>
<p id="c-p797" shownumber="no">There are now in Canada more than twenty communities of priests,
about ten of brothers, and more than seventy of sisters. The Sulpicians
a e not the oldest community, but they have been in the country
continually since 1657. They have two large parishes in Montreal, Notre
Dame and Saint-Jacques, several chaplaincies, and the management of a
college, a seminary, and a school of philosophy, all flourishing
institutions with a total of 800 students. The Sulpicians number
eighty-four, and support a number of schools, protectories, asylums,
and hospitals. The Jesuits who returned in 1842, have 25 houses in
Canada, 7 in Alaska, and 309 religious, including 125 priests, 96
scholastics, 88 lay brothers, engaged in various colleges (Montreal and
St. Boniface), parishes and missions (Quebec, Sault Sainte Marie,
Peterborough, and Hamilton). The Oblates of Mary Immaculate are the
apostles of the North-West. The Archbishop of St. Boniface and five
bishops of the North-West are members of this congregation, which has
about 265 priests and 96 lay brothers, with houses in Quebec, Montreal,
and Ottawa, and in the last named city a university, a scholasticate, a
juniorate, and several parishes. The Dominican Fathers are located in
St. Hyacinthe, Ottawa, Montreal, Quebec; the Clerics of St. Viator in
Montreal, Joliette, Valleyfield, Quebec, St. Hyacinthe, Ottawa, and St.
Boniface; the Fathers of the Holy Cross, with the colleges of
Saint-Laurent (Montreal), Memramcook (St. John), and other houses in
the dioceses of St. Hyacinthe and Quebec; Basilians, Toronto, Sandwich,
London, and Hamilton; Redemptorists, Quebec, Ste. Anne de BeauprÈ,
Montreal, Toronto, St. John, St. Boniface, and Ottawa; Eudists,
Halifax, Vicariate Apostolic of the Gulf of Saint Lawrence, Chatham
(N.B.), Rimouski, Chicoutimi, and Valley field; Capuchins, Ottawa,
Rimouski and Quebec; Franciscans, Montreal, London, Quebec, and Three
Rivers; Trappists, Montreal, Notre-Dame d'Oka, Notre-Dame de
Mistassini, Chicoutimi, Notre-Dame des Prairies, St. Boniface,
Notre-dame du Calvaire, Chatham (N.B.), and Notre-Dame de Petit
Clairveaux, Antigonish; Fathers of the Company of Mary, Montreal,
Ottawa, Kingston, and Victoria; Canons Regular of the Immaculate
Conception, St. Boniface, St. Albert, Prince Albert, and Ottawa;
Fathers of St. Vincent de Paul, Quebec and St. Hyacinthe; Fathers of
the Holy Ghost, Ottawa; White Fathers of our Lady of Algiers, Quebec;
Fathers of the Sacred Heart of Issoudun, Quebec; Fathers of the Most
Holy Sacrament, Montreal; Fathers of Chavagnes in the North-West
Territory; Carmelites, Toronto; Missionaries of La Salette, St.
Boniface, Sherbrooke, and Quebec; Benedictines, Prince Albert; Fathers
of the Resurrection, Hamilton. The Brothers of the Christian Schools
number nearly 800, with 60 house, 49 of which are in the province of
Quebec, and teach about 30,000 children in 6 dioceses. Other institutes
from France share this task of education: Brothers of the Sacred Heart,
8 dioceses, 21 houses, 326 religious; Marist Brothers, 5 dioceses, 24
houses, 205 religious; Brothers of Christian Instruction, 8 dioceses,
26 houses, 240 religious; and Brothers of St. Gabriel, 5 dioceses, 19
houses, 120 religious. Mention should also be made of the Brothers of
the Cross of Jesus, of St. Francis Xavier, of St. Francis Regis, of
Charity, and of the Congregation of Mary.</p>
<p id="c-p798" shownumber="no">The oldest communities of women are the Sisters of the Order of
Saint Augustine of the Hôtel-Dieu (1639) and the Ursulines (1639),
Quebec; then come the Sisters of the Congregation of Notre Dame founded
at Montreal (1657) by Venerable Mother Marguerite Bourgeoys, the
Hospitalers of St. Joseph (1659), Montreal, and the Hospitalers of the
Mercy of Jesus (General Hospital of Quebec, 1693). The eighteenth
century saw the foundation of the Grey Nuns 
(<i>Soeurs Grises</i>) of Montreal by Venerable Madame Marguerite Marie
d'Youville (1740). The other communities came from France or arose in
Canada during the nineteenth century. 
</p>
<p id="c-p799" shownumber="no">There are also the Little Daughters of St. Joseph (Montreal); the
Sisters of Charity (St. John, N.B.); the Sisters of St. Joseph (St.
Hyacinthe); the Sisters of our Lady of the Holy Rosary (Rimouski); the
Sisters of Perpetual Help (Quebec); the Sisters of Good Counsel
(Chicoutimi); Servants of Jesus and Mary (Ottawa). For further
information refer to "Le Canada EcclÈsiastique", Montreal, 1908.
Many orders have come from France in times past, several as the result
of recent persecutions. Among those coming from France, we should
mention the Ursulines (Quebec, Three Rivers, Chicoutimi, Sherbrooke,
Chatham); Hospitalers of the Mercy of Jesus (Quebec); Hospitalers of
St. Joseph (Montreal, Nicolet, Kingston, Chatham, London, Alexandria);
Sisters of the Sacred Heart of Jesus (Montreal, Halifax, London);
Sisters of the Good Shepherd of Angers (3 dioceses); Sisters of Loreto
(Toronto, Hamilton, London); Sisters of the Holy Cross and the Seven
Dolours (Montreal, Joliette, Alexandria, Sherbrooke, Pembroke, Ottawa);
Sisters of the Congregation of St. Joseph (Toronto); Sisters of the
Presentation (St. Hyacinthe, Nicolet, Sherbrooke, Prince Albert);
sisters of Jesus and Mary (Quebec, Rimouski); Sisters of our Lady of
Charity of Refuge (Toronto, New Westminster); School Sisters of Notre
Dame (Hamilton); Carmelites (Montreal); Daughters of Wisdom (Ottawa,
Peterborough, Chatham); Faithful Companions of Jesus (St. Albert);
Little Servants of the Poor (Montreal); Servants of the Sacred Heart of
Mary (Quebec); Regular Canonesses of the Five Wounds of our Saviour
(Ottawa, St. Boniface); Trappistines of Our Lady of Good Counsel
(Quebec); Sisters of "l'EspÈrance" (Montreal); Daughters of Jesus
(Three Rivers, Antigonish, Charlottetown, Chatham, St. Albert,
Rimouski); Servants of the Blessed Sacrament (Chicoutimi); sisters of
Charity of st. Louis (Quebec); Missionary Sisters of Our Lady of Africa
(Quebec). All of these religious orders, whether founded on Canadian
soil or elsewhere (chiefly France), are engaged in all works which call
for zeal and devotedness. Nor is it education, prayer, and penance only
which have led many devout souls into the religious life, but charity
also in all its forms: hospitals, orphanages, kindergartens, cribs,
refuges, work-rooms, hospices, asylums, housekeeping in colleges, find
at all times an army of willing servants and helpers.</p>
<h4 id="c-p799.1">(3) Universities and Colleges</h4>
<p id="c-p800" shownumber="no">Higher education is entirely in the hands of the clergy. Besides the
Laval University at Quebec and Montreal, endowed with the four
faculties, theology, Arts, Medicine, and Law, and having also a
scientific department at Montreal, mention should be made of the
University of Ottawa, opened and conducted by the Oblate Fathers.
Certain colleges, as that of Memramcook (N.B.) And St. Francis Xavier's
at Antigonish (N.S.), are known as universities, which means that they
can confer the degree of Bachelor of Arts. The Jesuit Colleges of St.
Ignatius Loyola and St. Mary at Montreal are affiliated to Laval
University, by which the degrees are granted. Those of St. Boniface
(Jesuit) and of St. Michael (Basilian) are affiliated to neighbouring
State universities. In the Province of Quebec each college conducted by
secular priests forms a corporation. The priests who constitute its
staff receive from it their board, lodging, and a modest stipend. If
they give up teaching the bishop assigns them a position in the
diocese, and they cease to belong to the corporation. They may,
however, remain in the college, rendering such services as their years
and health permit. Some idea of the devoted zeal of the priests may be
gathered from the fact that for a long time their stipend was only
forty dollars a year, and at present it never exceeds one hundred
dollars. Religious do not receive any pecuniary compensation. 
</p>
<p id="c-p801" shownumber="no">Other leading educational institutions are: College of St. Michael,
Toronto, 1851, under the Basilian Fathers; of St. Jerome, Berlin
(Hamilton), Fathers of the Resurrection; of St. Mary (Halifax), priests
of the diocese; of St. Joseph, St. Boniface (1855), Jesuit Fathers; of
St. Mary, Victoria (1903); of St. Albert, Oblate Fathers (1900). It may
be added that in many colleges there is a course in theology, which is
followed by seminarians, who act as disciplinarians in the college.</p>
<p id="c-p802" shownumber="no">The four principal centres of theological studies in Canada are: the
seminary 
(<i>grand sÈminaire</i>) at Montreal (1840) and those of Quebec,
Ottawa, and Halifax. The first two seminaries constitute the
theological faculty of Laval University, and can confer any theological
degree, even that of Doctor of Theology. The Seminary of Quebec has 150
students in theology; that of Montreal about 300. The former goes back
to Bishop Laval; the latter was founded in 1840 by the Sulpicians. It
is attended by aspirants to the priesthood from more than forty
dioceses of Canada and the United Stat es, and has given more than
thirty bishops to the Church of America. The Sulpicians have also
founded a philosophical seminary which has 130 students, and have
opened the Canadian College in Rome, to which the most intelligent of
the young clergy of the Dominion are sent. These two houses were the
work of M. Colin (d. 1902), superior of Saint-Sulpice at Montreal, who
asked his community for $400,000 to build them. The seminary of Ottawa
is under the Oblate Fathers, and that of Halifax under the Eudists.</p>
<p id="c-p803" shownumber="no">Primary instruction is given by religious and secular teachers of
both sexes. In the Province of Quebec Catholic primary instruction is
under the control of a committee composed of the bishops of the
province and an equal number of Catholic laymen; the Protestant
Committee exercises similar functions with regard to school matters in
which Protestants are exclusively concerned. The two committees united
form the Council of Public Instruction, which has charge of questions
in which Catholics and Protestants are collectively concerned. The
Superintendent of Education is president of this council ex officio.
The control and regulation of primary education in the Quebec province
is outside of politics. In that province the normal schools for the
training of teachers are also in the hands of the clergy. In the
provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan (created in 1905), the Catholics
in each school district have also the right of separate schools, i.e.
they have the legal guaranteed right of separating from the majority,
setting up a school district of their own, electing their own trustees,
levying their own taxes, and of hiring their own teacher, a religious
if they desire, but one who has undergone examination in the regular
way and received a licence from the Board of Education. The school thus
constituted must be conducted according to the regulations of the Board
of Education, and be subject to government inspection. In the other
provinces separate schools are not recognized by law, although in New
Brunswick the Catholic schools a re practically separate. In Manitoba
the school question has been regulated, though unsatisfactorily, by the
Laurier-Greenway Compromise already mentioned. In the North-West
Territories separate schools are supported by the State.</p>
<h4 id="c-p803.1">Missions</h4>
<p id="c-p804" shownumber="no">Some traces of the Indian missions of the seventeenth century still
exist. In the ecclesiastical province of Halifax are to be found
several groups of Catholic Micmac and Abnaki; in the Diocese of Quebec,
a Huron parish, Our Lady of Loreto; in that of Montreal, two Iroquois
parishes, Caughnawaga (2060 Indians) and Oka, or the Lake of the Two
Mountains (75 families); in the Diocese of Valleyfield, the Iroquois
Catholic centre of Saint RÈgis. These, however, are exceptions.
The real missions of Canada at present are in the North-East, along the
coast of Labrador; in the North on the shores of Hudson Bay; and
especially in the North-West, in the immense territories which stretch
from Ontario to Lower Mackenzie and Alaska. In the North-East the
vicariate Apostolic of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, confided to the Eudist
Fathers, contains 12,0000 Catholics: among them some Eskimo, Nascapi,
and Montagnais, ministered to by twenty missionaries. To the West there
are a number of missions in the Dioceses of Pembroke, Peterborough and
Sault Sainte Marie. The Oblate Fathers, the Jesuits, and secular
priests rival one another in their efforts to preserve and extend the
Faith in the region between the Great Lakes and James Bay.</p>
<p id="c-p805" shownumber="no">Lastly thee are the missions of the North-West and British Columbia,
the most important of all. They comprise the ecclesiastical province of
St. Boniface, and, with the exception of Vancouver, that of Victoria,
in both of which the Oblate Fathers have many prosperous missions. The
secular clergy, the pioneer missionaries of British Columbia, are still
in charge of most of the inhabitants of Vancouver Island; as the
country is becoming more thickly populated, the number of secular
priests is increasing in British Columbia and in the province of St.
Boniface. These provinces include the Dioceses of St. Albert, New
Westminster, and Prince Albert, and two vicariates apostolic: Athabasca
and Mackenzie-Yukon. Most of these ecclesiastical divisions are under
Oblate bishops, with about 230 Oblate Fathers, assisted by lay brothers
of the same congregation. A hundred secular priests and a large number
of religious of both sexes are scattered throughout the North-West,
their numbers having been considerably augmented by the latest
persecutions in France. The Christian Indians belong to the Algonquin
race, and are commonly known as Kristinous or Cree, though they call
themselves Nehivourik. According to a recent estimate they number
45,000. British Columbia contains 26,000 Indians, but of a different
race. The devotion of the missionaries also extends to the numerous
half-breeds in the "Far West", and to the settlers of every race and
nationality. In these immense regions, which in 1845 had only one
bishop and six priests, there was in 1908 a hierarchy of seven bishops
and nearly 400 priests, regular and secular. There are over 150,000
Catholics, with more than 420 churches, 150 schools, and many
charitable institutions. This wonderful progress is due chiefly to the
work of the Oblate Fathers of Mary Immaculate. The history of the
evangelization of the North-West is one of the most interesting in the
annals of Catholic missions, and its final page has not yet been
written. (See OBLATES.)</p>
<p id="c-p806" shownumber="no">
<b>Conclusion</b> 
</p>
<p id="c-p807" shownumber="no">The Catholics of Canada, 2,229,600 faithful (census of 1901), form
42 per cent of the total population of 5,371,315. Of these Catholics,
1,430,000, viz. about three-fifths, are in the province of Quebec, the
remaining 800,000 being scattered throughout the different parts of the
Dominion, more or less intermingled with the Protestants. Catholicism
gains chiefly by the birth-rate. Its numbers wee thus increased during
the last ten years by 250,000, a gain which exceeds that of all the
Protestant sects combined. In the ordinary intercourse of life
Catholics and Protestants live in concord and work together
harmoniously for the common welfare of Canada. See the articles BRITISH
COLUMBIA; NEW BRUNSWICK; MANITOBA; NOVA SCOTIA; ONTARIO; QUEBEC; PRINCE
EDWARD ISLAND; SASKATCHEWAN (ALBERTA); NORTH-WEST TERRITORIES;
KEEWATIN; YUKON; ATHABASCA; MACKENZIE; UNGAVA. 
</p>
<p id="c-p808" shownumber="no">GENERAL HISTORY OF CANADA. - CHARLEVOIX, Histoire et description
gÈnÈrale de la Nouvelle-France (13 vols., Paris, 1744);
Relations des JÈsuites (3 vols., Quebec, 1858); these two works,
as well as the Relations inÈdites de la Nouvelle-France
(1672-1779) (2 vols., Paris, 1861), and other documents, have been
collected and published with an English tr. By THWAITES, The Jesuit
Relations (1610-1791) (73 vols., Cleveland, Ohio, 1896 - 1901); SAGARD,
Histoire du Canada et Voyages que les Pères rÈcollets y ont
faits (3 vols., Paris, 1636); SIXTUS LE TAC, Histoire chronologique de
la Nouvelle-France ou Canada, ed. REVEILLAUD (Paris, 1888); LECLERC,
Etablissement de la foi dans la Nouvelle-France (Paris, 1690);
HENNEPIN, Nouvelle dÈcouverte d'un très grand pays situÈ
dans l'AmÈrique (1697-98); BRESSANI, Relation abrÈgÈe de
quelques missions des Pères de la Compagnie de JÈsus, tr.
from the Italian by MARTIN (Montreal, 1852); DIONNE, La Nouvelle-France
de Cartier à Champlain (1540-1603) (Quebec, 1891); FAILLON,
Histoire de la Colonie française du Canada (3 vols., Montreal,
1865); FERLAND, Cours d'histoire du Canada (from the beginning to 1760)
(Quebec, 1861-1865); GARNEAU, Histoire du Canada (to 1841) (3 vols.,
Quebec, 1845-48); TURCOTTE, Le Canada sous l'Union (1841-1867) (2
vols., Quebec); RAMEAU, La France aux Colonies (Paris, 1859); DE
ROCHEMONTEIX, Les JÈsuites et la Nouvelle-France (3 vols., Paris
1896); PARKMAN, The Jesuits in North America (Boston, 1880); Pioneers
of France in the New World; GUENIN, La Nouvelle-France (Paris, 1900);
RAGEY, Une nouvelle France (Paris, 1901); TETU, Les ÈvÈques
de QuÈbec (Quebec, 1889); PAGNUELO, Etudes historiques et
lÈgales sur la libertÈ religieuse en Canada (Montreal, 1872);
CHRISTIE, History of the late Province of Lower Canada, parliamentary
and political (6 vols., Quebec, 1842); TANGUAY, RÈpertoire du
clergÈ canadien (Quebec, 1868-69); MARGRY, MÈmoires et
documents pour servir à l'histoire des origines françaises
des pays d'Outre-Mer (Paris, 1878-88); GUERARD, La France canadienne,
situation religieuse in Le Correspondant, 1877; GOSSELIN, L'Eglise du
Canada, in Revue du clergÈ francais (1895); Mandements et Lettres
des Èvêques de QuÈbec (6 vols., Quebec, 1888-89);
MEILLEUR, MÈmorial de l'Education du Bas-Canada (Quebec, 1876);
CHAPAIS, Jean tallon, intendant de la Nouvelle-France (Quebec, 1904);
ROCHEMONTEIX, Les JÈsuites et la Nouvelle-France au XVIIIe
Siècle (1906); EWART, The Manitoba School Question; HOWLEY,
Canadian Sketches in Ir.Ec.Rec., XI (1890), 43-53; hughes, Quebec and
the French Canadians in The Messenger (New York), 1898, 1122-26; The
Separate School Question in Canada, ibid., 1905, 477-92; MCKENNA, A
Century of Catholicity in Canada in The Catholic World (New York). L.,
229-39; ELLIOT, The Missionary Outlook in Canada, ibid., LXIII, 391-96;
SHEA, Why is Canada not a Part of the U.S. in U.S. Cath. Hist. Mag.,
III (1890). 113-27; GRIFFIN, Father Lotbinière, a Canadian patriot
of the Eighteenth Cent. In Am. Cath. Hist. Soc. Res., XV (1903),
69-82.</p>
<p id="c-p809" shownumber="no">II. SPECIAL WORKS. - (1) QUEBEC: CASGRAIN, Hist. De la Mère
Marie de l'Incarnation, preceded by a sketch of the religious history
of the early years of this colony (Quebec, 1878); Lettres de Mère
Marie de l'Incarnation (Paris, 1684); GOSSELIN, Vie de Mgr. De Laval,
premier ÈvÈque de QuÈbec (1622-1708) (2 vols., Quebec,
1882); TETU, Histoire du palais Èpiscopal de QuÈbec (1896);
ROY, L'UniversitÈ Laval et les fêtes du cinquantenaire
(Quebec, 1903); (2) MONTREAL: CASSON, Histoire de MontrÈal
(Montreal,1869); FAILLON, Vie de la Mère Bourgeoys (Paris, 1853);
Vie de Mle Mance, fondatrice de l'Hôtel-Dieu de Ville-Marie
(Paris, 1854); Vie de Mme. d'Youville, fondatrice des S urs Grises
(Paris, 1852); BRUMATH, Histoire populaire de MontrÈal (Montreal,
1890); Mandements et circulaires des Èvêques de MontrÈal
(10 vols., Montreal, 1887); MÈmoires et documents relatifs à
l'histoire du Canada (9 vols., Historical Society of Montreal, 1859 -
80); Le diocèse de MontrÈal à la fin du XIXe siècle
(Montreal, 1900); L'organisation de l'eglise au Canada, in Le
Correspondant (October, 1906). (3) ACADIA: RAMEAU DE SAINT-PERE, Une
colonie feodale en Amerique, l'Acadie (2 vols., Paris, 1889); CASGRAIN,
Un pèlerinage au pays d'EvangÈline (Quebec, 1888); IDEM, Les
Sulpiciens et les prêtres des Missions Etrangères en Acadie
(1676-1762) (Quebec, 1897); RICHARD, Acadia, Missing links of a lost
chapter of American story (2 vols. Montreal, 1895); POIRIER, Le P.
Lefebvre et l'Acadie (Montreal, 1898); MAURAULT, Histoire de l'Acadie
française (1598 - 1755), (Paris, 1873). (4) THE NORTH-WEST: Les
missions catholiques (Lyons); Annales de la propagation de la Foi
(Lyons); PIOLET, La France au dehors (Paris, 1903), VI, Amerique; DOM
BENEDICT, Vie de Mgr. TachÈ, archevêque de Saint-Boniface
(St. Boniface, 1905); JONQUET, Vie de Mgr. Grandin, Èvêque de
Saint-Albert (Montreal, 1904); TASSE, Les Canadiens de l'Ouest (2
vols., Montreal, 1878), TACHE, Vingt anneÈ de missions dans le
Nord-Ouest de l'AmÈrique (Montreal, 1866); Edquisse sur le
Nord-Ouest de l'AmÈrique (Montreal, 1869); DUGAS, Mgr. Provencher
et les Missions de la Rivière Rouge (Montreal, 1889); COOKE,
Sketches of the Life of Mgr. De Mazenod (2 vols. London, 1879),
ARNOULD, La vie religieuse au Canada, in Le correspondant (Oct., 1906);
Le Canada ecclÈsiastique (Montreal, 1908).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p810" shownumber="no">A. FOURNET</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p810.1" title="Canal, Jose de la" type="Encyclopedia">Jose de la Canal</term>
<def id="c-p810.2">
<h1 id="c-p810.3">José de la Canal</h1>
<p id="c-p811" shownumber="no">Ecclesiastical historian, b. of poor parents, at Ucieda, a village
in the province of Santander, 11 Jan., 1768; d. at Madrid, 17 April
1845. Under the care of an uncle, an Augustinian friar, he studied in
the Dominican and Augustinian convents of Burgos; at Burgos, in 1785,
he was formally received into the Augustinian Order. Subsequently he
became professor of philosophy, first at the convent of his order at
Salamanca, and then at Burgos. Returning from the latter place to
Salamanca he was librarian of the university, from 1789 to 1800. After
passing four years at Toledo, he came to Madrid, where he taught
philosophy in the College of San Isidro. On account of certain articles
in a paper of liberal tendencies called "El Universal" he was, on the
return to Spain of King Ferdinand VII, confined for one year in a
convent near Avila. At the end of this period he returned to Madrid and
with his brother Augustinian, Fr. Antolin Merino, was appointed by the
King to continue the monumental "España Sagrada" (Holy Spain),
begun in 1743 by the Augustinians Henrique Flórez and Manuel
Risco. This valuable collection of documents and researches relating to
Spanish ecclesiastical history had already reached its forty-second
volume. The work embraces an account of the foundation and vicissitudes
of all Spanish dioceses, the succession of the Spanish hierarchy, the
most important monasteries, and other matters of interest to the
Spanish Church studied in their original sources and by the most severe
critical methods. From the time of his appointment Canal devoted
himself with ardour and perseverance to his task. In order to collect
material for the publication, he undertook two journeys into Catalonia,
making his headquarters at Barcelona and Gerona, and working
assiduously in the archives of these cities. In conjunction with Father
Merino he published vols. XLIII-XLIV of the "España Sagrada" at
Madrid in 1819; vols. XLV-XLVI (Madrid, 1826-32) were due to Father
Canal alone. These volumes treat of the churches and monasteries of the
diocese of Gerona, and are remarkable for the number and importance of
hitherto unpublished documents, and for the critical accuracy of the
investigations. To his collaborator Father Canal dedicated an
interesting biographical study in his "Ensayo histórico de la vida
literaria del Maestro Fr. Antolin Merino" (Madrid, 1830); he also
published a second edition, greatly enlarged by himself, of the "Clave
historial" (Key to History) by Father Flórez (Madrid, 1817) and a
"Manual del Santo Sacrificio de la Misa" (Madrid, 1817, 1819). He
translated from the French various theological and historical works,
and was successively corresponding member, treasurer, censor, and
director of the Royal Academy of History. He belonged to the Academy of
Natural Science of Madrid, to the Academy of Belles-Lettres of
Barcelona, and to the Antiquarian Society of Normandy. Father Canal was
an exemplary ecclesiastic, distinguished for charity to the poor. He
refused the See of Gerona in 1836 notwithstanding the entreaties of
Queen Isabella II, excusing himself on the score of age and ill health,
and declaring he believed he could better serve God and his country if
he continued to devote the remainder of his life to historical
research.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p812" shownumber="no">EDUARDO DE HINOJOSA</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p812.1" title="Canary Islands, The" type="Encyclopedia">The Canary Islands</term>
<def id="c-p812.2">
<h1 id="c-p812.3">The Canary Islands</h1>
<p id="c-p813" shownumber="no">The Canary Islands form an archipelago in the North Atlantic Ocean
facing the western coast of Africa, between the parallels of 27°4'
and 29°3'N. lat., and the meridians of 13°3' and 18°2'W.
long. They consist of seven important islands and some islets. From
east to west the first encountered are Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, the
nearest to the African continent; then come Tenerife and Gran Canaria,
while farther westward are Palma, Gomera, and Hierro (or Ferro). The
total area of the islands is about 3256 square miles; their population,
according to the census of 1900, was 358,564. The country in general is
mountainous and volcanic; in Tenerife the Pico de Teyde, or Peak of
Tenerife, reaches the height of 12,200 feet, and towers above the other
mountains which extend throughout the islands, generally from
north-east to south-west. Natural caverns abound, some of them very
extensive. There is no great river, but there are numerous springs and
torrents. The fauna differs little from that of Europe, with the
exception of the dromedary and the thistle-finch, or canary-bird. There
are extensive forests of pine and laurel, and some stems reach a
gigantic height. The climate of the islands is mild and salubrious;
hence they are much frequented as winter resorts. The Canary Islands
are essentially agricultural. Their soil, usually fertile, though
subject to frequent droughts, produces an abundance of fruits,
sugar-cane, and tobacco. The wines are exquisite, and together with the
fruits, tobacco, and fish, which is good and plentiful, form the
principal articles of commerce for export. Much cochineal, also, is
manufactured in the islands. The most important centres of population
are: Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Orotava, and La Laguna in the island of
Tenerife; Las Palmas and Arracife in Gran Canaria; Santa Cruz de la
Palma in the island of Palma; Quia and Valverde in that of Hierro.</p>
<h4 id="c-p813.1">Civil and Ecclesiastical Divisions</h4>
<p id="c-p814" shownumber="no">The Canary Islands constitute a civil province, a judicial district

(<i>audiencia</i>), with its seat at Palmas, for the administration of
justice, and a military governorship (captaincy-general).
Ecclesiastically they are divided into two dioceses, suffragan of
Seville, that of Tenerife, with episcopal residence at Santa Cruz, and
that of Canaries, with residence at Las Palmas. In 1906 the Diocese of
Tenerife, which comprises the islands of Tenerife, Gomera, Palma, and
Hierro, had a Catholic population of 171,045, with 62 parishes, 86
priests, 60 churches, and 167 chapels; while the Diocese of Canaries
had a Catholic population of 83,378, 50 Protestants, 42 parishes, 103
priests, 42 churches, and 113 chapels, and comprises the Grand Canary,
Fuerteventura, and Lanzarote. The courts are held at Santa Cruz de
Tenerife. All ports are free, i.e. merchandise entering them is exempt
from duty. The inhabitants satisfy the obligation of military service,
not in the ranks of the peninsular army, but in the local territorial
militia.</p>
<h4 id="c-p814.1">History</h4>
<p id="c-p815" shownumber="no">The primitive populations of the Canary Islands were the Guanches, a
white race, vigorous, of high stature, fair-haired and blue-eyed, and
leading mostly a pastoral life. At the time of their conquest by the
Europeans they used weapons and utensils of wood and stone, were
clothed in skins of animals, and lived in the numerous natural grottos.
Their ornaments were of bone, sea-shells, and baked clay. They were
hospitable and deeply attached to their independence. Each island was
divided into separate states, ruled over by kings, who were assisted by
the chiefs of the noble families and the most esteemed priests or
soothsayers. They held their meetings in the open air in places
specially intended for this purpose. They were monotheists and made
offerings of domestic animals, milk, and fruit to the Supreme Being. At
some early date Old World peoples from Africa and Asia reached these
islands and founded there permanent colonies, blending with the
aboriginal stock. Their invasions are attested by archaeological
remains and inscriptions; certain Numidian inscriptions on the rocks of
Gran Canaria and Hierro are similar to those discovered in Africa. An
Aragonese fleet explored the islands in 1330. Another Castilian
coasting expedition, sent forth by merchants of Seville and Biscay,
disembarked, in 1385, in Lanzarote and vanquished the aborigines, but
did not found any lasting settlement. This was not accomplished until
the expedition of Jean de Béthencourt, a French nobleman, who in
virtue of a mission confided to him by the King of Castile, Henry III,
conquered, from 1402 to 1405, the islands of Lanzarote, Fuerteventura,
Gomera, and Hierro. The conquest of Gran Canaria, Palma, and Tenerife
was effected during the reign of the Catholic sovereigns, from 1478 to
1495, by Diego Garcia de Herrera, Pedro de Vera, and Alonso Fernandez
de Lugo, but not without heroic resistance on the part of the
Guanches.</p>
<p id="c-p816" shownumber="no">Combined action on the part of Church and State helped to
Christianize and civilize the Guanches, and gave excellent results. The
people abandoned their heathen practices and willingly embraced
Christianity. The Catholic priest was always a brave protector of the
natives against the vexations to which, in the early days of the
conquest, they were occasionally exposed at the hands of their
conquerors. Among the most deserving ecclesiastics in this respect is
Don Juan de Frias, Bishop of Gran Canaria at the close of the fifteenth
century. The Catholic sovereigns dictated wise provisional measures in
order to protect the lives and farms of the aborigines, and after the
conclusion of the war gave them the right to participate in the
government of the islands. Owing to frequent marriages between
Spaniards and Guanches, the fusion of both races was finally
accomplished, and this community of affection and interest became a
powerful factor in the economic prosperity of the islands.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p817" shownumber="no">EDUARDO DE HINOJOSA</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p817.1" title="Canatha" type="Encyclopedia">Canatha</term>
<def id="c-p817.2">
<h1 id="c-p817.3">Canatha</h1>
<p id="c-p818" shownumber="no">A titular see of Arabia. According to inscriptions on coins and
geographical documents, its name was Kanatha, Kanotha, or even Kenetha.
The city had its own era and inscriptions found in Algeria have made
known the existence of a 
<i>cohors prima Flavia Canathenorum</i> (Renier, Inscript. Alger.,
1534, 1535). It is surely distinct from Kanata, another city that
struck coins and is now the little village of Kerak, north-east of
Edraï or Derat, also in Arabia. Moreover, it is not
Maximianopolis, because Severus, bishop of that see, and Theodosius,
Bishop of Kenatha, were together present at Chalcedon in 451. Finally,
it is not certain that it can be identified with Canath (Num., xxxii,
42; I Par., ii, 23), which stood, probably, farther south. The city is
first mentioned by Josephus (Bel. jud., I, xix, 2; Ant. jud., XV, v, 1)
apropos of a defeat of Herod by the Arabs. Pline and Ptolemy rank it
among the towns of Decapolis; Eusebius of Caesarea and Stephanus
Byzantius say it was near Bostra. It figures in older "Notitiae
episcopatuum" as a suffragan of Bostra; one bishop is known,
Theodosius, 449-458 (Lequien, II, 867). Canatha is to-day El-Qanawat;
this village, north-east of Bostra, in the vilayet of Syria, stands at
a height of about 4100 feet, near a river and surrounded by woods. The
magnificent ruins are 4800 feet in length and 2400 in breadth. Among
them are a Roman bridge and a rock-hewn theatre, with nine tiers of
seats and an orchestra fifty-seven feet in diameter, also a nymphaeum,
an aqueduct, a large prostyle temple with portico and colonnades, and a
peripteral temple preceded by a double colonnade. The monument known as
Es-Serai dates from the fourth century and was originally a temple,
afterwards a Christian basilica. It is seventy-two feet long, and was
preceded by an outside portico and an atrium with eighteen columns.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p819" shownumber="no">S. VAILHé</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p819.1" title="Barbastro, Luis Cancer de" type="Encyclopedia">Luis Cancer de Barbastro</term>
<def id="c-p819.2">
<h1 id="c-p819.3">Luis Cancer de Barbastro</h1>
<p id="c-p820" shownumber="no">One of the first Dominicans who followed Las Casas to Guatemala,
born in Aragon, Spain, date uncertain; died at Tampa Bay, Florida,
U.S.A., c. 1549. He worked as a missionary among the Indians of Vera
Paz with great zeal and fortitude and composed in the Zapotecan idiom
the "Varias Canciones en verso zapoteco sobre los Misterios de la
Religion para uso de los Neófitos de la Vera Paz", a manuscript
not now accessible. He was an ardent adherent of Las Casas and sided
with him at the gathering of prelates and theologians convoked by the
visitor Tello de Sandoval at Mexico in 1546. Anxious to prove the
efficacy of the methods proposed by Las Casas, he went to Spain and
obtained there the direction of the conversion of the Indians of
Florida. Upon his return to Mexico he sailed for Florida from Vera Cruz
in 1549 with two other Dominicans. Their interpreter was an Indian
woman called Magdalen who had embraced Christianity. Upon reaching the
shores of Florida, however, this woman betrayed them, and the three
priests were killed by the Indians.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p821" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p821.1" title="Candace" type="Encyclopedia">Candace</term>
<def id="c-p821.2">
<h1 id="c-p821.3">Candace</h1>
<p id="c-p822" shownumber="no">The name of the Ethiopian queen whose eunuch was baptized by St.
Philip (Acts, viii, 27 sqq.). The name occurs in a ruined pyramid near
ancient Meroe (Lipsius. Denkmaler, V, 47). Another queen of the same
name is mentioned by Strabo (XVII, i, 54), and after him by Dion
Cassius (Hist. Rom., LIV, v); she revolted and waged war against the
Romans and was overpowered by Petronius in her capital of Napata, 22
B.C. Pliny (Hist. Nat., VI, 35) informs us that at the time when Nero's
explorers passed through Nubia, a Queen Candace was reigning over the
island of Meroe, and adds that this name was a title common to all the
queens of that country. ". . . quod nomen multis Jam annis ad reginas
transiit". The Ethiopia over which Candace reigned, according to Hebrew
usage and our authorities, was not the present Abyssinia, as is often
claimed, but is to be looked for in the region called by the ancients
the island of Meroe at the confluence of the Nile and the Taccasi. The
Queen Candace of the Acts may be, and probably is, the same as the one
mentioned by Pliny, but we have no direct evidence to assert it as a
fact. (See ETHIOPIA.)</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p823" shownumber="no">R. BUTIN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p823.1" title="Candia, Diocese of" type="Encyclopedia">Diocese of Candia</term>
<def id="c-p823.2">
<h1 id="c-p823.3">Candia</h1>
<p id="c-p824" shownumber="no">
(<span class="sc" id="c-p824.1">Diocese of Candia</span>)</p>
<p id="c-p825" shownumber="no">On the north shore of Crete was an ancient city called Heracleion.
Lequien (II, 269) mentions among those present at the Seventh General
Council (Nicaea, 787) Theodorus, Bishop of Heracleiopolis, by which he
understands Heracleion; the latter title, however, does not figure in
the Greek "Notitiae episcopatuum". The Greeks still give the name of
Heracleion to a city built by the Arabs in 825 near the site of the
ancient city; the Arabian name was Khandak, whence the Italian name
Candia is used also for the whole island. In 960 Candia was taken by
Nicephorus Phocas. In 1204 it passed to the Venetians and in 1669 to
the Turks. It has now about 25,000 inhabitants (8000 Greeks, 100
Latins). There are remains of its ancient walls and aqueduct, also a
museum of antiquities. Under the Venetian occupation Crete was divided
into eleven Latin sees, Candia being the seat of an archbishopric.
Lequien (III, 907-916) cites twenty-seven archbishops, from 1213 to
1645; Eubel (I, 223, II, 156) has thirty, from the thirteenth century
to 1493. Among the latter are the famous Carmelite, St. Peter Thomas
(1363), and Blessed Francis Quirini (1364). The hierarchy disappeared
with the Turkish conquest. In 1874 Pius IX re-established the See of
Candia, as a suffragan of Smyrna; the bishop has until now resided at
Canea. The diocese has only about 300 Catholics. The Capuchins have
parishes at Candia (Megalokastro), Canea (Khania), Retimo, and a
station at Sitia; 4 schools for boys and 2 for girls (Sisters of St.
Joseph de l'Apparition). Candia is the residence of the Greek
Metropolitan of Crete, who has seven suffragan sees, Khania, Kisamos,
Rethymnon (Retimo), Sitia, Lampa, Arkadia, and Chersonesos.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p826" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p826.1" title="Candidus" type="Encyclopedia">Candidus</term>
<def id="c-p826.2">
<h1 id="c-p826.3">Candidus</h1>
<p id="c-p827" shownumber="no">The name of two scholars of the Carlovingian revival of letters in
the ninth century.</p>
<p id="c-p828" shownumber="no">(1) The Benedictine Candidus Bruun of Fulda received his first
instruction from the learned Aegil (Abbot of Fulda, 817-822); Abbot
Ratger (802-817) sent the gifted scholar to Einhard at the court of
Charlemagne, where he most probably learned the art he employed later
in decorating with pictures the apse to which, in 819, the remains of
St. Boniface were transferred. When Rabanus Maurus was made abbot (822)
Candidus succeeded him as head of the monastic school of Fulda. As a
philosopher Candidus is known by his "Dicta de imagine mundi" or "Dei"
(the question of authorship is decided by the Cod. Wirciburg.), twelve
aphoristic sayings strung together without logical sequence. The
doctrine is taken from the works of St. Augustine, but the frequent use
of the syllogism marks the border of the age of scholasticism. In his
last saying Candidus makes somewhat timidly the first attempt in the
Middle Ages at a proof of God's existence. This has a striking
similarity to the ontological argument of St. Anselm (q.v. — Man,
by intellect a better and more powerful being that the rest, is not
almighty; therefore a superior and almighty being — God —
must exist). The third saying, which denies that bodies are true, since
truth is a quality of immortal beings only, is based on that excessive
realism which led his contemporary, Fredegisus, to invest even
nothingness with being. The other sayings deal with God's image in
man's soul, the concepts of existence, substance, time, etc. The
philosophy of Candidus marks a progress over Alcuin and gives him rank
with Fredegisus, from whom he differs by rarely referring to the Bible
in philosophical questions, thus keeping apart the domains of theology
and philosophy. The only complete edition of the "Dicta Candidi" is in
Hauréau (p. 134-137); a more critical edition of part in Richter
(p. 34 sq.). Candidus also wrote an "Exposition Passionis D.N.J. Chr."
(in Pez, Thes. anec., Augsburg, 1721, I, 241 sq.); a "life" of his
teacher Aegil in prose and in verse (Brouwer, "Sidera ill. vir.",
Mainz, 1616, p. 19-44, Dummler, "Poetae lat. aevi caroling.", Berlin,
1884, II, 94-117); and a "Life" of Abbot Baugolf of Fulda (d. 802).</p>
<p id="c-p829" shownumber="no">(2) Candidus, name given to the Anglo-Saxon Wizo by Alcuin, whose
scholar he was and with whom he went in 782 to Gaul. At the palace
school he was tutor to Gisla, the sister, and Rodtruda, the daughter of
Charlemagne. When Alcuin went to Tours (796), Candidus was his
successor as master of the palace school. Alcuin's esteem for Candidus
is shown by his dedicating his commentary on Ecclesiastes to his
friends Onias, Fredegisus, and Candidus.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p830" shownumber="no">JOHN M. LENHART</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p830.1" title="Candlemas" type="Encyclopedia">Candlemas</term>
<def id="c-p830.2">
<h1 id="c-p830.3">Candlemas</h1>
<p id="c-p831" shownumber="no">
<i>Also called:</i> Purification of the Blessed Virgin (Greek 
<i>Hypapante</i>), Feast of the Presentation of Christ in the Temple.
Observed 2 February in the Latin Rite.</p>
<p id="c-p832" shownumber="no">According to the Mosaic law a mother who had given birth to a
man-child was considered unclean for seven days; moreover she was to
remain three and thirty days "in the blood of her purification"; for a
maid-child the time which excluded the mother from sanctuary was even
doubled. When the time (forty or eighty days) was over the mother was
to "bring to the temple a lamb for a holocaust and a young pigeon or
turtle dove for sin"; if she was not able to offer a lamb, she was to
take two turtle doves or two pigeons; the priest prayed for her and so
she was cleansed. (<scripRef id="c-p832.1" osisRef="Bible:Lev.12.2-Lev.12.8" parsed="|Lev|12|2|12|8" passage="Leviticus 12:2-8">Leviticus 12:2-8</scripRef>)</p>
<p id="c-p833" shownumber="no">Forty days after the birth of Christ Mary complied with this precept
of the law, she redeemed her first-born from the temple (<scripRef id="c-p833.1" osisRef="Bible:Num.18.15" parsed="|Num|18|15|0|0" passage="Numbers 18:15">Numbers
18:15</scripRef>), and was purified by the prayer of Simeon the just, in the
presence of Anna the prophetess (<scripRef id="c-p833.2" osisRef="Bible:Luke.2.22" parsed="|Luke|2|22|0|0" passage="Luke 2:22">Luke 2:22</scripRef> sqq.). No doubt this event,
the first solemn introduction of Christ into the house of God, was in
the earliest times celebrated in the Church of Jerusalem. We find it
attested for the first half of the fourth century by the pilgrim of
Bordeaux, Egeria or Silvia. The day (14 February) was solemnly kept by
a procession to the Constantinian basilica of the Resurrection, a
homily on <scripRef id="c-p833.3" osisRef="Bible:Luke.2.22" parsed="|Luke|2|22|0|0" passage="Luke 2:22">Luke 2:22</scripRef> sqq., and the Holy Sacrifice. But the feast then
had no proper name; it was simply called the fortieth day after
Epiphany. This latter circumstance proves that in Jerusalem Epiphany
was then the feast of Christ's birth.</p>
<p id="c-p834" shownumber="no">From Jerusalem the feast of the fortieth day spread over the entire
Church, and later on was kept on the 2nd of February, since within the
last twenty-five years of the fourth century the Roman feast of
Christ's nativity (25 December) was introduced. In Antioch it is
attested in 526 (Cedrenue); in the entire Eastern Empire it was
introduced by the Emperor Justinian I (542) in thanksgiving for the
cessation of the great pestilence which had depopulated the city of
Constantinople. In the Greek Church it was called 
<i>Hypapante tou Kyriou</i>, the meeting 
(<i>occursus</i>) of the Lord and His mother with Simeon and Anna. The
Armenians call it: "The Coming of the Son of God into the Temple" and
still keep it on the 14th of February (Tondini di Quaracchi, Calendrier
de la Nation Arménienne, 1906, 48); the Copts term it
"presentation of the Lord in the Temple" (Nilles, Kal. man., II 571,
643). Perhaps the decree of Justinian gave occasion also to the Roman
Church (to Gregory I?) to introduce this feast, but definite
information is wanting on this point. The feast appears in the
Gelasianum (manuscript tradition of the seventh century) under the new
title of Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary. The precession is not
mentioned. Pope Sergius I (687-701) introduced a precession for this
day. The Gregorianum (tradition of the eighth century) does not speak
of this procession, which fact proves that the procession of Sergius
was the ordinary "station", not the liturgical act of today. The feast
was certainly not introduced by Pope Gelasius to suppress the excesses
of the Lupercalia (Migne, Missale Gothicum, 691), and it spread slowly
in the West; it is not found in the "Lectionary" of Silos (650) nor in
the "Calendar" (731-741) of Sainte-Genevieve of Paris. In the East it
was celebrated as a feast of the Lord; in the West as a feast of Mary;
although the "Invitatorium" (Gaude et lætare, Jerusalem, occurrens
Deo tuo), the antiphons and responsories remind us of its original
conception as a feast of the Lord. The blessing of the candles did not
enter into common use before the eleventh century; it has nothing in
common with the procession of the Pupercalia. In the Latin Church this
feast 
(<i>Purificatio</i> B.M.V.) is a double of the second class. In the
Middle Ages it had an octave in the larger number of dioceses; also
today the religious orders whose special object is the veneration of
the Mother of God (Carmelites, Servites) and many dioceses (Loreto, the
Province of Siena, etc.) celebrate the octave.</p>
<h4 id="c-p834.1">Blessing of Candles and Procession</h4>
<p id="c-p835" shownumber="no">According to the Roman Missal the celebrant after Tierce, in stole
and cope of purple colour, standing at the epistle side of the altar,
blesses the candles (which must be of beeswax). Having sung or recited
the five orations prescribed, he sprinkles and incenses the candles.
Then he distributes them to the clergy and laity, whilst the choir
sings the canticle of Simeon, "Nunc dimittis". The antiphon "Lumen ad
revelationem gentium et gloriam plebis tuæ Israel" is repeated
after every verse, according to the medieval custom of singing the
antiphons. During the procession which now follows, and at which all
the partakers carry lighted candles in their hands, the choir sings the
antiphon "Adorna thalamum tuum, Sion", composed by St. John of
Damascus, one of the few pieces which, text and music, have been
borrowed by the Roman Church from the Greeks. The other antiphons are
of Roman origin. The solemn procession represents the entry of Christ,
who is the Light of the World, into the Temple of Jerusalem. It forms
an essential part of the liturgical services of the day, and must be
held in every parochial church where the required ministers can be had.
The procession is always kept on 2 February even when the office and
Mass of the feast is transferred to 3 February. Before the reform of
the Latin liturgy by St. Pius V (1568), in the churches north and west
of the Alps this ceremony was more solemn. After the fifth oration a
preface was sung. The "Adorna" was preceded by the antiphon "Ave
Maria". While now the procession in held inside the church, during the
Middle Ages the clergy left the church and visited the cemetery
surrounding it. Upon the return of the procession a priest, carrying an
image of the Holy Child, met it at the door and entered the church with
the clergy, who sang the canticle of Zachary, "Benedictus Dominus Deus
Israel". At the conclusion, entering the sanctuary, the choir sang the
responsory, "Gaude Maria Virgo" or the prose, "Inviolata" or some other
antiphon in honour of the Blessed Virgin.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p836" shownumber="no">FREDERICK G. HOLWECK</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p836.1" title="Candles" type="Encyclopedia">Candles</term>
<def id="c-p836.2">
<h1 id="c-p836.3">Candles</h1>
<p id="c-p837" shownumber="no">The word candle 
(<i>candela</i>, from 
<i>candeo</i>, to burn) was introduced into the English language as an
ecclesiastical term, probably as early as the eighth century. It was
known in classical times and dennoted any kind of taper in which a
wick, not uncommonly made of a strip of papyrus, was encased in wax or
animal fat. We need not shrink from admitting that candles, like
incense and lustral water, were commonly employed in pagan worship and
in the rites paid to the dead. But the Church from a very early period
took them into her service, just as she adopted many other things
indifferent in themselves, which seemed proper to enhance the splendour
of religious ceremonial. We must not forget that most of these adjuncts
to worship, like music, lights, perfumes, ablutions, floral
decorations, canopies, fans, screens, bells, vestments, etc. were not
identified with any idolatrous cult in particular; they were common to
almost all cults. They are, in fact, part of the natural language of
mystical expression, and such things belong quite as much to secular
ceremonial as they do to religion. The salute of an assigned number of
guns, a tribute which is paid by a warship to the flag of a foreign
power, is just as much or as little worthy to be described as
superstitious as the display of an assigned number of candles upon the
altar at high Mass. The carrying of tapers figures among the marks of
respect prescribed to be shown to the highest dignitaries of the Roman
Empire in the "Notitia Dignitatum Imperii". It is highly probable that
the candles which were borne from a very early period before the pope
or the bishop when he went in procession to the sanctuary, or which
attended the transport of the book of the Gospels to the 
<i>ambo</i> or pulpit from which the deacon read, were nothing more
than an adaptation of this secular practice.</p>
<p id="c-p838" shownumber="no">The use of a multitude of candles and lamps was undoubtedly a
prominent feature of the celebration of the Easter vigil, dating, we
may believe, almost from Apostolic times. Eusebius (Vita Constant., IV,
xxii) speaks of the "pillars of wax" with which Constantine transformed
night into day, and Prudentius and other authors have left eloquent
descriptions of the brilliance withing the churches. Neither was the
use of candles in the basilicas confined to those hours at which
artificial light was necessary. Not to speak of the decree of the
Spanish council at Elvira (c.300), which seems to condemn as an abuse
some superstitious burning of candles during the daytime in cemeteries,
we know that the heretic Vigilantius towards the close of the same
century made it a reproach against the orthodox that while the sun was
still shining they lighted great piles of candles 
(<i>moles cereorum accendi faciunt</i>), and St. Jerome in answer
declared that the candles were lighted when the Gospel was read, not
indeed to put darkness to flight, but as a sign of joy. (Migne, P.L.,
XXIII, 345.) This remark and the close association of lighted candles
with the baptismal ceremony, which took place on Easter Eve and which
no doubt occasioned the description of that sacrament as 
<i>photismos</i> (illumination), shows that the Christian symbolism of
blessed candles was already making itself felt at that early date. This
conclusion is further confirmed by the language of the 
<i>Exultet</i>, still used in our day on Holy Saturday (q.v.) for the
blessing of the paschal candle. It is highly probable that St. Jerome
himself composed such a 
<i>praeconium paschale</i> (see Morin in Revue Bénédictine,
Jan., 1891), and in this the idea of the supposed virginity of bees is
insisted on, and the wax is therefore regarded as typifying in a most
appropriate way the flesh of Jesus Christ born of a virgin mother. From
this has sprung the further conception that the wick symbolizes more
particularly the soul of Jesus Christ and the flame the Divinity which
absorbs and dominates both. Thus the great paschal candle represents
Christ, "the true light", and the smaller candles are typical of each
individual Christian who strives to reproduce Christ in his life. This
symbolism we may say is still accepted in the Church at large.</p>
<p id="c-p839" shownumber="no">Besides the use at baptism and at funerals (St. Cyprian in 258 was
buried 
<i>praelucentibus cereis</i>), we learn from the so-called Fourth
Council of Carthage, really a synod held in Southern Gaul (c.514), that
in conferring the minor order of acolyte (q.v.) The candidate had
delivered to him "a candlestick with a candle". The usage is observed
to the present day. Such candles as these when carried by acolytes, as
we learn from he Gregorian Sacramentary and the "Ordines Romani", were
constantly used in the Roman Ceremonial from the seventh century and
probably still earlier. These candles were placed upon the pavement of
the sanctuary and not until much later upon the altars. Still the
practice of setting candles upon the table of the altar itself seems to
be somewhat older than the twelfth century. As the Roman pontiff,
according to the "Ordines", was preceded by seven acolytes carrying
candles, and as these candles at a later period were placed upon the
altar and no longer upon the pavement, it is a tempting hypothesis to
identify the six altar-candlesticks of an ordinary high Mass (there are
seven when the bishop of the diocese pontificates) with the acolytes'
candlesticks of the Roman "Ordines". But on this, see Edmund Bishop in
the "Downside Review", 1906. The lighting of six candles upon the altar
is now enjoined for every high Mass, four at every 
<i>Missa Cantata</i>, or for the private Mass of a bishop on festivals,
and two for all other Masses. Still a certain freedom is left of
lighting more candles on occasions of solemnity. Six candles should
also be lighted at Vespers and Lauds when the Office is sung on great
feasts, but on less solemn occasions two or four suffice. The rubrics
also prescribe that two acolytes with candles should walk at the head
of the procession to the sanctuary, and these two candles are also
carried to do honour to the chanting of the Gospel at high Mass, as
well as to the singing of the little chapter and the collects at
Vespers, etc. Similarly the bishop when he makes his entry into a
church is received and escorted by the acolytes with their candles.
Again a bishop when taking part in any ecclesiastical function in the
sanctuary has a little candlestick of his own, known as the 
<i>bugia</i>, which is held beside him by a chaplain or cleric. Candles
are also used in excommunications, the reconciling of penitents, and
other exceptional functions. They play a conspicuous part in the rite
of the dedication of a church and the blessing of cemeteries, and an
offering of candles is also made at the Offertory of an ordination mass
by those who have just been ordained. In the conferring of all the
sacraments except that of penance, it is enjoined that candles should
be lighted. At a baptism a burning candle is put into the hand of the
catechumen or of the godfather as representing the infant. It is not
lawful to say Mass without lighted candles, and if the candles are in
danger of being blown out by the wind they must be protected by
lanterns. The rubrics of the "Roman Missal" direct that at the Sanctus,
even of any private Mass, an additional candle should be lighted and
should burn until after the Communion of the priest. This rubric
however is much neglected in practice even in Rome itself.</p>
<p id="c-p840" shownumber="no">As regards material, the candles used for liturgical purposes should
be of beeswax. This is adhered to on account probably of its symbolic
reference to the flesh of Christ, as already explained. In the case of
the paschal candle and the two candles which are of obligation at Mass,
a recent decree of the Congregation of Rites (14 Dec., 1904) has
decided that they must be of beeswax in 
<i>maxima parte</i>, which commentators have interpreted as meaning not
less than 75 per cent. For other purposes the candles placed upon the
altar, e.g. at Benediction, ought to be made of wax, "in great part".
Of such candles a minimum of twelve is prescribed for any public
exposition of the Blessed Sacrament, though six will suffice in a poor
church or for a private exposition. As a rule the colour of candles
should be white, though gilded and painted candles are permitted under
certain restrictions. In Masses for the dead however and in Holy Week
yellow or unbleached wax is used. It is also fitting that the candles
for liturgical purposes should be blessed, but this is not prescribed
as of obligation. An elaborate blessing for candles is provided on the
feast of the Purification on 2 Feb., otherwise known as Candlemas Day,
and this is followed by a distribution of candles and a procession. In
former ages this function was performed by the sovereign pontiff
wherever he was resident; and of the candles so blessed some were
scattered among the crowd and others sent as presents to persons of
note. A less elaborate form of blessing for candles on ordinary
occasions is given in the Missal as well as in the Ritual.</p>
<p id="c-p841" shownumber="no">Candles were, and are, commonly used to burn before shrines towards
which the faithful wish to show special devotion. The candle burning
its life out before a statue is no doubt felt in some ill-defined way
to be symbolical of prayer and sacrifice. A curious medieval practice
was that of offering at any favoured shrine a candle or a number of
candes equalling in measurement the height of the persons for whom some
favour was asked. This was called "measuring to" such or such a saint.
The practice can be traced back to the time of St. Radegund (d.587) and
later right through the Middle Ages. It was especially common in
England and the North of France in the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries. For many other uses of candles, e.g. in the service of
Tenebrae, in the hands of the dying, at First Communion, etc., the
reader must be referred to the respective articles. (See ALTAR,
subtitle 
<i>Altar-Candles.</i>)</p>
<p id="c-p842" shownumber="no">BAUMER in the Kirchenlexikon, s.v. Kerze, Vol. VII, 395-402; see
also MUHLBAUER, Geschichte und Bedeutung der Wachalichter bei den
kirchlichen Funktionen (Augsburg, 1874), a most satisfactory monograph;
THALHOFER, Liturgik (Freiburg, 1893), I, 666-82; MARTIN AND CAHIER,
Melanges d'Archeologie (Paris, 1853), III, 1-51; Bishop, Of six candles
on the Altar in the Downside Review, July, 1906, 188-203. For recent
decisions see S.L.T., The Furniture of the Altar in The Ecclesiastical
Review (July, 1904), 60-64; VAN DE STAPPEN, Sacra Liturgia (Mechlin,
1902), III, 74-85; Callationes Brugenses (Bruges, 1905),X, 398-400;
Ephemerides Liturgicae, XV, 379-88.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p843" shownumber="no">HERBERT THURSTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p843.1" title="Candlesticks" type="Encyclopedia">Candlesticks</term>
<def id="c-p843.2">
<h1 id="c-p843.3">Candlesticks</h1>
<p id="c-p844" shownumber="no">Of the earliest form of candlesticks used in Christian churches we
know but little. Such records as we possess of the magnificent presents
made by Constantine to the basilica of the Lateran and to St. Peter's
seem from the descriptions to refer principally to the stands and the
hanging chandeliers destined for lamps. We hear also of two sets of
seven bronze candelabra, each ten feet high, placed before the altars,
but we cannot assume that these 
<i>candelabra aurichalca</i> were necessarily used for wax tapers
(Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis, I, 173-176). Some of these great 
<i>fari</i> must have been magnificent pieces of metal-work, being made
of gold and silver with fifty, eighty, or one hundred and twenty
"dolphins", i. e. little branches wrought in this form and supporting
each of them one or more lamps. This extraordinary profusion of lights,
indirectly corroborated by Prudentius (Migne, P. L. LIX, 820, 829) and
St. Paulinus of Nola (Migne, P. L. LXI, 467 and 535), was such that
Rohault de Fleury (La Messe, VI, 5) estimates at 8730 the number of
lights which Constantine destined for the Lateran basilica. This
practice of providing immense hanging 
<i>coronœ</i> to be lighted on the great festivals seems to have
lasted throughout the Middle Ages and to have extended to every part of
Christendom, both East and West. (Cf. e. g. Venantius Fortunatus,
Migne, LXXXVIII, 127.) We, in these days of brilliant artificial light,
cannot easily realize what unwonted splendour such displays imparted to
worship in a comparatively rude and barbarous age. To these magnificent
chandeliers various names are given in the Liber Pontificalis, e. g. 
<i>cantharus, corona, stantareum, pharus, cicindele,</i> etc. Such
works of art were often presented by emperors or royal personages to
the basilicas of Rome, and though no specimens of any great size
survive from this early period, various smaller objects have been
found, one a bronze chandelier representing a basilica and providing
accommodation for a dozen lights (Leclercq, Manuel d'archéologie,
II, 561), which give a sufficient idea of their construction.</p>
<p id="c-p845" shownumber="no">Besides these, simple candlesticks 
(<i>cereostata</i>) were also undoubtedly in use from a very early date.
The reference in the Apocalypse to the seven candlesticks of the
Churches of Asia (i, 12 sq.) was probably derived from some feature
already familiar in Christian worship. Of the lights carried before
certain Roman officials, and of the acolyte's candlestick and candle
referred to in the so-called Fourth Council of Carthage, mention is
made in the article CANDLES (q. v.). The well-known medal of
Gaudentianus of the fifth or sixth century seemingly shows candles
burning upon a ciborium over an altar. Less open to dispute are the
candlesticks seen in various mosaics and carved sarcophagi of the same
period. The long shafts are evidently made of alternating spindles and
knobs, and they are supported on a three-clawed base of simple form.
There was a pricket at the top upon which the candle was stuck, and so
St. Paulinus speaks of the candlesticks "which carry painted candles on
their protruding spikes" 
(<i>Depictas exstante gerunt quœ cuspide ceras</i>). Of the
Merovingian and Carolingian candelabra we have no trustworthy surviving
examples, but we read of the exquisite workmanship lavished upon such
objects in the time of Benedict of Aniane (750-821), who presented a
set of seven to the church over which he ruled. A remarkable
candlestick of bronze is still preserved at Kremsmünster, and is
believed by some to be coeval with the chalice of Tassilo, c. 810,
belonging to the same treasury; but other authorities assign the
candlestick to a date at least two centuries later. The design shows a
good deal of boldness and grace, but the execution of the metal work is
not of a very high order. Of the eleventh and early twelfth centuries
sundry candlesticks are preserved to us of a Byzantine type, squat and
grotesque in form, which, if destined for ecclesiastical purposes at
all, seem rather to have been intended to stand upon the surface of the
altar than to be carried by acolytes or placed upon the ground. There
are also other reasons, derived in part from the miniatures of
manuscripts, which suggest that the use of lighted candles upon the
altar itself is to be traced to this period. Much more remarkable,
however, are the remains of some magnificent metalwork on a more vast
scale. The great candelabrum of Reims was preserved until the French
Revolution. It was constructed by instruction of the treasurer Wido
between 1070 and 1097, and was no doubt meant to stand before the high
altar in imitation of the great seven-branch candlestick of the temple
of Jerusalem. Its height was over eighteen feet and its width fifteen.
At present we have to judge of its workmanship from a small portion of
the pedestal, which has alone escaped destruction and is now preserved
in the public library of Reims.</p>
<p id="c-p846" shownumber="no">Not less wonderful and happily still entire is the great candelabrum
of Milan commonly known as "the Virgin's Tree". This 
<i>chef-d'œuvre</i> of twelfth-century art is also a seven-branch
candlestick, and over elghteen feet in height. If the general effect,
owing to the nature of the subject, is rather gaunt and straggling, the
beauty of detail in the sculptured base and the bosses which adorn the
stem can hardly be exceeded. With such great standing candelabra as
those of Reims and Milan, neither of which could be described as
precisely liturgical in purpose, we may associate certain large
chandeliers still preserved from the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth
centuries. Those of Reims and Toul perished in the French Revolution.
But at Hildesheim we have a circular 
<i>corona</i> of gilt copper suspended from the roof, and dating from
about 1050, twenty feet in circumference and bearing seventy-two
candles. That at Aix-la-Chapelle, the gift of Frederick Barbarossa,
whose name is inscribed upon it, is still larger and still more
remarkable for the artistic beauty of its details, especially the
medallions depicting scenes in the life of Christ, engraved upon copper
and painted. More strictly destined for the service of the altar are a
few surviving specimens of twelfth-century candlesticks, the most
famous of which (here reproduced) is now in the South Kensington
Museum, London, and, as the following inscription shows, was originally
made for Gloucester Abbey in the time of Abbot Peter (1104-12):</p>
<div class="c6" id="c-p846.1">Abbatis Petri gregis et devotio mitis
<br />Me dedit Ecclesie Sci Petri Gloecestre.</div>
<p id="c-p847" shownumber="no">The grace and elaboration of the interlacing grotesques are very
characteristic of the period. Nearly a century older, but less
artistic, are the two candlesticks of Bernward now at Hildesheim; while
as a specimen of later medieval work it will be sufficient to mention
two very beautiful candlesticks, about five feet in height, preserved
at present in the Cathedral of Ghent, but believed to have belonged
before the Reformation to St. Paul's Cathedral, London.</p>
<p id="c-p848" shownumber="no">The practice of retaining six great candlesticks permanently upon
the high altar seems only to date from the sixteenth century. At a
somewhat earlier period we occasionally read of five, seven, or nine,
according to the grade of the feast. However, since the publication of
the "Cæremoniale Episcoporum" in 1600, the presence of three such
candlesticks on either side of the central crucifix is a matter of
rubrical law. The" Cæremoniale" further directs that they should
correspond to the crucifix in pattern and should be of graduated
heights, the tallest next to the crucifix. This last direction,
however, may be considered to have fallen into abeyance. (See CANDLES;
ALTAR, under 
<i>Altar Candlesticks</i>.)</p>
<p id="c-p849" shownumber="no">Besides the works already mentioned in the article 
<i>Candles</i> and the archæological manuals of OTTE, BERGNER, and
REUSENS, the reader may consult D'ALLEMAGNE, 
<i>Histoire du luminaire</i> (Paris, 1891); DIDRON, 
<i>Annales archéologiques,</i> especially vols. XII. XIII, and
XXI; CORBLET, 
<i>Les chandeliers de l'église au moyenâge,</i> in 
<i>Revue de l'art chrétien,</i> III; BARBIER DE MONTAULT, 
<i>traité pratique de l'ameublement des églises,</i> I, bk.
III, and II, bk. XII; MARTIN AND CAHER, 
<i>Mélanges d'archéologie</i> (Paris, 1856), I, 93-104; III,
1-62; IV, 276-281; and more particularly ROHAULT DE FLEURY, 
<i>La Messe,</i> VI, 1-56, and corresponding plates, which last supply
the best available pictorial illustration of the subject.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p850" shownumber="no">HERBERT THURSTON.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p850.1" title="Canea" type="Encyclopedia">Canea</term>
<def id="c-p850.2">
<h1 id="c-p850.3">Canea</h1>
<p id="c-p851" shownumber="no">Formerly a titular see of Crete, suppressed by a decree of 1894.
Canea is the Italian name of Cydonia. Both names, however, were used
simultaneously as separate titles. (See CYDONIA.)</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p852" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p852.1" title="Canelos and Macas" type="Encyclopedia">Canelos and Macas</term>
<def id="c-p852.2">
<h1 id="c-p852.3">Canelos and Macas</h1>
<p id="c-p853" shownumber="no">Vicariate Apostolic in Ecuador, South America, separated in 1886
from the Vicariate Apostolic of Napo, until then administered by the
Jesuits, and since 3 Feb., 1893, one of the four missionary vicariates
created by the concordat of Leo XIII with Ecuador (Battandier). This
vicariate is now in charge of the Dominicans, who sent thither the
first missionaries shortly after the Spanish conquest; it is not
subject to Propaganda, but to the Congregation of Extraordinary
Ecclesiastical Affairs. The vicariate is bounded on the west by the
province of Chimborazo and the River Morona, on the south by the Amazon
(Marañon), on the east by the Tigre, and on the north by the
Curaray; the entire territory is divided lengthwise by the Pastaza. The
city of Canelos is situated in the foothills of the Andes, not far from
the sources of the Bobonaza, and takes its name (identical with that of
a very ferocious tribe of Indians) from the cinnamon plant which grows
very abundantly in these regions. It dates from the first period of the
Spanish conquest, but was often destroyed by the savages. The city of
Macas lies farther south on the Upano, and was once a centre of great
wealth, owing to the neighbouring gold mines; it was known as Sevilla
del Oro, or "Golden Seville". Owing to the attacks of the savages it
became necessary to abandon these mines, whereupon Macas fell into
decay. The Indians who dwell in this vast vicariate are partly
Christians (a remnant of the converts made by the earlier missionaries)
and partly pagan. Robust and intelligent, but passionately devoted to
their freedom, they are very widely scattered, and the tribes are
frequently at war with one another. The missionaries gather the orphans
of the Indians killed in these wars and instruct them in various trades
and industries; in this way they have established a fairly large number
of Christian settlements. Other important cities of the vicariate are
Mendoza and Gualaquiza. Canelos is also the name of the river that
flows through the territory of the Canelos Indians.</p>
<p id="c-p854" shownumber="no">
<i>Gerarchia Cattolica</i> (Rome, 1907), 327; BATTANDIER, 
<i>Ann. Pont. Cath.</i> (Paris, 1907), 341; STREIT, 
<i>Kathol. Missionsatlas</i> (Steyl, 1906), 27 and map 28.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p855" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p855.1" title="Canes, Vincent" type="Encyclopedia">Vincent Canes</term>
<def id="c-p855.2">
<h1 id="c-p855.3">Vincent Canes</h1>
<p id="c-p856" shownumber="no">(JOHN BAPTIST)</p>
<p id="c-p857" shownumber="no">Friar Minor and controversialist, born on the borders of Nottingham
and Leicestershire, date uncertain; died in London, June, 1672. Though
brought up a Protestant, he embraced the Catholic Faith at the age of
twenty, and shortly afterwards went from England to Douai. Here he was
received into the Franciscan Order and became lector of philosophy and
later professor of theology in the convent of the Friars Minor. Having
returned to England, he laboured strenuously for the spread of the
Catholic Faith and was chosen by the Catholics to defend their cause
against Dr. Stillingfleet. Canes' well-known ability as a
controversialist was strengthened by the absence of bitterness or
animosity towards his opponents, while his elegant and graceful style
made his writings effective. His works are:</p>
<ul id="c-p857.1">
<li id="c-p857.2">(1) "The Reclaimed Papist: or a Dialogue between a Popish Knight, a
Protestant Lady, a Parson and his Wife" (1655);</li>
<li id="c-p857.3">(2) "Fiat Lux: or a General conduct to a right understanding and
charity in the great Combustions and Broils about Religion here in
England, betwixt Papist and Protestant, Presbyterian and Independent.
To the end that Moderation and Quietness may at length happily ensue
after so serious Tumults in the Kingdom' (1662). This work was
dedicated to Elizabeth, Countess of Arundel and Surrey, the mother of
Cardinal Howard, and is admirably calculated to inspire sentiments of
moderation and peace;</li>
<li id="c-p857.4">(3) "Infallibility" (1665), an appendix to the preceding work;</li>
<li id="c-p857.5">(4) "An Epistle to the Author of Animadversion on Fiat Lux"
(1664);</li>
<li id="c-p857.6">(5) "Diaphanta, or Three Attendants on Fiat Lux, wherein Catholik
Religion is further excused against the opposition of several
Adversaries" (1665);</li>
<li id="c-p857.7">(6) "Three Letters declaring the strange, odd Proceedings of
Protestant Divines when they write against Catholics," etc.
(1671);</li>
<li id="c-p857.8">(7) "
<i>To Katholiko</i> Stillingfleeto; being an account given to a
Catholik friend of Dr. Stillingfleet's late book against the Church of
Rome" (1672).</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p858" shownumber="no">GILLOW, 
<i>Bibl. Dict. of Eng. Cath.</i> (London, 1885), I, 392-93; HURTER, 
<i>Nomenclator,</i> II, 96-97; THADDEUS, 
<i>The Franciscans in England</i> (London, 1898), xiii, 109-10.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p859" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p859.1" title="Canice, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Canice</term>
<def id="c-p859.2">
<h1 id="c-p859.3">St. Canice</h1>
<p id="c-p860" shownumber="no">(Or KENNY).</p>
<p id="c-p861" shownumber="no">Commemorated on 11 October, born in 515 or 516, at Glengiven, in
what is now County Derry, Ireland; died at Aghaboe in 600. He was
descended from Ui-Dalainn, a Waterford tribe which dwelt on an island
now identified as Inis-Doimhle in the Suir. The father of the saint was
a distinguished bard who found his way to the North and settled at
Glengiven in Cinachta under its chief. His mother was called Maul; her
name is commemorated in the church of Thomplamaul, Kilkenny, dedicated
to God under her invocation. The early years of Canice were spent in
watching his chieftain's flocks, but, God calling him to higher aims,
we find him in 543 at Clonard, under St. Finian, where he was a
fellow-pupil of St. Columba. In 544 he was studying in the school of
Glasnevin, with St. Kieran of Clonmacnoise and St. Comgall of Bangor,
under the tuition of St. Mobhi. He was ordained priest in 545 in the
monastery of Llancarvan in Glamorganshire, and set out for Rome to
obtain the blessing of the reigning pontiff. In 550 we find him again
at Glengiven, where he converted his foster-brother, Geal-Breagach, who
afterwards assisted him in founding Drumachose. In 565 he passed over
to Scotland, where his name is recalled in the ruins of an ancient
church, Kil-Chainnech on Tiree Island, and in a burial ground,
Kil-Chainnech, in Iona. He built cells on the island of Ibdon and
Eninis, an oratory called Lagan-Kenny on the shores of Lough Lagan, and
a monastery in Fifeshire on the banks of the Eden. He is known in
Scotland as St. Kenneth, was closely associated with St. Columba in the
latter's missionary work, and, next to him and St. Bridget, is the
favourite Irish saint in Scotland 
(<i>Eammack</i>). See Reeve's "Adamnàn" (Dublin, 1857, xxvi, xxxi);
also the ancient lives in the "Codex Solmanticensis" edited by De Smedt
and Backer (see below), and the "Liber Kilkenniensis" in Marsh's
Library, Dublin. His Irish foundations were Drumachose, two miles
southeast of Limavady, Kilkenny West, in County Westmeath, and the
great Abbey of Aghaboe in Ossory, Queens County. Tradition asserts that
he founded a monastery in Kilkenny by the round tower and cathedral
which bears his name. A man of great eloquence and learning, he wrote a
commentary on the Gospels, known for centuries as Glas-Chainnigh.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p862" shownumber="no">MICHAEL M. O'KANE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p862.1" title="Canisius, Henricus" type="Encyclopedia">Henricus Canisius</term>
<def id="c-p862.2">
<h1 id="c-p862.3">Henricus Canisius</h1>
<p id="c-p863" shownumber="no">(DE HONDT), canonist and historian, born at Nymwegen in Geldern and
belonged to the same distinguished family as Saint Peter Canisius, who
was his uncle; died 2 September, 1610, at Ingolstadt. He studied at the
university of Louvain, and in 1590 was appointed professor of canon law
at Ingolstadt. He was the author of "Summa Juris Canonici" (Ingolstadt,
1594); "Praelectiones Academicae" (ib., 1609); "Comment. in lib. III
decretalium" (ib., 1629); "De Sponsalibus et Matrimonio" (ib., 1613). A
complete edition of his canonical writings appeared at Louvain in 1649
and at Cologne in 1662. The fruits of his labours in the historical
field appeared in a work entitled, "Antiquae Lectiones, seu antiqua
monumenta ad historiam mediae aetatis illustrandam" (6 vols.,
Ingolstadt, 1601-1604). In 1608 a seventh volume, a "Promptuarium
Ecclesiasticum" was added by way of supplement. The work lacked
systematic arrangement, and included much matter of minor value. It was
afterwards entirely recast and critically sifted by Basnage, under the
title "Thesaurus Monumentorum ecclesiasticorum et historicorum" (7
vols., Antwerp, 1725). Canisius edited for the first time the "Chronica
Victoris Episcop. Tunnunensis et Joannis Episcop. Biclariensis", and
the "Legatio Luitprandi" (Ingolstadt, 1600). We are likewise indebted
to him for an edition of the "Historiae miscellae Pauli Diaconi" (ib.,
1603).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p864" shownumber="no">THOMAS OESTREICH</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p864.1" title="Canisius, Theodorich" type="Encyclopedia">Theodorich Canisius</term>
<def id="c-p864.2">
<h1 id="c-p864.3">Theodorich Canisius</h1>
<p id="c-p865" shownumber="no">Born at Nimwegen, Holland, 1532; died 27 September, 1606, at
Ingolstadt. He was a half-brother on his mother's side to St. Peter
Canisius. After winning, at the age of twenty-two, the highest academic
distinction at Louvain, he decided to follow his stepbrother and enter
the Society of Jesus, and was sent to St. Ignatius in Rome, who
received him into the Society. On the completion of his novitiate,
Theodorich was appointed professor of theology in Vienna, but was soon
after appointed rector of the Jesuit College at Munich. Here, in 1562,
one of the first productions in Germany of the morality play "Homulus"
(Everyman) was given in Latin by the students under his direction. From
Munich, where he was succeeded in 1565 by the celebrated Paul Hoffaeus,
he was transferred to Dillingen, where for twenty years he presided
over the college and the academy and laboured with zeal and success for
the improvement of studies and for the religious training of the
students. From 1565 to 1582 he held the office of chancellor of the
university. In company with his distinguished brother, he attended the
first provincial congregation of the Society of Jesus in Upper Germany,
and furthered important reforms in the teaching of philosophy. In 1585
he was made rector of the college of Ingolstadt, and in this capacity
became a member of the German commission which tested in practice the
first draft of the Ratio Studiorum. At length, having spent thirty
years at the head of three of the foremost colleges of Germany, he was
sent to Lucerne in Switzerland to enjoy a period of rest; but soon
again, at the age of sixty-three, he had to undertake the government of
the college of Ingolstadt. Two years later, on the advice of his
physician, he was relieved of the burden and allowed to return to
Lucerne. A fortnight after his arrival the death of St. Peter Canisius
was announced. the shock deprived Theodorich of memory and speech, an
affliction which he bore with exemplary patience for seven years. For
his amiable disposition and spotless purity of life he deservedly
received the surname of Angelus. In 1604, he was transferred again to
Ingolstadt, where he died, and was laid to rest in the church of the
Holy Cross.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p866" shownumber="no">GEORGE H. DERRY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p866.1" title="Cano, Alonso" type="Encyclopedia">Alonso Cano</term>
<def id="c-p866.2">
<h1 id="c-p866.3">Alonso Cano</h1>
<p id="c-p867" shownumber="no">(Or ALEXIS)</p>
<p id="c-p868" shownumber="no">A Spanish painter, architect, and sculptor, b. at Granada, 19 March,
1601; d. there 3 or 5 October, 1667. He received his first lessons in
art from his father, Miguel Cano, an architect. Later he studied
sculpture under Juan Montanes, and painting under Pacheco and Juan del
Castillo. In 1625, when Herrera, the sculptor, was his teacher, he
attained great fame by producing three coloured statues, now in the
church at Lebrija: "The Virgin and Child", "St. Peter", and "St. Paul".
They are all superb pieces of statuary, but the first is a masterpiece,
conceived and executed in a noble, classical, simple style that rightly
earned for Cano the title of the "Michelangelo of Spain". Besides his
single figures in marble, he chiselled many beautiful retables, or
monumental altar-pieces.</p>
<p id="c-p869" shownumber="no">Cano went to Madrid in 1637, and through the influence of the Duke
of Olivarez and of Velasques, but chiefly because of his own merit, was
made Master of the Royal Works, Painter to the King, and first in rank
among the instructors of Don Balthasar Carlos. In Madrid he contributed
plans for several palaces, city gates, and a triumphal arch for the
entrance of Maria Anna of Austria, wife of Philip IV. In 1650 he became
architect of the cathedral of Toledo. Cano was suspected of having
murdered his wife, and was unjustly condemned and ordered to leave
Madrid. He took refuge in Valencia, attained marked success there,
painted a "Nativity", and a "St. John" for the city's great church, and
entered the Carthusian convent, so as to be able to devote himself
wholly to painting, which henceforth occupied him to the exclusion of
sculpture. Tardy justice was done him when he returned to Madrid. He
was restored to royal favour, but Cano felt that his only surety was in
the Church; therefore he took orders and became a resident of Granada.
In 1652 Philip IV appointed him a canon in the cathedral of Granada. To
the churches of Granada and Malaga he presented many pictures and
statues. A councillor of the former city, having ordered a statue of
St. Anthony of Padua from Cano, was charged one hundred doubloons,
whereat he demurred, saying that the artist was demanding four pistoles
per day for twenty-five days' work, which was more than he, Cano's
superior, could earn. "It has taken fifty years of study to produce
this!" cried Cano, hurling the statue to the pavement. For this
indignity to a saint he was suspended by the Chapter of Granada. In
1658 the king restored Cano, and required him to complete a crucifix
which the queen had ordered.</p>
<p id="c-p870" shownumber="no">Cano was a greater sculptor than painter, but he would have attained
fame as a painter even had he never worked in marble. His earlier work
in colour was tentative, eclectic, and of little originality, but his
later pictures, which fill the churches of Granada and Malaga, are
splendid in drawing, brilliant in a colouring that vividly recalls Van
Dyck's, full of imagination, and bold in design. His flesh tints are
pure, the pose of his figures is statuesque, the lines are sharp,
vigorous, and classical, and he had a profound knowledge of
chiaroscuro. Cano led an exemplary life, his great fault being his
ungovernable temper; he was industrious, studious, and very generous.
It is related of him that, often, when he had no money for alms he
would make a drawing for the beggar to sell. His abnormal antipathy to
Jews was exemplified on his death-bed when he refused the Sacrament
from a priest who had given it to converted Jews. Among his works
mention may be made of: "St. Agnes" (Berlin); "The Dead Christ"
(Madrid); "Virgin and Child" (St. Petersburg); "St. Anthony of Padua"
(Munich); "Madonna and Child", sculpture, in the church of Lebrija (the
ancient city of Nebrissa).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p871" shownumber="no">LEIGH HUNT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p871.1" title="Cano, Melchior" type="Encyclopedia">Melchior Cano</term>
<def id="c-p871.2">
<h1 id="c-p871.3">Melchior Cano</h1>
<p id="c-p872" shownumber="no">Dominican bishop and theologian, b. 1 Jan., 1509, at Tarancón,
Province of Cuenca, Spain; d. 30 Sept., 1560, at Toledo.</p>
<p id="c-p873" shownumber="no">His father, Ferdinand Cano, a learned jurist, sent him at an early
age to the University of Salamanca. There in 1523 he entered the
Dominican Order, and was professed at St. Stephen's convent, 12 Aug.,
1524. Francis de Victoria, who held the first chair of theology, was
his professor from 1527 to 1531. Cano was then sent to St. Gregory's
College at Valladolid, where, with Louis of Granada among others, he
heard the lectures of Bartholomew of Carranza. After teaching
philosophy for a time he became master of students, 1534, and was
promoted to the second chair of theology, 1536. The same year the
baccalaureate was conferred upon him by a general chapter of the order
at Rome. In 1542, while attending another general chapter, he was made
master of sacred theology, and on his return to Spain obtained the
first chair at Alcalá. After the death of Victoria, 17 Aug., 1546
Cano was a successful competitor for his chair at Salamanca, and he
held the title until 1552. Early in 1551 he was sent by the emperor to
the Council of Trent. He was accompanied by Dominic Soto, and, like
other members of the order, was enabled by his historical erudition and
his mastery of scholastic and positive theology to render important
service in the deliberations and achievements of the council. Tho
following year Charles V presented him for the bishopric of the Canary
Islands; but a month after he was preconized he resigned. In 1553 he
returned to St. Gregory's College at Valladolid as rector, but was not
charged with active professorial duties. In 1557, after being elected
prior of St. Stephen's at Salamanca, he was made provincial. This
election was contested, and among those who opposed Cano was Carranza,
who had become Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain. Another
provincial chapter renewed and confirmed the proceedings of the former
but the re-election was annulled by Pope Paul IV, who regarded Cano
with disfavour for supporting the Spanish Court in some of its
disagreements with the Holy See. On this pontiff's death Cano
personally repaired to Rome, and obtained the approbation of his
election from the new pope Pius IV. He returned to Toledo in the spring
of 1560, and died there the same year.</p>
<p id="c-p874" shownumber="no">The character of Cano has been assailed by some writers, who
represent him as a man of immoderate zeal and sometimes of intemperate
action. He is charged among other things with having been a party to
the misfortunes of Don Carlos and to the persecutions of Carranza.
Against these accusations he is ably defended by Father Touron, the
learned Dominican historian and biographer. Cano undoubtedly displayed
great energy, vehemence, and determination in the pursuit of his aims.
Early in his career at Valladolid he became involved in scholastic
controversy with Carranza, and their continuous disputes, besides
placing them at the head of rival schools of thought, cast a shadow
over all their subsequent relations. Cano is also said to have for some
time defeated the wish of the Jesuits to establish themselves in
Salamanca. His strictures, which made a great stir were published about
the time of the suppression of the Society, but were withdrawn from
publication in 1777. They were republished in "Crisis de la
Compañía de Jesús" (Barcelona, 1900), 152-159. Cano's
advice in important affairs of Church and State was often sought.
Though possessing the full confidence of Philip II, he declined in 1554
the position of confessor to the king.</p>
<p id="c-p875" shownumber="no">In whatever light his personal traits may appear Cano made an
imperishable name for himself in his work, "De Locis Theologicis"
(Salamanca, 1563), which in classic elegance and purity of style
approaches the great didactic treatises of Aristotle, Cicero, and
Quintillian. It certainly ranks with the most lauded productions of the
Renaissance not only on account of its fluency and freedom but also for
its lucid judgment and profound erudition. In the estimation of some
critics this work marking a new epoch in the history of theology has
made its author worthy of a place next to St. Thomas Aquinas. The "De
Locis" was the outcome of a movement inaugurated by Francis de Victoria
to restore the best patristic learning and to give to theological
science a purer diction and an improved literary form. Cano took up the
work of his master, and after years of labour gave out the production
that was worthy of their united aspirations and endeavours. It was
Cano's idea to establish scientifically the foundations of theological
science, and therefore the "De Locis" is a treatise on theological
method. After elucidating the distinction between arguments based on
authority and arguments from reason, the author enumerates ten 
<i>loci</i>, or sources of theology, each the subject of a book. With
admirable precision and clearness he treats successively the authority
of Holy Writ, oral tradition, the Catholic Church, the Councils, the
Fathers the Roman Church, the Scholastic theologians, the value of
natural reason as manifested in science, the authority of philosophers,
and the authority of history. The twelfth and last book treats of the
use and application of these 
<i>loci,</i> or sources, in scholastic debate or theological polemics.
Two further books on the 
<i>loci</i> as applicable to Scriptural exposition and as employed
against various classes of adversaries of the Catholic Church were
contemplated by Cano, but he was overtaken by death before he completed
his work. A standard quarto edition of the "De Locis Theologicis"
(Padua, 1714) was edited by Hyacinth Serry, with a "Prologus Galeatus"
defending Cano against his critics. This is followed by most of the
subsequent editions, some twenty in all. Two other treatises, "De
Sacramentis" and "De Poenitentiâ", are not so well known, but they
show the same character of solidity and clearness of method, and the
same elegant Latinity.</p>
<p id="c-p876" shownumber="no">QUÉTIF-ECHARD, 
<i>Scriptores Ord. Praed.,</i> II, 176; MANDONNET in VACANT, 
<i>Dict. de théologie catholique</i> (Paris, 1904), col. 1537;
TOURON, 
<i>Hist. des hommes illust. de l'ordre de S. Dominique,</i> IV;
CABALLERO, 
<i>Conquenses illustres</i>, II: 
<i>Mechior Cano</i> (1871); WERNER, 
<i>Gesch. d. apolog. u. polem. Litterateur</i> (1889), IV.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p877" shownumber="no">JOHN R. VOLZ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p877.1" title="Canon" type="Encyclopedia">Canon</term>
<def id="c-p877.2">
<h1 id="c-p877.3">Canon</h1>
<p id="c-p878" shownumber="no">An ecclesiastical person (Lat. 
<i>Canonicus</i>), a member of a chapter or body of clerics living
according to rule and presided over by one of their number.</p>
<p id="c-p879" shownumber="no">Whether the title as applied to persons is derived from 
<i>canon</i> (Gk. 
<i>kanón</i>), a rule, or from the same term meaning a list of
those who served a particular church, is much discussed. As however
there are various kinds of chapters, each having its own specific rule,
rights, and privileges, the most accurate definition of a canon is "a
member of a chapter". Some writers have derived the title from the
canon or rule of community life that was followed by certain clerics
and which distinguished them from others who did not live in community.
"A canon is so called from the canon, that is from the regularity of
the life which he leads" (Scarfantoni, ed. Lucca, 1723, I, 5). Opposed
to this is the opinion that canons were so called form the fact that
their names were inscribed on the lists of those who served particular
churches for which they were ordained. (For the medieval use of the
term see Ducange, Glossar. med et infimæ Latinitatis, s. v.
Canonicus.) The latter appears to be the more logical derivation and is
in accord with the arguments of Thomassinus and most other writers, who
agree that our present cathedral chapters are the modern form of the
ancient bodies of presbyters who in each particular church formed with
the bishop the senate of that church [Thomassinus, "Vetus ac nova
disciplina", pt. I, bk. III, cc. vii-xi, and lxiii-lxx; Binterim,
"Denkwürdigkeiten" (1826), III (2), 317-84].</p>
<h3 id="c-p879.1">HISTORICAL ORIGIN</h3>
<p id="c-p880" shownumber="no">It is not possible to say exactly when canons first had recognition
as a body distinct from the rest of the clergy (cf. Amort, Vetus
disciplina canonicorum regularium et sæcularium, Venice, 1747). In
the very first ages of Christianity there is evidence that many
churches had their own proper bodies of clergy, although it is not so
clear that these clerics kept to any common rule of life (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p880.1">Canons and Canonesses Regular</span>). At the same time there were many
clerics who did live in common, e.g. the cenobites, and the term 
<i>canon</i> was applied to them as early as the fourth century; but it
must not be inferred from this fact that the office of canon has its
origin in those who followed the cenobitical Rule of St. Augustine (see

<span class="sc" id="c-p880.2">Augustine, Rule of Saint</span>). So far as the Western Church is
concerned the first certain evidence is contained in the famous
ecclesiastical constitution or ordinance of the Benedictine monk
Chrodegang, Bishop of Metz (763). His "Regula vitæ communis" (rule
of common life) was at once a restoration and an adaptation of the Rule
of St. Augustine, and its chief provisions were that the ecclesiastics
who adopted it had to live in common under the episcopal roof, recite
common prayers, perform a certain amount of manual labour, keep silence
at certain times, and go to confession twice a year. They did not take
the vow of poverty and they could hold a life interest in property. For
the text of the Rule of Chrodegang see Mansi, "Coll. Conc.", XIV, 313;
also Walter, "Fontes Jur. eccl.", n. 6, and the edition of W. Schmitz
(Hanover, 1891); cf. Ebner, in "Röm. Quartalschrift" (1891) v,
81-86. Twice a day they met to hear a chapter from the rule of their
founder (see "Vita Chrodegangi", in "Mon. Germ. Hist.: Script.", X,
552), hence the meeting itself was soon called chapter 
(<i>capitulum</i>) and the member capitularies 
(<i>capitulares</i>). The canons then as now formed the council of the
bishop and assisted him in the ruling of his diocese. Those attached to
the cathedral churches, being regularly models of the 
<i>vita canonica,</i> were soon known as 
<i>canonici</i> par excellence, and in time formed a special
corporation, with all the rights proper to such bodies. From this
period dates the daily recitation by the canons of the Divine Office or
canonical hours (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p880.3">Breviary</span>). The Councils of Aachen (789) and
Mainz (813) contain provisions regarding canons, and in 816 the Council
of Aachen drew up a rule of 147 articles for the whole body of canons
(Hergenröther-Kirsch, "Kirchengesch.", 4th ed., Freiburg, 1904,
II, 170-74; Heimbucher, "Orden und Kongregationen", 2d ed., Freiburg,
1907, 3-21). In the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries, laxity crept
in; community life was no longer strictly observed; the sources of
revenue were divided, and the portions allocated to the individual
canons. This soon led to differences of income, consequently to
avarice, covetousness, and the partial destruction of the canonical
life 
(<i>vita canonica</i>). Various reforms were instituted by Nicholas II
(1059) and Alexander II (1063). There were also reforms by Innocent II
and the Council of Lateran (1139), and by Benedict XII (1339). [On the
ruin of the earlier 
<i>vita canonica</i> see the complaints of Anselm of Havelberg (d.
1155), in P. L., CLXXXVIII, 1083, and of Gerhoh of Reichersberg (d.
169), in the fifth volume of Baluze's "Miscellanea", ed. Mansi (Lucca,
1761).] The development of the Church and the increase in the number of
the faithful had rendered the one church of the bishop and his canons
insufficient for the needs of the people; accordingly, side by side
with those who followed the community life there were other clergy who
served the filial churches and fulfilled the ordinary parochial duties.
The bishops gradually derived greater assistance from these parochial
clergy in the management of their dioceses, and such secular coadjutors
were formally constituted as canons by the Council of Trent. (See
"Analecta Jur. Pontif.", 1863, VI, pp. 1657, 1795, 1978; "Les
chapîtres des cathédrales dans le Concile de Trente".) The
legislation of the Council of Trent (Sess. V, XXII, XXIV) brought into
uniformity the varying customs regarding the appointment, tenure,
duties, etc., of canons; it also regulated their relations to the
bishop in diocesan administration, and wherever the Catholic Church is
now in full vigour the Tridentine constitutions are observed. In
countries like England, Ireland, Canada, Australia, and the United
States, ecclesiastical government does not conform strictly to the
disciplinary decrees of the Council of Trent; hence, though in such
countries canons may be appointed, they have not the canonical rights
or status that belongs to a canon in the full sense of the word. In
England before the Reformation, many of the chapters were composed of
Benedictine monks or of canons regular, but these were all secularized
at the Reformation. At present the Protestant canons in the Church of
England have little to do with the ruling of the diocese, and their
chief obligation is that of residence.</p>
<p id="c-p881" shownumber="no">As canons regular became separated into different congregations they
took their names from the locality in which they lived, or from the
distinctive habit they wore, or from the one who led the way in
remodelling their lives. Hence we have the White Canons of
Prémontré; the White Canons of St. John Lateran; the Black
Canons of St. Augustine; the Canons of St. Victor at Paris and also at
Marseilles (Muratori, "Diss. de Canonicis", in "Antiq. Ital. medii
ævi", V, 163; G. Pennoti, "Gen. hist. totius s. ord. clericor.
canonicorum", Rome, 1624; Ginzel, "Die canonische Lebensweise der
Geistlichen", Ratisbon, 1851).</p>
<h3 id="c-p881.1">KINDS OF CANONS</h3>
<p id="c-p882" shownumber="no">Canons are divided in the following manner: (1) Cathedral canons,
who, attached to the cathedral church, form the senate or council of
the bishop; collegiate canons, who perform the canonical office in the
church to which they are attached, but are not connected by reason of
their office with the government of the diocese. (2) Prebendary canons,
who have a prebend or fixed income attached to the canonry; simple
canons, who have no prebend. (3) Canons 
<i>de numero,</i> i. e. those of a church the number of whose canons
can neither be diminished nor increased; (4) supernumerary canons, who
are assistants to the canons 
<i>de numero</i>. The supernumerary canons are subdivided into three
classes, viz. (a) those whom the Holy Father appoints and who will
receive the first vacant prebend (expectant canons); (b) honorary
canons (for these see the Constitution of Leo XIII "Illud est
proprium", 21 Jan., 1894, and the recent decree of the Congr. of Rites,
14 Nov., 1902), and (c) canons who are added on the founding of a new
prebend. Formerly the chief distinction was that made between the
secular and regular canons. Regular canons, as forming the council of
the bishop, are now almost obsolete, and the special regulations by
which they are bound, their rights, privileges, and duties, are treated
fully in works on canon law. The special status of canons in
English-speaking countries will be considered later.</p>
<h3 id="c-p882.1">MANNER OF APPOINTMENT</h3>
<p id="c-p883" shownumber="no">As only the Holy Father can erect a chapter, so also he alone has
power to appoint the individual members of a chapter. This power may
be, and in fact is delegated, and hence canons are appointed sometimes
by the pope, sometimes by the bishop or the capitular body, sometimes
by others to whom the right has been given. By the rules of the Roman
Chancery all prebends which become vacant 
<i>in curia</i> (i. e. when one who holds a benefice dies in Rome) are
reserved to the Holy See, also the appointment to a vacant prebend the
former holder of which has been deprived of it by an act of the Holy
See, the appointment of the first dignitary of each chapter, and to all
other prebends which become vacant during the months of January,
February, April, May, July, August, October, and November. Beyond this
the law does not expressly state in whom resides the power to collate
to cathedral canonries and prebends, but the general opinion is that
the right is invested simultaneously in the bishop and chapter;
therefore for a valid election the majority of the canons must agree
with the bishop when a new appointment is made. Exceptions are made in
the following cases: if from the foundation of the church or benefice
the appointment belongs to a particular person; if there is an
immemorial custom to the contrary; the appointment of the canon
theologian and the canon penitentiary; the canons in France (Deshayes,
Memento Juris Eccl., 3d ed., Paris, 1903). Appointment is practically
always made by letter, and possession of a canonry cannot be obtained
until the nominee presents his letter of appointment. The Council of
Trent orders that on the day of taking possession, or at least within
two months, the new canon is to make his profession of faith and also
obedience to the bishop. This profession of faith is made to the bishop
himself or, if he be absent, to the vicar-general or another delegated
for this purpose. The profession of faith must be made in presence of
the chapter, otherwise the new canon may be deprived of possession and
the prebendal fruits and daily distributions.</p>
<h3 id="c-p883.1">QUALIFICATIONS</h3>
<p id="c-p884" shownumber="no">The Council of Trent says (Sess. XXIII, XXIV) that since the
dignitaries of the cathedral were instituted to preserve and increase
ecclesiastical discipline it is necessary that those who are appointed
should excel in piety and be an example to others; likewise, as they
are to assist the bishop in his office and work, only those should be
appointed who are able to fulfil the canonical duties. The requisite
qualifications are: legitimate birth, proper age, Sacred orders,
fitting education, skill in Gregorian chant, known good character and
repute. Moreover the council lays down that without these
qualifications the appointment is of no effect. Before the candidate is
admitted to his canonry not only the one who appoints but also the
chapter has the right to examine and inquire whether the necessary
qualities are present in the candidate.</p>
<h3 id="c-p884.1">DUTIES</h3>
<p id="c-p885" shownumber="no">The canon as a member of the chapter owes the bishop reverence in
three ways: by conceding him the first place; by giving him assistance;
by affording him escort. Conceding the bishop the first place has
reference to chapter choir-processions and other public acts. The
bishop also has the right to the assistance of two canons in the
government of his diocese, and all canons are bound to be present when
he celebrates pontifically in the cathedral church; on such occasions
they must meet him at an appointed place, not, however, more than 160
yards from the church; and after the service they must conduct him to
the church door. The obligation of a canon with regard to choir service
consists in the public recitation of the Divine Office and being
present at the Chapter Masses unless legitimately excused. There is the
further obligation of residence by which no canon may be absent from
his choir duties for more than three months in any year. As mentioned
above, the canon must make his profession of faith within two months of
his appointment; he is likewise bound, and may be compelled by
penalties, to attend the regular meetings of the chapter, and, finally,
he must attend the Advent and Lenten sermons under penalty of losing
his distributions or that portion of his revenues dependent on his
personal presence at the church offices.</p>
<h3 id="c-p885.1">RIGHTS (GENERAL)</h3>
<p id="c-p886" shownumber="no">The rights of the canons independently of the bishops are mainly
concerned with matters that have reference to the administration of the
chapter itself, e.g., the way in which the daily stipend is to be
distributed; the order in which the canons are to be summoned to choir
and chapter, etc., but they can do nothing to the disadvantage of the
cathedral church or in contravention of ancient customs without the
consent of the bishop. They could not, e.g., allow a canon more than
three months' non-residence, or exercise ownership over the property of
the cathedral, or receive foundation Masses. There are, however, some
things which, according to the canon law, the bishop cannot do without
the consent of the chapter, and other things which he cannot do without
the counsel of the canons. Consent means the approval by the 
<i>major et sanior pars</i> (a majority, provided it be made up of the
more prudent members). Counsel means consultation with the chapter
before action, to prevent precipitation on the part of the bishop. When
this consultation is necessary (i. e. provided for by the law), the act
would be invalid without it, but the bishop is not bound to follow the
counsel of the chapter. The consent of the chapter is required in the
following cases: for the alienation of immovable property of value
belonging to the cathedral, the chapter, or the 
<i>mensa</i> of the bishop, i. e. his endowment; for conferring
benefices the collation of which belongs to the bishop and chapter
conjointly; for the suppression of canonries and the uniting of simple
benefices on account of the smallness of the prebends; for uniting
benefices for any other reason; for the increase or decrease of the
number of the canons; for any proceedings seriously prejudicial to the
canons or their successors; for the ordering of a special feast; for
the surrogation of examiners or similar officers outside the time of
synod. The counsel of the canons is required: when the bishop has to
make pecuniary provision out of the income of the diocese in order to
provide lectures in Scripture, theology, or grammar for the clergy; for
dividing the prebends of the canons into subdiaconal, diaconal, and
sacerdotal prebends; for decreeing processions; in making synodal
decrees. It may be noted that lawful custom makes the bishop
independent of the advice of his canons in the matter of synodal
decrees ('Ferraris, Bibl. Prompta, s. v. Capitulum., art. 2, n. 9). The
special rights of canons are chiefly concerned with the government of
the diocese on the death or translation of the bishop. As soon as the
see becomes vacant all the ordinary episcopal jurisdiction passes to
the chapter, and also all that by custom belongs to the bishop. The 
<i>real</i> privileges belong to the canons, but not the 
<i>personal</i> privileges. They also succeed to those powers which
have been perpetually delegated. If the chapter be reduced to one, that
one can elect a vicar capitular; but he cannot elect himself. While the
see is vacant the canons cannot make any innovations, but within eight
days of the vacancy they must meet for the purpose of electing one who
is to rule the diocese in the name of the chapter. The election is
secret and a bare majority suffices.</p>
<h3 id="c-p886.1">INSIGNIA</h3>
<p id="c-p887" shownumber="no">Canons when present in choir for the Divine Office must wear the
canonical dress. The choir or canonical dress consists of a black
cassock (without train) and the cotta or surplice. Additional articles
of dress, e.g. the cappa or hooded cape and a cassock of different
colour, e.g. purple, are not to be worn unless specially granted by the
Holy See. If the canon be a bishop he should wear the rochet and
mantelletta over his purple cassock. Special privileges of dress have
been granted to many chapters by the Holy See either when the chapter
was erected or afterwards by particular indult. In all cases the terms
of the indult must be carefully observed. It is to be noted that canons
are never allowed to wear over the cassock the rochet only. Generally
speaking, the canonical dress may be worn at functions for which the
surplice is not prescribed, but only in the cathedral church or when in
another church the canons are present as a body 
(<i>capitulariter</i>), three canons being sufficient to represent the
chapter in this way. Consequently the canons may not wear the choral
dress in a diocese other than their own, nor may an individual canon
wear his habit in a church which he is serving either permanently or
for a time. The 
<i>pileolus</i> (skull cap) and biretta are not, strictly speaking,
part of choir dress.</p>
<h3 id="c-p887.1">PRECEDENCE</h3>
<p id="c-p888" shownumber="no">If, as in many instances is the case, the prebends are distinct, the
order of precedence is: dignitaries, canons of sacerdotal order, canons
of diaconal order, and canons of subdiaconal order. The dignitaries
take precedence among themselves according to statutes or
well-established custom. If the remainder of the prebends are all of
the sacerdotal order and all the holders are priests, they take
precedence according to priority of taking possession of their
canonries. The offices of canon theologian, canon penitentiary, etc.,
do not entitle the holders to any precedence. The precedence given to a
vicar- general, if a canon, only belongs to him when wearing the dress
proper to his office.</p>
<h3 id="c-p888.1">STATUS OF CANONS IN ENGLAND</h3>
<p id="c-p889" shownumber="no">The following is a summary of the legislation of the synods of
Westminster. The chapter consists of ten canons and one dignitary who
is called the provost. (In some dioceses the number of canons has been
increased.) A canon theologian and a canon penitentiary must be
appointed, by concursus, for each chapter, but there is no distinction
into sacerdotal, diaconal, and subdiaconal canons. The pope appoints
the provost, and he also nominates to canonries becoming vacant in
January and the alternate months of the year. In February and the other
alternate months the appointments belong in turn to the bishop and the
chapter. The canons do not actually make the appointment, but they send
in to the bishop a list of three names and the bishop may choose one of
three. By a recent decree of Propaganda (2 April, 1903) three honorary
canons are allowed to each diocese, and in certain dioceses special
indults have been granted with regard to the choir dress and the times
when it may be worn. The canons meet once a month, and their choir
obligations are limited to a portion of the Office on the day of
meeting. Regarding the election to a vacant bishopric, the canons in
England have only the right to make a recommendation of three
candidates whom they deem to be suitable (cf. decrees of Cong. of
Propaganda, 5 Apr., 1851; 21 Apr. 1852; 21 Jan., 1855, and "Collect. S.
Cong. de Prop. Fide", Rome, 1906). In Ireland, as in Scotland and other
countries where the law of the Church is not in full vigour, the powers
and duties of canons are much restricted, in fact their status is
mainly honorific, although in some isolated dioceses a near approach is
made to the legislation which governs canons in England. For the status
of canons in the ecclesiastical province of Quebec, see Gignac,
"Compendium juris. eccl. ad usum cleri Canadensis" (Quebec, 1901), De
Personis, Nos. 493-94.</p>
<p id="c-p890" shownumber="no">In addition to the special members of a chapter already mentioned
there are usually appointed the following, in order to secure
well-ordered services: precentor, sacristan, cancellor, succentor,
punctator, hebdomadarian. All these are not necessarily included in
every chapter; the actual arrangement is a matter for local convenience
and custom. (See 
<span class="sc" id="c-p890.1">Chapter</span>, 
<span class="sc" id="c-p890.2">Vicar Capitular</span>, 
<span class="sc" id="c-p890.3">Canons and Canonesses Regular</span>.)</p>
<p id="c-p891" shownumber="no">      
<i>The Synods of Westminster</i> (1852, 56, 59, 73; cf. 
<i>Coll. Lacensis,</i> III, 895); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.1">Taunton,</span> 
<i>The Law of the Church</i> (London, 1906), s. v. 
<i>Chapter</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.2">Barbosa,</span> 
<i>De canonicis et dignitatibus</i> (Lyons, 1700); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.3">De Herdt,</span> 
<i>Praxis capitularis</i> (Louvain, 1895); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.4">Bouix,</span> 
<i>De capitulis</i> (Paris, 1862); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.5">Fagnani,</span> 
<i>Jus canonicum</i> (Rome, 1659); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.6">Ferraris,</span> 
<i>Prompta Biblioth.</i> (Paris, 1884), s. v. 
<i>Capitulum</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.7">Idem,</span> 
<i>Theoria et praxis regiminis diœcesani, præsertim sede
vacante</i> (Paris, 1876); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.8">Van Espen,</span> 
<i>Jus eccl. univ.,</i> Pt. I, tit. vii-xii, 
<i>De instituto et off. canonicorum</i> (Cologne, 1748), II, 103-60; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.9">ReiffenstÜl,</span> 
<i>Jus canonicum universum</i> (Munich, 1702); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.10">Zitelli,</span> 
<i>Apparatus juris ecclesiastici</i> (Rome, 1903); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.11">Schneider,</span> 
<i>Die bischöflichen Domkapitel, ihre Entwicklung und rechtliche
Stellung im Organismus der Kirche</i> (Mainz, 1885); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.12">HergenrÖther</span>-
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.13">Hollweck,</span> 
<i>Lehrbuch d. can. Rechts</i> (Freiburg, 1905), 323 sqq.; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p891.14">Laurentius,</span> 
<i>Inst. jur. eccl.</i> (ibid, 1903), 145 sqq.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p892" shownumber="no">David Dunford.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p892.1" title="Canon (In Music)" type="Encyclopedia">Canon (In Music)</term>
<def id="c-p892.2">
<h1 id="c-p892.3">Canon</h1>
<p id="c-p893" shownumber="no">(Gr. 
<i>kanon</i>, rule, law, guide).</p>
<p id="c-p894" shownumber="no">In music, the strictest of all contrapuntal forms. It consists in
the imitation or repetition of a given melody or theme in its exact
melodic progression and in thy same rhythmical form by one or more
voices, not simultaneously, but one after another, at a half, whole, or
two, measure distance, on any of its intervals. The word 
<i>canon</i> was originally applied to the law according to which the
various voices were expected to imitate the typical melody 
(<i>proposta, guida</i>), these imitations not being written out in
notes. It was during the great period of the Netherlands School
(1450-1550) that the canon so a contrapuntal art-form received its
greatest development and perfection, but it remained for the Roman, or
Palestrina, School to give it its most complete application--to make it
the vehicle for the highest ideals. On account of the placidity and
repose resulting from extreme regularity, this form was employed by
predilection in the finales of compositions for the Ordinary of the
Mass. There are also instances, however, where the canon form is rnade
use of throughout all the five numbers of the mass. Examples of this
will be found in Palestrina's mass, "Ad caenam Agni providi" (Complete
Works, X), and in the same master's five-part mass, "Repleatur os meum
laude" (op. cit., XVII, 17, p. 105).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p895" shownumber="no">JOSEPH OTTEN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p895.1" title="Canoness" type="Encyclopedia">Canoness</term>
<def id="c-p895.2">
<h1 id="c-p895.3">Canoness</h1>
<p id="c-p896" shownumber="no">The assistance of women in the work of the Church goes back to the
earliest time, and their uniting together for community exercises was a
natural development of religious worship (Paulowski, De diaconissis
comment., Ratisbon, 1866; J. Réville, Le rôle des veuves dans
les communautés chrét. primitives, in Bibl. de l'Ecole des
hautes études: Sciences relig. I, 231-51, Paris, 1899; Goltz, Der
Dienst der Frau in den ersten christlichen Jahrhunderten, Leipzig,
1905). Rules were laid down for their guidance, but it was left for St.
Augustine of Hippo to draw up the first general rule for such
communities of women. It was written in the year 423 and was addressed
to Felicitas, Superioress of the Monastery of Hippo, and to Rusticus,
the priest whom St. Augustine had appointed to have charge of the nuns
(Migne, P. L., XXXIII, 958- 65). Towards the close of the eighth
century the title of canoness is found for the first time, and it was
given to these communities of women who, while they professed a common
life, yet did not carry out to its full extent the original Rule of St.
Augustine (sanctimoniales quæ se canonicas vocant, Council of
Châlons, 813, can. 53; see the second book of De Institutione
sanctimonialium, Council of Aachen, 816 or 817, and Hefele,
Conciliengeschichte, IV, 17 sqq.). These canonesses were practically an
imitation of the chapters of canons regular which had then recently
been received through the introduction of the "Regula vitæ
communis" of St. Chrodegang of Metz. The canonesses took but two vows,
chastity and obedience. Their superiors were known as abbesses, often
held princely rank and had feudal jurisdiction. The occupations of the
canonesses consisted in the recitation of the Divine Office, the care
of the church vestments, and the education of the young, particularly
the daughters of the nobility. The number of these communities
multiplied very rapidly; but as all who entered did not do so from a
spirit that was entirely religious, there soon came differences in the
observance of the rule, whence the distinction between regular
canonesses and secular canonesses. (See Ducange, Glossarium med. et
infimæ Latinitatis, s. v. Canonicæ; Jacques de Vitry, Hist.
Occid. II, 31; Bonif. VIII, in Lib. Sext. C. 43, § 5 de elect. I,
6; Extrav. Comm. III, 9 de relig. dom.) Some abbeys of these latter
still exist, a few Catholic and several Protestant establishments (in
Hanover alone there are seventeen), and many of them hold large
properties. This is explained by the fact that the secular canonesses
were mainly recruited from noble families, particularly in Germany,
and, when the Reformation passed over the land, gave up the Catholic
Faith. The regular canonesses, for the most part, follow the Rule of
St. Augustine, but local circumstances have been the means of
introducing various changes in details. Formerly all houses of a
particular observance were united under and governed by one head. At
the present day each convent is governed by a distinct superioress. The
canonesses regular best known in English speaking countries are the
Canonesses Regular of St. Augustine and the Canonesses Regular of the
Holy Sepulchre. They are strictly enclosed, take the vows of poverty,
chastity, and obedience, and are bound to the daily choral recitation
of the Divine Office.</p>
<p id="c-p897" shownumber="no">      
<i>Constitutions of the Regular Canonesses of the Order of St.
Augustine</i> (London, 1879); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p897.1">Dom Hamilton,</span> 
<i>Chronicle of the English Augustinian Canonesses Regular</i> (London,
1904); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p897.2">Ducas,</span> 
<i>Les chapitres nobles de dames, recherches historiques
généal., hérald., etc., sur les chanoinesses
régulières et séculières dans les chapitres nobles
de France et des Pays Bas</i> (Paris, 1843); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p897.3">Helyot,</span> 
<i>Dict. des ordres religieux</i> (Paris, 1847) I, 789-90; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p897.4">Heuser,</span> in 
<i>Kirchenlex.,</i> II 1842-45; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p897.5">Van Espen,</span> 
<i>Jus eccl.</i> I, tit. 33, c. ii; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p897.6">Thomassin,</span> 
<i>Vetus ac nova ecc. disciplina,</i> I (iii), c. li.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p898" shownumber="no">David Dunford.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p898.1" title="Canon of the Mass" type="Encyclopedia">Canon of the Mass</term>
<def id="c-p898.2">
<h1 id="c-p898.3">Canon of the Mass</h1>
<p id="c-p899" shownumber="no">This article will be divided into four sections: (I) Name and place
of the Canon; (II) History of the Canon; (III) The text and rubrics of
the Canon; (IV) Mystical interpretations.</p>
<h3 id="c-p899.1">I. NAME AND PLACE OF THE CANON</h3>
<p id="c-p900" shownumber="no">Canon 
(<i>Canon Missæ, Canon Actionis</i>) is the name used in the Roman
Missal for the fundamental part of the Mass that comes after the
Offertory and before the Communion. The old distinction, in all
liturgies, is between the Mass of the Catechumens (the litanies,
lessons from the Bible, and collects) and the Mass of the Faithful (the
Offertory of the gifts to be consecrated, Consecration prayer,
Communion, and dismissal). Our Canon is the Consecration prayer, the
great Eucharistic prayer in the Mass of the Faithful. The name 
<i>Canon</i> 
(<i>kanon</i>) means a norm or rule; and it is used for various objects,
such as the Canon of Holy Scripture, canons of Councils, the official
list of saints' names (whence "canonisation"), and the canon or list of
clerks who serve a certain church, from which they themselves are
called canons 
(<i>canonici</i>). Liturgically it occurs in three senses:</p>
<ul id="c-p900.1">
<li id="c-p900.2">The 
<i>kanon</i> in the Byzantine Rite is the arrangement of the nine odes
according to the order in which they are to be sung (Nilles,
Kalendarium Manuale, 2nd ed., Innsbruck, 1896, I, LVIII).</li>
<li id="c-p900.3">Like the word 
<i>Mass</i> it has occasionally been used as a general name for the
canonical Hours, or Divine Office (St. Benedict's Rule, cap. xvii;
Cassian, II, 13).</li>
<li id="c-p900.4">Chiefly, and now universally in the West, it is the name for the
Eucharistic prayer in the Holy Liturgy. In this sense it occurs in the
letters of St. Gregory I (Epp., Lib. VII, lxiv, Lib. XI, lix); the
Gelasian Sacramentary puts the heading "Incipit Canon Actionis" before
the Sursum Corda (ed. Wilson, 234), the word occurs several times in
the first Roman Ordo ("quando inchoat canonem", "finito vero canone",
ed. Atchley, 138, etc.); since the seventh century it has been the
usual name for this part of the Mass.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p901" shownumber="no">One can only conjecture the original reason for its use. Walafrid
Strabo says: "This action is called the Canon because it is the lawful
and regular confection of the Sacrament" (De reb. eccl., xxii);
Benedict XIV says: "Canon is the same word as rule, the Church uses
this name to mean that the Canon of the Mass is the firm rule according
to which the Sacrifice of the New Testament is to be celebrated" (De
SS. Missæ Sacr., Lib. II, xii). It has been suggested that our
present Canon was a compromise between the older Greek Anaphoras and
variable Latin Eucharistic prayers formerly used in Rome, and that it
was ordered in the fourth century, possibly by Pope Damasus (366-84).
The name 
<i>Canon</i> would then mean a fixed standard to which all must
henceforth conform, as opposed to the different and changeable prayers
used before (E. Burbridge in Atchley, "Ordo Rom. Primus", 96). In any
case it is noticeable that whereas the lessons, collects and Preface of
the Mass constantly vary, the Canon is almost unchangeable in every
Mass. Another name for the Canon is 
<i>Actio</i>. 
<i>Agere</i>, like the Greek 
<i>dran</i>, is often used as meaning to sacrifice. Leo I, in writing
to Dioscurus of Alexandria, uses the expression "in qua [sc. basilica]
agitur", meaning "in which Mass is said". Other names are 
<i>Legitimum, Prex, Agenda, Regula, Secretum Missæ</i>.</p>
<p id="c-p902" shownumber="no">The rubrics of our present Missal leave no doubt as to the limits of
the Canon in modern times. It begins at the "Te Igitur" and ends with
the Amen before the Embolism of the Pater Noster (omnis honor et
gloria, per omnia sæcula sæculorum, Amen). The Missal has the
title "Canon Missæ" printed after the Sanctus, and the Rubrics
say: "After the Preface the Canon of the Mass begins secretly" (Rubr.
Gen., XII, 6). The ninth title of the "Ritus cel. Missam" is headed:
"Of the Canon from the Consecration to the Lord's Prayer". The next
title is: "Of the Lord's Prayer and the rest to the Communion." Neither
of these limits, however, was always so fixed. The whole Canon is
essentially one long prayer, the Eucharistic prayer that the Eastern
rites call the Anaphora. And the Preface is part of this prayer.
Introduced in Rome as everywhere by the little dialogue "Sursum corda"
and so on, it begins with the words "Vere dignum et justum est".
Interrupted for a moment by the people, who take up the angels' words:
"Sanctus, sanctus, sanctus", etc., the priest goes on with the same
prayer, obviously joining the next part to the beginning by the word 
<i>igitur</i>. It is not then surprising that we find in the oldest
sacramentary that contains a Canon, the Gelasian, the heading "Incipit
Canon Actionis" placed before the Sursum Corda; so that the preface was
then still looked upon as part of the Canon. However, by the seventh
century or so the Canon was considered as beginning with the secret
prayers after the Sanctus (Ord. Rom. I: "When they have finished the
Sanctus the pontiff rises alone and enters into the Canon", ed.
Atchley, 138). The point at which it may be considered as ending was
equally uncertain at one time. There has never been any sort of point
or indication in the text of the Missal to close the period begun by
the heading "Canon Missæ", so that from looking at the text we
should conclude that the Canon goes on to the end of the Mass. Even as
late as Benedict XIV there were "those who think that the Lord's Prayer
makes up part of the Canon" (De SS. Miss Sacr., ed. cit., 228). On the
other hand the "Ordo Rom. I" (ed. cit. infra, p. 138) implies that it
ends before the Pater Noster. The two views are reconciled by the
distinction between the "Canon Consecrationis" and the "Canon
Communionis" that occurs constantly in the Middle Ages (Gihr, Das
heilige Messopfer, 540). The "Canon Communionis" then would begin with
the Pater Noster and go on to the end of the people's Communion. The
Post-Communion to the Blessing, or now to the end of the last Gospel,
forms the last division of the Mass, the thanksgiving and dismissal. It
must then be added that in modern times by Canon we mean only the
"Canon Consecrationis". The Canon, together with the rest of the "Ordo
Missæ", is now printed in the middle of the Missal, between the
propers for Holy Saturday and Easter Day. Till about the ninth century
it stood towards the end of the sacramentary, among the "Missæ
quotidianæ" and after the Proper Masses (so in the Gelasian book).
Thence it moved to the very beginning. From the eleventh century it was
constantly placed in the middle, where it is now, and since the use of
complete Missals "according to the use of the Roman Curia" (from the
thirteenth century) that has been its place invariably. It is the part
of the book that is used far more than any other, so it is obviously
convenient that it should occur where a book lies open best -- in the
middle. No doubt a symbolic reason, the connection between the
Eucharistic Sacrifice and the mysteries of Holy Week, helped to make
this place seem the most suitable one. The same reason of practical use
that gave it this place led to the common custom of printing the Canon
on vellum, even when the rest of the Missal was on paper -- vellum
stands wear much better than paper.</p>
<h3 id="c-p902.1">II. HISTORY OF THE CANON</h3>
<p id="c-p903" shownumber="no">Since the seventh century our Canon has remained unchanged. It is to
St. Gregory I (590-604) the great organiser of all the Roman Liturgy,
that tradition ascribes its final revision and arrangement. His reign
then makes the best division in its history.</p>
<h4 id="c-p903.1">Before St. Gregory I (to 590)</h4>
<p id="c-p904" shownumber="no">St. Gregory certainly found the Canon that has been already
discussed, arranged in the same order, and in possession for centuries.
When was it put together? It is certainly not the work of one man, nor
was it all composed at one time. Gregory himself thought that the Canon
had been composed by "a certain Scholasticus (Epp., lib. VII, no. lxiv,
or lib. IX, no. xii), and Benedict XIV discusses whether he meant some
person so named or merely "a certain learned man" (De SS. Missæ
sacr., 157). But our Canon represents rather the last stage of a
development that had been going on gradually ever since the first days
when the Roman Christians met together to obey Christ's command and
celebrate the Eucharist in memory of Him. Here a distinction must be
made between the prayers of the Canon itself and the order in which
they are now found. The prayers, or at least some of them, can be
traced back to a very early date from occasional references in letters
of Fathers. From this it does not follow that they always stood in the
same order as now. Their arrangement in our present Missal presents
certain difficulties and has long been a much-disputed point. It is
very possible that at some unknown period -- perhaps in the fifth
century -- the Canon went through a complete alteration in its order
and that its component prayers, without being changed in themselves,
were turned round and re-arranged. This theory, as will be seen, would
account for many difficulties. In difficulties.</p>
<p id="c-p905" shownumber="no">In the first century, as known, the Church of Rome, like all other
Christian Churches, celebrated the Holy Eucharist by obeying Christ's
direction and doing as He had done the night before He died. There were
the bread and wine brought up at the Offertory and consecrated by the
words of Institution and by an invocation of the Holy Ghost; the bread
was broken and Communion was given to the faithful. Undoubtedly, too,
before the service lessons were read from the Bible, litanies and
prayers were said. It is also known that this Mass was said in Greek.
Hellenistic Greek was the common tongue of Christians, at any rate
outside Palestine, and it was spoken by them in Rome as well as
everywhere else, at the time when it was understood and used as a sort
of international language throughout the empire. This is shown by the
facts that the inscriptions in the catacombs are in Greek, and that
Christian writers at Rome (I Ep. Clem., etc.) use that language (cf. de
Rossi, Roma sott., II, 237). Of the liturgical formulas of this first
period little is known. The First Epistle of St. Clement contains a
prayer that is generally considered liturgical (lix-lxi), though it
contains no reference to the Eucharist, also the statement that "the
Lord commanded offerings and holy offices to be made carefully, not
rashly nor without order, but at fixed times and hours". It says
further: "The high-priest [i.e. bishop] has his duties, a special place
is appointed to the priests, and the Levites have their ministry" (xi).
From this it is evident that at Rome the liturgy was celebrated
according to fixed rules and definite order. Chap. xxxiv tells us that
the Romans "gathered together in concord, and as it were with one
mouth", said the Sanctus from Is., vi, 3, as we do. St. Justin Martyr
(died c.167) spent part of his life at Rome and died there. It is
possible that his "First Apology" was written in that city
(Bardenhewer, Altkirchl. Litt., I, 206), and that the liturgy he
describes in it (lxv-lxvi) was that which he frequented at Rome. From
this we learn that the Christians first prayed for themselves and for
all manner of persons. Then follows the kiss of peace, and "he who
presides over the brethren" is given bread and a cup of wine and water,
having received which he gives thanks to God, celebrates the Eucharist,
and all the people answer "Amen." The deacons then give out Holy
Communion (loc. cit.). Here is found the outline of our liturgy: the
Preface (giving thanks), to which may be added from I Clem. the
Sanctus, a celebration of the Eucharist, not described, but which
contains the words of Institution (c. lxvi, "by His prayer"), and which
corresponds to our Canon, and the final Amen that still keeps its place
at the end of the Eucharistic prayer. Perhaps a likeness may be seen
between the Roman use and those of the Eastern Churches in the fact
that when St. Polycarp came to Rome in 155, Pope Anicetus allowed him
to celebrate, just like one of his own bishops (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl.,
V, xxiv). The canons of Hippolytus of Rome (in the beginning of the
third century, if they are genuine; cf. Bardenhewer, op. cit., I,
541-3) allude to a Eucharistic celebration that follows the order of
St. Justin, and they add the universal introduction to the Preface,
"Sursum corda", etc.</p>
<p id="c-p906" shownumber="no">The first great turning point in the history of the Roman Canon is
the exclusive use of the Latin language. Latin had been used side by
side with Greek, apparently for some time. It occurs first as a
Christian language, not in Rome, but in Africa. Pope Victor I
(190-202), an African, seems to have been the first Roman bishop who
used it (supposing that the Ps.-Cyprian, "De Aleatoribus", is by him;
Harnack, "Der Ps.-Cypr. Tractat. de Aleatoribus", Leipzig. 1888). After
this time it soon becomes the only language used by popes; Cornelius
(251-53) and Stephen (254-57) write in Latin. Greek seems to have
disappeared at Rome as a liturgical language in the second half of the
third century (Kattenbusch, Symbolik, II, 331), though parts of the
Liturgy were left in Greek. The Creed was sometimes said in Greek down
to Byzantine times (Duchesne, Origines, 290). The "Ordo Rom. I" says
that certain psalms were still said in Greek (Mabillon. Mus. Ital., II,
37-40); and of this liturgical use of Greek there are still remnants in
our Kyrie Eleison and the "Agios o Theos.", etc., on Good Friday. Very
soon after the acceptance of Latin as the only liturgical language we
find allusions to parts of the Eucharistic prayer, that are the same as
parts of our present Canon. In the time of Pope Damasus (366-84) a
Roman writer who was guilty of the surprising error of identifying
Melchisedech with the Holy Ghost writes, "The Holy Ghost being a bishop
is called Priest of the most high God, but not high priest" (Sacerdos
appellatus est excelsi Dei, non summus) "as our people presume to say
in the Oblation" ("Quæstiones V et N. Test." in P.L. XXXV, 2329;
Duchesne, op. cit., 169). These words evidently allude to the form "thy
high priest Melchisedech" (summus sacerdos tuus Melchisedech) in the
Canon. Pseudo-Ambrose in "De Sacramentis" (probably about 400 or later;
cf. Bardenhewer, "Patrologie", 407) quotes the prayers said by the
priest in the Canon:</p>
<blockquote id="c-p906.1">Fac nos hanc oblationem adscriptam, ratam, rationabilem,
acceptabilem, quod figura est coporis et sanguinis Iesu Christi. Qui
pridie quam pateretur, in sanctis manibus suis accepit panem, respexit
in cælum ad te, sancte Pater omnipotens, æterne Deus, gratias
agens, benedixit, fregit fractumque apostolis suis et discipulis suis
tradidit dicens: Accipite et edite ex hoc omnes: hoc est enim corpus
meum quod pro multis confringetur. Similiter etiam calicem, postquam
cænatum est, pridie quam pateretur accepit, respexit in cælum
ad te, sancte Pater omnipotens, æterne Deus, gratias agens,
benedixit, apostolis suis et discipulis suis tradidit dicens; Accipite
et bibite ex hoc omnes: hic est enim sanguis meus.</blockquote>

<p id="c-p907" shownumber="no">"And the priest says", continues the author, "Ergo memores gloriosissimæ
eius passionis et ab inferis resurrectionis et in cælum
adscensionis, offerimus tibi hanc immaculatam hostiam, hanc panem
sanctum et calicem vitæ æternæ; et petimus et precamur,
ut hanc oblationem suscipias in sublimi altari tuo per manus angelorum
tuorum, sicut suscipere dignatus es munera pueri tui iusti Abel et
sacrificium patriarchæ nostri Abrahæ et quod tibi obtulit
summus sacerdos Melchisedech" (quoted by Duchesne, op. cit., 170; P.L.
XVI, 443). It will be seen that the whole of this prayer, but for a few
unimportant modifications, is that of our Canon. Pope Damasus has been
considered one of the chief compilers of the Roman Liturgy. Probst
thinks that he ordained the changes in the Mass that occur because of
the calendar of seasons and feasts, and attributes to him the oldest
part of the Leonine Sacramentary (Lit. des IV. Jahrhunderts und deren
Reform, 455 sqq.). Funk in the "Tübinger Quartalschrift" (1894,
683) denies this. One liturgical change made by this pope is certain.
He introduced the word 
<i>Alleluia</i> at Rome (Greg. I, Epp. IX, xii, in P.L., LXXVII, 956).
Innocent I (401-17) refers to the Canon as being a matter he ought not
to describe -- an apparent survival of the idea of the 
<i>Disciplina arcani</i> -- and says it is ended with the kiss of peace
(Ep. ad Decentium in P.L., XX, 553): "After all the things that I may
not reveal the Peace is given, by which it is shown that the people
have consented to all that was done in the holy mysteries and was
celebrated in the church". He also says that at Rome the names of
persons for whom the celebrant prays are read in the Canon: "first the
offertory should be made, and after that the names of the givers read
out, so that they should be named during the holy mysteries, not during
the parts that precede" (ib.). That is all that can be known for
certain about our Canon before Gregory I. The earliest books that
contain its text were written after his time and show it as approved by
him.</p>
<p id="c-p908" shownumber="no">A question that can only be answered by conjecture is that of the
relation between the Roman Canon and any of the other ancient
liturgical Anaphoras. There are undoubtedly very striking parallels
between it and both of the original Eastern rites, those of Alexandria
and Antioch. Mgr. Duchesne is inclined to connect the Roman use with
that of Alexandria, and the other great Western liturgy, the Gallican
Rite, with that of Antioch (Origines, 54). But the Roman Canon shows
perhaps more likeness to that of Antioch in its formulæ. These
parallel passages have been collected and printed side by side by Dr.
Drews in his "Entstehungsgeschichte des Kanons in der römischen
Messe", in order to prove a thesis which will be referred to later.
Meanwhile, whatever may be thought of Drew's theory, the likeness of
the prayers cannot be denied. For instance, the Intercession in the
Syrian Liturgy of St. James begins with the prayer (Brightman, East.
Lit., 89-90):</p>
<blockquote id="c-p908.1">Wherefore we offer unto Thee, O Lord, this same fearful and
unbloody sacrifice for the holy places . . . . and especially for holy
Sion . . . . and for thy holy church which is in all the world . . . .
Remember also, O Lord, our pious bishops . . . especially the fathers,
our Patriarch Mar N. and our Bishop ["and all the bishops throughout
the world who preach the word of thy truth in Orthodoxy", Greek Lit. of
St. James].</blockquote>

<p id="c-p909" shownumber="no">The whole of this prayer suggests our "Imprimis
quæ tibi offerimus", etc., and certain words exactly correspond to
"toto orbe terrarum" and "orthodoxis", as does "especially" to
"imprimis", and so on. Again the Syrian Anaphora continues:</p>
<blockquote id="c-p909.1">Remember also, O Lord, those who have offered the offerings
at thine holy altar and those for whom each has offered [cf. "pro
quibus tibi offerimus vel qui tibi offerunt"]. . . . Remember, O Lord,
all those whom we have mentioned and those whom we have not mentioned
[ib., p. 92]. Again vouchsafe to remember those who stand with us and
pray with us ["et omnium circumstantium", ib., 92]; Remembering. . . .
especially our all-holy, unspotted, most glorious lady, Mother of God
and ever Virgin, Mary, St. John the illustrious prophet, forerunner and
baptist, the holy Apostles Peter and Paul, Andrew . . . . [the names of
the Apostles follow] . . . . and of all thy Saints for ever . . . .
that we may receive thy help ["ut in omnibus protectionis tuæ
muniamur auxilio", Greek St. James, ib. 56-57].</blockquote>

<p id="c-p910" shownumber="no">The words
of Institution occur in a form that is almost identical with our
"Pridie quam pateretur" (ib., 86-87). The Anamnesis (p. 89) begins:
"Commemorating therefore ["unde et memores"] O Lord, thy death and
resurrection on the third day from the tomb and thy ascension into
heaven . . . . we offer thee this dread and unbloody sacrifice
["offerimus . . . . hostiam puram," etc.].</p>
<p id="c-p911" shownumber="no">It is true that these general ideas occur in all the old liturgies;
but in this case a remarkable identity is found even in the words. Some
allusions to what were probably older forms in our Canon make the
similarity still more striking. Thus Optatus of Mileve says that Mass
is offered "pro ecclesiâ, quæ una est et toto orbe terrarum
diffusa" (Adv. Parm., III, xii). This represents exactly a Latin
version of the "holy Church which is in all the world" that we have
seen in the Syrian Anaphora above. The Syrian use adds a prayer for
"our religious kings and queens" after that for the patriarch and
bishop. So our Missal long contained the words "et pro rege nostro
N."after "et Antistite nostro N." (see below). It has a prayer for the
celebrant himself (Brightman, 90), where our Missal once contained just
such a prayer (below). The treatise "De Sacramentis" gives the words on
Institution for the Chalice as "Hic est sanguis meus", just as does the
Syrian Liturgy. There are other striking resemblances that may be seen
in Drews. But the other Eastern liturgy, the Alexandrine use, also
shows very striking parallels. The prayer for the celebrant, of which
the form was "Mihi quoque indignissimo famulo tuo propitius esse
digneris, et ab omnibus me peccatorum offensionibus emundare" (Ebner,
Miss. Rom., 401), is an exact translation of the corresponding
Alexandrine text: "Remember me also, O Lord, thy humble and unworthy
servant, and forgive my sins" (Brightman, 130). The author of "De
Sacr." quotes the Roman Canon as saying "quod est figura corporis et
sanguinis domini nostri Iesu Christi", and the Egyptian Prayer Book of
Serapion uses exactly the same expression, "the figure of the body and
blood" (Texte u. Unt., II, 3, p. 5). In the West the words "our God"
are not often applied to Christ in liturgies. In the Gelasian
Sacramentary they occur ("ut nobis corpus et sanguis fiat dilectissimi
filii tui Domini Dei nostri Iesu Christi", ed. Wilson, 235), just where
they come in the same context in St. Mark's Liturgy (Brightman, 126).
Our Mass refers to the oblation as "thy gifts and favours" (de tuis
donis ac datis); so does St. Mark (ib., 133). But the most striking
parallel between Rome and Alexandria is in the order of the Canon. The
Antiochene Liturgy puts the whole of the Intercession after the words
of Institution and the Epiklesis; in Alexandria it comes before. And in
our Canon the greater part of this intercession ("imprimis quæ
tibi offerimus", "Commemoratio pro vivis", "Communicantes") also comes
before the Consecration, leaving only as a curious anomaly the
"Commemoratio pro defunctis" and the "Nobis quoque peccatoribus" to
follow after the Anamnesis (Unde et momores).</p>
<p id="c-p912" shownumber="no">Although, then, it is impossible to establish any sort of mutual
dependence, it is evident that the Roman Canon contains likenesses to
the two Eastern rites too exact to be accidental; in its forms it most
resembles the Antiochene Anaphora, but in its arrangement it follows,
or guides, Alexandria. Before coming to the final definition of the
Canon at about the time of St. Gregory, it will be convenient here to
consider what is a very important question, namely that of the order of
the different prayers. It has been seen that the prayers themselves can
be traced back a very long way. Is their arrangement among themselves
as old as they are, or is our present Canon a re-arrangement of parts
that once stood in another order? Every one who has studied its text
has noticed certain grave difficulties in this arrangement. The
division of the Intercession, to which reference has been made, is
unique among liturgies and is difficult to account for. Again, one
little word, the second word in the Canon, has caused much questioning;
and many not very successful attempts have been made to account for it.
The Canon begins "Te igitur". To what does that "igitur" refer? From
the sense of the whole passage it should follow some reference to the
sacrifice. One would expect some prayer that God may accept our
offering, perhaps some reference such as is found in the Eastern
liturgies to the sacrifices of Abraham, Melchisedech, etc. It should
then be natural to continue: "And 
<i>therefore</i> we humbly pray thee, most merciful Father", etc. But
there is no hint of such an allusion in what goes before. No preface
has any word to which the "igitur" could naturally refer. Probst
suggests that some such clause may have dropped out of the Preface
(Lit. der drei ersten Jahrhunderten, 349). At any rate they is no trace
of it, either in our preface or in any of the other rites. Thalhofer
(Kath. Liturgik, II, 199) tries to explain the "igitur" by a very
forced connection of ideas with the Sanctus. Gihr (Das heilige
Messopfer, 550) hardly considers the difficulty, and is content with a
vague allusion to the close connextion between Preface and Canon. Other
difficulties are the reduplications between the ideas of the "Hanc
igitur" and the "Nobis quoque peccatoribus". Various allusions to older
forms of the Canon increase the number of these difficulties. Dr. Drews
has suggested as the solution the following theory. He thinks that the
Canon, while consisting of much the same prayers, was originally
arranged in a different order, namely, in the same way as the Syrian
Anaphora which it so closely resembles, and that in the fifth century,
shortly before it became stereotyped in the time of St. Gregory the
Great, its order was partly reversed, so as to make it correspond more
to the Alexandrine Rite (Zur Entstehungsgeschichte des Kanons in der
römischen Messe). The original order suggested by him is this:</p>
<ol id="c-p912.1">
<li id="c-p912.2">"Quam oblationem . . . .";</li>
<li id="c-p912.3">"Qui pridie quam pateretur . . . .";</li>
<li id="c-p912.4">"Unde et memores" (Anamnesis);</li>
<li id="c-p912.5">"Supplices te rogamus" (Epiklesis);</li>
<li id="c-p912.6">"Te igitur";</li>
<li id="c-p912.7">"Commemoratio Defunctorum", the last three forming the
Intercession.</li>
</ol>
<p class="continue" id="c-p913" shownumber="no">The reasons for this suggestion are, first that in this way the
logical connection is much clearer; as well as the resemblance to the
Syrian Anaphora. As in Syria, the great prayer of Intercession, with
the diptychs for living and dead and the memory of the saints, would
all come together 
<i>after</i> the Consecration. Moreover, the 
<i>igitur</i> would then refer naturally to the ideas of the "Supplices
te rogamus" just before it. The "Quam oblationem" would form the short
link between the Sanctus and the words of Institution, as in both
Eastern rites, and would fill the place occupied by an exactly similar
prayer in Serapion's prayer Book (13). Moreover, the Greek translation
of the Roman Canon called the "Liturgy of St. Peter", edited by William
de Linden, Bishop of Ghent, in 1589 from a Rossano manuscript (and
published by Swainson in "The Greek Liturgies", Cambridge, 1884,
191-203) contains some variations that point in this direction. For
instance, it gives a version of our "Supplices te rogamus", and then
goes on: "Aloud. First remember, O Lord, the Archbishop. He then
commemorates the living. And to us sinners", etc. This puts the
Intercession after the "Supplices" prayer, and exactly corresponds to
the order suggested above. Lastly, in 1557 Matthias Flacius published
an "Ordo Missæ" (printed in Martène, "De antiquis eccl.
ritibus", 1763, I, 176 sqq.) in which there are still traces of the old
order of the prayers. It begins with the "Unde et memores" and the
"Epiklesis; then come the "Te igitur", prayer for the pope, "Memento
Domine famulorum famularumque tuarum", and eventually "Nobis quoque
peccatoribus", in short, the whole Intercession after the Consecration.
But this reconstruction would not leave the text entirely unchanged.
The prayer "Hanc igitur" has some difficulties. The Greek version
(Swainson, 197) adds a rubric before it: "Here he names the dead". What
can the "Hanc igitur" have to do with the dead? Yet the Antiochene
Liturgy, in which several parallel passages to our Canon have already
been noticed, has a parallel to the second half of this prayer too, and
that parallel occurs in its commemoration of the dead. There, following
a prayer that the dead may rest "in the land of the living, in thy
kingdom . . . in the bosom of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob", etc., is found
this continuation: "And keep for us in peace, O Lord, a Christian,
well-pleasing and sinless end to our lives, gathering us under the feet
of thy Elect, when Thou willest and as Thou willest, only without shame
and offence; through thy only begotten Son our Lord and God and
Saviour, Jesus Christ." (Brightman, 57.) We notice here the reference
to the elect (in electorum tuorum grege), the prayer that we may be
kept "in peace" (in tuâ pace disponas], the allusion to the "end
of our lives" (diesque nostros) and the unusual "Per Christum Dominum
nostrum", making a break in the middle of the Eucharistic prayer. The
Syrian form with its plain reference to death ("the end of our lives")
seems more clearly to be a continuation of a prayer for the faithful
departed. But in the Roman from too is found such a reference in the
words about hell (ab æterna damnatione) and heaven (in electorum
tuorum grege). Drews then proposes to divide the "Hanc igitur" into two
separate parts. The second half, beginning at the words "diesque
nostros", would have originally been the end of the Commemoration of
the Dead and would form a reduplication of the "Nobis quoque
peccatoribus", where the same idea occurs ("partem aliquam et
societatem donare digneris cum tuis sanctis Apostolis er Martyribus"
being an echo of "in electorum tuorum iubeas grege numerari"). This
second half, then, would belong to the Intercession after the
Consecration, and would originally fall together with the "Nobis
quoque". In any case, even in the present arrangement of the Canon the
"Nobis quoque" following the "Commemoratio pro defunctis" shows that at
Rome as in other liturgies the idea of adding a prayer for ourselves,
that we too may find a peaceful and blessed death followed by a share
in the company of the saints, after our prayer for the faithful
departed was accepted as natural.</p>
<p id="c-p914" shownumber="no">The first half of the "Hanc igitur" must now be accounted for down
to "placatus accipias". This first half is a reduplication of the
prayer "Quam oblationem". Both contain exactly the same idea that God
may graciously accept our offering. "Hanc oblationem" and "Quam
oblationem" differ only in the relative construction of the second
form. We know that the relative construction is not the original one.
In the "De Sacramentis", to which reference has several times been
made, the "Quam oblationem" occurs as an absolute sentence: "Fac nobis
hanc oblationem adscriptam, rationabilem acceptabilemque, quod est
figura corporis et sanguinis Domini nostri Iesu Christi" (IV, v). We
also know that the "Igitur" in "Hanc igitur" is not original. The
parallel passages in Serapion and St. Mark's Liturgy have simply 
<i>tauter ten thysian</i> (Drews, 16). Moreover, the place and object
of this prayer have varied very much. It has been applied to all sorts
of purposes, and it is significant that it occurs specially often in
connection with the dead (Ebner, Miss. Rom., 412). This would be a
natural result, if we suppose it to be a compilation of two separate
parts, both of which have lost their natural place in the Canon. Drews
then proposes to supply the first words of the "Quam oblationem" that
we have put in the first place of his reconstructed Canon (see above),
by the first half of the "Hanc igitur", so that (leaving out the 
<i>igitur</i>) the Canon would once have begun: "Hanc oblationem
servitutis nostræ, sed et cunctæ familiæ tuæ,
quæsumus Domine, ut placatus accipias 
<i>ut</i> in omnibus benedictam, adscriptam, ratam, rationabilemque
facere digneris, ut nobis corpus et sanguis fiat dilectissimi filii tui
Domini nostri Iesu Christi" (Drews, 30), and so on, according to the
order suggested above. One word, "ut", has been added to this
compilation, to connect our "Hanc igitur" with the continuation of
"Quam oblationem". This word is vouched for by the Greek version, which
has 
<i>ina</i> here (Swainson, 197). Drews fruther notes that such a change
in the arrangement of the Canon is not inconceivable. Popes have
modified its order on other occasions. Joannes Diaconus, the biographer
of St. Gregory I, tells us that he re-arranged a few parts of the Canon
("pauca convertens", Vita Greg., II, xvii).</p>
<p id="c-p915" shownumber="no">When then may this change be supposed to have been made? It was not
made in the time of Innocent I (401-417); it had already occurred when
the Gelasian Sacramentary was written (seventh century); it may be
taken for certain that in the time of St. Gregory I (590-604) the Canon
already stood as it does now. The reason for believing that Innocent I
still knew only the old arrangement is that in his letter to Decentius
of Eugubium (P. L., XX, 553-554) he implies that the Intercession comes

<i>after</i> the Consecration. He says that the people for whom we pray
"should be named in the middle of the holy mysteries, not during the
things that go before, that by the very mysteries we should open the
way for the prayers that follow". If the diptychs are read after the
way has been opened by the holy mysteries, the Roman Canon must follow
the same order as the Church of Antioch, and at any rate place the
"Commemoratio vivorum" after the Consecration. Supposing, then, that
this re-arrangement really did take place, it must have been made in
the course of the fifth century. Drews thinks that we can go farther
and ascribe the change to Pope Gelasius I (492-96). A very old
tradition connects his name with at any rate, some important work about
the Canon. The second oldest Roman sacramentary known, although it is
really later than St. Gregory, has been called the "Sacramentarium
Gelasianum" since the ninth century (Duchesne, Origines, 120).
Gennadius says that he composed a sacramentary (De. vir. ill., c.
xciv). Moreover, the "Liber Pontificalis" refers to his liturgical work
(Origines, 122) and the Stowe Missal (seventh century) puts at the head
of our Canon the title: "Canon dominicus Papæ Gelasi" (ed. Warren,
234). Baumer has collected all the evidences for Gelasius's authorship
of some important sacramentary (Histor. Jahrb., 1893, 244 sqq.). It is
known that Gelasius did not compose the text of the Canon. Its
component parts have been traced back to a far earlier date. But would
not so vital a change in its arrangement best explain the tradition
that persistently connects our present Canon with the name of Gelasius?
There is even a further suggestion that Drews has noticed. Why was the
reversal of the order made? Evidently to bring the Intercession 
<i>before</i> the Consecration. This means to change from the same
order as Antioch to that of Alexandria. Is it too much to suppose that
we have here a case of Alexandrine influence at Rome? Now it is
noticeable that Gelasius personally had a great reverence for the
venerable "second See" founded by St. Mark, and that since 482 Bishop
John Talaia of Alexandria, being expelled from his own Church by the
Monophysites, sought and found refuge in Rome. He would have celebrated
his own liturgy in the pope's city, and was certainly greatly honoured
as a confessor and exile for the Faith. May we then even go so far as
to suggest that we owe the present certainly unusual order of our Canon
to Gelasius and the influence of John Talaia? So far Drews (p.38). His
theory has not been unopposed. An argument against it may be found in
the very treatise "De Sacramentis" from which he gathers some of his
arguments. For this treatise says: "In all other things that are said
praise is given to God, prayers are said for the people, for kings, for
others, but when he comes to consecrate the holy Sacrament the priest
no longer uses his own words, but takes those of Christ" (IV, iv).
According to this author, then, the Intercession comes before the
Consecration. On the other hand it will be noticed that the treatise is
late. That it is not by St. Ambrose himself has long been admitted by
every one. It is apparently an imitation of his work "De Mysteriis",
and may have been composed in the fifth or sixth century (Bardenhewer,
Patrologie, 407). Dom G. Morin thinks that Nicetas, Bishop of Romatiana
in Dacia (d. 485), wrote it (Rev. Benéd., 1890, 151-59). In any
case it may be urged that whatever reasons there are for ascribing it
to an early date, they show equally conclusively that, in spite of its
claim to describe "the form of the Roman Church" (III, 1) it is
Milanese. The very assurance is a proof that it was not composed at
Rome, since in that case such a declaration would have been
superfluous. An allusion occurring in a Milanese work is but a very
doubtful guide for the Roman use. And its late date makes it worthless
as a witness for our point. When it was written probably the change had
already been made at Rome; so we are not much concerned by the question
of how far it describes Roman or Milanese offices. So far the theory
proposed by Drews, which seems in any case to deserve attention.</p>
<h4 id="c-p915.1">From the time of St. Gregory I (590-604)</h4>
<p id="c-p916" shownumber="no">Certainly when St. Gregory became pope our Canon was already fixed
in its present order. There are scarcely any changes to note in its
history since then. "No pope has added to or changed the Canon since
St. Gregory" says Benedict XIV (De SS. Missæ Sacr., 162). We learn
from Joannes Diaconus that St. Gregory "collected the Sacramentary of
Gelasius in one book, leaving out much, changing little adding
something for the exposition of the Gospels" (II, xvii). These
modifications seem to concern chiefly the parts of the Mass outside the
Canon. We are told that Gregory added to the "Hanc igitur" the
continuation "diesque nostros in tuâ pace disponas" etc. (ib.). We
have already noticed that this second part was originally a fragment of
a prayer for the dead. St. Gregory's addition may then very well mean,
not that he composed it, but that he joined it to the "Hanc igitur",
having removed it from its original place. From the time of Gregory the
most important event in the history of the Roman Canon is, not any sort
of change in it, but the rapid way in which it spread all over the
West, displacing the Gallican Liturgy. Charlemagne (768-814) applied to
Pope Adrian I (772-95) for a copy of the Roman Liturgy, that he might
introduce it throughout the Frankish Kingdom. The text sent by the pope
is the basis of what is called the "Sacramentarium Gregorianum", which
therefore represents the Roman Rite at the end of the eighth century.
But it is practically unchanged since St. Gregory's time. The Gelasian
book, which is earlier than the so-called Gregorian one, is itself
later than St. Gregory. It contains the same Canon (except that there
are a few more saints' names in the "Communicantes") and has the
continuation "diesque nostros in tuâ, pace disponas", etc., joined
to the "Hanc igitur", just as in our present Missal. The Stowe Missal,
now in Dublin (a sixth or early seventh century manuscript), is no
longer a sacramentary, but contains already the complete text of a
"Missa quotidiana", with collects for three other Masses, thus forming
what we call a Missal. From this time convenience led more and more to
writing out the whole text of the Mass in one book. By the tenth
century the Missal, containing whole Masses and including Epistles and
Gospels, takes the place of the separate books ("Sacramentarium" for
the celebrant, "Lectionarium" for the deacon and subdeacon, and
"Antiphonarium Missæ" for the choir). After the ninth century the
Roman Mass, now quite fixed in all its essential parts (though the
Proper Masses for various feasts constantly change), quickly became the
universal use throughout the Western patriarchate. Except for three
small exceptions, the Ambrosian Rite at Milan, the Mozarabic Rite at
Toledo, and the Byzantine Rite among the Italo-Greeks in Calabria and
Sicily, this has been the case ever since. The local medieval rites of
which we hear, such as those of Lyons, Paris, Rouen, Salisbury, York,
etc., are in no sense different liturgies. They are all simply the
Roman use with slight local variations -- variations, moreover, that
hardly ever affect the Canon. The Sarum Rite, for instance, which
Anglicans have sometimes tried to set up as a sort of rival to the
Roman Rite, does not contain in its Canon a single word that differs
from the parent-rite as still used by us. But some changes were made in
medieval times, changes that have since been removed by the
conservative tendency of Roman legislation.</p>
<p id="c-p917" shownumber="no">From the tenth century people took all manner of liberties with the
text of the Missal. It was the time of farced Kyries and Glorias, of
dramatic and even theatrical ritual, of endlessly varying and lengthy
prefaces, into which interminable accounts of stories from Bible
history and lives of saints were introduced. This tendency did not even
spare the Canon; although the specially sacred character of this part
tended to prevent people from tampering with it as recklessly as they
did with other parts of the Missal. There were, however, additions made
to the "Communicantes" so as to introduce special allusions on certain
feasts; the two lists of saints, in the "Communicantes" and "Nobis
quoque peccatoribus", were enlarged so as to include various local
people, and even the "Hanc igitur" and the "Qui pridie" were modified
on certain days. The Council of Trent (1545-63) restrained this
tendency and ordered that "the holy Canon composed many centuries ago"
should be kept pure and unchanged; it also condemned those who say that
the "Canon of the Mass contains errors and should be abolished" (Sess.
XXII., cap. iv. can. vi; Denzinger, 819, 830). Pope Pius V (1566-72)
published an authentic edition of the Roman Missal in 1570, and
accompanied it with a Bull forbidding anyone to either add, or in any
way change any part of it. This Missal is to be the only one used in
the West and everyone is to conform to it, except that local uses which
can be proved to have existed for more than 200 years are to be kept.
This exception saved the Ambrosian, Mozarabic, and Byzantine Rites, as
well as a few ancient modified forms of the Roman Rite, such as the
Dominican, Carmelite, and Carthusian Missals. The differences in these
Missals, however, hardly affect the Canon, except in one or two
unimportant rubrics. Since Pius V our Canon, then, has been brought
back to its original simplicity and remains unchanged throughout the
year, except that on a few of the very greatest feasts slight additions
are made to the "Communicantes" and the "Hanc igitur", and on one day
to the "Qui pridie quam pateretur" (see below). Clement VIII
(1592-1605), Urban VIII (1623-44), and Leo XIII (1878-1903) have, each
in his own time, re-edited the Missal, and a great number of additional
Masses for new feasts or for local calendars have been added to it. But
none of these changes have affected the part now under consideration.
The Canon that we say is always the one finally restored by Pius V,
that remains as it was in the days of Gregory I, and that goes back far
behind his time till its origin is lost in the mists that hang over the
first centuries when the Roman Christians met together to "do the
things the Lord commanded at appointed times" (I Clem., xl). Through
all the modifications and additions that, in recent years especially,
have caused our Missal to grow in size, among all the later collects,
lessons and antiphons, the Canon stands out firm and unchanging in the
midst of an ever-developing rite, the centre and nucleus of the whole
liturgy, stretching back with its strange and archaic formulæ
through all the centuries of church history, to the days when the great
Roman Cæsar was lord of the world and the little community of
Christians stood around their bishop while they "sang a hymn to Christ
as to a God before day-break" (Pliny, Epp., X, xcvii). Then the bishop
lifted up his hands over the bread and wine, "gave thanks and glory to
the Father of all through his Son and the Holy Ghost, and made the
Eucharist" (Just., Apol., III, lxv). So that of all liturgical prayers
in the Christian world no one is more ancient nor more venerable than
the Canon of the Roman Mass.</p>
<h3 id="c-p917.1">III. THE TEXT AND RUBRICS OF THE CANON</h3>
<p id="c-p918" shownumber="no">Following the order of our present text, some remarks will be added
about its expression and the ceremonies that accompany it. The whole
Canon is now said silently. The priest should just hear his own voice
(this is especially important in the case of the words of Consecration,
since the form of every sacrament must be sensible), but should not be
heard by the bystanders. This law began with the reduplication of the
parts of the celebrant and choir. For many centuries the celebrant has
not waited till the choir have finished their part, but goes on at once
with his prayers -- except in the cases of the Gloria and Creed, where
he has to sing aloud as soon as they have done. Mabillon quotes from
the older Roman 
<i>ordines</i> that originally "the priest did not begin the Canon
until the singing of the Sanctus was over" (In ord. Rom. comm., XXI).
The singing of the Sanctus and Benedictus then made it necessary for
the priest at the altar to speak the Canon in a low voice. How little
this was ever considered really essential is shown by the fact that at
an ordination, almost the only case of concelebration left in the West,
all the concelebrants say the Canon together aloud. There are also
mystic reasons for the silent prayers of the Canon. They are thus shown
to be purely sacerdotal, belonging only to the priest, the silence
increases our reverence at the most sacred moment of the Mass, removes
the Consecration from ordinary vulgar use, and is a symbol of our
Lord's silent prayer in the Garden and silence during his Passion
(Suarez, disp. lxxxiii, I, 25). The celebrant lifts up his hands, joins
them, also lifting up his eyes, and then bows deeply before the altar,
resting his joined hands on it. This ceremony should come 
<i>before</i> the "Te igitur", so that he does not begin the prayer
till he is bowing before the altar. It is an obvious gesture, a sort of
mute invocation as the beginning of the Consecration prayer. The first
three prayers are always noted as belonging together and making three
parts of one prayer ("Te igitur", "Memento Domine", "Communicantes"),
which is closed for itself by the "Per Christum Dominum nostrum, Amen".
It is now a law that a picture of the Crucifixion should be placed at
the beginning of the Canon. Innocent III (1198-1216) notes that in his
time this was already the custom. The crucifix grew out of the
adornment of the letter T with which the Canon begins. Innocent thinks
that the presence of the T at that place is a special work of Divine
Providence (Inn. III, De Sacro altaris myst., I, 3, c. ii, P.L.,
CCXVII).</p>
<h4 id="c-p918.1">Te igitur</h4>
<p id="c-p919" shownumber="no">We have already considered the "igitur". Unless some such theory as
that of Drews be admitted, its presence will always be a difficulty.
Gihr (Messopfer, 550), as we have said, thinks that it implies merely a
general connection with the Preface: "Because we have praised Thee and
glorified Thee, therefore we now pray Thee to accept these gifts". The
kiss of the altar after "petimus" is not mentioned by the earlier
writers. It is noted by Sicardus (d.1215, Mitrale, III, 6, P.L.,
CCXIII). At one time the celebrant kissed both the altar and the
crucifix in the Missal at the beginning of the Canon (Ordo Rom. XIV,
53, fourteenth century). After kissing the altar the celebrant makes
three signs of the cross over the bread and wine. It is the first of
the many blessings of the gifts in the Canon and is joined to the kiss
as one ceremony. He then stands erect and lifts up his hands, as at the
collects (now they may not be lifted above the shoulders, Ritus cel.,
V, 1). This is the traditional attitude of prayer that may be seen in
the pictures of 
<i>Orantes</i> in the catacombs. It is observed throughout the Canon.
The priest prays first for the Church, then for the pope and diocesan
ordinary by name. 
<i>Antistes</i>, from 
<i>antisto</i> 
(<i>proistemi</i>), is one of the many older words for "bishop". At the
pope's name a slight inclination is made. When the Roman See is vacant,
the mention of the pope is left out. In Rome the bishop's name is left
out; the pope is local bishop there. The bishop must be canonically
appointed and confirmed, otherwise he is not mentioned. But he need not
yet be consecrated. It is always the ordinary of the diocese, even in
the case of regulars who are exempt. A diocesan bishop in saying Mass
changes the form "et Antistite nostro N." into "et me indigno servo
tuo". The pope naturally uses these words instead of "una cum famulo
tuo Papa nostro N.", and omits the clause about the bishop. The mention
of the pope always occurs at this place. Otherwise in the Middle Ages
there was a great variety in the names. A very old custom was to name
the sovereign after the bishop ("et pro rege nostro N." or "Imperatore
nostro N."). Pope Celestine I (422-32) refers to it in a letter to
Theodosius II. Boniface I (418-22) writes to Emperor Honorius: "Behold
in the very mysteries, among the prayers which the bishop offers for
your Empire . . ." (Drews, 
<i>Entstehungsgesch.</i>, 7). So also the "De Sacramentis" says:
"Prayer is offered for the people, for the king, for the others" (IV,
iv). Throughout the Middle Ages the sovereign was always named. Pius V
removed the clause from the Missal. In the case of Catholic princes a
privilege is given by which they are put in. In Austria the clause "et
pro Imperatore nostro Francisco Josepho" is always added by the
celebrant, and in Hungary it becomes of course "pro rege nostro". At
one time the priest went on to pray for himself at this place (Bona,
Rerum liturg., II, 11). Ebner quotes as the commonest form: "Mihi
quoque indignissimo famulo tuo propitius esse digneris et ab omnibus me
peccatorum offensionibus emundare" (Miss. Rom., 401). We have already
noted this as being almost exactly a version of the Alexandrine form.
The word "orthodoxi" that follows is very rare in the West. It is a
link between our Canon and the Antiochene Anaphora.</p>
<h4 id="c-p919.1">Commemoratio pro vivis</h4>
<p id="c-p920" shownumber="no">The celebrant does not now name anyone aloud at the "N et N." After
"tuarum" he joins his hands and prays silently for anyone he likes.
This is the place where the diptychs for the living were read. A
diptych 
(<i>diptychos</i>, from 
<i>dis</i> and 
<i>ptysso</i>, twice-folded) was a table folding in two like a book, on
which names were written and then read out. Some authorities admit and
some deny that the priest in his silent prayer may name people who are
outside the Church. As this prayer is a private one (as shown by the
folding of the hands) there is no law to forbid him from so doing. He
goes on to mention the bystanders, who are thus always specially prayed
for at Mass. "Pro quibus tibi offerimus, vel qui tibi offerunt" is a
reduplication. The first half ("pro quibus tibi offerimus") is missing
in all early sacramentaries, also in the Greek version (Swainson, 196).
It occurs, however, in the parallel text of the Syrian Liturgy. Both
parts refer to the same persons, for whom the priests and his
assistants offer the Sacrifice and who themselves also join in the
offering by their presence. "Sacrifice of praise" (Ps. xlix, 23), "For
the forgiveness of their sins" and "For the hope of their safety and
health", are three expressions connoting the threefold character of the
Mass as praise, atonement, and petition.</p>
<h4 id="c-p920.1">Communicantes</h4>
<p id="c-p921" shownumber="no">This prayer is headed by the rubric "Infra Actionem". Why is it put
here? The "Communicantes" has a small addition on the five chief days
of the year, Christmas, the Epiphany, Easter, Ascension Day, and
Whitsunday, referring to the feast. The beginning of the text with
these additions is placed among the prefaces, after the corresponding
proper preface for each feast. Placed there, the rubric that heads it
is obvious. For each feast there is the special preface and, moreover,
"Infra Actionem", that is, "Within the Canon", a further change is
made. From its place among the prefaces as a natural heading to the
"Communicantes" this rubric has found its way into the Canon, when
people had begun to look upon it as the title of that prayer. The
Gelasian Sacramentary has it, when the "Communicantes" occurs with an
addition among the Propers (e.g. Wilson, 80), but it has not yet found
its way into the Ordinary (ib., 234). These five additions to the
"Communicantes", all of them very beautiful and very ancient (they are
all, with slight variations, in the Gelasian book), are the only ones
left by Pius V, where at one time many more feasts had sometimes long
references. "Communicantes" means simply "in union with". The
participles here have given rise to much discussion; no finite verb
follows, nor does any go before to which they can suitably refer. It is
simply a case of late Latin that is not strictly grammatical. It must
be understood as standing for a finite verb, as if it were
"Communicamus cum eis et memoriam veneramus eorum". There are parallel
examples in the Vulgate of a participle standing for a finite verb
(e.g. Rom., ix, 6 sqq., where the Greek has the same anomaly). In the
lists of saints that follows, Our Lady of course always holds the first
place. She is here named very solemnly with her title of "Mother of
God", as in the corresponding Eastern Anaphoras. It is strange that St.
John the Baptist, who should come next, has been left out here. He is
named in both the Eastern liturgies at this place (Brightman, 93 and
169), and finds his right place at the head of our other list (in the
"Nobis quoque"). After Our Lady follow twelve Apostles and twelve
martyrs. The Apostles are not arranged in quite the same order as in
any of the Gospels. St. Paul at the head, with St. Peter, makes up the
number for Judas. St. Matthias is not named here, but in the "Nobis
quoque". The twelve martyrs are evidently arranged to balance the
Apostles. First come five popes, then a bishop (St. Cyprian), and a
deacon (St. Lawrence), then five laymen. All these saints, except St.
Cyprian, are local Roman saints, as is natural in what was originally
the local Roman Liturgy. It is noticeable that St. Cyprian (d. 258),
who had a serious misunderstanding with a Roman pope, is the only
foreigner honoured by the Roman Church by being named among her own
martyrs. The fact has been quoted to show how completely his
disagreement with Pope Stephen was forgotten, and how Stephen's
successors remembered him only as one of the chief and most glorious
martyrs of the West. The cult of saints was at first the cult of
martyrs; all those in both lists in the Canon died for the Faith.
Gregory III (731-41) added to the Vatican basilica a chapel containing
a great number of relics and dedicated to All Saints. He ordered the
monks who served this chapel to add to the "Communicantes" after the
words "et omnium Sanctorum tuorum" the further clause: "quorum
solemnitas hodie in conspectu tuo celebratur, Domine Deus noster, in
toto orbe terrarum". The text is found in some medieval Missals. A
certain number of Missals also contained additions about special
patrons to be used on their feasts (Benedict XIV, De SS. Missæ
sacr., 162). All these clauses disappeared at Pius V's reform, except
that in some French churches the names of St. Hilary and St. Martin are
still added to the list (Duchesne, Origines, 172). This first complex
of prayers forms the chief part of the great Intercession that occurs
in all liturgies. We notice again the strange fact that at Rome it is
divided in two by the Consecration.</p>
<h4 id="c-p921.1">Hanc Igitur</h4>
<p id="c-p922" shownumber="no">This prayer has already been considered, the most remarkable of all
in the Canon. Here it need only be added that the "Hanc igitur"
receives an addition (after the words "familiæ tuæ) on four
occasions only, on Maundy Thursday, Easter, Whitsunday, and in the Mass
at a bishop's consecration. The additions will be found on the feasts
in the Missal, and in the Consecration service in the Pontifical. On
Maundy Thursday an allusion is made to "the day on which our Lord Jesus
gave the mysteries of his Body and Blood to his disciples to be
consecrated"; Easter and Whitsunday have an identical form (a prayer
for the newly baptised), and the Consecration Mass has a clause "which
we offer to Thee also for this Thy servant [the new bishop says: "for
me Thy servant] whom Thou hast deigned to promote to the order of
Episcopacy". The Gelasian Sacramentary has as many as thirty-eight
special forms to be intercalated at this place, in which allusions are
made to all kinds of special intentions. For instance, in a requiem
Mass, "which we offer to Thee for the repose of the soul of thy servant
N." (Wilson, 307); for a wedding, "This oblation of thy servants N. and
N., which they offer to Thee for thy handmaid N., we beg Thee
mercifully to accept, that as Thou hast allowed her to come to the
fitting age for marriage, so Thou mayest allow her, being joined to her
husband by thy grace, to rejoice in the offspring she desires and
mayest mercifully bring her with her spouse to the desired length of
years; and dispose our days in thy peace", etc. (ib., 265). During the
"Hanc igitur" the priest, who has joined his hands at the preceding
"Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen", spreads them over the offerings.
This is a late ceremony. It occurs first in the fifteenth century.
Formerly the celebrant lifted up his hands as before, but made a
profound inclination (Durandus, VI, 39). This older rite is still used
by the Dominicans and Carmelites. The imposition of hands seems to have
been introduced merely as a way of practically touching the sacrifice
at this point, at which it is so definitely named in the prayer. At the
"Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Amen" following, the priest again (as
always at these words) folds his hands. The "Hanc igitur", with the two
following prayers, may be considered as forming a second member of the
Canon, threefold like the first.</p>
<h4 id="c-p922.1">Quam oblationem</h4>
<p id="c-p923" shownumber="no">This prayer has been noticed, as well as its echo of "Hanc
oblationem". The offering is accompanied by five epithets. The "De
Sacramentis" has only three, "adscriptam, rationabilem,
acceptabilemque" (IV, v). The word "rationabilis" occurs in Rom., xii,
1. "In omnibus" means "thoroughly". There follows naturally a petition
that the offering may "become to us the Body and Blood of thy beloved
Son, our Lord Jesus Christ". "De Sacramentis" has: "which is a figure
of the Body and Blood", as in Serapion's Prayer and in Tertullian,
"Adv. Marc.", III, xix and IV, xl. During this prayer the sign of the
cross is made five times over the offering -- a further blessing of the
bread and wine about to be consecrated.</p>
<h4 id="c-p923.1">Qui pridie</h4>
<p id="c-p924" shownumber="no">Such a form is in all liturgies the connecting link between an
allusion to Christ that has gone before and the words of Institution
that follow immediately (Brightman, Antioch, 51, Alexandria, 132). The
short form, "Who, the day before he died, took bread", is in other
rites sometimes expanded into a longer account of the Passion (ib., 20,
87, 176, etc.).</p>
<h4 id="c-p924.1">Gratias agens</h4>
<p id="c-p925" shownumber="no">The word 
<i>Thanksgiving</i> 
(<i>Eucharist</i>) always occurs here. Benedict XIV notices that we do
not read in the Gospels that Christ lifted up his eyes at the Last
Supper, and he says it is a tradition that Christ did so, as He did at
the miracle of the loaves and fishes (De SS. Missæ sacr., 160).
The words of Institution for the bread are the same in the Synoptic
Gospels (Matt., xxvi, 26, Mark, xiv, 22, Luke, xxii, 19) and in I Cor.,
xi, 23. The Church has added to this form (Hoc est corpus meum) the
word 
<i>enim</i>, and she leaves out the continuation "which is given for
you", that occurs in St. Luke and I Cor. The "enim" seems to have found
its way here through analogy with the consecration of the chalice,
where it occurs in St. Matthew. This prayer admits of one addition in
the year; on Maundy Thursday the form is used: "Who the day before He
suffered for our salvation and for that of all men, that is today, He
took bread", etc. At the beginning of the "Qui pridie" the celebrant
takes the bread (only the host that he himself will receive in
Communion) between the forefingers and thumbs of both hands. These
fingers are then not separated again, unless when he touches the
Blessed Sacrament, till they have been washed at the last ablutions
(Rit. cel., VIII, 5). The reason of this is, of course, lest any crumb
may have remained between them. He lifts up his eyes at the words
"elevatis oculis", and makes a sign of the cross over the host at the
word "benedixit". If other hosts are to be consecrated they stay on the
corporal. The ciborium (if there is one) is opened before the words:
"Qui pridie". The words of Institution are said "secretly, plainly, and
attentively" over the host and over all, if several are to be
consecrated. The Catholic Church has always believed that the words of
Institution are those that consecrate. Immediately therefore follows
the ceremony of the Elevation. The priest genuflects on one knee, still
holding the Blessed Sacrament, rises, lifts it up above his head to
show it to the people, replaces it on the corporal and genuflects
again. An adoration of the Blessed Sacrament at this point is an old
rite. The first Roman Ordo, which does not give the words of
Consecration, says that during the Canon "the bishops, deacons,
subdeacons, and priests stay in the presbytery bowing down"
("inclinati", ed. Atchley, 138). On account of the heresy of
Berengarius (1088), the Elevation was introduced in France in the
twelfth, and then throughout the West in the thirteenth, century.
Gregory X (1271-76) ordered it to be used throughout the West in his
Ceremonial (Ordo Rom. XIII). At first only the Host, not the Chalice,
was elevated. The priest's genuflexions were not introduced till later.
In the fourteenth century he still only bowed his head (Ordo Rom. XIV,
53). Meanwhile the assistants kneel and bow low. Durandus says "they
prostrate themselves reverently on the ground", so also the XIII Roman
Ordo. However, since the only object of the Elevation is to show the
Blessed Sacrament to the people, this does not mean that they should
not look up at it. At each genuflexion, and between them at the
elevation, the bell is rung. This ceremony also begins in the
fourteenth century. Durandus notices it (IV, 41). The bell should be
sounded three times at each elevation, or continuously from the first
to the second genuflexion (Rit. cel., VIII, 6). This is the first
sounding of the bell ordered by the rubrics after the Sanctus. The
common practice of ringing at the "Hanc igitur" has no authority. The
server also lifts up the chasuble with his left hand at the elevation,
not at the genuflexion (Rubr. gen., VIII, 6). This is to keep back the
vestment (which the rubrics always suppose to cover the arms) while the
priest elevates. With a modern Roman-shaped chasuble it is a mere form,
and a memory of better days. As soon as the celebrant rises from the
second genuflexion he continues the Consecration prayer.</p>
<h4 id="c-p925.1">Simili modo</h4>
<p id="c-p926" shownumber="no">So all liturgies 
(<i>hosautos</i> at Antioch, Brightman, 52, and at Alexandria, ib.,
133). "Postquam coenatum est"; the Canon supposes that the cup our Lord
consecrated was the last of the Hillelcups. "Hunc præclarum
calicem", a dramatic identification of the Mass with the Last Supper.
The Consecration-form for the chalice is put together from the four
accounts of the Last Supper quoted above. It is mainly from St. Matthew
(xxvi, 26); "Calix Sanguinis mei" is adapted from St. Luke and St.
Paul, "pro vobis" from St. Luke, "pro multis" from St. Matthew; and the
last clause, "Hæc quotiescumque feceritis", etc., is again
slightly modified from St. Paul. Moreover, two additions have been made
to it that are not in the New Testament at all, "et æterni" and
"mysterium fidei". This last clause especially has been much discussed
(Gihr, 599). It seems that it was originally a warning spoken by the
deacon. The catechumens have been sent away before the Offertory; at
the Consecration he again warns the people that it is not for
catechumens, it is a "mystery of Faith", that is a mystery for the
faithful (the baptised) only. The ceremonies at this Consecration are
the same as those for the preceding one, except that the deacon (at low
Mass here, as always, the celebrant must supply the deacon's part
himself) takes the pall from the chalice before the words of
Consecration and replaces it as soon as the chalice is put down after
its Elevation. The words "Haec quotiescumque", etc., are now generally
said during the first genuflexion. In the Middle Ages they were often
said after the Elevation (Ordo Rom. XIV, 53). At high Mass a certain
amount of very natural ritual has been added to both elevations. At
least two torches are lit or brought in by the acolytes, which are
removed after the elevation (on fast days and for requiem Masses they
stay till the end of the Communion). The thurifer puts incense into his
thurible, and incenses the Blessed Sacrament thrice at each elevation
(Ritus cel., VIII, 8).</p>
<h4 id="c-p926.1">Unde et memores</h4>
<p id="c-p927" shownumber="no">A solemn memory of Christ's life, death and resurrection (the 
<i>Anamnesis</i>), naturally following the words "as often as you shall
do these things, do them in memory of me", comes immediately after the
words of Institution in all liturgies (Apost. Const. Brightman, 20, St.
James, ib., 52, St Mark, 133). The five signs of the cross made over
the Blessed Sacrament during this prayer have often been discussed.
Before the Consecration such signs are obviously blessings of the
offering. How can blessings be given to what is now consecrated and has
become the Real Presence? St. Thomas says the blessings refer to the
"terminus a quo", the bread and wine, not to the "terminus ad quem",
the Body and Blood of Christ (III:83:5 ad 3). People have seen in them
symbols representing our offering to God, memories of the Crucifixion,
blessings for the future communicants (Bossuet, Médit. sur
l'Evang., I, 63), or merely a way of pointing to the Blessed Sacrament.
It seems that really here again is one more case of what is very common
in all our rites, namely, a dramatic representation that does not
consider at what moment the effect of a Sacrament is really produced.
Such effects must really all happen at one instant, the moment the
matter and form are complete. But the Church cannot with words express
everything in one instant; moreover before scholastic days people did
not ask very closely about the actual moment. So we continually have
such dramatic divisions of one simple act, and continually in her
prayers the Church goes on asking for something that really must
already have been granted. So in our baptism service the devil is
driven out before, and the white robe and candle given after the actual
baptism. The truth of these symbols presumably occurs at one instant.
Our ordination service is a still more striking instance. Long after
the subject is ordained priest, after he has concelebrated, the bishop
gives him the power of forgiving sins which is certainly involved in
the priesthood he has already received. So these blessings after the
Consecration need be only such dramatic forms as our expression,
"Receive . . . this 
<i>spotless</i> Host", said at the Offertory long before. The question
is important because of the Epiklesis.</p>
<h4 id="c-p927.1">Supra quae</h4>
<p id="c-p928" shownumber="no">This prayer, too, with its memory of sacrifices in the Old Testament
(Abel, Abraham, Melchisedech), is common to other liturgies. St. Mark's
Rite mentions the offerings of Abel, Abraham, Zachary's incense, the
alms of Cornelius and the widow's mite (Brightman, 129; cf. the Coptic
form, 171). The words 
<i>sanctum sacrificium immaculatam Hostiam</i> are said to have been
added by St. Leo I (440-61; Ben. XIV, "De SS. Missæ Sacr., II,
xii, p. 161). They do not occur in the text as given in "De
Sacramentis". Grammatically they must refer to Melchisedech's
sacrifice.</p>
<h4 id="c-p928.1">Supplices te rogamus</h4>
<p id="c-p929" shownumber="no">This prayer is commonly believed to be the remnant of the Roman
Epiklesis (Duchesne joins the preceding "Supra quæ" to it as
making up the Invocation, "Origines", 173). It seems certain that our
liturgy, like all the others, once had an Epiklesis, and this would be
its natural place. Even as late as the time of Pope Gelasius I (492-96)
there seems to have still been one. He writes: "How shall the Heavenly
Spirit, when He is invoked to consecrate the divine mystery, come, if
the priest and he who prays Him to come is guilty of bad actions?"
(Ep., vii; Thiel, Ep. Rom. Pont., I, 486: "si sacerdos, et qui eum
adesse deprecatur". By striking out the "et" we have a much plainer
sentence: "If the priest who prays Him to come".) Watterich
(Konsekrationsmoment, 166), and Drews (Entstehungsgesch., 28) think
that several of the Secrets in the Leonine Sacramentary (which does not
contain the Canon) are really Epikleses, For instance: "Send, we pray
Thee O Lord, thy Holy Spirit, who shall make these our present gifts
into thy Sacrament for us", etc. (ed. Feltoe, p. 74; XXX Mass for
July). The chief reason for considering our prayer "Supplices te
rogamus" as the fragment of an Epiklesis is its place in the Canon,
which corresponds exactly to that of the Epiklesis (following the
Anamnesis) in the Syrian Rite (Brightman, 54). But its form is hardly
that of an Epiklesis. The first words of the preceding prayer, "Supra
quæ propitio ac sereno vultu respicere digneris", suggest the
beginning of the Alexandrine Epiklesis: "Look down upon us and upon
this bread and this wine" (Brightman, 134), and the last part
(Sacrosanctum Filii tui Corpus et Sanguinem) have perhaps a vague
resemblance; but certainly the chief thing, the Invocation of the Holy
Ghost to change this bread and wine into the Body and Blood of Christ
is wanting. Moreover there is a prayer in the Alexandrine Liturgy which
corresponds singularly to these two prayers ("Supra quæ" and
"Supplices"): "the Sacrifices . . . of them that offer honour and glory
to thy holy name receive upon thy reasonable altar in heaven . . .
through the ministry of thy holy angels and archangels; like as Thou
didst accept the gifts of righteous Abel and the sacrifice of our
father Abraham", etc. (Brightman, I, 170, 171; the Greek form, 129).
And this is not an Epiklesis but an Offertory prayer, coming in the
middle of the Intercession that with them fills up what we should call
the Preface. On the other hand the end of the "Supplices te rogamus"
(from "ut quotquot") corresponds very closely to the end of both
Eastern Epikleses. Antioch has here: "that it may become to all who
partake of it" (quotquot ex hac Altaris participatione) "for a
forgiveness of sins and for life everlasting" etc. (Brightman, 54); and
at Alexandria the form is: "that it may become to all of us who partake
of it (a source of) Faith", etc. (ib., 134). It seems, then, that this
prayer in our Canon is a combination of the second part of an
Invocation (with the essential clause left out) and an old Offertory
prayer. It has been suggested that the angel mentioned here is the Holy
Ghost -- an attempt to bring it more into line with the proper form of
an Invocation. There is however no foundation for this assertion. We
have seen that the Alexandrine form has the plural "thy holy angels";
so has the Latin form in "De Sacramentis"; "per manus angelorum tuorum"
(IV, v). The reference is simply to an angel or to angels who assist at
the throne of God and carry our prayers to Him (Tob., xii, 12, etc.).
We have already seen that the order and arrangement of our Canon
presents difficulties; this is a further case in point. As for the
vanished Invocation itself, it will probably always remain a mystery
what has become of it. Watterich (op. cit., p. 142) thinks that it was
Gelasius himself who removed it from this place and put it before the
words of Institution. And indeed the prayer "Quam oblationem" has a
curious suggestion of an Invocation in its terms. On the other hand an
Epiklesis 
<i>before</i> the words of Institution would be an anomaly unparalleled
in any rite in the world. To come back to the rubrics, the celebrant
has resumed the normal attitude of standing with uplifted hands after
the "Unde et memores", except that now the forefingers and thumbs
remain joined; at the "Supplices te rogamus" he bows deeply over the
altar -- a ceremony obviously in accordance with the nature of its
first words -- resting his joined hands on it; and he stays so to the
words" ex hac altaris participatione" at which he kisses the altar,
rises, joins his hands, and makes the sign of the cross over the Host
at "Corpus", over the chalice at "Sanguinem", and on himself at "omni
benedictione" (while he crosses himself, the left hand is, as always in
this case, laid on the breast). He joins his hands for "Per eumdem",
etc., and lifts them up for the next prayer. The next two prayers
complete the Intercession, of which we have the greater part before the
Consecration.</p>
<h4 id="c-p929.1">Commemoratio pro defunctis</h4>
<p id="c-p930" shownumber="no">The place of this prayer has often been changed (Ebner. Miss. Rom.,
420). If we accept Drews' theory that an original memory of the
faithful departed was once joined to what is now the second half of the
"Hanc igitur", it would follow that this prayer must be a later one,
introduced after the "Hanc igitur" had changed its meaning. This is
confirmed by the fact that it is absent from the Canon in the Gelasian
Sacramentary (ed. Wilson, 235). Why "Memento 
<i>etiam</i>"? This would seem to refer to a commemoration of some one
else, that should come just before. If we arrange the Canon as above,
this prayer comes naturally just after the Commemoration of the Living
and the "Communicantes" (we have seen that such is the order of the
Eastern liturgies), and then this "etiam" refers quite naturally to the
parallel commemoration of the living. In any case it must always be a
mystery that these two last prayers, obviously forming the conclusion
of the Intercession, should stand out here by themselves. Gihr finds a
mystic reason for this, because the living offer with the priest, but
the dead do not (Messopfer, 626). The ritual is the same as for the
other Memento. The celebrant may not now say any names at the place
marked "N. et N."; passing on, he reads "Famularumque tuarum, qui nos
præcesserunt", etc., and after "in somno pacis", folding his
hands, he silently prays for anyone he likes. The diptychs of the dead
of course once were read here. Now no names are ever read out at either
Commemoration. Benedict XIV quotes a case in which names were read out
at the "N. et N." in the sixteenth century (De SS. Missæ Sacr.,
220). At the final clause "Per eumdem", etc., the priest not only folds
his hands but bows the head -- a unique case in the Roman Rite, for
which there has not been found any satisfactory explanation. Benedict
XIV quotes from Cavalieri a mystic reason -- because Christ bowed His
head when He died, and we here think of the dead (p. 219). The rubric
occurs in Pius V's Missal.</p>
<h4 id="c-p930.1">Nobis quoque peccatoribus</h4>
<p id="c-p931" shownumber="no">A prayer for ourselves that naturally follows that for the faithful
departed, although the Commemoration for the Living has gone before. So
the Eastern liturgies (St. James, Brightman, 57; St. Mark, ib., 129).
The parallel between this prayer and the latter half of the "Hanc
igitur" has already been noticed. It is a petition that we too may find
a good death and be admitted to the glorious company of the saints. The
names of saints that follow are arranged rhythmically, as in
"Communicantes". Like the others they are all martyrs. First comes St.
John the Baptist, as Our Lady before, then seven men and seven women.
After the first martyr, St. Stephen, St. Matthias finds here the place
he has not been given among the Apostles in the other list. The Peter
here is a Roman exorcist martyred at Silva Candida (now part of the
Diocese of Porto, near Rome). His feast with St. Marcellinus is on 2
June. The female saints are all well known. Benedict XIV quotes from
Adalbert, "De Virginitate", that St. Gregory I, having noticed that no
female saints occur in the Canon, added these seven here (p. 162). This
list of saints, like the other one, was subject to local additions in
the Middle Ages (ib., 223). The celebrant strikes his breast and
slightly raises his voice at the words: "Nobis quoque peccatoribus".
This rite (the only case of part of the Canon being spoken aloud, if we
except the "Per omnia sæcula sæculorum" that closes it) is a
reminder to the assistants that he has come to the prayer for all of
those now present, in which prayer they may join. There is no Amen
after the "Per Christum Dominum nostrum", since now the following
words, "Per quem", follow it at once Nevertheless after it comes a
noticeable break in the Canon.</p>
<h4 id="c-p931.1">Per quem hæc omnia</h4>
<p id="c-p932" shownumber="no">Again, a difficult text. It has no connection with what goes before;
the words "hæc omnia" refer to nothing in the former prayer.
Moreover, the prayer itself is not easily explained. God is said to
"sanctify, enliven, bless and give to us these good things". What good
things? Such a form as applied to what is already the Blessed Sacrament
is very strange. Duchesne notes that at this point fruits of the earth
and various kinds of foods were brought up and blessed by the
celebrant; thus the milk and honey once given to the newly baptised at
Easter and Whitsunday, beans on Ascension day, grapes on the feast of
St. Sixtus (6 August). And even yet at this point the Holy Oils are
blessed on Maundy Thursday (Origines, 174-75). He sees in this prayer,
then, an old blessing of such fruits; the "hæc omnia bona" were
once the good things of the earth. Now the form must be taken as again
a dramatic representation like the sign of the cross after the
Consecration. Finally this prayer and the whole Canon ends with a
stately doxology. The "Per omnis sæcula sæculorum" is said
aloud, or sung at high Mass. The answer, "Amen", of the people, closes
the Canon. Signs of the cross are made at the three words:
"Sanctificas, vivificas, benedicis", and the doxology has a special
ritual. The celebrant uncovers the chalice and genuflects, makes three
signs of the cross with the Host over the chalice at the three forms:
"per ipsum et cum ipso et in ipso", two more signs over the altar in
front of the chalice at "Patri omnipotenti" and "Spiritus Sancti", and
finally at "omnis honor and gloria" he slightly elevates the chalice
with the left hand, holding the Host above it with the right. He then
replaces both, covers the chalice (at high Mass the deacon always
uncovers and covers the chalice), genuflects and with joined hands
says: "Per omnia sæcula sæculorum". So he goes on to the
Embolism of the Our Father. This ceremony went through slight changes
in the Middle Ages [St. Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274) notices it, II, Q.
lxxxiii, a. 5, ad 3]; the essence of it is the Elevation, made to show
the people the Blessed Sacrament. The reason why these crosses are
formed with the Host is that it is just about to be elevated. The
priest has already taken it up to elevate it (Gihr, 650, n. 2). This
corresponds more or less to the point at which the Eastern Churches
elevate (Antioch, Brightman, 61; Alexandria, 138). It is the original
Elevation of the Roman use, and till the heresy of Berengarius it was
the only one. We note finally that at and after the Consecration the
Host, chalice, ciborium, and all other Hosts that may be consecrated,
must always be placed on the altarstone, if it is a movable altar, and
on the corporal. Also the celebrant, whenever he lays his hand on the
altar before the Consecration, does so outside the corporal; after the
Consecration he lays it on the corporal.</p>
<h3 id="c-p932.1">IV. MYSTICAL INTERPRETATIONS</h3>
<p id="c-p933" shownumber="no">It is obvious that in the great days of mystic theology so venerably
and sacred a text as the Canon of the Mass should have received
elaborate mystical explanations. Indeed, after the Bible it was chiefly
to the Canon that these pious writers turned their attention. Equally
obvious is it that such interpretations never have any sort of regard
to the historical development of the text. By the time they began the
Canon had reigned unquestioned and unchanged for centuries, as the
expression of the most sacred rite of the Church. The interpreters
simply took this holy text as it stood, and conceived mystic and
allegorical reasons for its divisions, expressions, rites, even -- as
has been seen -- for the letter T, with which in their time it began.
No one who is accustomed to the subtle conceptions of medieval
mysticism will be surprised to see that these interpretations all
disagree among themselves and contradict each other in every point. The
system leads to such contradictions inevitably. You divide the Canon
where you like, trying, of course, as far as possible to divide by a
holy number -- three, or seven, or twelve -- and you then try somehow
to show that each of these divisions corresponds to some epoch of our
Lord's life, or to one of the Gifts of the Holy Ghost, or -- if you can
make eight divisions somewhere -- to one of the Beatitudes. The
arrangements are extremely ingenious. Indeed, perhaps the strongest
impression one receives from such mystical divisions and explanations
is how extraordinarily well their inventors do it. Nor does the utterly
artificial nature of the whole proceeding prevent many of the
interpretations from being quite edifying, often very poetic and
beautiful. To give even a slight account of the endless varieties of
these mystic commentaries would take up very much space. Various
examples will be found in the books quoted below. William Durandus
(Duranti) the Elder, Bishop of Mende (d. 1296), in his "Rationale
divinorum officiorum", set the classic example of these
interpretations. His work is important chiefly because incidentally we
get from it a very exact account of the prayers and ceremonies of the
thirteenth century. Very many theologians followed in his footsteps.
Perhaps Benedict XIV and Cardinal Bona are the most important. Gihr has
collected all the chief mystical explanations in his book on the Mass.
One or two of the more interesting or curious examples may be added
here. A favourite idea is that the Ordinary to the Sanctus, with its
lessons, represents Christ's public life and teaching; the Canon is a
type of the Passion and death -- hence it is said in silence. Christ
taught plainly, but did not open his mouth when he was accused and
suffered. From Durandus comes the idea of dividing the Mass according
to the four kinds of prayer mentioned in I Tim., ii, 1. It is an 
<i>Obsecratio</i> (supplication) to the Secret, an 
<i>Oratio</i> (prayer) to the Pater Noster, a 
<i>Postulatio</i> (intercession) to the Communion, and a 
<i>Gratiarum Actio</i> (thanksgiving) to the end. Benedict XIV and many
others divide the Canon into four sets of threefold prayers:</p>
<ul id="c-p933.1">
<li id="c-p933.2">"Te igitur", "Memento vivorum", "Communicantes";</li>
<li id="c-p933.3">"Hanc igitur", "Quam oblationem", "Qui pridie";</li>
<li id="c-p933.4">"Unde et memores", "Supra quæ", "Supplices te rogamus";</li>
<li id="c-p933.5">"Memento defunctorum", "Nobis quoque", "Per quem hæc
omnia".</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p934" shownumber="no">This gives the mystic numbers four, three, and twelve. So again
each separate expression finds a mystic meaning. Why do we say "rogamus
ac petimus" in the "Te igitur"? "Rogamus" shows humility, "petimus"
confidence (Odo Cameracensis; "Exp. in Can. Missæ", dist. iii).
Why do we distinguish "hæc dona" and "hæc munera"? "Dona"
because God gives them to us, "munera" because we offer them back to
Him (Gihr, 552, n. 5). Why is there no Amen after the "Nobis quoque
peccatoribus"? Because the angels say it at that place (Albertus
Magnus, "Summa de off. Missæ", III, c. ix). "Per ipsum et cum ipso
et in ipso est tibi . . . omnis honor et gloria" signifies in its
triple form that our Lord suffered three kinds of indignities in His
Passion -- in His body, soul, and honour (Ben. XIV, 227). See also the
explanations of the twenty-five crosses made by the priest in the
Cannon suggested by various commentators (Gihr, 550). Historically,
when these prayers were first composed, such reduplications and
repetitions were really made for the sake of the rhythm which we
observe in all liturgical texts. The medieval explanations are
interesting as showing with what reverence people studied the text of
the Canon and how, when every one had forgotten the original reasons
for its forms, they still kept the conviction that the Mass is full of
venerable mysteries and that all its clauses mean more than common
expressions. And in this conviction the sometimes naive medieval
interpreters were eminently right.</p>
<p id="c-p935" shownumber="no">I. TEXTS. -- MURATORI, "Liturgia vetus tria sacramentaria
complectens" (2 vols. in fol., Venice, 1748), contains the texts of the
Leonine, Gelasian and Gregorian Sacramentaries. The Gregorian
Sacramentary is edited in PAMELIUS, "op. cit. infra", 178-387 in
"P.L.",LXXVIII, 25, sqq. The Leonine Book was first edited by BIANCHINI,
"Anastasius Bibliothecarius" (1735), IV, xii-lvii; also in ASSEMANI,
"Codex liturgicus ecclesiæ universæ", VI, 1-180; and among
St. LEO'S works in "P.L.", LV, 21-156. FELTOE, "Sacramentarium
Leonianum" (Cambridge, 1896). First edition of the Gelasian book,
THOMASIUS, "Codices Sacramentorum" (Rome, 1680); also ASSEMANI, "op.
cit.", IV. 1-126; "P.L.", LXXIV, 1055 sqq. WILSON, "The Gelasian
Sacramentary" (Oxford, 1894), and SWAINSON, "The Greek Liturgies,"
(Cambridge, 1884), 191-203, contain the Greek version of the Roman Mass
referred to above. PAMELIUS, "Liturgica Latinorum" (2 vols., Cologne,
1571 and 1675); GAVANTI, "Thesaurus sacrorum rituum" (Rome, 1630);
MABILLON, "Museum italicum," (2 vols., 2nd ed., Paris, 1724); Vol. II,
reprinted in "P.L.", LXXVIII, contains eleven of the Roman "Ordines".
DUCHESNE, "Origines du culte chretien" (2nd. ed., Paris, 1898), App.I,
pp. 440-63, and App.II, pp. 464-68, gives the text of two more
"ordines," that of the "Saint -Amand MS". (c. 800), and a fragment from
Einsiedeln of about the same date. ATCHLEY, "Ordo Romanus primus"
(London, 1905) in "Library of Liturgiology and Ecclesiology for English
Readers", VI, contains dissertations on the first Ordo; the text in
Latin from Mabillon with a translation and a version of the "Saint
-Amand Ordo" from DUCHESNE are given in the appendix. For editions of
the greater number of medieval local Missals see the excellent little
book of CABROL, "Introduction aux etudes liturgiques" (Paris, 1907),
and the "British Museum Catalogue", XLV, "Latin Rite, Hours, Missals";
also the index to the "Liturgical Catalogue" (3 vols. London, 1899).
WILSON, "A classified Index to the Leonine, Gelasian and Gregorian
Sacramentaries" (Cambridge, 1892); WEALE, "Bibliographia Liturgica;
Catalogus Missalium ritus Latini" (London, 1886).
<br />II.- MEDIEVAL COMMENTARIES ON THE CANON. -- ST. ISIDORE OF
SEVILLE (d. 636), "De ecclesiæ officiis", II in "P.L." LXXXIII,
738, sqq.; AMALARIUS OF METZ (d. c. 850) "De ecclesiæ officiis",
IV in "P.L." CV, 986, sqq.; WALAFRID STRABO (d. 879), "De exordiis et
incrementis rerum eccl." in "P.L. "CXIV, 919, sqq.; BERNO OF REICHENAU
(11th cent.), "Libellus de quibusdam rebus ad missæ officium
pertinentibus" in "P.L.", CXLII, 1055, sqq.; MICROLOGUS, "De
ecclesiasticis observationibus" in "P.L.", CLI, 974, sqq. [probably
written by BERNOLD OF CONSTANCE (eleventh century)]; BELETHUS,
"Rationale divinorum officiorum" in "P.L.", CCII, 14 sqq.; HILDEBERT OF
TOURS (d. 1134), "Expositio Missæ "in "P.L.", CLXXI. 1158 sqq.;
IONNES ABRINCENSIS, "Liber de officiis ecclesiasticis" in "P.L.",
CXLVII, 15 sqq.; ROBERTUS PULLUS (d. 1153), "De Cærimoniis,
sacramentis et officiis eccl." in "P.L"., CLXXVII, 381, sqq.; SICARDUS
OF CREMONA, "Mitrale sive de officiis ecclesiasticis summa" in "P.L".
CCXIII, 13 sqq.; INNOCENT III (d. 1216), "De Sacrificio Missæ" in
" P.L"., CCXVII, 763, sqq.; DURANDUS, "Rationale divinorum Officiorum"
(Lyons, 1561; Naples, 1859), VIII; ALBERTUS MAGNUS, "Summa de officio
Missæ".
<br />III. LATER WRITERS. -- HITTORPIUS, "De divinis Cathol. Eccl.
officiis" (Cologne, 1568; Rome 1591), a collection of medieval
interpreters: HUGO, "Expositio Missæ" (Nuremberg, 1507);
BECHOFFEN, "Quadruplex Missalis expositio" (Basle, 1515); DURANTI, "De
ritibus ecclesiæ" (Cologne, 1592), III; BALDASSARI, "La sacra
liturgia" (Venice, 1715); BENEDICT XIV (d. 1758), "De Sacrosancto
Sacrificio Missæ", Latin version by GIACOMELLI, ed. SCHNEIDER
(Mainz, 1879), lib. III; BONA, "Rerum Liturgicarum" (Turin, 1763), lib.
II; IDEM, "De Sacrificio Missæ" (Paris, 1846); MURATORI, "De rebus
liturgicis dissertatio": QUARTI, "Rubricæ Missalis Romani
commentariis illustratæ" (Venice, 1727).
<br />IV. MODERN WORKS. -- PROBST. "Liturgie der drei ersten christl.
Jahrhunderten" (Tübingen, 1870); IDEM, "Liturgie des IV.
Jahrhunderts und deren Reform" (Munster, 1893); IDEM, "Die abendl,
Messe vom V. bis zum VIII, Jahrhdt" (Munster, 1896); DUCHESNE,
"Origines" (Paris, 1898); MAGANI, "L'antica liturgia romana" (3 vols.,
Milan, 1897); CABROL, "Origines liturgiques" (Paris, 1906); IDEM, "Le
livre de la priere antique" (Paris, 1900), introduction; EBNER,
"Quellen und Forschungen zur Gesch, und Kunstgesch des Missale Romanum
im Mittelalter" (Freiburg im Br., 1896); EISENRING, "Das heilige
Messopfer" (Einsiedeln, 1880); KNEIP, "Erklarung des heiligen
Messopfers" (Ratisbon, 1876); SAUTER, "Das heilige Messopfer
"(Paderborn, 1894); WALTER, "Die heilige Messe" (Brixen, 1881);
WEICKUM, "Das heilige Messopfer" (Schaffhausen, 1865); LAMPRECHT, "De
SS. Missæ Sacrificio" (Louvain, 1875); LEBRUN, "Explication . . .
des prieres et des ceremonies de la Messe" (Lyons, 1860); COCHEM,
"Erklarung des heiligen Messopfers" (Cologne, 1870); GIHR, "Das heilige
Messopfer, dogmatisch liturgisch und ascetisch erklart" (6th ed.,
Freiburg im Br., 1897); KOSSING, "Liturgische Erklarung der heiligen
Messe" (Ratisbon, 1869); VAN DER BURG, "Brevis elucidatio totius
Missæ" (Tournai, 1860); HAZE, "De sensu cærimoniarum
Missæ brevis expositio" (Brussels, 1869); BOURBON, "Introduction
aux ceremonies Romaines" (Luçon, 1864); NOEL, "Instructions sur la
Liturgie" (5 vols., Paris 1861); PATRONI, "Lezioni di s. Liturgia"
(Naples, 1881); FLUCK, "Katholische Liturgik" (Ratisbon, 1853); DE
HERDT, "Sacræ Liturgiæ Praxis "(7th ed., 3 vols., Louvain,
1883); DREWS, "Zur Entstehungsgesch. des Kanons in der rumischen Messe"
(Tübingen and Leipzig, 1902); DRURY, "Elevation in the Eucharist":
its History and Rationale" (Cambridge, 1907), of no great value;
BERNARD, "Cours de liturgie romaine" (Paris, 1884).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p936" shownumber="no">ADRIAN FORTESCUE</p></def>

<term id="c-p936.1" title="Canon of the Old Testament" type="Encyclopedia">Canon of the Old Testament</term>
<def id="c-p936.2">
<h1 id="c-p936.3">Canon of the Old Testament</h1>
<p id="c-p937" shownumber="no">The word 
<i>canon</i> as applied to the Scriptures has long had a special and
consecrated meaning. In its fullest comprehension it signifies the
authoritative list or closed number of the writings composed under
Divine inspiration, and destined for the well-being of the Church,
using the latter word in the wide sense of the theocratic society which
began with God's revelation of Himself to the people of Israel, and
which finds its ripe development and completion in the Catholic
organism. The whole Biblical Canon therefore consists of the canons of
the Old and New Testaments. The Greek 
<i>kanon</i> means primarily a reed, or measuring-rod: by a natural
figure it was employed by ancient writers both profane and religious to
denote a rule or standard. We find the substantive first applied to the
Sacred Scriptures in the fourth century, by St. Athanasius; for its
derivatives, the Council of Laodicea of the same period speaks of the 
<i>kanonika biblia</i> and Athanasius of the 
<i>biblia kanonizomena</i>. The latter phrase proves that the passive
sense of 
<i>canon</i> -- that of a regulated and defined collection -- was
already in use, and this has remained the prevailing connotation of the
word in ecclesiastical literature.</p>
<p id="c-p938" shownumber="no">The terms 
<i>protocanonical</i> and 
<i>deuterocanonical</i>, of frequent usage among Catholic theologians
and exegetes, require a word of caution. They are not felicitous, and
it would be wrong to infer from them that the Church successively
possessed two distinct Biblical Canons. Only in a partial and
restricted way may we speak of a first and second Canon. Protocanonical

(<i>protos</i>, "first") is a conventional word denoting those sacred
writings which have been always received by Christendom without
dispute. The protocanonical books of the Old Testament correspond with
those of the Bible of the Hebrews, and the Old Testament as received by
Protestants. The deuterocanonical 
(<i>deuteros</i>, "second") are those whose Scriptural character was
contested in some quarters, but which long ago gained a secure footing
in the Bible of the Catholic Church, though those of the Old Testament
are classed by Protestants as the "Apocrypha". These consist of seven
books: Tobias, Judith, Baruch, Ecclesiasticus, Wisdom, First and Second
Machabees; also certain additions to Esther and Daniel.</p>
<p id="c-p939" shownumber="no">It should be noted that 
<i>protocanonical</i> and 
<i>deuterocanonical</i> are modern terms, not having been used before
the sixteenth century. As they are of cumbersome length, the latter
(being frequently used in this article) will be often found in the
abbreviated form 
<i>deutero</i>.</p>
<p id="c-p940" shownumber="no">The scope of an article on the sacred Canon may now be seen to be
properly limited regarding the process of</p>
<ul id="c-p940.1">
<li id="c-p940.2">what may be ascertained regarding the process of the collection of
the sacred writings into bodies or groups which from their very
inception were the objects of a greater or less degree of
veneration;</li>
<li id="c-p940.3">the circumstances and manner in which these collections were
definitely 
<i>canonized</i>, or adjudged to have a uniquely Divine and
authoritative quality;</li>
<li id="c-p940.4">the vicissitudes which certain compositions underwent in the
opinions of individuals and localities before their Scriptural
character was universally established.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p941" shownumber="no">It is thus seen that canonicity is a correlative of inspiration,
being the extrinsic dignity belonging to writings which have been
officially declared as of sacred origin and authority. It is
antecedently very probable that according as a book was written early
or late it entered into a sacred collection and attained a canonical
standing. Hence the views of traditionalist and critic (not implying
that the traditionalist may not also be critical) on the Canon
parallel, and are largely influenced by, their respective hypotheses on
the origin of its component members.</p>

<h4 id="c-p941.1">A. THE CANON AMONG THE PALESTINIAN JEWS (PROTOCANONICAL BOOKS)</h4>
<p id="c-p942" shownumber="no">It has already been intimated that there is a smaller, or
incomplete, and larger, or complete, Old Testament. Both of these were
handed down by the Jews; the former by the Palestinian, the latter by
the Alexandrian, Hellenist, Jews.</p>
<p id="c-p943" shownumber="no">The Jewish Bible of today is composed of three divisions, whose
titles combined from the current Hebrew name for the complete
Scriptures of Judaism: 
<i>Hat-Torah, Nebiim, wa-Kéthubim</i>, i.e. The Law, the Prophets,
and the Writings. This triplication is ancient; it is supposed as
long-established in the Mishnah, the Jewish code of unwritten sacred
laws, reduced to writing, c. A.D. 200. A grouping closely akin to it
occurs in the New Testament in Christ's own words, Luke, xxiv, 44: "All
things must needs be fulfilled, which are written in the law of Moses,
and in the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me". Going back to
the prologue of Ecclesiasticus, prefixed to it about 132 B.C., we find
mentioned "the Law, and the Prophets, and others that have followed
them". The Torah, or Law, consists of the five Mosaic books, Genesis,
Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy. The Prophets were subdivided
by the Jews into the Former Prophets [i.e. the prophetico-historical
books: Josue, Judges, Samuel, (I and II Kings), and Kings (III and IV
Kings)] and the Latter Prophets (Isaias, Jeremias, Ezechiel, and the
twelve minor Prophets, counted by the Hebrews as one book). The
Writings, more generally known by a title borrowed from the Greek
Fathers, Hagiographa (holy writings), embrace all the remaining books
of the Hebrew Bible. Named in the order in which they stand in the
current Hebrew text, these are: Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticle of
Canticles, Ruth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther, Daniel, Esdras,
Nehemias, or II Esdras, Paralipomenon.</p>
<h4 id="c-p943.1">1. Traditional view of the Canon of the Palestinian Jews</h4>
<p class="c5" id="c-p944" shownumber="no">Proto-Canon</p>
<p id="c-p945" shownumber="no">In opposition to scholars of more recent views, conservatives do not
admit that the Prophets and the Hagiographa represent two successive
stages in the formation of the Palestinian Canon. According to this
older school, the principle which dictated the separation between the
Prophets and the Hagiographa was not of a chronological kind, but one
found in the very nature of the respective sacred compositions. That
literature was grouped under the Ké-thubim, or Hagiographa, which
neither was the direct product of the prophetical order, namely, that
comprised in the Latter Prophets, nor contained the history of Israel
as interpreted by the same prophetic teachers--narratives classed as
the Former Prophets. The Book of Daniel was relegated to the
Hagiographa as a work of the prophetic 
<i>gift</i> indeed, but not of the permanent prophetic 
<i>office</i>. These same conservative students of the Canon--now
scarcely represented outside the Church--maintain, for the reception of
the documents composing these groups into the sacred literature of the
Israelites, dates which are in general much earlier than those admitted
by critics. They place the practical, if not formal, completion of the
Palestinian Canon in the era of Esdras (Ezra) and Nehemias, about the
middle of the fifth century B.C., while true to their adhesion to a
Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, they insist that the canonization
of the five books followed soon after their composition.</p>
<p id="c-p946" shownumber="no">Since the traditionalists infer the Mosaic authorship of the
Pentateuch from other sources, they can rely for proof of an early
collection of these books chiefly on Deuteronomy, xxxi, 9-13, 24-26,
where there is question of a books of the law, delivered by Moses to
the priests with the command to keep it in the ark and read it to the
people on the feast of Tabernacles. But the effort to identify this
book with the entire Pentateuch is not convincing to the opponents of
Mosaic authorship.</p>
<p class="c5" id="c-p947" shownumber="no">The Remainder of the Palestinian-Jewish Canon</p>
<p id="c-p948" shownumber="no">Without being positive on the subject, the advocates of the older
views regard it as highly probable that several additions were made to
the sacred repertory between the canonization of the Mosaic Torah above
described and the Exile (598 B.C.). They cite especially Isaias, xxxiv,
16; II Paralipomenon, xxix, 30; Proverbs, xxv, 1; Daniel, ix, 2. For
the period following the Babylonian Exile the conservative argument
takes a more confident tone. This was an era of construction, a
turning-point in the history of Israel. The completion of the Jewish
Canon, by the addition of the Prophets and Hagiographa as bodies to the
Law, is attributed by conservatives to Esdras, the priest-scribe and
religious leader of the period, abetted by Nehemias, the civil
governor; or at least to a school of scribes founded by the former.
(Cf. II Esdras, viii-x; II Machabees, ii, 13, in the Greek original.)
Far more arresting in favour of an Esdrine formulation of the Hebrew
Bible is a the much discussed passage from Josephus, "Contra Apionem",
I, viii, in which the Jewish historian, writing about A.D. 100,
registers his conviction and that of his coreligionists--a conviction
presumably based on tradition--that the Scriptures of the Palestinian
Hebrews formed a closed and sacred collection from the days of the
Persian king, Artaxerxes Longiamanus (465-425 B.C.), a contemporary of
Esdras. Josephus is the earliest writer who numbers the books of the
Jewish Bible. In its present arrangement this contains 40; Josephus
arrived at 22 artificially, in order to match the number of letters in
the Hebrew alphabet, by means of collocations and combinations borrowed
in part from the Septuagint. The conservative exegetes find a
confirmatory argument in a statement of the apocryphas Fourth Book of
Esdras (xiv, 18-47), under whose legendary envelope they see an
historical truth, and a further one in a reference in the Baba Bathra
tract of the Babylonian Talmud to hagiographic activity on the part of
"the men of the Great Synagogue", and Esdras and Nehemias.</p>
<p id="c-p949" shownumber="no">But the Catholic Scripturists who admit an Esdrine Canon are far
from allowing that Esdras and his colleagues intended to so close up
the sacred library as to bar any possible future accessions. The Spirit
of God might and did breathe into later writings, and the presence of
the deuterocanonical books in the Church's Canon at once forestalls and
answers those Protestant theologians of a preceding generation who
claimed that Esdras was a Divine agent for an inviolable fixing and
sealing of the Old Testament To this extent at least, Catholic writers
on the subject dissent from the drift of the Josephus testimony. And
while there is what may be called a consensus of Catholic exegetes of
the conservative type on an Esdrine or quasi-Esdrine formulation of the
canon so far as the existing material permitted it, this agreement is
not absolute; Kaulen and Danko, favouring a later completion, are the
notable exceptions among the above-mentioned scholars.</p>
<h4 id="c-p949.1">2. Critical views of the formation of the Palestinian Canon</h4>
<p id="c-p950" shownumber="no">Its three constituent bodies, the Law, Prophets, and Hagiographa,
represent a growth and correspond to three periods more or less
extended. The reason for the isolation of the Hagiographa from the
Prophets was therefore mainly chronological. The only division marked
off clearly by intrinsic features is the legal element of the Old
Testament, viz., the Pentateuch.</p>
<p class="c5" id="c-p951" shownumber="no">The Torah, or Law</p>
<p id="c-p952" shownumber="no">Until the reign of King Josias, and the epoch-making discovery of
"the book of the law" in the Temple (621 B.C.), say the critical
exegetes, there was in Israel no written code of laws, or other work,
universally acknowledged as of supreme and Divine authority. This "book
of the law" was practically identical with Deuteronomy, and its
recognition or canonization consisted in the solemn pact entered into
by Josias and the people of Juda, described in IV Kings, xxiii. That a
written sacred Torah was previously unknown among the Israelites, is
demonstrated by the negative evidence of the earlier prophets, by the
absence of any such factor from the religious reform undertaken by
Ezechias (Hezekiah), while it was the mainspring of that carried out by
Josias, and lastly by the plain surprise and consternation of the
latter ruler at the finding of such a work. This argument, in fact, is
the pivot of the current system of Pentateuchal criticism, and will be
developed more at length in the article on the Pentateuch, as also the
thesis attacking the Mosaic authorship and promulgation of the latter
as a whole. The actual publication of the entire Mosaic code, according
to the dominant hypothesis, did not occur until the days of Esdras, and
is narrated in chapters viii-x of the second book bearing that name. In
this connection must be mentioned the argument from the Samaritan
Pentateuch to establish that the Esdrine Canon took in nothing beyond
the Hexateuch, i.e. the Pentateuch 
<i>plus</i> Josue. (See PENTATEUCH; SAMARITANS.) 
<i>The Nebiim, or Prophets</i></p>
<p id="c-p953" shownumber="no">There is no direct light upon the time or manner in which the second
stratum of the Hebrew Canon was finished. The creation of the
above-mentioned Samaritan Canon (c. 432 B.C.) may furnish a 
<i>terminus a quo</i>; perhaps a better one is the date of the
expiration of prophecy about the close of the fifth century before
Christ. For the other 
<i>terminus</i> the lowest possible date is that of the prologue to
Ecclesiasticus (c. 132 B.C.), which speaks of "the Law", and the
Prophets, and the others that have followed them". But compare
Ecclesiasticus itself, chapters xlvi-xlix, for an earlier one.</p>
<p class="c5" id="c-p954" shownumber="no">The Kéthubim, or Hagiographa Completes of the Jewish
Canon</p>
<p id="c-p955" shownumber="no">Critical opinion as to date ranged from c. 165 B.C. to the middle of
the second century of our era (Wildeboer). The Catholic scholars Jahn,
Movers, Nickes, Danko, Haneberg, Aicher, without sharing all the views
of the advanced exegetes, regard the Hebrew Hagiographa as not
definitely settled till after Christ. It is an incontestable fact that
the sacredness of certain parts of the Palestinian Bible (Esther,
Ecclesiastes, Canticle of Canticles) was disputed by some rabbis as
late as the second century of the Christian Era (Mishna, Yadaim, III,
5; Babylonian Talmud, Megilla, fol. 7). However differing as to dates,
the critics are assured that the distinction between the Hagiographa
and the Prophetic Canon was one essentially chronological. It was
because the Prophets already formed a sealed collection that Ruth,
Lamentations, and Daniel, though naturally belonging to it, could not
gain entrance, but had to take their place with the last-formed
division, the Kéthubim.</p>
<h4 id="c-p955.1">3. The Protocanonical Books and the New Testament</h4>
<p id="c-p956" shownumber="no">The absence of any citations from Esther, Ecclesiastes, and
Canticles may be reasonably explained by their unsuitability for New
Testament purposes, and is further discounted by the non-citation of
the two books of Esdras. Abdias, Nahum, and Sophonias, while not
directly honoured, are included in the quotations from the other minor
Prophets by virtue of the traditional unity of that collection. On the
other hand, such frequent terms as "the Scripture", the "Scriptures",
"the holy Scriptures", applied in the New Testament to the other sacred
writings, would lead us to believe that the latter already formed a
definite fixed collection; but, on the other, the reference in St. Luke
to "the Law and the Prophets and the Psalms", while demonstrating the
fixity of the Torah and the Prophets as sacred groups, does not warrant
us in ascribing the same fixity to the third division, the
Palestinian-Jewish Hagiographa. If, as seems certain, the exact content
of the broader catalogue of the Old Testament Scriptures (that
comprising the deutero books) cannot be established from the New
Testament, a fortiori there is no reason to expect that it should
reflect the precise extension of the narrower and Judaistic Canon. We
are sure, of course, that all the Hagiographa were eventually, before
the death of the last Apostle, divinely committed to the Church as Holy
Scriptures, but we known this as a truth of faith, and by theological
deduction, not from documentary evidence in the New Testament The
latter fact has a bearing against the Protestant claim that Jesus
approved and transmitted 
<i>en bloc</i> an already defined Bible of the Palestinian
Synagogue.</p>
<h4 id="c-p956.1">4. Authors and Standards of Canonicity among the Jews</h4>
<p id="c-p957" shownumber="no">Though the Old Testament reveals no formal notion of inspiration,
the later Jews at least must have possessed the idea (cf. II Timothy,
iii, 16; II Peter, i, 21). There is an instance of a Talmudic doctor
distinguishing between a composition "given by the wisdom of the Holy
Spirit" and one supposed to be the product of merely human wisdom. But
as to our distinct concept of canonicity, it is a modern idea, and even
the Talmud gives no evidence of it. To characterize a book which held
no acknowledged place in the divine library, the rabbis spoke of it as
"defiling the hands", a curious technical expression due probably to
the desire to prevent any profane touching of the sacred roll. But
though the formal 
<i>idea</i> of canonicity was wanting among the Jews the 
<i>fact</i> existed. Regarding the sources of canonicity among the
Hebrew ancients, we are left to surmise an analogy. There are both
psychological and historical reasons against the supposition that the
Old Testament Canon grew spontaneously by a kind of instinctive public
recognition of inspired books. True, it is quite reasonable to assume
that the prophetic office in Israel carried its own credentials, which
in a large measure extended to its written compositions. But there were
many pseduo-prophets in the nation, and so some authority was necessary
to draw the line between the true and the false prophetical writings.
And an ultimate tribunal was also needed to set its seal upon the
miscellaneous and in some cases mystifying literature embraced in the
Hagiographa. Jewish tradition, as illustrated by the already cited
Josephus, Baba Bathra, and pseudo-Esdras data, points to authority as
the final arbiter of what was Scriptural and what not. The so-called
Council of Jamnia (c. A.D. 90) has reasonably been taken as having
terminated the disputes between rival rabbinic schools concerning the
canonicity of Canticles. So while the intuitive sense and increasingly
reverent consciousness of the faithful element of Israel could, and
presumably did, give a general impulse and direction to authority, we
must conclude that it was the word of official authority which actually
fixed the limits of the Hebrew Canon, and here, broadly speaking, the
advanced and conservative exegetes meet on common ground. However the
case may have been for the Prophets, the preponderance of evidence
favours a late period as that in which the Hagiographa were closed, a
period when the general body of Scribes dominated Judaism, sitting "in
the chair of Moses", and alone having the authority and prestige for
such action. The term 
<i>general body</i> of Scribes has been used advisedly; contemporary
scholars gravely suspect, when they do not entirely reject, the "Great
Synagogue" of rabbinic tradition, and the matter lay outside the
jurisdiction of the Sanhedrim.</p>
<p id="c-p958" shownumber="no">As a touchstone by which uncanonical and canonical works were
discriminated, an important influence was that of the Pentateuchal Law.
This was always the Canon 
<i>par excellence</i> of the Israelites. To the Jews of the Middle Ages
the Torah was the inner sanctuary, or Holy of Holies, while the
Prophets were the Holy Place, and the 
<i>Kéthubim</i> only the outer court of the Biblical temple, and
this medieval conception finds ample basis in the pre-eminence allowed
to the Law by the rabbis of the Talmudic age. Indeed, from Esdras
downwards the Law, as the oldest portion of the Canon, and the formal
expression of God's commands, received the highest reverence. The
Cabbalists of the second century after Christ, and later schools,
regarded the other section of the Old Testament as merely the expansion
and interpretation of the Pentateuch. We may be sure, then, that the
chief test of canonicity, at least for the Hagiographa, was conformity
with the Canon 
<i>par excellence</i>, the Pentateuch. It is evident, in addition, that
no book was admitted which had not been composed in Hebrew, and did not
possess the antiquity and prestige of a classic age, or name at least.
These criteria are negative and exclusive rather than directive. The
impulse of religious feeling or liturgical usage must have been the
prevailing positive factors in the decision. But the negative tests
were in part arbitrary, and an intuitive sense cannot give the
assurance of Divine certification. Only later was the infallible voice
to come, and then it was to declare that the Canon of the Synagogue,
though unadulterated indeed, was incomplete. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p958.1">B. THE CANON AMONG THE ALEXANDRIAN JEWS (DEUTEROCANONICAL
BOOKS)</h4>
<p id="c-p959" shownumber="no">The most striking difference between the Catholic and Protestant
Bibles is the presence in the former of a number of writings which are
wanting in the latter and also in the Hebrew Bible, which became the
Old Testament of Protestantism. These number seven books: Tobias
(Tobit), Judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Baruch, I and II Machabees,
and three documents added to protocanonical books, viz., the supplement
to Esther, from x, 4, to the end, the Canticle of the Three Youths
(Song of the Three Children) in Daniel, iii, and the stories of Susanna
and the Elders and Bel and the Dragon, forming the closing chapters of
the Catholic version of that book. Of these works, Tobias and Judith
were written originally in Aramaic, perhaps in Hebrew; Baruch and I
Machabees in Hebrew, while Wisdom and II Machabees were certainly
composed in Greek. The probabilities favour Hebrew as the original
language of the addition to Esther, and Greek for the enlargements of
Daniel.</p>
<p id="c-p960" shownumber="no">The ancient Greek Old Testament known as the Septuagint was the
vehicle which conveyed these additional Scriptures into the Catholic
Church. The Septuagint version was the Bible of the Greek-speaking, or
Hellenist, Jews, whose intellectual and literary centre was Alexandria
(see SEPTUAGINT). The oldest extant copies date from the fourth and
fifth centuries of our era, and were therefore made by Christian hands;
nevertheless scholars generally admit that these faithfully represent
the Old Testament as it was current among the Hellenist or Alexandrian
Jews in the age immediately preceding Christ. These venerable
manuscripts of the Septuagint vary somewhat in their content outside
the Palestinian Canon, showing that in Alexandrian-Jewish circles the
number of admissible extra books was not sharply determined either by
tradition or by authority. However, aside from the absence of Machabees
from the Codex Vaticanus (the very oldest copy of the Greek Old
Testament), all the entire manuscripts contain all the deutero
writings; where the manuscript Septuagints differ from one another,
with the exception noted, it is in a certain excess above the
deuterocanonical books. It is a significant fact that in all these
Alexandrian Bibles the traditional Hebrew order is broken up by the
interspersion of the additional literature among the other books,
outside the law, thus asserting for the extra writings a substantial
equality of rank and privilege.</p>
<p id="c-p961" shownumber="no">It is pertinent to ask the motives which impelled the Hellenist Jews
to thus, virtually at least, canonize this considerable section of
literature, some of it very recent, and depart so radically from the
Palestinian tradition. Some would have it that not the Alexandrian, but
the Palestinian, Jews departed from the Biblical tradition. The
Catholic writers Nickes, Movers, Danko, and more recently Kaulen and
Mullen, have advocated the view that originally the Palestinian Canon
must have included all the deuterocanonicals, and so stood down to the
time of the Apostles (Kaulen, c. 100 B.C.), when, moved by the fact
that the Septuagint had become the Old Testament of the Church, it was
put under ban by the Jerusalem Scribes, who were actuated moreover
(thus especially Kaulen) by hostility to the Hellenistic largeness of
spirit and Greek composition of our deuterocanonical books. These
exegetes place much reliance on St. Justin Martyr's statement that the
Jews had mutilated Holy Writ, a statement that rests on no positive
evidence. They adduce the fact that certain deutero books were quoted
with veneration, and even in a few cases as Scriptures, by Palestinian
or Babylonian doctors; but the private utterances of a few rabbis
cannot outweigh the consistent Hebrew tradition of the canon, attested
by Josephus--although he himself was inclined to Hellenism--and even by
the Alexandrian-Jewish author of IV Esdras. We are therefore forced to
admit that the leaders of Alexandrian Judaism showed a notable
independence of Jerusalem tradition and authority in permitting the
sacred boundaries of the Canon, which certainly had been fixed for the
Prophets, to be broken by the insertion of an enlarged Daniel and the
Epistle of Baruch. On the assumption that the limits of the Palestinian
Hagiographa remained undefined until a relatively late date, there was
less bold innovation in the addition of the other books, but the wiping
out of the lines of the triple division reveals that the Hellenists
were ready to extend the Hebrew Canon, if not establish a new official
one of their own.</p>
<p id="c-p962" shownumber="no">On their human side these innovations are to be accounted for by the
free spirit of the Hellenist Jews. Under the influence of Greek thought
they had conceived a broader view of Divine inspiration than that of
their Palestinian brethren, and refused to restrict the literary
manifestations of the Holy Ghost to a certain terminus of time and the
Hebrew form of language. The Book of Wisdom, emphatically Hellenist in
character, presents to us Divine wisdom as flowing on from generation
to generation and making holy souls and prophets (vii, 27, in the
Greek). Philo, a typical Alexandrian-Jewish thinker, has even an
exaggerated notion of the diffusion of inspiration (Quis rerum
divinarum hæres, 52; ed. Lips., iii, 57; De migratione
Abrahæ, 11,299; ed. Lips. ii, 334). But even Philo, while
indicating acquaintance with the deutero literature, nowhere cites it
in his voluminous writings. True, he does not employ several books of
the Hebrew Canon; but there is a natural presumption that if he had
regarded the additional works as being quite on the same plane as the
others, he would not have failed to quote so stimulating and congenial
a production as the Book of Wisdom. Moreover, as has been pointed out
by several authorities, the independent spirit of the Hellenists could
not have gone so far as to setup a different 
<i>official</i> Canon from that of Jerusalem, without having left
historical traces of such a rupture. So, from the available data we may
justly infer that, while the deuterocanonicals were admitted as sacred
by the Alexandrian Jews, they possessed a lower degree of sanctity and
authority than the longer accepted books, i.e., the Palestinian
Hagiographa and the Prophets, themselves inferior to the Law. 
</p>
<h3 id="c-p962.1">II. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH</h3>
<p id="c-p963" shownumber="no">The most explicit definition of the Catholic Canon is that given by
the Council of Trent, Session IV, 1546. For the Old Testament its
catalogue reads as follows:</p>
<blockquote id="c-p963.1">The five books of Moses (Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus,
Numbers, Deuteronomy), Josue, Judges, Ruth, the four books of Kings,
two of Paralipomenon, the first and second of Esdras (which latter is
called Nehemias), Tobias, Judith, Esther, Job, the Davidic Psalter (in
number one hundred and fifty Psalms), Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the
Canticle of Canticles, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Isaias, Jeremias, with
Baruch, Ezechiel, Daniel, the twelve minor Prophets (Osee, Joel, Amos,
Abdias, Jonas, Micheas, Nahum, Habacue, Sophonias, Aggeus, Zacharias,
Malachias), two books of Machabees, the first and
second.</blockquote>

<p id="c-p964" shownumber="no">The order of books copies that of the Council of
Florence, 1442, and in its general plan is that of the Septuagint. The
divergence of titles from those found in the Protestant versions is due
to the fact that the official Latin Vulgate retained the forms of the
Septuagint.</p>

<h4 id="c-p964.1">A. THE OLD TESTAMENT CANON (INCLUDING THE DEUTEROS) IN THE NEW
TESTAMENT</h4>
<p id="c-p965" shownumber="no">The Tridentine decrees from which the above list is extracted was
the first infallible and effectually promulgated pronouncement on the
Canon, addressed to the Church Universal. Being dogmatic in its
purport, it implies that the Apostles bequeathed the same Canon to the
Church, as a part of the 
<i>depositum fedei</i>. But this was not done by way of any formal
decision; we should search the pages of the New Testament in vain for
any trace of such action. The larger Canon of the Old Testament passed
through the Apostles' hands to the church tacitly, by way of their
usage and whole attitude toward its components; an attitude which, for
most of the sacred writings of the Old Testament, reveals itself in the
New, and for the rest, must have exhibited itself in oral utterances,
or at least in tacit approval of the special reverence of the faithful.
Reasoning backward from the status in which we find the deutero books
in the earliest ages of post-Apostolic Christianity, we rightly affirm
that such a status points of Apostolic sanction, which in turn must
have rested on revelation either by Christ or the Holy Spirit. For the
deuterocanonicals at least, we needs must have recourse to this
legitimate prescriptive argument, owing to the complexity and
inadequacy of the New Testament data.</p>
<p id="c-p966" shownumber="no">All the books of the Hebrew Old Testament are cited in the New
except those which have been aptly called the 
<i>Antilegomena</i> of the Old Testament, viz., Esther, Ecclesiastes,
and Canticles; moreover Esdras and Nehemias are not employed. The
admitted absence of any explicit citation of the deutero writings does
not therefore prove that they were regarded as inferior to the
above-mentioned works in the eyes of New Testament personages and
authors. The deutero literature was in general unsuited to their
purposes, and some consideration should be given to the fact that even
at its Alexandrian home it was not quoted by Jewish writers, as we saw
in the case of Philo. The negative argument drawn from the non-citation
of the deuterocanonicals in the New Testament is especially minimized
by the indirect use made of them by the same Testament. This takes the
form of allusions and reminiscences, and shows unquestionably that the
Apostles and Evangelists were acquainted with the Alexandrian
increment, regarded its books as at least respectable sources, and
wrote more or less under its influence. A comparison of Hebrews, xi and
II Machabees, vi and vii reveals unmistakable references in the former
to the heroism of the martyrs glorified in the latter. There are close
affinities of thought, and in some cases also of language, between I
Peter, i, 6, 7, and Wisdom, iii, 5, 6; Hebrews, i, 3, and Wisdom, vii,
26, 27; I Corinthians, x, 9, 10, and Judith, viii, 24-25; I
Corinthians, vi, 13, and Ecclesiasticus, xxxvi, 20.</p>
<p id="c-p967" shownumber="no">Yet the force of the direct and indirect employment of Old Testament
writings by the New is slightly impaired by the disconcerting truth
that at least one of the New Testament authors, St. Jude, quotes
explicitly from the "Book of Henoch", long universally recognized as
apocryphal, see verse 14, while in verse 9 he borrows from another
apocryphal narrative, the "Assumption of Moses". The New Testament
quotations from the Old are in general characterized by a freedom and
elasticity regarding manner and source which further ten to diminish
their weight as proofs of canonicity. But so far as concerns the great
majority of the Palestinian Hagiographa--a fortiori, the Pentateuch and
Prophets--whatever want of conclusiveness there may be in the New
Testament, evidence of their canonical standing is abundantly
supplemented from Jewish sources alone, in the series of witnesses
beginning with the Mishnah and running back through Josephus and Philo
to the translation of the above books for the Hellenist Greeks. But for
the deuterocanonical literature, only the last testimony speaks as a
Jewish confirmation. However, there are signs that the Greek version
was not deemed by its readers as a closed Bible of definite sacredness
in all its parts, but that its somewhat variable contents shaded off in
the eyes of the Hellenists from the eminently sacred Law down to works
of questionable divinity, such as III Machabees.</p>
<p id="c-p968" shownumber="no">This factor should be considered in weighing a certain argument. A
large number of Catholic authorities see a canonization of the deuteros
in a supposed wholesale adoption and approval, by the Apostles, of the
Greek, and therefore larger, Old Testament The argument is not without
a certain force; the New Testament undoubtedly shows a preference for
the Septuagint; out of the 350 texts from the Old Testament, 300 favour
the language of the Greek version rather than that of the Hebrew. But
there are considerations which bid us hesitate to admit an Apostolic
adoption of the Septuagint 
<i>en bloc</i>. As remarked above, there are cogent reasons for
believing that it was not a fixed quantity at the time. The existing
oldest representative manuscripts are not entirely identical in the
books they contain. Moreover, it should be remembered that at the
beginning of our era, and for some time later, complete sets of any
such voluminous collection as the Septuagint in manuscript would be
extremely rare; the version must have been current in separate books or
groups of books, a condition favourable to a certain variability of
compass. So neither a fluctuating Septuagint nor an inexplicit New
Testament conveys to us the exact extension of the pre-Christian Bible
transmitted by the Apostles to the Primitive Church. It is more tenable
to conclude to a selective process under the guidance of the Holy
Ghost, and a process completed so late in Apostolic times that the New
Testament fails to reflect its mature result regarding either the
number or note of sanctity of the extra-Palestinian books admitted. To
historically learn the Apostolic Canon of the Old Testament we must
interrogate less sacred but later documents, expressing more explicitly
the belief of the first ages of Christianity. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p968.1">B. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT IN THE CHURCH OF THE FIRST THREE
CENTURIES</h4>
<p id="c-p969" shownumber="no">The sub-Apostolic writings of Clement, Polycarp, the author of the
Epistle of Barnabas, of the pseudo-Clementine homilies, and the
"Shepherd" of Hermas, contain implicit quotations from or allusions to
all the deuterocanonicals except Baruch (which anciently was often
united with Jeremias) and I Machabess and the additions to David. No
unfavourable argument can be drawn from the loose, implicit character
of these citations, since these Apostolic Fathers quote the
protocanonical Scriptures in precisely the same manner.</p>
<p id="c-p970" shownumber="no">Coming down to the next age, that of the apologists, we find Baruch
cited by Athenagoras as a prophet. St. Justin Martyr is the first to
note that the Church has a set of Old Testament Scriptures different
from the Jews', and also the earliest to intimate the principle
proclaimed by later writers, namely, the self-sufficiency of the Church
in establishing the Canon; its independence of the Synagogue in this
respect. The full realization of this truth came slowly, at least in
the Orient, where there are indications that in certain quarters the
spell of Palestinian-Jewish tradition was not fully cast off for some
time. St. Melito, Bishop of Sardis (c. 170), first drew up a list of
the canonical books of the Old Testament While maintaining the familiar
arrangement of the Septuagint, he says that he verified his catalogue
by inquiry among Jews; Jewry by that time had everywhere discarded the
Alexandrian books, and Melito's Canon consists exclusively of the
protocanonicals 
<i>minus</i> Esther. It should be noticed, however, that the document
to which this catalogue was prefixed is capable of being understood as
having an anti-Jewish polemical purpose, in which case Melito's
restricted canon is explicable on another ground. St. Irenæus,
always a witness of the first rank, on account of his broad
acquaintance with ecclesiastical tradition, vouches that Baruch was
deemed on the same footing as Jeremias, and that the narratives of
Susanna and Bel and the Dragon were ascribed to Daniel. The Alexandrian
tradition is represented by the weighty authority of Origen.
Influenced, doubtless, by the Alexandrian-Jewish usage of acknowledging
in practice the extra writings as sacred while theoretically holding to
the narrower Canon of Palestine, his catalogue of the Old Testament
Scriptures contains only the protocanonical books, though it follows
the order of the Septuagint. Nevertheless Origen employs all the
deuterocanonicals as Divine Scriptures, and in his letter of Julius
Africanus defends the sacredness of Tobias, Judith, and the fragments
of Daniel, at the same time implicitly asserting the autonomy of the
Church in fixing the Canon (see references in Cornely). In his Hexaplar
edition of the Old Testament all the deuteros find a place. The
sixth-century Biblical manuscript known as the "Codex Claromontanus"
contains a catalogue to which both Harnack and Zahn assign an
Alexandrian origin, about contemporary with Origen. At any rate it
dates from the period under examination and comprises all the
deuterocanonical books, with IV Machabees besides. St. Hippolytus (d.
236) may fairly be considered as representing the primitive Roman
tradition. He comments on the Susanna chapter, often quotes Wisdom as
the work of Solomon, and employs as Sacred Scripture Baruch and the
Machabees. For the West African Church the larger canon has two strong
witnesses in Tertullian and St. Cyprian. All the deuteros except
Tobias, Judith, and the addition to Esther, are Biblically used in the
works of these Fathers. (With regard to the employment of apocryphal
writings in this age see under APOCRYPHA.) 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p970.1">C. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT DURING THE FOURTH, AND FIRST HALF
OF THE FIFTH, CENTURY</h4>
<p id="c-p971" shownumber="no">In this period the position of the deuterocanonical literature is no
longer as secure as in the primitive age. The doubts which arose should
be attributed largely to a reaction against the apocryphal or
pseudo-Biblical writings with which the East especially had been
flooded by heretical and other writers. Negatively, the situation
became possible through the absence of any Apostolic or ecclesiastical
definition of the Canon. The definite and inalterable determination of
the sacred sources, like that of all Catholic doctrines, was in the
Divine economy left to gradually work itself out under the stimulus of
questions and opposition. Alexandria, with its elastic Scriptures, had
from the beginning been a congenial field for apocryphal literature,
and St. Athanasius, the vigilant pastor of that flock, to protect it
against the pernicious influence, drew up a catalogue of books with the
values to be attached to each. First, the strict canon and
authoritative source of truth is the Jewish Old Testament, Esther
excepted. Besides, there are certain books which the Fathers had
appointed to be read to catechumens for edification and instruction;
these are the Wisdom of Solomon, the Wisdom of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus),
Esther, Judith, Tobias, the Didache, or Doctrine of the Apostles, the
Shepherd of Hermas. All others are apocrypha and the inventions of
heretics (Festal Epistle for 367). Following the precedent of Origen
and the Alexandrian tradition, the saintly doctor recognized no other
formal canon of the Old Testament than the Hebrew one; but also,
faithful to the same tradition, he practically admitted the deutero
books to a Scriptural dignity, as is evident from his general usage. At
Jerusalem there was a renascence, perhaps a survival, of Jewish ideas,
the tendency there being distinctly unfavourable to the deuteros. St.
Cyril of that see, while vindicating for the Church the right to fix
the Canon, places them among the apocrypha and forbids all books to be
read privately which are not read in the churches. In Antioch and Syria
the attitude was more favourable. St. Epiphanius shows hesitation about
the rank of the deuteros; he esteemed them, but they had not the same
place as the Hebrew books in his regard. The historian Eusebius attests
the widespread doubts in his time; he classes them as 
<i>antilegomena</i>, or disputed writings, and, like Athanasius, places
them in a class intermediate between the books received by all and the
apocrypha. The 59th (or 60th) canon of the provincial Council of
Laodicea (the authenticity of which however is contested) gives a
catalogue of the Scriptures entirely in accord with the ideas of St.
Cyril of Jerusalem. On the other hand, the Oriental versions and Greek
manuscripts of the period are more liberal; the extant ones have all
the deuterocanonicals and, in some cases, certain apocrypha.</p>
<p id="c-p972" shownumber="no">The influence of Origen's and Athanasius's restricted canon
naturally spread to the West. St. Hilary of Poitiers and Rufinus
followed their footsteps, excluding the deuteros from canonical rank in
theory, but admitting them in practice. The latter styles them
"ecclesiastical" books, but in authority unequal to the other
Scriptures. St. Jerome cast his weighty suffrage on the side
unfavourable to the disputed books. In appreciating his attitude we
must remember that Jerome lived long in Palestine, in an environment
where everything outside the Jewish Canon was suspect, and that,
moreover, he had an excessive veneration for the Hebrew text, the 
<i>Hebraica veritas</i> as he called it. In his famous "Prologus
Galeatus", or Preface to his translation of Samuel and Kings, he
declares that everything not Hebrew should be classed with the
apocrypha, and explicitly says that Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Tobias, and
Judith are not on the Canon. These books, he adds, are read in the
churches for the edification of the people, and not for the
confirmation of revealed doctrine. An analysis of Jerome's expressions
on the deuterocanonicals, in various letters and prefaces, yields the
following results: first, he strongly doubted their inspiration;
secondly, the fact that he occasionally quotes them, and translated
some of them as a concession to ecclesiastical tradition, is an
involuntary testimony on his part to the high standing these writings
enjoyed in the Church at large, and to the strength of the practical
tradition which prescribed their readings in public worship. Obviously,
the inferior rank to which the deuteros were relegated by authorities
like Origen, Athanasius, and Jerome, was due to too rigid a conception
of canonicity, one demanding that a book, to be entitled to this
supreme dignity, must be received by all, must have the sanction of
Jewish antiquity, and must moreover be adapted not only to edification,
but also to the "confirmation of the doctrine of the Church", to borrow
Jerome's phrase.</p>
<p id="c-p973" shownumber="no">But while eminent scholars and theorists were thus depreciating the
additional writings, the official attitude of the Latin Church, always
favourable to them, kept the majestic tenor of its way. Two documents
of capital importance in the history of the canon constitute the first
formal utterance of papal authority on the subject. The first is the
so-called "Decretal of Gelasius", 
<i>de recipiendis et non recipiendis libris</i>, the essential part of
which is now generally attributed to a synod convoked by Pope Damasus
in the year 382. The other is the Canon of Innocent I, sent in 405 to a
Gallican bishop in answer to an inquiry. Both contain all the
deuterocanonicals, without any distinction, and are identical with the
catalogue of Trent. The African Church, always a staunch supporter of
the contested books, found itself in entire accord with Rome on this
question. Its ancient version, the 
<i>Vetus Latina</i> (less correctly the 
<i>Itala</i>), had admitted all the Old Testament Scriptures. St.
Augustine seems to theoretically recognize degrees of inspiration; in
practice he employs protos and deuteros without any discrimination
whatsoever. Moreover in his "De Doctrinâ Christianâ" he
enumerates the components of the complete Old Testament. The Synod of
Hippo (393) and the three of Carthage (393, 397, and 419), in which,
doubtless, Augustine was the leading spirit, found it necessary to deal
explicitly with the question of the Canon, and drew up identical lists
from which no sacred books are excluded. These councils base their
canon on tradition and liturgical usage. For the Spanish Church
valuable testimony is found in the work of the heretic Priscillian,
"Liber de Fide et Apocryphis"; it supposes a sharp line existing
between canonical and uncanonical works, and that the Canon takes in
all the deuteros. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p973.1">D. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE FIFTH TO
THE CLOSE OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY</h4>
<p id="c-p974" shownumber="no">This period exhibits a curious exchange of opinions between the West
and the East, while ecclesiastical usage remained unchanged, at least
in the Latin Church. During this intermediate age the use of St.
Jerome's new version of the Old Testament (the Vulgate) became
widespread in the Occident. With its text went Jerome's prefaces
disparaging the deuterocanonicals, and under the influence of his
authority the West began to distrust these and to show the first
symptoms of a current hostile to their canonicity. On the other hand,
the Oriental Church imported a Western authority which had canonized
the disputed books, viz., the decree of Carthage, and from this time
there is an increasing tendency among the Greeks to place the deuteros
on the same level with the others--a tendency, however, due more to
forgetfulness of the old distinction than to deference to the Council
of Carthage. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p974.1">E. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT DURING THE MIDDLE AGES</h4>
<h4 id="c-p974.2">The Greek Church</h4>
<p id="c-p975" shownumber="no">The result of this tendency among the Greeks was that about the
beginning of the twelfth century they possessed a canon identical with
that of the Latins, except that it took in the apocryphal III
Machabees. That all the deuteros were liturgically recognized in the
Greek Church at the era of the schism in the ninth century, is
indicated by the "Syntagma Canonum" of Photius.</p>
<h4 id="c-p975.1">The Latin Church</h4>
<p id="c-p976" shownumber="no">In the Latin Church, all through the Middle Ages we find evidence of
hesitation about the character of the deuterocanonicals. There is a
current friendly to them, another one distinctly unfavourable to their
authority and sacredness, while wavering between the two are a number
of writers whose veneration for these books is tempered by some
perplexity as to their exact standing, and among those we note St.
Thomas Aquinas. Few are found to unequivocally acknowledge their
canonicity. The prevailing attitude of Western medieval authors is
substantially that of the Greek Fathers. The chief cause of this
phenomenon in the West is to be sought in the influence, direct and
indirect, of St. Jerome's depreciating Prologus. The compilatory
"Glossa Ordinaria" was widely read and highly esteemed as a treasury of
sacred learning during the Middle Ages; it embodied the prefaces in
which the Doctor of Bethlehem had written in terms derogatory to the
deuteros, and thus perpetuated and diffused his unfriendly opinion. And
yet these doubts must be regarded as more or less academic. The
countless manuscript copies of the Vulgate produced by these ages, with
a slight, probably accidental, exception, uniformly embrace the
complete Old Testament Ecclesiastical usage and Roman tradition held
firmly to the canonical equality of all parts of the Old Testament
There is no lack of evidence that during this long period the deuteros
were read in the churches of Western Christendom. As to Roman
authority, the catalogue of Innocent I appears in the collection of
ecclesiastical canons sent by Pope Adrian I to Charlemagne, and adopted
in 802 as the law of the Church in the Frankish Empire; Nicholas I,
writing in 865 to the bishops of France, appeals to the same decree of
Innocent as the ground on which all the sacred books are to be
received. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p976.1">F. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT AND THE GENERAL COUNCILS</h4>
<h4 id="c-p976.2">The Council of Florence (1442)</h4>
<p id="c-p977" shownumber="no">In 1442, during the life, and with the approval, of this Council,
Eugenius IV issued several Bulls, or decrees, with a view to restore
the Oriental schismatic bodies to communion with Rome, and according to
the common teaching of theologians these documents are infallible
states of doctrine. The "Decretum pro Jacobitis" contains a complete
list of the books received by the Church as inspired, but omits,
perhaps advisedly, the terms 
<i>canon</i> and 
<i>canonical</i>. The Council of Florence therefore taught the
inspiration of all the Scriptures, but did not formally pass on their
canonicity.</p>
<h4 id="c-p977.1">The Council of Trent's Definition of the Canon (1546)</h4>
<p id="c-p978" shownumber="no">It was the exigencies of controversy that first led Luther to draw a
sharp line between the books of the Hebrew Canon and the Alexandrian
writings. In his disputation with Eck at Leipzig, in 1519, when his
opponent urged the well-known text from II Machabees in proof of the
doctrine of purgatory, Luther replied that the passage had no binding
authority since the books was outside the Canon. In the first edition
of Luther's Bible, 1534, the deuteros were relegated, as apocrypha, to
a separate place between the two Testaments. To meet this radical
departure of the Protestants, and as well define clearly the inspired
sources from which the Catholic Faith draws its defence, the Council of
Trent among its first acts solemnly declared as "sacred and canonical"
all the books of the Old and New Testaments "with all their parts as
they have been used to be read in the churches, and as found in the
ancient vulgate edition". During the deliberations of the Council there
never was any real question as to the reception of all the traditional
Scripture. Neither--and this is remarkable--in the proceedings is there
manifest any serious doubt of the canonicity of the disputed writings.
In the mind of the Tridentine Fathers they had been virtually
canonized, by the same decree of Florence, and the same Fathers felt
especially bound by the action of the preceding ecumenical synod. The
Council of Trent did not enter into an examination of the fluctuations
in the history of the Canon. Neither did it trouble itself about
questions of authorship or character of contents. True to the practical
genius of the Latin Church, it based its decision on immemorial
tradition as manifested in the decrees of previous councils and popes,
and liturgical reading, relying on traditional teaching and usage to
determine a question of tradition. The Tridentine catalogue has been
given above. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p978.1">The Vatican Council (1870)</h4>
<p id="c-p979" shownumber="no">The great constructive Synod of Trent had put the sacredness and
canonicity of the whole traditional Bible forever beyond the
permissibility of doubt on the part of Catholics. By implication it had
defined that Bible's plenary inspiration also. The Vatican Council took
occasion of a recent error on inspiration to remove any lingering
shadow of uncertainty on this head; it formally ratified the action of
Trent and explicitly defined the Divine inspiration of all the books
with their parts. 
</p>
<h3 id="c-p979.1">III. THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT OUTSIDE THE CHURCH</h3>

<h4 id="c-p979.2">A. AMONG THE EASTERN ORTHODOX</h4>
<p id="c-p980" shownumber="no">The Greek Orthodox Church preserved its ancient Canon in practice as
well as theory until recent times, when, under the dominant influence
of its Russian offshoot, it is shifting its attitude towards the
deuterocanonical Scriptures. The rejection of these books by the
Russian theologians and authorities is a lapse which began early in the
eighteenth century. The Monophysites, Nestorians, Jacobites, Armenians,
and Copts, while concerning themselves little with the Canon, admit the
complete catalogue and several apocrypha besides. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p980.1">B. AMONG PROTESTANTS</h4>
<p id="c-p981" shownumber="no">The Protestant Churches have continued to exclude the deutero
writings from their canons, classifying them as "Apocrypha".
Presbyterians and Calvinists in general, especially since the
Westminster Synod of 1648, have been the most uncompromising enemies of
any recognition, and owing to their influence the British and Foreign
Bible Society decided in 1826 to refuse to distribute Bibles containing
the Apocrypha. Since that time the publication of the deuterocanonicals
as an appendix to Protestant Bibles has almost entirely ceased in
English-speaking countries. The books still supply lessons for the
liturgy of the Church of England, but the number has been lessened by
the hostile agitation. There is an Apocrypha appendix to the British
Revised Version, in a separate volume. The deuteros are still appended
to the German Bibles printed under the auspices of the orthodox
Lutherans.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p982" shownumber="no">GEORGE J. REID</p></def>

<term id="c-p982.1" title="Canon of the New Testament" type="Encyclopedia">Canon of the New Testament</term>
<def id="c-p982.2">
<h1 id="c-p982.3">Canon of the New Testament</h1>
<p id="c-p983" shownumber="no">The Catholic New Testament, as defined by the Council of Trent, does
not differ, as regards the books contained, from that of all Christian
bodies at present. Like the Old Testament, the New has its 
<i>deuterocanonical</i> books and portions of books, their canonicity
having formerly been a subject of some controversy in the Church. These
are for the entire books: the Epistle to the Hebrews, that of James,
the Second of St. Peter, the Second and Third of John, Jude, and
Apocalypse; giving seven in all as the number of the New Testament
contested books. The formerly disputed passages are three: the closing
section of St. Mark's Gospel, xvi, 9-20 about the apparitions of Christ
after the Resurrection; the verses in Luke about the bloody sweat of
Jesus, xxii, 43, 44; the 
<i>Pericope Adulteræ</i>, or narrative of the woman taken in
adultery, St. John, vii, 53 to viii, 11. Since the Council of Trent it
is not permitted for a Catholic to question the inspiration of these
passages. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p983.1">A. THE FORMATION OF THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON (A.D. 100-220)</h4>
<p id="c-p984" shownumber="no">The idea of a complete and clear-cut canon of the New Testament
existing from the beginning, that is from Apostolic times, has no
foundation in history. The Canon of the New Testament, like that of the
Old, is the result of a development, of a process at once stimulated by
disputes with doubters, both within and without the Church, and
retarded by certain obscurities and natural hesitations, and which did
not reach its final term until the dogmatic definition of the
Tridentine Council.</p>
<h4 id="c-p984.1">1. The witness of the New Testament to itself: The first
collections</h4>
<p id="c-p985" shownumber="no">Those writings which possessed the unmistakable stamp and guarantee
of Apostolic origin must from the very first have been specially prized
and venerated, and their copies eagerly sought by local Churches and
individual Christians of means, in preference to the narratives and 
<i>Logia</i>, or Sayings of Christ, coming from less authorized
sources. Already in the New Testament itself there is some evidence of
a certain diffusion of canonical books: II Peter, iii, 15, 16, supposes
its readers to be acquainted with some of St. Paul's Epistles; St.
John's Gospel implicitly presupposes the existence of the Synoptics
(Matthew, Mark, and Luke). There are no indications in the New
Testament of a systematic plan for the distribution of the Apostolic
compositions, any more than there is of a definite new Canon bequeathed
by the Apostles to the Church, or of a strong self-witness to Divine
inspiration. Nearly all the New Testament writings were evoked by
particular occasions, or addressed to particular destinations. But we
may well presume that each of the leading Churches--Antioch,
Thessalonica, Alexandria, Corinth, Rome--sought by exchanging with
other Christian communities to add to its special treasure, and have
publicly read in its religious assemblies all Apostolic writings which
came under its knowledge. It was doubtless in this way that the
collections grew, and reached completeness within certain limits, but a
considerable number of years must have elapsed (and that counting from
the composition of the latest book) before all the widely separated
Churches of early Christendom possessed the new sacred literature in
full. And this want of an organized distribution, secondarily to the
absence of an early fixation of the Canon, left room for variations and
doubts which lasted far into the centuries. But evidence will presently
be given that from days touching on those of the last Apostles there
were two well defined bodies of sacred writings of the New Testament,
which constituted the firm, irreducible, universal minimum, and the
nucleus of its complete Canon: these were the Four Gospels, as the
Church now has them, and thirteen Epistles of St. Paul--the 
<i>Evangelium</i> and the 
<i>Apostolicum</i>.</p>
<h4 id="c-p985.1">2. The principle of canonicity</h4>
<p id="c-p986" shownumber="no">Before entering into the historical proof for this primitive
emergence of a compact, nucleative Canon, it is pertinent to briefly
examine this problem: During the formative period what principle
operated in the selection of the New Testament writings and their
recognition as Divine?--Theologians are divided on this point. This
view that Apostolicity was the test of the inspiration during the
building up of the New Testament Canon, is favoured by the many
instances where the early Fathers base the authority of a book on its
Apostolic origin, and by the truth that the definitive placing of the
contested books on the New Testament catalogue coincided with their
general acceptance as of Apostolic authorship. Moreover, the advocates
of this hypothesis point out that the Apostles' office corresponded
with that of the Prophets of the Old Law, inferring that as inspiration
was attached to the 
<i>munus propheticum</i> so the Apostles were aided by Divine
inspiration whenever in the exercise of their calling they either spoke
or wrote. Positive arguments are deduced from the New Testament to
establish that a permanent prophetical 
<i>charisma</i> (see CHARISMATA) was enjoyed by the Apostles through a
special indwelling of the Holy Ghost, beginning with Pentecost: Matth.,
x, 19, 20; Acts, xv, 28; I Cor., ii, 13; II Cor., xiii, 3; I Thess.,
ii, 13, are cited. The opponents of this theory allege against it that
the Gospels of Mark and of Luke and Acts were not the work of Apostles
(however, tradition connects the Second Gospel with St. Peter's
preaching and St. Luke's with St. Paul's); that books current under an
Apostle's name in the Early Church, such as the Epistle of Barnabas and
the Apocalypse of St. Peter, were nevertheless excluded from canonical
rank, while on the other hand Origen and St. Dionysius of Alexandria in
the case of Apocalypse, and St. Jerome in the case of II and III John,
although questioning the Apostolic authorship of these works,
unhesitatingly received them as Sacred Scriptures. An objection of a
speculative kind is derived from the very nature of inspiration 
<i>ad scribendum</i>, which seems to demand a specific impulse from the
Holy Ghost in each case, and preclude the theory that it could be
possessed as a permanent gift, or charisma. The weight of Catholic
theological opinion is deservedly against mere Apostolicity as a
sufficient criterion of inspiration. The adverse view has been taken by
Franzelin (De Divinâ Traditione et Scripturâ, 1882), Schmid
(De Inspirationis Bibliorum Vi et Ratione, 1885), Crets (De Divinâ
Bibliorum Inspiratione, 1886), Leitner (Die prophetische Inspiration,
1895--a monograph), Pesch (De Inspiratione Sacræ, 1906). These
authors (some of whom treat the matter more speculatively than
historically) admit that Apostolicity is a positive and partial
touchstone of inspiration, but emphatically deny that it was exclusive,
in the sense that all non-Apostolic works were by that very fact barred
from the sacred Canon of the New Testament They hold to doctrinal
tradition as the true criterion.</p>
<p id="c-p987" shownumber="no">Catholic champions of Apostolicity as a criterion are: Ubaldi
(Introductio in Sacram Scripturam, II, 1876); Schanz (in Theologische
Quartalschrift, 1885, pp. 666 sqq., and A Christian Apology, II, tr.
1891); Székely (Hermeneutica Biblica, 1902). Recently Professor
Batiffol, while rejecting the claims of these latter advocates, has
enunciated a theory regarding the principle that presided over the
formation of the New Testament Canon which challenges attention and
perhaps marks a new stage in the controversy. According to Monsignor
Batiffol, the 
<i>Gospel</i> (i.e. the words and commandments of Jesus Christ) bore
with it its own sacredness and authority from the very beginning. This
Gospel was announced to the world at large, by the Apostles and
Apostolic disciples of Christ, and this message, whether spoken or
written, whether taking the form of an evangelic narrative or epistle,
was holy and supreme by the fact of containing the Word of Our Lord.
Accordingly, for the primitive Church, 
<i>evangelical character</i> was the test of Scriptural sacredness. But
to guarantee this character it was necessary that a book should be
known as composed by the official witnesses and organs of the Evangel;
hence the need to certify the Apostolic authorship, or at least
sanction, of a work purporting to contain the Gospel of Christ. In
Batiffol's view the Judaic notion of inspiration did not at first enter
into the selection of the Christian Scriptures. In fact, for the
earliest Christians the Gospel of Christ, in the wide sense above
noted, was not to be classified with, because transcending, the Old
Testament It was not until about the middle of the second century that
under the rubric of 
<i>Scripture</i> the New Testament writings were assimilated to the
Old; the authority of the New Testament as the Word preceded and
produced its authority as a New Scripture. (Revue Biblique, 1903, 226
sqq.) Monsignor Batiffol's hypothesis has this in common with the views
of other recent students of the New Testament Canon, that the idea of a
new body of sacred writings became clearer in the Early Church as the
faithful advanced in a knowledge of the Faith. But it should be
remembered that the inspired character of the New Testament is a
Catholic dogma, and must therefore in some way have been revealed to,
and taught by, Apostles.--Assuming that Apostolic authorship is a
positive criterion of inspiration, two inspired Epistles of St. Paul
have been lost. This appears from I Cor., v, 9, sqq.; II Cor., ii, 4,
5.</p>
<h4 id="c-p987.1">3. The formation of the Tetramorph, or Fourfold Gospel</h4>
<p id="c-p988" shownumber="no">Irenæus, in his work "Against Heresies" (A.D. 182-88),
testifies to the existence of a 
<i>Tetramorph</i>, or Quadriform Gospel, given by the Word and unified
by one Spirit; to repudiate this Gospel or any part of it, as did the
Alogi and Marcionites, was to sin against revelation and the Spirit of
God. The saintly Doctor of Lyons explicitly states the names of the
four Elements of this Gospel, and repeatedly cites all the Evangelists
in a manner parallel to his citations from the Old Testament From the
testimony of St. Irenæus alone there can be no reasonable doubt
that the Canon of the Gospel was inalterably fixed in the Catholic
Church by the last quarter of the second century. Proofs might be
multiplied that our canonical Gospels were then universally recognized
in the Church, to the exclusion of any pretended Evangels. The
magisterial statement of Irenæus may be corroborated by the very
ancient catalogue known as the Muratorian Canon, and St. Hippolytus,
representing Roman tradition; by Tertullian in Africa, by Clement in
Alexandria; the works of the Gnostic Valentinus, and the Syrian
Tatian's Diatessaron, a blending together of the Evangelists' writings,
presuppose the authority enjoyed by the fourfold Gospel towards the
middle of the second century. To this period or a little earlier
belongs the pseduo-Clementine epistle in which we find, for the first
time after II Peter, iii, 16, the word 
<i>Scripture</i> applied to a New Testament book. But it is needless in
the present article to array the full force of these and other
witnesses, since even rationalistic scholars like Harnack admit the
canonicity of the quadriform Gospel between the years 140-175.</p>
<p id="c-p989" shownumber="no">But against Harnack we are able to trace the Tetramorph as a sacred
collection back to a more remote period. The apocryphal Gospel of St.
Peter, dating from about 150, is based on our canonical Evangelists. So
with the very ancient Gospel of the Hebrews and Egyptians (see
APOCRYPHA). St. Justin Martyr (130-63) in his Apology refers to certain
"memoirs of the Apostles, which are called gospels", and which "are
read in Christian assemblies together with the writings of the
Prophets". The identity of these "memoirs" with our Gospels is
established by the certain traces of three, if not all, of them
scattered through St. Justin's works; it was not yet the age of
explicit quotations. Marcion, the heretic refuted by Justin in a lost
polemic, as we know from Tertullian, instituted a criticism of Gospels
bearing the names of the Apostles and disciples of the Apostles, and a
little earlier (c. 120) Basilides, the Alexandrian leader of a Gnostic
sect, wrote a commentary on "the Gospel" which is known by the
allusions to it in the Fathers to have comprised the writings of the
Four Evangelists.</p>
<p id="c-p990" shownumber="no">In our backward search we have come to the sub-Apostolic age, and
its important witnesses are divided into Asian, Alexandrian, and
Roman:</p>
<ul id="c-p990.1">
<li id="c-p990.2">St. Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, and St. Polycarp, of Smyrna, had
been disciples of Apostles; they wrote their epistles in the first
decade of the second century (100-110). The employ Matthew, Luke, and
John. In St. Ignatius we find the first instance of the consecrated
term "it is written" applied to a Gospel (Ad Philad., viii, 2). Both
these Fathers show not only a personal acquaintance with "the Gospel"
and the thirteen Pauline Epistles, but they suppose that their readers
are so familiar with them that it would be superfluous to name them.
Papias, Bishop of Phrygian Hierapolis, according to Irenæus a
disciple of St. John, wrote about A.D. 125. Describing the origin of
St. Mark's Gospel, he speaks of Hebrew (Aramaic) Logia, or Sayings of
Christ, composed by St. Matthew, which there is reason to believe
formed the basis of the canonical Gospel of that name, though the
greater part of Catholic writers identify them with the Gospel. As we
have only a few fragments of Papias, preserved by Eusebius, it cannot
be alleged that he is silent about other parts of the New
Testament.</li>
<li id="c-p990.3">The so-called Epistle of Barnabas, of uncertain origin, but of
highest antiquity (see BARNABAS, EPISTLE), cites a passage from the
First Gospel under the formula "it is written". The Didache, or
Teaching of the Apostles, an uncanonical work dating from c. 110,
implies that "the Gospel" was already a well-known and definite
collection.</li>
<li id="c-p990.4">St. Clement, Bishop of Rome, and disciple of St. Paul, addressed
his Letter to the Corinthian Church c. A.D. 97, and, although it cites
no Evangelist explicitly, this epistle contains combinations of texts
taken from the three synoptic Gospels, especially from St. Matthew.
That Clement does not allude to the Fourth Gospel is quite natural, as
it was not composed till about that time.</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p991" shownumber="no">Thus the patristic testimonies have brought us step by step to a
Divine inviolable fourfold Gospel existing in the closing years of the
Apostolic Era. Just how the Tetramorph was welded into unity and given
to the Church, is a matter of conjecture. But, as Zahn observes, there
is good reason to believe that the tradition handed down by Papias, of
the approval of St. Mark's Gospel by St. John the Evangelist, reveals
that either the latter himself of a college of his disciples added the
Fourth Gospel to the Synoptics, and made the group into the compact and
unalterable "Gospel", the one in four, whose existence and authority
left their clear impress upon all subsequent ecclesiastical literature,
and find their conscious formulation in the language of
Irenæus.</p>
<h4 id="c-p991.1">4. The Pauline Epistles</h4>
<p id="c-p992" shownumber="no">Parallel to the chain of evidence we have traced for the canonical
standing of the Gospels extends one for the thirteen Epistles of St.
Paul, forming the other half of the irreducible kernel of the complete
New Testament canon. All the authorities cited for the Gospel Canon
show acquaintance with, and recognize, the sacred quality of these
letters. St. Irenæus, as acknowledged by the Harnackian critics,
employs all the Pauline writings, except the short Philemon, as sacred
and canonical. The Muratorian Canon, contemporary with Irenæus,
gives the complete list of the thirteen, which, it should be
remembered, does not include Hebrews. The heretical Basilides and his
disciples quote from this Pauline group in general. The copious
extracts from Marcion's works scattered through Irenæus and
Tertullian show that he was acquainted with the thirteen as in
ecclesiastical use, and selected his 
<i>Apostolikon</i> of six from them. The testimony of Polycarp and
Ignatius is again capital in this case. Eight of St. Paul's writings
are cited by Polycarp; St. Ignatius of Antioch ranked the Apostles
above the Prophets, and must therefore have allowed the written
compositions of the former at least an equal rank with those of the
latter ("Ad Philadelphios", v). St. Clement of Rome refers to
Corinthians as at the head "of the Evangel"; the Muratorian Canon gives
the same honour to I Corinthians, so that we may rightfully draw the
inference, with Dr. Zahn, that as early as Clement's day St. Paul's
Epistles had been collected and formed into a group with a fixed order.
Zahn has pointed out confirmatory signs of this in the manner in which
Sts. Ignatius and Polycarp employ these Epistles. The tendency of the
evidence is to establish the hypothesis that the important Church of
Corinth was the first to form a complete collection of St. Paul's
writings.</p>
<h4 id="c-p992.1">5. The remaining Books</h4>
<p id="c-p993" shownumber="no">In this formative period the Epistle to the Hebrews did not obtain a
firm footing in the Canon of the Universal Church. At Rome it was not
yet recognized as canonical, as shown by the Muratorian catalogue of
Roman origin; Irenæus probably cites it, but makes no reference to
a Pauline origin. Yet it was known at Rome as early as St. Clement, as
the latter's epistle attests. The Alexandrian Church admitted it as the
work of St. Paul, and canonical. The Montanists favoured it, and the
aptness with which vi, 4-8, lent itself to the Montanist and
Novatianist rigour was doubtless one reason why it was suspect in the
West. Also during this period the excess over the minimal Canon
composed of the Gospels and thirteen epistles varied. The seven
"Catholic" Epistles (James, Jude, I and II Peter, and the three of
John) had not yet been brought into a special group, and, with the
possible exception of the three of St. John, remained isolated units,
depending for their canonical strength on variable circumstances. But
towards the end of the second century the canonical minimum was
enlarged and, besides the Gospels and Pauline Epistles, unalterably
embraced Acts, I Peter, I John (to which II and III John were probably
attached), and Apocalypse. Thus Hebrews, James, Jude, and II Peter
remained hovering outside the precincts of universal canonicity, and
the controversy about them and the subsequently disputed Apocalypse
form the larger part of the remaining history of the Canon of the New
Testament However, at the beginning of the third century the New
Testament was formed in the sense that the content of its main
divisions, what may be called its essence, was sharply defined and
universally received, while 
<i>all</i> the secondary books were recognized in some Churches. A
singular exception to the universality of the above-described substance
of the New Testament was the Canon of the primitive East Syrian Church,
which did not contain any of the Catholic Epistles or Apocalypse.</p>
<h4 id="c-p993.1">6. The idea of a New Testament</h4>
<p id="c-p994" shownumber="no">The question of the principle that dominated the practical
canonization of the New Testament Scriptures has already been discussed
under (b). The faithful must have had from the beginning some
realization that in the writings of the Apostles and Evangelists they
had acquired a new body of Divine Scriptures, a New written Testament
destined to stand side by side with the Old. That the Gospel and
Epistles were the written Word of God, was fully realized as soon as
the fixed collections were formed; but to seize the relation of this
new treasure to the old was possible only when the faithful acquired a
better knowledge of the faith. In this connection Zahn observes with
much truth that the rise of Montanism, with its false prophets, who
claimed for their written productions--the self-styled Testament of the
Paraclete--the authority of revelation, around the Christian Church to
a fuller sense that the age of revelation had expired with the last of
the Apostles, and that the circle of sacred Scripture is not extensible
beyond the legacy of the Apostolic Era. Montanism began in 156; a
generation later, in the works of Irenæus, we discover the
firmly-rooted idea of two Testaments, with the same Spirit operating in
both. For Tertullian (c. 200) the body of the New Scripture is an 
<i>instrumentum</i> on at least an equal footing and in the same
specific class as the 
<i>instrumentum</i> formed by the Law and the Prophets. Clement of
Alexandria was the first to apply the word "Testament" to the sacred
library of the New Dispensation. A kindred external influence is to be
added to Montanism: the need of setting up a barrier, between the
genuine inspired literature and the flood of pseudo-Apostolic
apocrypha, gave an additional impulse to the idea of a New Testament
Canon, and later contributed not a little to the demarcation of its
fixed limits. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p994.1">B. THE PERIOD OF DISCUSSION (A.D. 220-367)</h4>
<p id="c-p995" shownumber="no">In this stage of the historical development of the Canon of the New
Testament we encounter for the first time a consciousness reflected in
certain ecclesiastical writers, of the differences between the sacred
collections in divers sections of Christendom. This variation is
witnessed to, and the discussion stimulated by, two of the most learned
men of Christian antiquity, Origen, and Eusebius of Cæsarea, the
ecclesiastical historian. A glance at the Canon as exhibited in the
authorities of the African, or Carthaginian, Church, will complete our
brief survey of this period of diversity and discussion:-</p>
<h4 id="c-p995.1">1. Origen and his school</h4>
<p id="c-p996" shownumber="no">Origen's travels gave him exception opportunities to know the
traditions of widely separated portions of the Church and made him very
conversant with the discrepant attitudes toward certain parts of the
New Testament He divided books with Biblical claims into three
classes:</p>
<ul id="c-p996.1">
<li id="c-p996.2">those universally received;</li>
<li id="c-p996.3">those whose Apostolicity was questions;</li>
<li id="c-p996.4">apocryphal works.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p997" shownumber="no">In the first class, the 
<i>Homologoumena</i>, stood the Gospels, the thirteen Pauline Epistles,
Acts, Apocalypse, I Peter, and I John. The contested writings were
Hebrews, II Peter, II and III John, James, Jude, Barnabas, the Shepherd
of Hermas, the Didache, and probably the Gospel of the Hebrews.
Personally, Origen accepted all of these as Divinely inspired, though
viewing contrary opinions with toleration. Origen's authority seems to
have given to Hebrews and the disputed Catholic Epistles a firm place
in the Alexandrian Canon, their tenure there having been previously
insecure, judging from the exegetical work of Clement, and the list in
the Codex Claromontanus, which is assigned by competent scholars to an
early Alexandrian origin.</p>

<h4 id="c-p997.1">2. Eusebius</h4>
<p id="c-p998" shownumber="no">Eusebius, Bishop of Cæsarea in Palestine, was one of Origen's
most eminent disciples, a man of wide erudition. In imitation of his
master he divided religious literature into three classes:</p>
<ul id="c-p998.1">
<li id="c-p998.2">
<i>Homologoumena</i>, or compositions universally received as sacred,
the Four Gospels, thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, Hebrews, Acts, I
Peter, I John, and Apocalypse. There is some inconsistency in his
classification; for instance, though ranking Hebrews with the books of
universal reception, he elsewhere admits it is disputed.</li>
<li id="c-p998.3">The second category is composed of the Antilegomena, or contested
writings; these in turn are of the superior and inferior sort. The
better ones are the Epistles of St. James and St. Jude, II Peter, II
and III John; these, like Origen, Eusebius wished to be admitted to the
Canon, but was forced to record their uncertain status; the
Antilegomena of the inferior sort were Barnabas, the Didache, Gospel of
the Hebrews, the Acts of Paul, the Shepherd, the Apocalypse of
Peter.</li>
<li id="c-p998.4">All the rest are spurious 
(<i>notha</i>).</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p999" shownumber="no">Eusebius diverged from his Alexandrian master in personally
rejecting Apocalypse as an un-Biblical, though compelled to acknowledge
its almost universal acceptance. Whence came this unfavourable view of
the closing volume of the Christian Testament?--Zahn attributes it to
the influence of Lucian of Samosata, one of the founders of the Antioch
school of exegesis, and with whose disciples Eusebius had been
associated. Lucian himself had acquired his education at Edessa, the
metropolis of Eastern Syria, which had, as already remarked, a
singularly curtailed Canon. Luician is known to have edited the
Scriptures at Antioch, and is supposed to have introduced there the
shorter New Testament which later St. John Chrysostom and his followers
employed--one in which Apocalypse, II Peter, II and III John, and Jude
had no place. It is known that Theodore of Mopsuestia rejected all the
Catholic Epistles. In St. John Chrysostom's ample expositions of the
Scriptures there is not a single clear trace of the Apocalypse, which
he seems to implicitly exclude the four smaller Epistles--II Peter, II
and III John, and Jude--from the number of the canonical books. Lucian,
then, according to Zahn, would have compromised between the Syriac
Canon and the Canon of Origen by admitting the three longer Catholic
Epistles and keeping out Apocalypse. But after allowing fully for the
prestige of the founder of the Antioch school, it is difficult to grant
that his personal authority could have sufficed to strike such an
important work as Apocalypse from the Canon of a notable Church, where
it had previously been received. It is more probable that a reaction
against the abuse of the Johannine Apocalypse by the Montanists and
Chiliasts--Asia Minor being the nursery of both these errors--led to
the elimination of a book whose authority had perhaps been previously
suspected. Indeed it is quite reasonable to suppose that its early
exclusion from the East Syrian Church was an outer wave of the extreme
reactionist movement of the Aloges--also of Asia Minor--who branded
Apocalypse and all the Johannine writings as the work of the heretic
Cerinthus. Whatever may have been all the influences ruling the
personal Canon of Eusebius, he chose Lucian's text for the fifty copies
of the Bible which he furnished to the Church of Constantinople at the
order of his imperial patron Constantine; and he incorporated all the
Catholic Epistles, but excluded Apocalypse. The latter remained for
more than a century banished from the sacred collections as current in
Antioch and Constantinople. However, this book kept a minority of
Asiatic suffrages, and, as both Lucian and Eusebius had been tainted
with Arianism, the approbation of Apocalypse, opposed by them, finally
came to be looked upon as a sign of orthodoxy. Eusebius was the first
to call attention to important variations in the text of the Gospels,
viz., the presence in some copies and the absence in others of the
final paragraph of Mark, the passage of the Adulterous Woman, and the
Bloody Sweat.</p>
<h4 id="c-p999.1">3. The African Church</h4>
<p id="c-p1000" shownumber="no">St. Cyprian, whose Scriptural Canon certainly reflects the contents
of the first Latin Bible, received all the books of the New Testament
except Hebrews, II Peter, James, and Jude; however, there was already a
strong inclination in his environment to admit II Peter as authentic.
Jude had been recognized by Tertullian, but, strangely, it had lost its
position in the African Church, probably owing to its citation of the
apocryphal Henoch. Cyprian's testimony to the non-canonicity of Hebrews
and James is confirmed by Commodian, another African writer of the
period. A very important witness is the document known as Mommsen's
Canon, a manuscript of the tenth century, but whose original has been
ascertained to date from West Africa about the year 360. It is a formal
catalogue of the sacred books, unmutilated in the New Testament
portion, and proves that at its time the books universally acknowledged
in the influential Church of Carthage were almost identical with those
received by Cyprian a century before. Hebrews, James, and Jude are
entirely wanting. The three Epistles of St. John and II Peter appear,
but after each stands the note 
<i>una sola</i>, added by an almost contemporary hand, and evidently in
protest against the reception of these Antilegomena, which, presumably,
had found a place in the official list recently, but whose right to be
there was seriously questioned. 
</p>
<h4 id="c-p1000.1">C. THE PERIOD OF FIXATION (A.D. 367-405)</h4>
<h4 id="c-p1000.2">1. St. Athanasius</h4>
<p id="c-p1001" shownumber="no">While the influence of Athanasius on the Canon of the Old Testament
was negative and exclusive (see 
<i>supra</i>), in that of the New Testament it was trenchantly
constructive. In his "Epistola Festalis" (A.D. 367) the illustrious
Bishop of Alexandria ranks all of Origen's New Testament Antilegomena,
which are identical with the deuteros, boldly inside the Canon, without
noticing any of the scruples about them. Thenceforward they were
formally and firmly fixed in the Alexandrian Canon. And it is
significant of the general trend of ecclesiastical authority that not
only were works which formerly enjoyed high standing at broad-minded
Alexandria--the Apocalypse of Peter and the Acts of Paul--involved by
Athanasius with the apocrypha, but even some that Origen had regarded
as inspired--Barnabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Didache--were
ruthlessly shut out under the same damnatory title.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1001.1">2. The Roman Church, the Synod under Damasus, and St. Jerome</h4>
<p id="c-p1002" shownumber="no">The Muratorian Canon or Fragment, composed in the Roman Church in
the last quarter of the second century, is silent about Hebrews, James,
II Peter; I Peter, indeed, is not mentioned, but must have been omitted
by an oversight, since it was universally received at the time. There
is evidence that this restricted Canon obtained not only in the African
Church, with slight modifications, as we have seen, but also at Rome
and in the West generally until the close of the fourth century. The
same ancient authority witnesses to the very favourable and perhaps
canonical standing enjoyed at Rome by the Apocalypse of Peter and the
Shepherd of Hermas. In the middle decades of the fourth century the
increased intercourse and exchange of views between the Orient and the
Occident led to a better mutual acquaintance regarding Biblical canons
and the correction of the catalogue of the Latin Church. It is a
singular fact that while the East, mainly through St. Jerome's pen,
exerted a disturbing and negative influence on Western opinion
regarding the Old Testament, the same influence, through probably the
same chief intermediary, made for the completeness and integrity of the
New Testament Canon. The West began to realize that the ancient
Apostolic Churches of Jerusalem and Antioch, indeed the whole Orient,
for more than two centuries had acknowledged Hebrews and James as
inspired writings of Apostles, while the venerable Alexandrian Church,
supported by the prestige of Athanasius, and the powerful Patriarchate
of Constantinople, with the scholarship of Eusebius behind its
judgment, had canonized all the disputed Epistles. St. Jerome, a rising
light in the Church, though but a simple priest, was summoned by Pope
Damasus from the East, where he was pursuing sacred lore, to assist at
an eclectic, but not ecumenical, synod at Rome in the year 382. Neither
the general council at Constantinople of the preceding year nor that of
Nice (365) had considered the question of the Canon. This Roman synod
must have devoted itself specially to the matter. The result of its
deliberations, presided over, no doubt, by the energetic Damasus
himself, has been preserved in the document called "Decretum Gelasii de
recipiendis et non recipiendis libris", a compilation partly of the
sixth century, but containing much material dating from the two
preceding ones. The Damasan catalogue presents the complete and perfect
Canon which has been that of the Church Universal ever since. The New
Testament portion bears the marks of Jerome's views. St. Jerome, always
prepossessed in favour of Oriental positions in matters Biblical,
exerted then a happy influence in regard to the New Testament; if he
attempted to place any Eastern restriction upon the Canon of the Old
Testament his effort failed of any effect. The title of the
decree--"Nunc vero de scripturis divinis agendum est quid universalis
Catholica recipiat ecclesia, et quid vitare debeat"--proves that the
council drew up a list of apocryphal as well as authentic Scriptures.
The Shepherd and the false Apocalypse of Peter now received their final
blow. "Rome had spoken, and the nations of the West had heard" (Zahn).
The works of the Latin Fathers of the period--Jerome, Hilary of
Poitiers, Lucifer of Sardina, Philaster of Brescia--manifest the
changed attitude toward Hebrews, James, Jude, II Peter, and III
John.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1002.1">3. Fixation in the African and Gallican Churches</h4>
<p id="c-p1003" shownumber="no">It was some little time before the African Church perfectly adjusted
its New Testament to the Damasan Canon. Optatus of Mileve (370-85) does
not used Hebrews. St. Augustine, while himself receiving the integral
Canon, acknowledged that many contested this Epistle. But in the Synod
of Hippo (393) the great Doctor's view prevailed, and the correct Canon
was adopted. However, it is evident that it found many opponents in
Africa, since three councils there at brief intervals--Hippo, Carthage,
in 393; Third of Carthage in 397; Carthage in 419--found it necessary
to formulate catalogues. The introduction of Hebrews was an especial
crux, and a reflection of this is found in the first Carthage list,
where the much vexed Epistle, though styled of St. Paul, is still
numbered separately from the time-consecrated group of thirteen. The
catalogues of Hippo and Carthage are identical with the Catholic Canon
of the present. In Gaul some doubts lingered for a time, as we find
Pope Innocent I, in 405, sending a list of the Sacred Books to one of
its bishops, Exsuperius of Toulouse.</p>
<p id="c-p1004" shownumber="no">So at the close of the first decade of the fifth century the entire
Western Church was in possession of the full Canon of the New Testament
In the East, where, with the exception of the Edessene Syrian Church,
approximate completeness had long obtained without the aid of formal
enactments, opinions were still somewhat divided on the Apocalypse. But
for the Catholic Church as a whole the content of the New Testament was
definitely fixed, and the discussion closed.</p>
<p id="c-p1005" shownumber="no">The final process of this Canon's development had been twofold:
positive, in the permanent consecration of several writings which had
long hovered on the line between canonical and apocryphal; and
negative, by the definite elimination of certain privileged apocrypha
that had enjoyed here and there a canonical or quasi-canonical
standing. In the reception of the disputed books a growing conviction
of Apostolic authorship had much to do, but the ultimate criterion had
been their recognition as inspired by a great and ancient division of
the Catholic Church. Thus, like Origen, St. Jerome adduces the 
<i>testimony of the ancients</i> and ecclesiastical usage in pleading
the cause of the Epistle to the Hebrews (De Viris Illustribus, lix).
There is no sign that the Western Church ever positively repudiated any
of the New Testament deuteros; not admitted from the beginning, these
had slowly advanced towards a complete acceptance there. On the other
hand, the apparently formal exclusion of Apocalypse from the sacred
catalogue of certain Greek Churches was a transient phase, and supposes
its primitive reception. Greek Christianity everywhere, from about the
beginning of the sixth century, practically had a complete and pure New
Testament Canon. 
(<i>See</i> EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS; EPISTLES OF ST. PETER; EPISTLE OF
JAMES; EPISTLE OF JUDE; EPISTLES OF JOHN; APOCALYPSE.)</p>

<h4 id="c-p1005.1">D. SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON</h4>
<h4 id="c-p1005.2">1. To the Protestant Reformation</h4>
<p id="c-p1006" shownumber="no">The New Testament in its canonical aspect has little history between
the first years of the fifth and the early part of the sixteenth
century. As was natural in ages when ecclesiastical authority had not
reached its modern centralization, there were sporadic divergences from
the common teaching and tradition. There was no diffused contestation
of any book, but here and there attempts by individuals to 
<i>add</i> something to the received collection. In several ancient
Latin manuscripts the spurious Epistle to the Laodiceans is found among
the canonical letters, and, in a few instances, the apocryphal III
Corinthians. The last trace of any Western contradiction within the
Church to the Canon of the New Testament reveals a curious
transplantation of Oriental doubts concerning the Apocalypse. An act of
the Synod of Toledo, held in 633, states that many contest the
authority of that book, and orders it to be read in the churches under
pain of excommunication. The opposition in all probability came from
the Visigoths, who had recently been converted from Arianism. The
Gothic Bible had been made under Oriental auspices at a time when there
was still much hostility to Apocalypse in the East.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1006.1">2. The New Testament and the Council of Trent (1546)</h4>
<p id="c-p1007" shownumber="no">This ecumenical synod had to defend the integrity of the New
Testament as well as the Old against the attacks of the
pseudo-Reformers, Luther, basing his action on dogmatic reasons and the
judgment of antiquity, had discarded Hebrews, James, Jude, and
Apocalypse as altogether uncanonical. Zwingli could not see in
Apocalypse a Biblical book. (OEcolampadius placed James, Jude, II
Peter, II and III John in an inferior rank. Even a few Catholic
scholars of the Renaissance type, notably Erasmus and Cajetan, had
thrown some doubts on the canonicity of the above-mentioned
Antilegomena. As to whole books, the Protestant doubts were the only
ones the Fathers of Trent took cognizance of; there was not the
slightest hesitation regarding the authority of any entire document.
But the deuterocanonical parts gave the council some concern, viz., the
last twelve verses of Mark, the passage about the Bloody Sweat in Luke,
and the 
<i>Pericope Adulteræ</i> in John. Cardinal Cajetan had approvingly
quoted an unfavourable comment of St. Jerome regarding Mark, xvi, 9-20;
Erasmus had rejected the section on the Adulterous Woman as
unauthentic. Still, even concerning these no doubt of authenticity was
expressed at Trent; the only question was as to the manner of their
reception. In the end these portions were received, like the
deuterocanonical books, without the slightest distinction. And the
clause "cum omnibus suis partibus" regards especially these
portions.--For an account of the action of Trent on the Canon, the
reader is referred back to the respective section of the article: II. 
<i>The Canon of the Old Testament in the Catholic Church</i>.</p>
<p id="c-p1008" shownumber="no">The Tridentine decree defining the Canon affirms the authenticity of
the books to which proper names are attached, without however including
this in the definition. The order of books follows that of the Bull of
Eugenius IV (Council of Florence), except that Acts was moved from a
place before Apocalypse to its present position, and Hebrews put at the
end of St. Paul's Epistles. The Tridentine order has been retained in
the official Vulgate and vernacular Catholic Bibles. The same is to be
said of the titles, which as a rule are traditional ones, taken from
the Canons of Florence and Carthage. (For the bearing of the Vatican
Council on the New Testament, see Part II above.)</p>
<h4 id="c-p1008.1">3. The New Testament Canon outside the Church</h4>
<p id="c-p1009" shownumber="no">The Orthodox Russian and other branches of the Eastern Orthodox
Church have a New Testament identical with the Catholic. In Syria the
Nestorians possess a Canon almost identical with the final one of the
ancient East Syrians; they exclude the four smaller Catholic Epistles
and Apocalypse. The Monophysites receive all the book. The Armenians
have one apocryphal letter 
<i>to</i> the Corinthians and two 
<i>from</i> the same. The Coptic-Arabic Church include with the
canonical Scriptures the Apostolic Constitutions and the Clementine
Epistles. The Ethiopic New Testament also contains the so-called
"Apostolic Constitutions".</p>
<p id="c-p1010" shownumber="no">As for Protestantism, the Anglicans and Calvinists always kept the
entire New Testament But for over a century the followers of Luther
excluded Hebrews, James, Jude, and Apocalypse, and even went further
than their master by rejecting the three remaining deuterocanonicals,
II Peter, II and III John. The trend of the seventeenth century
Lutheran theologians was to class all these writings as of doubtful, or
at least inferior, authority. But gradually the German Protestants
familiarized themselves with the idea that the difference between the
contested books of the New Testament and the rest was one of degree of
certainty as to origin rather than of instrinsic character. The full
recognition of these books by the Calvinists and Anglicans made it much
more difficult for the Lutherans to exclude the New Testament deuteros
than those of the Old. One of their writers of the seventeenth century
allowed only a theoretic difference between the two classes, and in
1700 Bossuet could say that all Catholics and Protestants agreed on the
New Testament Canon. The only trace of opposition now remaining in
German Protestant Bibles is in the order, Hebrews, coming with James,
Jude, and Apocalypse at the end; the first not being included with the
Pauline writings, while James and Jude are not ranked with the Catholic
Epistles.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1010.1">4. The criterion of inspiration (less correctly known as the
criterion of canonicity)</h4>
<p id="c-p1011" shownumber="no">Even those Catholic theologians who defend Apostolicity as a test
for the inspiration of the New Testament (see above) admit that it is
not exclusive of another criterion, viz., Catholic tradition as
manifested in the universal reception of compositions as Divinely
inspired, or the ordinary teaching of the Church, or the infallible
pronouncements of ecumenical councils. This external guarantee is the
sufficient, universal, and ordinary proof of inspiration. The unique
quality of the Sacred Books is a revealed dogma. Moreover, by its very
nature inspiration eludes human observation and is not self-evident,
being essentially superphysical and supernatural. Its sole absolute
criterion, therefore, is the Holy inspiring Spirit, witnessing
decisively to Itself, not in the subjective experience of individual
souls, as Calvin maintained, neither in the doctrinal and spiritual
tenor of Holy Writ itself, according to Luther, but through the
constituted organ and custodian of Its revelations, the Church. All
other evidences fall short of the certainty and finality necessary to
compel the absolute assent of faith. (See Franzelin, "De Divinâ
Traditione et Scripturâ"; Wiseman, "Lectures on Christian
Doctrine", Lecture ii; also INSPIRATION.)</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1012" shownumber="no">GEORGE J. REID</p></def>

<term id="c-p1012.1" title="Canons, Apostolic" type="Encyclopedia">Apostolic Canons</term>
<def id="c-p1012.2">
<h1 id="c-p1012.3">Apostolic Canons</h1>
<p id="c-p1013" shownumber="no">A collection of ancient ecclesiastical decrees (eighty-five in the
Eastern, fifty in the Western Church) concerning the government and
discipline of the Christian Church, incorporated with the Apostolic
Constitutions (VIII, 47).</p>
<p id="c-p1014" shownumber="no">They deal mostly with the office and duties of a Christian bishop,
the qualifications and conduct of the clergy, the religious life of the
Christian flock (abstinence, fasting), its external administration
(excommunucation, synods, relations with pagans and Jews), the
sacraments (Baptism, Eucharist, Marriage); in a word, they are a handy
summary of the statutory legislation of the primative Church. The last
of these decrees contains a very important list or canon of the Holy
Scriptures (see CANON OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES under sub-title 
<i>Canon of the New Testament</i>). In the original Greek text they
claim to be the very legislation of the Apostles themselves, at least
as promulgated by their great disciple, Clement. Nevertheless, though a
venerable mirror of ancient Christian life and blameless in doctrine,
their claim to genuine Apostolic origin is quite false and untenable.
Some, like Beveridge and Hefele, believe that they were originally
drawn up about the end of the second or the beginning of the third
century. Most modern critics agree that they could not have been
composed before the Council of Antioch (341), some twenty of whose
canons they quote; nor even before the latter end of the fourth
century, since they are certainly posterior to the Apostolic
Constitutions. Von Funk, admittedly a foremost authority on the latter
and all similar early canonical texts, locates the composition of the
Apostolic Canons in the fifth century, near the year 400. Thereby he
approaches the opinion of his scholarly predecessor, Drey, the first
among modern writers to study profoundly these ancient canons; he
distinguished two editions of them, a shorter one (fifty) about the
middle of the fifth century, and a longer one (eighty-five) early in
the sixth century. Von Funk admits but one edition. They were certainly
current in the Eastern Church in the first quarter of the sixth
century, for about 520 Severus of Antioch quotes canons 21-23 [E. W.
Brooks, "Select Letters of Severus of Antioch", London, 1904 (Syriac
text), I, 463-64. For various opinions concerning the date of
composition see F. Nau, in Dict. de théol. cath., II, 1607-8, and
the new Fr. tr. of Hefele's "History of the Councils", Paris, 1907,
1206-11]. The home of the author seems to be Syria. He makes use of the
Syro-Macedonian calendar (can. 26), borrows very largely from a Syrian
council (Antioch, 341), and according to Von Funk is identical with the
compiler or interpolator of the Apostolic Constitutions, who was
certainly a Syrian (Die apostol. Konstitutionen, 204-5).</p>
<p id="c-p1015" shownumber="no">As just indicated the number of these canons has given rise to no
little controversy. In the Apostolic Constitutions (loc. cit.) they are
eighty-five (occasionally eighty-four, a variant in the Manuscripts
that arises from the occasional counting of two canons as one). In the
latter half of the sixth century, John of Antioch (Joannes
Scholasticus), Patriarch of Constantinople from 565 to 577, published a
collection of synodal decrees in which he included these eighty-five
canons (see Justel-Voellus, Bibliotheca Juris Canonici veteris, Paris,
1661, II, 501), and this number was finally consecrated for the Greek
Church by the Trullan or Quinisext Council (692), which also confined
the current Greek tradition of their Apostolic origin. On the other
hand the Latin Church, throughout the Middle Ages, recognized but fifty
canons of the Apostles. This was the number finally adopted by
Dionysius Exiguus, who first translated these canons into Latin about
500. It is not very clear why he omitted canons 51-85; he seems to have
been acquainted with them and to have used the Apostolic Constitutions.
In reality Dionysius made three versions of the Apostolic Canons (the
oldest of them first edited by C. H. Turner, Ecclesiæ Occidentalis
monumenta juris antiquissima, Oxford, 1899, fasc. I, 1-32); it is the
second of these versions which obtained general European currency by
its incorporation as the opening text of his famous Latin collection of
canons (both synodal decrees and papal decretals) known as the
"Dionysiana Collectio" (P. L., LXVII, 9 sqq.), made public in the first
decade of the sixth century. Later collections of canons (Italy, Spain,
France, Germany, etc.) borrowed from him; the text passed into
Pseudo-Isidore, and eventually Gratian Included (c. 1140) some excerpts
from these canons in his "Decretum", whereby a universal recognition
and use were gained for them in the law schools. At a much earlier date
Justinian (in his Sixth Novel) had recognized them as the work of the
Apostles and confirmed them as ecclesiastical law. (For the Western
references in the early Middle Ages see Von Funk, "Didascalia" etc.
quoted below, II, 40-50, and for their insertion in the early Western
collections of canons, Maassen, "Gesch. der Quellen und Literatur des
canonischen Rechts im Abendlande, Gratz, 1872, 438-40.) Nevertheless,
from their first appearance in the West they aroused suspicion. Canon
46 for example, that rejected all heretical baptism, was notoriously
opposed to Roman and Western practice. In the so-called "Decretum" of
Pope Gelasius (429-96) they are denounced as an apocryphal book, i. e.
not recognized by the Church (Thiel, epistolæ Rom. pontificum
genuinæ, 1867, I, 53-58, 454-71; Von Funk, op. cit., II, 40),
though this note of censure was probably not in the original
"Decretum", but with others was added under Pope Hormisdas (514-23).
Consequently in a second edition (lost, except preface) of his
"Collectio canonum", prepared under the latter pope, Dionysius Exiguus
omitted them; even in the first edition he admitted that very many in
the West were loath to acknowledge them 
(<i>quamplurimi quidem assensum non prœbuere facilem</i>). Hincmar
of Reims (died 882) declared that they were not written by the
Apostles, and as late as the middle of the eleventh century, Western
theologians (Cardinal Humbert, 1054) distinguished between the
eighty-five Greek canons that they declared apocryphal, and the fifty
Latin canons recognized as "orthodox rules" by antiquity.</p>
<p id="c-p1016" shownumber="no">The influence of the Apostolic Canons was greatly increased by the
various versions of them soon current in the Christian Church, East and
West. We have already indicated the influence of the second Latin
version of Dionysius Exiguus. They were also translated (more or less
fully) into Syriac, Arabic, Coptic, and Armenian; in general they seem
to have furnished during the fifth and sixth centuries a large element
of the ecclesiastical legislation in the Eastern Church (see the
detailed description of the so-called "127 Copto-Arabic canons", by F.
Nau in Dict. de théol. cath., II, 1612-19; also Funk, Die
apostolischen Konstitutionen, Rottenburg, 1891, and the articles
APOSTOLIC CHURCH-ORDINANCE, EGYPTIAN CHURCH-ORDINANCE, DIDACHE,
DIDASCALIA APOSTOLORUM). The manuscripts of the (Greek) Apostolic
Canons are described by Pitra, "Juris ecc. Græcorum historia et
monumenta", Rome, 1864, I, 3-4; the manuscripts of the Latin versions
of Dionysius Exiguus, by C. H. Turner, op. cit. supra, fasc. I. p. 1;
cf. Von Funk, "Didascalia et Constitutiones apostolorum", (Paderborn,
1906), I, xlviii-liv, also xxiv-xlviii. The fifty Latin canons were
first printed in Jacques Merlin's edition of the Councils (Paris,
1524); the eighty-five Greek Canons by G. Holoander, in his edition of
Justinian's Novels (Nuremberg, 1531), whence they made their way into
the earlier editions of the "Corpus Juris Civilis", the "Corpus Juris
Canonici", and the large collections of acts and decrees of the
councils.</p>
<p id="c-p1017" shownumber="no">A few other ancient canonical texts that pretend to Apostolic origin
are described by F. Nau, op. cit., 1620-26; the most interesting of
them is a brief collection of nine canons that purport to date from an
imaginary Apostolic Council of Antioch. They may be read in Pitra,
"Hist. et monumenta Juris eccl. Græcorum" (Rome, 1864), I, 88-91;
also in Lagarde, "Reliquiæ juris eccl. antiquissimæ
græce", 18-20, and in Harnack, "Mission und Ausbreitung" (Leipzig,
1902). They recommend the faithful not to practice circumcision, to
admit the Gentiles, to avoid Jewish and pagan customs, the distinction
of clean and unclean foods, the worship of idols, the vices of avarice
and gluttony, frequentation of theatres, and taking of oaths. The
earliest Christian literature offers numerous parallels to the content
of these canons, which, in general, recall the Acts of the Apostles,
the Epistle of Barnabas, and the Didache. In the sixteenth century the
Jesuit Turrianus (Torres) defended their authenticity, his chief
argument being a reference of Innocent I (401-17) to an Apostolic
Council of Antioch (Mansi, III, 1055). A notable literary controversy
followed that is not yet quite closed (see Nau, op. cit., 1621-22).
Interest centres chiefly in the first canon, which decrees that the
Galileans shall henceforth be called Christians (see Acts, xi, 26), a
holy people, a royal priesthood (see I Peter, ii, 9) according to the
grace and title of baptism. Some critics see in this canon a defiant
reply to the contemptuous use of "Galileans" by Julian the Apostate
(Harnack, "Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums", Leipzig, 1902;
Paul Lejay, in "Revue du clergé français", 15 Oct., 1903,
349-55, with a Fr. tr. of the nine canons). F. Nau is of opinion that
they are much older than the latter quarter of the fourth century and
calls attention (op. cit., 1624) to Origen, "Contra Celsum", VIII, 29
(P. G., XI, 1560-" it seemed good to the Apostles and the elders
assembled at Antioch, and in their own words to the Holy Spirit to
write a letter to the Gentiles who believed"). This statement
contradicts Acts, xv, 6, 23, 28, according to which the Apostolic
letter was written from Jerusalem. Nevertheless, it seems that this
collection of canons was known to Origen, all the more as it claims (in
the title) to come from the library of Origen at Cæsarea and to
have been found there by the blessed martyr, Pamphilus (cf. Eus., H.
E., VI, 32, 3). F. Nau thinks that they may represent a personal rule
of conduct drawn up by some second-century Christian (on the basis of
Apostolic precepts) who miscopied Acts, xi, 26, into the form of the
afore-mentioned canon 1, and then added the other precepts —
canon 9 reproduces the decree of Acts, xv, 29. At any rate Dallæus
(Daillé) was wrong in charging Turrianus with downright forgery of
all these canons (De pseudepigraphis apostolicis libri tres, 1653, III,
cc. xxii-xxv, pp. 687-737), and deliberate corruption of the text of
Ps. xvi, 14, "they are full of children" 
(<i>hyion</i>), making it read 
<i>hyieon</i> — i. e. "they are filled with pork". This reading
of the fifth canon of Antioch is found not only in the oldest Latin
Psalters, and in other reliable fourth to sixth century Latin witnesses
to the Scripture-text, but also in the best Greek manuscripts
(Vaticanus, Sinaiticus). In other words the Scripture-text used by
these canons antedates Origen, and is, in itself, an evidence of their
great antiquity. (See ANTIOCH.)</p>
<p id="c-p1018" shownumber="no">The critical text of the Apostolic Canons is that of the late IGNAZ
VON FUNK, a monument of exact scholarship: 
<i>Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum</i> (Paderborn, 1906, I,
565-95, with valuable notes. The best historical study of their origin
and nature is also owing to VON FUNK, 
<i>Die apostolischen Konstitutionen</i> (Rottenburg, 1891), 180-206;
IDEM, 
<i>Das achte Buck der apostolischen Konstitutionen und die verwandten
Schriften</i> (Tübingen, 1893), and his 
<i>Kirchengeschichtliche Abhandlungen</i> (Paderborn, 1899, 1907), II,
369-72, III, 355 sqq. He was preceded in the nineteenth century by
SEBASTIAN DREY (like Funk a professor of the Catholic faculty of
theology in the University of Tübingen, where the study of these
ancient texts has become an academic heirloom), 
<i>Neue Untersuchungen über die Constitutionen und Kanones der
Apostel</i> (Tübingen, 1832), and by the learned J. W. BICKELL, 
<i>Gesch d. Kirckenrechts</i> (Giessen, 1843).</p>
<p id="c-p1019" shownumber="no">Among the older erudite researches into the history and study of the
Apostolic Canons honour is due especially to the Anglican savant G.
BEVERIDGE, 
<i>Synodicon sive Pandectœ canonum sanctorum Apostolorum et
conciliorum ab ecclesiâ grœcâ receptorum</i> (Oxford,
1672-82; see P. G., CXXXVII, 36-217, For the Apostolic Canons, text and
commentary of BEVERIDGE); JUSTEL, 
<i>Codex canonum ecclesiœ universœ a Justiniano imperatore
confirmatus . . . . C. J(ustel) latinum fecit et notisillustravit</i>
(Paris, 1610-1618; re-edited by VŒLLUS as 
<i>Bibliotheca juris canonici veteris,</i> Paris, 1661); DE MARCA, 
<i>Dissertatio de veterum canonum collectionibus</i> in his 
<i>Opuscula</i> (Paris, 1681); GALLAND, 
<i>De vetustis canonum collectionibus dissertationum sylloge</i>
(Venice, 1778). See MACNALLAY, 
<i>The Apostolical Canons in Greek, Latin and English with Notes</i>
(London, 1867); LIGHTFOOT, 
<i>St. Clement of Rome</i> (London, 1890), I, III, 187, 308; LAUCHERT, 
<i>Die kanones der wichtigsten altkirchlichen Concilien, nebst den
apostolischen Kanones</i> (Leipzig, 1896); NAU, 
<i>Canons des Apótres</i> in 
<i>Dict. de théol. cath.</i> (1905), II, 5-12; HEFELE, tr.
LECLERCQ, 
<i>Histoire des Conciles, nouvelle traduction française faite sur
la deuxième éd. allemande, corrigée et augmentée de
notes critiques et biblioqraphiques</i> (Paris, 1907), I, ii, 1203-21,
with an excellent bibliography, 1216-21; ACHELIS in 
<i>Real-Encyc. f. prot. Theol. und Kirche</i> (Leipzig, 1896), I,
734-41, s. v. 
<i>Apostolische Kanones;</i> BAUDENHEWER, 
<i>Patrologie</i> (Freiburg, 1901), 310-14.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1020" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1020.1" title="Canons, Collections of Ancient" type="Encyclopedia">Collections of Ancient Canons</term>
<def id="c-p1020.2">
<h1 id="c-p1020.3">Collections of Ancient Canons</h1>
<p id="c-p1021" shownumber="no">While the essential principles of the constitution and government of
the Church were immutably fixed by her Divine Founder, ecclesiastical
legislation, emanating as it does from the authority established by
Christ in His society, has shared all the vicissitudes of the latter.
This means that it was not a finished product from the beginning, but
rather a gradual growth, each phase of which was dictated by the
ecclesiastical wisdom of the time. This is especially true of the
earlier Christian centuries, when as yet the Church lived largely on
tradition and custom, and when such written laws as existed were not
originally universal laws, but local or provincial statutes, to which
later a broader obligation was added through the express or tacit
approbation of the legitimate authority. Hence arose the necessity of
collecting, or in a way codifying, such legislation. These ancient
collections may be classified either according to their 
<i>historical authority</i> or according to the 
<i>method of the compiler</i>.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1022" shownumber="no">Authority</p>
<p id="c-p1023" shownumber="no">If we consider only their historical authority these collections are
genuine (e. g. the "Versio Hispanica"), or apocryphal, i. e. made with
the help of documents forged, interpolated, wrongly attributed, or
otherwise defective (e. g. the Pseudo-Isidore collection). If we
consider their juridical authority they are official, authentic, i. e.
promulgated by competent authority, or private, the work of
individuals, and owning no value other than their intrinsic worth or
that derived from habitual usage.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1024" shownumber="no">Method</p>
<p id="c-p1025" shownumber="no">If we consider the method of the compiler, these collections are
chronological, in case their laws are classified according to the time
of promulgation, or systematic (logical, methodical), if the collection
follow a rational order. Naturally, in the earlier centuries the
collections are brief and contain few laws chronologically certain.
Only with the increase of legislation did a methodical classification
become necessary, or at least the addition of methodical tables (see
below, African and Spanish collections).</p>
<p id="c-p1026" shownumber="no">In this article we shall describe the ancient collections of
canons;</p>
<ul id="c-p1026.1">
<li id="c-p1026.2">(1) From the earliest Christian times to the period of the
apocryphal collections (middle of the ninth century);</li>
<li id="c-p1026.3">(2) From the end of the ninth century to the Decretum of Gratian
(1139-50).</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p1027" shownumber="no">The forged collections of the middle of the ninth century will be
treated in the article, FALSE DECRETALS. Much of our knowledge of these
matters is owing to the historical researches begun at the end of the
sixteenth century, whence issued the critical editions of the Fathers,
the councils, and the papal decretals. We are particularly indebted,
however, to two works of primary importance:</p>
<ul id="c-p1027.1">
<li id="c-p1027.2">(1) the dissertation (P. L., LVI) of the Ballerini brothers of
Verona (eighteenth century) "Concerning the ancient collection and
collectors of Canons as far as Gratian" — a study quite unique
for its erudition and critical acumen;</li>
<li id="c-p1027.3">(2) the history of the sources and literature of canon law by
Frederic Maassen (Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des Canonischen
Rechts, Gratz, 1870, vol. I), in which the learned professor of Gratz
took up this subject where the Ballerini had left it, but with a far
richer supply of documents. Unfortunately he stops at
Pseudo-Isidore.</li>
</ul>
<h3 id="c-p1027.4">FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE APOCRYPHAL COLLECTIONS</h3>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1028" shownumber="no">Collections of the Apostolic Period</p>
<p id="c-p1029" shownumber="no">The Apostles certainly issued disciplinary regulations, either as
inspired authors (Divine Apostolic law, pertaining to the immutable
deposit of faith), or simply as ecclesiastical legislation (human
Apostolic law). In the primitive Christian ages there were current
divers collections attributed to the Apostles. These collections were
apocryphal, although there may be in it some regulations of really
Apostolic origin. lt is all very interesting, partly because of the
vestiges it offers of the earliest Christian life, and partly because, 
<i>de facto</i>, many of these regulations were long considered truly
Apostolic and, as such, influenced seriously the formation of
ecclesiastical law. The most important of these collections are the
Doctrine of the Twelve Apostles (q. v.), the Apostolic Constitutions
(q. v.), and the Apostolic Canons (see CANONS, APOSTOLIC). The
Apostolic Constitutions, though originally accepted throughout the
Orient, were declared apocryphal in the Trullan (Quinisext) Council of
692; they were never accepted as ecclesiastical law in the West. The
Apostolic Canons (eighty-five) were, on the other hand, approved by the
above-mentioned Trullan Council. Dionysius Exignus, a Western canonist
of the first half of the sixth century, noted that "many accept with
difficulty the so-called canons of the Apostles". Nevertheless he
admitted into his collection the first fifty of these canons. The
so-called Decretum Gelasianum, 
<i>de libris non recipiendis</i> (about the sixth century), puts them
among the apocrypha. From the collection of Dionysius Exiguus they
passed into divers Western collections, though their authority was
never on one level. We find them admitted at Rome in the ninth century
in ecclesiastical decisions; in the eleventh century Cardinal Humbert
accepts only the first fifty (Adversus Simoniacos, I, 8, and Contra
Nicætam, 16 P. L., CXLIII). Only two of them (20, 29) found their
way into the Decretals of Gregory IX.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1030" shownumber="no">Papal Decretals</p>
<p id="c-p1031" shownumber="no">In primitive Christian centuries the popes carried on ecclesiastical
government by means of an active and extensive correspondence. We learn
from a synod of the year 370, under Pope Damasus, that the minutes of
their letters or decretals (q. v.) were kept in the papal archives.
These archives (see VATICAN ARCHIVES) have perished up to the time of
John VIII (died 882). In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
attempts were made to reconstruct them; the most successful is that of
Jaffé ("Regesta RR. Pont.", 2nd ed., 1885; cf. the important
revision of Jaffé by P. Kehr, "Italia Pontificia", Berlin, 1906
sqq.). During the period under discussion (i. e. to the middle of the
eleventh century) we shall note a constant use of the papal decretals
by the compilers of canonical collections from the sixth century
on.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1032" shownumber="no">Greek Collections</p>
<ul id="c-p1032.1">
<li id="c-p1032.2">(1) In 451 there was quoted at the Council of Chalcedon a
collection of councils no longer extant, nor has the name of the
compiler ever transpired. It seems to have been based on the canons of
Ancyra (314) and Neo-Cæsarea (314-25), to which were added later
those of Gangra (36-70). At the beginning of the collection were then
placed the decrees of Nicæa (325); subsequently the canons of
Antioch (341) were included, in which shape it was known to the Fathers
of Chalcedon. In the latter part of the fifth century the canons of
Laodicæa (343-81), Constantinople (381), Ephesus (431), and
Chalcedon (451), were incorporated with this ecclesiastical code, and
finally (after the canons of Neo-Cæsarea) the decrees of Sardica
(343-44), in which form the collection was in use during the sixth
century. Though unofficial in character, it represents (inclusive of
sixty-eight canons taken from the "Canonical Epistles" of St. Basil, I,
III) the conciliar discipline of the Greek Church between 500 and
600.</li>
<li id="c-p1032.3">(2) This collection was chronological in order. Towards 535 an
unknown compiler classified its materials in a methodical way under
sixty titles, and added to the canons twenty-one imperial constitutions
relative to ecclesiastical matters taken from the Code of Justinian.
This collection has been lost.</li>
<li id="c-p1032.4">(3) Some years later (540-550) Johannes Scholasticus, Patriarch of
Constantinople, made use of this code to compile a new methodical
collection, which he divided into fifty books. It is printed in the
second volume of Voel and Justel, "Bibliotheca Juris Canonici veteris"
(Paris, 1661). After the emperor's death (565), the patriarch extracted
from ten of the former's constitutions, known as "Novellæ", some
eighty-seven chapters and added them to the aforesaid collection.</li>
<li id="c-p1032.5">(4) In this way arose the mixed collections known as Nomocanons
(Gk. 
<i>nomoi</i>, "laws", 
<i>kanones</i>, "canons"), containing not only ecclesiastical laws but
also imperial laws pertaining to the same matters. The first of these
was published under Emperor Maurice (582-602); under each title were
given, after the canons, the corresponding civil laws. This collection
(wrongly attributed to the afore-mentioned patriarch) is also found in
the second volume of Voel and Justel (op. cit.).</li>
<li id="c-p1032.6">(5) The Quinisext Council (695) of Constantinople, called Trullan
from the hall of the palace 
(<i>in trullo</i>) where it was held, issued 102 disciplinary canons; it
included also the canons of the former councils and certain patristic
regulations, all of which it considered constitutive elements of the
ecclesiastical law of the East. This collection contains, therefore, an
official enumeration of the canons which then governed the Eastern
Church, but no official approbation of a given collection or particular
text of these canons. It is to be noted that the Apostolic See never
fully approved this council. In 787 a similar recapitulation of the
ancient canons was made by the Second Council of Nicæa.</li>
</ul>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1033" shownumber="no">Italo-Latin Collections</p>
<h4 id="c-p1033.1">(1) Latin Version of the Canons of Nicæa and Sardica</h4>
<p id="c-p1034" shownumber="no">The former council (325) was always held in the highest repute
throughout the West, where its canons were in vigour together with
those of Sardica, the complement of the anti-Arian legislation of
Nicæa, and whose decrees had been drawn up originally in both
Latin and Greek. The canons of the two councils were numbered in
running order, as though they were the work of but one council (a trait
met with in divers Latin collections), which explains why the Council
of Sardica is sometimes called œcumenical by earlier writers, and
its canons attributed to the Council of Nicæa. For the text of the
version as found in the various collections see Maassen, op. cit., p. 8
sqq. The oldest versions of these canons quoted in the papal decretals
are no longer extant.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1034.1">(2) The "Hispana" or "Isidoriana" Version</h4>
<p id="c-p1035" shownumber="no">Towards the middle of the fifth century, perhaps earlier, there
appeared a Latin version of the afore-said canons of Nicæa,
Ancyra, Neo-Cæsarea, and Gangra, to which were added a little
later those of Antioch, Laodicæa, and Constantinople; the canons
of Sardica were inserted about the same time after those of Gangra.
Bickell considers it possible that this version was made in Northern
Africa, while Walter inclines to Spain; it is now generally believed
that the version was made in Italy. It was long believed, however, that
it came from Spain, hence the name of "Hispana" or "Isidoriana", the
latter term derived from its insertion in the collection attributed to
St. Isidore of Seville (see below, 
<i>Spanish Collections</i>), in which it was edited, of course
according to the text followed by the Spanish compiler.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1035.1">(3) "Prisca" or "Itala" Version</h4>
<p id="c-p1036" shownumber="no">This, too, seems to have grown up gradually in the course of the
fifth century, and in its present shape exhibits the afore-mentioned
canons of Ancyra, Neo-Cæsarea, Nicæa, Sardica, Gangra,
Antioch, Chalcedon, and Constantinople. It came to be known as "Itala"
from the place of its origin, and as "Prisca" because of an overhasty
conclusion that Dionysius Exiguus referred to it in the preface of his
first collection when he wrote: "Laurentius offended by the confusion
that reigned in the ancient version [ 
<i>priscœ versionis</i>]." It was edited by Voel and Justel in the
first volume of their above-quoted "Bibliotheca juris canonici
veteris"; a better text is that of the Ballerini brothers in the third
volume of their edition of the works of St. Leo (P. L., LVI, 746).</p>
<h4 id="c-p1036.1">(4) Collection of Dionysius Exiguus</h4>
<p id="c-p1037" shownumber="no">The collections we have now to describe were justified and called
for by the increasing canonical material of the Latin West in the
course of the fifth century. It may be said at once that they were far
from satisfactory. Towards 500 a Scythian monk, known as Dionysius
Exiguus (q. v.), who had come to Rome after the death of Pope Gelasius
(496), and who was well skilled in both Latin and Greek, undertook to
bring out a more exact translation of the canons of the Greek councils.
In a second effort he collected papal decretals from Siricius (384-89)
to Anastasius II (496-98), inclusive, anterior therefore, to Pope
Symmachus (514-23). By order of Pope Hormisdas (514-23), Dionysius made
a third collection, in which he included the original text of all the
canons of the Greek councils, together with a Latin version of the
same. Of this collection the preface alone has survived. Finally, he
combined the first and second in one collection, which thus united the
canons of the councils and the papal decretals; it is in this shape
that the work of Dionysius has reached us. This collection opens with a
table or list of titles, each of which is afterwards repeated before
the respective canons; then come the first fifty canons of the
Apostles, the canons of the Greek councils, the canons of Carthage
(419), and the canons of preceding African synods under Aurelius, which
had been read and inserted in the Council of Carthage. This first part
of the collection is closed by a letter of Pope Boniface I, read at the
same council, letters of Cyril of Alexandria and Atticus of
Constantinople to the African Fathers, and a letter of Pope Celestine
I. The second part of the collection opens likewise with a preface, in
the shape of a letter to the priest Julian, and a table of titles; then
follow one decretal of Siricius, twenty-one of Innocent I, one of
Zozimus, four of Boniface I, three of Celestine I, seven of Leo I, one
of Gelasius I, and one of Anastasius II. The additions met with in Voel
and Justel (op. cit.) are taken from inferior manuscripts.</p>
<p id="c-p1038" shownumber="no">There were gaps in the work of Dionysius; he seems, in particular,
to have taken the papal decretals, not from the archives of the Roman
Church, but from previous compilations, hence certain omissions, which
need not arouse any suspicion of the authenticity of documents not
quotes. In spite of its defects this collection far surpassed all
previous efforts of the kind, not alone by its good order, but also by
the clear, intelligible text of its version, and by the importance of
its documents. Very soon it superseded all earlier collections and was
much used 
(<i>celeberimo usu</i>), especially in the Roman Church, says
Cassiodorus. It became popular in Spain and Africa and even before
Charlemagne had found its way into Gaul and Britain. It was the medium
by which the African canons reached the East. Copyists used it to
correct the text of the other collections, a fact not to be lost sight
of at the risk of taking an interdependence of manuscripts for an
interdependence of collections. Despite its authority of daily use and
its occasional service in the papal chancery, it never had a truly
official character; it even seems that the popes were wont to quote
their own decretal letters not from Dionysius, but directly from the
papal registers. In time the "Collectio Dionysiana", as it came to be
known, was enlarged and some of these additions entered the "Collectio
Hadriana", which Adrian I sent (774) to Charlemagne, and which was
received by the bishops of the empire at Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen) in
802. It is none other than the "Collectio Dionysiana", with some
additions in each of its two parts. In this shape it acquired and kept
the title of "Codex Canonum". Neither the action of Pope Adrian nor the
acceptance by the Synod of Aix-la-Chapelle conferred on the book an
official character, or made it a code of universally obligatory laws;
with much greater reason may it be said that it did not thereby become
an exclusively authoritative code of ecclesiastical law. It was first
printed in the first volume of Voel and Justel (op. cit.), re-edited by
Lepelletier (Paris, 1687), and reprinted in P. L., LXVII. A new and
more satisfactory edition is that of Cuthbert Hamilton Turner, in
"Ecclesiæ Occidentalis Monumenta Juris Antiquissima" (Oxford,
1899- 1908), vol. II, fasc. II.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1038.1">(5) The "Avellana" Collection</h4>
<p id="c-p1039" shownumber="no">The Avellana Collection, so-called because its oldest known
manuscript was bought for the abbey of Santa Croce Avellana by St.
Peter Damian (died 1073). The collection probably dates from the middle
of the sixth century. It follows neither chronological nor logical
order, and seems to have grown to its present shape according as the
compiler met with the materials that he has transmitted to us.
Nevertheless, the Ballerini pronounce it a very valuable collection
because of the great number of early canonical documents (nearly 200)
that are found in no other collection. All its texts are authentic,
save eight letters from divers persons to Peter, Bishop of Antioch. The
"Avellana" has never been edited as such, though all its documents have
passed into the great works of Sirmond, Coustant, Baronius, and
Foggini, with the exception of two letters whose text is given by the
Ballerini, in whose work, quoted above, are also indicated the places
where the various texts of the "Avellana" may be read.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1039.1">(6) Various Other Collections</h4>
<p id="c-p1040" shownumber="no">Despite the exceptional popularity of Dionysius Exiguus, which
caused the previous compilations to be disused and soon forgotten,
several of them were preserved, as also were some other contemporary
collections — among them several that still offer a certain
interest. See the above-quoted dissertation of the Ballerini, II, iv,
and Maassen (op. cit., 476, 526, 721). It will suffice to mention the
collection known as the "Chieti" or "Vaticana Reginæ", through
which a very old and distinct version of the decrees of the Council of
Nicæa has reached us. It has been edited by the Ballerini (P. L.,
LVI, 818).</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1041" shownumber="no">Collection of the African Church</p>
<h4 id="c-p1041.1">(1) Canons of the African Councils</h4>
<p id="c-p1042" shownumber="no">From the Eastern Church Northern Africa received only the decrees of
Nicæa (325), which it owed to Cæcilianus of Carthage, one of
the Nicene Fathers. The African Church created its domestic code of
discipline in its own councils. It was customary to read and confirm in
each council the canons of preceding councils, in which way there grew
up collections of conciliar decrees, but purely local in authority.
Their moral authority, however, was great, and from the Latin
collections they eventually made their way into the Greek collections.
The best-known are:</p>
<ul id="c-p1042.1">
<li id="c-p1042.2">(a) the Canons of the Council of Carthage (Aug., 397) which
confirmed the "Breviarium" of the canons of Hippo (393), one of the
chief sources of African ecclesiastical discipline;</li>
<li id="c-p1042.3">(b) the Canons of the Council of Carthage (419), at which were
present 217 bishops and among whose decrees were inserted 105 canons of
previous councils.</li>
</ul>
<h4 id="c-p1042.4">(2) "Statuta Ecclesiæ Antiqua"</h4>
<p id="c-p1043" shownumber="no">In the second part of the "Hispana" (see below) and in other
collections are found, together with other African councils, 104 canons
which the compiler of the "Hispana" attributes to a Pseudo-Fourth
Council of Carthage of 398. These canons are often known as "Statuta
Ecclesiæ Antiqua", and in some manuscripts are entitled "Statuta
antiqua Orientis". Hefele maintains that in spite of their erroneous
attribution, these canons are authentic, or at least summaries of
authentic canons of ancient African councils, and collected in their
present shape before the end of the sixth century. On the other hand,
Maassen, Mgr. Duchesne, and Abbé Malnory believe them a
compilation made at Arles in the first part of the sixth century;
Malnory specifies St. Cæsarius of Arles (q. v.) as their
author.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1043.1">(3) The "Breviatio Canonum" of Fulgentius Ferrandus</h4>
<p id="c-p1044" shownumber="no">It is a methodical collection and under its seven titles disposes
230 abridged canons of Greek ("Hispana" text) and African councils. It
was compiled towards 546 by Fulgentius, a deacon of Carthage and a
disciple of St. Fulgentius of Ruspe; the text is in P. L., LXVII.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1044.1">(4) The "Concordia" of Cresconius</h4>
<p id="c-p1045" shownumber="no">This writer, apparently an African bishop, compiled his collection
about 690. It is based on that of Dionysius Exiguus; only, in place of
reproducing in full each canon, it cuts it up to suit the demands of
the titles used; hence its name of "Concordia". Between the preface and
the text of the collection the writer inserted a resume of his work.
This took on the name of "Breviatio Canonum" which led some to imagine
that the latter title implied a work other than the "Concordia",
whereas it meant only a part or rather the preamble of the latter,
whose text is in P. L., LXXXVIII.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1046" shownumber="no">Collections of the Spanish Church</p>
<p id="c-p1047" shownumber="no">Under this heading the historian of canon law generally understands
the collections that arose in the lands once under Visigothic rule
— Spain, Portugal, and Southern Gaul. In this territory councils
were very frequent, especially after the conversion of King Reccared
(587), and they paid much attention to ecclesiastical discipline.
Naturally the need of canonical collections was soon felt. As a rule,
such collections contain, besides the decrees of Spanish synods, the
canons also of Nicæa and Sardica (accepted in the Spanish Church
from the beginning), those of the Greek councils known through the
"Itala", and those of the Gallican and African Councils, quite
influential in the formation of Spanish ecclesiastical discipline.
Three of these collections are important: —</p>
<h4 id="c-p1047.1">(1) The "Capitula Martini"</h4>
<p id="c-p1048" shownumber="no">It is divided into two parts, one dealing with the bishop and his
clergy, the other relative to the laity; in both the author classifies
methodically the canons of the councils in eighty-four chapters. He
says himself in the preface that he does not pretend to reproduce the
text literally, but with set purpose breaks up, abridges, or glosses
the same, in order to make it more intelligible to "simple people";
possibly he has occasionally modified it to suit the Spanish discipline
of his time. Though much has been borrowed from Latin, Gallican, and
African Councils, it is the Greek Councils that furnish the greater
part of the canons. The "Capitula" were read and approved at the
Council of Braga (572). Some writers, misled by the name, attributed
them to Pope Martin I; they are in reality the work of Martin of
Pannonia, better known as Martin of Braga (q. v.), of which place he
was archbishop in the sixth century. Their text was incorporated with
the "Isidoriana", from which they were taken and edited apart by Merlin
and by Gaspar Loaisa, and in the first volume of the oft-quoted work by
Voel and Justel, after collation of the variants in the best
manuscripts.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1048.1">(2) The Spanish "Epitome"</h4>
<p id="c-p1049" shownumber="no">The Epitome is the name of the collection edited by the Ballerini
(op. cit., III, IV) from two manuscripts (Verona and Lucca). It has two
parts: one includes the canons of Greek, African, Gallican, and Spanish
councils; the other divers papal decretals from Siricius to Vigilius
(384-555), with two apocryphal texts of St. Clement and an extract from
St. Jerome. The compiler designedly abridged his texts, and mentions
only three sources, a Braga collection (the "Capitula Martini", his
first chapter being a resume of that work), an Alcalá (Complutum)
collection, and one of Cabra (Agrabensis). Though characterized by lack
of order and exactness, the "Epitome" interests us because of the
antiquity of its sources. Maassen thinks it connected with the "Codex
Canonum", the nucleus of the group of collections whence eventually
issued the "Hispana", and of which we shall treat apropos of the
latter.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1049.1">(3) The "Hispana" or "Isidoriana"</h4>
<p id="c-p1050" shownumber="no">This collection must not be confounded with the above-described
"Versio Hispanica" or "Isidoriana", among the earlier Latin
collections, and which contained only canons of Greek councils. The
collection in question, like that of Dionysius Exiguus on which it is
based, contains two parts: the first includes canons of Greek, African,
Gallican, and Spanish councils, with some letters of St. Cyril of
Alexandria and Atticus of Constantinople, while the second has the
papal decretals as found in Dionysius, together with some others, most
of the latter addressed to Spanish bishops. This is the chronological
"Hispana". Somewhat later, towards the end of the seventh century, it
was recast in logical order, by some unknown writer, and divided into
ten books, which were again subdivided into titles and chapters. This
is the methodical "Hispana". Finally, the copyists were wont to place
at the beginning of the chronological "Hispana" a table of contents of
the methodical collection, but with references to the text of the
chronological: in this shape it was known as the "Excerpta Canonum".
The chronological "Hispana" seems to have been originally the "Codex
Canonum" mentioned at the Fourth Council of Toledo (633), with later
additions. In the ninth century it was attributed, with insufficient
evidence, to St. Isidore of Seville. In spite of this erroneous
attribution, the "Hispana" contains very few documents of doubtful
authenticity. Later on, additions were made to it, the latest being
taken from the seventeenth council of Toledo (694). In this enlarged
form, i. e. the "Codex Canonum", the "Hispana" was approved by
Alexander III as authentic (Innocent III, Ep. 121, to Peter, Archbishop
of Compostella). Until the thirteenth century, its authority was great
in Spain. Pseudo-Isidore (see below) made a generous use of its
materials. (See the text in P. L., LXXXXIV, reprinted from the edition
of Madrid, 1808-21, executed at the Royal Printing House).</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1051" shownumber="no">Gallican Collections</p>
<h4 id="c-p1051.1">(1) The "Collectio Quesnelliana"</h4>
<p id="c-p1052" shownumber="no">The close relations of the churches of Gaul with those of Italy and
Spain familiarized the former at an early date with the canonical
collections of the latter churches, to which were added the canons of
their own Gallican synods. At the beginning of the sixth century there
arose in Gaul an extensive collection, based apparently on the "Antiqua
Isidoriana", the "Prisca", the "Chieti" collection (see above), and the
African collections, and which, besides the earliest Eastern and the
African councils, includes papal decretals, letters of Gallican
bishops, and other documents. It is of Gallican origin, though it
includes no councils of Gaul. Its name is derived from the Oratorian,
P. Quesnel, its first editor, who wrongly entitled it "Codex Canonum
ecclesiæ Romanæ", and tried to prove that it was an official
collection of the Roman Church. It cannot, therefore, serve as
authentic confirmation of the usages of that Church or of the churches
of Africa. The Ballerini reprinted it in the third volume of their
edition of the works of St. Leo I, with excellent dissertations against
Quesnel (P. L., LVI). During the sixth and succeeding centuries the
canonical compilers kept at their task; they received the African
canons, those of Gallican councils, the statutes and letters of
national bishops. Some of these collections were chronological, others
methodical (see the Ballerini, II, x and Maassen, op. cit., 556, 821).
We have already called attention to the importance (after 802) of the
"Collectio Dionysio-Hadriana".</p>
<h4 id="c-p1052.1">(2) The "Codex Carolinus"</h4>
<p id="c-p1053" shownumber="no">A collection of papal decretals addressed to Charles Martel, Pepin,
and Charlemagne, compiled by the latter's order in 791 (P. L., XCVIII),
not to be confounded with the "Libri Carolini" (see CAROLINE BOOKS) in
which were set forth for Pope Adrian I various 
<i>dubia</i> concerning the veneration of images.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1054" shownumber="no">English and Irish Collections</p>
<p id="c-p1055" shownumber="no">Before the seventh century we meet with no collections of canons
particular to the English and Irish Churches. In England ecclesiastical
discipline is at this time based on the provincial councils, which draw
their inspiration from the general councils, and are reinforced by the
ordinances of the Anglo-Saxon kings. Roman collections appear in 678
when Dionysius Exiguus is quoted at the Council of Herford. Thenceforth
appear various collections of local origin, e. g. the "De Jure
Sacerdotali" (P. L., LXVIII) and the "Exceptiones" attributed (but
without sufficient reason) to Egbert of York (died 767). The most
celebrated of these collections is the "Synodus Patritii" or "Collectio
Hibernensis", of the early part of the eighth century, whose compiler
put together previous ecclesiastical legislation in sixty-four to
sixty-nine chapters, preceded by extracts from the "Etymologiæ" of
St. Isidore concerning synodal regulations. The preface states that for
the sake of brevity and clearness, and to reconcile certain juridical
antinomies, effort is made to render the sense of the canons rather
than their letter. It is a methodical collection to the extent that the
matters treated are placed in their respective chapters, but there is
much confusion in the distribution of the latter. In spite of its
defects this collection made its way into France and Italy and until
the twelfth century influenced the ecclesiastical legislation of
churches in both countries (Paul Fournier, De l'influence de la
collection irlandaise sur les collections canoniques).</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1056" shownumber="no">Particular Collections</p>
<p id="c-p1057" shownumber="no">Apart from the above-described general collections there are some
special or particular collections that deserve brief mention.</p>
<ul id="c-p1057.1">
<li id="c-p1057.2">(1) Some of them deal with a particular heresy or schism, e. g. the
collections of Tours, Verona, Salzburg, Monte Cassino, those of Notre
Dame, of Rustiens, the Novaro-Vaticana, and the "Codex Encyclius"
relative to Eutyches and the Council of Chalcedon, the "Veronensis" and
the "Virdunensis" in the affair of Acacius.</li>
<li id="c-p1057.3">(2) Others contain the documents and juridical texts that concern
an individual church or country, e. g. the collection of Arles, in
which were gathered the privileges of that Church, the collections of
Lyons, Beauvais, Saint-Amand, Fécamp, etc., in which were brought
together the canons of the councils of France.</li>
<li id="c-p1057.4">(3) In the same category may be placed the 
<i>capitula</i> or episcopal statutes, i. e. decisions and regulations
collected from Various quarters by local bishops for the use and
direction of their clergy (see CAPITULARIES), e. g. the "Capitula" of
Theodulf of Orléans, end of the eighth century (P. L., CV), of
Hatto of Basle (882, in Mon. Germ. Hist: Leges, 1, 439-41), of Boniface
of Mainz (745, in D'Achéry, Spicilegium, ed. nova I, 597). Still
other collections deal with some special point of discipline. Such are
the ancient liturgical collections called by the Greeks "Euchologia"
(q. v.) and by the Latins "Libri mysteriorum", or "sacramentorum", more
usually "Sacramentaries" (q. v.), also since the eighth century the
"Ordines Romani" (q. v.) found in P. L., LXXVIII. Here, too, belong the
collections of ecclesiastical formulæ (see FORMULARIES, BOOKS OF),
especially the "Liber Diurnus" (q. v.) of the Roman Chancery, compiled
probably between 685 and 782 (P. L., CV, 11), edited by Garnier (Paris,
1680) and anew by M. de Rozières (Paris, 1869), and by Th. Sickel
(Vienna, 1889). Special mention is due to the "Penitentials" (Libri
Pœnitentiales), collections of penitential canons, councils, and
catalogues of ecclesiastical sanctions, to which were gradually added
rules for the administration of the Sacrament of Penance. This
important subject will be treated more fully under the article
PENITENTIAL BOOKS.</li>
</ul>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1058" shownumber="no">Collections of Ecclesiastico-Civil Laws</p>
<p id="c-p1059" shownumber="no">The civil law, as such, has no standing in the canonical forum. Yet
in the first centuries of her existence the Church often rounded out
her own legislation by adopting certain provisions of the secular laws.
Moreover, either by mutual agreement, as under the Carlovingian kings,
or by the civil power's usurpation of ecclesiastical domain, as
frequently happened under the Byzantine emperors, the civil authority
legislated on matters in themselves purely canonical; such laws it
behooved an ecclesiastic to know. Moreover, the priest often needs some
acquaintance with the pertinent civil law in order to decide properly
even in purely secular matters that are occasionally submitted to him.
Hence the utility of collections of civil laws concerning
ecclesiastical matters or the administration of the canonical laws 
(<i>praxis canonica</i>). We have already noted in the East the
collections known as "Nomocanones"; the West also had mixed collections
of the same nature.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1059.1">(1) Collections of Roman Law</h4>
<p id="c-p1060" shownumber="no">This law interested quite particularly the ecclesiastics of the
barbarian kingdoms that rose on the ruins of the Western Empire, since
they continued to live by it 
(<i>Ecclesia vivit lege romana</i>); moreover, apart from the laws of
the Anglo-Saxons, the legislation of all the barbarian peoples of Gaul,
Spain, and Italy was profoundly Influenced by the Roman law. (a) The
"Lex romana canonice compta", apparently compiled in Lombardy during
the ninth century, and handed down in a manuscript of the
Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris. It includes portions of the
"Institutiones" of the "Codex" of Justinian, and of the "Epitome" of
Julian.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1060.1">(2) Capitularies of the Frankish Kings</h4>
<p id="c-p1061" shownumber="no">The laws of the latter were very favourable to religious interests;
not a few of them were the result of the mutual deliberations of both
the civil and the ecclesiastical power. Hence the exceptional authority
of the royal capitularies (q. v.) before ecclesiastical tribunals. In
the first half of the ninth century Ansegisus, Abbot of Fontenelles
(823-33), collected in four books capitularies of Charlemagne, Louis
the Pious, and Lothaire; the first two books contain provisions
concerning the "ecclesiastical order", the latter two exhibit the "law
of the world". Ansegisus himself added three appendixes. His work was
widely used in France, Germany, and Italy, and was quoted in diets and
councils as an authentic collection.</p>
<p id="c-p1062" shownumber="no">This rapid sketch exhibits the vitality of the Church from the
earliest centuries, and her constant activity for the preservation of
ecclesiastical discipline. During this long elaboration the Greek
Church unifies her legislation, but accepts little from beyond her own
boundaries. On the other hand the Western Church, with perhaps the sole
exception of Africa, makes progress in the development of local
discipline and exhibits an anxiety to harmonize particular legislation
with the decretals of the popes, the canons of general councils, and
the special legislation of the rest of the Church. Doubtless in the
above-described collection of canons, the result of this long
disciplinary development, we meet with forged decrees of councils and
decretals of popes, even with forged collections, e. g. the collections
of pseudo-Apostolic legislation. Nevertheless the influence of these
apocryphal works on other canonical collections was restricted. The
latter were, almost universally, made up of authentic documents.
Canonical science in the future would have been nourished exclusively
from legitimate sources had not a larger number of forged documents
appeared about the middle of the ninth century (Capitula of Benedict
Levita, Capitula Angilramni, Canons of Isaac of Langres, above all the
collection of Pseudo-Isidore. See FALSE DECRETALS). But ecclesiastical
vigilance did not cease; in the West especially, the Church kept up an
energetic protest against the decay of her discipline; witness the many
councils, diocesan synods, and mixed assemblies of bishops and civil
officials, also the numerous (over forty) new canonical collections
from the ninth to the beginning of the twelfth century and whose
methodical order foreshadows the great juridical syntheses of later
centuries. Being compiled, however, for the most part not directly from
the original canonical sources, but from immediately preceding
collections, which in turn often depend on apocryphal productions of
the ninth century, they appear tainted to the extent in which they make
use of these forgeries. Such taint, however, affects the critical value
of these collections rather than the legitimacy of the legislation
which they exhibit. While the "False Decretals" affected certainly
ecclesiastical discipline, it is now generally recognized that they did
not introduce any essential or constitutional modifications. They gave
a more explicit formulation to certain principles of the constitution
of the Church, or brought more frequently into practice certain rules
hitherto less recognized in daily use. As to the substance of this long
development of disciplinary legislation, we may recognize with Paul
Fournier a double current. The German collections, while not failing to
admit the rights of the papal primacy, are seemingly concerned with the
adaptation of the canons to actual needs of time and place; this is
particularly visible in the collection of Burchard of Worms. The
Italian collections, on the other hand, insist more on the rights of
the papal primacy, and in general of the spiritual power. M. Fournier
indicates, as especially influential in this sense, the Collection in
Seventy-four Titles. Both tendencies meet and unite in the works of Yvo
of Chartres. The compilations of this epoch may, therefore, be classed
in these two broad categories. We do not, however, insist too strongly
on these views, as yet somewhat provisory, and proceed to describe the
principal collections of the next period, following, as a rule, the
chronological order.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1062.1">END OF THE NINTH CENTURY TO GRATIAN (1139-50)</h3>
<p id="c-p1063" shownumber="no">In these two centuries the ecclesiastical authorities were quite
active in their efforts to withstand the decay of Christian discipline;
the evidence of this is seen in the frequency of councils, mixed
assemblies of bishops and imperial officials, and diocesan synods whose
decrees (capitularies) were often published by the bishops. In this
period many new collections of canons were made, some forty of which,
as already said, are known to us.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1064" shownumber="no">The "Collectio Anselmo Dedicata"</p>
<p id="c-p1065" shownumber="no">Though as yet unedited, this collection is generally accounted quite
valuable by reason of its abundance of materials and its good order; it
was also one of the most widely used. Its twelve books treat the
following subjects: hierarchy, judgments, ecclesiastical persons,
spiritual things (rules of faith, precepts, sacraments, liturgies), and
persons separated from the Church. Its sources are the "Dionysiana",
the "Hispana", the correspondence 
(<i>Registrum</i>) of Gregory I, and various collections of civil laws.
Unfortunately it has also drawn on Pseudo-Isidore. It is dedicated to
Anselm, doubtless Anselm II of Milan (833-97), and is now held to have
been compiled in Italy towards the end of the ninth century. It is
certainly anterior to Burchard (1012-23), whose work depends on this
collection. The author is unknown.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1066" shownumber="no">The "Collection of Regino of Prüm"</p>
<p id="c-p1067" shownumber="no">The Collection of Regino is entitled "De ecclesiasticis disciplinis
et religione Christianâ" (on the discipline of the Church and the
Christian religion), and according to the preface was put together by
order of Ratbod, metropolitan of Trier, as a handy manual for episcopal
use in the course of diocesan visitations. Its two books treat:</p>
<ul id="c-p1067.1">
<li id="c-p1067.2">(1) of the clergy and ecclesiastical property, and</li>
<li id="c-p1067.3">(2) of the laity.</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p1068" shownumber="no">Each book begins with a list 
(<i>elenchus</i>) of questions that indicate the points of chief
importance in the eyes of the bishop. After this catechism, the Abbot
of Prüm (died 915) adds the canons and ecclesiastical authorities
relative to each question. The collection was made about 906 and seems
to depend on an earlier one edited by Richter under the title, "Antiqua
Canonum collectio qua in libris de synodalibus causis compilandis usus
est Regino Prumiensis" (Marburg, 1844). The text of Regino is found in
P. L., CXXXII; a more critical edition is that of Wasserschleben,
"Reginonis Abbatis Prum. libri duo de synodalibus causis" (Leipzig,
1840).</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1069" shownumber="no">The "Capitula Abbonis"</p>
<p id="c-p1070" shownumber="no">Abbo, Abbot of Fleury (died 1004), dedicated to Hugues Capet (died
996) and his son Robert (therefore before the end of the tenth century)
a collection in fifty-six chapters, dealing with the clergy,
ecclesiastical property, monks and their relations with the bishops.
Besides the canons and papal decretals, he made use of the
Capitularies, the Roman civil law, and the laws of the Visigoths; his
collection is peculiar in that he enclosed within his own context the
texts quoted by him. This collection is found in the second volume of
the "Vetera Analecta" of Mabillon (Paris, 1675-85), and is reprinted in
P. L., CXXXI.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1071" shownumber="no">The "Collectarium Canonum" or "Libri decretorum" of
Burchard of Worms</p>
<p id="c-p1072" shownumber="no">This collection is in twenty books and was compiled by Burchard, an
ecclesiastic of Mainz, later Bishop of Worms (1002-25), at the
suggestion of Brunicho, provost of Worms, and with the aid of Walter,
Bishop of Speyer, and the monk Albert. This is the work often called
"Brocardus". Burchard follows quite closely the following order:
hierarchy, liturgy, sacraments, delicts, sanctions, and criminal
procedure. The nineteenth book was familiarly known as "Medicus" or
"Corrector", because it dealt with the spiritual ailments of different
classes of the faithful; it has been edited by Wasserschleben in
"Bussordnungen der abendländischen Kirche" (Leipzig, 1851). The
twentieth, which treats of Providence, predestination, and the end of
the world, is therefore a theological treatise. The collection,
composed between 1013 and 1023 (perhaps in 1021 or 1022), is not a mere
compilation, but a revision of the ecclesiastical law from the
standpoint of actual needs, and an attempt to reconcile various
juridical antinomies or contradictions. Burchard is a predecessor of
Gratian and, like the latter, was a very popular canonist in his time.
It is to be regretted that he depends on the above-mentioned
ninth-century collections and even added to their apocryphal documents
and erroneous attributions. The two collections just described (Regino
and Collectio Anselmo dedicata) were known and largely used by him.
Pseudo-Isidore also furnished him more than 200 pieces. The entire
collection is in P. L., CXL.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1073" shownumber="no">The "Collectio Duodecim Partium"</p>
<p id="c-p1074" shownumber="no">yet unedited, is by an unknown, but probably a German, author. It
includes a great deal of Burchard, follows quite closely his order, and
by most is held to have copied his material, though some believe it
older than Burchard.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1074.1">
<i>The Collection in Seventy-four Books,</i> or "Diversorum sententia
Patrum"</h4>
<p id="c-p1075" shownumber="no">This collection, known to the Ballerini and Theiner, is the subject
of a careful study by Paul Fournier ("Le premier manuel canonique de ha
réforme du onzième siècle" in "Mélanges
d'Archéologie et d'Histoire publiés par l'Ecole
Française de Rome", 1894). He considers it a compilation of the
middle of the eleventh century, done about the reign of St. Leo IX
(1048-54), and in the entourage of that pope and Hildebrand; moreover,
it was well known in and out of Italy and furnished to other
collections not only their general order, but also much of their
material. Fournier believes it the source of the collection of Anselm
of Lucca, of the "Tarraconensis" and the "Polycarpus" (see below), also
of other collections specified by him. This collection is yet unedited;
Fournier gives (op. cit.) the beginnings and endings 
(<i>Incipit, Explicit</i>) of all the titles, also references to their
sources.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1076" shownumber="no">The Collection of St. Anselm of Lucca</p>
<p id="c-p1077" shownumber="no">This collection, wrongly adjudicated from the Bishop of Lucca.
(1073-86), is divided into thirteen books, based on Burchard and the
"Collectio Anselmo dedicata", and contains many apocryphal pieces; it
also contains papal decretals not found in other collections, whence
the Ballerini concluded that St. Anselm consulted directly the
pontifical archives. It has no preface; from the beginning 
(<i>Incipit</i>) of a Vatican manuscript it is clear that St. Anselm
compiled the work during the pontificate and by order of St. Gregory
VII (died 1085). It passed almost entire into the Decretum of Gratian.
A critical edition is owing to Fr. Thaner, who published the first four
books under the title "Anselmi episcopi Lucensis collectio canonum una
cum collectione minore Jussu Instituti Saviniani (Savigny) recensuit F.
T." (Innsbruck, 1906).</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1078" shownumber="no">The Collection of Cardinal Deusdedit</p>
<p id="c-p1079" shownumber="no">Created by St. Gregory VII, Cardinal Deusdedit was enabled to use
the correspondence 
(<i>Registrum</i>) of this pope, also the Roman archives. His work is
dedicated to Victor III (1086-87), the successor of Pope Gregory, and
dates therefore from the reign of Victor; its four books on the papal
primacy, the Roman clergy, ecclesiastical property, and the Patrimony
of Peter, reflect the contemporary anxieties of the papal entourage
during this phase of the conflict between the Church and the empire. We
owe to Pio Martinueci (Venice, 1869) a very imperfect edition of this
collection, and to Wolf de Granvell, professor at Gratz, a critical
edition (Die Kanonessammlung des Kardinals Deusdedit, Paderborn,
1906).</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1080" shownumber="no">Collection of Bonizo</p>
<p id="c-p1081" shownumber="no">Bonizo, Bishop of Sutri near Piacenza, published, apparently a
little later than 1089, a collection in ten books preceded by a brief
preface. In this work he treats successively the catechism and baptism,
then the duties of divers classes of the faithful: ecclesiastical
rulers and inferior clergy, temporal authorities and their subjects,
finally of the cure of souls and the penitential canons. The fourth
book only (De excellentiâ Ecclesiæ Romanæ) has found an
editor, Cardinal Mai, in the seventh volume of his "Nova Bibliotheca
Patrum" (Rome, 1854).</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1082" shownumber="no">The "Polycarpus"</p>
<p id="c-p1083" shownumber="no">A collection in eight books so called by its author, Gregory,
Cardinal of San Crisogono, and dedicated to an Archbishop of
Compostella, of whose name only the initial "D." is given; in all
probability he is Didacus, archbishop of that see from 1101 to 1120,
which is therefore the approximate date of the "Polycarpus". It seems
to depend on Anselm of Lucca and on the "Collectio Anselmo dedicata",
and the above-mentioned "Collection in Seventy-four Books"; the author,
however, must have had access to the Roman archives. This collection is
as yet unedited.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1084" shownumber="no">Collection of Yvo of Chartres</p>
<p id="c-p1085" shownumber="no">Both by his writings and his acts this great bishop exercised a
pronounced influence on the development of canon law in the first
quarter of the twelfth century (he died 1115 or 1117). We owe to Paul
Fournier a profound study of his juridical activity ("Les collections
canoniques attribuées à Yves de Chartres", Paris, 1897 and
"Yves de Chartres et le droit canonique" in "Revue des questions
historiques", 1898, LXII, 51, 385). Not to mention the "Tripartita"
(see below), he has left us:</p>
<h4 id="c-p1085.1">(1) The "Decretum"</h4>
<p id="c-p1086" shownumber="no">The Decretum is a vast repertory in seventeen parts and three
thousand seven hundred and sixty chapters; though roughly subdivided
under the aforesaid seventeen rubrics, its contents are thrown together
without order and seemingly represent undigested results of the
author's studies and researches; hence it has been surmised that the
"Decretum" is a mere preparatory outline of the "Panormia" (see below),
its material in the rough. Theiner does not admit that the "Decretum"
is the work of Yvo; it is, nevertheless, generally accepted that Yvo is
the author, or at least that he directed the compilation. Nearly all of
Burchard is found therein, and in addition a host of canonical texts,
also Roman and Frankish law texts gathered from Italian sources.
Fournier dates it between 1090 and 1095. It is found in P. L.,
CLXI.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1086.1">(2) The "
<i>Panormia</i>"</h4>
<p id="c-p1087" shownumber="no">The Panormia, admittedly a work of Yvo. It is much shorter than the
"Decretum" (having only eight books) and is also more compact and
orderly. Its material is taken from the Decretum, but it offers some
additions, particularly in the third and fourth books. It seems to have
been composed about 1095, and appears at that time as a kind of
methodical 
<i>Summa</i> of the canon law; with Burchard it divided popularity in
the next fifty years, i. e. until the appearance of the "Decretum" of
Gratian.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1088" shownumber="no">The "Tripartita"</p>
<p id="c-p1089" shownumber="no">The Tripartita, so called because of its triple division. It
contains in its first part papal decretals as late as Urban II (died
1099), and is therefore not of later date; its second part offers
canons of the councils after the "Hispana" text; the third part
contains extracts from the Fathers and from the Roman and the Frankish
law. Hitherto it was supposed to have been taken from the "Decretum" of
Yvo or composed by some unknown author. Fournier, however, thinks that
only the third book postdates the "Decretum", and then as an abridgment
(A). The other two books he considers a trial-essay of the "Decretum",
by Yvo himself, or by some writer who worked under his direction while
he laboured at the vast bulk of the "Decretum". These two books,
according to Fournier, formed a separate collection (A) later on joined
to the above-mentioned third book (B), in which manner arose the actual
"Tripartita". In this hypothesis many chapters in the "Decretum" were
borrowed from the afore-mentioned (A) collection, whose nucleus is
found in its extracts from Pseudo-Isidore completed from divers other
sources, especially by use of a collection of Italian origin, now kept
in the British Museum. hence known as the "Britannica". The
"Tripartita" is yet unedited.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p1090" shownumber="no">Divers Collections</p>
<p id="c-p1091" shownumber="no">All three of these above-described collections (Decretum, Panormia,
Tripartita) called for and found abridgements. Moreover, new
collections arose, owing to fresh additions to these great compilations
and new combinations with other similar works. Among them are:</p>
<ul id="c-p1091.1">
<li id="c-p1091.2">(1) The "Cæsaraugustana", so called because found in a
Carthusian monastery near Saragossa. It seems to have been compiled in
Aquitaine, and contains no papal decretals later than Paschal II (died
1118), which suggests its composition at a previous date. Its fifteen
books borrow much from the "Decretum" of Yvo of Chartres.</li>
<li id="c-p1091.3">(2) The "Collection in Ten Parts", compiled in France between 1125
and 1130, an enlarged edition of the "Panormia".</li>
<li id="c-p1091.4">(3) The "Summa-Decretorum" of Haymo, Bishop of Châlons (1153),
an abridgment of the preceding.</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p1092" shownumber="no">Antonius Augustinus (q. v.), who made known in the sixteenth century
the "Cæsaraugustana", revealed also the existence of the
"Tarraconensis", which came to him from the Cistercian monastery of
Ploblete, near Tarragona. It is in six books and has no documents later
than the reign of Gregory VII (died 1085). It belongs, therefore, to
the end of the eleventh century; the "Correctores Romani", to whom we
owe (1572-85) the official edition of the "Corpus Juris canonici", made
use of the "Tarraconensis". Fournier called attention to two
manuscripts of this collection, one in the Vatican, the other in the
Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris (see above, the 
<i>Collection in Seventy-four Books</i>).</p>
<p id="c-p1093" shownumber="no">BALLERINI, 
<i>De antiquis Collectionibus et collectoribus canonum</i> in 
<i>P. L.,</i> LVI; MAASSEN, 
<i>Gesch. der Quellen und der Lit. des canon. Rechts</i> (Gratz, 1870);
A. TARDIF, 
<i>Hist. des sources du droit canonique</i> (Paris, 1887); HUBLER, 
<i>Kirchenrechtsquellen</i> (Berlin, 1898); PHILIPPS, 
<i>Kirchenrechts</i> (Ratisbon, 1845), IV, and 
<i>Droit ecclésiastique dans ses sources</i> (tr. CROUZET, Paris,
1852); WERNZ, 
<i>Jus Decretalium</i> (Rome, 1905), I. tit. xi; SCHERER, 
<i>Handbuch des Kirchenrechts</i> (Gratz, 1898), I;
SÄGMÜLLER, 
<i>Lehrbuch des Kathol. Kirchenrechts</i> (Ratisbon, 1900); VERING, 
<i>Lehrbuch d. Kath.-Orient. u. Prot. Kirchenrechts</i> (Freiburg,
1893); BICKELL, 
<i>Gesch. des Kirchenrechts</i> (Giessen, 1843), I; WALTER, 
<i>Lehrbuch des Kirchenrechts aller christlichen Confessionen</i>
(Bonn, 1871); POHLE in 
<i>Kirchenlex.,</i> II, 1845.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1094" shownumber="no">JULES BESSON.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1094.1" title="Canons, Ecclesiastical" type="Encyclopedia">Ecclesiastical Canons</term>
<def id="c-p1094.2">
<h1 id="c-p1094.3">Ecclesiastical Canons</h1>
<p id="c-p1095" shownumber="no">Ecclesiastical Canons are certain rules or norms of conduct or
belief prescribed by the Church. The name is derived from the Greek 
<i>kanon</i>, the instrument used by architects and artificers for
making straight lines. Some writers think that the Church preferred the
word 
<i>canon</i> to 
<i>law</i>, as the latter had a harsh meaning for the faithful in the
times of persecution. The early Fathers use canon as equivalent to the
rule of faith, or for some formula expressing a binding obligation on
Christians (Irenæus, Adv. Hær., I, ix; Tertullian, De
Præscr., 13). Bickell declares that for the first three hundred
years, canon is scarcely ever found for a separate and special decree
of the Church; rather does it designate the rule of faith in general.
He appeals to the fact that the plural form of the word is seldom used
in the earliest Christian writers (Bickell, Geschichte des
Kirchenrechts, I, 8). With the fourth century began the use of canon
for a disciplinary decree, owing to its employment in this sense by the
First Council of Nice (325). The Cassinese editors of Ferraris (s. v.
Canones) say that in the first ages of the Church many disciplinary
regulations were not required, and hence it was scarcely necessary to
discriminate decrees into dogmatic and disciplinary, as the faithful
classed both under the obligation to observe the general rule of faith.
From the fourth century onward, canon signified almost universally a
disciplinary decree of a council or of the Roman pontiffs. The word
decretum during the same period, though signifying in general an
authoritative statute or decision, began to be limited more and more to
dogmatic matters, while canon when used in opposition to it was
restricted to laws of discipline. That this usage, however, was not
invariable is evident from Gratian's use of "Decretum" to signify his
collection of canons and decrees. From the Council of Nice to that of
Trent exclusive, the regulations concerning discipline issued by
assemblies of bishops received the name of canons.</p>
<p id="c-p1096" shownumber="no">With the Council of Trent in the sixteenth century began the
departure from this ancient usage. This council used the word 
<i>canon</i> for short, dogmatic definitions with an anathema attached
to them. On the other hand it gave the name of 
<i>decrees</i> to its disciplinary regulations. The example set by
Trent was followed by the Council of the Vatican. The usage of Trent
seems to bring canon nearer to the signification it bore before the
Council of Nice, when it referred rather to faith than to discipline.
The general idea of a decision by Church authority seems to be also the
root-meaning of the expressions "Canon of Scripture", "Canon of the
Mass", "Canon of Saints", although for the last term Ducange (s. v.
Canonizare) suggests a somewhat different origin. As ecclesiastical
regulations began to multiply, it became necessary to gather them into
codices, which generally received the title of "Collection of Canons"
(see CANONS, COLLECTIONS OF ANCIENT). In these, civil laws are often
added to the Church regulations. For such collections the Greeks used
the term 
<i>Nomocanones</i>. The Latins have no special name for them, though
Capitularies (q. v.), e. g. of Charlemagne, is sometimes referred to as
a somewhat parallel usage in the West.</p>
<p id="c-p1097" shownumber="no">As to the authority of ecclesiastical canons, it is evident a
distinction must be made when speaking of canons of faith and canons of
discipline, for the former are irreversible, the latter are not.
Similarly, it is plain that canons containing a precept already binding
by reason of Divine or natural law, cannot be on the same footing as
those that are of mere ecclesiastical origin. In general, the "Corpus
Juris Canonici" declares (cap. 1. de Const.) that canonical statutes
are binding on all; likewise (cap. Quum scimus) that bishops are the
guardians of the canons and must see to their observance. When there is
question of canons in the ordinary ecclesiastical sense (namely, that
which obtained before the Council of Trent), as they refer principally
to matters of discipline, it must be borne in mind that they are
neither immutable nor irreformable. The subject-matter of such canons
depends not only on circumstances of persons, places, and times, but
also on considerations of expediency or temporary necessity. A change
in any of the causes which brought about the framing of the canons,
will make a change in their binding-force, for disciplinary regulations
are almost necessarily mutable. In like manner when there is question
of the binding force of a canon, it is important to determine whether
it was issued by a general council or by the decree of a pope, as
imposing an obligation on all the faithful, or whether it was framed
solely for restricted regions or persons. In the latter case its
binding-force is as restricted as its scope.</p>
<p id="c-p1098" shownumber="no">It must be borne in mind that the object which the Church has always
had in view in promulgating her canons has been the guidance and
preservation of the clergy and laity in the duties of a Christian life
and in the best methods of ecclesiastical administration. Although,
therefore, such canons contain elements of positive human law, yet
ultimately they are founded on the Divine or natural law. As such they
cannot be entirely abrogated by contrary custom (Ferraris, loc. cit.),
though their rigour may be mitigated by certain circumstances, on the
ceasing of which, the pristine rigour of the canon would be again
binding. When they are entirely of human law, they may, of course, be
completely abrogated, not only by legislation on the part of the proper
authorities, but also by legitimate custom. The study of the sacred
canons is especially enjoined on the clergy. Perhaps most of the
regulations refer directly to ecclesiastics, and the clergy will find
in them the surest guidance for their own conduct and for the fruitful
exercise of their ministry in directing the faithful. The neglect of
the prescriptions of the sacred canons has always been the source of
corruption in morals, and perhaps the chief reason for the loss of
faith by nations as well as by individuals.</p>
<p id="c-p1099" shownumber="no">FERRARIS, 
<i>Bibliotheca</i> (Rome, 1888), II; SMITH, 
<i>Elements of Eccl. Law</i> (New York, 1895), I; WERNZ, 
<i>Jus Decretalium</i> (Rome, 1898); BICKELL. 
<i>Geschichte des Kirchenrechts</i> (Leipzig, 1843).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1100" shownumber="no">WILLIAM H. W. FANNING.</p>
</def>


<term id="c-p1100.1" title="Canons and Canonesses Regular" type="Encyclopedia">Canons and Canonesses Regular</term>
<def id="c-p1100.2">
<h1 id="c-p1100.3">Canons and Canonesses Regular</h1>
<p id="c-p1101" shownumber="no">(Also called REGULAR CLERICS, RELIGIOUS CLERICS, CLERIC-CANONS,
AUGUSTINIAN CANONS, BLACK CANONS, MONXCANONS).</p>
<p id="c-p1102" shownumber="no">According to St. Thomas Aquinas, a 
<i>canon regular</i> is essentially a religious cleric, or, as the same
doctor aptly expresses it: "The Order of Canons Regular is necessarily
constituted by religious clerics, because they are essentially destined
to those works which relate to the Divine mysteries, whereas it is not
so with the monastic Orders." (II-II:189:8 ad 2um, and II-II:184:8). We
have then here what constitutes a canon regular and what distinguishes
him from a monk. The clerical state is essential to the Order of Canons
Regular, whereas it is only accidental to the Monastic Order. Hence
Erasmus, himself a canon regular, declared that the canons regular are
a 
<i>quid medium</i> between the monks and the secular clergy. And for
the same reason Nigellus Vireker, a Benedictine monk of Canterbury in
the twelfth century, contrasts the life of canons regular, as he know
them, with that of his own brethren and the Cistercians, pointing out
the advantages of the former. The canons, he tells us, were spared the
long choral duties, the sharp reproofs, the stern discipline of the
Black Monks, and were not bound to the Spartan simplicity of vesture
and diet of the field-working Cisterians ("Speculum Stultorum", Rolls
Series: "The Anglo-Latin Satirical poets of the Twelfth Century"). The
"Llanthony Chronicler" relates how the first founders of his famous
abbey, having consulted among themselves, decided to become canons
regular, first, because on account of the charity they were well liked
by all, and then because they were satisfied with a modest manner of
living, their habit, though clean, being decent, neither too coarse,
nor too rich. In this moderation of life we may say that canons regular
follow the example of their lawgiver, St. Augustine, of whom St.
Possidius, his biographer, relates that his habit, his furniture, his
clothes were always decent, neither too showy nor too humble and
shabby.</p>
<p id="c-p1103" shownumber="no">The spirit of the canonical order is thus quaintly but clearly
explained in the "Observances in Use at the Augustinian Priory at
Barnwell, Cambridge," lately edited with a translation by F.W.
Clarke:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p1103.1">The road along which Canons Regular walk in order to reach
the heavenly Jerusalem is the rule of Blessed Augustine. Furthur lest
Canons Regular should wander away from the rule, there are given to
them, in addition, observances in accordance with it handed down from
remote ages and approved among holy fathers in all quarters of the
world. This rule is simple and easy, so that unlearned men and children
can walk in it without stumbling. On the other hand it is deep and
lofty, so that the wise and strong can find in it matter for abundant
and perfect contemplation. An elephant can swim in it and a lamb can
walk in it safely. As a lofty tower surrounded on all sides by walls
makes the soldiers who garrison it safe, fearless, and impregnable, so
the rule of Blessed Augustine, fortified on all sides by observances in
accordance with it, makes its soldiers, that is, Canon Regular,
undismayed at the attacks, safe and invincible.</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1104" shownumber="no">To explain further the nature and distinctive spirit of the 
canonical order, we may say, with St. Augustine, that a canon regular 
professes two things, 
<i>"sanctitatem et clericatum"</i>. He lives in community, he leads the
life of a religious, he sings the praises of God by the daily
recitation of the Divine Office in choir; but at the same time, at the
bidding of his superiors, he is prepared to follow the example of the
Apostles by preaching, teaching, and the administration of the
sacraments, or by giving hospitality to pilgrims and travellers, and
tending the sick. And so we find that Pope Paschal II, in his Bull
addressed in 1118 to the prior and community at Colchester, tells them
that their order has always been devoted to preaching, hearing
confessions, and baptizing, and ready to accept the care of such
parishes and public chapels as might be entrusted to their charge. This
has been pointed out by other popes, as also by St. Ives of Chartres,
and by Cancellieri, who, quoting the authority of an ancient writer to
the effect that the clerics living in common in the Lateran Basilica
observed the regulations introduced there by Pope Gelasius, says that
"their work was the administration of the sacraments and the offering
of prayer." It is the same now. From one monastery alone, that of St.
Florian, in Austria, some forty parishes are served, and those same
canons who gave hospitality on the Great St. Bernard serve a number of
parishes in the Canton Valais. The public prayer, or liturgical office,
is celebrated with all the splendour befitting God's honour and His
house. But the canons regular do not confine themselves exclusively to
canonical functions. Nothing, unless incompatible with the duty of
clerics is rejected. To this day, as already mentioned, they give
hospitality to pilgrims and travelers on the Great St. Bernard and on
the Simplon, and in former times the hospitals of St. Bartholomew's
Smithfield, in London, of S. Spirito, in Rome, of Lochleven, Monymusk,
and St. Andrew's, in Scotland, and others like them, were all served by
canons regular. In fact, many congregations of canons made it their
chief end to work among the poor, the lepers, the insane, and the
infirm. The clerics established by St. Patrick in Ireland had a Guest
House for pilgrims and the sick whom they tended by day and by night.
And the rule given by Chrodegang to this canons enjoined that a
hospital should be near their house that they might tend the sick. The
Councilof Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen) also ordains the erection of a
hospital for pilgrims over which a canon regular is to preside.</p>
<p id="c-p1105" shownumber="no">The essential and characteristic habit of canons regular is the
rochet. With regtard to the other parts, their dress, as a general
rule, is that of other clergy, although some have added a scapular. By
most the rochet is worn as part of their daily dress, though sometimes
reduced to a small linen band hanging from the shoulders in front and
behind. it is now so worn in Austria, on the Great St. Bernard, and at
Aosta. As to the colour of the dress there is no fixed rule, the custom
and traditions of the various Congregations may be observed. The
general colour seems to have been white as now worn by the Lateran
Congregation. A question having been raised as to the proper habit of a
canon regular, when named bishop, it was settled by a Brief of Leo X. A
long dissertation on the dress of the canons regular was presented to
the pope by jurisconsult, Zaccaria Ferreri, who maintained that, with
the exception of the rochet, the canons regular, like the secular
clergy, had no fixed dress. It may be interesting to note that, in this
dissertation on the authority of the "Most Reverend Lord Cardinal of
England, and many other Prelates, and the English Ambassador", the
author says, "in England the Canons Regular wore violet like the other
clergy." In the Constitutions given by Cardinal Wolsey to canons
regular mention is also made of this variety of habit.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1105.1">ORIGIN</h3>
<p id="c-p1106" shownumber="no">Having thus explained what a canon regular is, and what the spirit
and work of the canonical order are, it will be easier now to answer
such questions as these:</p>
<ul id="c-p1106.1">
<li id="c-p1106.2">Who was the founder of the canons regular?</li>
<li id="c-p1106.3">Whence do they drive their origin?</li>
<li id="c-p1106.4">When and where were they first known?</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p1107" shownumber="no">Various and contradictory opinions have been expressed to answer
these and similar questions. There have been some writers who, like the
famous Cistercian abbot, Joachim, Coriolanus, Marquez, and others held
that the canonical order began about 1100. According to others the
order dates from the time of Charlemagne, who expressed the wish that
all the clergy should be either monks or canons living in common, as
prescribed by the Council of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 789, and Mainz, in
813. The great Bishop of Hippo is also regarded by some as the founder
of the canonical institute. All these opinions are set aside by many
other writers, and especially by the historians of the order, who
almost unanimously trace back the origin of the canons regular much
farther in antiquity. Their institute, they maintain, was founded by
Christ Himself, and dates from the time of the Apostles. These writers
and historians begin by saying that, although it be true that there was
a great revival, or general reformation and spreading of the order in
the twelfth century, in France and elsewhere through the zeal of Ives,
Bishop of Chartres, in italy through the newlyfounded congregation of
Blessed Peter de Honestis, and elsewhere through the congregation of
St. Rufus, yet this does not imply that the order took its origin at
that epoch, but rather -- since it needed reforming -- that it had
already existed for some time. History, in fact, tells us that about
the eleventh century the regular or canonical life hitherto observed
alsmost everywhere by the clergy was given up in many churches, and
thus a distinctiion was made between the clerics who lived in separate
houses and those who still preserved the old discipline, living under
rule and having all things in common. The former were called 
<i>canonici saeculares</i>, the latter 
<i>canonici regulares</i>, by which name they have been known ever
since. It is also true that in the year 763 Chrodegang, Bishop of metz,
assembled the clergy of his cathedral around him, led with them a
community life, and gave them a rule taken from the statutes of ancient
orders and canons, a discipline also recommended shortly after by the
Councils of Aix-la-Chapelle and Mainz; but in doing this he was only
following the example of St. Augustine, who had introduced among his
own clergy the manner of life which he had seen practiced at Milan. And
that is why the member so the canonical order regard St. Augustine not
as their founder, but only as their reformer, or lawgiver; because to
the clergy who lived with him he had given certain special
regulatiions, which were in course of time adopted by almost all the
canons regular, who were on that account called "Canons Regular of St.
Augustine."</p>
<p id="c-p1108" shownumber="no">Those who believe in the Apostolic origin of the canonical
institute, support their contention by the authority of popes,
theologians, and church historians. There is abundant evidence, they
say that Christ Himslef instituted a perfect religious state, and that
it was embraced by the Apostles and many of their disciples from the
very beginning of the Church. It is also certain that from the time of
the Apostles there have always been in the Church clerics who,
following the example of the primitive Christians, living "secundum
regulam sub sanctis Apostolis constitutam" (according to the Apostolic
Rule), had all things in common. Eusebius, the historian, relates that
St. Mark, the disciple of St. Peter, established this discipline at
Alexandria, as did St. Crescentius in Gaul, St. Saturninus in Spain,
and St. Maternus in Germany. We know that St. Eusebius introduced it at
Vercelli in Italy, and St. Amborse at Milan. Pope Urban I (A.D. 227),
Paschal II (1099), Benedict XII (1334), Eugenius IV (1431), Sixtus V,
and Pius V in their various Letters and bulls, are quoted by the
historians of the order, to prove distinctly that St. Augustine, Bishop
of Hippo, only restored, or caused to reflourish, the order of canons
regular, which was first instituted by the Apostles. St. antoninus,
Vincent of Beauvais, Sigebert, Peter of Cluny, Fagnani, and many others
tell us that the canonical order traces back its origin to the earliest
ages of the Church. It will suffice to give here the authority of
Suarez, who sums up the case very clearly. After having stated that the
Apostles taught by Christ Himslef formed the first order of clerics,
and that the order did not perish with the Apostles, but was preserved
by continuous succession in their disciples, as proved by letters of
Pope St. Clement and urban I (though these letters are Pseudo-Isidorain
in character), the writer continues:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p1108.1">We read in the Life of St. Augustine that when he was made
priest, he instituted a monastery within the church and began to live
with the servants of God according to the manner and rules constituted
by the holy Apostles. Many therefore suppose that the Order of Regular
Clerics, or Canons Regular, was not instituted by St. Augustine, but
was either reformed by him or introduced by him into Africa and
furnished witha special rule. Pius IV maintains that the Order of
Regular Clerics was instituted by the Apostles, and this Benedict XII
confirms in his preface to the Constitutions of the Canons Regular.
There is no question as regards the continuance of this state from the
time of St. Augustine to this time, although with great variety as far
as various institutes are concerned.</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1109" shownumber="no">To this we may add
that when a controversy arose between the Benedictine monks and the
canons regular with regard to precedence, the question was settled by
Pius V in favour of the canons, on account of their Apostolic origin.
We may then conclude with the words of Cardinal Pie, who, addressing
the canons regular of the Lateran Congregation, whom he had established
at Beauchene in his diocese, says:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p1109.1">These that are clothed in white robes, who are they, and
whence come they come, I will tell you. heir origin is nothing else but
the society and the common life of Jesus and His Apostles, the original
model of community life between the bishop and his clergy. On that
account they chiefly come from Hippo and from the home of Augustine,
who has given them a Rule, which they still glory to
observe.</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1110" shownumber="no">The name 
<i>Austin</i> (or 
<i>Augustinian</i>) 
<i>Canons</i> is commonly used instead of 
<i>Canons Regular</i>, and there are some who think that Austin Canons
are so styled because they were instituted by St. Augustine. This is a
wrong notion. St. Augustine did not found the order of canons regular,
not even those who are called Austin Canons. There were canons regular
before St. Augustine. The various authoritites quoted in this article
prove it. All St. Austin did was to induce his clergy to live 
<i>secundum regulam sub sanctis Apostolis constitutam</i>, which he had
seen practised at Milan, adding to the Apostolic Rule hitherto observed
by clerics living in common, some regulations, afterwards called the
"Rule of St. Augustine." Or, in the words of Pope Paschal II in a Bull
quoted by Pennott, "Vitæ regularis propositum in primitiva
ecclesia cognoscitur ab Apostolis institutum quam B. Augustinus tam
gratanter amplexus est ut eam regulis informaret" (A regular mode of
life is recognized in the Early Church as instituted by the Apostles,
and adopted earnestly by Blessed Augustine, who provided it with new
regulations) -- 
<i>Hist. Tripart.</i>, Lib. II, c. iv, 4. These regulations which St.
Austin had given to the clerics who lived with him soon spread and were
adopted by other religious communities of canons regular in Italy, in
France, and elsewhere. When, in and after the eleventh century, the
various congregations of canons regular were formed, and adopted the
Rule of St. Augustine, they were usually called 
<i>Canonici Regulares Ordinis S. Augustini Congregationis</i>, and in
England Austin Canons, or Black Canons. but there have always been
canons regular who never adopted the Rule of St. Augustine. Giraldus
Cambrenisis mentions some in his day in England. In a word, canons
regular may be considered as the genus, and austin Canons as the
species; or we may say that all Austin Canons are canons regular, but
not all canons regular are Austin canons.</p>
<p id="c-p1111" shownumber="no">If further proofs of the Apostolic origin of the canonical order are
desired, many may be found in the work of Abbot Ceasare Benvenuti (see
bibilograhpy at end of this article), who century by century, from
councils, Fathers, and other ecclesiastical sources, proves that from
the first to the twelfth century there had always been clerics living
in common according to the example of the Apostles. It will be enough
to citehere the authority of Döllinger who, after saying that from
the time of the Apostles there have been in the Church, virgins,
laymen, and ecclesiastics named ascetics, continues:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p1111.1"><p id="c-p1112" shownumber="no">At Vercelli the holy Bp. Eusebius intorduced the severe
discipline of the Oriental monks among his clergy both by word and
example. Before the gat of Milan was a cloister for monks under the
protection of St. Ambrose. . .St. Augustine, when a priest, founded a
cloister at Hippo, in which with other clerics he lived in humility and
community of goods. When Bishop his episcopal residence was converted
into a cloister for ecclesiastics. 
(<i>Eccl. History</i>, tr. by the Rev. E. Cox, II, 270).</p></blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1113" shownumber="no">To this again may be added, among many others, 
the words of Benedict XII, Eugenius IV, Pius IV, and Pius V, in their 
bulls, all asserting almost in as many words, what has been here 
said. The following words, taken from the Martyrologium for canons 
regular and approved by the Congregation of Sacred Rites, will 
suffice for the purpose:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p1113.1"><p id="c-p1114" shownumber="no">Ordo Canonicorum Regularium, qui in primaevis Ecclesiae
saeculis Clerici nominabantur utque ait S. Pius V. in Bullâ 
(<i>Cum ex ordinum</i> 14 Kal. Jan., 1570): 'ab Apostolis originem
traxerunt, quique ab Augustiono eorum Reformatore iterum per
reformationis viam mundo geniti fuere', per universum orbem diffusus
innumerabilium SS. agmine fulget.</p></blockquote>

<blockquote id="c-p1114.1"><p id="c-p1115" shownumber="no">(The order of canons regular, who in the early ages of the Church
were called clerics, and who, as St. Pius V says in the Bull 
<i>Cum ex ordinum</i>, 1570, derived their origin from the Apostles,
and who later were born anew to the world through a process of
reformation, by their reformer, Augustine, being spread throughout the
universe, are renowned for an army of innumerable
saints).</p></blockquote>

<h3 id="c-p1115.1">DEVELOPMENT</h3>

<p id="c-p1116" shownumber="no">This rule, which, in the words of Giraldus Cambrensis, happily joins
the canonical and clerical life together, was soon adopted by many
prelates, not only in Africa, but elsewhere also. After the death of
the holy Doctor, it was carried into Italy and France by his disciples.
One of them, Pope Gelasius, about the year 492, re-established the
regular life in the Lateran Basilica. From St. John Lateran (the Mother
and Mistress of all Churches) the reform spread till at length the Rule
was universally adopted by almost all the canons regular. It was in the
same Lateran Basilica, tradition tells us, that St. Patrick, the future
Apostle of Ireland, professed the canonical institute which he
afterwards intorduced with the Christian Faith, into his own country.
At the voice of the great apostle the Irish nation not only embraced
Christianity, but many also, following his example, embraced the
canonical life. On the authority of Sir James Ware, Canon Burke (Life
and Labours of St. Augustine) asserts that "all the monasteries founded
in Ireland by St. Patrick, were for canons regular." This opinion is
also maintained by Allemande, who affirms (Hist. monastique de
l'Irlande) that "the Regular Canons of St. Augustine were so early or
considerable in Ireland before the general suppression of monasteries,
that the number of houses they are said to have had seems incredible.
They alone possessed, or had been master of, as many houses as all the
other orders together, and almost all the chapters of the cathedral and
collegiate churches in Ireland consisted of canons regular." To these
authorities we might add that of the Rev. R. Butler, who, in his notes
to the "Registrum Omnium Sanctorum", expressly affirms that the "old
foundations in Ireland were exclusively for Canons." We might also
quote the the words of Bishop Thomas de Burgo, who, in his "Hibernia
Dominicana", does not hesitate to say that St. Patrick was a canon
regular, and that, having preached the Christian Faith in Ireland, he
established there many monasteries of the canonical institute. After
this no one will think that the same writer exaggerates when he appends
to his work a catalogue of 231 monasteries which at some time or other
belonged to canons and canonenesses regular. The Irish clerics became
the most learned scholars in Europe, Ireland's seats of learning,
monasteries, nunneries, and charitable institutions were usnsurpassed
either in number or excellence by those of any nation in th world. The
Abbot or Priors of Christ Church and All Hallows in Dublin, of Connell,
Kells, Athessel, Killagh, Newton, and Raphoe had seats in
Parliament.</p>
<p id="c-p1117" shownumber="no">There seems very little doubt that the canonical institute was
introduced into Scotland by St. Columba. This saint, called
"monasteriorum pater et fundator," in reference to the numerous
churches and monasteries built either by him or by his disciples in
Ireland and Scotland, was formed to the religious life in the monastery
of St. Finnian. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 
<i>anno</i> 565, relates that Columba, Masspreost (Mass-Priest), "came
to the Picts to convert them to Christ", or, as another manuscript
says: "This year, 565, Columba the Messa-preost, came from the parts of
the Scots (Ireland) to the Britons to teach the Picts, and built a
monastery in the island of Hy." To what order this monastery, founded
by Columba, belonged, we may judge from other monasteries built by the
saint in Ireland and Scotland. As we have already stated, St. Columba
was the disciple of St. Finnian, who was a follower of St. Patrick;
both then had learned and embraced the regular life which the great
Apostle had established in Ireland. Moreover, such writers as Ware, de
Burgo, Archdall, Cardinal Moran, Bower, expressly tell us that Columba
built monasteries for canons regular in Ireland and Scotland. So, for
instance, Ware, in his "Antiquitates Hiberniae", writing of Derry,
says: "St. Columba built (this monastery) for Canons Regular in the
year 545." This monastery was a filiation of the monastery of SS. Peter
and Paul at Armagh -- which, according to the same writer, had been
founded by "St. Patrick for Canons Regular." Again, tradition places
the first landing of the saint on leaving Ireland at Oronsay, and
Fordun (Bower) notices the island as "Hornsey, ubi est monasterium
nigrorum Canonicorum, quod fundavit S. Columba" (where is the monastery
of Black Canons which St. Columba founded). Speaking of the very
monastery built by the saint at Hy, another historian, Gervase of
Canterbury, in his "Mappa Mundi", informs us that the monastery
belonged to the Black Canons.</p>
<p id="c-p1118" shownumber="no">It may be here the place to mention the opinion of some writers who
think that the monasteries established by St. Columba in Scotland were
for Culdees. It will be remembered that numerous opinions have been
expressed concerning the origin and the institute of the Culdees, some
calling them monks, some secular canons and hospitallers, and others
going so far as to say that they were Independents, or Dissenters, nay
even the forefathers of the modern Freemasons. The present writer, on
the other hand, is of opinion that the Culdees originally, and some
even to the very end, were nothing else but clerics living in common
just as those St. Patrick had established in Ireland and St. Columba
had introduced into Scotland.</p>
<p id="c-p1119" shownumber="no">At the time of the Reformation there were in Scotland at least
thirty-four houses of canons regular and one of canonesses. These
included six Premonstratensian houses, one Gilbertine, and one of the
Order of St. Anthony. The others seem to have been chiefly of the
Aroasian Congregation, first introduced into Scotland from Nostall
Priory, in England. The chief houses were:</p>
<ul id="c-p1119.1">
<li id="c-p1119.2">
<i>St. Andrews</i>, the Metropolitan of Scotland, founded by Angus,
King of the Picts. The church was at first served by Culdees, but in
1144 Bishop Robert, who had been a canon regular at Scone, established
here members of his own community. The prior was mitred and could
pontificate. In Parliament he had precedence of all abbots and
priors.</li>
<li id="c-p1119.3">
<i>Scone</i>, founded by King Alexander I. Here the Scottish kings were
crowned. The stone on which the coronation took place was said to be
that on which Jacob rested his head; it is now at Westminster, having
been removed by Edward I. Tradition syas that the Culdees were at Scone
before Alexander brought canons regular from Nostall Priory in
1115.</li>

<li id="c-p1119.4"><p id="c-p1120" shownumber="no"><i>Holy Rood</i>, of which King David was the founder, in 1128, for
canons regular, in the "vail that lyis to the Eist frae the Castell,
quhare now lyis the Cannongait, and which at that time was part of ane
gret forest full of hartis, hyndis, toddis and sicklike manner of
beistis," as Bellenden, the translator of Bower, expresses it. This
famous abbey was burnt down, at the instigation of John Knox, in 1544,
but some efforts were made to restore Divine service in the chapel as
late as 1688, for in that year Father G. Hay, a Scotch canon regular,
of the French congregation, performed there a funeral as he says, "in
his habit with surplice and aulmess after the rites of Rome." Next the
abbey was the Royal Palace, and we are told that the Scottish kings
often went</p>
<verse id="c-p1120.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1120.2">Unto the saintly convent, with good monks to dine</l>
<l id="c-p1120.3">And quaff to organ music the pleasant cloister wine.</l>
</verse>
</li>
</ul>

<p id="c-p1121" shownumber="no">Many of the houses founded by St. Columba remained in possession
of the canons till the time of the Reformation. Oronsay and Crusay were
of the number.</p>
<p id="c-p1122" shownumber="no">Much valuable information concerning many of the canonical houses
may be found in Fordun's Scoti-Chronicon, written before 1384 (ed.
Skene, Edinburgh, 1871-72). As Walter Bower, its continuator and
annotator, was a canon regular, and abbot of Inchcolm, he no doubt
derived all his materials at firs hand from the archives of the order,
and thus many important particulars are related by him concerning the
foundations of the houses, their inmates, and particular events.</p>
<p id="c-p1123" shownumber="no">There are not wanting writers who, on the authority of Jocelin,
William of Malmsbury, "Gesta Pontificum", and others, are of opinion
that the canonical order was established in Britain by St. Patrick, on
his return from Rome to Ireland. Be this as it may, the Saxon
conquerors of the country extirpated not only the religious
establishments, but almost the very Faith of Christ from the land. The
faithful either were obliged to dwell in the fastnesses of Wales or
were made slaves. It was in these circumstances that Pope Gregory the
Great sent to England St. Augustine with forty clerics, who according
to the Bull of Pope Eugenius IV (quoted by Lingard in his Anglo-Saxon
Church, I, iv), by which, in 1446, he restored the Lateran Basilica to
the canons regular, formed a Canonical Institute. Speaking of the ordr
founded by the Apostle and reformed by the holy Bishop of Hippo, the
pope says: "Blessed Gregory commanded St. Augustine, the Bishop of
England, to establish it as a new plantation among the nation entrusted
to his care and spread it to the utmost distant parts of the West." And
William of Coventry, in his Chronicle, A.D. 620, tells us that
"Paulinus with twelve clerics was sent by the Pope to help Augustine."
In the North also the disciples of St. Columba were preaching the
Gospel and establishing the canonical order among the nation they were
converting to Christ. The Roman and British clergy amalgamated, and
were learn from English historians that most if not all the cathedral
and large churches were served by regular clerics or canons regular
till the tenth century, when they were replaced by Benedictine monks by
royal authority, and sometimes by means even less lawful. Dr. Lingard
clearly states that:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p1123.1">in many of these religious establishments the inmates had
been Canons Regular from the beginning. In many they had originally
been monks and had converted themselves into Canon, but all considered
themselves bound by their rule to reside within the precincts of their
monasteries, to meet daily in the church for the performance of divine
service, to take their meals in the same hall, and to sleep in the same
dormitory.</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1124" shownumber="no">In fact, this same historian is of opinion that
St. Augustine and his companions were clerics living in common. Writing
of the clergy in Anglo-Saxon times, Dr. Lingard says:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p1124.1">The chief resource of the Bishop lay in the Cathedral
monastery, where the clergy were carefully instructed in their duties
and trained in the exercise of their holy profession. They were
distinguished by the name of Canons because the rule which they
observed had been founded in accordance with the canons enacted in
different councils.</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1125" shownumber="no">And he adds this explanatory note from
the <i>Excerptiones</i> of Egbert:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p1125.1">Canonen dicimus regulas quas sancti Patres constiturerunt
in quibus scriptum est quomodo canonici, id est clerici regulares,
vivere debeant.</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1126" shownumber="no">(By the term 
<i>canons</i> we designate those rules which the holy Fathers have laid
down, in which it has been written how canons 
(<i>canonici</i>), i.e. regular clerics, ought to live). We have also
the fact that in the twelfth century many churches served by secular
canons, like Plympton, Twynham, Taunton, Dunnow, Gisburn, were given to
canons regular, who, it would seem, were the original owners. This view
is confirmed by the authorities of various historians. In his 
<i>History of the Archbishops</i> (ed. Stubbs, Rolls Series, London,
1876), Diceto tells us that at Dunstan's suggestion King Edgar drove
the clerics out of most of the churches of England and placed monks in
their stead. In 
<i>Liber de Hyda</i> we find that canons had been introduced at
Winchester by King Ethelred, and that Bishop Grimbald, a zealous
reformer of the clergy, had established a community of clerics whose
duty it was to perform the Divine Office. Speaking of Ælfric, a
monk who had been elected Archbishop of Canterbury, the Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle, A.D. 995, remarks that when he came to hic cathedral he was
received by a community of clerics, when he would have preferred
monks.</p>
<p id="c-p1127" shownumber="no">It would seem, then, that writers like Tanner, the modern editors of
Dugdale's 
<i>Monasticon</i>, and others, who think that the canons regular were
introduced into England after the year 1100, or after the coming of
William the Conqueror, may have been misled by the fact that it was
only after the eleventh century that the canons regular were so styled
generally; nevertheless these are the same ecclesiastics, until then
commonly called religious or regular clerics. It is also true that, as
elsewhere so in England, in the twelfth century there was a great
revival in the canonical order on account of various congregations
newly found in France, Italy, and the Low countries, and it was some of
these new canons that came with the Conqueror; but this does not prove
that the canonical life was unknown before. In England alone, from the
Conquest to the death of Henry II, no fewer than fifty-four houses were
founded where the canons regular were established. Colchester in 1096
was the first, followed ten years later by Holy Trinity in London. In
1100 Ralph Mortimer, by consent of Gerard, Bishop of Hereford, founded
a canonical house at Wigmore, and in 1110 another house for Austin
Canons was built at Haghmond. At Taunton a colony of secular priests
became a monastery of canons regular. Secular canons were also replaced
by canons regular at Twynham, Plympton, Waltham, and other places. In
the period mentioned there were, among others, the foundations of the
Austin houses at Dunmow, Thremhall, Southhampton, Gisburn, newnham in
Bedfordshire, Norton in Cheshire, Stone in Staffordshire, Anglesey and
Barnwell in Cambridgeshire, Berden in Essex. This was, no doubt, a
period of great prosperity for the canonical order in England. But soon
evil days came. There was first the Black Plague, and like every other
ecclesiastical institution, the canons regular were fairly decimated,
and we may say that they never quite recovered. To remedy the evil
Cardinal Wolsey thought it expedient to introduce a general reform of
the whole canonical order in England. In the capacity of papal
delegate, on 19 March, 1519, he issued the 
<i>Statuta</i>, which were to be observed by all the Austin Canons.
These ordinance, as Abbot Gasquet observes, are valuable evidence as to
the state of the great Augustinian Order at that time in England. The
statutes provide for the union of all the Austin Canons; for the
assembly of a general chapter every three years; for various matters
concerning obedience, poverty, and the general discipline of the
cloister. Special regulations are given for the daily recitation of the
Divine Office and singing of Masses. Directions are laid down for the
reception and profession of novices, for uniformity in the religious
habit, and sending young students to Oxford University. But troubled
days soon came over the land, and these statutes, good though they
were, could not keep off the evil times. The canonical houses were
suppressed, and the religious dispersed, persecuted, little by little
disappeared from the land altogether. Yet, in spite of the previous
disasters, by Abbot Gasquet's computation ninety-one houses belonging
to the canons regular wee suppressed or surrendered at the time of the
Reformation between 1538 and 1540, with one thousand and eighty-three
inmates -- namely, Austin Canons, fifty-nine houses and seven hundred
and seventy-three canons; Premonstratensians, nineteen houses and one
hundred and fifty-one religious. This number of houses and religious
does not include the lesser monasteries with an aggregate of one house
and five hundred monks and canon, nor the nuns of the various orders
estimated at one thousand five hundred and sixty.</p>
<p id="c-p1128" shownumber="no">The best known canonical houses were: Walsingham, Waltham, St.
Mary's Overy, Bolton, St. Bartholomew's Smithfield, Nostall,
Bridlington, Bristol, Carlisle, newbury, hexham, Lanercost, Bodmin,
colchester, Dunstable, Merton, Kertmele, Llanthony, Plympton, St.
Frideswide's at Oxford, Osney.</p>
<p id="c-p1129" shownumber="no">At Walshingham there was a famous shrine of Our Lady, a model of the
Holy House of Nazareth, founded two hundred years before the miraculous
removal to Loretto. Erasmus, writing in the sixteenth century, gives a
vivid description of the shrine and the canons, its custodians. At
Bourne Abbey lived from 1300 to 1340 Robert de Brunne, a canon regular,
who had been styled the "Father of the English language." In his
monastic seculsion he welded together the diverse dialects, which then
divided shire from shire, into the grammaatical structure which the
language has since retained. Bridlington Priory, where William de
Newbridge and several other historians lived, was also sanctified by
the life, virtues, and miracles of its holy prior, John de Tweng, the
last English saint to be canonized prior to the Reformation. He died in
1379. In 1386 a mandate was issued to collect evidence with a view to
canonization. the body was translated in 1405 
<i>de mandato Domini papae</i>, and Boniface IX by a Bull, the original
of which was found in the Vatican Archives by J.A. Twemlow a few years
ago, formally canonized him. The holy prior was a very popular saint in
the North of England. A rich shrine had been built over his tomb, from
which the people begged Henry VIII to withold his hand; but all in
vain. Lest the people should be reduced in the offering of their money,
the shrine was pulled down and destroyed. Sempringham saw the beginning
by St. Gilbert, and the wonderful growth of the only pre-Reformation
institute of distinctly English origin. Here, too, Peter de Langtoft,
the historian, lived and wrote his well-known works. Within the walls
of Merton Abbey Thomas of Canterbury, when a youth, received his
eduacation and made his profession as a canon regular before he was
consecrated archbishop. Chic Priory, whence came William de Corbeil,
Archbishop of Canterbury, was renowned for the learning of its
religious clerics: "clerical litteraturâ insignes." Thurgarton was
the home of that spiritual writer, Walter Hilton, who, about the year
1400, wrote the 
<i>Scala perfectionis</i>, usually attributed to some Carthusian monk.
St. Frideswide's, founded for canons regular at Castle Tower by Robert
d'Oiley, and translated to Osney in 1149, became, as Cardinal Newman
tells us, "a nursery for secular students, subject to the Chancellor's
jurisdiction." At Lilleshall Priory lived John Myrk, the author of 
<i>Instructions for Parish Priests</i>, a work written in irregular
couplets, doubtless that they might be easily committed to memory. It
has been edited by the Early English Text Society. The following
verses, where Myrk gives excellent and explicit directions for
behaviour in church, are a fair sample of the author's style:</p>

<verse id="c-p1129.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1129.2">That when they do to Church fare,</l>
<l id="c-p1129.3">Then bid them leave their many words,</l>
<l id="c-p1129.4">Their idle speech and nice border {jests}</l>
<l id="c-p1129.5">And put away all vanity</l>
<l id="c-p1129.6">And say their <i>Pater Noster</i> and their <i>Ave</i>.</l>
<l id="c-p1129.7">None in the church stand shall,</l>
<l id="c-p1129.8">Nor lean to pillar not to wall,</l>
<l id="c-p1129.9">But fair on knees they shall them set,</l>
<l id="c-p1129.10">Kneeling down upon the flat,</l>
<l id="c-p1129.11">And pray God with heart meek</l>
<l id="c-p1129.12">To give them grace and mercey eke.</l>
<l id="c-p1129.13">Suffer them to make no bere {noise}</l>
<l id="c-p1129.14">But aye to be in their prayer.</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1130" shownumber="no">Some twenty-five years
ago the canons regular of the Lateran Congregation returned to this
Cornish town where before the Reformation their brethren the Austin
Canons had a beautiful priory in honour of St. Mary and St. Petrock.
The new prior is now the residence of the provincial, or visitor, the
novitiate-house for England, and the center from which several Missions
-- as Truro, St. Ives, and Newquay -- are served by canons
regular.</p>
<p id="c-p1131" shownumber="no">Although when the storm of persecution came and the religious houses
were either seized or surrendered the canons regular were not as
faithful to the Church and their profession as might have been desired,
yet there were not wanting many who preferred to lay down their lives
rather than betray their Faith or give up God's property. Of this
number were W. Wold, Prior of Bridlington, the Sub-Prior of Walsingham,
with sixteen canons, and Ven. Laurence Vaux. The canonical order is now
represented in England by Premonstratensians at Crowley, Manchester,
Spalding, and Storrington. The Canons Regular of the Lateran
Congregation are at Bodmin, Truro, St. Ives, and Newquay, in Cornwall;
at Spettisbury and Swanage, in dorsetshire; at Stroud Green and Eltahm,
in London. Besides the occupations of the regular life at home and the
public recitation of the Divine Office in choir, they are chiefly
employed in serving missions, preaching retreats, supplying for priests
who ask their service, and hearing confessions, either as ordinary or
extraordinary confessors to convents or other religious
communities.</p>
<p id="c-p1132" shownumber="no">The canonical order must have been introduced into the New World
soon after the discovery of that country by Columbus. In fact,
tradition tells us that some canons regular from Spain were his
companions in one or other of his voyages. Certain it is that at the
general chapter of the Lateran Congregation held at Ravenna in 1558, at
the request of many Spanish canons, Don Francis de Agala, a professed
canon regular from Spain, who for some ten years had already laboured
in the newly-discovered country, was created vicar-general in America,
with powers to gather into communities all the members of the canonical
institute who were then dispersed in those parts, and the obligation to
report to the authorities of the order. At present there are canons
regular of the Lateran Congregation in the Argentine, and in Canada the
Canons of the Immaculate Conception serve different missions. The
premonstratensian Canons also are in different places in South
America.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1132.1">REFORMS AND CONGREGATIONS</h3>
<p id="c-p1133" shownumber="no">As we have already observed, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries a
great reform and revival took place in the canonical order. A great
number of congregations of canons regular sprang into existence, each
with its own distinctive constitutions, grounded on the Rule of St.
Augustine and the statutes which blessed Peter do Honestis, about the
year 1100, gave to his canons at Ravenna, where also he instituted the
first sodality, called "The Children of Mary." In order to preserve
uniformity and regularity among these numerous congregations Pope
Benedict XII, in the year 1339, issued his Bull 
<i>Ad decorem</i>, which may be rather called a book of constitutions
to be observed by all canons regular then existing. By this Bull the
order, then extending through Europe and Asia, was divided into
twenty-two provinces or kingdoms, among them being Ireland, England,
and Scotland, forming each a province. The abbots and visitors were to
be convened at a provincial chapter to be held in each province every
four years. Visitors were to be elected. Whose duty it was to make a
canonical visitation of every house in their respective provinces.
Minute regulations are laid down for the daily recitation or singing of
the Divine Office in choir, clothings, professions, studies at the
universities, expenses and other details in the clerical life, and the
general discipline of the canons in the cloister. The Roman Martyrology
mentions the existence of more than thirty-three different
congregations of canons regular. The historian of the order number no
fewer than fifty-four. It is evident that it would be quite impossible
to give here even a short account of each in particular, therefore we
shall content ourselves with making special mention of a few.</p>
<p id="c-p1134" shownumber="no">By common consent the Lateran Congregation, officially styled 
<i>Congregatio SS. Salvatoris Lateranensis</i>, stands first in
antiquity and importance. As the title implies, this congregation takes
its origin from the Roman Basilica of St. John Lateran, the pope's own
cathedral. History, confirmed by the authority of Pontifical Bulls,
informs us that Pope Silvester established in the basilica built by the
Emperor Constantine clerics living in common after the manner of the
Primitive Church. In the year 492, Gelasius, a disciple of St.
Augustine, as we have already mentioned, intorduced in the patriarchal
basilica the regular discipline which he had learnt at Hippo. Pope
Gregory the Great, Eugenius II, Sergius III, and Alexander II, all
endeavoured to maintain the observance of the regular life established
among the clergy of the basilica. As relaxation had crept in, the last
name pope, at the request of St. Peter Damian, called some canons from
St. Frigidian at Lucca, a house of strict observance. The reform
spread, till at length the houses that had embrace it were formed into
one large congregation. In the eighteenth century the Lateran
Congregation numbered forty-five abbeys and seventy-nine other houses
in Italy, besided many affiliated convents of canonesses, monasteries,
and colleges of canons regular outside of Italy. The canons regular
served the Lateran Basilica from the time they were put in possession
till 1391, when secular canons were introduced by Boniface VIII.
Several attempts were made to restore the basilica to its original
owners, and finally Pope Eugenius IV, in 1445, gave it over to them, an
act wich was confirmed by Nicholas I. But the arrangement did not last
long, and eventually the canons regular were definitvely displaced, and
the basilica made over to secular canons. All that remains now to the
canons regular is the nae they derive from the basilica and a few other
privileges, such as precedence over all the other religious orders and
the faculty of saying all the Offices which are said by the Lateran
Canons in all their Church.</p>
<p id="c-p1135" shownumber="no">There are at present houses belonging to the Lateran Congregation in
Italy, Poland, France, Belgium, England, Spain, and America. The
congregation is divided into six provinces, each presided over by a
visitor or provincial. The abbot general and procurator general reside
in Rome at S. Pietro in Vincoli, where is also the directorate of the
confraternity called "The Children of Mary." There are novitiate
houses, where young men are prepared for the order, in Italy, Belgium,
Spain, England, and Poland. The proper habit of the Lateran
Congregation is a white woolen cassock with a linen rochet, which is
worn as an essential part of the daily dress. Their work is essentially
clerical, the recitation of the Divine Office in church, the
administration of the Sacraments, the preaching of the Word. In Italy
they have charge of parishes in Rome, Bologna, Genoa, Fano, Gubbio, and
elsewhere.</p>
<p id="c-p1136" shownumber="no">It is the opinion of Helyot and others that no Canons of the Holy
Sepulchre existed before 1114, when some canons regular, who had
adopted the Rule of St. Augustine, were brought from the West and
introduced into the Holy City by Godfrey of Bouillon. On the other
hand, Suarez, Mauburn, Ferreri, Vanderspeeten, and other, upholding the
tradition of the canonical order, maintain that St. James the Less, the
first Bishop of Jerusalem, established clerics living in common the in
the Holy City, where also, after the time of the crusaders, flourished
the Congregation of the Holy Sepulchre. Driven away by the Moslems, the
canons sought refuge in Europe, where they had monasteries, in Italy,
France, Spain, Poland, and the Low Countries. In these several
countries, with the exception of Italy, they continued to exist until
the French Revolution. In Italy they seem to have been suppressed by
Innocent VIII, who, in 1489, transferred all their property to the
Knights of Malta. As regards men, the congregation seems now extinct,
but it is still represented by Sepulchrine Canonesses, who have
converts in Belgium, Holland, France, Spain, and England. According to
Dugdale's 
<i>Monasticon</i>, the canons had two houses in England, one at
Thetford and the other at Warwick. By a Bull, dated 10 January, 1143,
to be found in the 
<i>Bullarium Lateranense</i>, Pope Celestine II confirms the church and
the Canons Regular of the Holy Sepulchre in all the possessions they
had received from Godfrey of Bouillon, King Baldwin, and other
benefactors. Mention is also made in the Bull of several churches in
the Holy Land and in Italy belonging to the canons. Cardinal de Vitry,
a canon regular of Oignies, and Cardinal Patriarch of Jeursalem, who
had lived in Palestine some years, relates that the canons served,
amongst other churches, that of the Holy Sepulchre and those on Mount
Sion and on Mount Olivet. The patriarch was also Abbot of the Holy
Sepulchre, and was elected by the canons regular.</p>
<p id="c-p1137" shownumber="no">In the year 1109 the famous scholar and teacher, William de
Champeaux, formerly Archdeacon of Paris, and afterwards a canon
regular, opened, at the request of his disciples, in his monastery of
St. Victor near the city, a school which, owing to the great
reuputation of the master for learning, soon drew crowds of students
from many parts. Founded by a scholar, the monastery of St. Victor for
many centuries was a centre of learning and virtue, or, as a French
writer (Pasquier) says, "Les lettres y furent toujours logées a
bonnes enseignes" (there, letters were always entertained at good
inns). Here were formed men like Hugh, Richard, and Adam of St. Victor,
all famous for their theological works and their piety. The last named,
Adam, had been called by Dom Gueranger "the greatest poet of the Middle
Ages." It was Adam who, among his beautiful liturgical hymns composed
three admirable proses in honour of St. Thomas of Canterbury, beginning
"Gaude Sion et latare", "Aquas plenas amaritudine", "Pia Mater plangat
Ecclesia". The pious composer writes very feelingly of the holy martyr,
whom he had heard and seen at St. Victor only sixteen months before his
martyrdom. The archbishop, while at Paris to thank the king for his
protection, wished also to visit the monastery of St. Victor, where at
the time lived the saintly Richard. This visit took place on the octave
of the Feast of St. Augustine, and the chronicler relates how the
future martyr was joyously received by the community and was introduced
into the chapter room, where he made an address to the brethren from
the text, "In pace factus est locus" (<scripRef id="c-p1137.1" osisRef="Bible:Ps.75" parsed="|Ps|75|0|0|0" passage="Psalm 75">Psalm 75</scripRef>). This visit and
conference of their holy brother (for it must be remembered that St.
Thomas had made his profession as a canon regular) made a great
impression, we are told, on all who were present, and they remembered
it when they shortly after heard of his cruel death.</p>
<p id="c-p1138" shownumber="no">So great was the reputation of the monastery built by William de
champeaus that houses were soon established everywhere after the model
of St. Victor's, which was regarded as their mother-house. At the death
of Gilduin, the immediate successor of William, who had been made
Bishop of Chalons, the Congregation already counted forty-four houses.
From this congregation, in 1149, sprang another, that of Sainte
Genevieve, which in its turn became very numerous and, reformed as the
Gallican Congregation, in the sixteenth century, by a holy man called
Charles Faure, had, at the outbreak of the Revolution, no fewer than
one hundred abbeys and monasteries in France. Both these congregations
became extinct, as far as men are concerned, but the ancient
congregation of St. Victor is still represented by a very old community
of canonesses at Ronsbrugge, near Ypres, in Belgium. Some years ago the
congregation was revived, with some modifications, by the Very Rev. Dom
Goea, then Vicar-General of St. Claude in France, under the
denomination of Canons Regular of the Immaculate Conception. Before
their expulsion from France they served the ancient Abbey of St.
Anthony in Dauphiné. They have now emigrated to Italy and to
Canada. Their habit is a white woollen gown and linen rochet with a
black cloak.</p>
<p id="c-p1139" shownumber="no">The Premonstratensian Congregation was founded at
Prémontré, near Laon, in France, by St. Norbert, in the year
1120, and approved by Pope Honorius II, in 1126. According to the
spirit of its founder, this congregtion unites the active with the
contemplative life, the institute embracing in its scope the
sanctification of its members and the administration of the sacraments.
It grew large even during the lifetime of its founder, and now has
charge of many parishes and schools, especially in Austria and Hungary.
The Premonstratensians wear a white habit with white cincture. They are
governed by an abbot general, vicars, and visitors.</p>
<p id="c-p1140" shownumber="no">The origin of the Congregation of the Holy Cross appears to be
uncertain, although all admit its great antiquity. It has been divided
into four chief branches: the Italian, the Bohemian, the Belgian, and
the Spanish. Of this last very little is known. The branch once
flourishing in Italy, after several attempts at reformation, was
finally suppressed by Alexander VII in 1656. In Bohemia there are still
some houses of Croisier Canons, as they are called, who, however, seem
to be different from the well known Belgian Canons of the Holy Cross,
who trace their origin to the time of Innocent III and recognize for
their Father Blessed Theodore de Celles, who founded their first house
at Huy, near Liège. These Belgian Croisier Canons have a great
affinity with the Dominicans. They follow the Rule of St. Augustine,
and their contitutions are mainly those compiled for the Dominican
Order by Raymond of Pennafort. Besides the usual duties of canons in
the church, they are engaged in preaching, administering the
sacraments, and teaching. Formerly they had houses in Belgium, Holland,
Germany, France, England, Ireland, and Scotland. Till some years ago
they served missions in North America. At present they have five
monasteries in Belgium, of which St. Agatha is considered the
mother-house. To these Croisier Canons belongs the privilege, granted
to them by Leo X, and confirmed by Leo XIII, of blessing beads with an
indugence of 500 days. Their habit was formerly black, but is now a
white soutane with a black scapular and a cross, white and black on the
breast. In choir they wear in summer the rochet with a black
almuce.</p>
<p id="c-p1141" shownumber="no">To St. Gilbert of Sempringham is due the honour of founding the only
religious order of distinctly English origin. Having completed his
studies in England and in France, he returned to the Diocese of
Lincoln, where he began to labour with great zeal for the salvation of
souls, becoming a canon regular in the monastery of Bridlington. But
finding that the discipline of the order was not strictly observed, he
conceived, in1148, the idea of introducing a reform in those regions.
After much prayer, thought, and taking advice from holy men, he came to
the conclusion that it was necessary to establish a new congregation,
composed of both men and women, who should live under the same roof,
though of course separated. This idea he put into execution, giving the
rule of St. Benedict to the woman and that of canons regular to the
men, with special and carefully elaborated constitutions for both. The
Gilbertine Congregation spread especially in the North of England, and
as already stated, at the time of the general dissolution it had twenty
houses and one hundred and fifty-one religious. At the temporary
University of Stamford, Sempringham Hall, founded by Robert Lutrell in
1292, was especially for the students of the Gilbertine
Congregation.</p>
<p id="c-p1142" shownumber="no">The canons regular, usually called monks, whom visitors find serving
at the Hospice on the Great St. Bernard, belong to the Congregation of
St. Augustine, St. Bernard, and St. Nicholas, as it is officially
called. They were established on this famous pass of the Alps by
Bernard of Menthon, a canon regular of Aosta, about the year 969,
according to some, or later, according to others. The religious
institute in such a place was only meant by the founder for the
convenience of pilgrims and travellers who cross the Alps at a point
always full of dangers. The hospice, the canons, their work are too
well known to need more than a short mention here. Besides lay brothers
and servants, thee are always at the hospice about fifteen canons, who
come from Martigny, their mother-house, where also resides the superior
general of the congregation. Some canons have charge of the hospice on
the Simpion Pass, and a certain number of parishes in the Canton Valais
are served by canons of the same congregation.</p>
<p id="c-p1143" shownumber="no">The origin of the Windesheim Congregation is due to Gerard Groot, a
zealous preacher and reformer of the fourteenth century, at Deventer in
the Low Countries. Touched by his preaching and example, many poor
clerical students gathered around him and, under his direction,
"putting together whatever they earned week by week, began to live in
common." Such was the beginning of the institute known as that of the
"Brothers and Sisters of the Common Life." This institution spread
rapidly, and in short time nearly every town in Holland and the
adjacent countries contained one or more houses of "The New Devotion"
as it was then called. But difficulties were not wanting. The members
of "The New Devotion" were not bound together by any vows, and the
institute had received no formal approval from the ecclesiastical
authorities. Groot foresaw that the only safeguard for the continuance
of the new institute was to affiliate it in some way to some great
religious order already approved by the Church, to the authority of
which the devout brethren and sisters might look for guidance and
protection. Having heard of the famous Blessed John Ruysbrock, prior of
a house of canons regular at Groendael near Brussels, he went to visit
and consult him. Deeply edified by what he saw and heard there, Gerard
Groot resolved to place this new institute under the spiritual guidance
of the canons regular. The execution of tis resolve was left by Gerard
Groot, at his death, to his beloved disciple, Florentius Radwyn. A
beginning was soon made, and the foundation of the first house laid at
Windersheim, near Zwolle. This became the mother-house of the famous
congregation, which, only sixty years after the death of Groot,
possessed in Belgium alone more than eighty well-organized monsteries,
some of which, according to the chronicler John Buschius, who had
visited them all, contained as many as a hundred, or even two hundred,
inmates. The congregation continued in its primitive fervour until
thedevastations of the Reformers drove it from its native soil, and it
was at last utterly destroyed during the French Revolution. To this
double institute the Church owes many pious and learned men -- as
Raymond Jordan, called Idiota, John Ruysbrock, Mauburn, Garetius,
Latomus, and Erasmus. Some, like St. John Ostervick, canonized by Pius
IX, shed their blood rather than deny their Faith. Chief among these
learned and holy men stands Thomas a Kempis, when still a youth joined
the institute, and knew the saintly Floretius and the first founders of
the congregation.</p>
<p id="c-p1144" shownumber="no">Although the canonical order possessed so many houses in Ireland
before the dissolution by Henry VIII; yet, on account of the
persecution, little by little it appears to have languished, and by
1620 to have been nearly extinct; it somewhat revived, however, for
canons regular were once more to be found in the country not long after
this. It is not improbable that at the outbreak of the persecution,
like many members of other religious orders, some of the Irish canons
may have retired to foreign monasteries and maintained a
quasi-independent existence, and have been joined by others of their
compatriots who were desirous of entering the canonical institute. In
1645 Dom Thaddeus O'Conel was butchered at Sligo by the Scotch Puritans
together with the Archbishop of Tuam, Malachy O'Quechly. At the
commencement of 1646 the canons were sufficiently numerous to be formed
by Innocent X into a separate congregation, that of St. Patrick, and
this congregation, as the same pope declared, inherited all the rights,
privileges, and possessions of the old Irish canons. In the year 1698
the Irish Congregation, by a Bull of Innocent XII, was affiliated and
aggregated to the Lateran Congregation. From the moment the union was
made the two congregations formed but one, and the members of each
enjoyed all the rights and privileges of the other. The constitutions
of the Lateran Congregation were adopted with some little modification
by the Irish. In 1703 Dom Milerius Burke, Abbot of St. Thomas, Dublin,
was appointed by the abbot general, Clappini, with the approval of
Clement XI, vicar-general in the three kingdoms. In 1735 the Irish
canons were claiming before the Congregation of Propoganda their right
to several churches, parishes, and houses. The cause was settled in
their favour, but there were many difficulties, and they could get
possession of only a few. In the "Spicilegium Ossoriense" (III, 148) we
find that Henry O'Kelly, a canon regular, obtained from Pope Benedict
XIII letters in virtue of which he not only called himself Abbot of St.
Thomas, Dublin, but also claimed the parochial rights over a great part
of the city, without any dependence upon the metropolitan. The last
canon of the Irish Congregation died towards the beginning of the
nineteenth century. But the Irish Congregation having been united, as
we have stated, with the Lateran, all its rights and privileges still
survive in the last-named.</p>
<p id="c-p1145" shownumber="no">The Austrian-Congregation, formed in 1907, is composed of the
various ancient monasteries, abbeys, and collegiate churches of canons
regular in Austria. These are St. Florian, Klosterneuburg,
Reichersburg, Voran, Neustift. The president of this new congregation
is the Abbot of St. Florian.</p>
<p id="c-p1146" shownumber="no">Other more or less distinct congregations now no longer in existence
have been those of St. Rufus, founded in 1039, and once flourishing in
Dauphine; of Aroasia (Diocese of Arras, in France), founded in 1097;
Marbach (1100); of the Holy Redeemer of bologna, also called the Renana
(1136), now united to the Lateran Congregation; of the Holy Spirit in
Sassia (1198); of St. George in Alga, at Venice (1404); of Our Saviour
in Lorraine, reformed in 1628 by St. Peter Fourier.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1146.1">CANONESSES REGULAR</h3>
<p id="c-p1147" shownumber="no">To most religious orders and congregation of men convents of nuns
are related, following the same rules and constitutions. There are
canonesses regular, as well as canons regular. The Apostolic origin is
common to both. As Suarez says, with regard to origin and antiquity the
same is to be said of orders of women both in general and in particular
as of orders of men. The one generally began with the other. St. Basil
in his rules addresses both men and women. And St. Augustine founded
his first monastery for women in Africa at Tagaste. Most, if not all,
of the congregations which go to form the canonical order had, or still
have, a correlative congregation for women. In Ireland St. Patrick
instituted canons regular, and St. Bridget was the first of numberless
canonesses. The monasteries of the Gilbertine Congregation were nearly
always double, for men and women. As with the canons, so also among the
canonesses, discipline and love of community life now flourished now
languished, so that in the tenth and eleventh centuries many of them
became 
<i>canonicae saeclulares</i> and though living in the same house, no
longer cherished the spirit of religious poverty or kept a common
table.</p>
<p id="c-p1148" shownumber="no">On the other hand many communities of canonesses willingly took the
name and the rule of life laid down for the congregations of regular
canons. There still exist in Italy, France, Spain, Belgium, Holland,
England, Germany, Africa, America, nuns and convents belonging to the
Lateran or to some other congregation of canons regular. The
contemplative life is represented by such convents as Newton Abbot in
England, Sta. Pudenziana at Rome, Sta. Maria di Passione at Genoa,
Hernani in Spain, St. Trudo at Bruges. The Hospitalarians were till
lately well represented in France with convents of canonesses at Paris,
Reims, Laon, Soisssons, and elsewhere.</p>
<p id="c-p1149" shownumber="no">Occupied in the education of children, there are besides some of the
ancient convents of canonesses of various congregations, the canonesses
of the Congregaation of Notre Dame, instituted in 1597 at Mattaincourt,
in Lorraine, by St. Peter Fourier. This congregation, whose object is
the gratuitous education of poor girls, spread rapidly in France and
Italy. There are now convents of Notre Dame in France, Belgium,
Holland, Austria, Germany, Italy, and Africa. In France alone, until
the persecution of 1907, they had some thirty flourishing communities
and as many schools for externs and boarders. Driven away from france,
some have taken refuge in England, like those of the famous convent of
Les Oiseaux, Paris, who are now at Westgate, and those of Versailles
who have settled at Hull. With some modifications the work was soon
introduced into the New World in a remarkable way. The canonesses of
the convent at Troyes had for some time earnestly desired to carry on
their institute in Canada. Circumstances, however, prevented their
going, but at their request Margaret Borugeoys, the president, of the
confraternity attached to their convent, gladly crossed the ocean. In
1657 she opened a school at Montreal, in which, in accordance with the
rules laid down by Peter Fourier, the poor were taught gratuitously.
The school was a great success. Margaret returned to France to ask for
helpers, and found them among her sister, the Children of Mary of
Troyes. Returning to Canada with four fellow-workers, and soon followed
by others she opened a school for boarders as well as a day school. In
1676 these pious women were formed into the "Congregation of Notre
Dame." Margaret died in 1700 and has since been declared venerable. The
work she had transferred to Canada is still flourishing. At her death
there were ten houses in the Dominion; there are now more than a
hundred spread over the whole of North America under a superior
general, who resides at the mother-house, Montreal.</p>
<p id="c-p1150" shownumber="no">In 1809 Bishop Wittmann founded, in Bavaria, "The Poor Sisters of
the Schools of Notre Dame", and institute similar to that founded by
St. Peter Forier. This association is now widespread in Europe and in
America, and has done excellent work in the field of education.</p>
<p id="c-p1151" shownumber="no">There are English canonesses at Bruges, and at Neuilly, near Paris.
In England there is a convent of the Holy Sepulchre at New Hall, with a
flourishing school, originally at Liège; also a filiation of that
at Bruges, at Hayward's heath, with a large school; at Newton Abbot a
numerous community, with a colony at Hoddesdon, devoted to the
contemplative life and the Perpetual Adoration. This last convent is,
as it were, a link with the pre-Reformation canonesses, through Sister
Elizabeth Woodford, who was professed at Barnharm, Priory, Bucks, 8
December, 1519. When the convent was suppressed, in 1539, she was
received for some time into the household of Saint Thomas More. Later
on she went to the Low Countries and was received into the convent of
canonesses regular at St. Ursula's, Louvain, of the Windersheim
Congregation. So many English ladies, daughters and sisters of martyrs,
like Ann Clitheroe, Margaret Clement, Eleanor and Margaret Garnet,
followed her that, in 1609, they formed an English community, St.
Monica's, Louvain. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, this
community of English canonesses returned to England, first to
Spettisbury, afterwards to their present home at Newton Abbot. The
chronicles of this ancient convent are being published, and two very
interesting volumes have already appeared.</p>
<p id="c-p1152" shownumber="no">Bullarium Lateranense (Rome, 1727); PENNOTTO, Generalis Sacri
Ordinis Clericorum-Canonicorum Historia Tripartia (Rome, 1642); AMORT,
Vertus disciplina canonici saecularis et regularis; BENVENUTI, Discoso
storico-teologico della vita commune dei Chierici dei primi dodici
secoli della Chesa (1728); MOLINET, Sur l origine et l antiquite des
chanoines seculiers et reguliers; PISANI, Notice historique sur l Ordre
des Chanonies Reguliers (Louvain, 1874); BONNEAU, Simple otice sur l
Ordre Apostolique des Cahanines Reguliers (Louvain, 1892); GAUTIER,
(Euvres poetiques d Adam de St. victor (Paris, 1858); SCULLY, Life of
the Ven. Thomas a Kempis (London, 1901); Journal of Theological Studies
(London, 1904), Vl REEVES (ed.), Life of St. Columba, foundr of Hy,
Written by Adamnan (Edinburgh, 1874); SUAREZ, tr. HUMPHREY, The
Religious State; RANDOLPH, Abbeys around London (London, 1899);
HAMILTON (ed) Chronicle of the English Canonesses, Louwain (London,
1905);HERMANS, Annales Canonicorum Reg. Ordinis S. Curcis (Bois-le due,
1858); HELYOT, Histoire des ordres monastiques, religieux et militaires
(Paris, 1714); MIRAEUS, origines Canonic, Regularium (Cologne, 1615);
DeCollegiis Can. Reg. (Cologne, 1615); Codex regular, et constit. Can.
Reg. (Antwerp, 1638).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1153" shownumber="no">A. ALLARIA</p></def>

<term id="c-p1153.1" title="Canons Regular of the Immaculate Conception" type="Encyclopedia">Canons 
Regular of the Immaculate Conception</term>
<def id="c-p1153.2">
<h1 id="c-p1153.3">Canons Regular of the Immaculate Conception</h1>
<p id="c-p1154" shownumber="no">A congregation founded in the department of Isère, at
Saint-Antoine, France, by the Abbé Dom Adrien Gréa, and
approved by Pius IX and Leo XIII, in three rescripts, 1870, 1876, and
1887. Its members have undertaken the restoration of canonical life
with its primitive observances, the recitation of the whole of the
Divine Office day and night, perpetual abstinence and the fasts of
early days. Their object is to unite the practices of ordinary
religious life to clerical functions, principally in the administration
of clerical duties and the education of young clerics. The mother-house
is at Saint-Antoine, but following the French laws of 1901 and the
persecution which was the consequence thereof, the community was
transferred to Andora Stazione, in the province of Genoa, Italy. The
congregation has houses in France, Switzerland, Italy, Scotland, and in
Canada, where it was established in 1891, at Nomingue in Ottawa and at
St. Boniface in Manitoba. There are four establishments in the Diocese
of Ottawa, six in that of St. Boniface, two in Saskatchewan and one in
Prince Albert. The community is composed of eight priests and major
clerics, and of about as many scholastics, postulants and lay brothers.
The priests are successfully employed in colonization and the education
of youth.</p>
<p id="c-p1155" shownumber="no">Le Canada Ecclésiastique (Montreal, 1907).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1156" shownumber="no">ELIE J. AUCLAIR</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1156.1" title="Canopus" type="Encyclopedia">Canopus</term>
<def id="c-p1156.2">
<h1 id="c-p1156.3">Canopus</h1>
<p id="c-p1157" shownumber="no">A titular see of Egypt. Its old Egyptian name was Pikuat; the Greeks
called it Kanobos, or Kanopos, after a commander of a Greek fleet
buried there. The city stood in the seventh 
<i>Nomos</i> (Menelaites, later Canopites), not far from the Canopic
mouth. It had many martyrs in the persecution of Diocletian, among
others St. Athanasia with her three daughters, and St. Cyrus and John.
There was here a monastery called Metanoia, founded by monks from
Tabennisi, where many patriarchs of Alexandria took shelter during the
religious quarrels of the fifth century. Two miles east of Canopus was
the famous heathen temple of Manouthin, afterwards destroyed by monks,
and a church on the same spot dedicated to the Evangelists. St. Cyril
of Alexandria solemnly transported the relics of the holy martyrs Cyrus
and John into the church, which became an important place of
pilgrimage. It was here that St. Sophronius of Jerusalem was healed of
an ophthalmy that had been declared incurable by the physicians
(610-619), whereupon he wrote the panegyric of the two saints with a
collection of seventy miracles worked in their sanctuary (Migne, P.G.,
LXXXVII, 3379-676)</p>
<p id="c-p1158" shownumber="no">Canopus formed, with Menelaus and Schedia, a see subject to
Alexandria in Aegyptus Prima; it is usually called Schedia in the
"Notitiae episcopatuum". Two titulars are mentioned by Lequien (II,
415), one in 325, the other in 362. The modern Arabic name is Aboukir,
"Father Cyrus", in honour of the first of the two celebrated martyrs.
It is to-day a village with 1000 inhabitants, at the end of a little
peninsula north-east of Alexandria. It has a trade in quails, which are
caught in nets hung along the shore. Off Aboukir, 1 August, 1798, the
French fleet was destroyed within the roads by Nelson; 25 July, 1799.
Bonaparte destroyed there a Turkish army 18,000 strong; and on 8 March,
1801, the French garrison of 1800 men was defeated by 20,000 English
and Turks commanded by Abercromby.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1159" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1159.1" title="Canopy" type="Encyclopedia">Canopy</term>
<def id="c-p1159.2">
<h1 id="c-p1159.3">Canopy</h1>
<p id="c-p1160" shownumber="no">The canopy, in general, is an ornamental covering of cloth, stone,
wood, or metal, used to crown an altar, throne, pulpit, statue, etc. In
liturgical language, the term is commonly employed to designate</p>
<ul id="c-p1160.1">
<li id="c-p1160.2">the structure covering an altar, formerly fitted with curtains and
supported on four pillars;</li>
<li id="c-p1160.3">the covering suspended over the throne occupied by dignitaries of
the Church or princes;</li>
<li id="c-p1160.4">the covering under which the Blessed Sacrament is sometimes borne
in processions etc.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1161" shownumber="no">In medieval times altars were protected by a covering then called
a ciborium (see the article ALTAR, under sub-title 
<i>Ciborium</i>), but now known as a baldachinum, or canopy, which
survives at the present day as a feature of certain styles of
architecture. When an altar had no ciborium it was covered with a cloth
called a dais. As a mark of distinction bishops and higher prelates
have a right to a covering over the thrones which they occupy at
certain ecclesiastical functions. This is called a canopy. It is
sometimes granted by special privilege to prelates inferior to bishops,
but always with limitations as to the days on which it may be used and
the character of its ornamentation. When bishops assist at solemn
functions in the churches of regulars the latter are bound to provide
the episcopal seat with a canopy (Cong. of Bishops and Regulars, 1603).
Princes enjoy similar privileges, but their seats should be outside the
sanctuary, and regulated in accordance with custom. The colour of the
canopy should correspond with that of the other vestments. Two kinds of
canopy are employed in processions of the Blessed Sacrament. One of
small dimensions and shaped like an umbrella--except that it is flat
and not conical is called an 
<i>ombrellino.</i> It is provided with a long staff by which it is
held. The other, called a 
<i>baldacchino</i>, is of more elaborate structure and consists, in
main outline, of a rectangular frame-work of rich cloth, supported by
four, six, or eight staves by which it is carried. In both cases the
covering consists of cloth of gold, or silk of white color. The 
<i>ombrellino</i> is used for carrying the Blessed Sacrament to the
sick and for conveying it from the altar to the 
<i>baldacchino.</i> The latter is used for all public processions, when
it is borne by nobles of the highest rank, the more worthy holding the
foremost staves. It is forbidden to carry relies of the saints under
the 
<i>baldacchino</i>, but this honour may be given to those of the Sacred
Passion (Cong. of Rites, May, 1826).</p>
<p id="c-p1162" shownumber="no">Cæremoniale Episcoporum, (Rome, 1902), passim: Du CANGE,
Glossarium Latinitatis, s. vv. Conopeum, Ciborium, Baldachinum (Venice,
1738); PUGIN, Glossary of Ecclesiastical Ornaments, s.v. Canopy
(London, 1868); BOURASSÉ Dictionnaire d'archéologie sacree,
s.v. Baldaquin (Paris, 1851); KRAUS, Geschichte der christlichen Kunst
(Freiburg im Br., 1896), I, 372 etc.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1163" shownumber="no">PATRICK MORRISROE</p></def>

<term id="c-p1163.1" title="Canossa" type="Encyclopedia">Canossa</term>
<def id="c-p1163.2">
<h1 id="c-p1163.3">Canossa</h1>
<p id="c-p1164" shownumber="no">A former castle of Matilda, Countess of Tuscany, in the foothills of
the Apennines, about eighteen miles from Parma, where took place the
dramatic penance of King Henry IV of Germany in presence of Pope
Gregory VII. The king, excommunicated 22 February, 1076, would have
been utterly abandoned by the inimical German princess unless within a
year he made peace with the pope. Early in January, 1077, the latter
was on his way to the diet called to meet at Augsburg, 2 February, when
he heard that Henry had crossed Mont Cenis. Fearing for his person, he
took refuge in the impregnable and almost inaccessible burg of Canossa,
the hereditary stronghold of his friend and protectress, Matilda. The
king, however, was really intent on performing the penance necessary to
lift the excommunication, by which diplomatic step the plans of his
enemies in Germany would be nullified. For three days (25-27 January)
he stood constantly before the castle gate, in the dress of a penitent,
beseeching with many tears the pope's forgiveness. Gregory finally
yielded, moved by the royal compunction and by the importunities of his
royal entourage, among them Matilda. He received Henry back into the
communion of the Church, and promised to promote his reconciliation
with the German princes. But the king soon violated his solemn oath to
comply with the pope's conditions, and renewed the conflict. The story,
as narrated above, is told by Gregory himself (Reg. Ep., IV, 12), in a
letter to the princes of Germany explanatory of the event of Canossa.
The contemporary chronicler, Lambert of Hersfeld, asserts that at the
Mass of reconciliation the pope, when about to give communion to Henry,
took himself on half of the Sacred Host and challenged the king to take
the other as an ordeal. Modern historians deny the truth of this
assertion.</p>
<p id="c-p1165" shownumber="no">The penance of Henry was, in reality, only a personal humiliation,
and not a degradation of the royal office; nor was it in that form
imposed by the pope, nor did the king spend three days and nights in
his bare shirt without food and without shelter (Hergenrother,
"Kirchengeschichte", ed. Kirsch, II, 361). The ruins of Canossa are now
within the Commune of Ciano d'Enza, some shapeless fragments of broken
walls that rise on rocky buttresses above a sea of hardened brown mud,
"twisted and tossed and contorted into the most hideous of crevasses"
(Hare). The castle-well and "gate of penance" alone remain.</p>
<p id="c-p1166" shownumber="no">Hare, Cities of Northern Italy (London, 1896), II,245-49;
Buchberger, Kirchliches Handlexikon (Munich, 1906), I, 830;
Knöpfler, Die Tage von Tribur und Canossa, in Hist. Polit. Blatter
(1884), XCIV, 209,381; Gosselin, Temporal Power of the Pope in the
Middle Ages (Baltimore, 1853), II; Hergenröther, Church and State
(tr., London, 1872).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1167" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1167.1" title="Canova, Antonio" type="Encyclopedia">Antonio Canova</term>
<def id="c-p1167.2">
<h1 id="c-p1167.3">Antonio Canova</h1>
<p id="c-p1168" shownumber="no">The greatest Italian sculptor of modern times, b. at Possagno, in
the province of Treviso, 1 November, 1757; d. at Venice 13 October,
1822. Educated by his grandfather, Pasino Canova, a stone-cutter of
unusual ability, the boy could model in clay and carve little marble
shrines before he was ten. The attention of Senator Giovanni Falieri
was attracted to the child, whom he placed with the sculptor Torretto
at Bassano, where he worked for two years. Canova then went back to his
grandfather; but Falieri's sons interceded for their playmate, and the
boy-artist was invited to the palace in Venice. After one year under
Torretto's nephew, he spent the next four years in independent efforts.
He owed his first workshop to the kindness of certain monks who gave
him a vacant cell for a studio. In his sixteenth year he modelled his
first statue, "Eurydice"; three years later he produced the "Orpheus",
both now in the Villa Falieri at Asolo. Then came the "Daedalus and
Icarus", a remarkable group, dramatic and full of movement (Venice
Academy). In 1780 Canova went to Rome, where he came into contact with
the antique from which his talent received fresh energy, and he applied
himself earnestly to its study. "Theseus and the Minotaur" (1782) is
one of his best works (Volksgarten, Vienna). In 1787 the young sculptor
executed the monument to Clement XIV in the church of the Santi
Apostoli at Rome. The noble figure of the pontiff is seated, the right
hand stretched forth in benediction. His next work was the elaborate
tomb of Clement XIII in St. Peter's, with the admirable "Lions of
Canova" at the base. In 1793 he did the Cadenabbia "Psyche and Cupid",
a graceful composition of exquisite lines; and in 1796 the life-size
"Kneeling Magdalen" (Cadenabbia) and the "Hebe" (Berlin). The year
following saw the "Psyche and Cupid" of the Louvre. In 1800 Canova made
the "Perseus" which stands grouped with his two boxers, "Kreugas and
Damoxenus", in the Gabinetto Canova of the Vatican Gallery.</p>
<p id="c-p1169" shownumber="no">In 1802, by special request of Napoleon I, he went to Paris and
modelled a colossal figure of the emperor, holding a Victory in his
hand (Apsley House, London). His "Bust of Napoleon" is in the Corcoran
Gallery, Washington. Some years later Canova modelled a noble statue of
Napoleon's mother in antique garb; one of Marie Louise as "Concord"
(Parma) and the reclining portrait of Pauline Bonaparte, wife of Prince
Borghese, as "Venus Victrix" (Villa Borghese, Rome). The colossal,
boyish "Palamedes" for the Villa Carlotta, Cadenabbia (1804), was
followed next year by the "Venus from the Bath" (Pitti Palace,
Florence). At the same time Canova was engaged upon the monument for
the Archduchess Maria Christina, a group of nine mourning figures
entering a mausoleum (church of the Augustinians, Vienna), and
travelled to Austria to superintend the setting up of the work. In 1807
he executed the "Bust of Pius VII", one of his most notable
achievements in portraiture. The number of his productions is so large
that it is impossible to mention minor ones. Some of his lighter
subjects, "his leisures" he called them, are well known, e.g. the
"Dancing Girls". In 1814 he produced the "Three Graces".</p>
<p id="c-p1170" shownumber="no">In 1815 Canova went to Paris, as the pope's envoy, to negotiate for
the return of the art treasures carried away from Italy by Napoleon in
his campaign, and conducted his mission so successfully that a large
part of the spoils was recovered. In acknowledgment of his services he
was created Marquis of Ischia, with an income attached to the title.
The pope in person inscribed the sculptor's name in the Golden Book of
Roman Nobles. Canova, about this time, blocked out his colossal statue
of Religion holding a cross and unveiling a circular relief on which
was the figure of the Lamb. Owing to its huge size the "Religion" found
no place; it was repeated on a lesser scale for Lord Brownlow. In 1817
came the charming "Infant St. John" and the tomb for the Stuart princes
in St. Peter's. In 1818 Canova was commissioned to make a heroic statue
of Washington for the State House, Raleigh, N.C. He clothed him as a
Roman warrior but the head was mild and full of dignity. The "Recumbent
Magdalen", for the Earl of Liverpool, was one of the sculptor's latest
works, as was also the "Pius VI" (in the 
<i>Confessio</i> at St. Peter's), whose uplifted face and joined hands
are full of a religious exaltation. A colossal bust of his friend and
biographer Count Cocognara, was the last work from his hand.</p>
<p id="c-p1171" shownumber="no">Canova was buried at his native Possagno, where he had spent large
sums in erecting a memorial church, in imitation of the Parthenon and
Pantheon. His bronze "Pietà" is there, also the "Descent from the
Cross", one of his few paintings, coloured in the manner of the early
Venetians. Leo XII gave him a monument in the Capitol (Rome); and a
design which the master had made for Titian's tomb was used for his own
in S. Maria dei Frari, Venice. Canova's main glory rests on his classic
subjects; he did not wholly escape the affectation and artificiality of
his day, but his best sculptures are noble in conception and form, full
of grace, tranquil beauty, and elegance. He lifted the art of sculpture
from the low condition to which it had fallen in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. His finish was peculiarly soft and velvet-like,
the flesh having an appearance of bloom. His friends have denied that
he used acids to produce this effect. It should be noted, however, that
very different estimates have been formed of his work, especially of
his religious subjects. In character Canova was gentle, modest, of a
religious nature, and of the most unwearying generosity. He was an
indefatigable worker, and employed in beneficence, especially for the
advancement of young artists, the wealth which flowed in upon him. He
received many honours: orders of chivalry, membership in the French
Institute, and a perpetual presidentship of the Roman Academy of St.
Luke. He was never married, and the name is said to be extinct, save as
borne by the descendants of his stepbrothers called Satori-Canova.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1172" shownumber="no">M.L. HANDLEY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1172.1" title="Cantate Sunday" type="Encyclopedia">Cantate Sunday</term>
<def id="c-p1172.2">
<h1 id="c-p1172.3">Cantate Sunday</h1>
<p id="c-p1173" shownumber="no">A name given to the fourth Sunday after Easter, from the first word
of the Introit at Mass on that day -- "Cantate Domino novum canticum",
Sing ye to the Lord a new song -- similar to the names 
<i>Gaudete</i> and 
<i>Laetare</i> Sundays, assigned to the third Sunday of Advent and the
fourth of Lent. These names, which are as old probably as the twelfth
century, appear to have been in common use in the Middle Ages and to
have been employed to signify the date in secular affairs as well as
ecclesiastical. John of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres (d. 1182), is one
of the earliest writers to use the name.</p>
<p id="c-p1174" shownumber="no">GUERANGER, Liturgical Year (Worcester, s.d.); HAMPSON, Medii aevi
Kalendarium, or Dates, Charters and Customs of the Middle Ages (London,
1841), II, 40.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1175" shownumber="no">G. CYPRIAN ALSTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1175.1" title="Canterbury" type="Encyclopedia">Canterbury</term>
<def id="c-p1175.2">
<h1 id="c-p1175.3">Canterbury</h1>
<p id="c-p1176" shownumber="no">(CANTUARIA—Roman name, DUROVERNUM, whence, in Anglo-Saxon
times, DUROVERNIA; canonical name CANTUARIENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p1177" shownumber="no">The Ancient Diocese of Canterbury was the Mother-Church and
Primatial See of All England, from 597 till the death of the last
Catholic Archbishop, Cardinal Pole, in 1558.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1177.1">FOUNDATION OF THE SEE</h3>
<p id="c-p1178" shownumber="no">When St. Augustine was sent to evangelize England by St. Gregory the
Great, he found an opening for his labours in the fact that
Æthelburga, or Bertha, Queen of Æthelberht, King of Kent, was
a Christian and a disciple of St. Gregory of Tours. This led him to
Canterbury, where he converted the king and many thousands of Saxons in
597, the very year of his landing. Though St. Gregory had planned the
division of England into two archbishoprics, one at London and one at
York, St. Augustine's success at Canterbury explains how the southern
archiepiscopal see came to be fixed there instead of at London. The
first beginnings of the diocese are told by St. Bede (Hist. Eccl., I,
xxxiii). "When Augustine, the first Archbishop of Canterbury, assumed
the episcopal throne in that royal city, he recovered therein, by the
King's assistance, a church which, as he was told, had been constructed
by the original labour of Roman believers. This church he consecrated
in the name of the Saviour, our God and Lord Jesus Christ, and there he
established an habitation for himself and all his successors".</p>
<h3 id="c-p1178.1">THE ARCHBISHOPS</h3>
<p id="c-p1179" shownumber="no">There were in all sixty-eight archbishops during the period, just
short of a thousand years, in which Canterbury was the chief Catholic
see in England. In the following list the dates of some of the earlier
prelates cannot be regarded as critically certain, but are those
usually given. Those marked with an asterisk became cardinals.</p>
<ol id="c-p1179.1">
<li id="c-p1179.2">St. Augustine, 597-604.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.3">St. Laurence, 604-619.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.4">St. Mellitus, 619-624.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.5">St. Justus, 624-627.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.6">St. Honorius, 627-653.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.7">St. Deusdedit, 655-664.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.8">St. Theodore, 668-690.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.9">St. Berhtwald, 693-731.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.10">St. Tatwin, 731-734.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.11">Nothelm, 735-740.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.12">Cuthbert, 741-758.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.13">Bregwin, 759-765.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.14">Jaenberht, 766-790.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.15">Ethelhard, 793-805.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.16">Wulfred, 805-832.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.17">Feologild, 832-.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.18">Ceolnoth, 833-870.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.19">Ethelred, 870-889.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.20">Plegmund, 890-914.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.21">Athelm, 914-923.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.22">Wulfhelm, 923-942.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.23">St. Odo, 942-958.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.24">Alfsin, 959-959.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.25">St. Dunstan, 960-988.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.26">Ethelgar, 988-989.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.27">Sigeric, 990-994.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.28">Elfric, 995-1005.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.29">St. Ælphege, 1005-1012.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.30">Living, 1013-1020.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.31">St. Ethelnoth, 1020-1038.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.32">St. Eadsi, 1038-1050.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.33">Robert, 1051-1052.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.34">Stigand, 1052-1070.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.35">Lanfranc, 1070-1089.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.36">St. Anselm, 1093-1109.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.37">Ralph d'Escures, 1114-1122.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.38">William de Corbeuil, 1123-1136.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.39">Theobald, 1139-1161.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.40">St. Thomas Becket, 1162-1170.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.41">Richard, 1174-1184.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.42">Baldwin, 1185-1190.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.43">Hubert Walter, 1193-1205.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.44">Stephen Langton*, 1207-1228.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.45">Richard Grant, 1229-1231.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.46">St. Edmund Rich, 1234-1240.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.47">Boniface of Savoy, 1245-1270.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.48">Robert Kilwardby*, 1273-1279.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.49">John Peckham, 1279-1292.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.50">Robert Winchelsey, 1294-1313.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.51">Walter Reynolds, 1313-1327.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.52">Simon Meopham, 1328-1333.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.53">John Stratford, 1333-1348.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.54">Thomas Bradwardine, 1349-1349.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.55">Simon Islip, 1349-1366.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.56">Simon Langham*, 1366-1368.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.57">William Whittlesey, 1368-1374.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.58">Simon Sudbury, 1375-1381.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.59">William Courtenay, 1381-1396.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.60">Thomas Arundel, 1396-1414.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.61">Henry Chicheley*, 1414-1443.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.62">John Stafford*, 1443-1452.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.63">John Kemp*, 1452-1454.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.64">Thomas Bourchier*, 1454-1486.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.65">John Morton*, 1486-1500.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.66">Henry Dean, 1502-1503.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.67">William Warham, 1503-1532.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.68">Thomas Cranmer, 1533-1556.</li>
<li id="c-p1179.69">Reginald Pole*, 1556-1558.</li>
</ol>
<p id="c-p1180" shownumber="no">Of this list seventeen archbishops were recognized as saints, nine
were cardinals, and twelve became Lord Chancellors of England. The full
title of the archbishop was Primate of all England, Metropolitan of the
Province, and Diocesan of the Diocese. In documents he was described as
Archbishop 
<i>providentia divina</i>, instead of 
<i>permissione divina</i>, as was usual with other bishops.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1180.1">METROPOLITAN RIGHTS</h3>
<p id="c-p1181" shownumber="no">The organization of the province was, of course, a matter of gradual
growth, and therefore the number and the names of the suffragan sees in
the earlier periods vary very much, as does the extent of the
metropolitan jurisdiction. At the height of its power Canterbury
counted seventeen suffragan sees: Bangor, Bath and Wells, Chichester,
Coventry and Lichfield, Ely, Exeter, Hereford, Llandaff, Lincoln,
London, Norwich, Rochester, St. Asaph, St. David's, Salisbury,
Winchester, and Worcester. To these were added five of the six sees
founded under Henry VIII in 1541 and afterwards recognized by the Holy
See under Mary (1553-1558), viz., Bristol, Gloucester, Oxford,
Peterborough, and Westminster. Several of these bishops acted on state
occasions as the 
<i>curia</i> of the archbishop. Thus the Bishop of London acted as his
dean; Winchester was his chancellor; Lincoln his vice-chancellor;
Salisbury his precentor; Worcester his chaplain; and Rochestor his
cross-bearer. Even the Archbishop of York was not exempt from his
jurisdiction, and these metropolitan rights also extended to Irish
bishops (see Wharton, "Anglia Sacra", for instances) and to the clergy
of Normandy, Gascony, and Aquitaine, as long as these provinces formed
part of the English dominions. The archbishop enjoyed perpetual
legatine power, being 
<i>Apostolicae Sedis legatus natus</i>, and in councils abroad he took
precedence of other archbishops, having the right to a special place
"at the Pope's right foot". In England he was the ordinary of the royal
court, wherever held, and the king and queen were regarded as his
parishioners. He had the right of crowning and anointing the sovereign,
a privilege confirmed by a Bull of Alexander III. He was the first peer
of the realm, with precedence over all dukes not of the blood royal. He
had the right of confirming the election of all suffragan bishops, and
of consecrating them, and in the case of Rochester he enjoyed the
patronage of the see, having the nomination of the bishop and the right
to the temporalities during all vacancies. He also possessed many
churches and parishes in the dioceses of London, Winchester, Norwich,
Lincoln, Chichester, and Rochester. There were over eighty such
benefices, all of which were exempt from the jurisdiction of their
proper bishops and subject to him. The archbishop alone had the right
of summoning a provincial synod.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1181.1">THE DIOCESE</h3>
<p id="c-p1182" shownumber="no">The diocese itself was not of great extent, consisting only of part
of the County of Kent. There were 257 parishes, and only one
archdeaconry for the whole diocese. The archbishop's palace was at
Canterbury on the west side of the cathedral. The archbishop owned more
than twenty manors in Kent alone, including the castle of Saltwood. The
London residence, in later times, was at the Manor of Lambeth, while
Otford was the most favoured country seat.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1182.1">THE CATHEDRAL</h3>
<p id="c-p1183" shownumber="no">The consecration by St. Augustine of an existing Roman basilica has
been described in the words of the Ven. Bede. This building, with
additions and alterations, continued until 1067, when, with the
adjacent monastery, it was destroyed by fire. In 1070 Lanfranc began to
rebuild it on a considerable scale, but no trace of his work remains
visible. But the present nave and western towers still rest on his
foundations, and in fact the existing cathedral covers as nearly as
possible the same ground, with the addition of the retro-choir. Parts
of the crypt and some of the monastery ruins also belong to his period.
A new choir, afterwards known as the "glorious choir of Conrad", was
begun in 1096, finished in 1130, and burnt in 1174, though two chapels
and part of the crypt survive. The present choir, begun by William of
Sens and continued by William the Englishman, was finished in 1184, and
is the earliest specimen of Transitional architecture, as well as being
the longest choir in England (180 feet). In 1378 Lanfranc's nave was
pulled down, and the present nave was begun by Prior Chillendon. At the
same date the chapter house and the cloisters were finished. Finally
the cathedral was completed, about 1495, by the erection of the great
central tower 235 feet high. The total length of the cathedral is 522
feet, the breadth of the nave and aisles 71 feet. The building
illustrates in itself almost all the varieties of Gothic, though Early
English and Perpendicular predominate.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1183.1">HISTORY OF THE SEE</h3>
<p id="c-p1184" shownumber="no">Before England had acquired national unity, the foundation of the
see had given it ecclesiastical unity. Older than any national
institution, its history is inseparably bound up with that of the
country, and the barest outline exceeds our space. The formation of the
dicese was monastic, taking its rise from the Monastery of Christ
Church, and the ecclesiastical organization grew by means of the great
religious houses at Dover, Lyminge, Folkestone, Minster in Sheppy,
Minster in Thanet, Reculver, and the great rival monastery in
Canterbury of Sts. Peter and Paul, afterwards St. Augustine's.
Throughout the subsequent history the archbishops could not deal with
archiepiscopal property without the concurrence of the monastic
chapter, and the efforts of the archbishops to rid themselves of the
control of the Canterbury monks gave rise to the frequent disputes
between prelate and chapter that recur throughout the history of the
diocese. From these foundations as centres the parochial system
gradually spread. Another characteristic was the purely Roman character
of the Church in Kent. It was free from all such conflicts with Celtic
Christianity as took place in the North, and in liturgy it never
developed a local use, but followed the Roman Rite that St. Augustine
had introduced. The first five archbishops were all Romans, St.
Deusdedit being the first Englishman to rule the see. He was succeeded
by St. Theodore, a Greek, one of the greatest of the archbishops, who
travelled throughout England, and organized the primatial power and
metropolitan jurisdiction. He was followed by a line of monastic
prelates, chiefly local administrators. Under one of these, Jaernbehrt
(766-790), during the supremacy of Mercia, the very primacy was
threatened by the establishment of an Archbishopric of Lichfield, but
this did not last. After Alfred's time came several archbishops
translated from other sees, and bringing wider knowledge, so that the
see grew in authority until it rose to its height during the episcopate
of St. Dunstan, whose genius marked an epoch in diocesan, as in
national, history. Under him the influence of Canterbury was felt
throughout the land. While relying chiefly on the work of the greater
monasteries, he also encouraged the secular clergy, whose parochial
settlements always followed the missionary work begun from the houses
of the regulars. St. Ælphege, murdered by the Danes in 1012, added
the glory of martyrdom to the chair of Canterbury. The last of the
Saxon prelates was Stigand, regarded as uncanonical because he had
received his pallium from an antipope, and he was finally dispossessed
by William the Conqueror in 1070. Until this time there had been a sort
of auxiliary bishop, or choriepiscopus, with the title "Bishop of St.
Martin's", who held the church of that name at Canterbury, and whenever
the bishop was absent filled his place. The last of these prelates was
Godwin, who died in 1065. The new archbishop, Lanfranc, refused to
continue the arrangement. Lanfranc introduced the prebendal system at
Canterbury, and reorganized the arrangement of property, dividing off
that of the archbishop from that of the monastery, with the result that
from that time the close bond that had previously existed between them
disappeared. Thenceforth, too, the Archbishops of Canterbury became
absorbed in the wider duties of primate, as is seen in the episcopate
of St. Anselm, who contested with the king the rights of the Church
involved in the question of investitures.</p>
<p id="c-p1185" shownumber="no">The widened sphere of archiepiscopal activity was signalized when
the pope appointed Theobald (1139-1161) as 
<i>legatus natus</i>. He was succeeded by St. Thomas of Canterbury,
whose long struggle was crowned by martyrdom in 1170. Henceforth
Canterbury, as the place of his shrine, entered on new glories,
becoming famous through all Christendom for the miracles wrought at the
tomb, the devotion of the pilgrims, and the splendour of the shring.
The next archbishop, Richard, had to maintain the primacy of Canterbury
against the claims of York, the question being finally compromised by
the pope, who gave York the title "Primate of England" and Canterbury
that of "Primate of All England". Succeeding archbishops played
prominent parts as statesmen, notably Hubert Walter and Stephen
Langton, the latter taking the leading part in obtaining Magna Charta
from King John. Endless disputes with the monks and fruitless struggles
against papal exactions and royal abuses marked the short and unhappy
episcopate of St. Edmund of Canterbury (1234-1240), the last of the
canonized archbishops. From his time to the Reformation the archbishops
were men distinguished in many ways, under whom the privileges and
power of the diocese were constantly increased. The tradition was not
reversed till the time of Cranmer, who, like his predecessors, received
his pallium from the pope, but considered that he held the
archbishopric from the king. Having broken his own vow of celibacy, he
easily divorced the king from Queen Catherine. He allowed the shrine of
St. Thomas to be desecrated and plundered in 1538, and in 1541 he
ordered the tombs of all the canonized archbishops to be destroyed.
Most of the property of the see he was forced to surrender to the king.
In 1539 the two great monasteries of Christ Church and St. Augustine's
had been suppressed, and their property seized. By his office Cranmer
was the head of the Church in England, but under Henry he helped to
despoil it, and under Edward he led the reforming party against it,
abolishing the Mass, and stripping the churches. The spiritual and
material ruin thus accomplished could not be effectually remedied
during the brief episcopate of Cardinal Pole (1556-1558). This prelate
did all that was possible in so short a time, but his death, which took
place on the 17th of November, 1558, brought to a close the line of
Catholic archbishops. With the accession of Elizabeth—which took
place on the same day—the new state of things, which has
continued to the present time, was begun. Canterbury, as a city, has
never recovered from the loss of St. Thomas's shrine and the
destruction of the two great monasteries, but the cathedral still
remains, one of the finest buildings in the country, as a witness to
its former glory.</p>
<p id="c-p1186" shownumber="no">The arms of the see were: Sapphire, an episcopal staff in pale,
Topaz, and ensigned with a cross patee Pearl, surmounted of a pall of
the last, charged with four crosses, formee, fitchee, Diamond, edged
and fringed as the second.</p>
<p id="c-p1187" shownumber="no">Somner, 
<i>Antiquities of Canterbury</i> (1640); Battely, Enlarged 
<i>Edition of Somner's Antiquities</i> (London, 1703); Dart, 
<i>History of Cathedral Church of Canterbury</i> (1726); Hasted, 
<i>History of the City of Canterbury</i> (Canterbury, 1799); Willis, 
<i>Architectural History of Canterbury Cathedral</i> (London, 1843);
Stanley, 
<i>Historical Memorials of Canterbury</i> (London, 1855); Hook, 
<i>Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury</i> (1865-75); Walcott, 
<i>Memorials of Canterbury</i> (1868); 
<i>Historical MSS. Commission Fifth Report</i> (1876), 
<i>Eighth do.</i> (1881), and 
<i>Ninth do.</i> (1883); Jenkins, 
<i>Canterbury</i>, in 
<i>Diocesan Histories</i> (London, 1880); Smith, 
<i>Chronological History of Canterbury</i> (Canterbury, 1883); 
<i>Literae Cantuarienses</i> in 
<i>R.S.</i> (London, 1887-1889) and several other volumes in the same
series; Withers, 
<i>Canterbury: the Cathedral and See</i> (London, 1896); Cox, 
<i>Canterbury</i> (London, 1905); Kent Archaeological Society, 
<i>Archaeologica Cantiana</i>, 27 vols. (1858-1905).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1188" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1188.1" title="Canticle" type="Encyclopedia">Canticle</term>
<def id="c-p1188.2">
<h1 id="c-p1188.3">Canticle</h1>
<p id="c-p1189" shownumber="no">Although the word is derived from 
<i>canticulum</i>, (diminutive of 
<i>canticum</i>, a song, from the Latin 
<i>canere</i>, to sing), it is used in the English Catholic translation
of the Bible as the equivalent of the Vulgate 
<i>canticum</i> in most, but not all, of the uses of that word; for
where canticum is used for a sacred song, as in the ten canticles found
in the Breviary (as given below), it is always rendered "canticle",
whilst in other connections (e.g. Gen., xxxi, 27, secular songs; Job,
xxx, 9, song of derision; Is., xxiii, 15, "harlot's song") it is
rendered "song". The Authorized Version does not make such a
distinction, but regularly translates from the Hebrew and the Greek
"song". From the Old Testament the Roman Breviary takes seven canticles
for use at Lauds, as follows:</p>
<ul id="c-p1189.1">
<li id="c-p1189.2">On Sundays and Festivals, the "Canticle of the Three Children"
(Dan., iii, 57).</li>
<li id="c-p1189.3">On Mondays, the "Canticle of Isaias the Prophet" (Is., xii).</li>
<li id="c-p1189.4">On Tuesdays, the "Canticle of Ezechias" (Is., xxxviii, 10-20).</li>
<li id="c-p1189.5">On Wednesdays, the "Canticle of Anna" (I Kings, ii, 1-10).</li>
<li id="c-p1189.6">On Thursdays, the "Canticle of Moses" (Exod., xv, 1-19).</li>
<li id="c-p1189.7">on Fridays the "Canticle of Habacuc" (Hab., iii 2-19).</li>
<li id="c-p1189.8">On Saturdays, the "Canticle of Moses" (Deut., xxxii, 1- 43).</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1190" shownumber="no">These canticles take the place of a fourth psalm at Lauds. From
the New Testament the Breviary takes the following:</p>
<ul id="c-p1190.1">
<li id="c-p1190.2">At Lauds, the "Canticle of Zachary" (Luke, i, 68-79), commonly
referred to as the "Benedictus" (from its first word);</li>
<li id="c-p1190.3">At Vespers, the "Canticle of the Bl. Mary Virgin" (Luke, i, 46-55),
commonly known as the "Magnificat" (from its first word).</li>
<li id="c-p1190.4">At Complin, the "Canticle of Simeon" (Luke, ii, 29-32), commonly
referred to as the "Nunc dimittis" (from the opening words).</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1191" shownumber="no">These three canticles are sometimes referred to as the
"evangelical canticles", as they are taken from the Gospel of St. Luke.
They are sung every day (unlike those from the Old Testament which, as
is, shown above, are only of weekly occurrence). They are placed not
amongst the psalms (as are the seven from the Old Testament), but
separated from them by the Chapter, the Hymn, the Versicle and
Respouse, and thus come immediately before the Prayer (or before the 
<i>preces</i>, if these are to be said). They are thus given an
importance and distinction elevating them into great prominence, which
is further heightened by the rubric which requires the singers and
congregations to stand while they are being sung (in honour of the
mystery of the Incarnation, to which they refer). Further, while the
"Magnificat" is being sung at Solemn Vespers, the altar is incensed as
at Solemn Mass. [For variety of ceremonial and of usage, and
explanations of the symbolism of its assignment to Vespers, see Migne,
Encyclopedie theologique, VIII (Liturgie) 745-7.] All three canticles
are in use in the Greek and Anglican churches. In the Breviary the
above-named ten canticles are provided with antiphons and are sung in
the same eight psalm-tones and in the same alternating manner as the
psalms. To make the seven taken from the Old Testament suitable for
this manner of singing, nos. 2-7 sometimes divide a verse of the Bible
into two verses, thus increasing the number of Breviary verses. No. 1,
however, goes much farther than this. It uses only a portion of the
long canticle in Daniel, and condenses, expands, omits, and interverts
verses and portions of verses. In the Breviary the canticle begins with
verse 57, and ends with verse 56 (Dan., iii); and the penultimate verse
is clearly an interpolation, "Benedicamus Patrem, et Filium . . .". In
addition to their Breviary use some of the canticles are used in other
connections in the liturgy; e.g. the "Nunc dimittis" as a tract at the
Mass of the Feast of the Purification (when 2 February comes after
Septuagesima); the "Benedictus" in the burial of the dead and in
various processions. The use of the "Benedictus" and the "Benedicite"
at the old Gallican Mass is interestingly described by Duchene
(Christian Worship: Its Origin and Evolution, London, 1903, 191-196).
In the Office of the Greek Church the canticles numbered 1, 3, 5, 6, 7,
8, 9 are used at Lauds, but are not assigned to the same days as in the
Roman Breviary. Two others (Is., xxvi, 9-20, and Jonas, ii, 2-9) are
added for Friday and Saturday respectively.</p>
<p id="c-p1192" shownumber="no">The ten canticles so far mentioned do not exhaust the portions of
Sacred Scripture which are styled "canticles". There are, so example,
those of Debora and Barac, Judith, the "canticle of Canticles"; and
many psalms (e.g. xvii, 1,"this canticle"; xxxviii,1, "canticle of
David"; xliv,1, "canticle for the beloved"; and the first verse of Pss.
1xiv, 1xv, 1xvi, 1xvii, etc). In the first verse of some psalms the
phrase 
<i>psalmus cantici</i> (the psalm of a canticle) is found, and in
others the phrase 
<i>canticum psalmi</i> (a canticle of a psalm). Cardinal Bona thinks
that 
<i>psalmus cantici</i> indicated that the voice was to precede the
instrumental accompaniment, while 
<i>canticum psalmi</i> indicated an instrumental prelude to the voice.
This distinction follows from his view of a canticle as an
unaccompanied vocal song, and of a psalm as an accompanied vocal song.
It is not easy to distinguish satisfactorily the meanings of psalm,
hymn, canticle, as referred to by St. Paul in two places (see
CONGREGATIONAL SINGING). 
<i>Canticum</i> appears to be generic -- a song, whether sacred or
secular; and there is reason to think that his admonition did not
contemplate religious assemblies of the Christians, but their social
gatherings. In these the Christians were to sing "spiritual songs", and
not the profane or lascivious songs common amongst the pagans. These
spiritual songs were not exactly psalms or hymns. The hymn may then be
defined as a metrical or rhythmical praise of God; and the psalm,
accompanied sacred song or canticle, either taken from the Psalms or
from some less authoritative source (St. Augustine declaring that a
canticle may be without a psalm but not a psalm without a
canticle).</p>
<p id="c-p1193" shownumber="no">In addition to the ten canticles enumerated above the Roman Breviary
places in its index, under the heading "Cantica", the "Te Deum" (at the
end of Matins for Sundays and Festivals, but there styled "Hymnus SS.
Ambrosii et Augustini") and the: "Quicumque vult salvus esse" (Sundays
at Prime, but there styled "Symbolum S. Athanasii", the "Creed of St.
Athanasius"). To these are sometimes added by writers the "Gloria in
excelsis", the "Trisagion", and the "Gloria Patri" (the Lesser
Doxology). In the "Psalter and Canticles Pointed for chanting"
(Philadelphia, 1901), for the use of the Evangelical Lutheran
Congregations, occurs (p. 445) a "Table of canticles" embracing Nos. 1,
3, 8, 9, 10, besides certain psalms, and the "Te Deum" and "Venite"
(Ps. xicv, used at the beginning of Matins in the Roman Breviary). The
word 
<i>Canticles</i> is thus seen to be somewhat elastic in its
comprehension. On the one hand, while it is used in the common parlance
in the Church of England to cover several of the enumerated canticles,
the Prayer Book applies it only to the "Benedicite", while in its
Calendar the word 
<i>Canticles</i> is applied to what is commonly known as the "Song of
Solomon" (the Catholic "Canticle of Canticles", Vulgate, "Canticum
canticorum").</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1194" shownumber="no">H.T. HENRY</p></def>

<term id="c-p1194.1" title="Canticle of Canticles" type="Encyclopedia">Canticle of Canticles</term>
<def id="c-p1194.2">
<h1 id="c-p1194.3">Canticle of Canticles</h1>
<p id="c-p1195" shownumber="no">(Gr. 
<i>Aisma asmaton</i>, Lat. 
<i>Canticum canticorum</i>.)</p>
<p id="c-p1196" shownumber="no">One of three books of Solomon, contained in the Hebrew, the Greek,
and the Christian Canon of the Scriptures. According to the general
interpretation the name signifies "most excellent, best song". (Cf. the
similar forms of expression in Ex., xxvi, 33; Ezech., xvi, 7; Dan.,
viii, 25, used throughout the Bible to denote the highest and best of
its kind.) Some commentators, because they have failed to grasp the
homogeneousness of the book, regard it as a series or chain of
songs.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1196.1">CONTENTS AND EXPOSITION</h3>
<p id="c-p1197" shownumber="no">The book describes the love for each other of Solomon and the
Sulamitess in lyrico-dramatic scenes and reciprocal songs. One part of
the composition (iii, 6 to v, 1) is clearly a description of the
wedding-day. Here the two chief personages approach each other in
stately processlon, and the day is expressly called the wedding-day.
Moreover the bridal wreath and the bridal bed are referred to, and six
times in this section of the song, although never before or after, the
word spouse is used. All that has preceded is now seen to be
preparatory to the marriage, while in what follows the Sulamitess is
the queen and her garden is the garden of the king (v, 1-vi, 7 sq.),
although such expressions as "friend", "beloved", and "dove", are
common. Along with the assurances of love for each other, there is a
continually progressive action that represents the development of the
warm friendship and affection of the pair, then the bridal union and
the married life of the royal couple. The bride, however, is exhibited
as a simple shepherdess, consequently, when the king takes her, she has
to undergo a training for the position of queen; in the course of this
training occur various trials and sorrows (iii, 1; v, 5 sqq.; vi, 11--
Heb., 12)</p>
<p id="c-p1198" shownumber="no">Various meanings have been attributed to the contents of the song.
Before the sixteenth century tradition gave an allegorical or
symbolical meaning to the love of Solomon for the Sulamitess. The view
held by the Jewish Synagogue was expressed by Akiba and Aben Ezra; that
held by the Church, by Origen, Gregory of Nyssa, Augustine, and Jerome.
An opinion opposed to these found only isolated expression. Akiba
(first century after Christ) speaks severely of those who would strike
the book from the Sacred Canon, while St. Philastrius (fourth century)
refers to others who regarded it not as the work of the Holy Ghost but
as the Composition of a purely sensuous poet. Theodore of Mopsuestia
aroused such indignation by declaring the Canticle of Canticles to be a
love-song of Solomon's, and his contemptuous treatment of it gave great
offense (Mansi, Coll. Conc., IX, 244 sqq; Migne, P.G., LXVI, 699 sqq.).
At the OEcumenical Council of Constantinople (553), Theodore's view was
rejected as heretic and his own pupil Theoret, brought forward against
him unanimous testimony of the Fathers (Migne, P. G., LXXXI, 62).
Theodore's opinion was not revived until the sixteenth century, when
the Calvinist Sebastien Castalion (Castalio), and also Johannes
Clericus, made use of it. The Anabaptists became partisans of this
view; later adherents of the same opinion were Michaelis, Teller,
Herder, and Eichhorn. A middle position is taken by the "typical"
exposition of the book. For the first and immediate sense the typical
interpretation holds firmly to the historical and secular meaning,
which has always been regarded by the Church as heretical; this
interpretation gives, however, to the "Song of Love", a second and
higher sense. As, namely, the figure of Solomon was a type of Christ,
so is the actual love of Solomon for a shepherdess or for the daughter
of Pharaoh, intended as a symbol of the love of Christ for His Church.
Honorius of Autun and Luis of Leon (Aloysius Legionensis) did not
actually teach this view, although their method of expression might be
misleading (cf . Cornelius a Lapide, Prol. in Canticum, c. i). In
earlier times reference was often made to a first and literal meaning
of the words of a text, which meaning, however, was not the real sense
of the context as intended by the author, but was held to be only its
external covering or "husk". Entirely dissimilar to this method is the
typical exposition of modern times, which accepts an actual double
meaning of the text, the two senses being connected and intended by the
author. Bossuet and Calmet may, perhaps, be regarded as holding this
view; it is unmistakably held by the Protestant commentators Delitzsch
and Zockler as also by Kingsbury (in The Speaker's Commentary) and
Kossowicz. A few others hold to this view, but the number does not
include Lowth (cf. De sacra poesi Hebr. prael., 31). Grotius makes it
evident, not so much in words as in the method of exposition, that he
is opposed to a higher interpretation. At the present day most
non-Catholics are strongly opposed to such an exposition; on the other
hand most Catholics accept the allegorical interpretation of the
book.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1198.1">Exposition of the Allegory</h4>
<p id="c-p1199" shownumber="no">The reasons for this interpretation are to be found not only in
tradition and the decision of the Church, but also in the song itself.
As long as the effort is made to follow the thread of an ordinary
love-song, so long will it be impossible to give a coherent exposition,
and many despair of ever obtaining a successful interpretation. In the
commentary of the present writer, "Comment. in Eccl. et Canticum
Canticorum" (Paris, 1890), a number of examples are given of the
typical and of the purely secular interpretations, and besides these,
in treating of each of the larger divisions, the varying methods of
exposition are carefully investigated. The proper connection of scenes
and parts can only be found in the realm of the ideal, in allegory. In
no other way can the dignity and sanctity befitting the Scriptures be
preserved and the striking title, "Song of Songs", receive a
satisfactory explanation. The allegory, however, can be shown as
possible and obvious by means of numerous passages in the Old and the
New Testament, in which the relation of God to the Synagogue and of
Christ to the Church or to the adoring soul is represented under the
symbol of marriage or betrothal (Jer., ii. 2; Ps xliv; Heb., xlv; Osee,
19 sqq., Ezech., xvi, 8 sqq., Matth, xxv, 1 sqq; II Cor., xi, 2; Eph.,
v, 23 sqq.; Apoc., xix, 7 sq., etc.). A similar manner of speaking
occurs frequently in Christian literature, nor does it appear forced or
artificial. The testimony of Theodoret to the teaching of the Early
Church is very important. He names Eusebius in Palestine, Origen in
Egypt, Cyprian in Carthage, and "the Elders who stood close to the
Apostles", consequently, Basil, the two Gregorys [of Nyssa and
Nazianzen -- 
<i>Ed.</i>], Diodorus, and Chrysostom, "and all in agreement with one
another". To these may be added Ambrose (Migne, P. L., XIII, 1855,
1911), Philastrius (Migne, P. L., XII, 1267), Jerome (Migne, P. L.
XXII, 547, 395; XXIII, 263), and Augustine (Migne, P. L., XXXIV, 372,
925; XLI, 556). It follows from this, that the typical interpretation,
also, contradicts tradition, even if it does not come within the decree
pronounced against Theodore of Mopsuestia. This method of exposition
has, moreover, very few adherents, because the typical can only be
applied to separate individuals or things, and cannot be used for the
interpretation of a connected text which contains only one genuine and
proper meaning. The foundation of the typical interpretation is
destroyed at once when the historical explanation is held to be
indefensible.</p>
<p id="c-p1200" shownumber="no">In the allegorical interpretation of the song, it makes no essential
difference whether the bride is taken as a symbol of the Synagogue,
that is, of the congregation of the Old Covenant or of the Church of
God of the New Covenant. In truth, the song turns aside from both; by
the spouse should be understood human nature as elected 
(<i>electa elevata</i>, sc. 
<i>natura humana</i>) and received by God. This is embodied, above all,
in the great Church of God upon earth, which God takes to Himself with
the love of a bridegroom, makes the crowning point of all His external
works, and adorns with the bridal ornament of supernatural grace. In
the song the bride is not reproached with sins and guilt but, on the
contrary, her good qualities and beauty receive high praise;
consequently, the chosen community of God appears here under that form
which is according to the Apostle, without spot or blemish (Eph., v,
27). It is plain that the Canticle of Canticles finds its most evident
application to the most holy Humanity of Jesus Christ, which is united
in the most intimate bond of love with the Godhead, and is absolutely
spotless and essentially sanctified; after this to the most holy Mother
of God as the most beautiful flower of the Church of God. (In regard to
a twofold sense of this kind of in the Scriptures, cf. "Zeitschrift fur
katholische Theologie", 1903, p. 381.) The soul that has been purified
by grace is also in a more remote yet real sense a worthly bride of
Lord. The actual meaning of Canticles is not, however, to be limited to
any one of these applications, but is to be appropriated to the elected
"bride of God in her relation of devotion to God".</p>
<p id="c-p1201" shownumber="no">As a matter of fact, the spiritual interpretation of the song has
proved a rich source for mystical theology and asceticism. It is only
necessary to call to mind the best of the old commentaries and
interpretations of the book. There are still in existence fifteen
homilies by St. Gregory of Nyssa on the first six chapters (Migne, P.
G., XLI, 755 sqq.). The commentary of Theodoret (Migne, P. G., LXXXI,
27 sqq.) is rich in suggestion. In the eleventh century Psellus
compiled a "Catena" from the writings of Nilus, Gregory of Nyssa, and
Maximus (Auctar. bibl. Patr., II, 681 sqq.). Among the Latins Ambrose
made such frequent use of the Canticle of Canticles that a whole
commentary may be developed from the many applications, rich in piety,
that he made of it (Migne, P. L., XV, 1851 sqq.). Three commentaries
are to be found in the works of Gregory the Great (Migne, P L., LXXIX,
471 sqq., 905; CLXXX, 441 sqq.). Apponius wrote a very comprehensive
commentary which, even as late as 1843, was republished at Rome. The
Venerable Bede prepared the matter for a number of smaller
commentaries. The elaborate exposition by Honorius of Autun of the book
in its historical, allegorical, tropological, and anagogical meanings
deserves special mention. The eighty-six homilies left by St. Bernard
are universally known. Gilbert of Hoyland added to this number
forty-eight more. The greatest of the saints enkindled their love for
God on the tender expressions of affection of Christ and His bride, the
Church, in the Canticle of Canticles. Even in Old Testament times it
must have greatly consoled the Hebrews to read of the eternal covenant
of love between God and His faithful people.</p>
<p id="c-p1202" shownumber="no">Within certain limits the application to the relation between God
and the individual soul adorned with supernatural grace is self-evident
and an aid to virtuous living. The bride is first raised by the
bridegroom to a relation of complete affection, afterwards betrothed or
married (iii 6-v, 1), and, finally, after a successful activity (vii,
12 sq.; viii, 11 sq.); is received into the heavenly dwellings. A life
of contemplation and activity bound up with painful trials is the way
there. In the Breviary and Missal the Church has repeatedly applied the
song to the Mother of God (see B. Schafer in Komment., p. 255 sqq.). In
truth the bride adorned with the beauty of spotless purity and deep
affection is a figure most appropriate to the Mother of God. This is
the reason why St. Ambrose in his book "De virginibus", so repeatedly
and especially quotes Canticles. Finally, the application of the song
to the history of the life of Christ and of the Church offers pious
thought rich material for contemplation. In doing thus the natural
course of the song can, in some measure, be followed. At His entrance
into life, and especially at the time of His public activity as a
teachers the Saviour sought the Church, His bride and she came lovingly
towards Him. He united Himself with her at the Cross (iii, 11), the
Church itself makes use of this thought in a number of offices. The
affectionate conversations with the bride (to ch. v, 1) take place
after the Resurrection. What follows may be referred to the later
history of the Church. A distinction should be made in such methods of
interpretation, however, between what may be accepted as certain or
probable in the context and what pious contemplation has, more or less
arbitrarily, added. For this reason, it is important to ascertain more
exactly than was done in earlier times the genuine and true sense of
the text.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1202.1">LITERARY FORM OF THE SONG</h3>
<p id="c-p1203" shownumber="no">Both of the traditional poetic accentuation and language used to
express the thoughts show the book to be a genuine poem. The attempt
has been made in various ways to prove the existence of a definite
metre in the Hebrew text. The opinion of the present writer is that a
six-syllable trochaic metre may be applied to the original Hebrerw
version (De re metrica Hebraeorum, Freiburg, Baden, 1880). e and true
sense of the text. The essentially lyrical character of the song is
unmistakable. But as various voices and scenes appear, neither should
the dramatic character of the poem fail of recognition; it is, however,
evident that the development of an external action is not so much the
intention as the unfolding of the lyrical expression of feeling under
varying circumstances. The cantata form of composition is suggested by
the presence of a chorus of the "daughters of Jerusalem" though the
text does not indicate clearly how the words are divided among the
various characters. This accounts for the theory put forward at times
that there are different personages who, as bride and bridegroom, or as
lovers, talk with, or of, cach other. Stickel in his commentary assigns
three different persons to the role of the bridegroom, and two to that
of the bride. But such arbitrary treatment is the result of the attempt
to make the Canticle of Canticles into a drama suitable for the
stage.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1203.1">Unity of the Canticle</h4>
<p id="c-p1204" shownumber="no">The commentator just mentioned and other exegetes start from the
natural conviction that the poem, simply called the Song of Songs and
handed down to posterity as a book, must be regarded as a homogeneous
whole. It is evident that the three clearly distinguished roles of
bridegroom, bride, and chorus maintain their plainly defined characters
from beginning to end; in the same way certain other designations, as
"beloved", "friend", etc., and certain refrains keep recurring.
Moreover, several parts apparently repeat one another, and a peculiar
phraseology is found throughout the book. The attempt has, however,
been made to resolve the poem into separate songs (some twenty in all);
thus has been tried by Herder, Eichhorn, Goethe, Reuss, Stade, Budde,
and Siegfried. But It has been found exceedingly difficult to separate
these songs from one another, and to give to each lyric a meaning
dlstinctly its own. Goethe believed this impossible, and it is
necessary to resort to a working over of the songs by the person who
collected them. But in this everything would depend on a vague personal
impression. It is true that a mutual dependence of all the parts cannot
be maintained in the secular (historical) interpretation. For, even in
the historical hypothesis, the attempt to obtain a flawless drama is
successful only when arbitrary additions are made which permit the
transition from one scene to another, but these interpolations have no
foundation in the text itself. Tradition also knows nothing of genuine
dramatic poetry among the Hebrews, nor is the Semitic race more than
slightly acquainted with this form of poetry. Driven by necessity,
Kämpf and others even invent double roles, so that at times other
personages appear along with Solomon and the Sulamitess; yet it cannot
be said that any one of these hypotheses has produced a probable
interpretation of the entire song.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1204.1">DIFFICULTIES OF INTERPRETATION</h3>
<h4 id="c-p1204.2">Allegorical</h4>
<p id="c-p1205" shownumber="no">All the hypotheses of the above-mentioned kind owe their origin to
the prevalent dislike of allegory and symbolism. It is well known how
extremely distasteful poetic allegory is to our age. Nevertheless
allegory has been employed at times by the greatest poets of all ages.
Its use was widespread in the Middle Ages, and it was always a
preliminary condition in the interpretation of the Scriptures by the
Fathers. There are many passages in the Old and New Testaments which it
is simply impossible to understand without allegory. It is true that
the allegorical method of Interpretation has been greatly misused. Yet
the Canticle of Canticles can be proved to be a flawlessly consecutive
poem by the employment of rules for poetical allegory and its
interpretation which are fixed and according to the canons of art. The
proof of the correctness of the interpretation lies in such a
combination of all the parts of the song into a homogeneous whole. The
dramatic form, as far as it can be plainly seen in the traditional
text, is not destroyed by this method of elucidation; indeed a number
(four to seven) of more or less independent scenes must be recognized.
In separating these scenes from one another the Jewish or Syrian bridal
customs may be taken into consideration, as has been done, especially
by Budde and Siegfried, if the result is the simplifying of the
explanation and not the distortion of the scenes, or other acts of
caprice. An attempt has been made in the commentary (p. 388 sqq.) of
the present writer to give in detail the determinative rules for a
sound allegorical interpretation.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1205.1">Historical</h4>
<p id="c-p1206" shownumber="no">According to Wetzstein, whom Budde and others follow, the book
should be regarded as a collection of short songs such as are still
used by the bedouins of Syria in the "threshing-board". The features of
similarity are the appearance of the bridal pair for seven days as king
and queen the immoderate praise of the two, and the dance of the queen,
during which she swings a sword to the accompaniment of a song by the
chorus. Bruston and Rothstein have, however, expressed doubts as to
this theory. In Solomon's song the bride, in reality, does not appear
as a queen and does not swing a sword; the other traces of similarity
are of so general a character that they probably belong to the wedding
festivities of many nations. But the worst is that the essential songs
avowedly do not stand in the proper order. Consequently it is
presupposed that the order. Consequently it is presupposed that the
order of succession is accidental. This opens wide once more the door
to caprice. Thus, as what is said does not fit this theory it is
claimed that a collector, or later redactor who misunderstood various
matters, must have made small additions with which it is impossible now
to do anything. Others, as Rothstein in Hastings, Dictionary of the
Bible, presuppose that the collector, or rather the redactor, or even
the author, had a dramatic end in view, as life and motion and action
are, taken all together, unmistakable.</p>
<p id="c-p1207" shownumber="no">It is accepted (at least for the present form of the poem) that the
book presents a pastoral poem that the book presents a pastoral poem in
dramatis or, at least, melodramatic form. The poem, according to this
theory, shows how a beautiful shepherdess keeps her betrothal vow to
her lover of the same rank in fife notwithstanding the allurements and
acts of violence of a king. But this shepherd has to be interpolated
into the text and not much can be said for the imaginary faith kept
with the distant lover, as the Sulamitess, in the middle section of the
Song of Solomon, gives herself willingly to the king, and no reason is
apparent in the text why her boundless praise should not be intended
for the present king and not for an absent lover. Stickel overcomes the
great difficulties which still remain in a very arbitrary manner. He
allows a second pair of lovers to come suddenly forward, these know
nothing of the chief personages and are employed by the poet merely as
an interlude. Stickel gives this pair three short passages, namely: i,
7 sq.; i, 15-ii, 4; iv, 7-v, 1. Moreover in these hypotheses appears
the difficulty which is ever connected with the historical
interpretation, that is, the lowering of the song which is so highly
prized by the Church. The historical interpretation transforms it into
ordinary love-scenes, in various moments of which, moreover, a fiery,
sensuous love breaks forth. For the same expressions which, when
referred allegoricallly to Christ and the Church, announce the strength
of the love of God, are under ordinary conditions the utterances of a
repellent passion.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1207.1">AGE AND AUTHOR OF THE CANTICLE</h3>
<p id="c-p1208" shownumber="no">Tradition, in harmony with the superscription, attributes the song
to Solomon. Even in modern times quite a number of exegetes have held
this opinion: among Protestants, for example, Hengstenberg, Delitzsch,
Zöckler, and Keil. De Wette says: "The entire series of pictures
and relationships and the freshness of the life connect these songs
with the age of Solomon." The song evidences the love of Solomon for
nature (it contains twenty-one names of plants and fifteen of animals),
for beauty and art, and for regal splendour; bound up with this latter
is an ideal simplicity suitable to the type of character of the royal
poet. There is also evident a strain of the most tender feeling and a
love of peace which are well in keeping with the reputation of Solomon.
The somewhat unusual language in connection with the skilful and
brilliant style point to a well-practised writer. If some Aramaic or
foreign expressions are to be found in the song, in relation to
Solomon, such cannot cause surprise. It is remarkable that in Proverbs
the fuller form of the relative is always used, while in Canticles the
shorter form is employed, the one used earlier in the song of Debbora.
But in the same way Jeremias used the ordinary form in his prophecies,
while in the Lamentations he repeatedly employed the shorter. The point
is raised that Tirzah (vi, 4 - Heb.) is mentioned along with Jerusalem
as the capital of the Kingdom of the Ten Tribes. The comparison,
though, is made only as to beauty, and Tirzah had, above all, a
reputation for loveliness. Many other commentators, as Bottcher, Ewald,
Hitzig, and Kämpf, put the composition of the book in the time
directly after Solomon. They assert that the action of the poem takes
place in the northern part of Palestine, that the author is especially
well acquainted with this section of the country, and writes in the
form of the language used there. It is further said that Tirzah could
only be compared with Jerusalem at the time when if was the capital of
the Kingdom of the Ten Tribes that is after the age of Solomon but
before the time when Samaria was the capital of the Northern Kingdom.
All these reasons however, have more subjective than objective value.
No more convincing, finally, are the reasons that cause others to place
the book in post-Exilic times; among such exegetes may be mentioned:
Stade, Kautzsch, Cornill, Grätz, Budde, and Siegfried. They
support their theory by reference to many peculiarities of language and
believe they even find traces of Greek influence in the song; but for
all this there is a lack of clear proof.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1208.1">Condition of the Hebrew Text</h4>
<p id="c-p1209" shownumber="no">Gratz, Bickell, Budde, and Cheyne believe that they have been able
to prove the existence of various mistakes and changes in the text. The
passages referred to are: vi, 12; vii, 1; iii, 6-11; for alterations of
the text see chapters vi and vii.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1210" shownumber="no">G. GIETMANN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1210.1" title="Cantor" type="Encyclopedia">Cantor</term>
<def id="c-p1210.2">
<h1 id="c-p1210.3">Cantor</h1>
<p id="c-p1211" shownumber="no">The chief singer (and sometimes instructor) of the ecclesiastical
choir, called also precentor. His duties and qualifications have varied
considerably according to time and place; but generally he must be
ready to lead all the singing in church, to start any chant, and be
watchful to prevent or correct mistakes of singers placed under him. He
may be responsible for the immediate rendering of the music, showing
the course of the melody by movements of the hand. The chief singer of
the Gregorian 
<i>Schola Cantorum</i> was called 
<i>Prior scholae</i> or 
<i>Primicerius.</i> In medieval cathedrals the cantor was master of
music and chant, but also commonly one of the dignitaries of the
chapter. In the fourteenth century the cantor in many churches began to
delegate his instruction of the singers to a master of music. After the
introduction of harmonized music some duties naturally fell to the
conductor or choir-master, who might be a layman. the cantor's place in
church is on the right of the choir, and immediately on his left stands
his assistant, formerly called the "Succentor". In ruling the choir the
cantor very commonly carried a staff as the mark of his dignity. This
custom still survives in some places.</p>
<p id="c-p1212" shownumber="no">GERBERT, De cantu et musica sacra (St. Blasien, 1774); BAUMER,
Histoire du Brevaire (Paris, 1905); MEES, Choirs and Choral music
(London, 1901); DUCHESNE, Christian Worship (London, 1901); WAGNER,
History of Plain Chant (London, 1907).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1213" shownumber="no">WILFRID G.A. SHEBBEARE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1213.1" title="Cantu, Cesare" type="Encyclopedia">Cesare Cantu</term>
<def id="c-p1213.2">
<h1 id="c-p1213.3">Cesare Cantù</h1>
<p id="c-p1214" shownumber="no">Italian historian and poet, b. at Brivio, 8 December, 1807; d. at
Milan, 11 March, 1895. He was at first a student of theology, but left
the seminary without completing the course, not feeling himself called
to the priesthood. after this he turned his attention to literature,
and taught the Italian language and literature at Sondrio in 1823, at
Como in 1827, and at Milan in 1832. While at Como Cantù wrote a
tale in verse called "Algiso o la lega Lombarda" (1828), which
attracted well-deserved attention; the "Storia della citta e della
diocesi di Como" (2 vols., Milan, 1829-1832) made him still better
known. Shortly afterwards appeared "Ragionamenti sulla Storia Lombarda
nel secolo XVII" (Milan, 1832), which was published later under the
title "Commento storico ai Promessi Sposi de A. Manzoni, o la Lombardia
nel secolo XVII". In this work Cantù expressed liberal views in
his comments on the Austrian policy, and was consequently condemned to
thirteen months' imprisonment. The miseries of the incarceration were
described by him in the well-known historico-political novel,
"Margherita Pusterla" (Milan, 1838), a book widely read and frequently
republished.</p>
<p id="c-p1215" shownumber="no">About this date Cantù began his most important work, the
"Storia universale" (35 vols., Turin, 1837, and succeeding decades).
The work was often reprinted, and has been translated into English,
German, French, and Spanish. It is the first historical work by an
Italian which, in a well-finished and vigorous style, gives a
philosophical treatment of the development of all civilized peoples
from the remotest times to the pontificate of Pius IX. Cantù, it
is true, did not draw directly from original sources, but depended on
French and German authorities, the value of which he did not always
judge with sufficient acumen. He worked up the material thus obtained,
however, with entire independence. Yet he showed the influence of the
Romantic school, of which Manzoni is the most important representative,
and he sought to combine Church and State, politics and religion. The
effect of the Romantic movement is still more evident in those works in
which Cantù treated the history of Italy of his own time, as in:
"Storia dei cent' anni, 1750-1850" (5 vols., Florence, 1851); "Storia
degli Italiani" (3 vols., Turin, 1879). Constantly viewed with
suspicion by the Government on account of his political opinions, he
was obliged to make his escape from Milan to Piedmont when the
Revolution of 1848 broke out, but he returned when the uprising came to
an end. He was a member of Parliament from 1859 to 1861, and from 1874
until the time of his death he was the director of the archives of
Lombardy. In addition to the more important publications mentioned
above, Cantù wrote a large number of small historical works and
numerous popular books and tales for the young, most of which passed
through several editions, and were translated into other languages.
Among these minor writings may be mentioned: "Letture giovanili", 4
vols.; "Buon senso e buon cuore"; "Il giovinetto dirizzato all
bontà"; "Il galantuomo"; and many others. A complete edition of
his poetry appeared at Florence in 1870.</p>
<p id="c-p1216" shownumber="no">Bertolini, Cantù e le sue opere (Florence, 1895); Mazzoni, Atti
dell' Accademia della Crusca (Florence, 1899).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1217" shownumber="no">PATRICIUS SCHLAGER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1217.1" title="Canute, King" type="Encyclopedia">King Canute</term>
<def id="c-p1217.2">
<h1 id="c-p1217.3">Canute</h1>
<p id="c-p1218" shownumber="no">(Or CNUT: THE GREAT, THE MIGHTY)</p>
<p id="c-p1219" shownumber="no">King of the English, Danes, and Norwegians, b. about 994; d. at
Shaftesbury, 12 November 1035. He was the son of Sweyn, King of
Denmark, and Sigrid, widow of Eric of Sweden. Though baptized while a
child, there is no evidence of Christianity in his life until after he
ascended the English throne. He accompanied his father on the invasion
of England, and after the repulse at London and Sweyn's sudden death
near Bury (3 February, 1014) was declared King of England by the Danish
fleet. The witan, however, recalled Æthelred, their "born lord",
who had fled at Sweyn's approach, and Canute, unable to withstand the
restored monarch, set sail for the North. At Sandwich, after cutting
off the noses, ears, and hands of the hostages taken by his father, he
put them ashore — a dire omen of a more terrible return. Returned
to Denmark, Canute proclaimed himself king and set about gathering a
powerful fleet. England, instead of being prepared for his return, was
torn by internal dissensions, and when Canute appeared off the coast
with a fleet, said to have numbered two hundred sail, each boat
containing eighty men, Eadrie deserted Eadmund Ironside and joined the
Danish standard. Upon the death of Æthelred, Eadmund was made king
by the people of London, and, with all Wessex in submission, Canute
laid siege to the city. This was the beginning of a series of bloody
conflicts, interrupted only by pillage of the country-side, culminating
at Assandun, where, after battle which was waged all day and into the
night, the English were routed, and "all the nobility of the English
race was there destroyed" (Anglo-Saxon Chron., ed. Giles, London, 1847,
p. 409). Eadmund was still formidable. Canute followed him into
Gloucestershire and made terms of peace on the Isle of Olney. Mercia
and Northumbria were Canute's portion, and a tax known as the
"danegeld" was levied on both armies to defray the expenses of the
Danish fleet. Eadmund died a month later after a heroic reign of seven
months; Eadric was murdered at the king's order; Eadwig, Eadmund's
brother was similarly removed; and in July, 1017, Canute married
Ælfgifu, or Emma, Eadmund's widow, a strange union which some
writers attribute to political motives. Canute already had two sons,
Harold and Sweyn, by another wife, but the right of succession was to
be with the offspring of the new union.</p>
<p id="c-p1220" shownumber="no">Thus at the age of twenty-three, by right of might, Canute stood
master of the realm; and if he was received unanimously by the people,
it was because none durst oppose him. From this forward, however, his
one desire seemed to be to wipe out the memory of the bloodshed and
horror in which his kingship had been secured. The Danish host, a
fruitful source of animosity, was dismissed after a danegeld of
£72,000 had been raised, London alone contributing £15,000.
Canute retained the crews of forty ships as a body-guard, known as the 
<i>huscarls</i> or 
<i>thingmanna</i>. "Eadgar's Law", the old constitution of the realm,
was revived and Dane and Englishman stood on a level footing. The
Church had suffered heavily at Canute's hands, but he sought her
friendship and built a church at Assandun to commemorate the victory;
rebuilt the church of St. Eadmund at Bury and established the monks
there; and was a benefactor in many other places, contributing even to
the erection of the cathedral of Chartres. On his visits to Denmark he
took many missionaries with him, among whom were Ranier, Bernhard, and
Gerbrand, Bishops of Fionia, Sconen, and Zealand. In 1026 Canute made a
pilgrimage to Rome, his path being marked by his charities. He records
in a letter his joy at visiting the tombs of the Apostles; his meeting
with Pope John and Emperor Conrad; his plea for security for English
and Danish travellers to Rome; the pope's promise to lighten the tax
for the pallium; and he adds his own vow to rule justly and regrets the
misdeeds of his youth.</p>
<p id="c-p1221" shownumber="no">Canute's greatest gift to his people was peace, says Green. Eighteen
years unbroken by domestic strife laid the foundations of a national
tranquillity. The kingdom was divided into four earldoms, and little by
little Danish names disappear and are replaced by English (Freeman,
Norman Conquest, I, 289). The people are to "love and worship one God
and love King Cnut with right truthfulness". The ferocity which
mutilated the hostages was not burnt out, for the king struck down one
of his huscarls with his own hand. But he pronounced heavy sentence
upon his deed and, on another occasion, is said to have rebuked his
flatterers by placing his crown upon the crucifix of the cathedral of
Winchester. From the time his sceptre is secure, a sincere zeal for his
people's good shines out in his life. The yoke is lightened and his
benefactions are widespread. He is a patron of poets and a lover of
minstrelsy, and upon hearing the monks of Ely chant on Candlemas, he
breaks out into the famous song:—</p>

<verse id="c-p1221.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1221.2">Merie sungen ðe muneches binnen Ely,</l>
<l id="c-p1221.3">Ða Cnut Ching reu ðer by;</l>
<l id="c-p1221.4">Roweð, Cnihtes, noer ðe land,</l>
<l id="c-p1221.5">And here we þes muneches sæng.</l>
</verse>

<verse id="c-p1221.6" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1221.7">(Merrily sang the monks of Ely</l>
<l id="c-p1221.8">when Cnut King rowed by.</l>
<l id="c-p1221.9">Row, boatmen, near the land,</l>
<l id="c-p1221.10">and hear we these monks sing.)</l>
</verse>

<p id="c-p1222" shownumber="no">Intriguing, ambitious, and violent, Canute yet atoned for his early
cruelty by a Christianity that was not unworthy. He came as an invader
and ruthless destroyer, and by a change of temperament as remarkable as
it was far-reaching in its effects, remained to rule, in justice and
peace, a people whose part he wholly espoused. He was buried in the old
minster at Winchester.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1223" shownumber="no">E.F. SAXTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1223.1" title="Canute IV, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Canute IV</term>
<def id="c-p1223.2">
<h1 id="c-p1223.3">St. Canute IV</h1>
<p id="c-p1224" shownumber="no">Also spelled 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1224.1">Cnut</span>.</p>
<p id="c-p1225" shownumber="no">Martyr and King of Denmark, date of birth uncertain; d. 10 July
1086, the third of the thirteen natural sons of Sweyn II surnamed
Estridsen. Elected king on the death of his brother Harold about 1080,
he waged war on his barbarous enemies and brought Courland and Livonia
to the faith. Having married Eltha, daughter of Robert, Count of
Flanders, he had a son Charles, surnamed the good. He was a strong
ruler, as is proved by his stern dealing with the pirate Eigill of
Bornholm. The happiness of his people and the interests of the Church
were the objects he had most at heart. To the cathedral of Roskilde,
still the royal burying-place, he gave his own diadem. His austerity
was equalled by his assiduity in prayer. An expedition to England, in
favour of the Saxons against William the Conqueror, planned by him in
1085, failed through the treachery of his brother Olaf. His people
having revolted on account of the cruelties of certain tax-collectors,
Canute retired to the island of Funen. There, in the church of St.
Alban, after due preparation for death, the king, his brother Benedict,
and seventeen others were surrounded and slain, 10 July, 1086. His
feast is 19 January, translation, 10 July; his emblems, a lance or
arrows, in memory of the manner of his death.</p>
<p id="c-p1226" shownumber="no">"Acta SS., July, III, 118-149, containing the life (written in 1105)
by Aelnoth, a monk of Canterbury, and also that by SAXO GRAMMATICUS;
BOLLANDISTS, "Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina", (Brussels, 1898), 232;
CHEVALIER. "Repertoire des sources historiques du moyen age" (Paris,
1905); I, col. 771; BUTLER, "Lives of the Saints", 19 January.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1227" shownumber="no">PATRICK RYAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1227.1" title="Capaccio and Vallo" type="Encyclopedia">Capaccio and Vallo</term>
<def id="c-p1227.2">
<h1 id="c-p1227.3">Capaccio and Vallo</h1>
<p id="c-p1228" shownumber="no">(CAPUTAQUENSIS ET VALLENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p1229" shownumber="no">Suffragan diocese of Salerno.</p>
<p id="c-p1230" shownumber="no">Capaccio is a city in the province of Salerno (Italy), in an
unhealthy region, not far from the ruins of the ancient Paestum. It is
believed that Capaccio was built after the destruction of Paestum by
the Saracens (915), and that the see was transferred there. The first
known bishop of Capaccio is Arnolfo, present at the council of the
Lateran in 1179. Lelio Morello, elected in 1586, obtained from Sixtus V
the transfer of the bishop's residence to Dania. Other bishops worthy
of mention were: the zealous monk Pietro Matta de Haro (1611), who was
assisted by the venerable Gian Filippo Romanello, founder of a
congregation of priests for the instruction of the peasantry in the
articles of faith; the learned Cardinal Francesco Maria Brancacci
(1627); Tommaso Caraffa (1639), and Giovanni della Pace (1684). The
bishop resides at Vallo. The diocese contains a population of 122,400,
with 102 parishes, 282 churches and chapels, 256 secular and 14 regular
priests, and 3 religious houses for men.</p>
<p id="c-p1231" shownumber="no">CAPPELLETTI, 
<i>Le chiese d'Italia</i> (Venice, 1844); 
<i>Ann. eccl.</i> (Rome, 1907), 365.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1232" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1232.1" title="Capefigue" type="Encyclopedia">Capefigue</term>
<def id="c-p1232.2">
<h1 id="c-p1232.3">Baptiste-Honoré-Raymond Capefigue</h1>
<p id="c-p1233" shownumber="no">Historian, b. at Marseilles, 1802; d. at Paris, 22 December, 1872.
In 1821 he was a law student at Paris; at a later date he became a
contributor to the "Quotidienne", and in 1827 he was made editor of the
Legitimist journal, "Messager des Chambres". On account of his
journalistic activity in behalf of the government, Capefigue soon
received a position in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but lost it in
consequence of the Revolution of July. A strong Royalist, he was after
this an active supporter of the Orleanists in his writings and later of
Napoleon. Capefigue was a prolific writer; his works are, consequently,
somewhat superficial and of no great historical value, but in them he
always maintained his convictions as a devout Catholic. His first work
was entitled: "Recueil des opérations de l'armée
française en Espagne sous les ordres du Duc d'Angoulême"
(Paris, 1823). His principal work, "Histoire de Philippe-Auguste"
(Paris, 1827-1829), 4 vols., passed through several editions. The best
of his publications is: "Histoire de la Restauration et des causes qui
ont amené la chute de la branche aînée des Bourbons"
(Paris, 1831, 10 vols; 3d ed., Paris, 1842, 4 vols.). Of less
importance was the work, on a more ambitious scale, "L'Europe depuis
l'avènement de Louis-Philippe" (Paris, 1845-1846, 16 vols.; 2d
ed., 1847-1849, 10 vols.), and the publication entitled, "L'Europe
depuis la chute de Louis-Philippe jusqu'à la présidence de
Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte" (Paris, 1849), 3 vols. Mention should
also be made of: "Les reines de la main gauche" (Paris 1858-1864), 15
vols., which includes sketches of Agnes Sorel, Pompadour, du Barry,
etc., and "Les reines de la main droite" (Paris, 1856-1864), 6 vols.,
sketches of Catherine de' Medici, Elizabeth of England, and Maria
Theresa, etc. Among his writings which belong to the department of
church history are: "Vie de saint Vincent de Paul" (Paris, 1827; 2nd
ed., 1840); "Quatre premiers siècles de l'Eglise chrétienne"
(Paris, 1850), 4 vols. Capefigue also produced a historical novel
called: "Jacques II à Saint-Germain" (Paris, 1833), 2 vols.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1234" shownumber="no">PATRICIUS SCHLAGER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1234.1" title="Caperolo, Pietro" type="Encyclopedia">Pietro Caperolo</term>
<def id="c-p1234.2">
<h1 id="c-p1234.3">Pietro Caperolo</h1>
<p id="c-p1235" shownumber="no">Friar Minor, date of birth unknown; d. at Velletri in 1480; he was a
man of much energy and great learning, and was held in high esteem as a
preacher by the people of Brescia, Velletri, and other cities of
Northern Italy. Caperolo played an important part in the religious
disturbances, which arose about the year 1475, between the Franciscan
provinces of Milan and Venice, and which were occasioned in great
measure by the war then going on between Milan and the Venetian
Republic. After considerable difficulty Caperolo succeeded in obtaining
permission from Pope Sixtus IV to separate several convents of the
Venetian provice from the obedience of the Observants, and to form a
vicariate, which was placed under the obedience of the Conventuals, but
retained the right to elect its own provincial superior. The members of
the new congregation were known as Caperolani, from Caperolo their
founder. The death of Caperolo, however, put an end to the Caperolani
as a distinct branch within the order, and all the members of the new
vicariate without exception returned to the obedience of the
Observants.</p>
<p id="c-p1236" shownumber="no">Wadding, 
<i>Annales Minorum</i> (Rome, 1732), XIII, 402; XIV, 242; Kobler in 
<i>Kirchenlex</i>., s.v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1237" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1237.1" title="Capgrave, John" type="Encyclopedia">John Capgrave</term>
<def id="c-p1237.2">
<h1 id="c-p1237.3">John Capgrave</h1>
<p id="c-p1238" shownumber="no">Augustinian friar, historian, and theologian, b. at Lynn in Norfolk,
21 April, 1393; d. there, 12 August, 1464 (according to Pits, 1484).
His name is known chiefly in connection with the "Nova Legenda
Angliae", the first comprehensive collection of English saints' lives.
But this work was really complied by John of Tynemouth, a Benedictine
(born c. 1290), and Capgrave merely edited and re-arranged it, though
it has ever since passed under his name. Yet quite apart from the "Nova
Legenda", his own undoubted works prove him to have been a scholar of
unusual eminence. But few facts—and these gleaned from his own
works—are known concerning his life. He states that he was born
at Lynn in Norfolk, and not in Kent as Bale and others have stated. His
university is uncertain, both Oxford and Cambridge claiming him, but he
certainly was ordained priest in 1417 or 1418, and was professed an
Augustinian at Lynn. He became a doctor of Divinity, and subsequently
provincial of his order. Many of his unpublished works exist in MS.,
but some are lost. His historical works are: "De illustribus Henricis"
(R.S., London, 1858); "Vita Humfredi ducis Glocestriae"; Life of St.
Gilbert of Sempringham"; "Metrical Life of St. Katharine" (Early
English Test Soc., 1893); "Chronicle of England to A.D. 1417" (R.S.,
London, 1858); "Vita S. Augustini"; "De sequacibus S. Augustini"; "De
illustribus viris O. S. A." His theological works, too numerous to
detail (given by Hingeston, below), include commentaries on many books
of the Bible, a work on the creeds, sermons, lectures and addresses to
the clergy.</p>
<p id="c-p1239" shownumber="no">Hingeston, 
<i>Capgrave's Chronicle of England</i> (R.S., London, 1858); Maunde
Thompson in 
<i>Dict. Nat. Biog.</i> (London, 1887), IX, 20; Horstman, 
<i>Nova Legenda Angliae</i>, Introduction (Oxford, 1901).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1240" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1240.1" title="Cap Haitien" type="Encyclopedia">Cap Haitien</term>
<def id="c-p1240.2">
<h1 id="c-p1240.3">Cap Haïtien</h1>
<p id="c-p1241" shownumber="no">(CAPITIS HAITIANI)</p>
<p id="c-p1242" shownumber="no">Erected by Pius IX, 3 October, 1861, in the ecclesiastical Province
of Port au Prince, territorially corresponds to the Department of the
North of the French-speaking negro Republic of Haiti. In 1906 the
jurisdiction of the See of Cap Haïtien covered some 650,000
Catholics, or rather more than one-fourth of the whole population of
the Haitian Republic, which forms the western political division (about
one-third the area) of the Island of Santo Domingo, the largest but one
of the Greater Antilles.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1242.1">HISTORY</h3>
<p id="c-p1243" shownumber="no">On his second voyage to Santo Domingo, or, as he named it,
Hispaniola, Columbus brought with him some religious of the Order of
St. Dominic. This was in November, 1493, and since then the Haitian
part of the island, at least, has never lacked pastors. A plan of the
city of Cap Haïtien still extant, and dating from the year 1600,
differs hardly at all in extent from the plan of the present city. In
the collection of annals of the "missions catholiques" there are, also,
letters of the same period, written from Petite Anse by a Jesuit
Father. The parishes of the North were generally served by religious of
the Society of Jesus, but there were also at Cap Haïtien some
Franciscans whose names have been preserved, and one section of that
city is still called "Morne des Capucins". In addition to the work of
the parish the Jesuits administered a very large hospital at the gate
of the city and another (military) hospital inside. There was also a
convent of nuns, very fine, and of very considerable size, to judge by
its site, which has remained unoccupied, being now held in reserve by
the Government for the Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny, whenever that
congregation shall be able to found an establishment there.</p>
<p id="c-p1244" shownumber="no">From the time when Haiti secured its national independence (1804) to
the Concordat (1860) the country was without a hierarchy. After a
period of unsuccessful attempts at ecclesiastical reorganization under
vicars and prefects Apostolic, negotiations between the Holy See and
the administration of President Geffrard resulted (28 March, 1860) in
the conclusion of the Concordat, which expired in 1885. Monsignor
Monetti, titular Bishop of Lervia, was sent to Haiti in 1861 to settle
various points left open in the text of the Concordat, and among these
was the establishment of a suffragan see at Cap Haïtien, as well
as the amount of the stipends to be paid to bishops and vicars-general.
Provision was made for another diocese at Port de la Paix, but it was
never formally established, and its territory is administered from Cap
Haïtien.</p>
<p id="c-p1245" shownumber="no">The first Bishop of Cap Haïtien, Monseigneur Constant Mathurin
Hillion, took possession of his see 24 May, 1874. There was no
cathedral, and the Divine Offices were performed in a miserable chapel
which was much too small. To supply this pressing need the bishop set
about rebuilding a ruined church which dated from the time of Louis XV.
He was able to collect a sum of about 200,000 francs ($40,000), and in
the space of three months an American company completed the
construction of the actual nave with its aisles, the transept and choir
being still (1906) incomplete. The bishop also lost no time in
establishing two schools, one for boys and the other for girls, under
the Institute of Christian Instruction (Frères La Mennais) and the
Sisters of St. Joseph of Cluny. The sisters had arrived 9 May, 1872;
the Frères La Mennais came 9 November, 1877. At this epoch,
through the initiative of Père Bertin, 
<i>curé</i> and honorary canon, the equipment of the cathedral was
rendered complete by the erection of a presbytery. Upon the death of
Monseigneur Guillons, Monseigneur Hillion succeeded him as Archbishop
of Port-au-Prince, and Monseigneur Kersuzan, titular Bishop of Hippo
and coadjutor to the late archbishop, was made Bishop of Cap
Haïtien, 10 November, 1886. The Bishop of Cap Haïtien had
until then resided in a house too small for the gatherings of all the
clergy in their annual retreat. He found means to build a very fine
episcopal residence, with a chapel and adequate outbuildings, an
edifice undeniable the most considerable in the city after the
cathedral. This residence was destroyed by fire, but the construction
of a more spacious and equally imposing edifice is now (1906) in
progress. The diocesan seminary had been carried on at Pont-Chateau, in
Brittany, by the Society of Mary founded by B. René de Montfort.
When the French Government outlawed the religious orders, Monseigneur
Kersuzan succeeded in installing his present seminary (Saint-Jacques)
at Lanpaul, in the Diocese of Quimper, Brittany. It is under the care
of secular priests: a director, two administrators, and six professors,
with 50 students. The same bishop also founded at Cap Haïtien the
College of 
<i>Notre-Dame de secours perpétuel</i>, which affords Haitian
youths the advantages of secondary education without the expense and
risks of a sojourn in Europe. This college is administered by a
director, two ecclesiastic, and two lay, teachers. Lastly, the hospice
owes to Monseigneur Kersuzan the introduction of the sisters, whose
ministrations insure disinterested care for the sick with due
consideration of their spiritual welfare.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1245.1">RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL STATUS</h3>
<p id="c-p1246" shownumber="no">Since the establishment of the hierarchy the twenty-one parishes of
this diocese have little by little been provided with pastors, and some
with assistants. There are altogether sixty-three churches, chapels,
and oratories in the diocese. The number of practical Catholics has
more than trebled and marriages have multiplied everywhere. There still
remains, however, an unconverted majority in the immense parishes,
which often contain a population of 30,000, while the smallest always
contain several thousands.</p>
<p id="c-p1247" shownumber="no">In addition to the college already mentioned there is a boys'
school, conducted by ten of the Frères La Mennais, with 200
pupils; and three other schools, each employing three religious of the
same order, with from 150 to 200 pupils in each. The Sisters of St.
Joseph of Cluny carry on six schools, one with 250 pupils under ten
sisters, and five, each with 150 pupils under three sisters. The
Daughters of Wisdom supply, besides ten religious for the hospice, 22
religious, teaching an aggregate of 750 girls in six schools in as many
parishes. The number of Protestants residing in the diocese is
extremely small, and is made up almost entirely of strangers from the
neighbouring islands. There are three Masonic temples at Cap
Haïtien, and probably one in each of the other towns or
considerable villages of the diocese. When there was virtually no
clergy, it was a fashion in Haiti to join the lodges; but these are now
little frequented, except two or three times a year, on festival
occasions, when there are receptions or banquets.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1248" shownumber="no">M. CHATTÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1248.1" title="Capharnaum" type="Encyclopedia">Capharnaum</term>
<def id="c-p1248.2">
<h1 id="c-p1248.3">Capharnaum</h1>
<p id="c-p1249" shownumber="no">A titular see of Palestine. Its name (also KAPERNAUM) means village
of Nahum or consolation. It is frequently mentioned in the Gospels:
Jesus, when repelled by the Nazarenes, made it His new abode (<scripRef id="c-p1249.1" osisRef="Bible:Matt.4.13" parsed="|Matt|4|13|0|0" passage="Matthew 4:13">Matthew
4:13</scripRef>; <scripRef id="c-p1249.2" osisRef="Bible:Luke.4.31" parsed="|Luke|4|31|0|0" passage="Luke 4:31">Luke 4:31</scripRef>; <scripRef id="c-p1249.3" osisRef="Bible:John.2.12" parsed="|John|2|12|0|0" passage="John 2:12">John 2:12</scripRef>); He chose there his first disciples, Peter,
Andrew, James, John, Matthew (<scripRef id="c-p1249.4" osisRef="Bible:Matt.4.18 Bible:Matt.4.21" parsed="|Matt|4|18|0|0;|Matt|4|21|0|0" passage="Matthew 4:18, 21">Matthew 4:18, 21</scripRef>; 9:9; <scripRef id="c-p1249.5" osisRef="Bible:Mark.1.16" parsed="|Mark|1|16|0|0" passage="Mark 1:16">Mark 1:16</scripRef>); He
cured there the centurion's servant, Peter's mother-in-law, a
paralytic, a demoniac, the Hæmorrhoissa, etc.; it was there that
He brought to life again the daughter of Jairus, and delivered many
discourses, especially the one concerning the institution of the
Eucharist (<scripRef id="c-p1249.6" osisRef="Bible:John.6" parsed="|John|6|0|0|0" passage="John 6">John 6</scripRef>i). The inhabitants, however, at the instigation of
the Pharisees, broke off with Him, and Jesus, on leaving their city,
cursed it (<scripRef id="c-p1249.7" osisRef="Bible:Matt.11.23" parsed="|Matt|11|23|0|0" passage="Matthew 11:23">Matthew 11:23</scripRef>). Under Constantine the Great, Count Joseph, a
converted Jew, built a church there which the pilgrim known as
"Pseudo-Antoninus" visited in the sixth century. Since then the town
has not been mentioned in the history of Palestine. It was never a
Greek see, nor even a Latin one in the Middle Ages. Lequien, it is true
(III, 719), quotes a document concerning the ecclesiastical province of
Scythopolis in Palestina Secunda, wherein we read: "Ibi sunt adhoc
Bethsaida, Naim et Capharnaum, sed alio nomine vocitantur nec habent
episcopos". Just when it became a Latin titular see is not known, the
title now being held by the coadjutor to the Latin Patriarch of
Jerusalem. Capharnaum must be identified with Tell-Houm on the north
bank of the Lake of Tiberias. There are splendid ruins there, chiefly
of a magnificent synagogue seventy-two feet long and fifty-four feet
wide. In a little convent on this site some Franciscans reside for the
reception of pilgrims. According to some archaeologists the site of
Capharnaum is not at Tell-Houm, but in the vicinity, on the way to
Tiberias, either at Khan-Minieh or at Aïn-Tabigah. In the latter
place the Cologne Catholic Society conducts an agricultural colony.</p>
<p id="c-p1250" shownumber="no">Wilson, 
<i>Lands of the Bible,</i> II, 139-149; Thomson, 
<i>The Land and the Book,</i> I, 542; Robinson, 
<i>Biblical Researches</i> (1856), III, 347-357; Conder, 
<i>Tentwork in Palestine,</i> II, 182; Kitchener in 
<i>Quarterly Statement</i> of the Palestine Exploration Fund (July,
1979).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1251" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1251.1" title="Capitolias" type="Encyclopedia">Capitolias</term>
<def id="c-p1251.2">
<h1 id="c-p1251.3">Capitolias</h1>
<p id="c-p1252" shownumber="no">A titular see of Palestine, suffragan to Scythopolis in Palestina
Secunda. According to the coins of the city, its special era begins
A.D. 97 or 98; it dates, therefore, at least under this name, from the
time of Nerva or Trajan. It was originally a part of the Decapolis.
Capitolias is mentioned by many geographers, among others by Hierocles
and Georgius Cyprius in the sixth and seventh centuries. Six bishops
are given by Lequien (III, 715). The first, Antiochus, was present at
Nicaea in 325; the second, Ananias, was at Chalcedon in 451; the last,
St. Peter, is said to have suffered martyrdom at the hands of the
Saracens early in the seventh century; he seems, however, to have been
only a priest of Capitolias. In the twelfth century the see was an
independent archbishopric, as appears from a "Notitia episcopatuum" of
that time (H. Gelzer, in Byzantin. Zeithschrift, I, 253). Eubel, I,
169, mentions four Latin titulars in the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries. The site of Capitolias is identified with the ruins at
Bet-er-Ras, near Irbid, the chief village of a 
<i>kaïmakamlik</i> in the vilayet of Syria.</p>
<p id="c-p1253" shownumber="no">Schumacher, 
<i>Northern Adjlun</i>, 154 sq.; Lequien, 
<i>Oriens Christianus</i> (1740), III, 715-18.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1254" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1254.1" title="Capitulations, Episcopal and Pontifical" type="Encyclopedia">Episcopal and Pontifical Capitulations</term>
<def id="c-p1254.2">
<h1 id="c-p1254.3">Episcopal and Pontifical Capitulations</h1>
<p id="c-p1255" shownumber="no">Capitulations were agreements, by which those taking part in the
election of a bishop or pope imposed special conditions upon the
candidate to be fulfilled by him after his election. Episcopal
capitulations owe their origin to the fact that since the eleventh and
twelfth centuries the real election of bishops was restricted to the
canons of cathedral chapters, who were anxious to curtail the
prerogatives or the income of the bishops, and to secure for themselves
privileges or larger revenues. Since the early part of the thirteenth
century the canons of Mains agreed amongst themselves not to elect a
bishop unless he promised beforehand to exact no financial
contributions from the clergy. Such capitulations became practically
universal throughout Germany, where the election of bishops remained in
the hands of cathedral chapters. In the diet held at Nuremberg in 1522
the chapters were condemned for extorting such concessions from the
bishops. If these capitulations contain conditions which curtail the
jurisdiction or the prerogatives of the bishop, the privileges of the
diocese, or the like, then they do not bind the candidate-elect, even
if he has taken an oath to carry them out; the canons have no
jurisdiction in such matters. Several papal declarations forbade them
and pronounced them invalid; thus the Constitution "Contingit" of
Nicholas III (1277-80) in the "Liber Sextus" (II, tit., xi, 1); Pius V
(1566-72) "Durum nimis", 31 May, 1570; Gregory XIII (1572-85) "Inter
apostolicas", 5 September, 1584; Innocent XII (1691-1700)
"Ecclesiæ Catholicæ", 22 September, 1695; and Benedict XIV
(1740-58) "Pastoralis regiminis", 15 July, 1754. Severe penalties were
imposed on those who should act contrary to these instructions, viz.,
suspension for those in the episcopal order, interdict for the
chapters, and excommunication for their individual members. Still the
capitulations were maintained in Germany, partly because the
constitution of ecclesiastical states was often based on them; partly
because such privileges of the chapters were acknowledged by the
"Instrumentum pacis", or Treaty of Osnabrück (1648); and partly
because the emperors at the beginning of their reigns promised to
protect the customary usages of the chapters.</p>
<p id="c-p1256" shownumber="no">The papal capitulations arose in about the same manner when, from
the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the election of a pope was reserved
to the cardinals. The first authentic example occurred when Innocent VI
(1352-62) was chosen pope. The conditions then laid down by the
cardinals restricted the rights of the future pope, especially with
regard to the nomination, punishment, or deposition of cardinals, the
appointment to positions in the papal provinces, and the administration
of temporalities — in all of which the cardinals wished to have a
voice. Similar but more far-reaching capitulations were entered into at
the election of Eugene IV (1431-47), at the election of Pius II
(1458-64), at the election of Paul II (1464-71), and at the election of
Innocent VIII (1484-92). These papal capitulations were likewise
forbidden and pronounced null and void. Innocent VI, in the
Constitution "Sollicitudo" of the year 1353, rejected as not binding
upon him the capitulation entered into at the time of his own election.
Innocent VIII believed that he was not bound to observe those
conditions of the capitulation which were contrary to the prerogatives
of the head of the Church. More general declarations are contained in
the Constitution "Ubi periculum" of Gregory X (1271-76), published in
1274; in the "In eligendis", published by Pius IV (1559-65), 9 October,
1562; and in the "Æterni Patris" of Gregory XV (1621-23), 15
November, 1621.</p>
<p id="c-p1257" shownumber="no">SCHMALZGRÜBER, 
<i>Jus ecclesiasticum</i> (Rome, 1843), I; FERRARIS, 
<i>Bibliotheca,</i> s. v. 
<i>Electio</i> (Paris, 1865), III; HINSCHIUS, 
<i>Kirchenrecht</i> (Berlin, 1869, 1878), I, II; PHILLIPS, 
<i>Kirchenrecht</i> (Ratisbon, 1854), V; BRUNNER, 
<i>Wahlkapitulationen der Bischöfe von Konstanz</i> in 
<i>Zeitschr. für die Gesch. des Oberrheins</i> (Karlsruhe, 1898);
PASTOR, 
<i>Gesch. der Päpste</i> (Freiburg, 1891, 1894, 1895), I, II,
III.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1258" shownumber="no">FRANCIS J. SCHAEFER.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1258.1" title="Capponi, Count Gino" type="Encyclopedia">Count Gino Capponi</term>
<def id="c-p1258.2">
<h1 id="c-p1258.3">Count Gino Capponi</h1>
<p id="c-p1259" shownumber="no">Historian and litterateur; born at Florence, Italy, 13 September,
1792; died 3 February, 1876. He came of an ancient family, whose
members had often figured in the annals of Italian literature. Under
private tutors of note, Count Capponi was well trained in the
humanities and in such modern languages as English, French, and German.
Fond of travelling, he early began his peregrinations throughout his
native land, acquainting himself with the past and present traditions
of Italian art and letters. In 1813, when he had but barely reached
man's estate, he visited Paris, on a deputation to Napoleon. He also
visited England, where he contracted a close friendship with the exiled
Foscolo, and later he travelled in Holland and Germany. Back in
Florence once more, he devoted himself to constant study, maintaining
all the while constant relations with the best scholars and writers of
the time, and figuring prominently in the various learned and literary
academies. To his initiative and active co-operation was due the
successful launching of a number of important periodicals dealing with
many and varied interests. Thus the "Antologia" was founded in 1821 by
Vieusseux, who valued greatly the aid given him by Capponi, and he was
quite efficacious in starting the "Giornale Agrario Toscano" (1827),
the "Guida dell'Educatore" (1836), and the "Archivio Storico Italiano"
(1842). Entering into political life, he there professed moderate
sentiments and so recommended himself by his self-restraint and
prudence that he became head of a ministry in the Grand Duchy during
the troublous times of 1848. He was afterwards a senator of the realm.
He passed the latter part of his life in darkness, having been stricken
by blindness in 1840.</p>
<p id="c-p1260" shownumber="no">While engaged in translating from the French a history of Florence
by Mme O. Allart, he conceived the idea of writing his own "Storia
della Repubblica di Firenze", which, after twenty years of labour, he
published in 1875 (Florence, 2nd revised ed., 1876), by the advice of
the German historian, Alfred von Reumont. His history extends from the
beginning of the commune down to the fall of the republic in 1530, and
is a statement of all that is told by the old Florentine chronicles and
by the early historians, substantiated by documents and amplified with
considerations on the state of culture in the various periods. Many of
his lesser writings have been brought together in the "Scritti editi ed
inediti" published by M. Tabarrini (Florence, 1877). Interesting still
is the polemic which he wrote in connexion with the controversy about
Amerigo Vespucci. Those who treat of the Lombards in Italy must take
cognizance of his "Lettere al professor Capei sulla dominazione dei
Longobardi in Italia". His views on pedagogical matters are expressed
in the "Frammenti sull' educazione" and his studies in political
economy take a practical turn in the "Cinque letture di economia
toscana". With the zeal of an intelligent student of folk-lore he
arranged, amplified, and published the "Raccolta di proverbi toscani"
of the scholar Giusti. Instructive not only with regard to the man
himself, but also for the general political, social, and literary
conditions of his time, is the "Epistolario" published in six volumes
by G. C. Carraresi (Florence, 1884-90); it embraces many letters
written by others to Count Capponi, as well as those written by
him.</p>
<p id="c-p1261" shownumber="no">The personality of Capponi reveals itself in every respect as one of
the most engaging that modern Italy has possessed. He was a man of
strong integrity, a sturdy Catholic, friendly to those forms of
political liberty that obeyed the moral law, and thoroughly imbued with
love for all the arts of refinement.</p>
<p id="c-p1262" shownumber="no">
<i>Edinburgh Review</i> (April, 1876); 
<i>Nuova Antologia</i> (Feb., 1886); VON REUMONT. 
<i>Gina Capponi, Jun Ein Zeit- und Lebensbild</i> (Gotha, 1880; this
has also a bibliography); GUASTI in 
<i>Atti dell' Accademia delle Crusca</i> (1876); DE GUBERNATIS, in 
<i>Rivista Europea</i> (June, 1876); his personal memoirs published as 
<i>Ricordi</i> in the Scritti editi ed inediti. II.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1263" shownumber="no">J. D. M. FORD.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1263.1" title="Capranica, Domenico" type="Encyclopedia">Domenico Capranica</term>
<def id="c-p1263.2">
<h1 id="c-p1263.3">Domenico Capranica</h1>
<p id="c-p1264" shownumber="no">Cardinal, theologian, canonist, and statesman, b. at Capranica near
Palestrina, Italy, in 1400; d. at Rome, 14 July, 1458. After brilliant
studies in canon and civil law at Padua and Bologna, under such
teachers as the later Cardinals Giuliano Cesarini and Nicholas of Cusa,
he received the title of Doctor of Both Laws at the age of twenty-one.
Soon he became secretary to Martin V, and Apostolic prothonotary, and
in 1423 or 1426 was made cardinal 
<i>in petto</i> by this pope, though his nomination was not published
in secret consistory until 1430. He had earned this rapid promotion by
various political and military services, notable by his administration
of Imola and Forli and by his successful reduction of rebellious
Bologna. In the meantime he had become Bishop of Fermo, but for some
reason did not go to Rome for the public ceremonies of the cardinalate.
Despite his protest, and their previous agreement with Martin V, the
cardinals of the conclave that followed the latter's death (1431)
refused to recognize Capranica's nomination, and the new pope, Eugene
IV, sustained their decision on the ground that the delivery of the hat
and assignment of the title were necessary for the validity of a
cardinalitial nomination. Capranica, having already suffered severe
losses at Rome through the enmity of the Orsini, took refuge first with
the Visconti of Milan and later appealed (1432) to the Council of Basle
for recognition of his title. This was granted, but to punish him for
adhering to the Council Eugene IV deprived him of all honours and
dignities, also of all his possessions. Capranica, then served by
Æneas Sylvius as secretary, bore himself with moderation and
caution, and soon sought a reconciliation with the pope at Florence (30
April, 1434), who restored to him his offices and goods, gave him the
cardinalitial Title of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, and sent him to the
Council at Ferrara, with special commission to treat with the Greek
bishops and theologians concerning the reunion of the Churches. He
frequently administered important departments of the States of the
Church, always with justice, prudence, and integrity. He executed
twelve responsible embassies for the Apostolic See, and was named
(1449) Grand Penitentiary and Archpriest of the Lateran. Capranica was
one of the most earnest reformers in the Roman Church, inaugurated the
restoration of primitive fervour among the Cistercians of Tuscany, and
drew up for Nicholas V, in 1449, a model plan of a general religious
reformation (Pastor, Gesch. d. Päpste, 4th ed. I, 394-96). He was
extremely stern and severe in character, and in the duties of his
office open and free of speech, also quite fearless. He insisted on a
personal examination of the votes cast for Nicholas V, whose election
greatly surprised him, and remonstrated vigorously with Callistus III
for his nepotism, especially in the nomination of Don Pedro Luis Borgia
as Vicar (governor) of Spoleto (Pastor, op. cit., tr. II, 461). While
very liberal to the poor, on the other hand he was austere and rigid
towards the worldly prelates of the city and was wont to freely
reproach them. His household was a model for correctness and simplicity
of life. Capranica was eminent as a peacemaker, notable at Genoa, where
he healed grievous municipal dissensions, and again between the
Apostolic See and King Alfonso of Naples and the princes of Germany.
During the plague of 1456 he remained at Rome when many others fled. He
took a very prominent part in all the negotiations for a crusade
against the Turks in the hope of restoring Constantinople to the
Palæologi. To posterity he is best known as the founder of the
Collegio Capranica (see COLLEGES, ROMAN), which he opened in his own
palace (the oldest Roman monument of the early Renaissance) for
thirty-one poor scholars, sixteen in theology and the liberal arts, and
fifteen in canon law. Its constitutions, drawn up by himself (Rome,
1705, 1879), are praised as a model of their kind; the college itself
is the oldest of the Roman colleges and therefore rejoices in the
peculiar title of "Almo Collegio". In 1460 his brother Cardinal Angelo
Capranica erected nearby a special building for the college (Denifle,
Die Universitäten, I, 317 sqq.). He left all his property to
ecclestiastical uses, saying: "The Church gave it to me; I give it
back, for I am not its master, but its steward. I should indeed have
reaped but little profit from the nights spent in studying
ecclesiastical discipline if I were to leave to my relatives the goods
of the Church which belong to the poor" (Pastor, op. cit. II, 492) At
his death the Milanese ambassador wrote home that "the wisest, the most
perfect, the most learned, and the holiest prelate whom the Church has
in our days possessed is gone from us". He added that he was
universally considered as the next pope (op. cit. II, 494). Pastor
himself says that of all the cardinals of the Renaissance Age none but
Albergati, Cesarini, and Carvajal can be compared with him (ibid.,
495). He lies buried in Santa Maria sopra Minerva, near St. Catherine
of Siena. He wrote an excellent 
<i>opusculum</i> known as "The Art of Dying Well" printed in 1487. In
his life by Catalanus (see below) are some notes on the Council of
Basle, and he is said by Mansi (in Moroni) to have written a history of
that council, never printed. He also drew up for the instruction of his
nephew certain "Rules of Life" that Pastor says reflect his beautiful
character.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1265" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1265.1" title="Caprara, Giovanni Battista" type="Encyclopedia">Giovanni Battista Caprara</term>
<def id="c-p1265.2">
<h1 id="c-p1265.3">Giovanni Battista Caprara</h1>
<p id="c-p1266" shownumber="no">Statesman and cardinal, born at Bologna, 29 May, 1733; died at
Paris, 27 July, 1810. His parents were Count Francesco Raimondo
Montecuccoli and Countess Maria Vittoria Caprara; it was from his
mother that he took his name. Having entered the ecclesiastical state,
he was appointed in 1758 vice-legate of Ravenna, in 1767 nuncio at
Cologne, in 1775 at Lucerne, and in 1785 at Vienna, In this last and
most important position he did not always defend with sufficient
courage the interests of the Church against the aggressions of the
Emperor Joseph II (1765-90), and the imperial ministers Prince Kaunitz
and Count Cobenzl. During the summer of 1792 he was made
Cardinal-Priest of the Title of Sant' Onofrio, and in August, 1800,
Bishop of Jesi in the Mark of Ancona. When the Concordat between Pius
VII (1800-23) and the French Republic was concluded (July, 1801),
Napoleon Bonaparte, then First Consul, asked for the appointment of a
papal legate with residence in Paris. His choice fell upon Cardinal
Caprara, undoubtedly because he expected in this way little or no
opposition to his plans; Caprara was appointed legate 
<i>a latere</i> for France in August, 1801; he departed at once for his
destination and arrived in Paris on the 4th of October. During the
negotiations which followed concerning the execution of the Concordat
he displayed too conciliatory a spirit in dealing with the ten
constitutional bishops who were to be appointed to as many of the
newly-established dioceses; in fact, he went contrary to specific
instructions from Rome. However, persistent pressure exerted by
Napoleon may be taken as an excuse for the legate's conduct. Cardinal
Caprara officiated at the Solemn restoration of public worship in the
cathedral of Notre-Dame on Easter Day (18 April, 1802), at which
function the First Consul, the high officers of state, and the new
ecclesiastical dignitaries assisted. At times the cardinal legate
showed more strength in the interest of the Church; thus, in a letter
written 18 August, 1803, he protested most energetically against the
Organic Articles added to the Concordat by the French Government.</p>
<p id="c-p1267" shownumber="no">In May, 1802, Shortly after the above-mentioned solemnities, he was
appointed Archbishop of Milan, and as such he blessed, on the 26th of
May, 1805, the Iron Crown, which Napoleon placed on his own head in his
new dignity of King of Italy. Otherwise Caprara retained his position
as papal legate in France until his death, or rather until the
imprisonment of Pope Pius VII in July, 1809. His declining health saved
him from the embarrassment connected with the divorce and second
marriage of Napoleon (April, 1810). In his last will his entire fortune
was left to the hospital of Milan. In memory of all that was done in
behalf of France he published the "Concordat et recueil des bulles et
brefs de N. S. Pie VII. sur les affaires de l'Eglise de France" (Paris,
1802). Cardinal Caprara was a man of simple and pure habits, zealous
for religion and very charitable, but often inclined to yield to the
imperious will of princes and ministers, a weakness which at times
justified the reproaches of Pius VI (1775-99) and Pius VII.</p>
<p id="c-p1268" shownumber="no">RINIERI, 
<i>La Diplomazia Pontificia</i> (Rome, 1902), I; THEINER, 
<i>Hist. des deux Concordats</i> (Paris, 1869), I; GENDRY, 
<i>Pie VI</i> (Paris, 1905); ARTAUD, 
<i>Histoire du Pape Pie VII</i> (Paris, 1837); WERNER in 
<i>Kirchenlex,</i> (Freiburg, 1887), II.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1269" shownumber="no">FRANCIS J. SCHAEFER.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1269.1" title="Capreolus, John" type="Encyclopedia">John Capreolus</term>
<def id="c-p1269.2">
<h1 id="c-p1269.3">John Capreolus</h1>
<p id="c-p1270" shownumber="no">A theologian, born towards the end of the fourteenth century, (about
1380), in the diocese of Rodez, France; died in that city 6 April,
1444. He has been called the "Prince of Thomists", but only scanty
details of his personal history are known. He was a Dominican
affiliated to the province of Toulouse, and a general chapter of his
order at Poitiers in 1407 assigned him to lecture on "The Sentences" in
the University of Paris. He began in 1408 and achieved success. The
following year he finished the first part of his celebrated defensive
on commentary on the theology of St. Thomas Aquinas. He passed
examinations for degrees at the Sorbonne in 1411 and in 1415. After
serving for some time as regent of studies at Toulouse, he repaired to
Rodez where he laboured assiduously at his commentaries completing the
three remaining parts in 1426, 1428 and 1433. In the preface of a
compendium of Capreolus's work by lsidore de Isolanis, it is stated
that these manuscripts once narrowly escaped destruction by fire, a lay
brother having saved thern, to the joy of the author, who was then
advanced in years. The same authority describes the erudite commentator
as having cherished through life a tender devotion to the Blessed
Virgin. Though following the order of "The Sentences", the commentaries
of Capreolus are a calm, learned, and penetrating exposition of the
teaching of St. Thomas, as well as a comprehensive defence against
sundry opponents and critics, including Scotus, Henry of Ghent, John of
Ripa, Guido (the Carmelite), Aureolus, Durandus Gregory of Rimini,
William of Ockham, and other Nominalists. Copious and apt citations
show that the author mastered Aristotle and his Arabic commentator,
Averros; but a scrupulous fidelity to the Angelical Doctor, that earned
for him the extraordinary appellation of "Soul of St. Thomas", is his
chief characteristic.</p>
<p id="c-p1271" shownumber="no">There is nothing in the wide field of the doctrinal discussions of
his time that Capreolus did not study and elucidate with precision of
insight and reasoning, and express in a style so terse and vigorous
that his work is rightly given a place among the most enduring
achievements of the golden age of Scholasticism. The commentaries,
bearing slightly variant titles, were published in four folio volumes
at Venice, 1483, 1514, 1519, 1589. ln 1881, Bishop Borret of Rodez, who
had made the life and works of Capreolus, the object of considerable
research, suggested a critically revised edition of the commentaries,
which was at length undertaken by the Dominicans. Its publication was
begun at Tours in 1900 and is now (1907) nearly compteted in the
seventh volume, under the title: "Johannis Capreoli Tholosani, Ordinis
Praedicatorum, Thomistarum principis, Defensiones Theologiae Divi
Thomae Aq.de novo editae cura et studio RR. PP. Ceslai Paban et Thomae
Pegues". Early compendiums of the work by Paul Soncinas and by
Sylvester Prierias were much used in their day.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1272" shownumber="no">JOHN R. VOLZ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1272.1" title="Capsa" type="Encyclopedia">Capsa</term>
<def id="c-p1272.2">
<h1 id="c-p1272.3">Capsa</h1>
<p id="c-p1273" shownumber="no">A titular see of North Africa. The city, said to have been founded
by the Libyan Hercules, belonged to King Jugurtha, who had deposited
his treasures there; it was captured by Marius in 106 B.C. and
destroyed, but later became a Roman colony. When Africa was divided
into two provinces by Justinian, it was assigned to Byzacena. Under
Justinian the Duke of Byzacena resided there and the town which was
protected by a strong citadel, was called 
<i>Justiniana Capsa.</i> In the eleventh century after tlle Arab
conquest, more than two hundred flourishing villages stood in the
surrounding region. Five bishops, one a Donatist, are known from 255 to
484 (Morcelli, Africa Christiana, 1, 118, Gams, 464). The modern name
of the town is Gafsa; it is situated in a most fertile oasis, about 81
miles west of Gabes and 128 west of Sfax, with which it is connected by
a railway. The oasis has about 5000 inhabitants trading in dates,
carpets, and wool rugs. It is well watered, has magnificent palm-trees,
and is an important centre for French military and civil administratlon
in Tunisia.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1274" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1274.1" title="Captain (In the Bible)" type="Encyclopedia">Captain (In the Bible)</term>
<def id="c-p1274.2">
<h1 id="c-p1274.3">Captain (In the Bible)</h1>
<p id="c-p1275" shownumber="no">In the Douay version captain represents several different Hebrew and
Latin words, and designates both civil and military officers. It is
used without rule, other words being frequently substituted where the
same expression with the same sense is translated, and this is true
with regard to the Latin Vulgate as well as the Hebrew or Greek text.
It is rarely used to designate civil officials, and then only the
highest. Thus we find "captain of my people" (IV Kings, xx, 5); "let us
appoint a captain" (instead of Moses; Num., xiv, 4; cf. Prov., vi, 7).
When applied to military officers it corresponds in most cases to the
Hebrew sár, and like it designates officers of all grades,
namely:</p>
<ul id="c-p1275.1">
<li id="c-p1275.2">(1) Generals, "captains of the host"
(<i>sár háççãbã</i>, 
<i>strategos, hegoumenos</i> 
<i>princeps exercitus, dux</i>); but in many cases "general of the
army" or "prince of the army" is used.</li>
<li id="c-p1275.3">(2) The various grades of officers of infantry: "captains of
thousands" 
(<i>sár hãalãphim</i>, 
<i>chiliarchos</i>, 
<i>tribunus</i>); "captains of hundreds" 
(<i>sár hámmeôth, ekatontarchos, centurio</i>); "captains
of fifty" 
(<i>sár hamíshshîm</i>, 
<i>pentekontarchos, quinquagenarius</i>); and "captains over tens" 
(<i>dekarches</i>, 
<i>decurio</i>).</li>
<li id="c-p1275.4">(3) "Captains of the chariots" 
(<i>sár hãrékéb</i>. The "captains of cavalry",
Vulg. 
<i>duces equitatus</i> in II Par., xviii, 30, 31, 32, xxi, 9, should be
"captains of the chariots").</li>
<li id="c-p1275.5">(4) Commanders of the body-guard 
(<i>sár háttábbãhîm</i>, 
<i>sár hãrãçîm</i>, translated respectively
"captain of soldiers", Gen., xxvi, 26, xxxvii. 36, etc., and "captain
of the shieldbearers", III Kings, xiv, 27).</li>
<li id="c-p1275.6">(5) Lastly, captain is used to designate two special classes of
officers, the 
<i>shôterîm</i>, probably officers charged with the
organization of newly levied troops and the order of the camp (Deut.,
xx, 5, 9), and the 
<i>shálîshîm</i>, whose status is not clear; under the
later kings they were royal equerries or aides-de-camp (IV Kings, ix,
25, xv, 25, cf. vii, 2, 17). It is also applied to the chiefs of
marauding bands (III Kings, ii, 24).</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p1276" shownumber="no">In the New Testament "captain" occurs but once, Matt., ii, 6, in the
prophecy of Micheas, ii, 5, "for out of thee shall come forth the
captain that shall rule my people Israel".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1277" shownumber="no">F. BECHTEL.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1277.1" title="Captivities of the Israelites" type="Encyclopedia">Captivities of the Israelites</term>
<def id="c-p1277.2">
<h1 id="c-p1277.3">Captivities of the Israelites</h1>
<h3 id="c-p1277.4">I. THE ASSYRIAN CAPTIVITY</h3>

<h4 id="c-p1277.5">(1) The End of the Northern Kingdom</h4>
<p id="c-p1278" shownumber="no">The Kingdom of Israel, formed by the secession of the Ten Tribes
under Roboam, covered the whole northern and north-eastern part of the
realm of David which constituted the bulk of the land of the Hebrews.
Politically and materially it was of much greater importance than its
southern neighbour, Juda. Under Jeroboam II (782-746 B.C.) it had
recovered from the inroads of the Syrians and the pecuniary exactions
of Shalmaneser II of Assyria, and had regained on the east and
north-east the boundaries conquered of yore by Solomon. In fact the
Israel of Jeroboam II was at the summit of its prosperity. But beneath
this bloom lay a depth of religious and moral corruption. Jehovah had
always been acknowledged as the supreme God, but His worship was still
tainted by the heathenish symbolism of the calf at the national temples
of Bethel and Dan (Osee, viii, 5-7), and affronted by the Chanaanitish
cult at the high-places and groves, where the Baalim or gods of
fertility were offered rites accompanied by unbridled sexual licence
(Osee, ii, 13, 17; iv, 12 sq.). The Prophets Amos and Osee (A. V.
Hosea), especially the latter, paint in strong colours a picture of the
dire iniquity of the times: "There is no truths and there is no mercy,
and there is no knowledge of God in the land. Cursing, and lying, and
killing, and theft, and adultery have overflowed, and blood hath
touched blood." (Osee, iv, 1, 2.) Practically there prevailed the
principle that Jehovah could not fail to uphold His People, sin as it
might, so long as that people paid Him the outward homage of sacrifice
and ceremony. Against this superstitious presumption and the licence of
the land Osee spoke in burning words, and in the very hey-day of
Israel's prosperity foretold the detruction of the kingdom as the
penalty of its wickedness. They announced captivity in foreign
countries: "They shall not dwell in the Lord's land; Ephraim is
returned to Egypt, and hath eaten unclean things among the Assyrians"
(Osee, ix, 3).</p>
<p id="c-p1279" shownumber="no">After Jeroboam II, political disintegration began from within by a
series of short reigns of usurpers, who reached the throne and were
hurled from it by murder. At the same time a world-power, Assyria was
looming up on the East and menacing the existence of the small states
which lay between it and the Mediterranean. An Assyrian king,
Tiglath-pileser III (D.V. Theglathphalasar, the Phul of IV K., xv, 19),
led a campaign against Damascene Syria, Hamath, and Palestine
(742-738), and Manahem, the reigning prince of Israel, was fain to buy
security with a heavy tribute silver. Manahem's son Phaceia (Pekahiah),
after a two years' reign fell a victim to a conspiracy, and the throne
was seized by its leader, Phacee (Pekah). The latter entered into an
alliance with King Rasin (Rezin) of Damascus, whose object was the
capture of Jerusalem and the placing of a Damascene king over Juda, in
order to consolidate the Syrian-lsraelitie defence against the
ever-threatening Assyrian domination. But Achaz of Jerusalem
acknowledged Tiglath-pileser's suzerainty, and called in his aid in
opposition to the prophetic warnings of Isaias. Later, at Damascus, he
did homage to the Assyrian emperor, and from that city imported pagan
ideas into the Temple ritual. The power Achaz invoked was destined
ultimately to scourge his country, but it fell heavily first upon the
coalition against Juda. Tiglath-pileser reappeared in Syria in 734, and
his advance forced the allies to raise the siege of Jerusalem. After
defeating Rasin and blockading Damascus, the Assyrians turned westward
and occupied Northern Palestine. The cuneiform inscriptions tell us
that Tiglath-pileser required Phacee's death as the penalty of his
presumption, and made his slayer, Osee (Hoshea), king in his stead.
(Cf. IV K., xv, 29 sq.) Numbers of captives were carried out of Israel,
the first of the deportations which depopulated the country. The
prisoners were taken from Galaad, Galilee, and other northern districts
of the kingdom, both east and west of the Jordan basin.</p>
<p id="c-p1280" shownumber="no">It was therefore over a crippled and impoverished land that Osee
ruled as a vassal-King. For relief from this galling pressure he turned
to Egypt, the only nation that could then pretend to cope with Assyria.
He ceased paying the annual tribute and allied himself with Sua (So), a
ruler of Lower Egypt, and Hanan, a Philistine prince of Gaza. The
expedient was a ruinous failure; Egypt, always a false friend of
Israel, deserted Osee. Tiglath-pileser's successor, Shalmaneser (the
fourth of the name), having learned of this conspiracy, came down upon
the Kingdom of Israel and made Osee a prisoner. But the patriotic
revolt was a national one and survived the king's capture. Samaria, the
capital, held out desperately against a besieging Assyrian army for
three years, and was not taken till 722 B.C., Sargon II having
meanwhile succeeded Shalmaneser. It was the death-blow of the Kingdom
of Israel. An Assyrian inscription found in the ruins of Sargon's
palace at Nineveh informs us that he carried away 27,290 of the people.
War, famine, and earlier deportations must have much reduced the
population. To fill the place of the dead and exiled Israelites, Sargon
brought in among the remnant Babylonians and other pagan peoples from
conquered lands. The Northern Kingdom became the Assyrian province of
Samaria, and from the intermarriage of its various races arose the
Samaritans. Out the depopulation of the former kingdom of its natives
was far from complete. The bulk of the populace, composed of the poorer
and least influential inhabitants, was allowed to remain, so that we
read in the Assyrian monuments of a later futile effort of Hamath,
Arpad, Simnira, Damascus, and "Samarina", i.e. samaria, to shake off
the lordship of Sargon. (Schrader, keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, II,
56, 57.) But the Israelitic stock left in the land was gradually merged
into the composite race of Samaritans.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1280.1">(2) The Ten Tribes in Exile</h4>
<p id="c-p1281" shownumber="no">The exiles were settled by their conquerors "in Halah and Habor [a
river] by the river of Gozan, in the cities of the Medes". Their
colonies were therefore in the heart of Northern Mesopotamia and in
Western Persia, then subject to Assyria. In Mesopotamia, or Assyria
proper, the Israelites were assigned to the region centring about the
city of Nisibis, which is mentioned by Josephus as their leading
settlement. The exiled of the Ten Tribes remained and multiplied, never
returning to Palestine. (See authorities cited by Schurer in art.
"Diaspora" in sup. vol. of Hastings' Bib. Dict., 92.) Wellhausen and
others who assume that the banished Israelites of the Northern Kingdom
lost their identity and disappeared in the surrounding population
regard the explicit testimony to the contrary of Josephus in his
"Antiquities": "the ten tribes are beyond the Euphrates until now, and
are an immense multitude [ 
<i>myriades apeiroi</i>), not to be estimated by members." We may well
believe that the swarming Hebrew population of Southern Russia is
composed in large part of descendants of the Israelites expatriated in
Northern Assyria and the regions south of the Caspian. No particulars
of the lot of these transplanted inhabitants of the Northern Kingdom
have reached us. We may only surmise from the manner in which they
multiplied that their situation was at least a tolerable one.</p>
<p id="c-p1282" shownumber="no">
<b>(3) Assyrian Harrying of Juda</b> The annihilation of its sister
kingdom laid open petty Juda to the full pressure of Assyria.
Thenceforward that unhappy state, placed between the rival Assyrian and
Egyptian Empires, was at the mercy of whichever happened at the time to
be the stronger. A miraculous intervention did indeed hurl back
Sennacherib's Assyrian army from the walls of Jerusalem in the reign of
Ezechias (Hezekiah), but the country outside the city suffered cruelly
from the ravages of that expedition. A monument of Sennacherib, who was
Sargon's son and successor, records that he captured forty-six
fortified towns and numberless smaller places of Juda, and took away as
spoil, presumably to Assyria, 200,150 people and an immense number of
beasts and herds. (Cf. IV K., xviii, 13, in confirmation of this.) 
</p>
<h3 id="c-p1282.1">II. THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY</h3>
<h4 id="c-p1282.2">(1) The Destructon of the Kingdom of Juda</h4>
<p id="c-p1283" shownumber="no">Yet Jerusalem, the Temple and the dynasty remained intact. Under the
succeeding rulers, Manasses and Amon, the kingdom slowly recovered, but
their potent example and approval led the nation into unprecedented
syncretic excesses. So flagrant was the idolatry the worship of the
Baalim under the symbol of obelisks and pillars or sacred trees, and
the degrading cults of Astarte and Moloch, that not even the holy
precincts of the Temple of Jehovah were free from such abominations.
The morality of a people given over to licentious and cruel syncretism
may be imagined. The sweeping religious reform under Josias seems not
to have penetrated much beneath the surface, and the inveterate pagan
propensities of the nation broke out in later reigns. The Prophets
denounced and warned in vain. Except in the spasm of Josias' reform
they were not listened to. Only a supreme national chastizement could
purify this carnal people, and effectually tear idolatrous
superstitions from their hearts. Juda was to undergo the fate of
Israel.</p>
<p id="c-p1284" shownumber="no">A prelude to the process of national extinction was the defeat of
Josias and his army by Pharao Nechao at Mageddo or Migdol. Egypt had
thrown off the Assyrian suzerainty and was threatening Assyria itself.
Josias had encountered the Egyptians, probably in an effort to keep the
independence Juda had enjoyed during his reign. But by this time the
second Assyrian Empire was tottering to its fall. Before Nechao reached
the Euphrates Nineve had surrendered to the Medes and Babylonians, the
Assyrian territories had been shared between the victors, and instead
of Assyria Nechao was confronted by the rising Chaldean power. The
Egyptians were defeated at Carchemish in the year 605 by Nabuchodonosor
(Nebuchadnezzar), the son and heir of the Babylonian king Nabopolassar.
It was now the Chaldean Kingdom, with its capital at Babylon, which
loomed large upon the political horizon. Joakim (Jehoiakim), a son of
Josias, was forced to exchange Egyptian for Babylonian vassalage. But a
fanatical patriotism urged defiance to the Chaldeans. The people looked
upon the Temple, Jehovah's dwelling-place, as a national aegis which
would safeguard Juda, or at least Jerusalem, from the fate of Samaria.
In vain Jeremias warned them that unless they turned from their evil
ways Sion would go down before the enemy as the sanctuary of Shiloh had
long before. His words only stung the Jews and their leaders to fury,
and the Prophet narrowly escaped a violent death. In the third year of
his reign Joakim rebelled, and Juda was able to ward off for four or
five years the inevitable taking of Jerusalem by Nabuchodonosor.
Joachin (Jehoiachin), who meanwhile had succeeded to the crown of Juda,
was forced to surrender the beleaguered city, 597 B.C. His life was
spared, but the conqueror dealt Jerusalem a terrible blow. The princes
and leading men, the rank and file of the army, the citizen of wealth,
and the artificers, numbering in all 10,000, were carried captive to
Chaldea. The Temple and palace were rifled of their treasures. Sedecias
(Zedekiah), an uncle of Joachin, was placed over the shadow of a
kingdom remaining. (IV K., xxiv, 8 sqq.) After nine years of a reign
characterized by gradual decay and religious and moral chaos, revolt
flamed forth again, fed by the always illusory hope of succour from
Egypt. Jeremiah's warnings against the folly of resistance to Chaldean
domination were futile; a blind, fanatical fury possessed princes and
people. When the patriotic cause momentarily triumphed, the advance of
the Egyptian army causing Nabuchodonosor to raise temporarily the siege
of Jerusalem, the Prophet's was the solitary voice that broke the
exultant peal by the persistent refrain of ruin at the hands of the
Chaldeans.</p>
<p id="c-p1285" shownumber="no">The issue verified his prediction. The Egyptians again failed the
Israelites in their hour of need, and the Babylonian army closed in on
the doomed city. Jerusalem held out more than a year, but a dreadful
famine weakened the defence and the Babylonians finally entered through
a breach in the wall, 586 B.C. Sedecias and remnant of his army escaped
in the night, but were overtaken on the plain of Jericho, the king
captured, and his followers routed (Jer., iii, 7-9). He was carried to
the Babylonian camp at Reblatha in Emath, and cruelly blinded there,
but not before he had seen his sons put to death. The royal palace was
burnt. A similar fate met Solomon's splendid Temple, which had been the
stimulus and stay of the religious-national outbreaks. Its sacred
vessels, of enormous value, were taken to Babylon and in part
distributed among the pagan shrines there; the large brass fixtures
were cut to pieces. The destruction of the larger houses and the city
wall left Jerusalem a ruin. The people found in Jerusalem and,
presumably, the greater number of those who had not sought refuge in
the city were deported to Chaldea, leaving only the poorest sort to
till the land and save it from falling into an utter waste. Some local
government being necessary for these remaining inhabitants, Masphath
(Mizpah), to the north of Jerusalem, was chosen as its seat, and
Godolias (Gedaliah) a Hebrew, left as overseer of the remnant. On
learning this, many Isralites who had fled to neighbouring countries
returned, and a considerable colony centred at Masphath. But a certain
Ismahel, of the Davidic stock, acting at the instigation of the
Ammonite king, treacherously massacred Godolias and a number of his
subordinates. The murderer and his band of ten were leading away to
Ammon the terror-stricken rest of the community, when the latter were
rescued by a Hebrew military officer connected with the administration.
But fear that the Chaldean vengeance for the overseer's death would
smite indiscriminately drove the colony into Egypt, and Jeremias, who
had taken asylum at Masphath, was compelled to accompany it
thither.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1285.1">(2) The Exile and its Effects</h4>
<p id="c-p1286" shownumber="no">We are left to conjecture the number deported from Juda by the
Babylonians. The 200,150 captives whom Sennacherib the Assyrian took
from the Southern Kingdom three generations before its downfall we can
reasonably surmise to have been settled in Assyria, i.e. Northern
Mesopotamia, perhaps in the neighbourhood of the Israelitish
communities (see above). These cannot be reckoned as properly in the
Babylonian Exile. We have no data for a close estimate of the numbers
brought away by the Chaldeans. Assuming the dates of Jeremias 3:28-30
to be correct, none of the deportations there noted took place in the
years of the great disasters, viz. 597 and 586. Adding these minor
expatriations -- a sum of 4600 -- to the 10,000 of the first capture of
Jerusalem, gives 14,000; and since the final catastrophe was more
sweeping than the former we are warranted in trebling that number as a
rough estimate of the total of the Babylonian Captivity. The exiles
were settled in the Kingdom of Babylonia, partly at the capital,
Babylon, but rnore in localities not very distant from it, along the
Euphrates and the canals which irrigated the great Chaldean plain.
Nehardea, or Neerda, one of the principal of these Jewish colonies lay
on the great river. (Josephus, Antiquities, XVIII, ix, 1.) Nippur, an
important city between the Euphrates and the Tigris also contained many
Hebrew captives within its walls or vicinity. One of the main canals
which fertilized the interfluvial plain, passing through Nippur, was
the 
<i>nâr Kabari</i>, which is identical with the river Chobar "in
the land of the Chaldeans" of Ezech., i, 1, 3; iii, 15. (See Hilprecht,
Explorations in Bible Lands (1903), 410 sq.] Other colonies were at
Sora and Pumbeditha. It has been plausibly conjectured that
Nabuchodonosor, whom the cuneiform records show as a builder and
restorer, would not fail to utilize the great labour power of the
Hebrew captives in the work of reclaiming and draining waste lands in
Babylonia; for, as its present condition proves, that region without
artificial irrigation and control of the overflow of the rivers if a
mere desert. The country about Nippur seems to have been thus restored
in ancient times. In any case it is a priori quite probable that the
mass of the exiles were for a time at least in a condition of mitigated
slavery. The condition of slaves in Babylonia was not one of grinding
serfage; they enjoyed certain rights, and could, by redemption and
other means, ameliorate their lot and even gain entire freedom. It is
evident that soon after their deportation many of the Jews in Chaldea
were in a positions to build homes and plant gardens (Jer., xxix, 5).
Babylonia was pre-eminently a land of agriculture, and the Southern
Israelites, who at home, on the whole had been a vine-growing and
pastoral people, now by choice, if not by necessity, gave themselves to
the tilling of the soil and the rearing of cattle in the rich alluvial
flats of Mesopotamia (cf. I Esd., ii, 66). The products of Babylonia,
especially grain, formed the staples of its busy internal commerce, and
doubtless the great marts at Babylon, Nipper, and elsewhere, attracted
many Jews into mercantile pursuits. The trading activities and the
exact and well-regulated commercial methods of Babylonia must have
greatly stimulated and developed the innate commercial genius of the
expatriated race.</p>
<p id="c-p1287" shownumber="no">The fact that the Jews were allowed to settle in colonies, and this
according to families and clans, had a vital bearing on the destinies
of that people. It kept alive the national spirit and individuality,
which would have disappeared in the mass of surrounding heathendom if
the Southern Israelites had been dispersed into small units. There are
indications that this national life was strengthened by a certain
social organization, in which reappeared the primitive divisions of
leading family and tribal stocks, and that their heads, the "elders",
administered under royal licence the purely domestic affairs of the
settlements (cf. Ezech. viii, 1; I Esd., ii, 2; II Esd., vii, 7). As
long as the Temple stood it was the centre and pledge of Jewish hopes
and aspirations, and even the first exiles kept their mental vision
fixed on it as a beacon of early deliverance. The negative and
ill-presaging voice of Ezechial was unheeded by them. When Jerusalem
and the Temple fell, the feeling was one of stupor. That Jehovah could
forsake His dwelling-place and allow His sanctuary to be humbled to the
dust by deriding Gentiles was inconceivable. But there was the terrible
fact. Was the Lord no longer their God and greater than all other gods?
It was a crisis in the religion of Israel. The providential rescue was
at hand in prophecy. Had not Jeremias, Ezechiel, and others before them
repeatedly foretold this ruin as the chastisement of national
infidelity and sin? This was remembered now by those who in their
fanatical deafness had not listened to them. So far from Jehovah being
a defeated and humbled God, it was His very decree that had brought the
catastrophe to pass. The Chaldeans had been merely the instruments of
His justice. He now revealed to the Jews as a God of moral
righteousness and universal sway, as a God who would tolerate no rival.
Perhaps they had never before realized this; certainly never as now.
Hence it is that the Exile is a great turning-point in the history of
Israel -- a punishment which was a purification and a rebirth. But
Exilic prophecy did not merely point to the great religio-ethical
lesson of the visitations of the past: it raised more loudly than ever
the of hope and promise. Now that Jehovah's purpose had been
accomplished, and the chosen people been humbled beneath His hand, a
new era was to come. Even the mournful Jeremias had declared that the
captives would return at the end of seventy years -- a round number,
not to be taken literally. Ezechiel, in the midst of the desolation of
the Exile, boldly sketched a plan of the resurgent Sion. And
Deutero-Isaias, probably a little later, brought a stirring and
jubilant message of comfort and the assurance of a joyful, new life in
the fatherland.</p>
<p id="c-p1288" shownumber="no">Several minor but important factors contributed to the preservation
and cleansing of the religion of Israel. One was negative: the forcible
uprooting from the soil where Chanaanitish idolatries had so long
survived, detached the Jews from these baneful tradition. The others
are positive. Without the Temple no sacrifices or solemn worshilp could
be lawfully practised. The want was in part supplied by the keeping of
the Sabbath, especially by religious assemblies on that day -- the
beginnings of the future synagogues. The Mosaic Law, too, assumed a new
importance and sacredness, because Jehovah therein manifested His will,
and in some sort dwelt, as an ordaining Presence. The writings of the
Prophets and other scriptures, in so far as they existed, also received
a share of the popular veneration hitherto concentrated on the Temple
and external rites. In short, the absence of sacrifice and ceremonial
worship during half a century had a tendency to refine the monotheism
and, in general, to spiritualize the religion of the Hebrews.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1288.1">(3) The Prelude of the Restoration</h4>
<p id="c-p1289" shownumber="no">Nabuchodonosor after a long and prosperous reign was succeeded by
his son Evil Merodach, the Amil Marduk of the monuments. The latter
showed himself benign to the long-imprisoned ex-king Joachin
(Jechonias), releasing him and recognizing in a measure his royal
dignity. After a short reign Evil Merodach was deposed, and within the
space of four years (560-556) the throne was occupied by three
usurpers. Under the last of these, Nabonidus, the once all-powerful
Babylonian Monarchy declined rapidly. A new political power appeared on
the eastern and northern frontiers. Cyrus, the King of Anzan (Elam) and
Persia, had overcome Astyages, ruler of the Medes (or Manda), and
seized his capital, Ecbatana. Media, by the partition of the Assyrian
Empire and the further conquests of Cyaxares, had grown powerful; its
territories took in, on the north and west, Armenia and half of
Cappadocia. Cyrus extended these conquests by the subjugation of Lydia,
thus stretching his sovereignty to the Aegean Mediterranean and forming
a vast empire. The balance in Hither Asia was destroyed, and Babylon
was threatened by this formidable rew power. The Deutero-Isaian Prophet
hailed this brilliant star on the political horizon with joy, and
recognizing in Cyrus the foreordained servant of God, predicted through
him Babylon's downfall and Israel's deliverance (Is., xliv, 28 xlv, 7).
In the year 538 B.C. the Persian monarch invaded Chaldean territory;
helped by disaffection in the south, one of his generals was able in a
few days to take Babylon without resistence, and Cyrus became the ruler
of the Chaldean Kingdom.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1289.1">(4) The Restoration under Cyrus: Zorobabel's Return</h4>
<p id="c-p1290" shownumber="no">Cyrus reversed the policy of deportation followed by Assyrian and
Babylonian kings. He deemed this the wiser statecraft, probably because
he had experienced in the conquest of Babylonia the danger of keeping
an ill-affected population in the midst of a country threatened by a
foreign foe. At the same time, to repeople Judea with a nation bound to
the Persian dynasty by ties of gratitude would strengthen his realm
against Egyptian invasion. Thus did Providence "stir up the heart of
Cyrus" to a liberal course towards the Israelites, and employ him as an
unwitting instrument in the reconstitution of a people whose mission
was not yet accomplished. Cyrus, accordingly, in the first year of his
rule at Babylon, 538 B.C., forty-eight years after the destruction of
Jerusalem issued an edict in which he allowed and recommended the
return of all the Hebrews in his domain to the fatherland, ordered the
rebuilding of theTemple, for which a subsidy from the royal treasury
was granted, directed the sacred vessels seized by Nabuchodonosor to be
sent back, and urged all Isralites to contribute to the restoration of
public worship. The extreme liberality of the Persian monarch in the
matter of the Temple is less surprising when we consider that a
restored Jerusalem was inconceivable without a restored sanctuary.
Semitic cities and districts rose or declined with the shrines of their
deities, and Cyrus's largeness towards the Jews in religious affairs is
quite in keeping with his rehabilitation of certain Babylonian temples
and the return of images to their former abodes, as witnessed by his
inaugural proclamation (Records of the Past, new series, V, 143 sq.).
That the Northern Israelites dwelling in Assyrians Mesopotamia were not
similarly favoured is to be explained not merely by the much longer
time elapsed since their political extinction -- a lapse which had
permitted them to become rooted to the land of their exile -- but
principally to the absence of any desire on their part to set up the
old symbolic, half-heathen sanctuaries of Jehovah. They too had learned
the stern lesson of the Captivity. It was a province of the Persian
Empire and not a Kingdom of Juda, that Cyrus had determined to create,
and therefore Zorobabel, the grandson of Joachin, 
<i>alias</i> Jechonias (I Paral., iii, 17-19), and therefore the
heir-royal of the Davidic line, was to be only its governor. He was a
young man who had never known any court but that of Babylon, and so far
as history records never violated the surprising trust placed in him by
attempting to recover the crown of his fathers. A contrary thesis has
been defended on insufficient grounds by Sellin (Serubbabel, Leipzig,
1898). Sassabasar, "the Jewish prince" mentioned in the first Book of
Esdras, is identical with Zorobabel. He and Josue, the high-priest,
were entrusted with the Temple furniture, and made the leaders of the 
<i>gola</i>, or expedition of the returning Jews. Besides a
considerable number of slaves, 42, 360 followed Zorobabel on the long
journey to Judea. The data about this repatriation in the Book of
Esdras are fragmentary. "Every man went into his own city" and from the
latter particulars we should infer that the body of the immigrants took
up their abode in the small cities and towns outside, and mostly to the
south of Jerusalem. The latter must have been little more than a ruin.
The returned exiles found the neighbouring tribes and races, the
Samaritans, Ammonites, Moabites, Edomites, installed at nearly at many
points on Jewish soil, alongside pitiful remnants of their countrymen,
it must have needed the authority, if not the force, of the Persian
Emperor to make room for the Israelites on their former homesteads.
Under Zorobabel the struggling community enjoyed autonomy in its
internal affairs. In the absence of the old system of royal
administration, the primitive organization by clans and families,
partially resumed in captivity, gained added vigour, and the heads of
these sections, the "princes" and "elders", represented them in all
general assemblies.</p>
<p id="c-p1291" shownumber="no">But the new Israel was less a political than a religious community.
Only a fraction of the 250,000 or more Jews who had gone into the East
could have lived to return, and, allowing for natural increase among
the captive people, a still smaller part of those who might have looked
upon Judea as their home returned from the Exile to dwelI within its
borders. Only the most patriotic and religious, the zealous elite,
answered the call of Cyrus and migrated from their abodes, which had
become fixed, moved by a desire to restore the theocracy in a purer
form with the "house of God" as its heart and centre (cf. I Esd., i,
5). One of the first measures, therefore, to which the leaders
addressed themselves was the rebuilding of the altar of burnt-offerings
upon whose dedication the faithful rejoiced at the resumption of the
daily sacrifices. Within less than a year after the corner-stone of a
new Temple was laid. But an obstacle was encountered in the jealousy of
the Samaritans, the half-heathen neighbours on the north. They were
largely represented in the alien elements living among the Jews, and
viewed with distrust the reorganization of a religion and community in
which they would not fill in important, much less a prodominent role.
They accordingly asked to join in the construction of the Temple.
Zorobabel declined their aid by referring to the decree of Cyrus.
Hereby he inaugurated that policy of separation from all contaminating
influences long tollowed by later leaders of Israel. But the
Samaritans, if they could not assit, could hamper the enterprise by
intrigues at the Persian court. Owing to these difficulties the work
was suspended, and the zeal of the people cooled. It was not till these
were aroused by the reproaches of the prophets Aggeus (Haggai) and
Zacharias that Zorobabel and Josue could begin anew the work under
Darius Hystaspis (521), sixteen years after its suspension. The
external obstacles had been removed by a decree of Darius; the
undertaking was pushed vigorously, and four years later the second
Temple was completed. But those who had seen the Temple of Solomon
sadly confessed that the new sanctuary could not bear comparison with
the glory the former.</p>
<p id="c-p1292" shownumber="no">The history of the Jewish Captivity properly embraces the additional
migration from Babylonia of about 1400 souls led by the priest and
scribe Esdras (Ezra). In the sacred narrative the account of the second
gola follows immediately that of the finishing of the Temple. But its
true chronological setting a matter of dispute. The obscurity involving
the point arises from the fact that the books of Esdras and Nehemias,
the chief inspired sources for the history of the Restoration, mention
in several places a King Artaxerxes, without specifying which of three
Persian monarchs of that name is meant, viz. whether the first,
surnamed Longimanus (465-424 B.C.) the second, Mnemon (405-362), or the
third Ochus (362-338). The controversy turns on the point whether the
expedition of Esdras, referred to in the first book of that name
(viii), preceded or followed the first governorship of Nehemias. The
hitherto accepted order places the Esdras 
<i>gola</i> in the seventh year of Artaxeres (458 B.C.), and hence
before the appointment of Nehemias, which occurred in the twentieth
year of an Artaxerxes. But several exegetes have recently advanced
strong reasons for reversing this order. Van Hoonacker, the leading
advocate of the priority of Nehemias to Esdras, assigns the latter's
expedition to the seventh year of Artaserxes II, i.e. to 398. Lagrange,
according to whom the mission of Nehemias took place under the second
Artaxerxes, fixes the Esdras migration as late as 355, a little more
than a century after the prevalent date. Of course a revision of the
temporal relations of the missions of Esdras and Nehemias postulates a
serious confusion in the text and arrangement of the books bearing
those names as they have come down to us. More or less involved in this
chronological question is that of the respective parts of Nehemias and
Esdras in the reconstruction of the Jewish theocracy. Van Hoonacker
contends that the cooperation of Esdras with Nehemias, described in II
Esdras (also called Nehemias), viii, occurred before Esdras had, as he
claims, gone Babylon to organize the expedition in order to strengthen
the new community, and that we must allow that the priest scribe's
place in the task of reorganization was minor and supplementary to that
of Nehemias, the governor. According to this view -- and herein it is
largely borne out by the terms of Esdras' commission as given by the
Persian king (l Esd., vii, 13-26) -- the charge of the priest-scribe
was not the promulgation of the Law, but the embellishment and
improvement of the Temple service, the constitution of judges, and
other administrative measures. The question is not without an important
bearing on the validity of the Graf-Wellhausen hypothesis of the origin
of the Pentateuch. (See ESDRAS, NEHEMIAS, BOOKS OF) 
</p>
<h3 id="c-p1292.1">III. THE ROMAN CAPTIVITY</h3>
<p id="c-p1293" shownumber="no">Jerusalem fell before the Roman arms in August, A.D. 70, after a
long and dreadful siege conducted by Titus, the son of the Emperor
Vespasian and himself later emperor. Hosts of prisoners were taken in
this war; the number was estimated at 97,000, being substantially all
that remained of the nation in Palestine. The severity of treatment
meted out to these unfortunates tells of the exasperation caused by the
stubborn defence of Jerusalem. The weak and sickly prisoners were at
once put to death. The rest of the concourse were gathered in the
Gentile's Court of the ruined Temple and told off into various classes.
All those recognized or reported as active in the rebellion were set
aside for slaughter, except seven hundred young men of the finest
presence, who were spared to grace the triumph at Rome. The remainder
of the captives were divided into those over and those under seventeen.
Of the former, part were put in chains and sent to labour in the
Egyptian mines; others, including thousands of the female sex, were
dispersed among the Roman cities to be victims of the inhuman public
games. Those below seventeen were sold as slaves. The leaders of the
rebellion, John of Gishkhala and Simon of Gerasa were carried captives
to Rome to appear in the triumph of Titus; John was afterwards put to
death.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1294" shownumber="no">GEORGE J. REID</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1294.1" title="Capua (Italy)" type="Encyclopedia">Capua (Italy)</term>
<def id="c-p1294.2">
<h1 id="c-p1294.3">Capua</h1>
<p id="c-p1295" shownumber="no">
(<span class="sc" id="c-p1295.1">Capuana</span>).</p>
<p id="c-p1296" shownumber="no">The city of Capua is situated in the province of Caserta, Southern
Italy. Of Etruscan foundation, it was formerly known as 
<i>Volturnum</i> and was capital of 
<i>Campania Felix</i>. About 424 B.C. it was captured by the Samnites
and in 343 B.C. implored Roman help against its conquerors. During the
Second Punic War, after Hannibal's victory at Cannae (216 B.C.), he and
his army were voluntarily received by Capua, where the Carthaginians
became demoralized by luxurious living. The city was recaptured by the
Romans (211 B.C.), its inhabitants were killed or enslaved, and the
territory declared common land 
(<i>ager publicus</i>). Julius Caesar made Capua a Roman colony under
the name 
<i>Julia Felix</i>. In A.D. 456 the Vandals under Genseric sacked the
city. During the Gothic war Capua suffered greatly, and similarly a
little later from the Lombards. About 840 it was burned to the ground
by the Saracens, after which it was rebuilt, but at some distance from
the former site, where, however, another city was built and called
Santa Maria in Capua Vetere. In 1058, the Norman, Richard, Prince of
Aversa, conquered it; thenceforth its history is linked with that of
the Two Sicilies.</p>
<p id="c-p1297" shownumber="no">Christianity, it is said, was first preached at Capua by St.
Priscus, a disciple of St. Peter. In the martyrology mention is made of
many Capuan martyrs, and it is probable that, owing to its position and
importance, Capua received the Christian doctrine at a very early
period. The first bishop of whom there is positive record is Protasius,
present at the Roman Council under Pope Melchiades (313); he was
succeeded by Protus Vincentius, a Roman deacon and legate of Pope
Sylvester I at Nicaea, who took a prominent part in the Arian
controversies, and was present at the Council of Sardica (343). At the 
<i>conciliabulum</i> of Arles (353) he was led astray by Constantius
and consented to the deposition of St. Athanasius, an error for which
he made amends at Rimini. Bishop Memorius, who held a council to deal
with the Schism of Antioch and the heresy of Bonosus, is often
mentioned in the letters of St. Augustine and St. Paulinus, and was the
father of that ardent Pelagian, Julian of Eclanum. In 443, Priscus, an
exile from North Africa and a man of great sanctity, was elected
bishop; possibly it is his name that popular tradition carried back to
the head of the list of Capuan bishops. Another incumbent of this see
was Germanus, whom Pope Hormisdas sent twice to Constantinople to
restore unity with the Roman Church. In 541, Bishop Benedictus died and
was ever afterwards held in repute of sanctity. His successor, Victor,
was a learned exegete. In 968 John XIII took refuge in Capua, and in
gratitude raised the see to archiepiscopal rank. In 1087, under Victor
III, and in 1118, under Gelasius II, councils were held in Capua; at
the latter Henry V and the antipope, Gregory VIII (Burdinus), were
excommunicated. Among other bishops, nearly all famous for their
learning, are: M. Marino (1252), a disciple of St. Thomas Aquinas;
Filippo de Berilli (1506), who suffered for justice' sake; Fra
Nicolò Schomberg (1520), a distinguished theologian; Cesare Costa
(1573), active as a reformer of the clergy, and a learned canonist;
Cardinal Robert Bellarmine (1602); and Cardinal Capecelatro, Librarian
of the Holy Roman Church and author of many learned works. The
suffragan dioceses of Capua are: Caiazzo, Calvi and Teano, Caserta,
Isernia and Venafro, Sessa Aurunca. The archdiocese contains a
population of 96,800, with 57 parishes, 90 churches and chapels, 255
secular and 18 regular priests, 16 religious houses of women.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1298" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1298.1" title="Capuchinesses" type="Encyclopedia">Capuchinesses</term>
<def id="c-p1298.2">
<h1 id="c-p1298.3">Capuchinesses</h1>
<p id="c-p1299" shownumber="no">A branch of the Poor Clares of the Primitive Observance, instituted
at Naples, in 1538, by the Venerable Maria Longo. This holy woman had
in early years embraced the rule of the Third Order of St. Francis and
devoted herself to active works of charity. She founded a hospital for
the sick in which she herself served, and also gave herself to the
saving of fallen women. She adopted at her hospital the custom of
ringing the bell at nightfall for prayers for the faithful departed. In
1630 the Franciscan Friars of the Capuchin Reform went to Naples, and
were for a time given shelter in her hospital. She had long wished to
undertake a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, but about this time she was
instructed in prayer that she could please God more by building a
convent under the title of Santa Maria in Gerusalemme. She built the
convent and established in it a community of sisters under the Rule of
the Third Order, and was herself appointed superior. At first the
spiritual directors of the convent were the Theatine Fathers, but
afterwards these gave over the direction to the Capuchins, by whose
advice the sisters in 1538 adopted the primitive Rule of St. Clare.
They also received constitutions based on those of the Capuchin Friars,
and were placed under the jurisdiction of the Capuchin vicar-general,
whence they are styled Capuchinesses. They made a foundation in Rome in
1576 and very shortly afterwards were to be found in various parts of
Italy and France, where they flourished until the Revolution. They
still exist, in diminished numbers, in Italy and elsewhere. Some of the
convents are still under the jurisdiction of the Minister-General of
the Capuchin Friars Minor; others are under the jurisdiction of their
respective diocesans. St. Veronica Giuliani was a member of this
observance, as was also the Blessed Mary Magdalen Martinengo. The
Capuchinesses flourished in many countries of Europe before the
Revolution; they still have convents in Italy and Spain, also in South
America, and until lately in France. Exiled French Capuchinesses opened
(1904) a house at Vaals in Holland, near Aachen, destined to serve as a
German novitiate.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1300" shownumber="no">FATHER CUTHBERT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1300.1" title="Capuchin Friars Minor" type="Encyclopedia">Capuchin Friars Minor</term>
<def id="c-p1300.2">
<h1 id="c-p1300.3">Capuchin Friars Minor</h1>
<p id="c-p1301" shownumber="no">An autonomous branch of the first Franciscan Order, the other
branches being the Friars Minor simply so called (but until lately
usually known as Observants or Recollects), and the Conventual Friars
Minor. This division of the first Franciscan Order has come about by
reason of various reforms; thus the Observants were a reform which
separated from the Conventuals, and the Capuchins are a reform of the
Observants.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1301.1">I. GENESIS AND DEVELOPMENT</h3>
<p id="c-p1302" shownumber="no">The Capuchin Reform dates from 1525. It had its origin in the
Marches, the Italian province where, after Umbria, the Franciscan
spirit seems to have found its most congenial dwelling-place. Cut off
by the mountains from the great highways of Italy, the inhabitants of
the Marches have to this day retained a delightful simplicity of
character and blend a mystical tendency with a practical bent of mind.
They may be said to possess the anima naturaliter Franciscana, and it
is easy to understand the quick response of the people of this province
to the Franciscan teaching, and the tenacity with which the friars of
the Marches clung to the primitive simplicity of the order. We have a
monument of the enduring vigour of the Franciscan spirit in the Marches
in the "Fioretti di San Francesco", wherein the first freshness of the
Franciscan spirit seems to have been caught up and enshrined. From the
Marches, too, we get another book, of a very different character, but
which in its own way bears eloquent witness to the zeal of the brethren
of this province for poverty, the "Historia VII Tribulationum" of
Angelo Clareno. And at Camerino, on the borders of the province, are
preserved the relics of Blessed John of Parma, another of the leaders
of the "Spiritual" Friars. The Marches were, in fact, from the earliest
days of the order, a centre of resistance to the secularizing tendency
which found an entrance amongst the friars even in the days of St.
Francis, of which tendency the famous Brother Elias is the historic
type.</p>
<p id="c-p1303" shownumber="no">At the beginning of the sixteenth century the Franciscans in the
Marches, as elsewhere, were divided into the two distinct families of
Conventuals and Observants or Zoccolanti. The dividing line between the
two families was their adhesion to the primitive ideal of Franciscan
poverty and simplicity; the Conventuals accepted revenues by papal
dispensation; the Observants refused fixed revenues and lived by casual
alms. At least such was the principle; but in practice the Observants
had come themselves to relax the principle under various legal devices.
Thus, though they would not accept money themselves, they allowed
secular persons, styled syndics, to accept money for their use; they
accepted chaplaincies to which were affixed regular stipends. To those
who looked to the primitive custom of the order, such acceptances
seemed but legalized betrayal of the rule, nor were these relaxations
at any time allowed to pass without protest from the more zealous of
the Observants. But the question was not merely concerning this or that
point; it was one of general tendency. Was the order to maintain itself
in the simplicity and unworldliness of St. Francis, or was it to admit
and bow to the spirit of the world? Was it to be dominated by the
spirit of St. Francis or by the spirit of Brother Elias? Such was the
question as it shaped itself in the minds of the reforming friars; and
one has to recognize this truly to appreciate the history of the
various Franciscan reforms. The difficulty which met each reform, as it
arose and acquired an independent constitution, was the difficulty
which meets every unworldly ideal in its attempt to propagate itself in
the actual world. To live on and endure it must take to itself a
secular embodiment, and in the process is apt to acquire something of
the secular spirit; and the more unworldly the original ideal, the more
difficult is its process of secular development. This is peculiarly so
in the case of a religious community like the Franciscan Order, which
aims at realizing a principle of life so entirely opposed to the
principles commonly accepted in the world at large. Hence it is that
the Observants, after breaking away from the Conventuals, themselves
gave rise to various reforms which aimed at a more perfect return to
the primitive type. In this way the Capuchin Reform took its origin
from amongst the Observants of the Marches. The leader of the reform
was Father Matteo di Bassi, a member of the Observant community in the
Diocese of Fermo. He was an exemplary religious and a zealous preacher.
It is said that Leo X had given him permission to institute a reform
amongst the Observants; but if so Father Matteo did not avail himself
of the permission, perhaps because of the death of that pontiff. But in
1525, a year of Jubilee, he went to Rome and whilst there obtained from
Clement VII leave to wear the Capuchin habit and to live in strictest
poverty. Matteo di Bassi was finally led to this step by an incident
which recalls to mind the history of St. Francis. The friar had been
attending a funeral and was returning to his convent, when he met a
beggar by the wayside barely clad. Moved with compassion, Father Matteo
gave the beggar part of his own clothing. Shortly afterwards the friar
was in prayer when he heard a voice, which three times admonished him,
saying "Observe the Rule to the letter". Whereupon he arose, and took
an old habit, and made a long pointed hood out of the cappa, and
donning the habit at once set out for Rome. This story, retailed by all
the earliest chroniclers, makes it certain that the aspiration to
observe the rule to the letter was the one compelling motive of the
reform, and that the taking of the habit with the long pointed hood was
the symbol of this aspiration. For the habit in this shape ws supposed
to be the original form of the Franciscan habit, whilst the habit with
the cappa and small rounded hood was held by many to be an innovation
introduced with the spirit of relaxation. Certain it is that the habit
adopted by Father Matteo and his followers was known in the order
before their time. In the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, is a copy
of an altar-piece dating from the fifteenth century, representing Our
Lady with a number of friars gathered under her outspread mantle; and
they are wearing a habit similar in form to that of the Capuchins. In a
picture of St. Francis in the library of Christchurch, Oxford,
attributed to Margaritone, we find the same form of habit; and in at
least one other instance of early portraiture of the Seraphic saint he
seems to have been represented with a habit of this sort. (See "On the
Authentic Portraiture of St. Francis of Assisi", by N. H. J. Westlake,
London, 1897.) Thomas of Celano again seems to speak of it as a novelty
that a certain friar went about wearing a habit "with the hood not sewn
to the tunic" (II Celano, 32 -- ed. d'Alençon, Rome, 1906). And at
the Ognisanti, in Florence, is preserved a habit, said to be one worn
by St. Francis, the hood of which is sewn to the tunic. At any rate the
reforming friars, in assuming the pointed hood sewn to the habit,
claimed to be assuming the form of habit worn by St. Francis and the
first friars, and in their eyes it was a symbol of their return to the
primitive observance.</p>
<p id="c-p1304" shownumber="no">In putting his hand to the reform, Matteo di Bassi had no intention
of separating himself from the jurisdiction of the Observants; he
thought rather to introduce the reform amongst them. All he asked from
Clement VII was liberty for himself and other friars of a like mind to
wear the habit of St. Francis, to observe the rule strictly in
accordance with the earliest tradition, and to preach the Word of God
in the world. From the days of St. Francis himself the liberty of the
stricter observance had been allowed; and the friars enjoying such
liberty had usually dwelt apart in small houses or hermitages, but
under the effective jurisdiction of the superiors of the order. But
when, on Matteo di Bassi's return from Rome, two other friars, Louis of
Fossombrone and his brother Raphael, sought to join the new reform,
they were stoutly opposed by the superiors, especially by the minister
provincial, John of Fano, who, however, himself eventually joined the
Capuchins. Nevertheless, the two friars were at length, through the
intervention of the Duke of Camerino allowed to proceed to Rome. On 18
May, 1526, they received from the Cardinal-Bishop of Palestrina, the
Grand Penitentiary, the Brief, "Exparte vestrâ", whereby Clement
VII formally allowed them, together with Matteo di Bassi, to separate
from the community of the Observants and live in hermitages, in order
that they might be free to observe the rule as they desired; and, to
protect them against molestation on the part of the superiors of the
order, they were placed under the protection of the Bishop of Camerino.
They were by the same Brief permitted to aggregate others to their
manner of life. They were, however, still considered to belong to the
Observant family, though separated from the community; but on 3 July,
1528, owing to the continued opposition of the Observant superiors,
Clement VII, by the Bull "Religionis zellus", released them from their
obedience to the Observants and constituted them a distinct family of
the order, in a certain dependence, however, upon the Master-General of
the Conventuals, to whom it belonged to confirm the vicar-general to be
elected by the new reform.</p>
<p id="c-p1305" shownumber="no">In the following April, 1529, the first chapter was held at
Albacina. At this time the reform numbered eighteen friars and four
convents or hermitages. Matteo di Bassi having been elected
vicar-general, the chapter drew up the new constitutions designed to
safeguard the primitive observance of the rule. No one can read these
"Constitutions of Albacina" without being struck with the similarity of
tone and purpose between them and the "Speculum Perfectionis", about
which so much has been heard since M. Paul Sabatier published his
edition in 1898. The provisions relating to poverty and studies would
almost seem an echo of that celebrated legend. Thus, when "hermitages
or monasteries" are to be erected, the constitutions decree that no
more land is to be taken than is in keeping with their poor estate; the
houses are to be built, if possible, of mud and wattles, but earth and
stones may be used where wattles cannot be obtained; the churches,
however, shall be of more becoming structure, yet small and narrow. The
friars are to bear in mind the admonition of St. Francis that their
churches and houses must be such as to proclaim that those who dwell in
them are but pilgrims and strangers on the earth. The houses are to be
built outside the cities or towns, yet not far distant from them. In
the houses near large cities not more than twelve friars might dwell,
and in the other houses not more than eight -- "for such indeed was the
will of St. Francis as is set forth in the chronicles of the Order."
The proprietorships must always be vested in the municipality or the
donor, who may turn the friars out at will, and should this happen the
friars are to go out at once without delay and seek another place. To
each house a hermitage must be attached, where the friars may retire
for solitary contemplation. In regard to alms they were not to quest
for meat, eggs, or cheese, but they might receive these things when
offered spontaneously. They were never, however, to lay in a store of
food, but to depend on daily alms. At the utmost they might receive
sufficient food to last for three days, and rarely for one week. They
are forbidden to have syndics or procurators to receive property for
them. -- "No other syndic shall there be for us save Christ our Lord;
and our procurator and protector shall be the most Blessed virgin
Mother of God; our deputy shall be our blessed Father Francis; but all
other procurators we absolutely reject." The preachers were to be kept
busy in the vineyard of the Lord, not only during Lent, but at all
other times. They were not, however, allowed to use many books; two or
three at most were deemed sufficient. They sermons were to be simple
and plain, without studied rhetoric; nor were they to be allowed to
receive any remuneration for their preaching. Classes for the study of
literature were not be established; but they might study the Scriptures
and such devout authors as "love God and teach us to embrace the Cross
of Christ". The friars were not to hear the confessions of seculars
except in cases of extreme necessity. In the houses of the order only
one Mass was to be said each day, at which all the priests should be
present, except on Sundays and solemn feasts, when all might celebrate;
nor were they to receive any honoraria for Masses. They were, moreover,
forbidden to follow funerals or celebrate dirges, except in case of
necessity. Finally, they were to go barefoot, shod only in simple
sandals; and to recite the Divine Office at midnight even on the three
last days of Holy Week; and on no account were extra Offices to be
added to the canonical Office, so that the friars might have more time
for private prayer.</p>
<p id="c-p1306" shownumber="no">Such were the "Constitutions of Albacina". Their intention is
evident to any one conversant with the early Franciscan legends: they
sought to re-establish the Franciscan life in the spirit and letter of
the earliest Franciscan tradition. One point needs explanation here. In
the earliest pontifical documents concerning the new reform, it is
stated that the friars are to be free to observe the rule strictly in
the eremitical life. The meaning of this, however, was not that they
should be hermits in the sense of living always a retired and solitary
life. Matteo di Bassi had asked of Clement VII liberty to observe the
Rule of St. Francis in hermitages, to preach the Word of God in the
world, and to bring sinners to repentance. The preaching of the Word of
God was an essential feature of the Capuchin reform. We have already
seen how the constitutions of the order bade the preachers be
frequently employed in their work of souls at all times of the year.
Matteo di Bassi himself had no sooner received the sanction of Clement
VII than he returned to the Marches and began to preach and to nurse
the sick during the pestilence which swept through the Marches in 1525.
The explanation, however, is simple enough to those who know the
Franciscan legends. Amongst the Franciscans the hermitage stood in
opposition to the large convent. The first houses of the order were
built outside the city walls in some quiet spot where the friars, when
not engaged in active ministry for others, could live undisturbedly in
the cultivation of the spirit. These houses were small, and only a few
friars dwelt in the same place. Besides the small communities, there
were also hermitages, technically so called, at some distance from the
community, whither the friars might retire for a still more secluded
life. The original Franciscan life was thus a commingling of the active
life with the eremitical. As the order increased in numbers, large
convents were built in which the simplicity and seclusion of the
original Franciscan community were in great measure lost; in these
large houses it became impossible to observe the primitive standard of
poverty, and the tendency was to conform to the more complex life and
ceremonial of the monastic orders, properly so called. Hence every
reform of the order turned again towards the ideal of the small
community and the more secluded situation, where the original
simplicity and poverty could more easily be maintained.</p>
<p id="c-p1307" shownumber="no">Matteo di Bassi remained vicar-general of the reform only for two
months; then he resigned his jurisdiction into the hands of Louis of
Fossombrone, as commissary general, in order that he might be free to
give himself to the work of the apostolate. From this time he can
hardly be said to belong to the family of the reform; though he seems
to have still availed himself of the privileges granted him in 1525 by
Clement VII. He died in 1552 and was buried in the church of the
Observants in Venice, where his body was for a long time accorded the
honours given to the relics of a saint, until a recent decree of the
Congregation of Sacred Rites restricted such honours to those formally
beatified. But though not formally beatified, Matte di Bassi is styled
'Blessed" in the martyrologies of the order. During the government of
Louis of Fossombrone the reform began to spread quickly and widely.
Shortly after the Chapter of Albacina the friars were invited to Rome
and given a house, Santa Maria dei Miracoli, near the Flaminian Gate,
from which they removed in the following year to the convent of Santa
Euphemia near Santa Maria Maggiore. Meanwhile a movement for reform was
taking place amongst the Observants of Calabria, which was to have a
marked influence upon the development of the reform in the Marches. Two
friars, Louis of Reggio and Bernardine of Reggio, surnamed lo Giorgio,
had, about the same time that Matteo di Bassi had visited Rome, also
arrived in the Eternal City, and with the sanction of Clement VII had
attempted to reform movement amongst the Observants of Santi Apostoli.
Their efforts proving futile, they obtained leave, in 1526, to return
to Calabria and choose three convents for their purpose. They assumed
the name of Recollects - a name very generally given to the reforming
friars, for the reason stated above. Here, as in the Marches, the
superiors of the Observants regarded the reform with disfavour and
treated the reformers as rebellious subjects; hence, at a chapter held
by the Minister General of the Observants, at Messina, in 1532, the
Calabrian Recollects petitioned to be allowed to pass to the Capuchin
jurisdiction. Their petition, however, only drew upon them further
rebuke. As they continued to persist in their demand, the minister
general obtained from the pope a Brief of excommunication against them;
but this was shortly withdrawn through the intervention of the Duke of
Nocera and the Duchess of Camerino, and the Calabrian Recollects passed
into the Capuchin family, forming the first province of the order
outside of Marches.</p>
<p id="c-p1308" shownumber="no">Following the example of the Calabrians, the most zealous Observants
began to pass over to the Capuchins in such numbers that Paul III, at
the instance of the Minister General of the Observants, issued two
Briefs, the first dated 18 December, 1534, and the second 12 January,
1535, forbidding any more Observants to be received by the Capuchins
until the next general chapter of the Observant family. The second of
these Briefs is noteworthy by reason of the fact that in it the friars
of the new reform are for the first time called Capucini -- Capuchins.
Hitherto, in the pontifical documents they had been styled Fratres Ord.
S. Francisci Capucciati. But in the Brief of 12 January,1535, the pope
adopted the name already conferred upon the new reform by the populace,
who, seeing the long hoods, at once called the friars Cappuccini.
Henceforth the friars are officially styled "Friars Minor of the Order
of St. Francis, Capuchin".</p>
<p id="c-p1309" shownumber="no">At the chapter of the order held at Rome in November, 1535,
Bernardine of Asti was elected vicar-general. He was a remarkable man
-- the genius and saviour of the new reform. He combined great prudence
and power of organization with a rare humility and sweetness of
character. He had held high office amongst the Observants before he
joined the Capuchins in 1534. He died in 1554, and is styled blessed in
the martyrology of the Franciscan Order. His election was providential,
for the Capuchin family had now to pass through a time of storm and
stress, which the wisdom and fame of Bernardine of Asti, in great
measure, enabled it to survive. Hardly had Bernardine of Asti taken up
the reins of government than Louis of Fossombrone created a disturbance
amongst the friars, alleging that the election was invalid. He himself
had aspired to the headship of the order. A new chapter was thereupon
convoked, in April, 1536, and Bernardine of Asti was again elected,
whereupon Louis of Fossombrone threw off the habit and apostatized. His
apostasy perhaps influenced Paul III when on 3 January, 1537, he
forbade the Capuchins to establish any houses of their reform outside
Italy. But a greater blow fell in 1542 when Bernardine of Siena -- the
famous Occhino, not to be confounded with Saint Bernardine, who d. in
1444 -- the successor of Bernardine of Asti as vicar-general,
apostatized and joined the Protestant Reformers. The scandal caused by
this defection gave new vigour to the efforts of those who were opposed
to the Capuchins, and at this time it was seriously considered at the
Roman Court whether they should be suppressed. In fact it was generally
said amongst the people that their suppression was already decreed. To
dispel this rumour the new vicar-general, Francis of Jesi, assembled
two hundred of his brethren at Assisi for the feast of the Portiuncula,
in 1543. But it was Bernardine of Asti who pleaded the cause of the
reform at the Council of Trent and averted the threatened disaster. And
by his eloquent pleading he saved not only the new reform from
extinction, but also the essential character of the Franciscan Order.
For the conciliar Fathers had resolved that in future all religious
orders should possess common property, and not be dependent upon alms.
This resolution struck at the very fundamental principle of the
Franciscan life, since, according to the Rule of St. Francis, his
friars were to possess property neither individually nor in common, but
to depend for their daily sustenance upon their labour and upon alms.
As St. Francis had pleaded for this absolute poverty before Pope
Innocent III, so Bernardine of Asti now pleaded before the council, and
with such success that the Capuchin Friars and the Observants were
expressly exempted from the general law and allowed the privilege of
common, as well as of individual, poverty. By a providential
coincidence, whilst the fate of the new reform was hanging in the
balance, it received a new recruit in a poor countryman who was
destined perhaps more than anyone else to establish the Capuchin family
in the love and veneration of the Roman people: this was St. Felix of
Cantalicio, the lay brother friend of St. Philip Neri. But in a short
while the cloud passed away, and the Capuchin family grew with amazing
swiftness in numbers and in fame. At the chapter of 1536 the reform
numbered five hundred friars; in 1587 it had increased to five thousand
nine hundred and fifty-three friars. In 1574 Gregory XIII revoked the
decree of Paul III, and granted Capuchins the right to establish
ultramontane provinces; and in 1619 the reform was released from all
dependence upon the Conventuals, and given a minister general of its
own election. It need hardly be said that, as the order increased in
numbers and spread to various countries, it was found necessary to
modify the stringent regulations of the first constitutions. The
Council of Trent compelled the Capuchins to establish courses of
studies for the friars destined for the priesthood; larger convents
were built, and the regulation forbidding the friars to hear the
concessions of secular people was rescinded. Yet a constant effort was
made to maintain the simplicity of the Franciscan life. Notwithstanding
the Council of Trent, the Capuchins obtained from St. Pius V for their
lay brothers the privilege of voting in the elections of the order,
thus conserving the original democratic character of the Franciscan
family. In the ordinances of the general chapter of 1613 great stress
was laid on simplicity of life, and regulations were made forbidding
such innovations as high masses and introduction of spiritual exercises
for novices, after the manner of the Jesuits. The same spirit and
intention are found in the definitive constitutions formally approved
by Urban VIII, in 1643. This pontiff had already, by a decree of the
Sacred congregation of Bishops and Regulars (30 April, 1627), declared
the Capuchins to be true sons of St. Francis, and on 28 June of the
same year had issued the Bull "Salvatoris et Domini", in which he
reaffirmed a former constitution of Paul V, "Ecclesiæ Militantis",
of 15 October, 1608, setting forth that the Capuchins are the spiritual
descendants of St. Francis in the direct line, and not a mere offshoot
of the Franciscan Order.</p>
<p id="c-p1310" shownumber="no">In the time of Urban VIII the reform numbered over seventeen
thousand friars in forty-two provinces; a century later, at the general
chapter of 1754, thee were representatives from sixty-three provinces,
and the number of the friars was given as thirty-two thousand eight
hundred and twenty-one. But during the French Revolution the order
suffered severely; nearly all the provinces were disorganized or
suppressed; and in the subsequent revolutions on the European continent
the Capuchins suffered the fate of all the religious orders, being
continually oppressed and dispersed. Yet during the last twenty years a
notable revival has taken place. In 1889 the order had 636 houses and
7852 friars; in 1906 there were 731 houses and 9970 friars, divided
into 56 provinces.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1310.1">II. INFLUENCE OF THE REFORM UPON THE GENERAL HISTORY OF THE
CHURCH</h3>
<p id="c-p1311" shownumber="no">The Capuchins, together with the Jesuits, were the most effective
preaches and missionaries of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
We have already seen that the privilege granted by clement VII to
Matteo di Bassi was not only to observe the Rule of St. Francis in its
primitive simplicity, but also to go about preaching the Word of god.
In this matter the friars of the reform were but reasserting the
primitive Franciscan life; and it is to be noted that the method of
their apostolate was also thoroughly in accord with what the early
legends of the order tell us about St. Francis's method. In their
preaching they eschewed artificial oratory and set forth their message
with simplicity and directness which came from the heart. But perhaps
what most endeared them to the people, and gave them that singular
power with all classes to which the history of the times bears witness,
was their all-embracing charity. The picture of the Capuchin friar
drawn by Manzoni in "I Promessi Sposi" is historical. In their
apostolate they not merely preached from the pulpits; they mingled in
the daily life of the people, ministering to suffering humanity in its
temporal as well as its spiritual needs. In the frequent pestilences
which devastated Italy and Europe generally in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, the Capuchins were constantly found doing a
notable part in the service of the sick. The annals of the order and
the chronicles of the times tell us of the heroism of the friars in the
pestilences which swept through Northern Italy and Spain in 1589,
through Switzerland in 1609, through Germany in 1611. In the great
pestilence of 1630 the friars took charge of the lazarettos at Milan,
and acted as confessors, nurses, cooks, and dispensers to the victims.
They did the same at Marseilles and Freiburg. At Siena the friars were
assembled for the provincial chapter when the pestilence broke out;
they prorogued the chapter and went out to nurse the sick, and
forty-three of them fell victims to their charity. During the
pestilence of 1636 in Franche-Comté, so many Capuchins died in
ministering to the sick that Urban VIII allowed young clerics to be
ordained priests before the canonical age to take the place of those
who had succumbed. St Laurence of Brindisi, sent as missionary
Apostolic to Germany in 1599, began his apostolate by nursing the sick
in the pestilence of that year. Undoubtedly their universal charity,
united to the austerity of their lives, accounts for much of their
success as missionaries, whether with Catholics or non-Catholics.</p>
<p id="c-p1312" shownumber="no">And not only were they popular with the multitude; they had the
confidence of the authorities. This is shown in the frequent choice of
the friars by the popes and princes to fill responsible positions. Thus
in the wars against the Turks in the sixteenth century, it was usually
the Capuchins who were appoint ed chaplains and spiritual directors to
the Christian forces. In the Venetian expedition of 1571, a number of
Capuchins accompanied the Venetian navy by command of St. Pius V, and
at the battle of Lepanto, Father Anselmo da Pietramolara was in the
thick of the fight, urging on the Christian forces with raised
crucifix; in fact, it was his indomitable bravery which prevented the
ship he was in from being captured by the Turks. The friars were
similarly employed in the struggles of the German princes against the
Turks in the seventeenth century. St. Laurence of Brindisi, in 1610,
went as chaplain general with the Christian army, and so did Venerable
Mark of Aviano, in 1687. It is pleasing to note that the friars
obtained, from Gregory XII, power to absolve Christians who, during the
wars, freed or hid captive Turks.</p>
<p id="c-p1313" shownumber="no">They were moreover not infrequently commissioned to transact affairs
of sate. St. Laurence of Brindisi was sent as ambassador by the Emperor
Rudolph to solicit the alliance of Spain with the Catholic League of
Germany. Gregory XIII employed the Capuchins to negotiate for the
ransom of Christian captives in Algiers. Father Giacinto da Casale was
commissioned by Gregory XV to unite the Catholic princes of Germany in
defence of the Faith. Sometimes their personal influence, without any
official status, enabled them to intervene with success in public
matters, as in Switzerland, when the canton of Appenzell was hesitating
whether to ally itself with the Catholic cantons or with the
Protestant, the Capuchins went in and drew Appenzell to the Catholic
side. In similar fashion, in 1637, a Swiss Capuchin acted as arbitrator
in the canton of Aargau. These public acts testify to the great
influence acquired by the friars in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries; but their influence was gained by hard and strenuous labours
both as home and as foreign missionaries. They were to be found
everywhere, preaching and ministering to the people. Not only were they
established in almost every country of Europe, but as foreign
missionaries their activity seems almost incredible. At the general
chapter of 1662 the list of foreign missions served by the friars
included the Congo, Benin, Morocco, Egypt, Ethiopia, Smyrna, Mingrelia,
Cyprus, Mesopotamia, Chaldea, Ecbatana, Kurdistan, Persia, Tatary,
Brazil, New Granada, Canada, Morea, the Grecian Archipelago, whilst
they also had missions, under Propaganda, in Rhætia, the Grisons,
and the Valtellina.</p>
<p id="c-p1314" shownumber="no">As "home" missionaries they were mainly instrumental in reforming
the pulpit, substituting solid teaching, with burning and convincing
piety, for the vapid rhetoric so common amongst the preachers of the
sixteenth century. Their object was always to reach the heart of the
people. To be convinced of the solidity and piety of their preaching,
one has only to consult the many books of sermons and treatises of
devotion which the missionary friars have left us. According to
Baronius and the chroniclers of the order, the devotion of the Quarant'
Ore owes its origin to the missionary zeal of the Capuchins. Father
Giuseppe da Ferno is said to have been the first to expose the Blessed
Sacrament for forty hours' prayer, during a mission he was preaching in
the Duomo at Milan, in 1637. Giuseppe da Ferno certainly wrote a
treatise on the method of the Quarant' Ore, and from this time we find
frequent mention of the devotion in the missionary chronicles of the
order. But the supreme monument to their missionary zeal is the
Congregation of the Propaganda itself. This congregation was instituted
by Gregory XV, in 1622, at the suggestion of Father Girolamo da Narni,
Vicar-General of the Reform. He was a noted preacher and experienced in
missionary labours. When the congregation was established, its first
prefect was the Capuchin Cardinal of Sant' Onofrio; and its first
martyr was another Capuchin, St. Fidelis of Sigmaringen, whom the
propaganda had appointed Prefect of the Mission of Rhætia. The
friars had already been established for some years in Switzerland,
whither they had been called by St. Charles Borromeo in his capacity as
Protector of the Catholics in those parts. The saint, backed by Pope
Gregory XIII, had requested the general chapter of 1581 to send friars
thither, and the chapter had at once acceded to the request. Such was
their success in combating the errors of the Calvinists and in
preserving the Faith in many cantons that to this day they are accorded
a privileged position in the churches of the Catholic cantons as
confessors and preachers. It was in the Grisons that Saint Fidelis was
martyred, in 1622. Here the Calvinists had practically gained over the
whole population, as also in the Valtellina, and only by heroic efforts
were the friars able to keep alive any remnant of the Faith. The
missions in these parts are still under the jurisdiction of the
Capuchins.</p>
<p id="c-p1315" shownumber="no">In Savoy the friars, under the leadership of Father Cherubino da
Mariana, the friend of St. Francis of Sales, were at work in 1596, and
the mission of Thonon was especially given into their charge in 1610.
Father Cherubino also introduced the friars into the Vallese in 1610,
at which time, as St. Francis of Sales reported, the religious
condition of that country seemed hopeless. Under St. Laurence of
Brindisi twelve Capuchins were sent, in 1599, to combat the influence
of Protestantism in Germany, where by their public controversies with
Protestants, as well as by their preaching, they did much to win back
many to the Faith. They rapidly established houses in all parts of
Southern Germany, and in 1611 they were established in the Rhine
Provinces by Father Francis Nugent, a distinguished Irish friar.</p>
<p id="c-p1316" shownumber="no">On the foreign missions they were equally energetic. The first
foreign mission was undertaken in 1551, when two friars were
commissioned by Julius III to go to Constantinople. They were, however,
expelled, after being imprisoned and tortured. But we find them shortly
afterwards in Crete, where Father Ignazio d'Apiro established five
missionary centres in two years, besides a hospital at Canea. He was a
man well versed in Oriental languages. He died in 1569. About this time
two Capuchins were put to death in Palestine. But it was at the general
chapter of 1581 that the friars put their hand definitively to the
matter of foreign missions. They then obtained a faculty from Sixtus V
to send missionaries to the East, and a band of friars, amongst whom
was St. Joseph of Leonissa, were despatched to Constantinople.
Imprisonment and torture awaited them; but from that time the friars
have held fast to their missions in the Turkish dominions. In 1623 the
Propaganda commissioned the Capuchins to found missions in Syria,
Egypt, and Abyssinia. Six friars were sent to Constantinople, where
they at once established a school for the study of Oriental languages;
others went to Aleppo, Alexandria, and Armenia. Their method was to
open schools wherever they settled, and they were active in publishing
books. As a result of their labours in Syria at this time, a schismatic
Armenian metropolitan and a schismatic Greek metropolitan sought
reunion with the Church. In 1618 the general chapter, at the request of
Paul V, sent missionaries to the Congo. They encountered great
difficulties, owing to the Dutch traders, and success seemed hopeless.
Yet they struggled on till 1654, when a fresh effort was made, and a
new band of missionaries was sent out, including Father G. Antonio
Cavazzi, the writer of a well-known work on the Congo.</p>
<p id="c-p1317" shownumber="no">From Aleppo friars were sent, in 1630, to Cairo, under the leader
ship of the Blessed Agathange de Vendôme, one of the most
remarkable missionaries of the seventeenth century. He was an Arabic
scholar, and had published books in Arabic setting forth the Catholic
Faith. On the coming of the friars to Cairo Urban VIII addressed a
letter to the Catholics in Egypt, bidding them welcome the friars and
accord them every assistance. But unhappily the friars found that their
work amongst the Copts, for whose reunion with the Roman See they more
particularly laboured, was hindered chiefly by the scandalous lives of
the European Catholic merchants. Yet the friars obtained leave from the
Coptic Patriarch of Alexandria to preach in the churches of the Copts,
and the pope even grant ed them permission to celebrate Mass in the
same churches. Father Agathange's influence with the Copts was such
that he persuaded the Coptic patriarch to appoint for the Copts in
Abyssinia a bishop who would live in peace with the Catholics. In 1637
Father Agathange, together with Father Cassian de Nantes, entered
Abyssinia, but owing to the treachery of a German Lutheran they were at
once seized and imprisoned, and the following year suffered martyrdom.
The Capuchin mission in Abyssinia was thus brought swiftly to a close,
but only to be renewed in later years. Towards the end of the last
century the friars were again established in the dominions of the
Negus, chiefly through the exertions of the celebrated Capuchin
missionary afterwards known as Cardinal Massaïa. He has left a
record of his experiences in his book, "I miei trentacinque anni nell'
alta Etiopia" (Rome and Milan, 1895).</p>
<p id="c-p1318" shownumber="no">Towards the middle of the seventeenth century the friars established
missions in India at Surat, Pegu, Golconda, and Madras, and a little
later at Pondicherry. The story of their Indian missions is much the
same as elsewhere; they established schools, wrote books in the
vernacular of the country, held public conferences with the learned
heathen, and found their chief obstacle in the European traders -- in
this case, the Portuguese. At the present day the missions in India are
amongst the most important in the order: the Archdiocese of Agra (the
premier diocese in India), the Dioceses of Lahore and Allahabad, and
the Prefecture of Rajputana, are entirely served by Capuchins. They
still carry on their work in Asia Minor, where they have a flourishing
missionary seminary at Smyrna. Other present-day missions are in
Central and South America, in Arabia and Somaliland, in the Seychelles,
Philippines, and Caroline Islands, in Abyssinia and Mesopotamia; whilst
in Europe they carry on missionary work in Constantinople and Bulgaria.
In 1906 eight hundred and fifty-five friars of the reform were engaged
in foreign missionary labour.</p>
<p id="c-p1319" shownumber="no">The reform has produced few writers of the first order in literature
or scholarship, though the "Bibliotheca Scriptorum Ord. Min. Cap."
(Genoa, 1680; Venice, 1747) gives the names of a great number of
writers and goodly list of works, many of them of no mean merit. But
most of their writings are connected with their apostolic labours --
books of sermons, devotional treatises, and works dealing with the
history of the missions. In this last department they have produced
several valuable works, such as Cavazzi's treatise on the congo,
Dionigi Carli's book on the customs, rites, and religion of the people
of Africa, Merolla da Sorrento's account of the Congo and South Africa,
and Cardinal Massaïa's work on Abyssinia. In the seventeenth
century the French Capuchins were noted for their studies of Oriental
languages, and in view of the present revival of the Celtic tongues, it
may be recalled that a Breton Capuchin, Gregorius de Rostrenen,
published in 1732 "Dictionarium Gallo-Celticum, seu Gallo-Aremoricum"
(Rennes, 1732) and "Grammatica cum Syntaxi Gallo-Celtica, seu
Gallo-Aremorica" (Rennes, 1738). In Scriptural exegesis Bernardine a
Piconio has a deservedly high name as the author of the "Triplex
expositio" (1706), whilst in the sixteenth century Francis Titelmann,
who left the theological chair of Louvain to put on the habit of St.
Francis, gained European repute by his treatises on Scripture and his
controversy with Erasmus. Amongst devotional writings, the works of
Gaetano da Bergamo, published in the first half of the eighteenth
century, have an enduring value; his treatise on humility and
meditations on the Passion have both been translated into English.
Benedict Canfield's treatise "On the Holy Will of God" has an enduring
place in ascetical literature. Amongst modern theologians of merit a
place must be given to Albert of Bulsano; and as an authority on canon
law the Belgian Capuchin Piatus is much esteemed. In the late revival
of Franciscan historical studies, Père Edouard d'Alençon has
issued new editions of the "Sacrum Commercium" (Rome, 1900), and the
legends of Thomas of Celano (Rome, 1906). Amongst the chroniclers of
the order the first place must be given to Boverius, a man of great
learning not only as an historian, but as a controversial writer of the
sixteenth century. In 1640 Carolus de Arembergh published at Cologne
"Flores Seraphici", a voluminous work concerning the noted members of
the order.</p>
<p id="c-p1320" shownumber="no">But the Capuchin friars have at all times been men of action rather
than students, and the enormous influence they possessed in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was due to their extensive labours
as home and foreign missionaries and to the universality of their
genius in dealing with the spiritual needs of the people. Amongst the
special marks of favour shown them by the Holy See must be mentioned
their custody of the Holy House of Loreto, given to them in 1608, and
the fact that since 1596 they have had the privilege of supplying the
Apostolic preacher at the Roman court. Pope Urban VIII was a special
patron of the order. His friendship with the friars was in part due to
the fact that his brother, Antonio Barberini, afterwards Cardinal of
Sant' Onofrio, was a member of the order. This pope built for them the
famous convent of the Barberini in Rome, the architect of which was
himself a Capuchin friar, Fra Michaele da Bergamo; and the new church
attached to the convent was the first church in Rome to be dedicated in
honour of the Immaculate conception of the Blessed Virgin. The convent
was opened with great solemnity on 15 April, 1631, and Urban VIII
signalized the event by appointing Fra Michaele architect of the
Apostolic palace. The convent was the headquarters of the order until a
few years ago, when the minister general and his curia were expelled by
the Italian government, which now uses the greater part of the convent
as a barracks, leaving only a few friars to take care of the church. We
may here take note that the reform has given many cardinals and bishops
to the Church; sixteen of its members have been canonized or beatified,
and the cause of others is in process at Rome with a view to
canonization.</p>
<p id="c-p1321" shownumber="no">That the friars came in for much of the abuse levelled against the
Church and especially against the religious orders, in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, only testifies to their influence and zeal.
Except the Jesuits, no religious order has, perhaps been more vilely
lampooned. In France, during the seventeenth century, book after book
appeared defaming the friars; one of these was translated into English
and published in London in 1671 under the title of "The Monk's Hood
pull'd off, or the Capuchin Fryar described".</p>
<h3 id="c-p1321.1">III. THE REFORM IN ENGLISH-SPEAKING COUNTRIES</h3>
<p id="c-p1322" shownumber="no">It was in 1599 that the first friars of the reform came to England.
These were Father Benedict Canfield, an Englishman, and Father
Chrysostom, a Scotchman. Benedict Canfield was of Puritan parentage,
but had embraced the Catholic Faith whilst yet a student. As a friar he
was reputed a powerful preacher, and was a writer of note. But he had
hardly landed in England when he and his companion were seized and
imprisoned. He was released at the end of three years and expelled the
kingdom. Amongst other friars who came to England about this time were
Father Archangel, "the Scotch Capuchin", who became the subject of a
popular Italian biography, written by the Papal Legate Rinuccini, in
which, however, the author's imagination played freely around
historical fact; and Ephiphanius Lindsay, described in the Memoir of P.
Cyprien de Gamache as "son of the Count of Maine", but probably of the
family of the Lindsays, lairds of Mains in Kirkcudbrightshire. But in
1630 the missionaries were withdrawn, when Henrietta Maria, Queen of
Charles I, brought over twelve Capuchins as royal chaplains. Under the
protection of the court, the friars publicly celebrated Mass and
preached, sometimes holding controversies with the Protestants, and
they are said to have made many conversions. Their mission, however,
was abruptly terminated when Queen Henrietta went o Holland to solicit
aid for the king against the Parliament. The royal chapel was closed,
and the friars told to consider themselves prisoners in their own
house. They were afterwards sent back to France. They returned at the
Restoration of Charles II, but only for a few years. From this time no
Capuchin seems to have come to England until Father Arthur O'Leary, the
brilliant Irish friar, settled in London, in 1789, ostensibly as
chaplain to the Spanish Embassy, but really to minister to the Irish
Catholics, for whom he built St. Patrick's Church in Soho Square. He
died in 1802. The present province of England was not established until
the latter end of the last century, through the instrumentality of
Father Louis of Lavagna, an Italian friar, who came to England in 1850
with the intention of proceeding to Canada, but having arrived in
London he was induced to stay there and minister to the wants of the
Catholics in the district of Peckham. Here he built a small church, and
at his request other friars were sent over to assist him. At this time
the Franciscan Order had virtually died out in England. Only one Father
of the Recollect Province founded in the time of Queen Mary remained,
and he ended his days a few years later in the house of the Capuchins
at Pontypool, thus creating a link between the new Franciscan
foundation and the old.</p>
<p id="c-p1323" shownumber="no">The order rapidly took root on English soil. Ten years after the
coming of Father Louis of Lavagna the friars had four canonical
communities at Peckham, Pantasaph, Chester, and Pontypool, besides
several stations; during the next few years they established several
houses in the Diocese of Southwark, so that in 1873 it was thought
expedient to erect the English houses into a canonical province. The
province is yet too young to afford much matter in the way of history
of general interest; but it may be noted that in little more than half
a century the friars have established thirty-five missions, most of
which have been given over to the bishops when they were able to
support a secular priest; besides the parochial work thus entailed,
they are continually employed in missionary labours outside their own
parishes. In 1904 several friars of the province were sent to establish
a house in Mendocino, California, which is to be the centre for
missionary work in Mendocino county, now given into their charge by the
Archbishop of San Francisco. They also have undertaken to supply
missionaries for the Vicariate of Aden in Arabia. In 1905, at the
request of the Bishop of Southwark, the friars undertook a unique
mission to Catholic hop-pickers. Every year in the month of September
there is a large exodus of the London poor into the hop-gardens of
Kent; of these poor Catholics average yearly about ten thousand. Until
1905 no provision was made for the spiritual needs of the Catholic
hop-pickers, and hardly any of them during the period of picking were
able to hear Mass or receive the sacraments. Now each year when the
hop-picking begins, Capuchin friars, assisted by Sisters of Mercy and
lay workers, men and women, go down to the hop-district. The work has
distinctive characteristics. The majority of the hop-pickers are of the
very poorest class, whence chiefly comes the leakage from the Church;
they seldom enter a church, and often are lost to the priest in the
shiftings and maze of London life. In the Kentish hop-gardens they come
again under the influence of the priest and religion. The work is as
yet in its infancy, but it is big with possibilities for regaining to
the Faith the indifferent and lapsed amongst our Catholic London poor;
and it is characteristically Franciscan in its object and methods, for
once again the friar is seen celebrating Mass and preaching in the open
fields amongst the ill-clad and the hungry. In 1906 the friars were
able to restore one of the broken links in the history of English
Franciscans by their return to Oxford, once glorified by the learning
amidst poverty of the sons of the Poverello. On the outskirts of the
city they have secured a school for the training of candidates for the
order, whence they can look down upon Merton College, where, according
to tradition, Duns Scotus lectured, and upon the site of the ancient
friary where the relics of Blessed Agnellus of Pisa -- sent by St.
Francis to establish the English province -- were enshrined until their
dispersion in the reign of Henry VIII.</p>
<p id="c-p1324" shownumber="no">It was in 1615 that the first friar of the Capuchin reform came to
Ireland, Father Stephen Daly. He was sent over by father Francis
Nugent, whom in 1608, had received a papal commission to establish the
reform in his native land. According to Bernardine of Colpetrazo, the
other branches of the Franciscan Order had, in 1549, petitioned the
general chapter of the Capuchins to send over friars to introduce the
reform into the Franciscan houses of that country; but this was
impossible, since at that time the decree of Paul III was still in
force which forbade the Capuchin reform to establish houses outside
Italy. Francis Nugent, the actual founder of the Irish province, was a
remarkable man. He had already introduced the reform into the Rhine
country when he petitioned the Roman authorities to set aside a house
of the order for the reception of Irish friars. Accordingly, the
convent of Charleville, in the Low Countries, was given him for this
purpose, and thither the Irish friars from all provinces were sent to
form a community whence the Irish foundation might be begun. The
convent of Charleville thus became the novitiate and alma mater of the
province of Ireland. In 1615, first Stephen Daly and then four other
friars were sent over. At first they lived separately wherever they
could; but in 1623 or 1624 (the exact date seems uncertain) they took a
house in Bridge Street, Dublin, where they lived in community. But in
1630 the house was seized by the Lords Justices and conferred upon the
University of Dublin. The friars, however, remained in the country, and
were gradually reinforced in numbers: several of them suffered
imprisonment and banishment for the Faith. In 1642, the Irish mission
numbered fifty-one friars, with houses in Dublin, Slane, Limerick,
Mullingar, Drogheda, and Cork. In 1733 they had fourteen houses in
Ireland and two in France, and were that year erected into a canonical
province. Just then began one of the saddest periods in the history of
the Irish people. Persecution and famine for a time seemed to break the
spirit of the people; vocations became scarce, and the Irish province
became almost extinct. It lingered on, however. In 1771 Father Arthur
O'Leary built a church in Cork, and the friars reopened houses in
Dublin and Kilkenny. The last days of the old province were made
illustrious by the apostolic labours of the world- famous Father
Theobald Mathew, the propagator of the temperance movement. After being
for a while united with the friars in England under a
commissary-general, the Irish friars were again, in 1873, formed into a
separate "custody", with autonomous government, and in 1885 the
canonical province was re-established. There are now four convents of
the order in Ireland, with eighty- nine friars. From the days of Father
Mathew, the Irish friars have been to the front in forwarding the
temperance movement initiated by him; but in October 1905, the Irish
hierarchy formally entrusted to them the preaching of a national
crusade of temperance. Since then the friars are to be found in all
parts of the country carrying out their mission.</p>
<p id="c-p1325" shownumber="no">On the American continent the Capuchins not only have flourishing
missions in Central and south America, they have also two provinces in
the United States, a missionary district in California, served by the
English province, and missions in Canada, served by French friars. The
present establishment of the friars in the United States dates from
1857; but there were missionary Capuchins in the present territories of
the United States and Canada early in the seventeenth century. In 1632
friars of the province of Paris were put in charge of the missions in
Acadia. The centre of the mission was at Port royal, now Annapolis, but
it extended from Hancock County, in Maine, northwards, to the Bay of
Chaleur. They seem also to have had missions in the Antilles, for in
1641 the friar, Father Pacifique, was murdered there whilst on a
visitation of the missions. The missions in Acadia were in a
flourishing condition when the English Puritans broke up the settlement
in 1655 and expelled the friars. Yet in 1656 the friars were still at
work amongst the Micmac Indians. In 1714 French Capuchins were invited
to undertake missions in Louisiana by the coadjutor Bishop of Quebec,
de Mornay, himself a Capuchin Friar. They remained there until 1770,
when for political reasons, Spanish friars took the place of their
French brethren. They had missions in New Orleans, St. Louis,
Galveston, Mobile, Pensacola, Natchez, Natchitoches, and other places.
But in 1800 the friars were withdrawn. In 1787 two German friars were
in charge of the Holy Trinity Church, Philadelphia.</p>
<p id="c-p1326" shownumber="no">But, as has been said, the present establishment of the friars in
the United States dates from 1857; and its history is one of romantic
incidents in the history of the reform. The chance visit of a young
Swiss from the United States to his native land, and his recital of the
spiritual needs of America, inspired two secular priests in Switzerland
with the idea of introducing the Capuchin Order into the United States.
They resigned their parishes and, going out to America, were given Mt.
Calvary, Wisconsin, as the site of a Capuchin convent, by the Bishop of
Milwaukee. At the express with of Pope Pius IX these two secular
priests were then clothed with the religious habit and commissioned to
lay the foundation of a new province. At the present day this province
has houses at Mt. Calvary, Milwaukee, New York, Brooklyn, Detroit,
Appleton, and Yonkers. In New York they have four parishes, and three
parishes in Milwaukee; at Mt. Calvary they have a flourishing college,
begun in 1864. Besides the province of Mt. Calvary, there is also the
province of Pennsylvania, established by Bavarian and Westphalian
friars, driven from their native home by the Kultukampf. The first
house of this province was established at Pittsburg in 1874; but it was
not till 1882 that the province became autonomous, at which time it had
houses in Pittsburg, Herman, Pa.; Victoria, Kan.; Peoria, Metamora,
Ill., and Cumberland, Md. The fathers of this province have introduced
into the United States a charitable institution which has had
remarkable success in Germany, the Seraphisches Liebeswerk -- the
"Seraphic Work of Charily". This society aims at assisting destitute
Catholic children to obtain Catholic education, by placing them in
institutions or in private families. The centre of this work is at the
Capuchin convent, Pittsburg, Pa.</p>
<p id="c-p1327" shownumber="no">In Canada, the French Capuchins have houses in Ottawa and Quebec,
and a missionary centre for work amongst the Micmac Indians at
Sainte-Anne de Restigouche. The work carried on here is reminiscent of
the heroic days of the Canadian mission. From the mission centre the
fathers make missionary tours amongst the scattered Indians. The Micmac
number about four thousand; they are much attached to their religion
and language, and show no signs of decay.</p>
<p id="c-p1328" shownumber="no">Amongst Capuchins of note who have laboured in North America,
mention must be made of Ignazio Persico, Bishop of Savannah from 1870
till 1872, and afterwards cardinal. Another cardinal still living
Cardinal Vives y Tuto, took his vows as a Capuchin Friar at Santa Clara
College, San Francisco, in 1872, and was for a time a member of the
community at Milwaukee. Nor may we omit the name of Bishop Charbonel,
who resigned the See of Toronto to take the Capuchin habit. It was he
who invited the saintly friar, Louis of Lavagna, founder of the present
English province, to take up missionary work in Toronto in 1856. The
friar only lived nine months after reaching Toronto, drying on 17
March, 1857; yet during that short period he had gained the reputation
of a saint.</p>
<p id="c-p1329" shownumber="no">Thus are the Capuchins, together with their brethren of the other
families of the Franciscan Oder, taking up again in English-speaking
lands the traditions of past centuries with renewed vigour. The
troubles of the past may have purified, they have not broken, the
Franciscan spirit.</p>
<p id="c-p1330" shownumber="no">By way of distinction from other religious, the Capuchin Friars in
most countries append the "O.M. Cap."(Ordinis Minorum, Capuccinorum)
after their names; but in England and Ireland they sign "O.S.F.C."
(Ordinis Sancti Francisci, Capuccinorum) in accordance with the use of
the ancient English province.</p>
<p id="c-p1331" shownumber="no">
<i>Collectio Authentica Ordinationum Capit. Gen. in Anaclecta Ord.
Cap.,</i> V. Vi; BOVERIUS, Annales Ord. S. Fr. Cap. (Lyons, 1632), I,
II; 
<i>Bullarium Ord. Cap.</i> (Rome, 1740); Innsbruck, (1883-4); 
<i>Bibliotheca Script. Ord. Cap</i>. (Venice, 1747); 
<i>Chronica Fr. Joannis Romoei,</i> in 
<i>Analecta</i> 
<i>Ord. Cap.</i>, XXII; D'AREMBERGH, 
<i>Flores Seraphici</i> (Cologne, 1640); PELLEGRINO DA FORLI, 
<i>Annali Cappuccini</i> (Milan, 1882); ROCCO DA CESINALE, 
<i>Missione dei Cappuccini</i> (Paris, 1867); 
<i>Chronicle of the English Province, in Franciscan Annals</i>
(Crawley, England,) XIII; 
<i>The Capuchins in English-speaking Lands</i>,, in 
<i>Seraphic Child of Mary</i> (pub. By the Capuchins of Pennsylvania),
IV. V.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1332" shownumber="no">FATHER CUTHBERT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1332.1" title="Capuciati" type="Encyclopedia">Capuciati</term>
<def id="c-p1332.2">
<h1 id="c-p1332.3">Capuciati</h1>
<p id="c-p1333" shownumber="no">(From 
<i>caputium</i>, hood — So named from the headgear which was one
of their distinctive marks.)</p>
<p id="c-p1334" shownumber="no">I. A short-lived confraternity founded in 1182 or 1183 in France for
the restoration and maintenance of peace. It was one of the various
attempts to put an end to the incessant wars and feuds which were
spreading ruin and desolation throughout that country during the
twelfth century. The origin of the Capuciati is traced to a poor
carpenter of Le Puy, named Durand, who claimed to have had an
apparition of the Blessed Virgin Mary in 1182. In this vision he
received a paper on which there was a representation of the Blessed
Virgin seated on a throne with a figure of the child Jesus in her
hands, and bearing the inscription, "Lamb of God who takest away the
sins of the world give us peace". An association was to be formed whose
members should bind themselves to keep and procure peace and, as
distinctive signs, wear a white hood and a medal bearing a reproduction
of the picture and inscription.</p>
<p id="c-p1335" shownumber="no">Durand met with astounding success in the execution of these
instructions. A confraternity was organized under the direction of the
clergy exactly on the lines of Catholic confraternities of the present
day. The Church of Our Lady of Le Puy became the centre of the
movement, which spread with extraordinary rapidity over the province of
France, south of the Loire. The Capuciati, in addition to pledging
themselves not to swear falsely, not to blaspheme, not to play dice,
enter taverns, or wear costly garments, also promised to do all in
their power to restore and maintain peace. Their endeavours in this
line were not ineffectual, an overwhelming defeat which the "Routiers",
or undisciplined bands of soldiery of the period, sustained in 1183
must be largely ascribed to the co-operation of the Capuciati with the
royal army. The existence of the confraternity was of short duration.
Its disappearance is involved in obscurity; but it seems to have
directed its efforts against the members of the nobility, and to have
been wiped out of existence by them, aided by the "Routiers". Its
advocacy of heretical principles is not clearly and trustworthily
indicated in historical records. The accusation that it respected
neither ecclesiastical nor civil authority may perhaps be explained by
its resistance to real or imagined abuses of power.</p>
<p id="c-p1336" shownumber="no">II. 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1336.1">Capuciati</span> was also a designation applied to
that special class of English Lollards who profited by the preaching
and denunciations of the former Augustinian monk, Peter Pateshull (c.
1387), to indulge in deeds of iconoclasm. They owed their name to their
practice of keeping the hoods on their heads in presence of the Blessed
Sacrament.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1337" shownumber="no">N.A. WEBER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1337.1" title="Caqueta" type="Encyclopedia">Caqueta</term>
<def id="c-p1337.2">
<h1 id="c-p1337.3">Caquetá</h1>
<p id="c-p1338" shownumber="no">Apostolic prefecture situated in South America on the southern
border of the Republic of Colombia, in the angle formed by the Central
Cordilleras and the Cordilleras del Caquetá, on the river
Caquetá, which, after changing its name into Japura, empties into
the Amazon.</p>
<p id="c-p1339" shownumber="no">According to an agreement of 27 December, 1902, between the
Government and the Holy See, this prefecture comprises almost the
entire Colombian province of Mocoa; it formerly belonged to the
extensive Diocese of Pasto. The decree of erection is dated 20
December, 1904, and the Capuchins of the Spanish province of Cataluna
are entrusted with the evangelization of the aborigines, who as yet are
in a very low state of civilization, some being even addicted to
cannibalism.</p>
<p id="c-p1340" shownumber="no">In 1906 there were two permanent mission-stations at Mocoa and
Sibundoy, with 10 fathers and 3 lay brothers in charge of 14 chapels.
About 12,000 converted Indians live among 40,000 heathens. In 1906, 245
baptisms, 130 marriages, and 118 funerals were recorded, and the five
Catholic schools numbered 178 children. It is subject not to the
Propaganda but to the Congregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical
Affairs.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1341" shownumber="no">OTTO JERON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1341.1" title="Carabantes, Jose de" type="Encyclopedia">Jose de Carabantes</term>
<def id="c-p1341.2">
<h1 id="c-p1341.3">José de Carabantes</h1>
<p id="c-p1342" shownumber="no">
(<i>Also</i> Caravantes).</p>
<p id="c-p1343" shownumber="no">Friar Minor Capuchin and theologian, born in Aragon, in 1628; died
in 1694. He did much in the evangelization of the Indian tribes in
Spanish America. He wrote a work entitled "Ars addicendi atque docendi
idiomata", and likewise a "Lexicon, seu vocabularium v erborum,
adverbiorum, etc.", for the use of missionaries among the Indians
(Madrid, 1678). A biography of Father Carabantes was published at
Madrid in 1705 by Diego Gonzales de Quiraga.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1344" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1344.1" title="Caracalla" type="Encyclopedia">Caracalla</term>
<def id="c-p1344.2">
<h1 id="c-p1344.3">Caracalla</h1>
<p id="c-p1345" shownumber="no">
(<span class="sc" id="c-p1345.1">Marcus Aurelius Severus Antoninus,</span> nicknamed 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1345.2">Caracalla</span>)</p>
<p id="c-p1346" shownumber="no">Roman Emperor, son of Septimius Severus and Julia Domna, b. 188; d.
217. He became joint ruler in 211 with his brother Geta, whom he caused
to be murdered in 212, and thereby became sole emperor. He was slain
himself in the neighbourhood of Carrhæ in Mesopotamia. In spite of
his cruelty, immorality, avarice and treachery Caracalla was a brave
soldier and successful administrator and did much to restore the
security of the Empire by his campaigns against the Germans and in the
Orient. He had little sympathy with Roman ideals or customs and his
influence aided considerably in weakening the moral unity of the Empire
and destroying the ancient traditions of Rome. The most noteworthy act
of his reign was the extension by the Constitutio Antoniana (212) of
the rights of Roman citizenship to all the inhabitants of the Empire.
It is impossible to estimate what effect this rather doubtful boon had
upon the fortunes of Christianity. While the martyrs henceforth could
be executed as Romans the right of appeal to Cæsar was abrogated
and new and heavy burdens of taxation were imposed. No changes in the
laws regarding Christians were introduced by Caracalla and the policy
followed in the reign of his father was continued with unabated
severity and many were put to death. Rome and the spirit of syncretism
fostered by the policy of this Emperor bore fruit in later reigns.</p>
<p id="c-p1347" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p1347.1">Tertullian,</span> 
<i>Ad Scapulam</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1347.2">Dio Cassius,</span> Hist. Bk. LXXVII; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1347.3">Herodian,</span> Bks. VII and VIII; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1347.4">Spartianus,</span> 
<i>Vita Caracallæ</i> in 
<i>Scriptores Hist. Aug.</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1347.5">Tillemont,</span> 
<i>Hist. des Empereurs,</i> III, 98; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1347.6">Gibbon,</span> Chap. vi; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1347.7">Allard,</span> 
<i>Hist. des persécutions pendant la première moitié du
III 
<sup>e</sup> siecle</i> (Paris, 1886), II, 158-69; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1347.8">Schiller,</span> 
<i>Geschichte der römischen Kaiserzeit,</i> I, pt. II, 739-89.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1348" shownumber="no">P.J. Healy</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1348.1" title="Caracas" type="Encyclopedia">Caracas</term>
<def id="c-p1348.2">
<h1 id="c-p1348.3">Caracas</h1>
<h4 id="c-p1348.4">(Santiago de Venezuela)</h4>
<p id="c-p1349" shownumber="no">ARCHDIOCESE OF CARACAS (SANCTI JACOBI DE BENEZUELA)</p>
<p id="c-p1350" shownumber="no">Located in the Republic of Venezuela, a metropolitan see with the
Barquisimeto, Calabozo, Guayana, Merida, and Zulia as suffragans. It
was made an episcopal see in 1530, soon after the Spanish conquest,
though until 1637 the residence was at Coro, was vacant from 1721 to
1727, and was raised to the rank of an archdiocese in 1803. Archbishop
Juan Bautista Castro, appointed in 1904, was the eighth metropolitan
and the thirty-fourth Bishop of Caracas. Battandier gives (1907) the
population of the archdiocese as 425,640; that of the city is (1904)
60,000. The latter has a pleasant and healthful climate, is situated at
the foot of the Sill de Caracas (4017 ft.), and is connected with the
seaport La Guaira by a railway of twenty-three miles. The city suffers
from earthquakes, in one of which (1812) 12,000 lives were lost. It was
founded in 1567 by Diego Losada, and in 1595 was plundered and burned
by the English under Drake; Bishop Juan de Manzanillo, a Dominican,
soon rebuilt the Cathedral of Santa Anna that still stands in the Plaza
Bolivar. There are 102 priests and 110 churches and chapels. The
University of Caracas, founded in 1822, has faculties of political,
medical, mathematical, and ecclesiastical sciences; the chairs of the
latter faculty are in the metropolitan seminary.</p>
<p id="c-p1351" shownumber="no">The Church has suffered in Caracas more perhaps than in any other of
the South American Republics. The university, therefore, the seminary,
the convents that once flourished in that beautiful city, have gone
through many hardships, and it is difficult to give an accurate account
of their present condition. The population on the whole can still be
called Catholic, while the recent International Eucharistic Congress
celebrated in Caracas shows a revival in the Venezuelan Church.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1352" shownumber="no">J. MONTES DE OCA Y OBREGON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1352.1" title="Caraffa, Vincent" type="Encyclopedia">Vincent Caraffa</term>
<def id="c-p1352.2">
<h1 id="c-p1352.3">Vincent Caraffa</h1>
<p id="c-p1353" shownumber="no">Seventh General of the Society of Jesus, born at Naples, 5 May,
1585; died at Rome, 6 June, 1649. He was of the family of the Counts of
Montorio and a relative of Pope Paul IV. He entered the Society of
Jesus, 4 October, 1604, and was sixty years of age at his election as
general. He died four years after. He had taught philosophy and
governed the principal house of the Society at Naples, and was
provincial at the time of the election to the generalship. In 1635 he
had published his "Fascetto di Mirra" (Bundle of Myrrh), which has been
translated into several languages. He is the author of several other
ascetical works such ascetical works such as</p>
<ul id="c-p1353.1">
<li id="c-p1353.2">
<i>Cammino del Cielo</i>,</li>
<li id="c-p1353.3">
<i>Cittadino del Cielo</i>,</li>
<li id="c-p1353.4">
<i>Il Peregrino della terra</i>,</li>
<li id="c-p1353.5">
<i>Idea Christiani hominis</i>, and</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1354" shownumber="no">Il Serafino, all previous to his election. He wrote under the name
of Aloysius Sidereus. His only known writing when general was his
encyclical letter: "De mediis conservandi primævum spiritum
Societatis" (The means of preserving the primitive spirit of the
Society). His short term in office coincided with the beginning of the
war of Jansenism on the Society and the troubles with Palafox, Bishop
of La Puebla. A great scandal occurred in Spain because of unsuccessful
business speculations by a coadjutor brother, and in France on account
of the open apostasy to Calvinism of a priest; but the martyrdom of men
like Jogues, Brébeuf, Cuthbert Prescott, Neville, and others in
Canada and England was an assurance that the Society's ancient fervour
had not relaxed. The well-known Confraternity of the Bona Mors, which
is now so universal in the Church, was instituted at the suggestion of
Father Caraffa.</p>
<p id="c-p1355" shownumber="no">Daurignac, History of the Society of Jesus (Cincinnati, 1865), VI;
B.N., The Jesuits, Their Foundation and History (New York, 1879);
Feller, Biog. Univ. (Paris, 1819); De Backer, Bibl. de la c. de J.
(Liége, 1858).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1356" shownumber="no">T.J. CAMPBELL</p></def>

<term id="c-p1356.1" title="Caraites" type="Encyclopedia">Caraites</term>
<def id="c-p1356.2">
<h1 id="c-p1356.3">Caraites</h1>
<p id="c-p1357" shownumber="no">A Jewish sect professing to follow the text of the Bible 
(<i>Miqra</i>) to the exclusion of Rabbinical traditions, and hence
opposed to the Talmud. They are called in Jewish writings 
<i>Bene Miqra' Ba' Migra', Qera'im</i> — i.e. followers of the
Bible. The tendency to reject or minimize the traditions and decisions
of the Elders is rather old; the Sadducees were, in that respect, the
forerunners of Caraism. Our Lord himself is said to have discarded such
traditions altogether, but, when more closely examined, the passages
quoted show simply that He, knowing such traditional lore to be human,
insisted more on the true spirit of the Bible. He corrected individual
traditions to safeguard the true import of the Biblical legislation,
but He did not deny the principle. (Cf. Matt., XV, 2 sq.) Caraism in
the strict sense owes its origin to Anan (died about A.D. 780), and for
a time it bore the name of Ananism. It gained ground among the Jews up
to the tenth century, but then met with a decided and able opponent in
Saadia al-Fayyumi, 892-942. During the eleventh century there was a
lively struggle between Rabbinites and Caraites, especially in Spain,
but through the influence of two statesmen, Joseph Faussol and Judah
ben Ezra, Caraism was almost entirely driven out of that country, and
practically out of Western Europe. Since then it has succeeded in
maintaining itself in the East, but has steadily lost ground to the
parent orthodox Judaism. To-day Caraism numbers about 10,000 adherents
in Russia and 2000 in other countries. In keeping with their principle,
that the text of the bible alone is authoritative, the Caraites have
made some valuable contributions to grammar and Biblical philology; it
must be granted, however, that the desire of finding in the bible a
justification for certain beliefs held on other grounds has led many of
the Caraites to vindicate rules of interpretation as arbitrary as many
of those of ancient Judaism. Anan and his successors have been greatly
influenced by Islamic models in deducing laws from their own Sacred
Books. Among the best-known authors of Caraism we may mention Judah
Hadassi (twelfth century) whose "Eskhol ha-Kofer" was in the Middle
Ages, and still is, one of the main sources of Caraism; Aaron ben
Joseph (thirteenth century); Aaron ben Elijah (fourteenth century);
Elijah ben Moses Bashyasi (fifteenth century). In modern times the most
celebrated Caraite scholar is Abraham Firkowich (1786-1874), whom his
well-deserving labours and discoveries, and still more his literary
forgeries in favour of Caraism, have made especially famous.</p>
<p id="c-p1358" shownumber="no">The beliefs of Caraism with regard to God and man are substantially
those of orthodox Judaism. They differ especially in religious
observances. The Caraites have retained, or reverted to, many of the
mystical views of Xssenism, particularly with regard to cleanliness.
The Sabbath law is very rigorous. It must be added, also, that whatever
may be their independence from Rabbinism in theory, the Caraites have
adopted in practice many Rabbinical customs and observances.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1359" shownumber="no">R. BUTIN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1359.1" title="Caramuel y Lobkowitz, Juan" type="Encyclopedia">Juan Caramuel y Lobkowitz</term>
<def id="c-p1359.2">
<h1 id="c-p1359.3">Juan Caramuel y Lobkowitz</h1>
<p id="c-p1360" shownumber="no">Spanish ecclesiastic and writer; b. at Madrid, 23 May, 1606; d. at
Vigevano, 8 September, 1682. He was a precocious child, early delving
into serious problems in mathematics and even publishing astronomical
tables in his tenth year. After receiving a superficial education at
college, where his unusual ability brought rapid advancement, this
prodigy turned his attention to the Asiatic languages, especially
Chinese. He was received into the Cistercian Order at the monastery of
La Espina, in the Diocese of Palencia, and after ordination entered
upon a singularly varied and brilliant career. His sermons attracted
the favourable attention of the Infante Ferdinand, Governor of the Low
Countries, while he was attached to the monastery of Dunes in Flanders,
and in 1638 he was honoured with the degree of Doctor of Theology by
the University of Louvain. When he was obliged to leave the Palatinate,
the King of Spain made him his envoy to the court of the Emperor
Ferdinand III. He was in turn Abbot of Melrose (Scotland),
Abbot-Superior of the Benedictines of Vienna, and grand-vicar to the
Archbishop of Prague. In 1648, when the Swedes attacked Prague, he
armed and led a band of ecclesiastics who did yeoman service in the
defence of the city. His bravery on this occasion merited for him a
collar of gold from the emperor. Soon after he became Bishop of
Konigratz, then Archbishop of Otranto, and at his death was Bishop of
Vigevano.</p>
<p id="c-p1361" shownumber="no">His books are even more numerous than his titles and his varied
achievements; for, according to Paquot, he published no less than 262
works on grammar, poetry, oratory, mathematics, astronomy, physics,
politics, canon law, logic, metaphysics, theology and asceticism. But
he produced little that is of permanent value. He loved to defend novel
theories, and in "Theologia moralis ad prima atque clarissima principia
reducta" (Louvain, 1643) tried to solve theological problems by
mathematical rules. Some of his moral opinions gained for him from St.
Alphonsus Liguori the title of "Prince of the Laxists".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1362" shownumber="no">LEO F. O'NEIL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1362.1" title="Carayon, Auguste" type="Encyclopedia">Auguste Carayon</term>
<def id="c-p1362.2">
<h1 id="c-p1362.3">Auguste Carayon</h1>
<p id="c-p1363" shownumber="no">French author and bibliographer, born in Saumur, France, 31 March,
1813; died at Poitiers, 15 May, 1874. He joined the Society of Jesus in
1848, and was at various times librarian and procurator. He edited many
historical works between 1864 and 1874, and is considered a leading
authority upon the history of his order, especially in New France. His
principal works are: Bibliographie historique de la Compagnie de Jesus
(Paris, 1864); Documents inédits concernant la Compagnie de
Jésus (Poitiers, 1863-1874, 18 vols); Première mission des
Jesuites au Canada (Paris, 1864) Bannissement des Jesuites de la
Louisiane (1865); Etablissment de la Compagnie de Jésus ê
Brest par Louis XIV (Paris, 1865); Les prisons du Marquis de Pombal
(1865); Notes historiques sur les parlemente et les Jesuites au XVIIIe
siècle (Paris, 1867). Carayon is also the author of several
devotional treatises published between 1854 and 1863.</p>
<p id="c-p1364" shownumber="no">Sommervogel, Bibl. de la c. de J., II, 714-718; Thwaites, Jesuit
Relations (Cleveland, 1896-1901), I, 311.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1365" shownumber="no">EDWARD P. SPILLANE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1365.1" title="Carbery, James Joseph" type="Encyclopedia">James Joseph Carbery</term>
<def id="c-p1365.2">
<h1 id="c-p1365.3">James Joseph Carbery</h1>
<p id="c-p1366" shownumber="no">Third Bishop of Hamilton, Ontario, born in the County Westmeath,
Ireland, 1 May, 1823; died at Cork, 17 December, 1887. His early
education was received at the Seminary of Navan. He entered at an early
age the Order of St. Dominic, and made his course of philosophy and
theology at Viterbo and Rome. Returning to Ireland in 1849, he soon
became known for his learning, eloquence, and zealous labours. He
filled many important positions in his order, and became an assistant
to the master general. In 1883 he was appointed Bishop of Hamilton, and
was consecrated in Rome, 11 November of the same year. He died while
seeking to restore his broken health by a visit to his native
country.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1367" shownumber="no">V.F. O'DANIEL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1367.1" title="Carbonari" type="Encyclopedia">Carbonari</term>
<def id="c-p1367.2">
<h1 id="c-p1367.3">Carbonari</h1>
<p id="c-p1368" shownumber="no">(CHARCOAL-BURNERS)</p>
<p id="c-p1369" shownumber="no">The name of a secret political society, which played an important
part, chiefly in France and Italy, during the first decades of the
nineteenth century. The improbable claim was made that the society
originated some centuries earlier, and the French king Francis I
appears in the secret documents of the Carbonari as one of their
protectors. In reality the association originated as the eighteenth
century passed into the nineteenth; it was one of the results of the
political movement which accompanied the great French Revolution and of
the political principles that were proclaimed at that time. It is not
certain whether the Carbonari, as a political society, had its first
organization in France or Italy. At any rate the power of the
association was first shown at the beginning of the nineteenth century
in the Kingdom of Naples and the States of the Church. Just as the name
"Carbonari" was adopted from the charcoal-burners, so also in their
secret intercourse they made use of many expressions taken from the
occupation of charcoal-burning. The place where the members assembled
was called 
<i>baracca</i> (hut), its interior 
<i>vendita</i> (place of selling coal), and its surroundings 
<i>foresta</i> (forest). The members called one another 
<i>buon cugino</i> (good cousin); those not belonging to the society
were 
<i>pagani</i> (heathens). The Carbonari were divided into two classes:
apprentices and masters. No apprentice could rise to the grade of a
master before the end of six months. The members made themselves known
to one another by secret signs in shaking hands. These signs for
masters and apprentices were unlike. One of the underlying principles
of the society, it is true, was that the "good brotherhood" rested on
religion and virtue; but by this was understood a purely natural
conception of religion, and the mention of religion was absolutely
forbidden. In reality the association was opposed to the Church.
Nevertheless, it venerated St. Theobald as its patron saint. The
members belonging to each separate district formed a 
<i>vendita</i>, called thus from the place of assembly. At the head was
the 
<i>alta vendita</i>, to which deputies were chosen from the other 
<i>vendite</i>. A small hatchet was the distinguishing symbol of a
master, the apprentices were indicated by a little fagot worn in the
button-hole. Initiation into the society was accompanied by special
ceremonies which, in the reception into the grade of master, imitated
the Passion of Christ in a manner actually blasphemous. The members
were bound by a frightful oath to observe absolute silence concerning
whatever occurred in the vendita. The similarity between the secret
society of the Carbonari and Freemasonry is evident. Freemasons could
enter the Carbonari as masters at once. The openly-avowed aim of the
Carbonari was political: they sought to bring about a constitutional
monarchy or a republic, and to defend the rights of the people against
all forms of absolutism. They did not hesitate to compass their ends by
assassination and armed revolt. As early as the first years of the
nineteenth century the society was widespread in Neapolitan territory,
especially in the Abruzzi and Calabria. Not only men of low birth but
also government officials of high rank, officers, and even members of
the clergy belonged to it.</p>
<p id="c-p1370" shownumber="no">In 1814 the Carbonari resolved to obtain a constitution for the
Kingdom of Naples by force. The lawful ruler, Ferdinand I, was opposed
to them, but the king placed on the throne by Napoleon, Murat,
connected himself with them in March, 1815, as he believed the time was
come to create a united and independent Italy. However, Murat was
captured and shot in October of the same year and Ferdinand once more
mounted the throne. In the following years the Carbonari grew in
strength and power in all the districts of the Kingdom of Naples and
made preparations for a new revolutionary movement. From Naples the
Carbonari spread into the neighbouring territories of the States of the
Church, and here also the society sought to overthrow the absolute
dominion of the papacy. The Carbonari even promulgated a forged papal
Brief which contained an apparent confirmation of the association. On
15 August, 1814, Cardinals Consalvi and Pacca issued an edict against
secret societies, especially against Freemasonry and the Carbonari, in
which all were forbidden under severe penalties to become members of
these secret associations, to attend their meetings, or to furnish a
meeting-place for such. Notwithstanding all this the propaganda of the
Carbonari went on, chiefly in the district of Macerata, where an
outbreak occurred, 25 June, 1817, which, however, was easily suppressed
by the papal troops (cf. the important report, of Leggieri, Processo
romano contro i congiurati di Macerata di 1817, ristretto presentato
alla congregazione criminale, Rome, 1818).</p>
<p id="c-p1371" shownumber="no">When the Spanish revolution broke out in 1820, the Neapolitan
Carbonari once more took up arms, in order to wring a constitution from
King Ferdinand I. They advanced against the capital from Nola under a
military officer, Morelli, and the Abbot Minichini. They were joined by
General Pepe and many officers and government officials, and the king
on 13 July took an oath to observe the Spanish constitution in Naples
(cf. Pepe's defence of himself, Relation des evenements politiques et
militaires qui ont eu lieu a Naples en 1820 et 1821, Paris, 1822). The
movement also spread to Piedmont, and Victor Emmanuel resigned the
throne in favour of his brother Charles Felix. It was only through the
intervention of Austria, which sent troops to Italy, that the movement
was crushed and the Neapolitan constitution suppressed. The Carbonari,
however, secretly continued their agitation against Austria and the
governments in friendly connection with it. They formed, even in Rome,
a 
<i>vendita</i>, published in the press the most violent accusations
against the lawful rulers, and won over to their cause members of
deposed sovereign families, among whom was Prince Louis, later Napoleon
III. Pope Pius VII issued a general condemnation of the secret society
of the Carbonari, 13 September, 1821. The association lost its
influence by degrees and was gradually absorbed into the new political
organizations that sprang up in Italy; its members became affiliated
especially with Mazzini's "Young Italy". From Italy the organization
was carried to France where it appeared as the 
<i>Charbonnerie</i>, which, as in Italy, was divided into 
<i>ventes</i>. Members were especially numerous in Paris, where the
society was formed in 1821 by three young men named Bazard, Buchez, and
Flotard. The chief aim of the association in France also was political,
namely, to obtain a constitution in which the conception of the
sovereignty of the people could find expression. From Paris as a centre
the Charbonnerie spread rapidly through the country, and by the end of
the year 1821 it was the cause of several mutinies among the troops.
The movement lost its importance after several conspirators had been
executed, especially as quarrels broke out among the leaders. The
Charbonnerie took part in the Revolution of July, 1830; after the fall
of the Bourbons, however, its influence rapidly declined. After this a 
<i>Charbonnerie démocratique</i> was formed among the French
Republicans, the aim of which was to obtain a republican constitution
for the country; however, after 1841, nothing more was heard of it.
Carbonari were also to be found in Spain, but their numbers and
importance were more limited than in the other Romance countries.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1372" shownumber="no">J.P. KIRSCH</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1372.1" title="Carbonnelle, Ignatius" type="Encyclopedia">Ignatius Carbonnelle</term>
<def id="c-p1372.2">
<h1 id="c-p1372.3">Ignatius Carbonnelle</h1>
<p id="c-p1373" shownumber="no">Professor of mathematics and science, writer on mathematical and
scientific subjects, and editor; born at Tourmai, Belgium, 1 February,
1829; died at Brussels, 4 March, 1889. He entered the Society of Jesus
8 September, 1844, applying himself to mathematical studies and
contributing papers to the "Bulletins de l'academie royale de
Belgique." After his ordination to the priesthood he spent six years,
1861 to 1867, teaching at Calcutta, and was the first editor of "The
Indo-European Correspondence," 1865 to 1867.On his return to Europe he
became professor of mathematics and astronomy at Louvain, but was soon
appointed to the staff of "Etudes," the "Revue catholique," the
"Annales de la société scientifique de Bruxelles" and the
"Revue des questiones scientifiques." In 1875 he founded the Scientific
Society of Brussels, of which he became secretary in 1877, and from
that year until his death he was editor of "Annales" and the "Revue."
Some of his essays were republished under the title, "Les confins de la
science et de la philosophie" (second edition in 2 vols., Paris,
1881).</p>
<p id="c-p1374" shownumber="no">Revue des questiones scientifiques (Brussels, 1869), 25; Précis
historiques (Brussels, 1889), 190; Sommervogel, Bibl. de la c. de J.,
s. v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1375" shownumber="no">JOHN CORBETT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1375.1" title="Carcassonne" type="Encyclopedia">Carcassonne</term>
<def id="c-p1375.2">
<h1 id="c-p1375.3">Carcassonne (Carcassum)</h1>
<p id="c-p1376" shownumber="no">Diocese comprising the entire department of Aude, and suffragan to
Toulouse. On the occasion of the Concordat of 1802 the former Diocese
of Carcassonne, nearly all the old Archdiocese of Narbonne, almost the
entire Diocese of Saint-Papoul, a part of the ancient Dioceses of Alet
and Mirepoix, and the former Diocese of Perpignan were united to make
the one Diocese of Carcassone; in 1822 the Diocese of Perpignan was
re-established. (1) 
<i>The Diocese of Carcassone</i> was founded after 533. The Visigoths
sought to compensate themselves for the loss of Lodève and
Uzès by having Carcassonne erected into a bishopric. The first of
its bishops known to history was Sergius (589). From 1848 to 1855 the
see was occupied by Bishop de Bonnechose, later Cardinal, and from 1855
to 1873, by the mystical writer, Bishop de la Bouillerie. (2) 
<i>The Archdiocese of Narbonne.</i> Local tradition identifies Paulus,
first Bishop of Narbonne, with Sergius Paulus mentioned in the Acts of
the Apostles (xiii, 7), but Gregory of Tours assigns the episcopate of
St. Paulus to the middle of the third century. Among other incumbents
of the See of Narbonne were St. Rusticus (427-61); St. Theodardus
(885-93); Guifredus (Guiffroy) of Cerdagne, who was excommunicated
several times (1019-79); Guy Goulques (1259-65), who became pope under
the title of Clement IV (1265-1268); Bernard de Farges (1311-41), who
founded the Narbonne College at Paris; Cardinal Georges d'Amboise,
Prime Minister to Louis XIII and Archbishop of Narbonne from 1482 to
1485 and from 1492 to 1493; Cardinal Briçonnet (1507-14), chief
instigator of the expedition of Charles VIII into Italy, and famous for
his opposition to Julius II in the Council of Pisa; Giulio de' Medici
(1515-23), who became pope under the title of Clement VIII (1524-34),
and Cardinal de Joyeuse (1582-84). In medieval times the Archbishopric
of Narbonne was of great importance. For four centuries its
jurisdiction extended over a part of Northern Spain, and in the
eleventh century it had as suffragans the Dioceses of Toulouse,
Béziers, Lodève, Uzès, Agdi, Maguelonne, Carcassonne,
Elne, Gerona, Barcelona, Vich, and Urgel. Important councils were held
at Narbonne in 589 and in the thirteenth century, and its bishops
presided legally over the meetings of the Estates of Languedoc. (3) 
<i>The Diocese of Saint-Papoul.</i> A Benedictine abbey founded in 760
by Pepin the Short, and named after the holy priest Papoul, martyred
near Toulouse in the third century, was created an episcopal see by
John XXII in 1317. (4) 
<i>The Diocese of Alet.</i> A Benedictine abbey founded at Alet in 813
was made an episcopal see by John XXII in 1317. Nicolas Pavillon, a
Jansenist, known for his resistance to the commands of the Holy See,
was Bishop of Alet from 1637 to 1677. (5) 
<i>The Diocese of Mirepoix.</i> See 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1376.1">Pamiers</span>.</p>
<p id="c-p1377" shownumber="no">The history of this region is intimately connected with that of the
Albigenses. The monastery of Prouille, where St. Dominic established a
religious institute for converted Albigensian women in 1206, is still a
place of pilgrimage consecrated to the Blessed Virgin. St. Peter of
Castelnau, the Cistercian inquisitor martyred by the Albigenses in
1208, St. Camelia, put to death by the same sectarians, and St. John
Francis Regis (1597-1640), the Jesuit, born at Fontcouverte in the
Diocese of Narbonne, are specially venerated in the Diocese of
Carcassonne. Notre-Dame de Canabès and Notre-Dame de Limoux, both
of which date back to the ninth century, are still frequented by
pilgrims. The church of Saints-Nazaire-et-Celse at Carcassonne was
rebuilt toward the end of the eleventh century, the first work upon it
being blessed by Pope Urban II, who came to Carcassonne to urge the
Vicomte Bernard de Trincavel to join the Crusade. The naves of this
church are Roman, and the transept and choir Gothic.</p>
<p id="c-p1378" shownumber="no">Previously to the enforcement of the Law of 1901, there were in the
Diocese of Carcassonne Capuchins, Cistercians, Dominicans, Lazarists,
Carmelites, and Children of Mary Immaculate. Two important local orders
of women care for the sick, and teach: the Sisters of the Holy Family
(mother-house at Pézenas) and the Sisters of the Holy Name of
Jesus (mother-house at Lusignan). In 1900 the diocese had the following
religious institutions: 7 foundling asylums, 22 infant schools, 2
orphanages for boys, 6 for girls, 1 house of shelter, 9 hospitals and
homes for the aged, 2 houses of retreat, 8 dispensaries, 1 insane
asylum, and 69 houses of hospital sisters. At the close of 1905 (the
end of the period covered by the Concordat) statistics showed a
population of 313,531, with 37 pastorates, 378 succursal parishes
(mission churches), and 40 curacies formerly supported by the
State.</p>
<p id="c-p1379" shownumber="no">
<i>Gallia Christiana</i> (ed. nova, 1739), VI, 1-136, 269-88, 860-935; 
<i>Instrumenta,</i> 1-72, 101-26, 411-75; (ed. nova, 1785), XIII,
299-314; 
<i>Instrumenta,</i> 247-67; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1379.1">Duchesne,</span> 
<i>Fastes épiscopaux,</i> I, 289-95, 307-308; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1379.2">Vic</span>-
<span class="sc" id="c-p1379.3">Vaissette,</span> 
<i>Histoire de Languedoc</i> (Toulouse, 1875), V; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1379.4">Cros</span>- 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1379.5">Mayrevielle,</span> 
<i>Histoire du Comté et de la Vicomté de Carcassonne</i> (2
vols., Paris, 1846, 1896); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1379.6">Hennet de Bernoville,</span> 
<i>Mélanges concernant l'évêché de Saint- Papoul,
pages extraites et traduites d'un manuscrit du quinzième
siècle</i> (Paris, 1863); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1379.7">Guiraud,</span> 
<i>Cartulaire de Prouille</i> (Paris, 1907); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1379.8">Chevalier,</span> 
<i>Topo-bibl.</i> s. v. 
<i>Alet, Carcassonne, Narbonne, Saint-Papoul.</i></p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1380" shownumber="no">Georges Goyau</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1380.1" title="Cardan, Girolamo" type="Encyclopedia">Girolamo Cardan</term>
<def id="c-p1380.2">
<h1 id="c-p1380.3">Girolamo Cardan</h1>
<p id="c-p1381" shownumber="no">(CARDANO, CARDANUS)</p>
<p id="c-p1382" shownumber="no">Italian physician and mathematician, b. at Pavia, 24 September,
1501; d. at Rome, 21 September 1576. He was educated at the
Universities of Pavia and Padua, receiving at the latter the degree of
Doctor of Medicine. He lectured on medicine at Milan in 1543 and at
Pavia in 1544. In 1562 he was appointed professor at Bologna through
the mediation of St. Charles Borromeo, and in 1571 he went to Rome
where he received a pension from the pope and resumed the practice of
his profession.</p>
<p id="c-p1383" shownumber="no">Cardan was an eccentric character. Perhaps it was on account of his
leaning towards astrology and superstition that he was unjustly charged
with atheism. His philosophical views were characteristic of the time
in which he lived. He recognizes but three of the Aristotelean
elements, viz. air, water, and earth, while warmth and moisture,
according to him, are the energizing principles which give all things
life. In man he distinguishes between the 
<i>mens</i>, or spirit, and the soul which is the seat of the sensitive
faculties including the 
<i>ratio</i>. The latter belongs to the body and perishes with it,
while the former is immaterial and immortal and partakes of the Divine.
Moreover, one and the same spirit dwells in all men. This spirit is
destined to be elevated in ecstasy to the contemplation of the Divine
Essence. Cardan also characterizes this ecstasy as the state of faith
in which all the lower faculties, including the 
<i>ratio</i>, become quiescent, so that, according to him, faith and
reason would seem to be incompatible. His whole system occupies a
position of little importance in the history of philosophy, and led
logically to magic and astrology, in which he became adept. Cardan's
fame rests on his work in mathematics, and especially in algebra. In
1545 he published his "Ars Magna", a treatise on algebra which contains
the solution of the cubic equation, since named after him. This
involved him in a lengthy dispute with Tartaglia. Cardan, it appears,
had obtained the solution from Tartaglia, its original discoverer,
under promise of the strictest secrecy. He however extended and
developed it, and after his pupil Ferrari had discovered the solution
of the biquadratic equation by means of the cubic, he felt justified in
publishing it. In the preface of his work he acknowledges his
obligations to Tartaglia and Ferrari. Cardan was also author of: "De
Subtilitate libri XXI" (Nuremberg, 1550); "De Rerum Varietate libri
XVII" (1557); "Opus novum de proportionibus numerorum, motuum, ponderum
sonorum" (1570). Cardan's "Opera Omnia" in 10 vols. appeared in Lyons
in 1663.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1384" shownumber="no">H.M. BROCK</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1384.1" title="Cardenas, Juan" type="Encyclopedia">Juan Cardenas</term>
<def id="c-p1384.2">
<h1 id="c-p1384.3">Juan Cardenas</h1>
<p id="c-p1385" shownumber="no">Moral theologian and author; b. at Seville, 1613; d. 6 June, 1684.
He entered the Society of Jesus at the age of fourteen, and during many
years held in it the office of rector, master of novices, and
provincial. Through his busy life he ever found time for intellectual
work of a high order. He composed several small ascetical treatises:
"Seven Meditations on Jesus Crucified" (originally published at
Seville, 1678) and "Geminum sidus Mariani diadematis" (Lyons, 1673).
From his pen we also have two pious biographies: "Historia de la Vida y
Virtudes de la Venerable Virgen Damiana de las Llangas" (Seville, 1675)
and "Breve relación de la Muerte, Vida, y Virtudes del Venerabile
Cavallero D. Miguel Manara Vincentelo de Leca" (Seville, 1679).</p>
<p id="c-p1386" shownumber="no">But he is chiefly remembered for his important contributions to
moral theology, which won for him the highest praise from St. Alphonsus
Ligouri. In a singularly clear style and with great profundity of
thought he examines some of the moral opinions prevalent in his day,
especially those tinged with extreme Laxism, in his well known "Crisis
theologica bipartita, sive Desputationes selectæ" (Lyons, 1670).
This work, which appeared in two parts, opened up a storm of
controversy, and in the edition of 1680 he reasserted his position in a
supplement which defended moderate Probabilism against the twofold
attacks of Laxists and Rigorists. Though the argument is unquestionably
strong, and the opinions advanced moderate and sound, the many
digressions that the controversy suggests make this part of the book
rather uninteresting. In the Venetian editions of 1694, 1700, and 1710
there were first published, together with these three parts, and
explanation of the propositions condemned by the pope in 1679. This
last work, of which Father P.J. Kugler, S.J., composed a compendium in
1704, has often been published separately under the title: Crisis
theologica in qua plures selectæ difficultates ex morali theologia
ad lydium veritatis lapidem revocantur ex regula morem positâ a
SS. D.N. Innocentis XI P.M., etc.</p>
<p id="c-p1387" shownumber="no">Antonio, Bibliotheca Hispana nova (Madrid, 1783), I, 671;
Ribadeneira-Sotwell, Bibliotheca Scriptorun S.J. (Rome, 1676); De
Backer and Sommervogel, Bibliothéque de la c de J., (Brussels,
Paris, 1891), II, col. 734-37; De Backer, Bibliographie des
éscrevains de la c. de J. (Liège, 1869), I, col. 1078;
Hunter, Nomenclator (Innsbruck, 1876), II, p. 1, 231;
Döllinger-Reusch, Geschicte der Moralstreitigkeiten in der
Römishkatholishchen Kirche (Nördlingen, 1889), I, 39, 41,
46.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1388" shownumber="no">LEO F. O'NEIL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1388.1" title="Cardica" type="Encyclopedia">Cardica</term>
<def id="c-p1388.2">
<h1 id="c-p1388.3">Cardica</h1>
<p id="c-p1389" shownumber="no">A titular see of Thessaly. Cardica is a Latinized medieval form for
Gardicium, the true Greek name being Gardikion. It figures only in
later "Notitiae episcopatuum" of the twelfth or thirteenth century as a
suffragan of Larissa. Lequien (II, 979) mentions five Latin Bishops of
Cardica, from 1208 to 1389, the first being Bartholomew, to whom many
letters of Pope Innocent III are addressed. Lequien was unacquainted
with any Greek bishop of the see. Manuscript lists, however, contain
eight names. They are: John, 1191-1192; Metrophanes, degraded in 1623;
Gregorius or Cyrillus, 1623; Sophronius, 1646-1649; Gregorius, about
1700; Meletius, 1743; Paisius, eighteenth century; Gregorius, about
1852. When Thessaly was united with Greece (1881) the see had been
vacant since 1875. It was suppressed in 1899, and Gardikion, commonly
Gardiki, is now but a little town with about 3,000 inhabitants in the
Diocese of Phthiotis.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1390" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1390.1" title="Cardinal" type="Encyclopedia">Cardinal</term>
<def id="c-p1390.2">
<h1 id="c-p1390.3">Cardinal</h1>
<p id="c-p1391" shownumber="no">A dignitary of the Roman Church and counsellor of the pope.</p>
<p id="c-p1392" shownumber="no">By the term 
<i>cardinal (Cardinalis)</i> was originally understood every priest
permanently attached to a church, every 
<i>clericus,</i> either 
<i>intitulatus</i> or 
<i>incardinatus</i>. [C. 3 (Gelasius I, 492-496), D. XXIV. C 35
(Gregory I, 595), D. LXXXI. C. 6 (Gregory I, 603), D. LXXIV. C. 42
(Gregory I, 592), C. VIII, q. 1.] It became the usual designation of
every priest belonging to a central or episcopal church, an
ecclesiastical 
<i>cardo</i> (Lat. for hinge). Cf. Hincmar of Reims, "De jure
metropolitani", c. 20 (Opp. ed. Sirmond, II, 731); C. 2, §6
(Pseudo-Isidore), D. XXII. Lastly it was equivalent to 
<i>principalis,</i> i. e., excellent, superior, and is so used by St.
Augustine (De baptismo, I, 6; ed. Bened. IX, 56).</p>
<p id="c-p1393" shownumber="no">The origin, development, and modifications of this office will be
treated as follows: I. Cardinal-priests; II. Cardinal-deacons; III.
Cardinal-bishops; IV. Cardinalitial dioceses, titles, and deaconries;
V. Relations of the cardinals to the bishops; VI. Relations of the
cardinals to the pope; VII. Nomination of cardinals; VIII. Duties of
cardinals; IX. Rights of cardinals; X. The College of cardinals.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1393.1">I. CARDINAL-PRIESTS</h3>
<p id="c-p1394" shownumber="no">Until late in the Middle Ages the title of cardinal was given to
prominent priests of important churches, e.g., at Constantinople,
Milan, Ravenna, Naples, Sens, Trier, Magdeburg, and Cologne (cf. G.
Phillips, Kirchenrecht, Ratisbon, 1845 sq., VI, 41 sqq.; P. Hinschius,
"Das Kirchenrecht der Katholiken und Protestanten in Deutschland",
Berlin, 1869, I, 318 sqq.). In keeping with this custom we find the
term 
<i>Cardinalis</i> applied at Rome from the end of the fifth century to
priests permanently attached to the (twenty-five to twenty-eight) Roman

<i>tituli,</i> or quasi-parishes 
(<i>quasi diœceses</i>), belonging to the church of the Bishop of
Rome, the pope–therefore to the 
<i>Cardo ecclesia</i> par excellence–in which 
<i>tituli</i> the Sacraments of Baptism and Penance were administered,
and which were also often called 
<i>tituli cardinales</i>. The "Liber Pontificalis" describes as follows
this quasi-parochial system of ancient Rome: "Hic [Euaristus, 99-107?]
titulos in urbe Româ divisit presbyteris …"; and again: "Hic
[Dionysius, 259-268] presbyteris ecclesias dedit et cymeteria et
paroccias diocesis constituit"; and elsewhere: "[Marcellus, 308-309]
XXV titulos in urbe Româ constituit quasi diocesis propter
baptismum et pœnitentiam multorum qui convertebantur ex paganis et
propter sepulturas martyrum" (op cit., ed. Duchesne, Paris, 1886, I,
126, 157, 164). In other words, an ecclesiastical division of the city
for various parochial purposes is attributed to popes of the second and
third centuries. Such a division, scarcely possible in the period of
persecution, is vouched for at the end of the fifth century by the
signatures of Roman presbyters present at the Council of Rome in 499
under Pope Symmachus (cf. A. Thiel, Epistolæ Romanorum Pontificum
genuinæ, Brunsberg, 1868, 651 sqq.). These presbyters were
thenceforth known as 
<i>cardinales</i> [C. 5. (Constitutum apocryphum Silvestri I, about the
end of the fifth century, c. 7), D. XCIII, C. 2 (Concilium apocryphum
Silvestri I, about the end of the fifth century), C. II, q. 4; C. 3, 4,
5 (Roman Synod under Pope Stephen III, 760), D. LXXXIX; Letter of Leo
IX (1053) to Michael Cærularius in Jaffé, "Regesta Pontificum
Romanorum", 2d ed. (Leipzig, 1885), no. 4302].</p>
<p id="c-p1395" shownumber="no">However, not all the numerous priests attached to these titular
churches were known as 
<i>cardinales,</i> but, in keeping with the then current use of 
<i>cardinalis</i> as the equivalent of 
<i>principalis</i> (see above), only the first priest in each such
church–let us say the archipresbyter. According to a constitution
of John VIII, published between 873 and 882, these cardinal-priests 
(<i>presbyteri cardinales</i>) were the supervisors of ecclesiastical
discipline at Rome and also ecclesiastical judges. We read in this
constitution "De jure cardinalium" as follows: "Itemque ex nostrâ
præsenti constitutione his in mense vel eo amplius vel apud illum
vel illum titulum sive apud illam vel illam diaconiam sive apud alias
quasilibet ecclesias vos convenire mandamus, et ob vestram et
inferiorum clericorum vitam et mores et qualitates et habitus vestium
perscrutandum et qualiter quilibet præpositi se erga subditos
habeant vel quod subditi suis præpositis non obediant et ad
quæque illicita amputanda, clericorum quoque et laicorum
querimonias, quæ ad nostrum judicium pertinent, quantum fieri
potest definiendas, quippe cum sicut nostram mansuetudinem Moysi, ita
et vestram paternitatem LXX seniorum, qui sub eodem causarum negotia
diiudicabant, vicissitudinem gerere, certum habeamus. Item monasteria
abbatibus viduata et abbatum nostra præcedente conscientia
substitutionem his, qui sunt inter vel fuerint monasticæ
professionis, disponenda comittimus" (Jaffé, op. cit., no. 3366).
That is, the pope commands them to meet at least twice a month, in
their own or other churches, to investigate their own lives and those
of the clergy, the relations of superiors and inferiors, and in general
to check all violations of the laws; also to settle, as far as is
possible in the papal court, all conflicts between laymen and
ecclesiastics. The pope, he says, is like Moses in gentlenss of
government, while the administration of the cardinals recalls the
paternal character of the seventy elders who sat as judges under the
patriarch's control. The pope also entrusts to them the administration
of vacant abbeys and the filling of the vacant sabbatial offices, but
not without his foreknowledge.</p>
<p id="c-p1396" shownumber="no">Moreover, in virtue of a papal provision as old as the reign of Pope
Simplicius (468-83), these cardinal-priests were wont to conduct Divine
service at the three principal cemetery churches (St. Peter, St. Paul,
St. Laurence), and later on at the same churches raised (with St Mary
Major) to patriarchal rank. To each of these four churches were
assigned seven cardinals; the latter were therefore twenty-eight in
number. This is the sense of the "Liber Pontificalis" when it says (ed.
Duchesne, I, 249 sqq.): "Hic [Simplicius] constituit ad sanctum Petrum
apostolum et ad sanctum Laurentium martyrem ebdomadias, ut presbyteri
manerent, propter penitentes et baptismum: regio III ad sanctum
Laurentium, regio prima ad sanctum Paulum, regio VI vel septima ad
sanctum Petrum" (cf. Duchesne, "Les tîtres presbytéraux et
les diacones", in "Mélanges d'archæol. et d'hist.", VII, 17
sqq.; J. Zettinger, "Die ältesten Nachrichten über
Baptisterien der Stadt Rom", in "Römische Quartalschrift", XIX,
326 sqq.). For the twelfth century we have the statement of Johannes
Diaconus in the sixteenth chapter of his work "De ecclesiâ
Lateranensi" (ed. J. Mabillon, in "Museum Italicum", Paris, 1724, II,
574): "Cardinales Sanctæ Mariæ Maioris sunt ii: SS.
Apostolorum, S. Cyriaci in Thermas, S. Eusebii, S. Pudentianæ, S.
Vitalis, SS. Marcellini et Petri, S. Clementis. Cardinales Sancti Petri
sunt ii: S. Mariæ Transtiberim, S. Chrysogoni, S.
Cæciliæ, S. Anastasiæ, S. Laurentii in Damaso, S. Marci,
SS. Martini et Silvestri. Cardinales Sancti Pauli sunt ii: S.
Sabinæ, S. Priscæ, S. Balbinæ, S. Balbinæ SS. Nerei
et Achillei, S. Sixti, S. Marcelli, S. Susannæ. Cardinales Sancti
Laurentii sunt ii: S. Praxedis, S. Petri ad Vincula, S. Laurentii in
Lucina, S. Crucis in Jerusalem, S. Stephani in Cæliomonte, SS.
Joannis et Pauli, SS. Quattuor Coronatorum." The eldest of these
cardinal-priests acted as their head: he was known as archipresbyter,
and was the chief and immediate assistant of the pope at all
ecclesiastical functions; from the twelfth century he was known as 
<i>prior cardinalium presbyterorum</i>.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1396.1">II. CARDINAL-DEACONS</h3>
<p id="c-p1397" shownumber="no">Besides the clergy attached to each Roman Church, there was in the
city a "regionary" clergy of almost equal antiquity, so called because
of its relations to the ecclesiastical 
<i>regiones</i> or quarters into which, after the fashion of the
municipal regions, Christian Rome was at an early date divided. For the
care of the poor the city was divided into seven regions, each of which
was administered by a deacon. The "Liber Pontificalis" dates this
division into seven regions from the time of Clement I, and ascribes to
Popes Evaristus and Fabian the assignment of the regions to as many
deacons. It says of Clement I (88-97): "Hic fecit VII regiones, dividit
notariis fidelibus ecclesiæ, qui gestas martyrum sollicite et
curiose, unusquisque per regionem suam, diligenter perquireret" (ed.
Duchesne, I, 123), i. e., he divided the city into seven regions and
assigned them to as many faithful notaries of the Church, whose duty it
was earnestly and carefully to collect in each region the acts of the
martyrs. And of Evaristus (99-107?): "Hic titulos in urbe Româ
dividit presbyteris et VII diaconos ordinavit qui custodirent episcopum
prædicantem, propter stilum veritatis" (op. cit., I, 126), i. e.,
he divided among the priests the "titles" of the city of Rome, and
ordained seven deacons to bear witness to the preaching of the bishop.
Much more credible is the statement in the life of Fabian (236-250):
"Hic regiones dividit diaconibus et fecit VII subdiaconos, qui VII
notariis immiterent, ut gestas martyrum in integro fideliter
colligerent, et multas fabricas per cymeteria fieri præcipit" (op.
cit., I, 148), i. e., he divided the "regions" among the deacons and
created seven subdeacons whom he placed over the notaries, that the
latter might collect with fidelity and completeness the acts of the
martyrs; he also commanded many buildings to be put up in the
cemeteries. In this way there arose in each of the regions an edifice 
(<i>diaconia</i>) for the reception of the poor, and close by a church.
These regionary deacons were wont to subscribe the acts of Roman synods
and other documents as 
<i>diaconi ecclesiæ Romanæ,</i> or deacons of the Roman
Church, sometimes, probably, adding their proper region. Thereby also
were expressed the fixity of their relations to the church of the
Bishop of Rome and their obligation to assist him at liturgical
functions. It was natural enough, therefore, that the term 
<i>cardinales</i> should very soon be applied to these regionary
deacons 
(<i>diaconi cardinales</i>), as well as to the aforementioned
twenty-eight priests of the immediate papal entourage in ecclesiastical
functions.</p>
<p id="c-p1398" shownumber="no">In the Middle Ages the ecclesiastical division of Rome into seven
regions disappeared, owing to the changes in Roman topography;
consequently, the 
<i>diaconi cardinales</i> ceased gradually to bear the names of their
regions. Of the latter there remain only their number, seven,
consecrated by antiquity and their dignity. In the course of time other
charitable institutions took the place of the original deaconries. At
the end of the sixth century Gregory the Great had eighteen deacons.
Under Benedict VII (684-85) we meet with 
<i>monasteria diaconiæ</i>. Adrian I (772-95) fixed at eighteen
the number of the diaconal churches, nor was there any alteration of
this number until the sixteenth century. In consequence, from the end
of the eleventh to the end of the twelfth century, the number of
cardinal-deacons was fixed permanently at eighteen. The chief source of
this enlargement of their number was the addition of the six 
<i>diaconi palatini</i> and their archdeacon, i. e., the ecclesiastical
officers whose duty it was to serve in turn during the week at the
papal Mass ("Liber Pontificalis", I, 364 
<sup>7</sup>, 504 
<sup>70</sup>, 509 
<sup>110</sup>, and II, 18 
<sup>74</sup>, 252 
<sup>7</sup>; Duchesne, "Les régions de Rome au moyen-âge",
in "Mélanges d'archéologie et d'hist.", X, 144). The
above-mentioned Johannes Diaconus describes as follows the manner in
which these eighteen cardinal-deacons assisted at the papal Mass: "In
quibusdam vero dominicis et festivis diebus sanctorumque præcipue
sollemnitatibus quandoque sacerdos est regalis et imperialis episcopus,
immo patriarcha; et idem apostolicus in supradicto sacratissimo altare
Salvatoris huius Lateranensis basilicæ missam debet celebrare; et
quando celebrat dominus papa sancti Petri vicarius … debet etiam
ibi præsens esse archidiaconus cum sex diaconibus palatinis, qui
in palatio legere debent evangelium et in basilicâ Lateranensi et
alii duodecim diacones regionarii, qui solent evangelium legere in
stationibus ecclesiarum Romæ constitutis. Isti decem et octo
diaconi totidem ecclesias habent infra muros civitatis. Et tamen omnes
sunt canonici patriarchalis basilicæ Lateranensis" ("De
Ecclesiâ Lateranensi", C. viii, in "Museum Italicum", II, 567),
i.e., on certain great feasts, bishops of superior rank say Mass on the
altar of the Lateran Basilica. When the pope says Mass there must also
be present, with their archdeacon, the six palatine deacons, whose duty
it is to read the Gospel in the [papal] palace, and in the Lateran
Basilica; also the twelve regionary deacons 
(<i>diacones regionarrii</i>) who are wont to read the Gospel in the
"station" churches of Rome. These eighteen deacons have each a church
of Rome; they are also, adds Johannes Diaconus, canons of the Lateran
Basilica. The head of the cardinal-deacons was the archdeacon, also
known as 
<i>prior diaconorum cardinalium</i>. In his quality of supervisor of
ecclesiastical discipline in the city, and curator of the papal
finances, he was, after the pope, the most important person in the
Roman Church during the early Middle Ages.</p>
<p id="c-p1399" shownumber="no">Since, according to the foregoing, the name of "cardinal" was linked
with participation and co-operation in the papal Mass, or in
ecclesiastical services at the principal papal churches of Rome it need
not surprise us that, by reason of analogous participation in these
services, other Roman ecclesiastics, from the deacons downwards, came
to bear the title of cardinal. Cardinal-subdeacons are often mentioned,
and once even cardinal-acolytes. In the "Commentarius electionis
Gregorii VII" the electors are said to be "Romanæ ecclesiæ
cardinales clerici, acoliti, subdiaconi, diaconi, presbyteri"
(Jaffé, Bibliotheca Rer. Germ., Berlin, 1864, II, 9 sqq.).</p>
<h3 id="c-p1399.1">III. CARDINAL-BISHOPS</h3>
<p id="c-p1400" shownumber="no">In the course of time and according as the papal headship of the
Church manifested itself more and more, the volume of ecclesiastical
and temporal business increased greatly at Rome, in consequence of
which the popes called in neighbouring bishops to represent them at
episcopal functions and to aid them with their counsel. They also
followed the custom, widespread in the early medieval period, of
dealing with the important questions in synodal meetings. The "Liber
Pontificalis" says of Stephen III (768-772): "Erat enim hisdem
præfatus beatissimus præsul ecclesiæ traditionis
observator. Hic statuit ut omni dominico die a septem episcopis
cardinalibus ebdomadariis, qui in ecclesiâ Salvatoris observant,
missarum sollemnia super altare beati Petri celebraretur et Gloria in
excelsis Deo diceretur" (I, 478), i. e., the pope, as a diligent
custodian of tradition ordered that every Sunday solemn Mass should be
said on the altar of St. Peter, in the Lateran Basilica, by one of the
seven cardinal-bishops in weekly service at which Mass also the "Gloria
in Excelsis" should be sung. This statement takes it for granted that
at the end of the eighth century the weekly service of the
cardinal-bishops was already an ancient custom. That these bishops also
received the name of 
<i>episcopi cardinales</i> is intelligible enough after what has been
said. Though the number of cardinal-bishops has always been seven,
their particular sees have not shared the same fixity. In the entourage
and service of the pope we meet not only bishops of Ostia, Porto,
Albano, Præneste, and Silva Candida, but also bishops of Velletri,
Gabii, Tivoli, Anagni, Nepi, and Segni (Phillips, Kirchenrecht, VI, 178
sqq.; Hinschius, Kirchenrecht, I, 324 sqq.). It is only since the
beginning of the twelfth century that the cardinalitial dioceses were
finally fixed as the seven in the immediate vicinity of Rome, hence 
<i>suburbicaria</i>: Ostia, Porto, Santa Rufina (Silva Candida),
Albano, Sabina, Tusculum (Frascati), Præneste (Palestrina). (Cf.
Johannes Diaconus, "De eccl. Later.", c. xvi, ed. Mabillon, in "Museum
Ital.", II, 574; L. Duchesne, "Le sedi episcopali nell' antico ducato
di Roma", 1892, 6 sqq.) In the twelfth century the number of the
cardinalitial dioceses was diminished by one, when Callistus II united
Santa Rufina (Silva Candida) with Porto, so that only six remained. In
the Middle Ages, therefore, the cardinals should have numbered
fifty-three or fifty-four. As a rule, however, they were fewer; after
the thirteenth century their number often sank considerably. Under
Alexander IV (1254-61) there were but seven cardinals. During the
Western Schism their number increased, inasmuch as each of the
contending claimants created his own college of cardinals. The Council
of Constance demanded that their number be fixed at twenty-four (Martin
V, in his Decree of Reform, 1418, C. 1 "De numero et qualitate
cardinalium"; cf. B. Hübler, "Die Konstanzer Reformation und die
Konkordate von 1418", Leipzig, 1867, 128). The same number was demanded
by the Council of Basle in 1436 (Sess. XXIII, c. iv, "De numero et
qualitate cardinalium", in Hardouin, "Acta Conc.", Paris, 1714, VIII,
1206 xq.). In 1555 an agreement was reached between Paul IV and the
cardinals, whereby their number was fixed at forty, but this agreement
was never carried out. On the other hand, Sixtus V, by his yet valid
constitutions "Postquam verus", of 3 Dec., 1586 (§ 4), and
"Religiosa sanctorum", of 13 April, 1587, fixed the number of cardinals
at seventy, six cardinal-bishops, fifty cardinal-priests, and fourteen
cardinal-deacons, in imitation of the seventy elders of Moses, and
declared null and void all nominations in excess of this number
(Bullarium Rom., Turin, 1857, VIII, 810 sqq., 833 sqq.). As a matter of
fact, such nominations would not be invalid, and have been made
(Archiv. f. kathol. Kirchenrecht, LXIX, 167 sq.).</p>
<h3 id="c-p1400.1">IV. CARDINALITIAL DIOCESES, TITLES, AND DEACONRIES</h3>
<p id="c-p1401" shownumber="no">The actual cardinalitial dioceses are Ostia and Velletri, Porto and
Santa Rufina, Albano, Frascati (Tusculum), Palestrina (Præneste),
and Sabina. The cardinalitial titles are as follows: S. Lorenzo in
Lucina, S. Agnese fuori le mura, S. Agostino, S. Anastasia, SS. Andrea
e Gregorio al Monte Celio, SS. XII Apostoli, S. Balbina, S. Bartolommeo
all'Isola, S. Bernardo alle Terme, SS. Bonifacio ed Allessio, S.
Calisto, S. Cæcilia, S. Clemente, S. Crisogono, S. Croce in
Gerusalemme, S. Eusebio, S. Giovanni a Porta Latina, SS. Giovanni e
Paolo, S. Girolamo degli Schiavoni, S. Lorenzo in Damaso, S. Lorenzo in
Panisperna, SS. Marcellino e Pietro, S. Marcello, S. Marco, S. Maria
degli Angeli, S. Maria della Pace, S. Maria della Scala, S. Maria della
Vittoria, S. Maria del Popolo, S. Maria in Araceli, S. Maria in
Cosmedin, S. Maria in Transpontina, S. Maria in Trastevere, S. Maria in
Via, S. Maria sopra Minerva, S. Maria Nuova e S. Francesca Romana, SS.
Nereo ed Achilleo, S. Onofrio, S. Pancrazio, S. Pietro in Montorio, S.
Pietro in Vincoli, S. Prassede, S. Prisca, S. Pudenziana, SS. Quattro
Coronati, SS. Quirico e Giulítta, S. Sabina, SS. Silvestro e
Martino ai Monti, S. Silvestro in Capite, S. Sisto, S. Stefano al Monte
Celio, S. Susanna, S. Tommaso in Parione, SS. Trinità al Monte
Pincio, S. Vitale, SS. Gervasio e Protasio. The cardinalitial
deaconries are: S. Maria in Via Lata, S. Adriano al Foro Romano, S.
Agata alla Suburra, S. Angelo in Pescheria, S. Cesareo in Palatio, SS.
Cosma e Damiano, S. Eustachio, S. Giorgio in Velabro, S. Maria ad
Martyres, S. Maria in Aquiro, S. Maria in Cosmedin, S. Maria in
Dominica, S. Maria in Portico, S. Nicola in Carcere Tulliano, SS. Vito,
Modesto e Crescenzio. There are, therefore, in all, seventy-five
churches (6 + 53 + 16) disposable for the three orders of cardinals.
And since, as a rule, the cardinals number less than seventy, there are
usually several churches without any cardinal. (Cf. P. M. Baumgarten,
"Der Papst, die Regierung und die Verwaltung der heiligen Kirche in
Rom", Munich, 1905, 186 sq., following the data of the "Gerarchia
Cattolica", Rome, 1904.)</p>
<h3 id="c-p1401.1">V. RELATIONS OF THE CARDINALS TO THE BISHOPS</h3>
<p id="c-p1402" shownumber="no">The cardinals were, therefore, from a very early period, assistants
of the pope in his liturgical functions, in the care of the poor, the
administration of papal finances and possessions, and the synodal
disposition of important matters. They took on a very much greater
importance, however, after the decree of Nicholas II (1059), "In nomine
Domini", regulating papal elections. In accordance with this document
the election of the pope and the government of the Church, during the
vacancy of the Apostolic See, fell more and more into their hands; they
passed to them exclusively after the Decretal of Alexander III, "Licet
de vitandâ", at the third Lateran Council (1179). The increasing
insignificance of the "regionary" and "palatine" clergy, from the
middle of the twelfth century, coupled with the disappearance of the 
<i>judices palatini,</i> tended to enlarge the share of the cardinals
in the administration of papal justice and finances, also of the fiefs
of the Holy See and of the States of the Church. We may add to this
that after the cessation of papal journeys to the different nations of
Christendom and of the Roman synods under papal presidency, the
cardinals remained almost the only counsellors and legates of the
popes. Henceforth their functions were equivalent to those of the
"permanent synod" and the 
<i>syncelli</i> at Constantinople (Sägmüller, "Die
Tätigkeit und Stellung der Kardinäle bis Papst Bonifaz VIII",
Freiburg, 1896, 16 sqq., 208 sqq.; S. Keller, "Die sieben
römischen Pfalzrichter im byzantinischen Zeitalter", Stuttgart,
1904).</p>
<p id="c-p1403" shownumber="no">The place and the occasion of this manifold activity of the
cardinals was the consistory, i. e. the reunion of the cardinals and
the pope. In it were regularly treated questions of faith and important
disciplinary matters, e. g. dogmatic decisions, canonizations,
approbations of rules of new orders, affairs of the Inquisition and the
universities, indulgences for the Universal Church, modifications of
the rules for papal elections, the convocation of general councils,
also the nomination and mission of Apostolic legates and vicars.
Moreover, in the consistory were treated all matters concerning
dioceses and bishops, the so-called 
<i>causæ majores</i> par excellence, among them the creation,
transfer, division, reunion, and suppression of dioceses, the
nomination and confirmation of bishops, also their transfer,
resignation, cession, suspension, deposition, and degradation. It was
in the consistory that were granted to monasteries the numerous
privileges by which they were withdrawn from episcopal, and made
subject to papal, jurisdiction; there also took place frequently the
confirmation of the abbots and abbesses elected in such exempt
monasteries. Before the consistory, moreover, were treated the
important questions that arose concerning the properties of the Roman
Church 
(<i>bona ecclesiæ romanæ</i>), the papal fiefs, the Crusades,
and such grave political matters as the settlement of disputed royal
elections, the approbation of newly-elected kings, and the deposition
of princes. In the meetings of the consistory, which in the Middle Ages
were frequently held weekly, the cardinals also assisted the pope in
the disposition of an overwhelming mass of lawsuits. Finally, the
cardinals were put in charge of several of the great offices of the
Church: in the Chancery a cardinal-chancellor or rather
vice-chancellor, in the administration of the papal revenues a
cardinal-camerarius, in the conduct of the 
<i>penitentiaria</i> a cardinal-penitentiary. The cardinals were also
grand-inquisitors, likewise the "rectors" in the States of the Church.
Others were sent abroad as cardinal legates; others again acted as
cardinal protectors of nations and religious orders
(Sägmüller, Die Tätigkeit und Stellung der
Kardinäle, 46 sqq.).</p>
<p id="c-p1404" shownumber="no">Given the position of the pope and his intimate relations both to
the individual cardinals and to such a close corporation as the college
itself, at papal functions, in papal elections, in synods, in the
consistory, in the conduct of diplomatic negotiations, it is easy to
understand how all cardinals, including cardinal-priests and
cardinal-deacons came to outrank bishops and archbishops, and after the
fourteenth century even patriarchs, just as at Constantinople the 
<i>syncelli</i> eventually outranked bishops and archbishops. This
pre-eminence, however, was a matter of slow and uneven development. The
cardinal-bishops were the first to outrank other bishops, then
archbishops, and finally patriarchs. But as the cardinals formed a
college, and the collegiate rights were equally shared by all, the
cardinal-priests and cardinal-deacons claimed the same rank as the
cardinal-bishops, while the latter were quite willing to see their
colleagues placed on their own higher plane. It was occasionally
maintained in the Middle Ages that the cardinals were no less
successors of the Apostles than the bishops, and that their authority
was of Divine origin. For argument appeal was made to the seventy
elders of Moses and to Deuteronomy, xvii, 8 sqq., and to other texts.
Leo X declared in the Bull "Supernæ" of 5 May, 1514, that the
cardinals in a body should come immediately after the pope and should
precede all others in the church (Bullar. Rom., V, 604 sqq.). The
superior rank of the cardinals was clearly indicated when, after the
time of Alexander III, bishops and even archbishops became
cardinal-priests, and even (though less frequently) cardinal-deacons
(Sägmüller, Die Tätigkeit und Stellung der
Kardinäle, 193 sqq.). The cardinals were on an equality with
emperors and kings, whom they addressed as "brothers", e. g. the
cardinal legate Roland at the Diet of Besançon in 1157. It was
only natural, therefore, that in the end the name cardinal, which until
late in the Middle Ages was borne by the principal ecclesiastics of the
more important churches, should be reserved for the Roman cardinals.
Pius V, it is said, issued a decree to this effect 17 Feb., 1567. There
were never any "cardinals by birth" 
(<i>cardinales nati</i>), i. e., no other office necessarily implied
elevation to the dignity of cardinal.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1404.1">VI. RELATIONS OF THE CARDINALS TO THE POPE</h3>
<p id="c-p1405" shownumber="no">In the Middle Ages the cardinals attempted more than once to secure
over the pope the same pre-eminence which they had secured in a
permanent way over the episcopate, i. e., they sought to change the
monarchical form of government into an aristocracy. What tended to
bring about this result was the fact that in all important matters the
popes were accustomed not to act without the counsel or the consent of
the cardinals 
(<i>de fratrum nostrorum consilio, de fr. n. consensu</i>), or declared
that they could not act otherwise. Consequently, the conclusion was
often drawn by canonists, or by the enemies of the popes, that they
were obliged to givern in this manner. Moreover, this was inferred from
the current concent of corporations. It was applied to both pope and
cardinals as well as to the bishop and his chapter; to the 
<i>Ecclesia Romana</i> as well as to any other cathedral church. Hence,
during the papal conclaves, which often lasted a long time, the
cardinals sought occasionally to bind the new pope by
"election-capitulations" (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1405.1">Capitulations</span>), after the obligations imposed
on new bishops by their chapters; prevented the appointment of new
cardinals; allied themselves (at least individually) with the civil
power against the pope; maintained that the pope could not abdicate
without their consent; or even that they could depose him, at least
that they could convoke a council for that purpose, as in fact they did
convoke the Council of Pisa in 1409 to put an end to the Western
Schism. The Council of Basle decreed that it was the duty of the
cardinals, first individually and then as a college, to reprove any
pope forgetful of his duty, or acting in a way that no longer
corresponded to his exalted position (Hardouin, Acta Conc., VIII,
1208). The first "election-capitulations" were drawn up in the conclave
of 1352 and were often repeated, especially during the Western Schism,
when the cardinal electors were wont to bind the future pope to do all
that was possible for the extinction of the schism. Innocent XII
finally forbade all such previous agreements by the Constitution
"Ecclesiæ Catholicæ" of 22 Sept., 1695. In face of such an
attitude on the part of the cardinals, some popes were very cautious
and conciliatory and might be classed as "parliamentary popes", e. g.
Clement IV; others, like Boniface VIII, resisted, and rightly, with
great earnestness. [Cf. Sägmüller, "Zur Geschichte des
Kardinalats. Ein Traktat des Bischofs von Feltre und Treviso, Teodoro
de' Lelli, über das Verhältniss von Primat und Kardinalat"
(Rome, 1893); Idem, "Die Tätigkeit und Stellung der
Kardinäle", 215 sqq.; M. Souchon, "Die Papstwahlen von Bonifaz
VIII bis Urban VI, und die Entstehung des Schismas 1378" (Brunswick,
1888); Idem, "Die Papstwahlen in der Zeit des grossen Schismas" (ibid.,
1898); Wenck, "Göttingische gelehrte Anzeigen" (1900), 139 sqq;
Sägmüller, "Zur Tätigkeit und Stellung der
Kardinäle bis Bonifaz VIII", "Die oligarchischen Tendenzen der
Kardinalkollege bis Bonifaz VIII", "Zur Tätigkeit und Stellung der
Kardinäle bis Papst Bonifaz VIII" in "Tübingen theolog
Quartalschrift", LXXX (1898), 596 sqq., LXXXIII (1901), 45 sqq.,
LXXXVIII (1906), 595 sqq.; also N. Valois, "La France et le grand
schisme d'Occident" (Paris, 1902), and J. Haller, "Papsttum und
Kirchenreform" (Berlin, 1903 sqq.).]</p>
<h3 id="c-p1405.2">VII. NOMINATION OF THE CARDINALS</h3>
<p id="c-p1406" shownumber="no">In the nomination of cardinals the pope has always been, and is
still, free. In the medieval period, according to the detailed account
given by Cardinal Giacomo Gaetani Stefaneschi, in his "Ordo Romanus
XIV" (c. cxvi, sq.), a work of the early part of the fourteenth
century, the pope was wont to ask the cardinals for their opinions as
to the new members of the college, but afterwards decided quite freely
(Mabillon, "Museum Italicum", II, 424 sqq.; J. Kästers, "Studien
zu Mabillons römischen Ordines", Münster, 1905, 65 sqq.). The
above-mentioned "election-capitulations" and the Council of Basle
demanded that the nomination of cardinals should be made dependent on
the consent of the college (Hardouin, Acta Conc., VIII, 1207).
According to the demand of the reform-councils (Constance, Basle) and
the decrees of the Council of Trent (Sess. XXIV, De ref., c. i), there
should be in the college representatives of all Christian nations.
Sixtus V decreed, in keeping with the wishes of the reform-councils,
that, above all, it should contain doctors of theology 
(<i>magistri theologiæ</i>), and that there should be in the
college at least four theologians from the mendicant orders. According
to an ancient concession the wishes of Austria, Spain, and Portugal are
as far as possible respected, when there is question of raising to the
cardinalate a bishop of one of these nations, known thenceforth as a
crown-cardinal. It is customary for the governments of the same nations
to contribute at the creation of such a cardinal the incident "taxes"
or expenses (2832 scudi, or about $3000). Similarly they are wont to
provide for the support of their respective national cardinal
protectors. At the Vatican Council the demand was made that in the
Sacred College and the Roman Congregations there should be from every
nation not only scholarly, but also wise and experienced, men ("Coll.
Lacensis", Freiburg, 1890–VIII, 838; Granderath-Kirsch, "Gesch.
des vatik. Konzils", ibid., 1903–I, 440; II, 167). The person
nominated must possess the qualifications of a bishop (Council of
Trent, Sess. XXIV, De ref., c. i). He must, therefore, be at least
thirty years of age. However, for the cardinal-deacons it suffices to
have entered on the twenty-second year; but the new cardinal-deacon
must receive deacon's orders within a year, otherwise he loses both
passive and active vote (Postquam verus, § 6). In keeping with the
provisions for promotion to nobility, illegitimates, even when
legitimated by later marriage, are ineligible (ibid., § 12), also
(ibid., § 16) the fathers of (living) legitimate children, nephews
or cardinals, and (ibid., §§ 17, 18) those who are related to
a cardinal in the first or second degree of consanguinity. Of course,
the pope can occasionally dispense from these disqualifying conditions
(Archiv für kath. Kirchenrecht, LXIX, 168). cardinals takes place
in a secret consistory, during which those actually resident in Rome
are informed of their nomination. In the afternoon of the same day the
newly-created cardinals meet in the pope's apartments, in the
antechamger of which the scarlet zucchetta, or skull-cap, is handed to
them; thereafter the scarlet biretta is placed by the pope on the head
of each. The "red hat" is given in the next public consistory after
they have taken the customary oath. At the beginning of the next secret
consistory takes place the ceremony known as the "opening of the mouth"

(<i>aperitio oris</i>), and at the close of the same consistory the
"closing of the mouth" 
(<i>clausura oris</i>), symbolizing their duties to keep the secrets of
their office and to give wise counsel to the pope. The ring is then
given to each, and at the same time the "title" or church by which the
new cardinal shall henceforth be known. If the creation of a cardinal
takes place outside of Italy, the scarlet zucchetta is sent him by one
of the pope's 
<i>Guardie Nobili</i> (Noble Guards), and the scarlet biretta by a
special ablegate. In Austria, Spain, and Portugal the biretta is
usually imposed by the sovereign or civil ruler. Occasionally it is
conferred by some distinguished prelate especially delegated by the
pope. In all such cases the recipient must promise under oath, and
under pain of nullity of his nomination, that within a year he will go
personally to Rome for the further ceremonies above described, and to
receive his "title" (Postquam verus, § 19). Formerly the dignity
of cardinal was acquired only after public proclamation and reception
of the hat and ring. At present any form of publication suffices (Pius
V, 29 Jan., 1571; Greg. XV, "Decet", 12 March, 1621, in "Bullarium
Romanum", XII, 663 sq.). Creation of cardinals 
<i>in petto</i> is therefore without effect, unless there follows
publication of the names. A testamentary publication does not suffice.
Pius IX announced (15 March, 1875) a creation of cardinals 
<i>in petto</i> with publication of their names in his testament, but
this creation never went into effect. From the reign of Martin V, i. e.
from the end of the Western Schism, during which there were many
cardinals created by the contending popes, it became customary for the
pope to create cardinals without declaring their names 
(<i>creati et reservati in pectore</i>), the Italian equivalent for
which is 
<i>in petto</i>. The publication of the names may, in given
circumstances, be made at a much later date. Only, at whatever time
such publication takes place, the cardinals so created rank in
seniority according to the date of their original announcement as
reserved 
<i>in petto,</i> and precede all those created after that time (P. A.
Kirsch, "Die Reservatio in petto bei der Kardinalscreation", in
"Archiv. f. kath. Kirchenrecht", LXXXI, 421 sqq.; K. Eubel, "Zur
Kardinalsernennung des Dominicus Capranica", in "Röm.
Quartalschrift", XVII, 273 sqq.). By virtue of canonical obedience the
pope could compel an unwilling person to accept the cardinalitial
dignity. (Cf. L. Wahrmund, "Ueber die kirchliche Zulässigkeit der
Rekusation der übertragenen Kardinalswürde", in "Archiv f.
kath. Kirchenrecht", LXVII, 3 sqq.) The oath taken by the cardinals is
quite similar to that taken by bishops. But the cardinal must swear
that he will defend conscientiously the papal Bulls concerning
non-alienation of the possessions of the Roman Church, nepotism, and
papal elections, likewise his own cardinalitial dignity.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1406.1">VIII. DUTIES OF CARDINALS</h3>
<p id="c-p1407" shownumber="no">It is the duty of the cardinals to assist the pope at the chief
liturgical services known as 
<i>capellæ papales,</i> to distinguish them from the 
<i>capellæ cardinaliciæ,</i> at which the pope is not
present; also to counsel him and aid in the government of the Church
(c. 17 in VI 
<sup>to</sup> de electione, I, 6; Council of Trent, Sess. XXIV, de
ref., c. 1, and Sess. XXV, de ref., c. 1). Hence the cardinals are
obliged to reside at Rome and cannot leave the Papal States without
permission of the pope. The violation of this law entails grave
penalties, even the loss of the cardinalitial dignity (C. 2, X, de
clerico non residente, III, 4; Leo X, "Supernæ", 5 May, 1514,
§ 28, in "Bullar. Rom.", V, 604 sqq.; Innocent X, "Cum juxta", 19
Feb., 1646, in "Bullar. Rom.", XV, 441 sqq.). Similarly, they would
lose all the benefices possessed by them (Council of Trent, Sess. XXIV,
de ref., c. 17). It is otherwise with foreign bishops created
cardinals; they retain their dioceses and are not obliged to reside at
Rome. The "suburbicarian" bishops, however, by ancient custom reside at
Rome. The share of the cardinals in the government of the Church is
exercised partly in the consistories, partly in the curial offices 
(<i>Cancellaria, Dataria, Penitentiaria</i>), in the Roman
Congregations, and in various ecclesiastical commissions.</p>
<p id="c-p1408" shownumber="no">
<i>The Consistory.</i>–A papal consistory is the assembly of the
cardinals about the pope and recalls the 
<i>consistorium principis</i> of the Roman Empire (G. Paleotti, "De
sacri consistorii consultationibus", Rome, 1592; Sägmüller,
"Die Tätigkeit und Stellung der Kardinäle", 46 sqq., 97
sqq.). Consistories are public 
(<i>publica</i>) or extraordinary, and secret 
(<i>secreta</i>) or ordinary. Semi-public consistories are a combination
of a public and a secret consistory. The public consistories are
attended not only by the cardinals, but by the bishops, prelates,
princes, and ambassadors to the papal court present in Rome. They are
called for the purpose of giving the red hat to new cardinals, the
solemn conclusion of canonizations, and public audiences to sovereigns
and their ambassadors. Much more important are the secret consistories.
As already described, it was in them that during the Middle Ages were
heard and decided the numberless lawsuits and judicial matters that
came before the Apostolic See. Innocent III was wont to hold such a
consistory three times a week ("Gesta Innocentii", c. 41, in Migne, P.
L., CCXIV, LXXX; A. Luchaire, "Le tribunal d'Innocent III", in
"Séances et travaux de l'Acad. des sciences morales et
politiques", 1903, 449 sqq.; M. Späthen, "Giraldus Cambrensis und
Thomas von Evesham über die von ihnen an der Kurie geführten
Prozesse" in "Neues Archiv d. Gesellschaft f. alt. deutsche
Geschichtskunde", XXXI, 595 sqq.). With the transfer of their judicial
attributes to the great curial offices, especially the Rota and the
Roman Congregations, consistories became less frequent. Under Innocent
XI (d. 1689) they were held once a month (J. H. Bangen, Die
römische Kurie, ihre gegenwärtige Zusammensetzung und ihr
Geschäftsgang, Münster, 1854, 75). Secret consistories are
now called more rarely, at intervals of several months, and deal with
the few subjects or questions actually pending. The following matters
are dealt with in them, and call for the counsel of the cardinals: the
creation, i. e. nomination proper, of new cardinals; the publication of
names reserved 
<i>in petto;</i> the giving of the cardinalitial insignia with
exception of the red hat; the opening and closing of the mouth; the
institution of patriarchs, metropolitans, and bishops, and the
nomination of such titular bishops as do not belong to the missionary
territories; the transfer of bishops; the granting of the pallium to
archbishops; the creation, division, and union of dioceses; the
institution of abbots whose abbeys are in the gift of the Holy See; the
nomination of the camerlengo and the vice-chancellor of the Roman
Church; the choice and mission of cardinals as 
<i>legati a latere</i>; the conclusion of concordats, consultation on
differences and conflicts between Church and State. Generally, however,
the consistory is called only to inform the cardinals by a so-called
allocution of the status of important ecclesiastico-political matters,
or to make known the opinion of the pope. These allocutions are meant
for the entire Church, and are therefore published in ecclesiastical
organs.</p>
<p id="c-p1409" shownumber="no">After the death of the pope 
(<i>sede vacante</i>) the duties of the College of Cardinals differ from
those exercised by them during his lifetime 
(<i>sede plenâ</i>). In the earliest times the government of the
Roman Church was taken over by the presbyterium or presbyteral clergy,
as we know from a letter of that body addressed to St. Cyprian of
Carthage after the death of Pope Fabian in 250 (Cypriani, Opp. omnia,
ed. G. Hartel, Vienna, 1868, 486; A. Harnack, "Die Briefe des
römischen Klerus aus der Zeit der Sedisvacanz im Jahr 250" in
"Theolog. Abhandlungen Karl von Weizsäcker gewidmet",
Tübingen, 1892, I sqq.). From the sixth century on it was the 
<i>archipresbyter</i> (archpriest), the 
<i>archidiaconus</i> (archdeacon), and the 
<i>primicerius notariorum</i> (chief notary) who represented the
Apostolic See, 
<i>locum servantes Apostolicæ Sedis</i> (Liber Diurnus, ed. Th.
Sickel, Vienna, 1889, Formula LIX). After the full development of the
authority of the College of Cardinals, as above described, the latter
took charge and exercised its power in very many ways; some canonists
went so far as to maintain that during the vacancy of the Apostolic See
the College of Cardinals possessed the fullness of the papal
prerogative. Their authority was exercised chiefly in two ways, in the
administration of the States of the Church and in the election of the
new pope. (It is to be noted that Art. 6 of the Italian Law of
Guarantees, 13 May, 1871, provides for complete liberty of the
cardinals in papal elections.) The Bull "Ubi Periculum" of Gregory X,
concerning papal elections, issued at the Council of Lyons (1274),
confined the cardinals to the exercise of the above-mentioned power.
Among other things it says: "Iidem quoque cardinales accelerandæ
provisioni sic vacent attentius, quod se nequâquam de alio negotio
intromittant, nisi forsan necessitas adeo urgens incideret, quod eos
oporteret de terrâ ipsius ecclesiæ defendendâ vel eius
parte aliqua providere, vel nisi aliquod tam grande et tam evidens
periculum immuneret quod omnibus et singulis cardinalibus
præsentibus videretur illi celeriter occurrendum" (C. 3, § 1,
in VI 
<sup>to</sup> de electione, I, 6). In other words, the pope commands
the cardinals to make all due haste with the election and to concern
themselves with nothing else, except in case of necessity, e. g. the
defence of the States of the Church or any part of them, or some danger
so great and evident that each and every one of the cardinals present
thinks it necessary to deal with it immediately.</p>
<p id="c-p1410" shownumber="no">The law prevailing at present is based on the Constitution "In
eligendis" of Pius IV (9 October, 1562) §§ 6-8 (Bullarium
Rom., VII, 233 sqq.). This constitution provides that according to
ancient custom (evidently closely related to the above-described
interimistic administration by the archpriest, the archdeacon, and the
chief of the notaries) the administration of the States of the Church
shall be confided to the College of Cardinals after the following
manner: the cardinal camerlengo 
(<i>della Santa Romana Chiesa</i>) and three other cardinals (a
cardinal-bishop, cardinal-priest, and cardinal-deacon, the so-called 
<i>capita ordinum</i>) shall manage all current business. Every three
days, however, during the conclave, the 
<i>capita ordinum</i> are renewed according to seniority. These
cardinals do not possess papal jurisdiction; they cannot therefore make
laws, nor modify the system of papal elections, create cardinals or
bishops, nor issue commissions to cardinal legates. They could,
however, in case of a grave danger menacing the Church, provide by an
absolute majority and secret vote for the necessary ways and means to
meet the situation, issue urgent temporary ordinances for particular
dioceses, and order the public recitation of prayers. In case of the
death of the cardinal camerlengo, the cardinal grand penitentiary, and
individual penitentiaries, this cardinalitial commission could fill
their places for the period of the vacancy (C. 2, § 1 in "Clem. de
Electione", I, 6; Clement XII, "Apostolatus Officium", 4 Oct., 1732,
§§ 6, 15, 18, in "Bullar. Roman.", XXIII, 445 sqq.). No
canonical provisions exist regulating the authority of the College of
Cardinals 
<i>sede Romanâ impeditâ,</i> i. e. in case the pope became
insane, or personally a heretic; in such cases it would be necessary to
consult the dictates of right reason and the teachings of history.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1410.1">IX. RIGHTS OF CARDINALS</h3>
<p id="c-p1411" shownumber="no">To the many duties of the cardinals correspond very extensive
rights. They enjoy, in a very special manner, the 
<i>privilegium fori,</i> or right to ecclesiastical court and judges;
the pope is their only judge, and alone can depose them (C. 2, X, de
clerico non residente, III, 4). The provision that for the condemnation
of an ecclesiastic seventy-two, forty-four, or twenty-seven witnesses
were needed, according as he was bishop, priest, or deacon, is no
longer recognized (C. un. in VI 
<sup>to</sup> de schismaticis, V, 3; Paul IV, "Cum sepius", 9 Jan.,
1556 in "Bullar. Rom.", VI, 507 sq.). Modern states no longer recognize
the 
<i>privilegium fori</i> even for cardinals; in recent times they have
often appeared before the civil courts at Rome (S. Brandi, I Cardinali
di S. R. Chiesa nel diritto pubblico italiano, Rome, 1905). Inimical
persecution of a cardinal, personal injury to, or imprisonment of, him,
are counted high treason 
(<i>crimen læsæ majestatis</i>); not only the principals, but
also those intellectually responsible for the wrong (originators,
participants, auxiliaries), and their male descendants incur the
canonical penalties of infamy, confiscation, loss of testamentary
rights and civil offices, and excommunication. (C. 5, in VI 
<sup>to</sup> de pœnis, V. 9; "Apostolicæ Sedis moderationi",
12 Oct., 1869, I, 5). Apart from excommunication these penalties are no
longer practically applicable. In accordance with the historical
development of the office, the cardinals obtained place and vote in
general councils. They alone can be sent abroad as 
<i>legati a latere</i>. They enjoy all the privileges of bishops. Any
censure, canonical, or otherwise threatened, or any odious provision is
applicable to cardinals only when it is expressly so provided (C. 4, in
VI 
<sup>to</sup> de sententiâ excommunicationis, V, 11). They may
choose a confesssor in any diocese; he must, however, have the
approbation of his own bishop (C. 16, X de pœnitentiâ V, 38).
Like the bishops, they have the right to a domestic chapel, and may
everywhere use portable altars (C. 12 in VI 
<sup>to</sup> de privilegiis, V, 7). In their titular churches the
cardinals exercise a certain quasi-episcopal jurisdiction, i. e. they
may there use the episcopal ornaments 
(<i>pontificalia</i>), give the episcopal blessing, and promulgate
indulgences of 200 days (Congreg. Indulg., 28 Aug., 1903). They may
confer tonsure and minor orders on the members of their ecclesiastical
family, also on persons attached to their titular churches (Benedict
XIV, "Ad audientiam", 15 Feb., 1753, § 16, in "Bullar. Bened.",
XIV, IV, Const. 11). When actually present in Rome, they may grant
benefices in their titular churches (C. 24, X de electione, I, 6; C.
11, X de Metrop. et Ord., I, 33). They may also hold visitations in
their own churches, and exercise therein corrective and disciplinary
authority; they may not, however, exercise judicial authority (C. 11, X
de Metrop. et Ord., I, 33; Innocent XII, "Romanus Pontifex", 17 Sept.,
1692, § 9, in "Bullar. Rom.", XX, 464; F. Albitius, "De
iurisdictione quam habent cardinales in ecclesiis suorum titulorum",
Rome, 1668). If a cardinal is promoted to a bishopric, the usual
informational process is omitted; he is not obliged to take the usual
oath, and is relieved of the ordinary curial expense known as 
<i>taxæ</i> (Sägmüller, Die Tätigkeit und Stellung
der Kardinäle, 153 sqq.). Every cardinal resident in Rome has a
right to a revenue of 4,000 scudi (about $4,000). This is known as his 
<i>piatto cardinalicio,</i> or ordinary means of support. If the
ordinary revenues assigned him do not produce as much, the papal
treasury makes up the deficit. For their support churches are also
assigned to them, e. g. as commendatory abbots. Their right to elect
the pope will be treated in the article 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1411.1">Conclave</span>.</p>
<p id="c-p1412" shownumber="no">The honorary rights of the cardinals are also numerous. They come
immediately after the pope, and precede all other ecclesiastical
dignitaries. As Roman princes they follow immediately the reigning
sovereign, and rank with the prince of reigning houses
("Cæremoniale cardinalium", 14 May, 1706, § 6; Decree of 16
April, 1858; Bangen, "Die römische Curie", 462). Hence, only
cardinals of reigning houses retain their inherited titles of nobility
and their family arms, but without the crown and with the cardinal's
hat and the fifteen tassels (Innocent X, "Militantis ecclesiæ", 19
Dec., 1644, in "Bullar. Rom.", XV, 339 sq.). They alone have the right
to the name of cardinal and are addressed as 
<i>Eminentia, Eminentissimi</i> (Your Eminence or Your Eminences), a
title formerly borne by the German ecclesiastical prince-electors and,
to the present day, by the Grand Master of the Knights of St. John.
Urban VIII instructed them (10 June, 1630) to cease correspondence with
any sovereign who refused them this title. It may be added that the
legislation of several states takes cognizance of the exalted rank of
the cardinals.</p>
<p id="c-p1413" shownumber="no">Chief amon the insignia of the cardinal is the red hat, first worn
by the 
<i>legati a latere</i> (cardinal envoys of the pope). It was granted to
the secular cardinals by Innocent IV at the Synod of Lyons in 1245, and
to the religious cardinals by Gregory XIV in 1591; the latter, it must
be noted, continue to wear the distinctive habit of their order
(Barmgarten, "Die Uebersendung des rothen Hutes" in "Hist. Jahrbuch",
XXVI, 99 sqq.). They also wear the red (scarlet) biretta, that was
granted to them, probably, by Paul II (1464-71). They also have the
right to wear scarlet, particularly a scarlet mantle, which according
to tradition was probably granted them by Boniface VIII (1294-1303).
They also wear a ring with a sapphire stone, and use the 
<i>ombrellino</i> that is held over them whenever they quit their
carriages to accompany with bare heads the Blessed Sacrament, if
perchance they meet It on their way. In their titular churches a
baldacchino covers the cardinalitial throne, and they have the right to
use in these churches the episcopal ornaments, i. e. the mitre of
damask silk (since Paul II), the crosier and the pectoral cross. They
also give the 
<i>benedictio sollemnis</i> after the manner of a bishop. Pius X, by a
decree of 24 May, 1905, permitted cardinal-priests and cardinal-deacons
to wear everywhere the pectoral cross, even in presence of the pope
("Acta S. Sedis", XXXVII, 681; Sägmüller, "Die Tätigkeit
und Stellung der Kardinäle", 149 sqq.). During the vacancy of the
Apostolic See the colour of the cardinal's dress is saffron (J. M.
Suaresius, Dissert. de croceâ cardinalium veste, Rome, 1670).</p>
<h3 id="c-p1413.1">X. THE COLLEGE OF CARDINALS</h3>
<p id="c-p1414" shownumber="no">The cardinals, as already said, are a corporation, a college after
the manner of the cathedral chapters. When the latter ceased to lead
any longer the 
<i>vita canonica</i> or common life, they became corporations
recognized by the canon law, with free administration of their
property, chapter-meetings, autonomy, disciplinary authority, and the
right to have and use a seal. That the members of the chapter
(capitulars, canons) were the only counsellors and auxiliaries of the
bishop helped to round out the position of the former, and to unite
them as against the other clergy of the cathedral, all the more so as
this right of the capitulars to co-government of the diocese (partly by
counsel, 
<i>concilium,</i> and partly by consent, 
<i>consensus</i>) was constitutional and recognized by the canon law.
The cathedral chapters reached their fullest development as
corporations early in the thirteenth century, when they obtained the
exclusive rights of episcopal elections. In a similar way the
cardinal-bishops, cardinal-priests, and cardinal-deacons came to form a
corporation, by the fact that since Alexander III (1159-1181) they
alone had the right to elect the pope, they alone were his immediate
assistants at Mass, and were his only counsellors in all important
matters. Since 1150 the corporation of the cardinals becomes more and
more known as a 
<i>collegium,</i> though such sysonymous terms as 
<i>universitas, conventus, cœtus, capitulum</i> are occasionally
used. The dean or head of the College of Cardinals is the Bishop of
Ostia; the sub-dean is the Bishop of Porto. The dean is the successor
of the former archpriest, the first of the cardinal-priests, known
since the twelfth century as 
<i>prior cardinalium presbyterarum</i>; he is also to some extent the
successor of the archdeacon, known since the thirteenth century as 
<i>prior diaconarum cardinalium</i>. The archpriest was the immediate
assistant of the pope at ecclesiastical functions. The archdeacon, as
supervisor of the discipline of the Roman clergy and administrator of
the possessions of the Roman Church, was, after the pope, the most
important person in the papal court. During a vacancy, as above stated,
both archpriest and archdeacon, together with the chief notary 
(<i>primicerius notariorum</i>), governed the Apostolic See. When later
on the cardinals became a corporation that included bishops among its
members, one of these bishops must naturally assume the headship; it
could be no other than the Bishop of Ostia, whose immemorial right it
was to bear the pallium at the consecration of the newly-elected pope,
in case the latter were not yet a bishop, and to whom fell later the
privilege of anointing the Roman Emperor, and of taking in general
councils the first place after the pope. As president of the college it
is the duty of the dean to convoke the same, to conduct its
deliberations, and to represent it abroad.</p>
<p id="c-p1415" shownumber="no">As a legal corporation the cardinals have their own revenues, which
are administered by a camerlengo 
(<i>camerarius</i>) chosen from their own body (not to be confounded
with the cardinal camerlengo, administrator of the papal estate), and
to some extent the successor of the former archdeacon or 
<i>prior diaconorum cardinalium</i>. In the Middle Ages the revenues of
the College of cardinals were considerable. They were jointly entitled,
among other dues, to a share of the moneys paid into the papal treasury
on such occasions as the conferring of the pallium, confirmation of
bishops, also by nations and fiefs that acknowledged the sovereignty or
protection of the Holy See. Therefore, since the thirteenth century,
the cardinals have had their own treasury (F. Schneider, "Zur
älteren päpstlichen Finanzgeschichte" in "Quellen und
Forschungen aus italien. Archiv und Bibl.", IX, 1 sqq.). Nicholas IV
allotted to the College of Cardinals (18 July, 1289) one half the
revenues of the Apostolic See, i.e. of the pallium taxes, the dues for
confirmation of bishops 
(<i>servilit communio</i>), the "census" or tribute from the countries
subject to the pope, the Peter's-pence, the visitation dues (paid in on
the occasion of their visits to Rome, 
<i>visitatio liminum apostolorum,</i> by all archbishops, by bishops
immediately subject to the Holy See or confirmed and consecrated by the
pope, and by abbots freed from episcopal jurisdiction and immediately
subject to the Holy See), besides other sources of revenues (J. P.
Kirsch, "Die Finanzverwaltung des Kardinalkollegiums im 13. und 14.
Jahrhundert", Münster, 1895); Baumgarten, "Untersuchungen und
Urkunden über die Camera collegii cardinalium für die Zeit
von 1295-1437", Leipzig, 1889; A. Gottlob, Die Servitientaxe im 13.
Jahrhundert", Stuttgart, 1905; E. Göller, "Der Liber taxarum der
päpstlichen Kammer", Rome, 1905). The common revenue of the
College of Cardinals is now inconsiderable; hence the 
<i>rotulus cardinalicius,</i> or dividend paid yearly to the cardinals
resident in Rome, is comparatively small.</p>
<p id="c-p1416" shownumber="no">Precedence or rank among the cardinals is regulated according to the
three orders above described, and in each order according to seniority.
In the order of bishops, however, seniority is not according to date of
reception in the cardinalitial body, but according to the date of
episcopal consecration (Clement XII, "Pastorale officium", § 5, 10
Jan., 1731, in "Bullar. Roman.", XXIII, 226). According to an ancient
custom dating from the thirteenth century, cardinals resident in Rome
enjoy what is known as 
<i>jus optionis</i> or the right of option (Sägmüller, "Die
Tätigkeit und Stellung der Kardinäle", 179 sqq.; Baumgarten,
"Die Translation der Kardinale von Innocenz III bis Martin V", in
"Hist. Jahrbuch", XXII, 85 sqq.). This means that when a cardinalitial
office is vacant, the cardinal next in rank of seniority can choose 
(<i>optare</i>) the vacant office. Thus the oldest of the
cardinal-bishops can choose the office of Dean of the College; he
becomes at the same time Bishop of Ostia, since according to ancient
custom the Dean of the Sacred College is always the Bishop of Ostia.
However, in the interest of their dioceses, and apart from the
bishoprics of Ostia and Porto, the cardinal-bishops are allowed to make
such option but once. The 
<i>jus optionis</i> is also customary for the other two orders, both
within each order, and from one to the other, given the necessary
qualifications for such elevation. A cardinal-deacon, already ten years
in the Sacred College, holds the 
<i>jus optionis</i> ahead of a cardinal-priest of later creation,
provided, however, that there remain in the college ten
cardinal-deacons (Paul IV, "Cum venerabiles", 22 Aug., 1555, in
"Bullar. Rom.", VI, 502 sqq.; Sixtus V, "Postquam verus", § 7, 8,
3 Dec., 1587, ibid., VIII, 810 sqq.; Benedict XIII, "Romani
Pontifices", § 5, 7, 7 Sept., 1724, ibid., XXII, 94 sq.; Clement
XII, "Pastorale Officium", § 8, 10 Jan., 1731, ibid., XII, 226; L.
Brancatius, "Dissertatio de optione sex episcopatuum", Rome, 1692).
(See 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1416.1">Roman Congregations</span>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1416.2">Conclave</span>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1416.3">Pope</span>.)</p>
<p id="c-p1417" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.1">Panvinius,</span> 
<i>De episcopatibus, titulis et diaconiis cardinalium</i> (Venice,
1567); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.2">Barbatia,</span> 
<i>De præstantiâ cardinalium</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.3">Manfridus,</span> 
<i>De cardinalibus S. R. E.: De sacrosancto collegio</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.4">Albanus,</span> 
<i>De cardinalatu</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.5">Villadiego,</span> 
<i>De origine ac dignitate et potestate S. R. E. cardinalium</i>. These
treatises are to be found in 
<i>Tractatus iuris universi</i> (Venice, 1587), XIII, 2, 63 sqq. See
also 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.6">Botero,</span> 
<i>Dell' ufficio del cardinale</i> (Rome, 1599); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.7">Platus,</span> 
<i>De cardinalis dignitate et officio tractatus</i> (Rome, 1602); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.8">Contelorius,</span> 
<i>Elenchus cardinalium ab anno 1294 ad annum 1430</i> (Rome, 1641); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.9">AubÉry,</span> 
<i>Histoire générale des cardinaux</i> (Paris, 1642 sqq.); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.10">Cohellius,</span> 
<i>Notitia cardinalatus</i> (Paris, 1653); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.11">Paris Grassi,</span> 
<i>De cæremoniis cardinalium et episcoporum in eorum
diœcesibus</i> (Rome, 1654); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.12">Duchesne,</span> 
<i>Hist. de tous les cardinaux français de naissance</i> (Paris,
1660). For Irish cardinals, see 
<i>Saturday Review</i> (1882), LIII, 323; and for English cardinals, 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.13">Williams,</span> 
<i>Lives of the English Cardinals, etc., from Adrian IV to Wolsey</i>
(London, 1868); also 
<i>Dubl. Rev.</i> (1874), LXXVI, 258, and 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.14">Baxter,</span> 
<i>England's Cardinals</i> (London, 1903); see also 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.15">d'Attichy,</span> 
<i>Flores historiæ sacri collegi S. R. E. cardinalium</i> (Paris,
1690); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.16">du Peyrat,</span> 
<i>Traité de l'origine des cardinaux</i> (Cologne, 1665); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.17">Leti,</span> 
<i>Il cardinatismo di Santa Chiesa</i> (s. l, 1668); 
<i>Der Kardinalhut oder Bericht von den Kardinälen wie auch von
dem Conclave</i> (s. l, 1667); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.18">Mathias a Corona,</span> 
<i>Tractatus posthumus di potestate et dignitate S. R. E. cardinalium,
nuntiorum, legatorum Apostolicorum et inquisitiorum fidei</i>
(Liège, 1677); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.19">Ciaconius,</span> 
<i>Historia Pontificum romanorum et S. R. E. cardinalium,</i> ed. 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.20">Olduinus</span> (Rome, 1677); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.21">de Luca,</span> 
<i>Il Cardinale di S. Chiesa pratico</i> (Rome, 1680); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.22">Thomassinus,</span> 
<i>Vetus et nova ecclesiæ disciplina circa beneficia</i> (Paris,
1688), pt. I, lib. II, cc. cxiii-cxvi; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.23">Buddeus,</span> 
<i>De origine cardinaliciæ dignitatis</i> (Jena, 1693); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.24">Palatius,</span> 
<i>Fasti cardinalium omnium S. R. E.</i> (Venice, 1701); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.25">Piazza,</span> 
<i>La gerarchia cardinalizia</i> ('Rome, 1793); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.26">Eggs,</span> 
<i>Purpura docta seu vitæ, legationes, res gesta, obitus, S. R. E.
cardinalium</i> (Munich, 1714); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.27">Muratori,</span> 
<i>De cardinalium institutione</i> in 
<i>Antiquitates Italicæ</i> (Milan, 1741), V, 153 sqq.; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.28">Andreucci,</span> 
<i>Dissertatio de dignitate, officio et privilegiis cardinalium</i>
(Rome, 1766); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.29">Kleiner,</span> 
<i>Dissertatio de origine et antiquitate S. R. E. cardinalium</i>
(Heidelberg, 1767); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.30">Tamagna,</span> 
<i>Origini e prerogative dei cardinali</i> (Rome, 1790); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.31">Cardella,</span> 
<i>Memorie storiche de' cardinali della S. R. Chiesa</i> (Rome, 1792
sqq.); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.32">Valieri,</span> 
<i>Della dignità dei cardinalato</i> (Venice, 1833); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.33">Ferraris,</span> 
<i>Prompta bibliotheca canonica,</i> s. v. 
<i>Cardinalis: Dignité des cardinaux</i>; in 
<i>Analecta juris pontifici,</i> II, 1918 sqq.; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.34">Cristofori,</span> 
<i>Storia dei cardinali di S. R. Chiesa dal secolo V all'anno 1888</i>
(Rome, 1888); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.35">Seton,</span> 
<i>The Cardinalate</i> in 
<i>The Catholic World</i> (1875), XXI, 359, 473; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.36">Humphrey,</span> 
<i>Urbis et Orbis</i> (London, 1899); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.37">Crostarosa,</span> 
<i>Dei titoli della chiesa Romana</i> (Rome, 1893); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.38">Kehr,</span> 
<i>Regesta Pontificum Romanorum: Italia Pontificia</i> (Berlin, 1906),
I; also 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1417.39">Chevalier,</span> 
<i>Rép. des sources hist.: topo-bibl.</i> (Paris, 1894-99), s.
v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1418" shownumber="no">Johannes Baptist SÄgmÜller.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1418.1" title="Cardinal Protector" type="Encyclopedia">Cardinal Protector</term>
<def id="c-p1418.2">
<h1 id="c-p1418.3">Cardinal Protector</h1>
<p id="c-p1419" shownumber="no">Since the thirteenth century it has been customary at Rome to
confide to some particular cardinal a special solicitude in the Roman
Curia for the interests of a given religious order or institute,
confraternity, church, college, city, nation, etc. He was its
representative or 
<i>orator</i> when it sought a favour or a privilege, defended it when
unjustly accused, and besought the aid of the Holy See when its rights,
property, or interests were violated or imperilled. Such a cardinal
came to be known as a cardinal protector. In ancient Rome a similar
relationship existed between the client 
(<i>cliens</i>) and his patron 
(<i>patronus</i>); as the power of the city grew, a still closer analogy
is visible between the Roman institution and the modern ecclesiastical
protectorate. Nearly every provincial city had its 
<i>patronus,</i> or 
<i>procurator,</i> in imperial Rome, usually a Roman patrician or
knight, and such persons were held in high esteem. Cicero, e.g., was 
<i>patronus</i> of Dyrrachium (Durazzo) and of Capua, in which city a
gilded statue was raised to him. In time the office became hereditary
in certain families; Suetonius, in his life of Tiberius, says that the
Claudian family 
(<i>gens Claudia</i>) was from ancient times 
(<i>antiquitus</i>) protector of Sicily and the Peloponnesus. The Roman
Church adopted this, with many other imperial institutions, as one
serviceable for external administration, not that the popes who first
conferred this office and title sought to copy an ancient Roman usage,
but because analogous conditions and circumstances created a similar
situation. The office is conferred by the pope through the secretary of
state, sometimes by spontaneous designation of the Holy Father,
sometimes at the request of those who seek such protection. Such a
cardinal protector had the right to place his coat-of-arms on the
church, or main edifice, of the institute, or the municipal palace of
the city in question. The first to hold such an office was Cardinal
Ugolino Conti (Gregory IX), who sought thereby to paralyze the
intrigues of his many enemies at Rome; at the request of St. Francis
himself he was named protector of the Franciscans by Innocent III, and
again by Honorius III. Alexander IV and Nicholas III retained for
themselves the office of protector of the Franciscans. Indeed, the
latter were long the only order that boasted of a cardinal protector;
it was only in the fourteenth century that gradually the office was
extended. As early as 1370 Gregory XI was obliged to restrain the
abuses committed by the cardinal protector of the Franciscans; Martin V
(1417-31) forbade the acceptance by the protector of a religious order
of any payment for his protection. While Sixtus IV and Julius II
defined more particularly the limits of the office, Innocent XII
(1691-1700) must be credited with the final regulation of the duties
and rights of a cardinal protector.</p>
<p id="c-p1420" shownumber="no">Kingdoms, empires, etc. must have had cardinal protectors previous
to Urban VI (1378-89), since that pope forbade such cardinals to
receive anything from the respective sovereigns of these states, lest
through love of money they should be led to abet works of injustice. In
1424 Martin V forbade the cardinals to accept the protectorate of kings
and princes, which prohibition was renewed in 1492 by Alexander VI.
This prohibition was not renewed by Leo X in the ninth session of the
Lateran Council of 1512; the cardinals, however, were urged to exercise
the office in an impartial way and without human respect. At present
the only state with a cardinal protector is the Kingdom of
Portugal.</p>
<p id="c-p1421" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p1421.1">Hieronymi Plati,</span> 
<i>Tractatus de cardinalis dignitate et officio</i> (Rome, 1836),
xxxiii; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1421.2">Humphrey,</span> 
<i>Urbis et Orbis</i> (London, 1896).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1422" shownumber="no">U. Benigni</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1422.1" title="Cardinal Vicar" type="Encyclopedia">Cardinal Vicar</term>
<def id="c-p1422.2">
<h1 id="c-p1422.3">Cardinal Vicar</h1>
<p id="c-p1423" shownumber="no">The vicar-general of the pope, as Bishop of Rome, for the spiritual
administration of the city, and its surrounding district, properly
known as 
<i>Vicarius Urbis</i>.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1423.1">LIST OF VICARII</h3>
<p id="c-p1424" shownumber="no">A complete but uncritical list of the 
<i>vicarii in spiritualibus in urbe generales,</i> was published by
Ponzetti (Rome, 1797); it was added to and improved by Moroni
(Dizionario, XCIX). From the manuscripts of Cancellieri in the Vatican
Library new names were added by Crostarosa (Dei titoli della Chiesa
romana, Rome, 1893). Eubel, by his own studies for the first volume of
his "Hierarchia Catholica Medii Ævi", and with the aid of the
manuscript notes of Garampi in the Vatican Archives, was enabled to
present a new list substantially enlarged and improved (1200-1552).
Many new discoveries of the undersigned have enabled him to draw up a
critical list of the vicars and their representatives from 1100 to
1600. For the period before 1100 a fresh examination of all the
original sources is necessary; for the present all names previous to
that date must be held as uncertain. The first 
<i>vicarius in spiritualibus</i> clearly vouched for is Bovo (Bobo) 
<i>episcopus Tusculanus (Lavicanus)</i> about 1106 (Duchesne, Lib.
Pont., II, 299 and 307, note 20; cf. also Jaffé, RR. PP. 12, 6069,
6106). Until 1260 the vicars were chosen from among the cardinals; the
first vicar taken from among the bishops in the vicinity of Rome was
the Dominican Thomas Fusconi de Berta, 
<i>episcopus Senensis</i> (Moroni, Eubel). This custom continued until
the secret consistory of 29 Nov., 1558, when Paul IV decreed that in
the future the vicars should be chosen from among the cardinals of
episcopal dignity; it was then that arose the popular title of
"cardinal-vicar", never used officially; the formal title is, and has
always been, 
<i>Vicarius Urbis</i>.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1424.1">NOMINATION AND OATH</h3>
<p id="c-p1425" shownumber="no">It seems certain that in the twelfth century vicars were named only
when the pope absented himself for a long time from Rome or its
neighbourhood. When he returned, the vicar's duties ceased. This may
have lasted to the pontificate of Innocent IV (1243-54); on the other
hand it is certain that in the latter half of this century the vicar
continued to exercise the duties of his office even during the presence
of the pope at Rome. Thus the nomination of a vicar on 28 April, 1299,
is dated from the Lateran. The office owes its full development to the
removal of the Curia to Southern France and its final settlement at
Avignon. Since then the list of vicars is continuous. The oldest
commissions do not specify any period of duration; in the Bull of 16
June, 1307, it is said for the first time that the office is held "at
our good will". It is only in the sixteenth century that we meet with
life-tenures; the exact year of this important modification remains yet
to be fixed. Formerly the nomination was by Bull; when began the custom
of nominating by Brief is difficult to determine. The oldest Bull of
nomination know bears the date of 13 Feb., 1264 [Reg. Vat., tom. 28,
fol. XC r, cap. XXXVIII (356); Guiraud, Les régistres d'Urbain IV,
II, 359]. An immemorial custom of the Curia demands that all its
officials shall be duly sworn in, and this was the case with the
vicars. In all probability during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries
such oaths were taken at the hands of the pope himself. Later the duty
fell to the Apostolic Camera. The oath, whose text (though very much
older) first appears in a document of 21 May, 1427 (Armar., 29, tom. 3,
fol. 194 v, Vatican Archives), greatly resembles, in its first part,
the usual episcopal oath (Corp. Jur. Can., ed. Friedbe, II, 360; Tangl,
Die päpstlichen Kanzleiordnungen von 1200-1500, p. 51); while the
latter part applies to the office in question. The oath is conceived in
very general terms and lays but slight stress on the special duties of
the vicar. The official named on 18 Oct., 1412, as representative of
the vicar was also sworn in, and before entering on his office was
admonished to take, in presence of a specified cardinal, the usual oath
of fidelity to the pope and of a faithful exercise of the office.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1425.1">AUTHORITY</h3>
<p id="c-p1426" shownumber="no">According to the oldest known decree of nomination, 13 Feb., 1264,
both Romans and foreigners were subject to the jurisdiction of the
vicar. In this document, however, neither the special rights of the
vicar nor the local extent of his authority are made known, but it is
understood that the territory in question is the city of Rome. On 27
June, 1288, the vicar received the rights of "visitation, correction
and reformation in spiritual matters .…. of dedicating churches
and reconciling cemeteries, consecrating altars, blessing, confirming,
and ordaining suitable persons from the city" [Reg. Vat., tom. 44, fol.
XCIIv, cap. XXVIIII (389); Langlois, Les régistres de Nicolas V,
595]. On 21 July, 1296 [Reg. Vat., tom. 48, fol. CLXXVIIr, cap. 85
(750); Theiner, Monumenta Slavoniæ Meridionalis, I, 112; Potthast,
Regesta, 24367; Faucon-Thomas, Les régistres de Boniface VIII,
1640)] Boniface VIII added the authority to hear confessions and impose
salutary penances. On 6 July, 1202 [Reg. Vat., tom. 50, fol.
CCCLXXXVIr, cap. XLVII (250)] the following variant is met with: "to
reform the churches, clergy, and people of Rome itself", and the
additional right to do other things pertaining to the office of vicar.
His jurisdiction over all monasteries is first vouched for 16 June,
1207 (Reg. Clementis papæ V, ed. Bened. cap. 1645). The inclusion
among these of monasteries, exempt and non-exempt and their inmates,
without the walls of Rome, was the first step in the local extension of
the vicar's jurisdiction. He was also empowered to confer vacant
benefices in the city. For a considerable length of time the
above-mentioned rights exhibit the fulness of the vicar's authority.
Special commissions, however, multiply in this period, bearing with
them in each case a special extension or new application of authority.
Under Clement VI (1342-52) the territory of the vicar-general's
jurisdiction was notably increased by the inclusion of the suburbs and
the rural district about Rome (Reg. Vat., tom. 142, fol. 152r, cap.
VII, XXXI). Until the time of Benedict XIV (1740-58) this was the
extent of the vicar's jurisdiction. By the "district of the city of
Rome" was understood a distance of forty Italian miles from the city
walls. Since, however, the territory of the suburbicarian sees lay
partially within these limits, the vicar came to exercise a
jurisdiction concurrent with that of the local bishop and cumulatively.
This was a source of frequent conflicts, until 21 Dec., 1744, when the
local jurisdiction of the suburbicarian bishops was abolished by
Benedict XIV, in so far as their territory fell within the
above-mentioned limits (Bangen, Die römische Curie, Münster,
1854, 287).</p>
<p id="c-p1427" shownumber="no">In the course of time the vicar acquired not only the position and
authority of a vicar-general, but also that of a real ordinary,
including all the authority of the latter office. This is quite evident
from his acquired right of subdelegation whereby he was allowed to name
a 
<i>vicegerens,</i> his representative not alone in pontifical
ceremonies (as many maintain), but also in jurisdiction. For the rest,
being already 
<i>delegatus a principe</i> he can canonically subdelegate (Bangen, op.
cit., 288, note 2). By a Constitution of Clement VIII, 8 June, 1592,
the vicar's right to hold a visitation ordinary and extraordinary of
churches, monasteries, clergy, and the people (dating from 16 June,
1307) was withdrawn in favour of the 
<i>Congregatio Visitationis Apostolicæ,</i> newly founded, for the
current affairs of the ordinary visitation. Henceforth this duty
pertains to the 
<i>vicarius urbis</i> only in so far as he may be named president or
member of this congregation, the prefect of which is the pope himself.
The great "extraordinary" visitations, held generally at the beginning
of each pontificate, are executed by a specially-appointed commission
of cardinals and prelates, the presidency of which falls by custom to
the vicar. The Congregation of the Visitation is quite independent of
the vicar, being constituted by Apostolic authority. The authority of
the vicar does not cease with the pope who appointed him. But should he
die during a vacancy of the Holy See, his successor cannot be appointed
by the College of Cardinals; all current affairs are transacted by the
vicegerens who thus becomes a quasi vicar-capitular. Theoretically at
least, the vicar may hold diocesan synods; he could also formerly grant
a number of choir-benefices. Leo XIII reserved this right in perpetuity
to the pope.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1427.1">THE VICEREGENS</h3>
<p id="c-p1428" shownumber="no">The first episcopal assistant of the vicar known is Angelus de
Tineosis, 
<i>Episcopus Viterbiensis,</i> named 2 Oct., 1321, as assistant to the
Vicar Andreas, 
<i>Episcopus Terracinensis</i>. His position is not so well outlined in
the documents that we can form a clear idea of his duties. It is
significant that Angelus officiated as assistant even when the Vicar
Andreas was in the city. On the other hand, the Vicar Franciscus
Scaccani, 
<i>Episcopus Nolanus,</i> was allowed to choose an assistant for the
business of the vicariate only in the case of his own absence from Rome
(Reg. Lateranense, tom. 68, fol. 83v, 19 Aug., 1399). According to this
document it was not for the pope but the vicar himself, though
authorized thereto by the pope, who chose his own assistant and gave
over to him all his authority or faculties, in so far as they were
based on law or custom. This shows that the 
<i>vicarius urbis</i> was firmly established in the fulness of his
office and externally recognized as such; certain consuetudinary rights
had even at this date grown up and become accepted. We see from the
Bullarium Magnum (II, 75) that on 18 Oct., 1412, John XXII nominated
Petrus Saccus, a canon of St. Peter's, as locum tenens of the Vicar
Franciscus, 
<i>abbas monasterii S. Martini in Monte Cimino O. S. B.,</i> and
himself conferred on this official all the faculties of the vicar. The
new locum tenens was bidden to take the usual oath before the Apostolic
Camera (see above). A similar case is that (1430) of Lucas de Ilpernis,
another canon of St. Peter's. When Petrus Accolti, Bishop-elect of
Ancona, was named 
<i>vicarius urbis</i> (1505) he took over the jurisdiction, but the 
<i>pontificalia</i> or ceremonial rights were given to Franciscus
Berthleay, Bishop of Mylopotamos, until the consecration of Accolti. A
similar case is that of Andreas Jacobazzi, a canon of St. Peter's,
named vicar in 1519, but not consecrated as Bishop of Lucera until
1520; the 
<i>pontificalia</i> were committed to Vincentius, Bishop of
Ottochaz-Zengg.</p>
<p id="c-p1429" shownumber="no">The series of assistants to the vicar, now known as 
<i>vices-gerentes,</i> begins with 1560. Until the time of Clement XI
(1700) they were named by the vicar; since then the pope has appointed
them by a special Brief. The vicesgerens is therefore not a
representative (locum tenens) of the vicar, but a subordinate auxiliary
bishop appointed for life, though removable at any time. His authority
(faculties) relative to jurisdiction and orders is identical with that
of the vicar; for its exercise, however, he depends on the latter, as
is expressly stated in the Brief of his nomination. In particular, the
vicar has committed to him the administration of the treasury of relics
known as the 
<i>Lisanotheca</i> or relic-treasury of the vicariate, the censorship
of books, and the permission to print. The censorship of books was
entrusted to the vicar by a Bull of 4 May, 1515 (in the Magnum
Bullarium); this right, however, is now exercised by the vices-gerens
subject to the 
<i>Magister sacri palati,</i> to whose imprimatur he adds his own name
without further examination of the book in question. The really
responsible censor is therefore the 
<i>Magister sacri palati,</i> not the vicesgerens. Occasionally there
have been two assistants of the vicar, to one of whom were committed
all matters of jurisdiction, to the other the 
<i>pontificalia</i> and ordinations; the latter was known as suffragan
of the vicar.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1429.1">ORGANIZATION OF THE VICARIATE</h3>
<h4 id="c-p1429.2">Ordinations</h4>
<p id="c-p1430" shownumber="no">In this respect the duties of the vicar are of primary importance,
since a multitude of ecclesiastics from all parts of the world pursue
their studies at Rome and receive orders there on presentation of the
required authorization of their respective bishops. For every order
conferred at Rome there is a special examination conducted by a body of
twenty-five learned ecclesiastics from the secular and the regular
clergy, which operates in sections of three. Orders are regularly
conferred on the days prescribed by ecclesiastical law and in the
cathedral of the Bishop of Rome, i. e. in the Lateran Church; they may,
however, be conferred on other days and in other churches or chapels.
They are usually conferred either by the vicar himself or by the
vicesgerens; by special delegation from the vicar, however, another
bishop may occasionally ordain candidates. For the rights of the
cardinals to ordain in their own churches 
(<i>tituli, diaconia</i>) see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1430.1">Cardinal</span>. By a general pontifical indult any
bishop resident in Rome may administer the Sacrament of Confirmation,
it being still customary at Rome to confirm all children who seem in
danger of death.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1430.2">Religious Orders</h4>
<p id="c-p1431" shownumber="no">All matters concerning the monasteries of Rome and their inmates
pertain to a special commission in the vicariate composed of about
eight members and under the direction of the vicar.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1431.1">Preaching</h4>
<p id="c-p1432" shownumber="no">Strict regulations of Pius X permit only those to preach in Rome who
have been found worthy after a thorough examination, scientific and
practical, before a special commission which issues to each successful
candidate the proper authorization. A similar regulation exists for
priests desirous of hearing confessions in the city.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1432.1">Parochial Clergy</h4>
<p id="c-p1433" shownumber="no">The parochial clergy of Rome form a special corporation, under a
Camerlengo chosen annually by themselves. Apart from the rights secured
them by their statutes, in so far as approved by the pope, they are
entirely subject to the vicar.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1433.1">Treasury of Relics 
(<i>Lipsanotheca</i>)</h4>
<p id="c-p1434" shownumber="no">The administration of the large collection of relics preserved in
that part of the 
<i>vicariato</i> (palace of the vicar) known as the Lipsanotheca, and
whence relics are regularly distributed to corporations, churches, or
private persons, is confided by the vicar to his vicegerens. On the
other hand the vicar himself is at all times the president of the
pontifical Commission of Sacred Archæology (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1434.1">ArchÆology, Commission of Sacred</span>) which has charge of the catacombs; he
cannot confide this duty to another.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1434.2">Court</h4>
<p id="c-p1435" shownumber="no">Since the vicar is the ordinary judge of the Curia Romana (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1435.1">Roman Curia</span>) and its territory, it follows that
he has always had and now has his own court, or tribunal. Formerly it
took cognizance of both civil and criminal matters, either alone or
concurrently with other tribunals, whether the case pertained to
voluntary or to contentious jurisdiction. This court no longer deals
with criminal cases, though it still exists for certain matters
provided for in the ecclesiastical law, the details of which may be
seen in any of the larger manuals of canon law. The principal officials
of the court of the vicariate are the above-mentioned vicegerens, the 
<i>locum tenens civilia,</i> the 
<i>promotor fiscalis</i> for cases of beatification and canonization,
the 
<i>promotor fiscalis</i> for other ecclesiastical matters, chiefly
monastic vows. In former times the auditor of the vicariate was a very
busy person, being called on to formulate or to decide the various
processes brought before the vicar; to-day the office is mostly an
honorary one. Matrimonial cases are dealt with by two officials who
form a special section of the vicariate.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1435.2">Secretariate</h4>
<p id="c-p1436" shownumber="no">Among the minor officials of the vicar the most important are those
who have charge of the secretariate, i. e. the secretary, his
representative, two 
<i>minutanti</i> or clerks, and the aforesaid auditor of the vicar. The
secretary is daily at his post and is authorized by subdelegation to
decide or settle a number of minor matters of a regularly recurring
nature; he also makes known the decisions of the vicar in more
important matters; and is accessible to every one daily during a period
of two hours. In view of a speedier administration corresponding to
modern demands Pius X has very much simplified the workings of the
vicariate; some of its departments he suppressed, others he combined,
so that now of its former fifteen sections and sub-sections only seven
remain.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1436.1">1912 REORGANIZATION</h3>
<p class="c5" id="c-p1437" shownumber="no">Editor's note: The following section appeared in a later
supplement to the Catholic Encyclopedia.</p>
<p id="c-p1438" shownumber="no">The organization of the Roman vicariate, as described above, rested
largely on usage; it was not constructed as a compact whole at one
single time. The most important ordinances respecting it were issued at
various times during the course of the last two centuries, showing that
for a long time the inadequacy of its organization, especially as
regards the great length of time necessary for the settlement of
matters brought before it, had been severely felt, more, however, by
the subordinates of the vicariate than by its higher officials. It
could not be said that its methods of business were in any way
compatible with modern ideas as to efficient management. The lack of
harmony was doubly evident after the entire central administartion of
the Church had been reformed by the Constitution "Sapienti Consilio",
of 29 June, 1908. During the past various difficulties had stood in the
way of a thorough reform of the Roman vicariate. Not the least of these
was the lack of space in the former office of the vicariate. It was not
until after the purchase of the Palazzo Mariscotti near San Francesco
alle Stimmate, which was assigned to the cardinal vicar and his
officials and arranged for their use, that Pius X was able to carry out
his long cherished plan for a thorough reform of the Roman
vicariate.</p>
<p id="c-p1439" shownumber="no">Pius X published his new ordinances respecting the administration of
his Diocese of Rome in the Apostolic Constitution "Etsi nos in", of 1
Jan., 1912, and the law entered into force, as provided in it, on 15
Jan., 1912, the day it was promulgated in the "Acta Apostolicae Sedis".
Of the regulations for the period of transition, which were naturally
necessary in so thorough a reorganization, only one need be mentioned.
This is that the former vicegerent 
(<i>vicesgerens</i>), whose office and title are in future to be
suppressed, is permitted as a personal privilege to continue to bear
the title as long as he is connected with any of the transactions of
the vicariate.</p>
<p id="c-p1440" shownumber="no">The 
<i>Curia Urbis</i> or the Vicariate of the City of Rome is now divided
into four departments 
(<i>officia</i>), of which the second is again divided into four
sections. The first department 
(<i>officium</i>) has under its care all the church services and the
Apostolic visitation of the diocese. The second department watches over
the behaviour of the clergy and the Christian people. Judicial matters
are settled in the third department, and the fourth department is
devoted to the economic administration of the entire vicariate. The
head of all these bureaus is the cardinal who is the vicar-general of
the pope in Rome. His office and the extent of his power are always the
same and are permanent, so that they do not cease even when the Papal
See is vacant. This fact distinguishes the cardinal vicar as he is
called, for the designation is not an official title, from all other
vicars-general in the world, and gives him his peculiar legal position.
In the same way it is a noticeable exception that the four departments
can carry on their customary business, even when the vicar is not able
to supervise what is done on account of the conclave or of some other
impediment. Even should the vicar die the work of the departments goes
quietly on. Formerly this was not the case to so large a degree, as is
shown by the deputation of 17 Dec., 1876, on the death of Cardinal
Vicar Patrizi (manuscript record of the vicariate, "Diverse deputazioni
del vicario dall' anno 1759", p. 290).</p>
<p id="c-p1441" shownumber="no">The head of the first department is a commissary, of the second an
assessor, of the third an auditor, and of the fourth a prefect. Their
respective rank follows the order given above. Among the offices
mentioned in the former article those of the vicegerent 
(<i>vicesgerens</i>), the locum tenens, the secretary, and the auditor
in the earlier form were abolished. None of the four new presiding
officers of the departments is permitted under any pretext whatever to
interfere in the affairs of another, except in purely internal matters
of administration.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1441.1">First Department</h4>
<p id="c-p1442" shownumber="no">At present the canonical visitation of the Diocese of Rome is in the
hands of a commission of cardinals. The president of the commission is
the vicar, and its members by virtue of their office are prefects of
the Congregation of the Council and of Religious Orders. The secretary
of this official board is the commissary just mentioned. The first
appointee as secretary and commissary was the former vicegerent 
(<i>vicesgerens</i>). The archives and compendiums of abstracts of the
former Congregation of the Apostolic Visitation, which has been
suppressed since 1908, belong to the new commission. Every five years,
the next falling in 1916, a canonical visitation of Rome is to be held
without any express papal command being issued before the visitation.
Six paragraphs (12-17) regulate the details of the procedure to be
observed in the visitation.</p>
<p id="c-p1443" shownumber="no">The treasury of relics 
(<i>lipsanotheca</i>), the archaeological commission, and the committee
on church music are included in this department and are under the
supervision of the vicar. A commission on ecclesiastical art has been
established; its competence includes the erection of churches, their
maintenance, restoration, and adornment. The first department is
obliged to keep an exact list of all the churches in Rome, in one of
which is noted the object and peculiarities of each church.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1443.1">Second Department</h4>
<p id="c-p1444" shownumber="no">The second department has four sections, the head of each of which
is a secretary: the first section has to do with the clergy; the
second, with the convents of women; the third, with the schools,
colleges, and other institutions for education in the city; the fourth,
with the brotherhoods, unions, and social societies. All four sections
are subordinate first to the vicar and next to the assessor. The powers
of the first section are laid down in twelve ordinances, the details of
which cannot here be entered into. Mention should, however, be made of
the stringent rule that no clergyman, regardless of whether he belongs
to the Roman clergy or to another diocese, can be called to an office
or a benefice by anyone, even a cardinal, unless it has been previously
established by a secret letter to the vicar that the vicariate has no
objection to his appointment. This regulation puts an end finally to an
old abuse of historic growth which in past times led to much that was
disadvantageous.</p>
<p id="c-p1445" shownumber="no">This department has to keep a register of all members of the secular
and regular clergy of the city, giving the name, age, residence, kind
of employment, and other personal notes. The vicar is aided in the
settlement of all matters regarding the clergy by the examiners of the
clergy, in the settlement of questions as to the transfer or deposition
of parish priests by the consultors, in all questions as to offices and
benefices by the general supervisory council, the deputies for the
seminaries, and the advisory council 
(<i>commissio directiva</i>). Detailed regulations are given as to the
examiners of the clergy in paragraph 30, a to i. The second section of
this department is charged with the supreme direction and supervision
of the numerous convents for women; the details are regulated in seven
paragraphs. Paragraphs 38-46 are concerned with the schools, colleges,
and other educational institutions for the laity. The care of these is
the duty of the third section. Its secretary must keep an exact list of
all such institutions, of their teachers and principals, and exact
statistics respecting the pupils. He must attend the meetings of the
school board, keep its minutes, and must execute all the orders of the
vicar or the supervisory council respecting these institutions.
Paragraphs 47-57 regulate in detail the work of the fourth section,
which has under its charge the brotherhoods, unions, and social
societies. It consists of a council of six members with a secretary of
its own.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1445.1">Third Department</h4>
<p id="c-p1446" shownumber="no">All previously existing judicial bodies are suppressed and the pope
has made the vicar the ordinary and sole judge in the first instance
for all suits brought in the court of the Roman diocese. The vicar
passes judgement only in those cases which he has expressly reserved
for himself; in other cases his auditor acts as judge, forming with the
vicar one and the same court. The auditor is regarded as the official
of the curia of the Roman Diocese and tries the suits according to
common law. The office and jurisdiction of the camerlengo of the Roman
clergy have been suppressed and his faculties and jurisdiction have
been transferred completely to the auditor, who is provided with a
substitute. When according to common law a suit is to be decided not by
a single judge but by a full bench, the auditor is then held to be the
presiding judge, in case the vicar does not reserve the position of
presiding officer to himself. The appointment of the associate judges
belongs to the pope; for the individual case the vicar has the right to
select the associate judges from those appointed by the pope. This
ordinance is especially worth noticing. The other ordinances cannot
here be discussed in detail.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1446.1">Fourth Department</h4>
<p id="c-p1447" shownumber="no">The fourth department is directed by a prefect. It has charge of all
the purely administrative affairs of the vicariate, its principal work
being the care of finances; it has also charge of the purchase of
supplies, as the formularies, supplies for the chancellery, etc. The
organization effected offers nothing that requires any particular
comment. The head of the department is called a prefect.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1447.1">Order of Business of the Vicariate</h4>
<p id="c-p1448" shownumber="no">The necessary changes being made, the essential ordinances of the
Constitution "Sapienti consilio" and the enacting ordinances afterwards
issued for the congregations and curial authorities in regard to the
manner in which business should be transacted also apply to the
vicariate. It should be observed that a secret and a public archive
have been established for the vicariate. The vicar is to submit to the
pope for approval the rules respecting office hours and holidays. Of
much importance is the closing formula of the Constitution which was
drawn up in accordance with the new formulary of the Apostolic
Chancellery. After the formulary has been tested for a time by practice
it is to be published. It says: "Decernentes praesentes litteras
firmas, validas et efficaces semper esse et fore, suosque plenarios et
integros effectus sortiri et obtinere a die promulgationis in
Commentario de Apostolicae Sedis actis".</p>
<p id="c-p1449" shownumber="no">A comparison with the earlier article shows that the reconstruction
of the vicariate is not an organic continuation of the former condition
but that an entirely new organization has been created. There is in
this change an evident effort to organize the official bodies as
servants of the public and to do this on the basis of the modern method
of carrying on business, as it is found everywhere in countries that
lead in civilization and in well-organized central boards of
authorities. Formerly the administration was a cumbrous one, impeded by
traditional obstacles; it may perhaps be said to have regarded itself
as the primary object and the public which it should serve as of
subordinate consideration. This state of things is now past, thanks to
the energy of the reigning pope, which overcame all obstacles. Now,
anyone who has business with the vicariate knows exactly to which
department, which official, he must go in order to have the matter in
question speedily settled. It is to be expected that in the course of
time the third department owing to the test of practical working may
undergo slight changes, as it is not probable that all ordinances will
prove capable of permanent execution. The characteristics of the new
organization are division of work and rigid separation of the judiciary
from the executive administration, together with an ample supply of
officials for the different departments. In the reorganization customs
that had become historical were taken into consideration only in so far
as they could be combined without difficulty with modern methods of
business.</p>
<p id="c-p1450" shownumber="no">To inspire greater confidence in the newly-created offices of the
vicariate, the pope, in May, 1912, appointed a superior board of
control, composed of three cardinals, whose duty it is to supervise the
business affairs of the vicariate. Cardinals Lugari, Pompilj, and Van
Rossum were the first to be named for this important and influential
board. These nominations of the pope were received by the clergy of
Rome with unanimous expressions of good will and gratification.</p>
<p id="c-p1451" shownumber="no">For the latest complete account of the Vicariate of Rome see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1451.1">Baumgarten,</span> 
<i>Die päpstliche Kirche unserer Zeit und ihre Diener</i> (Munich,
1906), 483-510; note, however, that the above-mentioned reform of Pius
X was published after the appearance of this work. See also 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1451.2">Humphrey,</span> 
<i>Urbis et Orbis: or The Pope as Bishop and as Pontiff</i> (London,
1899), 172-186.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1452" shownumber="no">Paul Maria Baumgarten and P.M. Baumgarten</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1452.1" title="Cardinal Virtues" type="Encyclopedia">Cardinal Virtues</term>
<def id="c-p1452.2">
<h1 id="c-p1452.3">Cardinal Virtues</h1>
<p id="c-p1453" shownumber="no">The four principal virtues upon which the rest of the moral virtues
turn or are hinged.</p>
<p id="c-p1454" shownumber="no">Those who recite the Divine Office find constantly recurring what
seems to be the earliest instance of the word 
<i>cardinal</i> as applied to the virtues. St. Ambrose, while trying to
identify the eight Beatitudes recorded by St. Matthew with the four
recorded by St. Luke, makes use of the expression: "Hic quattuor velut
virtutes amplexus est cardinales". A little later we find 
<i>cardinal</i> employed in like manner by St. Augustine (Common of
Many Martyrs, third nocturn, second series; also Migne, P. L., XV,
1653; St. Thomas, Summa Theol., I-II, Q, lxxix, a. 1, ad 1). That St.
Jerome also uses the term is a statement which rests on a treatise not
written by him, but published among his works; it is to be found in
Migne, P. L., XXX, 596.</p>
<p id="c-p1455" shownumber="no">The term 
<i>cardo</i> means a hinge, that on which a thing turns, its principal
point; and from this St. Thomas derives the various significations of
the virtues as cardinal, whether in the generic sense, inasmuch as they
are the common qualities of all other moral virtues, or in the specific
sense, inasmuch as each has a distinct formal object determining its
nature. Every moral virtue fulfils the conditions of being well judged,
subserving the common good, being restrained within measure, and having
firmness; and these four conditions also yield four distinct
virtues.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1455.1">THE FOURFOLD SYSTEM</h3>
<p id="c-p1456" shownumber="no">The origin of the fourfold system is traceable to Greek philosophy;
other sources are earlier, but the Socratic source is most defininte.
Among the reporters of Socrates, Xenophon is vague on the point; Plato
in "The Republic" puts together in a system the four virtues adopted
later, with modifications by St. Thomas. (In "The Laws", Bk. I, 631,
Plato recurs to his division: "Wisdom is the chief and leader: next
follows temperance; and from the union of these two with courage
springs justice. These four virtues take precedence in the class of
divine goods".) Wishing to say what justice is, the Socratic Plato
looked for it in the city-state, where he discovered four classes of
men. Lowest was the producing class–the husbandmen and the
craftsmen; they were the providers for the bodily needs, for the carnal
appetites, which require the restraint of temperance 
(<i>sophrosúne</i>). Next came the police or soldier class, whose
needful virtue was fortitude 
(<i>’andreía</i>). In this pair of cardinal virtues is
exhibited a not very precise portion of Greek psychology, which the
Scholastics have perpetuated in the division of appetites as 
<i>concupiscible</i> and 
<i>irascible,</i> the latter member having for its characteristic that
it must seek its purpose by an arduous endeavour against obstacles.
This is a Scholastic modification of 
<i>tò ’epithumetikòn</i> and 
<i>tó thumoeidés,</i> neither of which are rational
faculties, while they are both amenable to reason 
(<i>metà lògou</i>); and it is the latter of them especially
which is to help the reason, as leading faculty 
(<i>tò ‘egemonikón</i>), to subdue the concupiscence of
the former. This idea of leadership gives us the third cardinal virtue,
called by Plato 
<i>sophía</i> and 
<i>philosophía,</i> but by Aristotle 
<i>phrónesis,</i> the practical wisdom which is distinguished from
the speculative. The fourth cardinal virtue stands outside the scheme
of the other three, which exhaust the psychological trichotomy of man; 
<i>tò ’epiphumetikón, tò thumoeidés, tò
logikón</i>. The Platonic justice of the "Republic", at least in
this connexion, is the harmony between these three departments, in
which each faculty discharges exactly its own proper function without
interfering in the functions of the others. Obviously the senses may
disturb reason; not so obviously, yet clearly, reason may disturb
sense, if man tries to regulate his virtues on the principles proper to
an angel without bodily appetites. In this idea of justice, viz., as
concordant working of parts within the individual's own nature, the
Platonic notion differs from the Scholastic, which is that justice is
strictly not towards self, but towards others. Aristotle, with
variations of his own, describes the four virtues which Plato had
sketched; but in his "Ethics" he does not put them into one system.
They are treated in his general discussion, which does not aim at a
complete classification of virtues, and leaves interpreters free to
give different enumerations.</p>
<p id="c-p1457" shownumber="no">The Latins, as represented by Cicero, repeated Plato and Aristotle:
"Each man should so conduct himself that fortitude appear in labours
and dangers: temperance in foregoing pleasures: prudence in the choice
between good and evil: justice in giving every man his own [ 
<i>in suo cuique tribuendo</i>]" (De Fin., V, xxiii, 67; cf. De Offic.,
I, ii, 5). This is a departure from the idea prominent in Platonic
justice, and agrees with the Scholastic definition. It is a clearly
admitted fact that in the inspiration of Holy Scripture the ministerial
author may use means supplied by human wisdom. The Book of Wisdom is
clearly under Hellenic influence: hence one may suppose the repetition
of the four Platonic virtues to be connected with their purpose. In
Wis., viii, 5, 6, 7, occur 
<i>sophía</i> or 
<i>phrónesis, dikaiosúne, sophrosúne,
’andreía</i>. The same list appears in the apocryphal IV
Mach., v, 22, 23, except that for 
<i>sophía</i> is put 
<i>e’usébeia</i>. Philo compares them to the four rivers of
Eden.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1457.1">DOCTRINE OF ST. THOMAS</h3>
<p id="c-p1458" shownumber="no">St. Thomas (Summa Theol., I-II, Q. lxi, aa. 2 and 4) derives the
cardinal virtues both from their formal objects or the perceived kinds
of rational good which they generally seek, and from the subjects, or
faculties, in which they reside and which they perfect. The latter
consideration is the more easily intelligible. In the intellect is
prudence; in the will is justice; in the sensitive appetites are
temperance restraining pleasure, and fortitude urging on impulses of
resistance to fear which would deter a person from strenuous action
under difficulties; also checking the excesses of foolhardy audacity,
as seen in some who gratuitously courted martylrdom in times of
persecution. On the side of the formal object, which in all cases is
rational good, we have the four specific variations. The rational good
as an object for the action of intellect demands the virtue of
prudence; inasmuch as the dictate of prudence is communicated to the
will for exertion in relation to other persons, there arises the demand
for justice, giving to every man his due. So far the actions are
conceived; next come the passions: the concupiscible and the irascible.
The order of objective reason as imposed on the appetite for pleasures
demands the virtue of temperance; as imposed on the appetite whch is
repelled by fear-inspiring tasks, it demands fortitude. St. Thomas
found four cardinal virtues in common recognition and he tried to give
a systematic account of the group as far as it admitted of logical
systematization. In so doing he naturally looked to the faculties
employed and to the objects about which they were employed. He found it
convenient to regard the action of reason, prudence, and the two
passions of the sensitive appetite, lust and fear, as internal to the
agent; while he regarded the action of the will as concerned with right
order in regard to conduct towards others. As one exponent puts it:
"Debitum semper est erga alterum: sed actus rationis et passiones
interiores sunt: et ideo prudentia quæ perficit rationem, sicut
fortitudo et temperantia quæ regulant passiones, dicuntur virtutes
ad nos." Thus with three virtues 
<i>ad intra</i> and one 
<i>ad extra</i> were established four cardinal virtues, contray to
Plato's scheme, in which all were directly 
<i>ad intra,</i> referring to the inner harmony of man.</p>
<p id="c-p1459" shownumber="no">If it be urged against the cardinal virtues being moral, that all
moral virtues are in the rational will and only justice among the four
cardinal is so seated, St. Thomas replies that prudence is practical,
not speculative; and so it has regard to the will, while the two
passions, the concupiscible and the irascible, receiving in their own
department, at the dictate of reason, the improving qualifications or
habits which are the effects of repeated acts, are thereby rendered
more docile to the will, obeying it with greater promptness, ease, and
constancy. Thus each cardinal virtue has some seat in the will, direct
or indirect. At times Aristotle seems to imply what the Pelagians
taught later, that the passions may be trained so as never to offer
temptation; as a fact, however, he fully allows elsewhere for the
abiding peccability of man. Those whose passions are more ordered may
in this regard have more perfect virtue; while from another standpoint
their merit is less than that of those who are constant in virtue by
heroic resistance to perpetual temptations of great strength.</p>
<p id="c-p1460" shownumber="no">In the above account of the doctrine propounded by St. Thomas, a
number of his nice abstractions are left out: for example, he
distinguishes prudence as concerned with means to good ends, which it
belongs to another virtue to assign: "ad prudentiam pertinet non
præstituere finem virtutibus moralibus, sed de his disponere
quæ sunt ad finem." He relies on 
<i>synderesis,</i> or 
<i>synteresis,</i> for primary, universal principles; on wisdom for
knowledge of the Divine; on counsel for judging what prudence is to
dictate; on what he calls "the potential parts" of the cardinal virtues
for filling up the description of them in various departments under
cognate names, such as appear in the relation of modesty, meekness, and
humility to temperance.</p>
<p id="c-p1461" shownumber="no">The theological virtues are so thoroughly supernatural that to treat
them as they might appear in the order of nature is not profitable:
with the cardinal virtues the case is different. What has been said
above about them makes no reference to grace: the remarks are confined
to what may belong simply to natural ethics. There is a gain in the
restriction, for a natural appreciation of them is exceedingly useful,
and many characters suffer from a defective knowledge of natural
goodnes. St. Thomas introduces the discussion of cardinal virtues also
as gifts, but much that he says omits reference to this aspect.</p>
<p id="c-p1462" shownumber="no">The cardinal virtues unite the intellectual element and the
affective. Much has been said recently of heart going beyond intellect
in virtue; but the cardinal virtues, while concerned with the
appetitive or affective parts, place prudence as the judge over all.
Similarly the theological virtues place faith as the foundation of hope
and charity. There is thus a completeness about the system which may be
asserted without the pretence that essentially these four virtues must
be marked off as a quartet among virtues. If the Greeks had not
written, perhaps the Church would not have had exactly this fourfold
arrangement. Indeed the division of good conduct into separate virtues
is not an instance of hard and fast lines. The solidarity of the
virtues and their interplay must always be allowed for, while we
recognize the utility of specific differentiations. Within limits the
cardinal virtues may be said to be a scientifically arranged group,
helpful to clearness of aim for a man who is struggling after
well-ordered conduct in a disordered world, which is not prudent, just,
brave, temperate.</p>
<p id="c-p1463" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p1463.1">Plato,</span> 
<i>Republic,</i> Bk. IV, 427-434; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1463.2">Idem,</span> 
<i>Laws,</i> Bk. I, 631; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1463.3">Idem,</span> 
<i>Theætetus,</i> 176B; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1463.4">Aristotle,</span> 
<i>Ethics,</i> VI, 5; V, 1; III, 7 and 10; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1463.5">Peter Lombard,</span> 
<i>Sent.,</i> Pt. III, Dist. xxxiii, with the various commentators on
the text; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1463.6">St. Thomas,</span> 
<i>Summa Theol.,</i> I-II, Q. lxi; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1463.7">Waffelaert,</span> 
<i>Tractatus de Virtutibus Cardinalibus</i> (Bruges, 1886).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1464" shownumber="no">John Rickaby</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1464.1" title="Carducci, Bartolommeo and Vincenzo" type="Encyclopedia">Bartolommeo and Vincenzo Carducci</term>
<def id="c-p1464.2">
<h1 id="c-p1464.3">Bartolommeo and Vincenzo Carducci</h1>
<p id="c-p1465" shownumber="no">Both known in Spain as 
<i>Carducho</i></p>
<p id="c-p1466" shownumber="no">Florentine painters, brothers, usually grouped under the Spanish
School. Of these two artists Bartolommeo, the elder (b. 1560; d. 1608),
after executing a few paintings in Florence, only two of which are
worthy of note -- those representing the Immaculate Conception and the
Nativity in the Jesuit Church -- accompanied Zuccaro to the court of
Philip II and assisted him in his paintings in the Escorial. Here
Bartolommeo worked in conjunction with Tibaldi upon the decoration of
the library, the latter doing the ceiling and the former the walls. He
took with him, in 1585, his younger brother, who was then at so tender
an age that he declares he "had very faint recollections of Italy and
spoke Castilian as his mother tongue". The elder brother worked also as
an architect and as a sculptor, and executed a considerable amount of
fresco work in the Escorial for Philip II, notably the painting in the
Cloister, and commenced to decorate a gallery in the palace of the
Pardo, for Philip III, with scenes taken from the life of Charles V. He
died, however, before he had made much progress in this work. His most
important production is his "Descent from the Cross", in the church of
San Felipe in Madrid. Vincenzo was appointed court painter by Philip
III, in 1609, and completed the work commenced by his brother, adopting
the history of Achilles as his subject. He was also court painter to
Philip IV. He did not live to finish his last picture, a St. Jerome,
which is inscribed "Vincencius Carducho hic vitam non opus finit 1638",
and his death occurred while under confinement, as he lost his reason
early in 1638. He painted for the Carthusians at Paular fifty-four
large pictures representing the life of St. Bruno; the National Museum
of Madrid, too, and the churches and palaces of that city abound in his
paintings. He was also the author of an excellent book on painting,
"Dialogos de las excelencias de la Pintura", and was responsible for
obtaining in 1633 the remission of a tax on paintings which was a
serious burden upon the artists of his day. Four years later he secured
the total abolition of the tax. He was also commissioned to decorate
the Palace of Buen Retiro, and executed a series of historical frescoes
which were practically the first secular pictures seen in Castile.</p>
<p id="c-p1467" shownumber="no">BUTRN, Discursos apolegéticos en que se defiende la ingenuidad
del arte de la pintura (Madrid, 1626); CEçN BERMòDEZ,
Diccionario hist--rico de los m‡s ilustres profesores de
lÎas Bellas Artes en Espa–a (Madrid, 1800); BALDINUCCI,
Notizie de Profesori del disegno (Florence, 1688); CONCA, Descrizione
odeporica della Spagna (Parma, 1793); COSSIO, La pintura espa–ola
(Madrid, 1886); MADRAZO, Cat‡logo descriptivo é hist--rico
de los cuadros del Museo del Prado (Madrid, 1872); ORLANDI, Abecedario
Pittorico (Naples, 1733); PACHECO, Arte de la pintura (Seville, 1649);
SMITH, Painting, Spanish and French (London, 1884); HARTLEY, Spanish
Painting (London, 1904); ZARCO DEL VALLE, Documentos méditos para
la Historia de las Bellas Artes en Espa–a (Madrid, 1870);
STIRLING, Annals of the Artists of Spain (London, 1848).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1468" shownumber="no">GEORGE CHARLES WILLIAMSON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1468.1" title="Carem" type="Encyclopedia">Carem</term>
<def id="c-p1468.2">
<h1 id="c-p1468.3">Carem</h1>
<p id="c-p1469" shownumber="no">(Sept., 
<i>karem</i>; Hebrew, 
<i>KRM</i>, vine or vineyard)</p>
<p id="c-p1470" shownumber="no">Name of a town in the Tribe of Juda. The name, at least in this
form, occurs but once in the Bible, viz. in Josue, xv, 59, and here
only in the Septuagint translation; it is therefore absent, together
with some other names mentioned in the same passage, from the Vulgate
and from the English versions.</p>
<p id="c-p1471" shownumber="no">By some scholars Carem has been identified with the Bethacarem or
Bethacharam mentioned in Jeremias vi, 1, and II Esdras, iii, 14; but be
that as it may, there is a general consensus of critical opinion to the
effect that the ancient Carem occupied the site of the modern 'Ain
Karim, a flourishing village situated about four miles west of
Jerusalem. In favour of this identification is alleged, besides the
substantial identity of the name, the fact that around 'Ain Karim are
found other villages whose modern names correspond with considerable
accuracy to the names mentioned with Carem in the Greek text of Josue,
xv, 59. It is probable that the remarkable fountain which springs up
close to the village on the north took its present name, 'Ain Karim
(Fountain of Karim), from the ancient Carem, which has been replaced by
the modern town. The latter is a village of about 1000 inhabitants,
more than half of whom are Mohammedans. It is located on a hill beyond
the mountains that lie to the west of Jerusalem, and overlooks the
beautiful valley of Colonieh, in which olives and fruit-trees flourish
in great abundance. Towards the eastern extremity of the village stands
the church of the Nativity of John the Baptist, to which are attached a
monastery and lodging-place for pilgrims. The present church and
monastery were built by the Franciscan friars who have been established
in the place since 1690. The older sanctuary which occupied the same
site had been abandoned after the Crusades and had fallen to ruin. Five
hundred yards south of the church is the fountain of Carem ('Aim
Karim), which is sometimes designated by the Christians as the Fountain
of the Virgin. It flows from the side of a high mountain and is covered
by a roofed structure with stone arches, which is a place of prayer for
the Mussulmans. At a short distance from the fountain is another
convent, erected by the Franciscans in 1892 on the ruins of an ancient
monastery.</p>
<p id="c-p1472" shownumber="no">'Ain Karim has acquired celebrity in the later Christian tradition,
not only of the Latin, but also of the Oriental Churches. From the
twelfth century onward many writers affirm that it is the "city of
Juda" in the "hill country" whither, according to St. Luke (i, 39), the
Virgin Mary went to visit her cousin Elizabeth; consequently, the
dwelling-place of Zachary, the birthplace of John the Baptist. This
identification is noted in certain manuscript copies of the Gospel in
Arabic and Coptic, sometimes in the margin, sometimes in the text, a
fact which would seem to indicate a standing tradition in the Christian
communities of Egypt and Abyssinia, received, doubtless, from their
neighbours of Syria and Palestine. There has been, moreover, since the
twelfth century, a fairly constant tradition, based chiefly on the
relations of pilgrims to the Holy Land, according to which 'Ain Karim
was revered, at least during the Middle Ages, as the birthplace of the
Precursor. In most of the descriptions given by travellers the place is
called St. John, the home of Zachary, etc., but it is described as
located about five miles west of Jerusalem, and this corresponds well
with the location of 'Ain Karim. Besides, the characteristic features
of the modern town are recognizable in the various descriptions. A text
of the monk Epiphanius (Descriptio Terrae Sanctae, CXX, 264), whom
Rohricht (Bibliotheca Geographica Palestinae, Berlin, 1890, p. 16)
assigns to the middle of the ninth century, shows that the tradition is
at least of earlier origin than the time of the Crusades. This writer
calls the birthplace of the Precursor "Carmelion", a name evidently
derived from Carem, and locates it about six miles west of the Holy
City, and about eighteen miles from Amoas (Emmaus). Against this nearly
unanimous agreement of medieval descriptions there are recorded only
two or three dissenting texts, and these being associated with erratic
topographical statements concerning other localities have little weight
against the existing tradition.</p>
<p id="c-p1473" shownumber="no">A far stronger objection is deduced from the silence of early
writers, notable of St. Jerome, who wrote an 
<i>ex professo</i> treatise on the Biblical places of the Holy Land;
and, as a matter of fact, the tradition concerning 'Ain Karim has never
been recognized as conclusive by the scholars, either ancient or
modern, who have written commentaries on the New Testament. Thus (1)
the chief commentators of the medieval period, understanding the words
of St. Luke in a determined sense, viz. "the city of Juda", referred
them to Jerusalem, the city of Juda 
<i>par excellence</i>, giving to the word Juda a somewhat wide and
indefinite meaning. This opinion was given up by nearly all later
scholars. (2) Baronius, Papebroch, Cornelius a Lapide, and after them a
great number of others, have for much better reasons identified the
city of the "hill country" with Hebron, the most celebrated and
important of the cities originally within the confines of Juda;
Jerusalem, strictly speaking, belonged to Benjamin. But this opinion
also has been abandoned by the majority of modern commentators. (3)
Other writers, following a conjecture of Reland (Palaestina ex
monumentis veteribus illustrata, Utrecht, 1714, p. 870), take the word 
<i>Iouda</i> in this instance to be a proper name, and identify it with
Jota or Jeta, a levitical town of Juda mentioned in the Book of Josue
(Jos., xv, 55; xxi, 16). This opinion, though lacking positive
historical evidence, has been followed not only by the majority of
Protestant commentators, but also by not a few Catholic scholars, for
instance the Abbé Constant Fouard in his work "Christ the Son of
God" (London, New York, 1891). Nevertheless, some modern Catholic
writers, among whom is Victor Guérin, still adhere to the
tradition of 'Ain Karim; but in the absence of positive early
documentary evidence the controversy cannot be definitely settled.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1474" shownumber="no">JAMES F. DRISCOLL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1474.1" title="Carey, Mathew" type="Encyclopedia">Mathew Carey</term>
<def id="c-p1474.2">
<h1 id="c-p1474.3">Mathew Carey</h1>
<p id="c-p1475" shownumber="no">Author and publisher, b. in Dublin, Ireland, 28 January, 1760; d. in
Philadelphia, U.S.A., 15 September, 1839. He was the first Catholic of
prominence in the publishing trade in the United States, and brought
out in 1790 the first edition of the Douay Bible printed in America.
His father was a baker who acquired a small fortune. In early youth
Mathew was a dull pupil, but later exhibited remarkable ability in
languages and mathematics. When fifteen years of age he disappointed
his father by deciding to be a book-seller and printer, and began at
once to learn the business as an apprentice. He was an omnivorous
reader and acquired a fund of knowledge through persistent application
to study. His first article, published in the "Hibernian Journal" in
1777, was on dueling. A duel fought by one of Carey's friends suggested
the article which was a strong argument against this means of settling
differences. In 1779 he published a pamphlet on the "Urgent Necessity
of an Immediate Repeal of the Whole Penal Code against Roman
Catholics". Before its publication the work was advertised and the
preface, which was a radical statement of the situation, was printed.
The pamphlet was regarded by Parliament as an evidence of the seditious
character of the Irish people. The leaders of the Catholic party in
Dublin, who hoped for favourable legislation from Parliament at this
time, took up the matter, offered forty pounds for the detection of the
author and made arrangements for his prosecution in the event of his
capture. Carey escaped to France where he remained a year. While there
he met Lafayette and worked for a time in the printing office of
Franklin at Paris. After his return to Ireland he conducted the Dublin
"Freeman's Journal". With funds supplied by his father he founded in
1783 the "Volunteers Journal". "The object of the paper", to use his
own words "was to defend the commerce, the manufactures, and the
political rights of Ireland against the oppression and encroachment of
Great Britain." It was a radical paper suited to the temper of the
times, and did much to form public opinion. On 5 April, 1784, an
article attacking Parliament and the Premier was published. For this
Carey was arrested, tried before Parliament, and sent to Newgate. When
Parliament was dissolved he was released. He then accepted the advice
of his friends, left Ireland in disguise and emigrated to America,
landing in Philadelphia.</p>
<p id="c-p1476" shownumber="no">Lafayette visited him in Philadelphia and gave him $400 to establish
the "Pennsylvania Herald". He began to publish the debates of the House
of Assembly in 1785 from notes he took himself, and as this was an
innovation in the newspaper business in America, the paper immediately
had a large circulation. There was great political bitterness at this
time in Pennsylvania, between the Constitutionals and the Republicans.
Carey became one of the leading advocates of the Constitutionals, and
Oswald, who published the "Independent Gazetteer", was the mouthpiece
of the Republicans. The foreigners in America were generally on the
side of the Constitutionals. Through his paper Oswald attacked them and
Carey became their defender. As a result of a personal attack by
Oswald, Carey challenged him to a duel. It was fought in New Jersey,
and Carey was seriously wounded. It is strange, as Carey admits in his
autobiography, that he should have been led to fight a duel after he
had denounced duelling in his earliest essay. In partnership with five
others he began the "Columbian Magazine" in 1786. The discordant views
of the publishers and the small profits accruing to the proprietors led
Carey to withdraw from the enterprise within a year. In January, 1787,
he began the publication of the "American Museum" which continued until
December, 1792. It was dedicated to "Dr. Carroll, Bishop-elect of the
Catholic Church" and contained no essays of the editor, but was filled
with valuable articles from papers and documents which were deemed of
general interest and worthy of preservation. It was not a financial
success. After quitting the "Museum" he began on a small scale the
business of book-selling and printing, to which he devoted himself
closely for over twenty-five years, abandoning it altogether in 1821.
In 1793 the yellow fever epidemic broke out in Philadelphia, and he was
appointed a member of the Committee of Health to devise means for the
relief of the sufferers. He applied himself in a painstaking way to
arrest the spread of the disease and published the results of his
investigations in a volume on the "Rise, Progress, Effects, and
Termination of the Disease" in 1793. Five editions were published. In
1793 Carey called a meeting of prominent Irishmen in Philadelphia, and
with them founded the "Hibernian Society for the Relief of Immigrants
from Ireland". In 1796 he was engaged with several others in founding
the "Sunday School Society", the first of its kind established in the
United States. Becoming involved in a quarrel with a publisher, William
Cobbett, he published a scathing reply in a Hudibrastic poem, "The
Porcupiniad", in 1799.</p>
<p id="c-p1477" shownumber="no">In 1810 the question of the re-charter of the first United States
Bank came up and Carey, although a Democrat, took sides with those who
favoured the bank. At first he published a series of articles in "the
Democratic Press", a paper which strongly opposed the bank. Later he
went to Washington, took an active part in the discussions there when
the question of a re-charter came before Congress, and published two
pamphlets favouring the re-charter. In 1814 he published the work for
which he is best known, "The Olive Branch". The second war with Great
Britain was still in progress, and the country was divided into rival
factions, and the aggressions of the party hostile to American
interests endangered the success of the war. The work was written in
the interests of harmony and was, as stated in the preface, "An Appeal
to the patriotism, the honour, the feeling, the self interest of your
readers to save a noble nation from ruin". It had a large circulation
and exercised a good influence, but was not welcomed in New England. In
1820 a second "Olive Branch" was written to harmonize factional
interests.</p>
<p id="c-p1478" shownumber="no">In his boyhood Carey had read everything published in behalf of the
Irish cause, and, aroused by Great Britain's treatment of Ireland, he
had resolved to write some day in defence of his native country. In
1818 the famous Godwin wrote "Mandeville", a novel in which the
fictions of the massacre of 1641 were exploited. This occasioned the
publication by Carey of "Vindiciae Hibernicae" (1818). In it the
general unreasoning attitude of Great Britain toward Ireland was
discussed, but special emphasis was placed on Catholic emancipation and
the legendary massacre of 1641. The plan pursued throughout the work to
vindicate Ireland and the Catholics was the use of testimony taken
exclusively from Protestant historians. In doing this some of the best
material available was excluded. The alleged plots against the
Protestants in the so-called massacre of 1641 were shown to be absurd
and the number of persons killed greatly exaggerated. The claims of
Temple and Clarendon and the assertions of later and uncritical
historians were refuted in detail.</p>
<p id="c-p1479" shownumber="no">Carey began writing on the Tariff question in 1819. In seeking the
cause of the financial depression of 1818 and 1819 he was led to
believe that the failure to put a high tariff upon goods manufactured
in the United States was responsible for the general disaster. Prior to
this he found political economy as presented in Adam Smith's "Wealth of
Nations" abstruse and uninteresting. He now took up this work again
with the purpose of answering the Free Trade arguments, and published
in 1822 his "Essays on Political Economy". Subsequently he published
and distributed at his own expense numerous pamphlets on the tariff
question. His essays had a large circulation and went far towards
turning sentiment in the direction of a protectionist policy. In 1820
he founded the "Philadelphia Society for the Promotion of National
Industry" which consisted of the leading citizens of Philadelphia.
Because the organization was not sufficiently aggressive Carey withdrew
from it and it soon ceased to exist. Carey's tariff arguments will not
bear the test of scientific criticism, but it must be remembered that
he had no economic training. While the soundness of his conclusions
cannot be admitted, the policy advocated had much to commend it when
Carey wrote.</p>
<p id="c-p1480" shownumber="no">He was married in 1791 while he was living in very limited
circumstances. Later he acquired a considerable fortune, but retained
throughout habits of frugality. He was the father of nine children, one
of whom was the distinguished economist, Henry C. Carey. In 1833-34 he
published his Autobiography in the "New England Magazine". A valuable
collection of Carey's letters is in the "records" of the American
Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia for 1898, 1899, 1900, 1902,
vols. IX, X, XI, XII, and XIII. Carey took a very active though
anonymous part in the disastrous schism occasioned in St. Mary's
parish, Philadelphia, by the rebellious priest William Hogan (1819-22).
He is credited with writing or inspiring, as well as publishing, many
of the pamphlets issued at the time. An extended list of these
publications is given in Finotti, "Bibliographia Catholica Americana"
(Boston, 1872), 137-172.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1481" shownumber="no">J.E. HAGERTY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1481.1" title="Carheil, Etienne de" type="Encyclopedia">Etienne de Carheil</term>
<def id="c-p1481.2">
<h1 id="c-p1481.3">Etienne de Carheil</h1>
<p id="c-p1482" shownumber="no">French missionary among the Indians of Canada, born at Carentoir,
France, November 1633; died at Quebec, 27 July, 1726. He entered the
Society of Jesus at Paris, 30 August, 1652; studied in Amiens, La
Flèche, and Bourges, and acted as instructor in Rouen and Tours.
After his ordination in 1666, Carheil left for Canada, and spent two
years at Quebec in preparation for mission work. From his entrance into
the novitiate he had longed to shed his blood for Christ; the only
martyrdom he found in Canada was that of thirty years of hardships and
sufferings among the Hurons and the Iroquois. The first scene of his
missionary labours was Cayuga where he remained until the chiefs drove
him from their canton in 1684. He taught grammar for three years at the
College of Quebec, and was then assigned to the Mission of Mackinac.
His strenuous opposition to the brandy traffic provoked the enmity of
La Mothe Cadillac, the French commandant at that post and he was
compelled to return to Quebec in 1703. During most of the ensuing years
he ministered to the French in Montreal and other towns. Father Carheil
was a ripe scholar and possessed a rare knowledge of the languages of
the tribes he evangelized. He left two manuscript volumes entitled
"Racines Huronnes".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1483" shownumber="no">EDWARD SPILLANE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1483.1" title="Cariati (Paternum)" type="Encyclopedia">Cariati (Paternum)</term>
<def id="c-p1483.2">
<h1 id="c-p1483.3">Cariati (Paternum)</h1>
<p id="c-p1484" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CARIATI (CARIATENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p1485" shownumber="no">Suffragan of Santa Severina. Cariati is a city of Calabria in the
province of Cosenza, Italy, healthfully situated near the sea. The
first bishop mentioned in history is Menecrates, present at the Synod
of Rome in 499. In one of his letters St. Gregory the Great recommends
the Church of Cariati to the Bishop of Reggio. According to some,
during the eleventh or twelfth century the Diocese of Cerenza 
(<i>Geruntia</i>) was united to Cariati, though it is only in 1342 that
mention is made of a Bishop of Cariati and Cerenza. Noteworthy bishops
were: Polychronius (1099), founder of the monastery of S. Maria de
Attilia in Santa Severina; the Cistercian Blessed Matteo (1234), first
Abbot of San Giovanni di Fiore; Alessandro Crivello (1561), a gallant
soldier, afterwards nuncio in Spain; Fra Filippo Gesualdo (1602), a
Minor Conventual who died in the odour of sanctity. In 1818 Pius VII
united with this diocese Strongoli and Umbriatico. The diocese contains
a population of 60,000, with 28 parishes, 70 churches and chapels, 1
regular and 60 secular priests.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1486" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1486.1" title="Caribs" type="Encyclopedia">Caribs</term>
<def id="c-p1486.2">
<h1 id="c-p1486.3">Caribs</h1>
<p id="c-p1487" shownumber="no">Next to the Arawaks, probably the most numerous Indian stock, of
more or less nomadic habits, in South America. They cannot, however,
compare in numbers with the sedentary aborigines of Peru and Bolivia.
The Caribs were the second group of Indians met by Columbus on the
Antilles, and even at that time the name was a synonym for "cannibals".
At the time of Columbus they held the whole of the Lesser Antilles,
whence they made constant and cruel inroads upon the Arawaks of the
larger northern islands, killing the men and capturing the women, whom
they carried to their homes on Guadalupe, Martinique, etc. as slaves.
The Arawaks were in great dread of them and of their weapons, which
were superior to the primitive fire-hardened javelins and wooden
war-clubs in use on the Greater Antilles, although some of the natives
had also acquired the bow and arrows, probably from contact with their
hereditary foes, the Caribs. The latter were also hardy and daring
sailors, paddling fearlessly from island to island comparatively long
distances. In costume, mode of living, dwellings, etc., the Caribs
differed but little from the Arawaks. Their language is totally
different. The distinctive feature in dress consisted in this, that the
Arawaks wore the hair short, while the Caribs allowed it to flow at
full length.</p>
<p id="c-p1488" shownumber="no">The proper name of the Caribs is given as "Karina". How far the word
may have been applied to designate the stock in general is not certain.
Of their pre-Columbian history only so much seems ascertained, that
they originally occupied Northern Venezuela and parts of Guiana, and
from the northern shores of South America gradually extended to the
Lesser Antilles, driving northward the Arawaks. Had the landing of
Columbus not interfered, they in all probability would have
exterminated the Arawaks and spread over the Greater Antilles also. The
enmity between the Caribs and the Arawaks is hereditary. But the former
were not always successful. On the Orinoco, for instance, the Arawaks
held their own. There was and is, on the South American mainland, less
disparity in warlike features between the stocks than between the
Caribs and Arawaks of the Antilles, especially those of the Bahamas. In
general culture and social organization the two stocks are much alike.
The Caribs build excellent boats which they equip with sails, and some
groups make rather fair pottery. Their religious creed is the animism
and fetichism characteristic of all Indians, witchcraft forming the
leading part of their rites and ceremonials. Of the numerous groups
into which the Caribs are divided, the Bakairis, on the upper Shingu
River in Brazil, are the most southerly, so that the stock is scattered
from the fourteenth degree of latitude south to near the coast of
Venezuela, and from the Galibis in Guiana as far west, at least, as the
eastern confines of Colombia.</p>
<p id="c-p1489" shownumber="no">The almost complete extermination of the Antillean Caribs was
brought about by their indomitable ferocity and particularly by their
addiction to cannibalism. Every effort on the part of the Spaniards and
French to abolish it proved fruitless. In central South America the
Catholic missionaries, chiefly the Jesuits, worked with considerable
success among Carib tribes along the Amazon, devoting special attention
to the Motolones and establishing missions among them. During the
seventeenth century Father Samuel Fritz laboured among them, as well as
among tribes of Arawak stock. These efforts, which had already been
very much hampered by the aggressions of the Portuguese from Brazil,
came to naught, owing to the expulsion of the Jesuits. The Franciscans
continued to the missions on a limited scale after 1767, but the blow
had been too severe to allow more than a feeble recovery. A few
missions still subsist wanting, however, the strength of their early
organization.</p>
<p id="c-p1490" shownumber="no">The Caribs have been considered the cannibals 
<i>par excellence</i> of Northern South America. This is true of those
formerly located on the Antilles; but on the mainland, where not under
strict control, all the forest tribes of Indians are more or less
anthropophagous. There is, in this respect, no difference between the
Caribs, Arawaks, Tapuyas, and other natives of the Amazonian basin. It
is surmised, from results of linguistic investigations, that the
original home of the Caribs was where the branch known as the Bakairis
is located to-day namely, on the upper Shingu in north-eastern Matto
Grosso (Brazil), and that from there they spread to the north and
northeast, driving the Arawaks before them.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1491" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1491.1" title="Carissimi, Giacomo" type="Encyclopedia">Giacomo Carissimi</term>
<def id="c-p1491.2">
<h1 id="c-p1491.3">Giacomo Carissimi</h1>
<p id="c-p1492" shownumber="no">The most influential and prolific Italian composer of his time, b.
in 1604 at Marino in the Papal States; d. 12 Jan., 1674, in Rome. After
completing his musical education in Rome, Carissimi became choirmaster
at Assisi, and, in 1628, he was appointed to a like position at the
church of St. Apollinaris in Rome. He is considered the father of the
modern oratorio form, which had its origin in the simple 
<i>laudi sacri</i> composed by Palestrina and Annimuccia for St. Philip
Neri's meetings of young people, held in his 
<i>oratorio</i> or place of prayer. By imparting a lyric quality to the
recitative, lending variety to the orchestral accompaniments, and
dramatic movement to the whole, he developed this form to the point
where it was taken up and carried to its perfection by Händel and
Bach. Although many of Carissimi's oratorios and other works have been
lost, the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris contains the following
oratorios in manuscript: "Le mauvais riche", "Jonas". An almost
complete collection of the works of this master made by Dr. Henry
Aldrich (1647-1710) is found in the library of Christ church College,
Oxford. Of Carissimi's settings to liturgical texts two printed
collections of motets for two, three, and four voices, and masses for
five and nine voices are mentioned. An eight-part "Nisi Dominus" and a
"Lauda Sion" in manuscript are preserved in the Santini Library in
Rome. Among Carissimi's pupils were Alessandro Scarlatti, J.K. Kerll,
Johann Ph. Krieger, Chr. Bernard, and M.A. Charpentier.</p>
<p id="c-p1493" shownumber="no">Ambros, Gesch. der Musik (Leipzig, 1881); Mendel, Musikalisches
Lexikon (Leipzig, 1870).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1494" shownumber="no">JOSEPH OTTEN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1494.1" title="Carli, Dionigi Da Palacenza" type="Encyclopedia">Dionigi Da Palacenza Carli</term>
<def id="c-p1494.2">
<h1 id="c-p1494.3">Dionigi da Palacenza Carli</h1>
<p id="c-p1495" shownumber="no">One of a band of Franciscan friars of the Capuchin Reform, sent out
to the Congo in 1666. One of his companions was Padre Michele Angelo
Guattini da Rhegio, who wrote an account of the voyage of the
missionaries from Genoa to Lisbon and thence to Brazil, Loanda, and the
Congo, that being the route the missionaries had to take to get to
their destination. Padre Michele Angelo died shortly after his arrival
in the Conga, leaving his manuscript in the hands of Dionigi Carli,
who, on his return to Italy a few years afterwards owing to sickness,
wrote an account of his own experiences in the Congo and on his
homeward journey. Carli gives a detailed description of the manners and
customs of the natives and of the doings of the missionaries. He tells
how the friars died in numbers, owing to the climate, and speaks with
discouragement of the peculiar difficulties of the situation. He trusts
that some of the 2700 children he baptized will reach Heaven and be to
his credit as a missionary in the judgment book of God. Finally he
gives some account of the various cities he passed through in Portugal,
Spain, and France on his way home. Carli published at Rhegio in 1672
his won work together with that of Guattini under the title: "Il Moro
transportato in Venezia ovvero curioso raconto de' Costumi, Riti et
Religione de' Populi dell' Africa, America, Asia ed Europa". A second
edition appeared at Bologna in 1674. An English translation is
published in Churchill, "Voyages" (London, 1704), I.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1496" shownumber="no">FATHER CUTHBERT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1496.1" title="Carlisle" type="Encyclopedia">Carlisle</term>
<def id="c-p1496.2">
<h1 id="c-p1496.3">Carlisle</h1>
<p id="c-p1497" shownumber="no">(CARLEOL, KARLIOLUM) — ANCIENT DIOCESE OF CARLISLE
(CARLEOLENSIS, KARLIOLENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p1498" shownumber="no">The Catholic was smaller in extent than the present Anglican
diocese, which was enlarged in 1856. The territory it originally
included first became a political unit in the reign of William Rufus
(1087-1100), who made it into the Earldom of Carlisle, including
therein most, but not all, of the two counties of Cumberland and
Westmoreland. In the reign of his successor, Henry I, the earldom was
made a bishopric. Till that time it had formed part of the Diocese of
Durham, though there was a strong Celtic element that looked to Glasgow
for episcopal administration. For the first bishop, the king secured
the appointment of his former confessor, Æthelwulf (1133-1155), an
English monk, Prior of the Augustinian Canons, whom the king had
established at Carlisle in 1102. At the time of his consecration,
however, Æthelwulf seems to have been Prior of the Augustinian
house at Nostell in Yorkshire. He ruled the diocese until his death in
1156, and from his charters it is clear that the see was from the first
well administered, and that there was a vigorous diocesan life.
Æthelwulf built a moderate-sized Norman minster of which the
transepts and part of the nave still exist, and to serve this cathedral
he introduced his own Augustinians, with the result that Carlisle was
the only see in England with an Augustinian cathedral chapter, the
other monastic cathedral chapters being Benedictine. Of the next
bishop, Bernard, little is known, and after his death, in or about
1186, there was a long vacancy, during which the diocese was
administered by another Bernard, Archbishop of Ragusa. During this
period Carlisle suffered severely from the incursions of the Scots, and
early in Henry III's reign we find the king complaining to the pope
that Carlisle had revolted to Scotland, and that the canons had elected
a bishop for themselves. The papal legate, Gualo, punished this action
by exiling the canons and appointing Hugh, Abbot of Beaulieu, a good
administrator, as bishop. It was important to the English Government to
have a reliable prelate at Carlisle, as they constantly looked to the
bishop to attend to Scottish affairs, negotiate treaties, and generally
play the part of diplomat. The next bishop was Walter Malclerk,
formerly agent of King John, and a prominent figure in the reign of
Henry III. Always a patron of the Friars Preachers, he introduced both
Dominicans and Franciscans into the city and diocese. He resigned his
see in 1246 in order to join the Order of St. Dominic. About this time
a new choir was begun and carried to completion, only to be destroyed
in the great fire of 1292. A fresh beginning was made by energetic
Bishop Halton (1292-1324), a favourite of Edward I, and for nearly a
hundred years the building of the present choir proceeded, though with
many interruptions. Its chief glory is the great east window,
remarkable both for its own beauty and as marking a transition from the
earlier style to the perfection of tracery. During this time the see
was governed by a line of bishops, busy and useful diplomats in their
day, but not remarkable in other respects. One of these was Thomas
Merke, the intimate friend of Richard II, who was later on tried for
high treason under Henry IV and deprived of his bishopric. The
subsequent scholars, being frequently employed in negotiating truces
and treaties with Scotland, while several of them were Chancellors of
Oxford or of Cambridge. Among them was Wolsey's friend, John Kite
(1521-1537), who remained faithful to his master, and who supported him
in the poverty of his latter days. The last of the Catholic bishops was
Owen Oglethorpe, the kindly-tempered prelate who was prevailed on to
crown Elizabeth when no other prelate could be found to do that office
for her — an act he so much regretted that, Antony a Wood says,
the rest of his days "were both short and wearisome". He disobeyed the
queen openly when she forbade him to elevate the Sacred Host in her
presence; he refused to appear at a disputation on religion, or to take
the Oath of Supremacy, was deprived of his bishopric with the other
Catholic bishops, and died a prisoner 31 December, 1559. With him the
history of the Catholic see of Carlisle came to an end. It was a poor
diocese, and when the Reformers plundered the churches they found
little but a chalice in each, and even of these some were of tin. There
was only one archdeaconry, that of Carlisle. The cathedral was
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, though this was changed at the
Reformation to the Holy Trinity. The arms of the see were: Argent, on a
cross, sable, a mitre with labels, Or.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1499" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1499.1" title="Carolingian Schools" type="Encyclopedia">Carolingian Schools</term>
<def id="c-p1499.2">
<h1 id="c-p1499.3">Carolingian Schools</h1>
<p id="c-p1500" shownumber="no">Under the Merovingian Kings there was established at the court a
school -- 
<i>scola palatina</i>, the chroniclers of the eighth century styled it
-- for the training of the young Frankish nobles in the art of war and
in the ceremonies of the court. This was not, however, a school in the
modern acceptation of the term. Whatever education there was of the
literary kind at that time was imparted at the monastic and cathedral
schools. With the accession of Charlemagne (768) a scheme of
educational reform was inaugurated, first in the palace school itself,
and later in the various schools established or reformed by imperial
decrees throughout the vast empire over which Charlemagne reigned. The
reform of the palace school, the change, namely, from a school of
military tactics and court manners to a place of as the learning, was
begun in 780, as soon as the victories over the Lombards, Saxons, and
Saracens afforded. It was not, however, until the arrival of Alcuin at
Aachen in 782 that the work of educational reform began to have any
measure of success. Alcuin was not only placed at the head of the
emperor's school in the palace, but was admitted to the council of the
emperor in all educational matters and became Charlemagne's "prime
minister of education". He represented the learning of the school of
York, which united in its traditions the current of educational reform
inaugurated in the South of England by Theodore of Tarsus and that
other current which, starting from the schools of Ireland, spread over
the entire northern part of England. He was not, indeed, an original
thinker. Nevertheless, he exerted a profound cultural influence on the
whole Frankish Kingdom by reason of the high esteem in which
Charlemagne and his courtiers held him. He taught grammar, rhetoric,
dialectic and the elements of geometry, astronomy, and music (see ARTS,
SEVEN LIBERAL). And his success as a teacher of these branches seems to
have been generally acknowledged by all the courtiers as well as by his
royal patron. We know from Einhard's biography of Charlemagne that the
emperor, the princes and the princesses, and all the royal household
formed a kind of higher school at the palace in order to learn from
Alcuin what would nowadays be considered the merest rudiments.</p>
<p id="c-p1501" shownumber="no">Charlemagne was not content with securing for his palace school the
services of the ablest teacher of that cage. Acting under Alcuin's
advice he proceeded by a series of enactments dating from 787 (two
years after the final triumph over the Saxons) to 789, to inaugurate a
reform in the educational conditions throughout the empire. In 787 he
issued the famous capitulary which has been styled the "Charter of
Modern Thought". In it he addresses himself to the bishops and abbots
of the empire, informing them that he "has judged it to be of utility
that, in their bishoprics and monasteries committed by Christ's favour
to his charge, care should be taken that there should not only be a
regular manner of life, but also the study of letters, each to teach
and learn them according to his ability and the Divine assistance". He
has observed, he says, in the letters which, during past years, he has
received from different monasteries, that though the thoughts contained
therein are most just, the language in which those thoughts are
expressed is often uncouth, and the fear arises in his mind lest if the
skill to write correctly were thus lacking, the power of rightly
comprehending the Scriptures might be less than it should be. "Let
there, therefore, be chosen [for the work of teaching] men who are both
willing and able to learn and let them apply themselves to this work
with a zeal equal to the earnestness with which we recommend it to
them". Copies of this letter are to be sent to all suffragan bishops
and to all (dependent) monasteries. In the great council held at Aachen
(789) he issued more explicit instructions regarding the education of
the clergy. From the wording of the capitulary of 787, it is clear that
Charlemagne intended to introduce the reform of education into all the
cathedral and monastic schools of the empire.</p>
<p id="c-p1502" shownumber="no">Again in the capitulary of 789 we read: "Let every monastery and
every abbey have its school, in which boys may be taught the Psalms,
the system of musical notation, singing, arithmetic and grammar". There
can be no doubt that by boys are meant not only the candidates for the
monastery and the wards (generally the children of nobles) committed to
the care of the monks, but also the children of the village or country
district around the monastery, for whom there was usually an external
school attached to groups of monastic buildings. This is made evident
by an enactment of Theodulf, Bishop of Orléans, who, when Alcuin
retired to the monastery of Tours in 796, succeeded him at the Court as
adviser of the emperor in educational matters. The document dates from
797, ten years after Charlemagne's first capitulary was issued, and
enacts explicitly "that the priests establish schools in every town and
village, and if any of the faithful wish to entrust their children to
them to learn letters, that they refuse not to accept them but with all
charity teach them . . . and let them exact no price from the children
for their teaching nor receive anything from them save what parents may
offer voluntarily and from affection" (P.L., CV., col. 196). To Alcuin
himself tradition has assigned the lines set up in the streets of
Strasburg in which the attractions of a school are compared with those
of a nearby tavern: "Choose, O traveller; if thou wilt drink thou must
also pay money, but if thou wilt learn thou wilt have what thou seekest
for nothing." In these free schools the teacher was, apparently, the
priest of the town or village, and, as far as we can judge, the
curriculum composed what may be called the rudiments of general
education, with an elementary course in Christian Doctrine.</p>
<p id="c-p1503" shownumber="no">The "new learning" inaugurated at the palace school, which seems to
have had no fixed location, but to have followed the court from place
to place, was not slow in spreading throughout the empire. Its first
noticeable success was at Fulda, which since the days of its first
abbot, Sturm, had maintained a tradition of fidelity to the ideals of
St. Benedict. The man to whose enlightened zeal the success of the
schools of Fulda was largely due was Rhabanus Maurus. While still a
young monk at Fulda, Rhabanus, learning of the fame of Alcuin, begged
to be sent to Tours, where, for a year, he listened to the aged
teacher, and imbibed some of his zeal for the study of the classics and
the cultivation of the sciences. On his return to Fulda he was placed
at the head of the monastic school and, amid many difficulties,
continued to labour for the intellectual reform of his own monastery
and his own land. What these difficulties were we may judge from the
treatment which he received at the hands of his abbot, Ratgar, who,
believing that the monks were better employed in building churches than
in studying their lessons, closed the school of the monastery and
confiscated the teacher's note-books. Rhabanus' unpleasant experiences
on this occasion are reflected by his saying "He alone escapes calumny
who writes nothing at all." He was not, however, discouraged, and the
day finally came when, as Abbot of Fulda, he could give full authority
to his measures for educational reform. Later, as Archbishop of Mainz,
he continued to sustain the programme of the Carolingian revival, and
by his efforts for the improvement of popular preaching, and by his
advocacy of the use of the vernacular tongue, earned the title of the
"Teacher of Germany". His influence, indeed, may be traced beyond the
territory which belonged to the monastery of Fulda; to him and to his
educational activity is due the revival of learning in the schools of
Solenhofen, Celle, Hirsfeld, Petersburg and Hirschau. Even Reichenau
and St. Gall owe much to him, and it is perhaps no exaggeration to say
that who, like Otfried of "Der Krist", first the Old High German an
instrument of literary expression.</p>
<p id="c-p1504" shownumber="no">In France, the Carolingian revival was, as has been said, taken up
by Theodulf, Bishop of Orléans, who, both by his own diocesan
enactments and by the advice which he gave the emperor, proved his
right to the title of Alcuin's successor. Alcuin, himself, after his
retirement to the monastery of Tours, devoted his attention almost
exclusively to monastic education and the transcription of liturgical
and theological works. Whatever love he had for the classics changed
towards the end of his life into a deep-seated suspicion of all "pagan
literature." In this he offers a striking contrast, with Lupus
Servatus, a disciple of Rhabanus, who, as Abbot of Ferrières,
early in the ninth century encouraged and promoted the study of the
pagan classics with all the ardour of a fifteenth century Humanist.
Through the influence of Alcuin Theodulf, Lupus and others, the
Carolingian revival spread to Reims, Auxerre, Laon, and Chartres, where
even before the schools of Paris had come into prominence, the
foundations of scholastic theology and philosophy were laid. In
Southern Germany and Switzerland the Carolingian revival was felt
before the close of the eighth century in Rheinau, Reichenau, and St.
Gall, and early in the following century in Northern Italy, especially
in Pavia and Bobbio. Under the successors of Charlemagne there sprang
up the schools of Utrecht, Liège, and St. Laurent in the Low
Countries which continued the movement.</p>
<p id="c-p1505" shownumber="no">With the extension and promotion of the Carolingian revival of
education are associated the names of the Irish teachers who were
Alcuin's rivals and who are certainly entitled to a share in the credit
of having been the first masters of the schools. According to the St.
Gall chronicler who wrote the history of Charles the Great, two Irish
monks arrived in France before Alcuin had received Charlemagne's
invitation, and having made known somewhat boastfully their desire to
teach wisdom, were received by the emperor with honour, and one of them
placed at the head of the palace school. The story, however, is not
accepted as reliable. We know for certain that after Alcuin left the
court of Charlemagne, Clement the Irishman succeeded him as master of
the palace school, and that he had pupils sent to him even from the
monastery of Fulda. The grammarian, Cruindmelus, the poet Dungal, and
Bishop Donatus of Fiesole were among the many Irish teachers on the
Continent who enjoyed the favour of Charlemagne. Indeed, the emperor,
according to Einhard, "loved the strangers" and "had the Irish in
special esteem". His successors, likewise, invited the Irish teachers
to their court. Louis the Pious was the patron of the Irish geographer
Dicuil, Lothair II stood in a similar relation to the Irish poet and
Scribe Sedulius, founder of the school at Liège, and Charles the
Bald equalled his grandfather in his affectionate esteem for the Irish
teachers. Under him Elias taught at Laon, Dunchad at Reims, Israel at
Auxerre, and, the greatest of all the Irish scholars, John Scotus
Eriugena, was head of the palace school. Naturally the Irish teachers
flocked to the places already known to them by the missionary activity
of their fellow-countrymen of former generations We find them at
Reichenau, St. Gall, and Bobbio, "a whole herd of philosophers" as a
ninth century writer expresses it. Every monastery or cathedral school
at-which they appeared soon showed the effect of their influence. To
the curriculum already in vogue in the Carolingian Schools the Irish
teachers added the study of Greek, and wherever they taught philosophy
or theology (dialectic and the interpretation of the Scriptures) they
drew largely from the writings of the neo-Platonists and from the works
of the Greek Fathers.</p>
<p id="c-p1506" shownumber="no">With regard to the details of schoolwork in the institutions founded
or reformed by Charlemagne, the chronicles of the time do not furnish
us as much information as one would desire. We know that the course of
studies in the town and village schools 
(<i>per villas et viocos</i>) comprised at least the elements of
Christian Doctrine, plainsong, the rudiments of grammar, and perhaps,
where the influence of St. Benedict's rule was still felt, some kind of
manual training. In the monastic and cathedral schools the curriculum
included grammar (corresponding to what we now call language-work in
general, as well as the study of poetry), rhetoric, dialectic,
geometry, arithmetic, music and astronomy. The text-book in these
subjects was, wherever the Irish teaching prevailed, Martianus Capella,
"De Nuptiis Mercurii et philologiae"; elsewhere, as in the schools
taught by Alcuin, the teacher compiled treatises on grammar, etc. from
the works of Cassiodorus, St. Isidore of Seville, and Venerable Bede.
In some instances the works of Boethius were used as texts in
dialectic. The master, 
<i>scholasticus</i> or 
<i>archischolus</i> (earlier 
<i>capiscola</i>), had at his command, besides his assistants, a 
<i>proscholus</i>, or prefect of discipline, whose duty it was (in the
monastic school of Fulda, at least) to teach the children "how to walk,
how to bow to strangers, how to behave in the presence of superiors".
The teacher read 
(<i>legere</i> was synonymous with 
<i>docere</i>) while the pupils took down his dictation in their
wax-tablets. The "school-room" was, until as late as the twelfth
century the cloister of the monastery and, in the case of some very
popular teachers, the street or a public square. The floor of the
schoolroom was strewn with straw on which the pupils sat -- boarded
floors and benches do not appear to have been in use in schools until
the fifteenth century, although seats of a certain kind were provided
at Cluny, in the twelfth century, namely, wooden boxes which served the
double purpose of a seat and a repository for writing materials.
Discipline in the Carolingian schools was maintained by the 
<i>proscholus</i>, and that the medieval scholar dreaded the rod is
clear from an episode in the history of the school of St. Gall where,
in order to escape a birching, the boys set fire to the monastery.
Regulations regarding neatness, the hours to be given to work, and
provision for the mid-day siesta, etc. show that some attention was
paid to the health and comfort of the pupils. After the death of
Charlemagne and the dismemberment of the empire, the educational
reforms introduced by him received a setback. There was a brief period
under Charles the Bald, when royal favour was once more bestowed on
scholars. But with the advent of the tenth century came other cares and
occupations for the royal mind. Nevertheless, the monastic and
episcopal schools, and no doubt the village schools too, continued
wherever war and pillage did not render their existence impossible.
Thus the educational influence of the Carolingian revival of learning
was continued in some way down to the dawn of the era of university
education in the thirteenth century.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1507" shownumber="no">WILLIAM TURNER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1507.1" title="Carmel" type="Encyclopedia">Carmel</term>
<def id="c-p1507.2">
<h1 id="c-p1507.3">Carmel</h1>
<p id="c-p1508" shownumber="no">(Heb. 
<i>Karmel</i>, "garden" or "garden-land").</p>
<p id="c-p1509" shownumber="no">Carmel designates in the O.T. a certain city and its adjacent
territory in the tribe of Juda. The city was in the hill country of
Juda, and its territory was contiguous to that of Maon, Ziph, and Jota
(cf. Josue, xii, 22; xv, 20, 55). It was in Carmel that Saul set up the
trophy of his victory over Amalec [I Kings (A.V., I Samuel), xv, 12].
As Nabal, a man of Maon, was shearing his sheep in the pasture-land of
Carmel, there occurred between him and David, then a fugitive from the
angel of Saul, the episode in which Abigail, Nabal's wife, played so
conspicuous a part (I Kings, xxv, 2, 5, 7, 40). It was apparently in
Carmel of Juda that King Osias, son of Amasias, had arable lands and
vineyards [II Paralipomenon (A.V., II Chronicles), xxvi, 10]. These
simple Biblical data enable us to understand why this city and its
district were actually called "Carmel"; in contrast to the wilderness a
little farther to the south and to the east, the region appeared like a
"garden" to the Hebrews of old, and the city naturally derived its name
from that of the adjacent territory. In the fourth century of our ear
St. Jerome describes the town of Carmel as a village with a Roman
garrison and speaks of the district as a mountain. In the time of the
Crusades, the city was held by King Amalrich against Saladin, and then
passed into oblivion till the nineteenth century, when it was
recognized by travelers under the name of Kurmul. The place is now
utterly desolate, but its ruins — conspicuous among which are
three churches and a strong castle with beveled stones — indicate
a town of considerable extent and importance. The ruins of the town are
about ten miles S.E. of Hebron, and close to those of Maon.</p>
<p id="c-p1510" shownumber="no">Robinson, Biblical Researches, II, 193-196 (Boston, 1841); Stanley,
Sinai and Palestine, 100, 479, 484 (New York, 1859); Smith, Historical
Geography of the Holy Land (New York, 1897, 306, 317, note.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1511" shownumber="no">FRANCIS E. GIGOT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1511.1" title="Carmel, Mount" type="Encyclopedia">Mount Carmel</term>
<def id="c-p1511.2">
<h1 id="c-p1511.3">Mount Carmel</h1>
<p id="c-p1512" shownumber="no">A well-known mountain ridge in Palestine, usually called in the
Hebrew Bible 
<i>Hakkarmel</i> (with the definite article), "the garden" or "the
garden-land." In later Hebrew it is known simply as 
<i>Karmel</i>, and in modern Arabic as 
<i>Kurmul</i>, or more commonly as 
<i>Jebel Mar Elias</i> (Mountain of St. Elias). At its extremity, near
the sea, Mount Carmel looks like a bold promontory which all but runs
into the waves of the Mediterranean. This northwestern end of Carmel is
about nine miles southwest of Acre, and in 32°50' N. lat. And
35° E. long. From this point, the ridge gradually retires from the
coast and stretches southeast, ascending for about ten miles to its
highest point and then sinking for nearly three miles more. Like its
northern, its southern end is marked by a bold bluff above Wady
el-Milh. This is the range of mountains which is usually designated
under the name of Mount Carmel. The name is also applied at times to
the lower hills which, for another twelve or thirteen miles, form the
prolongation of the main range and extend to the southeast as far as
the neighbourhood of Jenin. These lower hills, however, are of a softer
formation than the main range of Carmel, and really separate it from
the Hill Country, or central longitudinal section of Western Palestine.
Hence they should rather be considered as forming a chain of heights
distinct from Carmel, and be simply spoken of as hills of Samaria. The
three principal summits of the main range of Carmel are far inferior in
altitude to those of the mountains of either Galilee or Judea. Its
highest peak, a little to the south of the Druse village of Esfiyeh, is
only 1810 feet. Next in altitude comes the southeastern summit of
Carmel, near the ruins called El Mahraka, and some 1700 feet high; and
last, the northwestern promontory or cape of Carmel, where the
Carmelite monastery is situated 560 feet above the sea. The general
shape of the range is that of a triangle, the apex of which is near the
Mediterranean, while the sides, to the east and west, look very
different from each other. The western side sinks slowly by long ridges
and dales upon that part of the sea-coast which is known as the plain
of Saron. The eastern side, on the contrary, is abrupt above the plains
of Haifa and Esdrelon, and in many places descends almost by precipices
to the River Cison, which flows at the foot of the mountain and is
generally parallel to its axis. Its geological structure is no other
tan that of the central longitudinal section of Palestine, west of the
Jordan. It is made up of the same hard limestone. In it there are
numerous caves, and it abounds in flints, geodes, and fossils. On the
northeast, igneous rocks break out from a basalt formation which runs
through the plain of Esdrelon and extends to the Sea of Galilee. As
nearly the whole range of Carmel is covered with abundant and rich
vegetable earth, it has still much of that appearance which no doubt
was the origin of its name: "the garden" or "the garden land." Most of
the ridge is covered with thickets of evergreens. Besides the pine, its
most common trees are the prickly oak, myrtle, lentisk, carob and
olive. Carmel is also remarkable for its profusion of aromatic plants
and wild flowers. Its woody heights are tenanted chiefly by the
roebuck, leopard, and wild cat. In various places of the range, ancient
wine presses can still be pointed out; but the vine is almost entirely
extinct except in the neighbourood of Esfiyeh and of the German colony
which was established in 1869 near Haifa. Of its former numerous
villages but a few are at present inhabited, and only small patches of
land around these and near the sea-coast are now cultivated. Besides
Esfiyeh, its principal extant villages are Et Tireh, Daliet El Kurmul,
and Um Ez Zeinat. Most of the villagers are Druses and Christians. In
the present day, Carmel belongs to the pashalic of Acre.</p>
<p id="c-p1513" shownumber="no">Mt. Carmel is never mentioned in the New Testament; but it is
oftentimes spoken of in the Old Covenant. Its conquest is referred to
the time of Josue (xii, 22), and its territory is given as forming the
southern boundary of the tribe of Aser (xix, 26). Its luxuriant
verdure, chiefly caused by the vicinity of the Mediterranean Sea and by
abundant dew, was regarded as singularly beautiful; hence the poetical
comparison, "thy head is like Carmel", found in the Canticle of
Canticles (vii, 5; Heb., vii, 6), and the distinct reference to the
"beauty of Carmel" in Isaias (xxxv, 2). As Nabuchodonosor towered
proudly above the kings of the earth, so Carmel was prominent above the
sea (Jer., xlvi, 18). Its great fertility made it the type of a country
which was favoured with the Divine blessing (Jer., 1, 19; Mich., vii,
14); and its devastation was conceived as the surest sign of God's
severe punishment of His people (Is., xxxiii, 9; Jer., iv, 26; Amos, I,
2; Nah., I, 4). Its woody summits and its tortuous caverns formed a
secure hiding place for a fugitive [Amos, ix, 3. See also III (A.V., I)
K., xviii, 4, 13]. The sacredness of its heights was well known in
ancient Israel. Apparently long before Elias' time -- how long before
cannot now be made out -- an altar had been erected in honour of Yahweh
on Mt. Carmel, and its ruins were repaired by that prophet as soon as
this could be done with safety (III K., xviii, 30). It was the ridge of
Carmel that the same Prophet Elias chose for the assembly of the
people, such assemblies being usually held at some holy place (III K.,
xviii, 19 sq.). Again, in IV K., iv, 23, there is a manifest allusion
to the custom or resorting to Carmel for the celebration of the new
moon and of the sabbath. From various passages of Holy Writ it has been
inferred that this sacred mountain was the actual place of residence of
both Elias and Eliseus (Cf. IV K., ii, 25; iv, 25, 27, etc.); and, as a
matter of fact, Elias grotto and the cavern known as the School of the
Prophets are still pointed out. There is likewise some reason to
believe that the incident tole of Elias in IV K., I, 9-15, took place
on the mountain of Carmel. In this passage our English translation
speaks indeed of the prophet as sitting down on "a hill", when he
caused fire to come down from heaven on the two "fifties" and their
respective captains who had been sent by King Ochosias to put him under
arrest. But the rendering of the original Hebrew word by "a hill",
which would naturally suggest a place different from the mountain range
of Carmel, is very probably a defective one. The Hebrew expression
rather means "the mountain" with an implicit reference to Mt. Carmel,
since that expression, in connection with Elias, is used for that range
only, with the exception of Sinai, which, of course, is not intended in
IV K., I, 19-15.</p>
<p id="c-p1514" shownumber="no">However this may be, there is another incident in Elias' life which
Holy Writ distinctly places on the ridge of Carmel, and on account of
which that mountain has been, and will ever be, particularly renowned.
The event is narrated in detail in III K., xviii. It was that of a
public contest between Elias, the great champion of Yahweh worship, and
the prophets of Baal, the Phoenician deity whose cult had lately been
fully organized by the wicked Achab in the new capital of the Northern
Kingdom. For two years a severe drought, foretold by Elias, had
prevailed in Israel. Yet it had not sufficed to convince the people
that Yahweh, not Baal, was indeed the true God. In the third year, when
the drought was about to be broken, Elias, according to the Lord's
command, met King Achab, and obtained from him that all the people be
gathered together with the prophets of Baal unto Mt. Carmel. There, in
the presence of all, he, the only surviving prophet of the Lord,
proposed that the God who would consume by fire a bullock laid upon
wood and with no fire under it be alone recognized as God. The
challenge was accepted. In vain did the four hundred and fifty prophets
of Baal call upon their sun-god till noon, nay even till the time of
the evening sacrifice. It was now the turn of Elias. Having repaired an
ancient altar of Yahweh by means of twelve stones, the prophet disposed
the wood, laid a bullock upon it, and got filled with water the trench
which he had dug around the whole. His prayer to Yahweh was heard. The
fire from heaven consumed all, to the very water in the trench, and all
the people seeing this worshipped, saying: "Yahweh is God. Yahweh is
God." Then followed in rapid succession, the slaying of all the
prophets of Baal who had been brought down to the brook Cison; Elias'
prayer on the top of Carmel for rain and his repeated bidding to his
servant: "Go up and look toward the sea"; the arising of a cloud, the
forerunner of a violent storm; the king's prompt departure for
Jezrahel, lest he should be stopped by the rain; and lastly, Elias'
swift running before Achab to the entrance of Jezrahel. The scene
marked out alike by tradition and by natural features as the place of
this glorious victory of Yahweh and Elias over Baal and his prophets is
the south-eastern extremity of Mt. Carmel, the part of the mountain
nearest to, and most accessible from Jezrahel. The place now known as
El Marahka, "the burning" or "the sacrifice", is very probably the spot
on which stood the altar of Yahweh which Elias repaired. It is marked
by shapeless ruins whither Druses of neighbouring villages come to
perform a yearly sacrifice. Its position, at the south-eastern point of
the ridge, easily allowed the altars thereon erected to be seen by
Achab and the priests of Baal and the multitude who stood on a wide
upland sweep close beneath it. Not far from it there is a well always
supplied with water even in the driest seasons, from which Elias could
draw the water with which he could fill the trench around his altar. On
the lower declivities of the mountains is a mound called Tell El
Kassis, which means "the hill of the priest", or "of the priests",
which may mark the place where the prophets of Baal were put to death.
The brook Cison which runs at the foot of Carmel was no doubt
absolutely dry after the two years' drought, so that the multitude
could easily go across its bed to witness Yahweh's victory on Mt.
Carmel, and King Achab hasten across it to Jezrahel before the
threatening storm should fill it with water and render it impassable.
The corpses of the slain prophets of Baal were hurled down into the
Cison, and when the brook was changed by the storm into an impetuous
torrent, they were carried swiftly to the Mediterranean Sea. From the
slaughter by the side of the river, the prophet of the Lord "went up"
again to El Marahka, and there prayed fervently for the breaking of the
drought. There, too, he naturally bade his servant to "go up and look
toward the sea" for while from the place where he prayed the view of
the Mediterranean is intercepted by an adjacent height, the height
itself may be ascended in a few minutes and a full view of the sea be
obtained from the top. Finally, both Achab and Elias having rushed down
to the plain, safely crossed the Cison before the rain could interfere
with them, because at this point the river is very close to Mt.
Carmel.</p>
<p id="c-p1515" shownumber="no">Thus it can readily be seen that the traditional site of the public
contest between Elias and the prophets of Baal fulfils all the
conditions required by the sacred narrative. The last Scriptural
reference to the Carmel range is found in the opening chapter of the
deutero-canonical book of Judith. There we find stated that the
inhabitants of Carmel were numbered among the peoples of the Western
districts whom Nabuchodonosor threatened with destruction, should they
venture to deny him help in his present conflict with powerful enemies
(Judith, I, 8, in Vulgate and in Septuagint). There also we are told
that despite his menaces, they all, "with one mind", refused to obey
his orders, whereupon the Assyrian king swore to avenge himself of them
(Judith, I, 11, 12). In ancient times the sacredness of Carmel seems to
have been known to other nations besides Israel. Thus in the list of
places conquered by the Egyptian King Thothmes II, there is a probable
reference at No. 48 to the "holy headland" of Carmel (See also Nos. 49,
96, in "Records of the Past", new series, V, 47, 50). In the fourth
century B.C. the neo-Platonic philosopher Iamblicus, in his life of
Pythagoras, speaks of Mt. Carmel as "sacred above all mountains and
forbidden of access to the vulgar". The great Roman historian, Tacitus,
mentions an altar as erected there without temple or image: "tantum ara
et reverentia"; and Suetonius, in his "Lives of the Caesars", narrates
that before making war against the Jews Vespasian went to Carmel and
consulted the oracle of its god. After the destruction of Jerusalem by
Titus (A.D. 70), the Jews did not lose sight of the mountain of Carmel
and of its connection with Elias. In the twelfth century of our era
Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela writes as follows in the narrative of his
journey to Palestine: "Under the mountain of Carmel are many Jewish
sepulchres, and near the summit is the cavern of Elias upon whom be
peace. . . . On the summit of the hill, you may still trace the site of
the altar which was rebuilt by Elias of blessed memory, in the time of
King Achab, and the circumstances of which is about four yards". Rabbis
of the thirteenth and following centuries make similar references to
Elias in connection with Mt. Carmel; and it is well known that in the
eighteenth century the Jews used to join with the Mohammedans and the
Christians to celebrate the feast of that holy prophet on the mountain
which bears his name, "Jebel Mâr Elîas". As we have seen, the
traditional site of Elias' contest is still held sacred by the Druses.
But it is Christianity which, through its pious pilgrims and its
Carmelite monks, has chiefly contributed to preserve the sacred
memories of Mt. Carmel. The best positions from which to view the
extensive prospect are furnished by the flat roof of the Carmelite
monastery at the north-western end of the mountain, and by the platform
of the chapel recently erected by the Carmelites at its south-eastern
extremity.</p>
<p id="c-p1516" shownumber="no">WRIGHT, "Early Travels in Palestine" (London, 1848); ROBINSON,
"Biblical Researches" (Boston, 1841), III; GUERIN, "Description de la
Palestine, etc." (Paris, 1876), II; CONDER, "Tent Work in Palestine"
(London, 1889); THOMSON, "The Land and the Book" (New York, 1882), II;
SMITH, "Hist. Geogr. Of the Holy Land" (New York, 1906).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1517" shownumber="no">FRANCIS E. GIGOT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1517.1" title="Carmelite Order, The" type="Encyclopedia">The Carmelite Order</term>
<def id="c-p1517.2">
<h1 id="c-p1517.3">The Carmelite Order</h1>
<p id="c-p1518" shownumber="no">One of the mendicant orders.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1518.1">Origin</h4>
<p id="c-p1519" shownumber="no">The date of the foundation of the Order of Our Lady of Mount Carmel
has been under discussion from the fourteenth century to the present
day, the order claiming for its founders the prophets Elias and
Eliseus, whereas modern historians, beginning with Baronius, deny its
existence previous to the second half of the twelfth century. As early
as the times of the Prophet Samuel there existed in the Holy Land a
body of men called Sons of the Prophets, who in many respects resembled
religious institutes of later times. They led a kind of community life,
and, though not belonging to the Tribe of Levi, dedicated themselves to
the service of God; above all they owed obedience to certain superiors,
the most famous of whom were Elias and his successor Eliseus, both
connected with Carmel, the former by his encounter with the prophets of
Baal, the latter by prolonged residence on the holy mountain. With the
downfall of the Kingdom of Israel the Sons of the Prophets disappear
from history. In the third or fourth century of the Christian Era
Carmel was a place of pilgrimage, as is proved by numerous Greek
inscriptions on the walls of the School of the Prophets: "Remember
Julianus, remember Germanicus", etc. Several of the Fathers, notably
John Chrystostom, Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, and Jerome, represent Elias
and Eliseus as the models of religious perfection and the patrons of
hermits and monks. These undeniable facts have opened the way to
certain conjectures. As St. John the Baptist spent nearly the whole of
his life in the desert, where he gathered around him a number of
disciples, and as Christ said he was endowed with the spirit and virtue
of Elias, some authors think that he revived the institute of the Sons
of the Prophets.</p>
<p id="c-p1520" shownumber="no">The glowing descriptions given by Pliny, Flavius Josephus, and
Philo, of the manner of life of the Essenes and Therapeutes convinced
others that these sects belonged to the same corporation; unfortunately
their orthodoxy is open to serious doubts. Tacitus mentions a sanctuary
on Carmel, consisting "neither of a temple, nor an idol, but merely an
altar for Divine worship"; whatever its origin may have been, it
certainly was at the time of Vespasian in the hands of a pagan priest,
Basilides. Pythagoras (500 B.C.) is represented by Jamblichus (A.D.
300) as having spent some time in silent prayer in a similar sanctuary
on Carmel, a testimony of greater force for the time of Jambilichus
himself than for that of Pythagoras. Nicephorus Callistus (A.D. 1300)
relates that the Empress Helena built a church in honour of St. Elias
on the slopes of a certain mountain. This evidence is, however,
inadmissible, inasmuch as Eusebius is witness to the fact that she
built only two churches in the Holy Land, at Bethlehem and at
Jerusalem, not twenty, as Nicephorus says; moreover the words of this
author show clearly that he had in view the Greek monastery of Mar
Elias, overhanging the Jordan valley, and not Carmel as some authors
think; Mar Elias, however, belongs to the sixth century. These and
other misunderstood quotations have enfeebled rather than strengthened
the tradition of the order, which holds that from the days of the great
Prophets there has been, if not an uninterrupted, at least a moral
succession of hermits on Carmel, first under the Old Dispensation,
afterwards in the full light of Christianity, until at the time of the
Crusades these hermits became organized after the fashion of the
Western orders. This tradition is officially laid down in the
constitutions of the order, is mentioned in many papal Bulls, as well
as in the Liturgy of the Church, and is still held by many members of
the order.</p>
<p id="c-p1521" shownumber="no">The silence of Palestine pilgrims previous to A.D. 1150, of
chroniclers, of early documents, in one word the negative evidence of
history has induced modern historians to disregard the claims of the
order, and to place its foundation in or about the year 1155 when it is
first spoken of in documents of undoubted authenticity. Even the
evidence of the order itself was not always very explicit. A notice
written between 1247 and 1274 (Mon. Hist. Carmelit., 1, 20, 267) states
in general terms that "from the days of Elias and Eliseus the holy
fathers of the Old and the New Dispensation dwelt on Mount Carmel, and
that their successors after the Incarnation built there a chapel in
honour of Our Lady, for which reason they were called in papal Bulls
"Friars of Blessed Mary of Mount Carmel". The General Chapter of 1287
(unedited) speaks of the order as of a plantation of recent growth 
(<i>plantatio novella</i>). More definite are some writings of about the
same time. A letter "On the progress of his Order" ascribed to St.
Cyril of Constantinople, but written by a Latin (probably French)
author about the year 1230, and the book "On the Institution of the
First Monks" connect the order with the Prophets of the Old Law. This
latter work, mentioned for the first time in 1342, was published in
1370 and became known in England half a century later. It purports to
be written by John, the forty-fourth (more accurately the forty-second)
Bishop of Jerusalem (A.D. 400). However, as Gennadius and other ancient
bibliographers do not mention it among the writings of John, and as the
author was clearly a Latin, since his entire argument is based upon
certain texts of the Vulgate differing widely from the corresponding
passages of the Septuagint, and as he in many ways proves his entire
ignorance of the Greek language, and, moreover, quotes or alludes to
writers of the twelfth century, he cannot have lived earlier than the
middle of the thirteenth. A third author is sometimes mentioned,
Joseph, a Deacon of Antioch, whom Possevin assigns to about A.D. 130.
His work is lost but its very title, "Speculum perfectæ
militæ primitivæ ecclesiæ", proves that he cannot have
belonged to the Apostolic Fathers, as indeed he is entirely unknown to
patristic literature. His name is not mentioned before the fourteenth
century and in all probability he did not live much earlier.</p>
<p id="c-p1522" shownumber="no">The tradition of the order, while admitted by many of the medieval
Schoolmen, was contested by not a few authors. Hence the Carmelite
historians neglected almost completely the history of their own times,
spending all their energy on controversial writings, as is evident in
the works of John Baconthorpe, John of Chimeneto, John of Hildesheim,
Bernard Olerius, and many others. In 1374 a disputation was held before
the University of Cambridge between the Dominican John Stokes and the
Carmelite John of Horneby; the latter, whose arguments were chiefly
taken from canon law, not from history, was declared victorious and the
members of the university were forbidden to question the antiquity of
the Carmelite Order. Towards the end of the fifteenth century this was
again ably defended by Trithemius (or whoever wrote under his name),
Bostius, Palæonydorus, and many others who with a great display of
learning strove to strengthen their thesis, filling in the gaps in the
history of the order by claiming for it numerous ancient saints. Sts.
Eliseus and Cyril of Alexandria (1399), Basil (1411), Hilarion (1490),
and Elias (in some places c. 1480, in the whole order from 1551) had
already been placed on the Carmelite calendar; the chapter of 1564
added many more, some of whom were dropped out twenty years later on
the occasion of a revision of the Liturgy, but were reintroduced in
1609 when Cardinal Bellarmine acted as reviser of Carmelite legends.
He, too, approved with certain reservations the legend of the feast of
Our Lady of Mount Carmel, 16 July, which had been instituted between
1376 and 1386 in commemoration of the approbation of the rule by
Honorius III; it now (1609) became the "Scapular feast", was declared
the principal feast of the order, and was extended to the whole Church
in 1726. The tendency of claiming for the order saints and other
renowned persons of Christian and even classical antiquity came to a
climax in the "Paradisus Carmelitici decoris" by M. A. Alegre de
Casanate, published in 1639, condemned by the Sorbonne in 1642, and
placed on the Roman Index in 1649. Much that is uncritical may also be
found in the annals of the order by J.-B. de Lezana (1645-56) and in
"Decor Carmeli" by Philip of the Blessed Trinity (1665). On the
publication, in 1668, of the third volume of March of the Bollandists,
in which Daniel Papebroch asserted that the Carmelite Order was founded
in 1155 by St. Berthold, there arose a literary war of thirty years'
duration and almost unequaled violence. The Holy See, appealed to by
both sides, declined to place the Bollandists on the Roman Index,
although they had been put on the Spanish Index, but imposed silence on
both parties (1698). On the other hand it permitted the erection of a
statue of St. Elias in the Vatican Basilica among the founders of
orders (1725), towards the cost of which (4064 scudi or $3942) each
section of the order contributed one fourth part. At the present time
the question of the antiquity of the Carmelite Order has hardly more
than academical interest.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1522.1">Foundations in Palestine</h4>
<p id="c-p1523" shownumber="no">The Greek monk John Phocas who visited the Holy Land in 1185 relates
that he met on Carmel a Calabrian (i.e. Western) monk who some time
previously, on the strength of an apparition of the Prophet Elias, had
gathered around him about ten hermits with whom he led a religious life
in a small monastery near the grotto of the prophet. Rabbi Benjamin de
Tudela had already in 1163 reported that the Christians had built there
a chapel in honour of Elias. Jacques de Vitry and several other writers
of the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth centuries
give similar accounts. The exact date of the foundation of the
hermitage may be gathered from the life of Aymeric, Patriarch of
Antioch, a relative of the "Calabrian" monk, Berthold; on the occasion
of a journey to Jerusalem in 1154 or the following year he appears to
have visited the latter and assisted him in the establishment of the
small community; it is further reported that on his return to Antioch
(c. 1160) he took with him some of the hermits, who founded a convent
in that town and another on a neighbouring mountain; both were
destroyed in 1268. Under Berthold's successor, Brocard, some doubts
arose as to the proper form of life of the Carmelite hermits. The
Patriarch of Jerusalem, Albert de Vercelli, then residing at Tyre,
settled the difficulty by writing a short rule, part of which is
literally taken from that of St. Augustine (c. 1210). The hermits were
to elect a prior to whom they should promise obedience; they were to
live in cells apart from one another, where they had to recite the
Divine Office according to the Rite of the church of the Holy
Sepulchre, or, if unable to read, certain other prayers, and to spend
their time in pious meditation varied by manual labour. Every morning
they met in chapel for Mass, and on Sundays also for chapter. They were
to have no personal property; their meals were to be served in their
cells; but they were to abstain from flesh meat except in cases of
great necessity, and they had to fast from the middle of September
until Easter. Silence was not to be broken between Vespers and Terce of
the following day, while from Terce till Vespers they were to guard
against useless talk. the prior was to set a good example by humility,
and the brothers were to honour him as the representative of
Christ.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1523.1">Migration to Europe</h4>
<p id="c-p1524" shownumber="no">As will be seen from this short abstract no provision was made for
any further organization beyond the community on Carmel itself, whence
it must be inferred that until 1210 no other foundation had been made
except those at and near Antioch, which were probably subject to the
patriarch of that city. After that date new communities sprang up at
Saint Jean d'Acre, Tyre, Tripoli, Jerusalem, in the Quarantena,
somewhere in Galilee 
(<i>monasterium Valini</i>), and in some other localities which are not
known, making in all about fifteen. Most of these were destroyed almost
as soon as they were built, and at least in two of them some of the
brothers were put to death by the Saracens. Several times the hermits
were driven from Carmel, but they always found means to return; they
even built a new monastery in 1263 (in conformity with the revised
rule) and a comparatively large church, which was still visible towards
the end of the fifteenth century. However, the position of Christians
had become so precarious as to render emigration necessary. Accordingly
colonies of hermits were sent out to Cyprus, Sicily, Marseilles, and
Valenciennes (c. 1238). Some brothers of English nationality
accompanied the Barons de Vescy and Grey on their return journey from
the expedition of Richard, Earl of Cornwall (1241), and made
foundations at Hulne near Alnwick in Northumberland, Bradmer (Norfolk),
Aylesford, and Newenden (Kent). St. Louis, King of France, visited
Mount Carmel in 1254 and brought six French hermits to Charenton near
Paris where he gave them a convent. Mount Carmel was taken by the
Saracens in 1291, the brothers, while singing the Salve Regina, were
put to the sword, and the convent was burnt.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1524.1">Character and Name</h4>
<p id="c-p1525" shownumber="no">With the migration of the Carmelites to Europe begins a new period
in the history of the order. Little more than the bare names of the
superiors of the first period has come down to us: St. Berthold, St.
Brocard, St. Cyril, Berthold (or Bartholomew), and Alan (1155-1247). At
the first chapter held at Aylesford, St. Simon Stock was elected
general (1247-65). As the oldest biographical notice concerning him
dates back only to 1430 and is not very reliable, we must judge the man
from his works. He found himself in a difficult position. Although the
rule had been granted about 1210 and had received papal approbation in
1226, many prelates refused to acknowledge the order, believing it to
be founded in contravention of the Lateran Council (1215) which forbade
the institution of new orders. In fact the Carmelite Order as such was
only approved by the Second Council of Lyons (1274), but St. Simon
obtained from Innocent IV an interim approbation, as well as certain
modifications of the rule (1247). Henceforth foundations were no longer
restricted to deserts but might be made in cities and the suburbs of
towns; the solitary life was abandoned for community life; meals were
to be taken in common; the abstinence, though not dispensed with, was
rendered less stringent; the silence was restricted to the time between
Compline and Prime of the following day; donkeys and mules might be
kept for traveling and the transport of goods, and fowls for the needs
of the kitchen. Thus the order ceased to be cremitical and became one
of the mendicant orders. Its first title, 
<i>Fratres eremitæ de Monte Carmeli</i>, and, after the building
of a chapel on Carmel in honour of Our Lady (c. 1220), Eremitæ
Sanctæ Mariæ de Monte Carmeli, was now changed into 
<i>Fratres Ordinis Beatissimæ Virginis Mariæ de Monte
Carmeli.</i> By an ordinance of the Apostolic Chancery of 1477 it was
further amplified, 
<i>Fratres Ordinis Beatissimæ Dei Genitricus semperque Virginis
Mariæ de Monte Carmeli</i>, which title was rendered obligatory by
the General Chapter of 1680.</p>
<p id="c-p1526" shownumber="no">Having obtained the mitigation of the rule, St. Simon Stock, who was
altogether in favour of the active life, opened houses at Cambridge
(1249), Oxford (1253), London (about the same time), York (1255), Paris
(1259), Bologna (1260), Naples (date uncertain), etc. He strove
especially to implant the order at the universities, partly to secure
for the religious the advantages of a higher education, partly to
increase the number of vocations among the undergraduates. Although the
zenith of the mendicant orders had already passed he was successful in
both respects. The rapid increase of convents and novices, however,
proved dangerous; the rule being far stricter than those of St. Francis
and St. Dominic, discouragement and discontent seized many of the
brothers, while the bishops and the parochial clergy continued to offer
resistance to the development of the order. He died a centenarian
before peace was fully restored. With the election of Nicholas Gallicus
(1265-71) a reaction set in; the new general, being much opposed to the
exercise of the sacred ministry, favoured exclusively the contemplative
life. To this end he wrote a lengthy letter entitled "Ignea sagitta"
(unedited) in which he condemned in greatly exaggerated terms what he
called the dangerous occupations of preaching and hearing confessions.
His words remaining unheeded, he resigned his office, as did also his
successor, Radulphus Alemannus (1271-74), who belonged to the same
school of thought.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1526.1">Habit</h4>
<p id="c-p1527" shownumber="no">The approbation of the order by the Second Council of Lyons secured
its permanent position among the mendicant orders, sanctioned the
exercise of the active life, and removed every obstacle to its
development, which thenceforth went on by leaps and bounds. Under Peter
de Millaud (1274-94) a change was made in the habit. Hitherto it had
consisted of a tunic, girdle, scapular, and hood of either black, brown
or grey colour (the colour became subject to numberless changes
according to the different subdivisions and reforms of the order), and
of a mantle composed of four white and three black vertical stripes or
rays, whence the friars were popularly called 
<i>Fratres barrati,</i> or 
<i>virgulati</i>, or 
<i>de pica</i> (magpie). In 1287 this variegated mantle was exchanged
for one of pure white wool which caused them to be called
Whitefriars.</p>
<p id="c-p1528" shownumber="no">
<b>The Thirteenth Century</b> Besides the generals already mentioned,
the thirteenth century saw two saints of the order, Angelus and Albert
of Sicily. Very little is known of the former, his biography,
purporting to be written by his brother Enoch, Patriarch of Jerusalem,
being a work of the fifteenth century; in those portions in which it
can be controlled by contemporary evidence it is proved to be
unreliable, e.g. when it establishes a whole Greek hierarchy at
Jerusalem during the period of the Crusades; or when it gives the acts
of an apocryphal Council of Alexandria together with the names of
seventy bishops supposed to have taken part in it. These and some other
particulars being altogether unhistorical, it is difficult to say how
much credence it deserves in other matters for which there is no
independent evidence. It is, however, worthy of notice that the
Breviary lessons from 1458, when the feast of St. Angelus first
appears, until 1579 represent him simply as a Sicilian by birth and say
nothing of his Jewish descent, his birth and conversion at Jerusalem,
etc. Nor is there any positive evidence as to the time when he lived or
the year and cause of his martyrdom. According to some sources he was
put to death by heretics (probably Manichæans), but, according to
later authors, by a man whom he had publicly reproved for grave
scandal. Again, the oldest legends of St. Francis and St. Dominic say
nothing of a meeting of the three saints in Rome or their mutual
prophecies concerning the stigmata, the rosary, and the martyrdom. The
life of St. Albert, too, was written a long time after his death by one
who had no personal recollection of him and was more anxious to edify
the reader by an account of numerous miracles (frequently in
exaggerated terms), than to state sober facts. All that can be said
with certainty is that St. Albert was born in Sicily, entered the order
very young, in consequence of a vow made by his parents, that for some
time he occupied the position of provincial, and that he died in the
odour of sanctity on 7 August, 1306. Though he was never formally
canonized, his feast was introduced in 1411.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1528.1">Foundations in the British Isles</h4>
<p id="c-p1529" shownumber="no">The English province, to which the Irish and Scottish houses
belonged until 1305, made rapid progress until about the middle of the
fourteenth century, after which date foundations became less numerous,
while from time to time some of the smaller houses were given up. The
Carmelites enjoyed the favour of the Crown, which contributed
generously towards several foundations, particularly that of Oxford,
where the royal residence was handed over to the order. The site is now
occupied by the Beaufort Hotel, but there may still be seen Friars'
Walk, and the little church of St. Mary Magdalen which for a time was
served by the Carmelites. Other royal foundations were Hitchin,
Marlborough, etc. John of Gaunt was a great benefactor of the order and
chose his confessors from amongst its members; the House of Lancaster
likewise almost always had Carmelites as royal confessors, a post which
corresponded to some extent to that of royal almoner or minister of
public worship. These confessors were as a rule promoted to small
bishoprics in Ireland or Wales. The order became very popular among the
people. The life was one of deep poverty, as is proved by various
inventories of goods and other documents still extant. During the
Wycliffite troubles the order took the leadership of the Catholic
party, the first opponent of Wyclif being the Provincial of the
Carmelites, John Cunningham. Thomas Walden was entrusted by Henry V
with important missions abroad, and accompanied Henry VI to France.
During the wars with France several French convents were attached to
the English province, so that the number of English Carmelites rose to
fifteen hundred. But ultimately there remained only the house at
Calais, which was suppressed by Henry VIII. At the end of the fifteenth
century the province had dwindled down to about six hundred
religious.</p>
<p id="c-p1530" shownumber="no">None of the various reforms seems to have been introduced into
England, although Eugene IV and the general, John Soreth, took steps in
this direction. The peculiar constitutions in vigour in England, and
the excellent organization of the province rendered the spread of
abuses less to be feared than elsewhere. At the beginning of the
Reformation a number of the junior religious, affected by the new
learning, left the order; the remainder were compelled to sign the Act
of Supremacy, which they apparently did without hesitation, a fact not
much to be wondered at if it be borne in mind that Cardinal Wolsey had
already obtained power from the Holy See to visit and reform the
Carmelite convents, a measure which left no alternative but blind
submission to the royal will or suppression. Separated from the rest of
the order, the Carmelites were for a time subjected to the rule of
George Brown, general of all the mendicants, but gained a comparative
independence under John Byrd, first provincial and then general of the
English section of the order. At the time of the final suppression
there were thirty-nine houses, including that of Calais. The
suppression papers are very far from complete, exhibiting the names of
only about 140 religious, and containing the inventories of less than a
dozen houses. These were in a state of abject poverty. At Oxford the
friars had been obliged to sell the benches of the church and the trees
in the road, and the commissioners stated that soon they would have to
sell the tiles off the roof, to buy a few loaves of bread. Yet one of
the novices, Anthony Foxton, nothing daunted by this trying situation,
fled to Northallerton to continue his novitiate, whence a few weeks
later he was expelled for the second time. The property of the order
was squandered with the same recklessness as other ecclesiastical
goods. The library of the London house, considered one of the finest in
England (this applies in all probability to the building, not to its
contents, which bear no comparison with other monastic libraries of
that period), came into the possession of Dr. Butt. The other buildings
were sold in parcels. Only two Carmelites are known to have suffered
death, Lawrence Cook and Reginald Pecock; others seem to have recanted
in prison. But as practically nothing is known of the fate of a large
number of convents, especially those of the North, it is more than
probable that during the different risings some were burnt and their
inmates hanged. Among the few remains of the English Carmelite convents
must be mentioned the first two foundations, Hulne, now a ruin, and
Aylesford, in a fairly good state of preservation, and also the
beautiful cloister in what is now the workhouse for male paupers at
Coventry. An attempt to revive the English province during the reign of
Queen Mary was unsuccessful.</p>
<p id="c-p1531" shownumber="no">The history of the Irish and Scottish provinces has never been
exhaustively studied, owing chiefly to the loss of many documents. The
total number of Irish convents is variously given as twenty-five or
twenty-eight, but in all probability some of these had but a
short-lived existence. The fact that the general chapters repeatedly
appointed Englishmen as provincials for Ireland seems to indicate that
the province was frequently troubled by disunion and strife. At an
early epoch the Dublin house was designated a 
<i>studium generale</i>, but as it is never mentioned as such in the
official lists it probably served only for the Irish students, foreign
provinces not being required to send their contingent. For the pursuit
of higher studies special faculties were given to the Irish and
Scottish in London and at the English universities. The Irish convents
fell without exception under the iron hand of Henry VIII.</p>
<p id="c-p1532" shownumber="no">The Scottish province numbered at the utmost twelve convents, of
which that of South Queensferry at the foot of the Forth Bridge is
still extant. Here again we have to content ourselves with stray
notices, from which, however, it is manifest that the order was in high
favour with the Crown. Some Scottish Carmelites played an important
part at the University of Paris, while others were among the chief
promoters of the Reform of Albi. At the suppression of the English
convents many religious betook themselves to Scotland where convents
were allowed to exist as best they could until 1564.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1532.1">Constitutions</h4>
<p id="c-p1533" shownumber="no">The oldest constitutions that have come down to us are dated 1324,
but there is evidence of a former collection begun about 1256 to
supplement the rule, which lays down only certain leading principles.
In 1324 the order was divided into fifteen provinces corresponding to
the countries in which it was established. At the head of the order was
the general, elected in open 
<i>scrutinium</i> (ballot) by the general chapter; at each successive
chapter he had to render an account of his administration and if no
serious complaints were made he was confirmed in his office until he
was removed by the nomination to a bishopric, or by death, or until he
resigned of his own accord. He chose his own residence which from 1472
was usually Rome. He was given two companions (generally of his own
choice) to accompany him on his journeys and to assist him with advice.
The whole order contributed annually a fixed amount towards the
maintenance of the general and the costs of the administration. In
theory, at least, the power of the general was almost unlimited but in
practice he could not afford to disregard the wishes of the provinces
and provincials. The general chapter assembled fairly regularly every
third year from 1247 to the end of the fourteenth century; but from
that period onward the intervals became much longer, six, ten, even
sixteen years. The chapters had become a heavy burden, not only for the
order but also for the towns which accorded them hospitality. Each
province (their number was constantly increasing) was represented by
the provincial and two companions. In addition to these there was a
gathering of masters in divinity and promising students who held
theological disputations, while the definitors discussed the affairs of
the order; as the Holy See usually granted indulgences on the occasion
of chapters, the pulpits of the cathedral and parochial and
conventional churches were occupied several times a day by eloquent
preachers; traveling being performed on horseback, each province sent a
number of lay brothers to care for the horses.</p>
<p id="c-p1534" shownumber="no">Thus the general chapters were always attended by large numbers of
friars, from five hundred to a thousand and more. To defray the costs
each provincial was bound to ask his sovereign for a subsidy, the
English Crown as a rule contributing ten pounds, while board and
lodging for the members of the chapter were found in other religious
houses and among the townspeople. In return the order used to grant the
town letters of fraternity and to place its patron saints on the
Carmelite calendar. For the election of the general all the provincials
and their companions assembled, but the remaining business was
entrusted to the definitors, one for each province; these were chosen
at the provincial chapter in such a way that no one could act in this
capacity in two successive chapters. The duty of the definitors was to
receive reports on the administration of the provinces; to confirm
provincials or to depose them, and elect the annual taxation; to
nominate those who were to lecture on Scripture and the Sentences at
the universities, especially Paris; to grant permission for the
reception of academical honours at the expense of the whole order; to
revise and interpret existing laws and add new ones; and finally, to
grant privileges to deserving members, deal with those guilty of
serious offenses by meting out adequate punishment, or, if cause were
shown for leniency, by relaxing or condoning previous sentences. This
done, the whole chapter was again called together, he decisions of the
definitors were published and handed in writing to each provincial. Of
the records of the earlier chapters only fragments are now to be found,
but from 1318 the acts are complete and have partly been printed.</p>
<p id="c-p1535" shownumber="no">The provincial chapters were held as a rule once a year, but there
were complaints that some provincials held only two in three years.
Each convent was represented by the prior or vicar and by one companion
elected by the conventual chapter to take complaints against the prior.
Out of the whole number of capitulars four definitors were chosen who
together with the provincial performed much the same duties on behalf
of the province as did the definitory of the general chapter on behalf
of the whole order. Among other things they had full authority to
depose priors and to elect new ones; they also selected students to be
sent to the various 
<i>studia generalia</i> and 
<i>particularia</i>, and to the universities, and made adequate
provision for their expenses. They decided--subject to the approval of
the general and the Holy See--on the foundation of new convents. They
dealt with delinquents. Attempts were made from time to time to limit
the duration of the office of provincials, but so long as the general
legislation of the church tolerated an indefinite tenure of office
these endeavours were practically unavailing.</p>
<p id="c-p1536" shownumber="no">The superior of a convent was the prior, or in his absence and
during a vacancy the vicar. The prior was controlled in his
administration by three guardians who held the keys of the common chest
and countersigned bills and contracts. Complaints against the prior
were sent to the provincial or the provincial chapter. There was no
limit to the tenure of office of the prior; he might be confirmed year
after year for twenty or more years. In the case of convents in
university towns, especially Paris and the Roman Curia (Avignon,
afterwards Rome) the nomination belonged to the general or the general
chapter; and there appears to have been an unwritten law that at
Cambridge, Louvain, and other universities the priorship should be
filled by the bachelor who in the course of the year was to take his
degree as Master in Divinity. From about the middle of the fourteenth
century it became customary to fill the offices of general, provincial,
and prior (at least in the larger convents) exclusively with those who
had taken degrees. Almost the only systematic exception to this rule is
to be found in the province of Upper Germany.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1536.1">Sources of Membership</h4>
<p id="c-p1537" shownumber="no">When St. Simon Stock established convents in university towns he
obviously counted upon the undergraduates as the future recruits of the
order; nor was he deceived in his expectation. True, the time had
passed when in one day sixty or more students with their professors
flocked to the Dominican convent at Paris to receive the habit from the
hands of Blessed Jordan. But there were still many applicants,
notwithstanding the severe by-laws of the universities regulating the
reception of students in mendicant convents. It was perhaps chiefly the
poor scholars who by joining one of these orders secured for themselves
the necessaries of life as well as the means of education. Not only in
the time of St. Simon but even much later a good deal of trouble was
caused by these young men, who had recently exchanged the free and easy
life of the scholar for the discipline of the cloister. In many
convents we find numerous instances of members of the families of the
founders and chief benefactors becoming conventuals; in some cases the
relationship of uncle and nephew may be traced through several
centuries; just as the prebends of cathedrals and collegiate churches
were often the gift of the founder and his family and were handed down
from generation to generation, the more humble cells of a Carmelite
convent remained frequently in the hands of one and the same family who
considered it their duty as well as their right to be ever represented
by at least one member. Again, it frequently happened that a father
desirous of settling his son in life bought or endowed a cell for him
in a convent. It was probably due to the ardent piety of former times
and the careful preservation from dangerous society that such casual
calls ripened into solid vocations. In places where the Carmelites had
public or semi-public schools they found little difficulty in choosing
suitable boys. But there remained a good many convents in small places,
where the recruiting was evidently not so easy and where with a
decreasing number of inmates a dangerous relaxation of religious
observance went hand in hand. For, throughout the Middle Ages a friar
belonged to the convent in which he had taken the habit, although
through force of circumstances he might be absent from it for the
greater part of his life. Hence, the general chapter repeatedly
commanded the priors to receive every year one or two promising young
men even if they brought no endowment, so as to gradually increase the
number of religious. In other cases where provinces were numerous
enough but lacked the means of subsistence the reception of novices
might be stopped for several years.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1537.1">Probation and Formation of Members</h4>
<p id="c-p1538" shownumber="no">The clothing of novices was preceded by certain inquiries into their
antecedents and the respectability of their families. The year of
probation was spent in the convent which they entered, the "native
convent" as it was called, and a father was commissioned to take
personal care of a novice, teaching him the customs of the order and
the ceremonies of the choir. According to the oldest constitutions,
each novice might have a special master, but in practice one master,
assisted, if necessary, by a substitute, was appointed for all. The
novices were not allowed to mingle with the rest of the community or
with the boys of the convent school; no office that in any way could
interfere with their chief duty, viz. learning the Divine Office, was
given them. On the other hand the prior was not to allow anyone to
reprehend the novices or find fault with them, except the novice-master
himself, whose business it was to teach, correct, guide, and encourage
them. Towards the end of the novitiate the probationer was voted on; if
he had given satisfaction he was allowed to make his profession,
otherwise he was dismissed. One of the conditions for profession was
that the novice should be able to read fluently and write correctly.
Those who might smile at such elementary requirements should remember
that reading and writing implied a complete mastery of the Latin
grammar and a practical knowledge of the system of abbreviations and
contractions, a knowledge of palæography which is not now required
either of schoolboys or advanced scholars.</p>
<p id="c-p1539" shownumber="no">After profession the provincial decided what was to be done with the
young religious. He might stand in need of further training in grammar
and rhetoric, or he might begin at once the study of physics and logic.
If his own convent afforded no facility for these pursuits, which was
probably seldom the case, he would be sent to another. Once a week or a
fortnight the teacher would hold a repetition with his scholars in
presence of the community so that it might become known who had studied
and who had been negligent. Special convents were assigned for the
study of philosophy and theology; in England the former was taught at
Winchester, the latter at Coventry. The higher studies were, however,
pursued at the 
<i>studia generalia</i> of which in 1324 there were eight: Paris,
Toulouse, Bologna, Florence, Montpellier, Cologne, London, and Avignon.
Their number was gradually increased until each province had its own,
but in earlier times every province was bound to send a certain number
of students to each of these studia, and to provide for their
maintenance; they were even free to send a larger number than
prescribed, but they had to pay for the full number even if they sent
less. In addition to the students sent to the studia at the expence of
their provinces, others might be sent at the expense of their parents
and friends, provided the superiors had given their consent. Thus the
number of students at the Carmelite convent at Paris averaged three
hundred, in London over a hundred. The majority of students were sent
to pro simplici formâ, that is just to complete their course,
after which they returned to their provinces. Only the most promising
were allowed to study for degrees, because this involved a prolonged
residence at the universities, ten, twelve or more years, and a
corresponding outlay. (For the course of studies and the various steps
leading to the degree of Master in Divinity see UNIVERSITIES.) The
provincial and general chapters regulated the succession of lecturers
on Scripture and the Sentences; particularly at Paris, the foremost
university, provision was often made for ten years in advance, so as to
ensure a steady supply of able readers and to distribute as far as
possible the honours among all the provinces. For the universities
would allow only one friar of each of the mendicant orders to take
degrees in the course of a year, and each order was naturally anxious
to put its most capable men in the foreground. It was therefore not an
idle boast when it was said, as we read sometimes, of one or other of
the Carmelites, that he was the best lecturer of his term at Paris. As
Paris was the most celebrated university, so the doctors of Paris had
precedence over those of the other universities. During the schism
Paris took sides with the Clementist party whose most powerful support
it was. The Urbanist party in the Carmelite Order transferred the
prerogatives of the graduates of Paris to those of Bologna, a poor
makeshift. There exists a fairly complete list of the Masters of Paris,
but only fragmentary information concerning other universities.
Unfortunately the register of the English province was destroyed during
the Reformation, while the greater part of the archives of Oxford and
Cambridge were lost during the Civil War, so that the priceless notices
collected by John Bale are the chief sources for our knowledge of
Carmelite activity at the English universities. This is the more
regrettable as the position of Carmelite friars was regulated by
special statutes often alluded to, but nowhere preserved. On their
return from the universities the religious were usually appointed to
some readership, care being taken that in every convent there should be
a daily lecture on Scripture and theology.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1539.1">Penalties Established by Rule</h4>
<p id="c-p1540" shownumber="no">The constitutions deal very fully with the faults committed by
religious and their punishment. A few words will not be out of place
with regard to more serious breaches of discipline, especially the
violation of the religious vows. Faults against chastity were punished
with six months', or, if notorious, with a year's imprisonment, and the
loss of voice and place in chapter for from three to five years. If
special circumstances required it the punishment was increased, and in
the case of a grave scandal the culprit was sent to the galleys for
hard labour for a number of years or even for the remainder of his
life. If serious suspicion existed against anyone which it was
impossible either to prove or to disprove, the accused was allowed the
benefit of canonical purgation, i. e. having himself denied the charge
on oath, he produced six other religious of good name and high standing
to affirm on oath that they considered the charge unfounded and the
accused innocent. If unable to find such witnesses, he was punished as
though he had been convicted. Other faults that occur frequently were
open disobedience and rebellion against the command of the superiors,
the undue exercise of proprietorship, theft, apostasy (by which was
understood any absence from the convent without proper permission, even
if there was no intention of quitting the order permanently). Thus, if
a religious, being sent from one place to another, tarried on the road
without proper cause, or went out of his way without necessity, he was
punished as an apostate; again, a lecturer at the universities leaving
town before the end of the course was judged guilty of the same crime,
his action being prejudicial to the honour of the order. In all these
matters it must be borne in mind that the penal system of the Middle
Ages was far less humane than the modern one, and that many faults were
ascribed to perversity of will where we should make allowance for
weakness of character or even mental derangement. The more serious
faults were judged and punished by the provincial and general chapters,
to whom was also reserved the absolution of the culprits and their
reinstatement. The general chapters frequently granted free pardon to
all prisoners except those recently condemned and there were occasional
complaints that some of the superiors showed undue leniency; but the
material before us proves that on the whole discipline was well
maintained. With an average of twenty thousand friars or more during
the fifteenth century, the "Chronique scandaleuse" is singularly
unimportant, a fact that tells in favour of the order, all the more as
a large percentage of this number consisted of students at the great
universities exposed to many temptations.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1540.1">Constitutional Revisions</h4>
<p id="c-p1541" shownumber="no">These constitutions underwent numerous changes. Almost every chapter
made additions which were frequently canceled or qualified by
subsequent chapters. John Balistarius (1358-74) published a revised
edition in 1369 (unedited) and the mitigation of the rule by Eugene IV
necessitated a further revision under John Soreth (1462, printed in
1499). Nevertheless it must be admitted that the legislation of the
order moved too slowly, and that many measures were out of date almost
as soon as they were passed. Moreover, laws that may have been
excellent for Norway or England were hardly applicable in Sicily or at
Seville. These simple facts account for many complaints about
relaxation or want of discipline.</p>
<p id="c-p1542" shownumber="no">From the approbation of the order by the Council of Lyons until the
outbreak of the great Western Schism (1274-1378) there was a steady
increase in provinces and convents, interrupted only temporarily by the
Black Death. At the time of the schism it was not left to the
provinces, much less to individuals, to choose their own party; they
necessarily followed the politics of the country to which they
belonged. A census taken in 1390 shows the following provinces on the
Urbanist side: Cyprus (number of convents not stated); Sicily, with 18
convents; England with 35; Rome with 5; Lower Germany with 12; Lombardy
with 12 or 13; Tuscany with 7; Bologna with 8; and Gascony with 6. The
Clementist party with the Scottish, French, Spanish, and the greater
number of the German houses, was rather more powerful. The general,
Bernard Olerius (1375-83) being a native of Calatonia, adhered to
Clement VII, and was succeeded first by Raymond Vaquerius and next by
John Grossi (1389-1430), one of the most active generals, who during
the schism made numerous foundations and maintained excellent
discipline among the religious belonging to his party, so that at the
union in 1411 he was unanimously elected general of the whole order.
The Urbanists had been less fortunate. Michael de Anguanis who
succeeded Olerius (1379-86) having become suspect, was deposed after a
long trial; the financial administration was far from satisfactory, and
the loss of Paris proved a serious blow to that section of the order.
Soon after the re-establishment of the union a radical change of the
rule became necessary. This, as has been seen, was originally composed
for a handful of hermits living in a singularly mild climate.
Notwithstanding the few changes made by Innocent IV, the rule had
proved too severe for those who spent one half of their life in the
intellectual turmoil of the university and the other half in the
exercise of the sacred ministry at home. Accordingly Eugenius IV
granted in 1432 a mitigation allowing the use of flesh meat on three or
four days a week, and dispensing with the law of silence and
retirement. But even so the chief abuses that had crept in during the
fourteenth century were by no means abolished.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1542.1">Abuses, Irregularities</h4>
<p id="c-p1543" shownumber="no">It is indispensable to have a clear idea of these abuses in order to
understand the reforms called into life to counteract them.</p>
<ul id="c-p1543.1">
<li id="c-p1543.2">The permanency of superiors. Even an excellent superior is liable
to lose his first energy after a number of years while an indifferent
superior seldom improves. This is one of the most difficult problems in
the history of monasticism, but the experience of fifteen hundred years
has turned the scales in favour of a limited tenure of office.</li>
<li id="c-p1543.3">The right of private property. Notwithstanding the vow of poverty
many religious were allowed the use of certain revenues from hereditary
property, or the disposal of moneys acquired by their work, teaching,
preaching, the copying of books, etc. All this was fully regulated by
the constitutions and required special permission from the superiors.
It was, therefore, quite reconcilable with a good conscience, but it
necessarily caused inequality between rich and poor friars.</li>
<li id="c-p1543.4">The acceptance of posts of honour outside the order. From the
middle of the fourteenth century the popes became more and more lavish
in granting the privileges of papal chaplaincies, etc., to those who
paid a small fee to the Apostolic chancery. These privileges
practically withdrew religious from the rule of their superiors. Again,
after the Black Death (1348) thousands of benefices fell vacant, which
were too small to provide a living for an incumbent; these were eagerly
sought after by religious, among others by Carmelites, who, for an
insignificant service, such as the occasional celebration of Mass in a
chantry, obtained a small but acceptable income. The papal dispensation

<i>ab compatibilibus</i> and the necessary permission of the superiors
were easily obtained. Others again were empowered to serve high
ecclesiastics or lay people "in all things becoming a religious" or to
act as chaplains on board ship, or to fill the post of organist in
parish churches. All such exceptions, of which many instances could be
quoted, tended to loosen the bonds of religious observance; they filled
with pride those who had obtained them and with envy those who were
less fortunate.</li>
<li id="c-p1543.5">A further source of disorder was found in the small convents with
only a few religious, who, naturally, could not be expected to keep up
the full observance and sometimes appear to have kept hardly any.</li>
</ul>
<b>Reforms</b>
<p id="c-p1544" shownumber="no">These and other abuses were by no means peculiar to the Carmelites;
they occurred, to say the least, in an equal degree in all the
mendicant orders, and awakened everywhere loud cries for reform. In
point of fact, long before the end of the Western Schism nearly every
order had inaugurated that long series of partial and local reforms
which constitutes one of the most refreshing elements in the history of
the fifteenth century; but though it seems to have remained unknown to
the strenuous reformers, no lasting improvement was possible so long as
the root of the evil was not removed. This was not in the power of
individual reformers, even of saints, but required the concerted action
of the whole Church. It required a Council of Trent to raise the whole
conception of religious life to a higher level. The first step towards
reform in the Carmelite Order dates from 1413, when three convents, Le
Selve near Florence, Gerona, and Mantua, agreed to adopt certain
principles, among which were the limitation of the tenure of office to
two years, with an enforced vacation of four years between each two
terms of office, the abolition of all private property, and the
resignation of all posts necessitating the residence of religious
outside their convents. After considerable difficulty, the congregation
of Mantua, as it was called, obtained in 1442 quasi-autonomy under a
vicar-general. It gradually brought under its authority several other
houses in Italy, but it was only after the death of the general, John
Soreth, himself an ardent reformer but an enemy of all separatist
tendencies, that it began to spread with rapidity. In 1602 it counted
fifty-two houses. The most celebrated member of this reform was Blessed
Baptista Mantuanus (Spagnoli) (q. v.) who filled the office of
vicar-general six times and became general of the whole order. The
statutes of this congregation were printed in 1540 and again in 1602.
After the French Revolution it was amalgamated with the remains of the
old stock of the order in Italy.</p>
<p id="c-p1545" shownumber="no">Blessed John Soreth (1451-71) throughout his long generalship
carried out a similar reform, but on the basis of the constitutions.
His own life and work are a proof that under certain circumstances a
protracted tenure of office can be most profitable. While offically
visiting numerous provinces he established in each of them several
reformed houses whither the most fervent religious flocked. For these
he obtained many privileges; no superior could refuse permission to one
desirous of joining such a convent; the very fact of entering a
reformed house dispensed a religious from penalties previously
incurred, which, however, would revive should he return to a
non-reformed convent. No superior could withdraw a member of a reformed
community except for the purpose of reforming other houses through his
instrumentality. If Soreth was, on the whole, successful in his
enterprise he also encountered a certain amount of systematic
opposition on the part of graduates who were loth to give up their
privileges of not attending choir, of taking their meals privately, and
of having lay brothers and "fags" [younger brothers required to perform
certain menial tasks] for their personal attendance, and who preferred
to withdraw to distant convents rather than submit to the rules of the
general. The latter obtained leave from the Holy See to fill up the
gaps by bestowing the title of doctor on those who were not qualified
by a proper course at the universities, a most dangerous proceeding,
which before long led to fresh and serious abuses. It has often been
asserted that Soreth died of poison, but there is no foundation for
such a calumny. Even after his death the movement so happily
inaugurated did not lose all vigour, but neither of his two immediate
successors understood the art of appealing to the higher nature of his
subjects, whereby Soreth had gained his marvellous influence.
Christopher Martignon (1472-81) was considered an intruder, his
election being ascribed to the pressure exercised by Sixtus IV, his
personal friend, and Pontius Raynaud (1482-1502) had the reputation of
being a martinet. Peter Terasse (1503-13) visited most of the provinces
and has left in his register (unedited) a vivid picture of the
condition of the order immediately before the Reformation. Many
convents, he is able to state, were thoroughly reformed, while others
were far from perfect. He himself, however, was too generous in
granting licenses and privileges, and, though strict in punishing, he
contributed not a little to the very abuses he intended to abolish. His
successor, Blessed Baptista Mantuanus (1513-16), was too old and worn
out to exercise any lasting influence. He obtained, however, the
recognition and approbation of the congregation of Albi.</p>
<p id="c-p1546" shownumber="no">This congregation had been established in 1499 by Bishop Louis
d'Amboise, who, there being no reformed convent in the province of
France, obtained from Mantuanus tow religious, one of whom died on the
road; the survivor found in the Collège Montaigu in Paris some
twenty students willing to embrace the religious life. They were placed
in the convent of Albi, while the legitimate inmates were dispersed.
Soon other convents, Meaux, Rouen, Toulouse, joined the movement, at
the head of which was Louis de Lyra. It is related, though hardly
credible, that the general died of grief when he heard of this new rift
in the unity of the order. The General Chapter of 1503 excommunicated
Louis de Lyra on the ground that the right of reforming belonged to the
general and not to self-constituted reformers. But the congregation was
already strong enough to offer resistance and had even found an
entrance into the most important convent of the order, that of Paris.
The next year Terasse spent five months there trying to win back the
dissidents. At last, by a strange error of judgment, he ordered the
lecturers to leave Paris at the conclusion of the term and the students
to return to their native convents within three days. The natural
result was that many of them formally joined the congregation of Albi
which now obtained complete control at Paris. A compromise was then
reached whereby the vacancies were alternately filled by the order and
by the congregation of Albi. Baptista Mantuanus obtained for the latter
papal approbation and an extension of the privileges of his own
congregation. Notwithstanding this victory the new congregation became
prey to disunion and was unable to make much headway. The evils brought
about by the Reformation and the civil and religious wars weighed
heavily upon it until, in 1584, it was dissolved by the Holy See.</p>
<p id="c-p1547" shownumber="no">A further reform of somewhat different nature was that of the
convent of Mount Olivet near Genoa, 1514; it consisted in a return to
the purely contemplative life and the ancient austerity of the order.
The general, Giovanni Battista Rubeo, has left a record that during his
visit there in 1568, which lasted only three days, he abstained from
flesh meat. This reform continued well into the seventeenth century. A
later reform modelled upon that of St. Teresa was inaugurated at Rennes
in 1604 by Philip Thibault (1572-1638) and nine companions. With the
assistance of the Discalced Carmelites he was able to give it a solid
basis, so that before long it embraced the whole province of Touraine.
Unlike the other reforms it remained in organic union with the bulk of
the order, and enjoyed the favour of the French Court. Among its
greatest ornaments were Leo of St. John, one of the first superiors,
and the blind lay brother, John of St. Sampson, author of various works
on the contemplative life.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1547.1">Affiliations, Carmelite Sisters</h4>
<p id="c-p1548" shownumber="no">About the middle of the fifteenth century several communities of
Beguines at Gueldre, Dinant, etc., approached John Soreth with the
request that they be affiliated to the order (1452). He gave them the
rule and constitutions of the friars, to which he added some special
regulations which unfortunately do not appear to be preserved. The
prestige of the Carmelite Sisters grew rapidly when the Duchess of
Brittany, Blessed Frances d'Amboise (1427-85), joined one of the
convents, which she herself had founded. Before the end of the century
there were convents in France, Italy (Blessed Jane Scopelli, 1491), and
Spain. Especially in the latter country the manner of life of the nuns
was greatly admired, and several convents became so crowded that the
slender means available hardly sufficed for their maintenance.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1548.1">St. Teresa and St. John of the Cross</h4>
<p id="c-p1549" shownumber="no">The convent of the Incarnation at Avila was destined to fashion the
brightest ornament of the Carmelite Order, St. Teresa of Jesus. Born in
1515 she entered the convent in 1535 and made her profession in the
following year. Shortly afterwards she fell ill and, unable to fulfill
the usual duties of a religious, gave herself to the practice of mental
prayer. Frightened by her directors, who believed her trances to be
diabolical illusions, she passed through a period of interior trials
which awakened in her the desire for a more perfect life. Learning that
the primitive rule aimed at the contemplative life and prescribed
several austerities which had since been dispensed with, she resolved
upon the foundation of a convent for thirteen nuns in her native town,
which after many difficulties was established on 24 August, 1562. The
general, Rubeo (1564-78), who at that time visited Spain, approved of
what St. Teresa had done and encouraged her to make further
foundations. In a letter written from Barcelona (unedited) he enlarged
on the blessings of the contemplative life and granted permission for
the establishment of two convents for reformed friars within the
province of Castile. But warned by what had happened in the case of the
congregation of Albi he made some very stringent regulations so as to
suppress from the outset any separatist tendencies. In the course of
fifteen years St. Teresa founded sixteen more convents of nuns, often
in the teeth of the most obstinate oppression.</p>
<p id="c-p1550" shownumber="no">Among the friars she found two willing helpmates, the prior Anton de
Heredia who had already filled important posts in the order, e. g. that
of auditor of civil causes at the General Chapter of 1564, and St. John
of the Cross, who had just completed his studies. They entered with
supernatural courage upon a life of untold hardships and were joined
not only by a number of postulants, but also by many of their former
brethren in religion. The province of Castile being numerically weak,
it stands to reason that the provincial resented the departure of so
many of his subjects, among whom were the most reliable and promising.
The papal nuncio, Hormaneto, was favourably disposed towards the
reform. As Apostolic visitor of the religious orders he wielded papal
powers and considered himself entitled to overrule the restrictions of
the general. He granted leave for the foundation of other convents of
friars, besides the two stipulated by the general, and for the
extension of the reform to the province of Andalusia. By an almost
incomprehensible error of judgment he appointed visitor of the Calced
Carmelites of this last named province Jerome of the Mother of God
(Jerome Gratian, 1545-1615) who had just made his profession among the
Reformed or Discalced Carmelites, and who, however zealous and prudent,
could lay no claim to much experience of the religious life. The Calced
Carmelites appealed to Rome, and the result was that the general took a
great dislike to the new reform. He himself was a reformer, and had
favoured the foundation of a convent of reformed nuns at Alcalá de
Henares by Mary of Jesus (1563), and of a reformed convent of friars at
Onde in Aragon under James Montanes (1565), and in his visitations he
frequently resorted to drastic measures to bring about improvements;
moreover he was a strict disciplinarian, punishing faults with a
severity which to us seems inconceivable. When he found that the danger
he had striven to avert, viz. a repetition of the disorders caused by
the congregation of Albi, had actually occurred, he resolved to root
out the new reform. The General Chapter of 1575 decided to abolish the
Discalced Carmelites, threatened to send Mariano del Terdo, formerly a
hermit, and Baldassare Nieto, an ex-Minim, to their former abodes,
ordered the three Andalusian convents of Grenada, Seville, and
Peñuela, to be closed, and the friars to return to their proper
convents within three days. The acts of the chapter (unedited) are
silent as to the nuns, but it is known from the correspondence of St.
Teresa that she received orders to choose one of her convents their to
remain, and to abstain from further foundations.</p>
<p id="c-p1551" shownumber="no">The Discalced friars, however, relying upon the powers they had
received from the nuncio, resisted these commands and went so far as to
hold a provincial chapter at Almodóvar (1576). The general sent a
visitor with ample powers, Girolamo Tostado, who for some years had
been his official companion and was fully acquainted with his
intentions. At this juncture the nuncio died and was succeeded by Sega,
who at first remained impartial but soon began to proceed vigorously
against the reform. A second chapter having been held at the same place
(1578), the nuncio excommunicated all the capitulars; St. John of the
Cross was seized in the convent of the Incarnation at Avila where he
was confessor and hurried to Toledo, where he was thrown into a dungeon
and cruelly treated; others were imprisoned elsewhere. The persecution
lasted for nearly a year until at length Philip II intervened. The
reform having thus proved too strong, it was resolved to give it legal
standing by establishing a special province for the Discalced friars
and nuns, but under obedience to the general (1580). The first
provincial was Jerome Gratian who throughout had been the chief support
of St. Teresa. To her it was given to see the triumph of her work, but
dying on 4 October, 1582, she was spared the pain which the disunion
among the friars of her own reform must have caused her. When founding
her first convent she had a definite object in view. Not only was she
anxious to reintroduce the contemplative life, but knowing how many
souls were daily being lost through heresy and unbelief she wished the
nuns to pray and offer up their mortifications for the conversion of
infidels and heretics, while the friars were also to engage in active
work. She was delighted when St. John of the Cross and his brethren
went from village to village instructing the ignorant in Christian
doctrine, and her joy knew no bounds when, in 1582, missioners of the
order were sent out to the Congo. This first missionary expedition, as
well as a second, came to an abrupt end through misadventures at sea,
but a third was successful, at least so long as it received support
from home.</p>
<p id="c-p1552" shownumber="no">Jerome Gratian, the provincial, was heart and soul in these
undertakings. When his tenure of office expired he was replaced by a
man of a very different stamp, Nocoló Doria, known in religion as
Nicholas of Jesus (1539-94), a Genoese who had come to Spain as the
representative of a large banking house, in which capacity he was able
to render important services to the king. Aspiring after a higher life,
he distributed his immense fortune among the poor, took Holy orders and
joined the reformed friars at Seville (1577). He rapidly rose from
dignity to dignity, and while engaged in the foundation of a convent in
his native town, was elected provincial of the Discalced Carmelites.
Endowed with an iron will and indomitable energy, he at once began to
fashion his subjects after his own ideas. Having known only the old
stock of the order during the troublous times preceding the separation
of his province, he was not attached to the order as such. He widened
rather than lessened the breach by laying aside, on a mere pretext and
against the wishes of the friars, the venerable Carmelite Liturgy in
favour of the new Roman Office books, and by soliciting useless
privileges from Rome; he withdrew the missioners from the Congo,
renounced once for all every idea of spreading the order beyond the
frontiers of Spain, restricted the active work to a minimum, increased
the austerities, and without consulting the chapter introduced a new
form a government which, it was said at the time, was more fit for the
policing of an unruly Italian republic than for the direction of a
religious order. He relegated St. John of the Cross to an
out-of-the-way convent and on the flimsiest pretext expelled Jerome
Gratian. Finally at the General Chapter of 1593 he proposed "for the
sake of peace and tranquillity and for many other reasons", the total
separation of the Discalced Carmelites from the rest of the order,
which was granted by a Bull of 20 December, of the same year. Doria now
became the first general of the Discalced Carmelites. He died a few
months later. It would be unjust to belittle his merits and talents,
but it must be acknowledged that in many respects his spirit was
diametrically opposed to the lofty conceptions of St. Teresa and the
generous dispositions of St. John of the Cross, while the unwarranted
expulsion of Jerome Gratian is a blot on his reputation. It was, he
said on his death-bed, the only thing that troubled him. The Spanish
Carmelites having practically renounced all exterior work and interest,
the further history of that branch reduces itself to notices on the
foundations of convents, and the truly edifying life of numerous friars
and nuns. At the end of the eighteenth century Spain possessed eight
provinces with about 130 convents of friars and 93 of nuns. The greater
number of these convents were suppressed in 1836, but many have been
restored since 1875, when the old Spanish congregation was united with
the Italian congregation. They now constitute the Order of the
Discalced Carmelites, without subdivision. The Portuguese province was
separated from the Spanish congregation in 1773 for political reasons;
it possessed twenty-one convents of friars and nine of nuns, nearly all
of which were secularized in 1834.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1552.1">Missionary Work</h4>
<p id="c-p1553" shownumber="no">As has been said, the first two missionary undertakings came to a
premature end, one on account of shipwreck, the members of the other
being captured by privateers. When set free the missioners, instead of
resuming their journey to the west coast of Africa, proceeded to
Mexico, where they laid the foundation of a province which in the
course of time embraced twenty convents of friars and ten of nuns, but
was finally suppressed by the Government. As early as 1563 Rubeo had
granted leave to the Calced friar, Francisco Ruiz, to make foundations
in Peru, Florida, and elsewhere, nominating him at the same time
vicar-general. By 1573 there were convents at Santa Fè (New
Mexico), New Grenada, and other places, and provision was made for
further increase. The Chapter of 1666 took the matter seriously in hand
and after certain reforms had been carried out the provinces of Bahia,
Pernambuco, and Rio de Janeiro were erected in 1720. There were also
convents in Guadeloupe and San Domingo, and there is evidence that
foundations were contemplated, if not actually made, in the Philippine
Islands as far back as 1705. The Discalced Carmelite nuns of the
Spanish congregation found their way to the states of South America as
early as the beginning of the seventeenth century; several of their
convents are still in existence, and others have lately been erected in
Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Ecuador, and Peru.</p>
<p id="c-p1554" shownumber="no">The congregation of St. Elias of Discalced Carmelites, otherwise
called the Italian congregation was erected at the instigation of
Clement VIII. By a strange irony of fate Nicolò Doria, who
afterwards resisted the spreading of the order beyond the Peninsula and
the Spanish colonies, had been commissioned in 1584 to establish a
convent at Genoa. This was followed by one in Rome, Santa Maria della
Scala, destined to become the nursery of a new congregation and the
living example of perfect observance, and another at Naples. Several of
the most prominent members of the Spanish congregation had been sent to
these foundations, among them Ven. Peter of the Mother of God
(1565-1608), and Ferdinand of St. Mary (1538-1631), who became the
first superiors; Ven. John of Jesus Mary (1564-1615), whose
instructions for novices have become authoritative, and whose incorrupt
body is still preserved in the convent of St. Sylvester near Monte
Compatri; Ven. Dominic of Jesus Mary (1559-1630), the great
wonder-worker of his time, and Thomas of Jesus (1568-1627) to whose
genius for organization not only the order but the Catholic Church is
deeply indebted. With men such as these at its head the congregation
spread rapidly, not alone in Italy but through the length and breadth
of Europe, and attracted men of high social position. The Archduke
Albert of Austria and his consort, the Infanta Isabel Clara Eugenia of
Spain having applied in Rome for a colony of Discalced Carmelites, the
pope nominated Thomas of Jesus founder of the Belgian province. So
successful was he that in the course of twelve years he erected ten
convents of friars and six of nuns. The establishment in France was
more difficult; systematic opposition from various quarters rendered
each foundation a hard task, yet from 1611 till the end of the century
almost every year saw the foundation of one or two new convents.
Germany, Austria, Poland, even distant Lithuania, were opened to the
disciples of St. Teresa. The spread of the congregation may perhaps
best be illustrated by statistics. In 1632 the reform counted 763
priests, 471 clerics and novices, and 289 lay brothers, total 1523. In
1674 there were 1814 priests, 593 clerics and 747 lay brothers, total
3154. In 1731 the total had risen to 4193 members. No later statistics
are available, but it may be taken that the increase continued for
another twenty years until the spirit of Voltaire began to make itself
felt. Comparatively little has been published about the foundations,
the annals of the order reaching only as far as 1612, and much
manuscript material having been lost, but a great deal is still waiting
for the hand of the chronicler.</p>
<p id="c-p1555" shownumber="no">Although the exercise of the contemplative life was given prominence
even by the Italian congregation, the active life received far wider
scope than in the Spanish fraction of the order. Almost from the
beginning it was decided on principle and in full harmony with the
known intentions of St. Teresa, that missionary undertakings were quite
reconcilable with the spirit of the congregation. The pope himself
suggested Persia as the first field of labour for Carmelite missioners.
Such was the zeal of the fathers assembled in chapter that each of them
declared himself ready to lay down his office and go forth for the
conversion of unbelievers as soon as his superiors should give him
permission to do so. This promise is made to the present day by every
member of the order. It was not until 1604 that the first expedition
led by Paul Simon of Jesus Mary was actually sent out to Persia. Three
fathers, a lay brother, and a tertiary, proceeded through Germany,
Poland, and Russia, following the course of the Volga, sailing across
the Caspian Sea, until after more than three years of great hardship
they reached Ispahan on 2 December, 1607. They met with surprising
success, and being speedily reinforced were soon able to extend their
activity to Bagdad, Bassora, and other towns, penetrating into India
where they founded flourishing missions at Bombay, Goa, Quilon,
Verapoly, and elsewhere, even at Peking. Some of these missions are
still in the hands of the order, although the political events of the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries proved fatal to others. Another
field of labour was the Near Orient, Constantinople and Turkey, Armenia
and Syria. To these was added in 1720 "a new mission in America in the
district called Mississippi or Lusitania, which was offered by Captain
Poyer in the name of the French company, but under certain conditions".
If indeed this mission was accepted, it does not seem to have been long
prosperous.</p>
<p id="c-p1556" shownumber="no">One of the happy results of the establishment of missions in the
Levant was the recovery of Mount Carmel, which had been lost to the
order in 1291. Prosper of the Holy Ghost on his journeys to and from
India had repeatedly visited the holy mountain and convinced himself
that with prudence and tact it might be recovered. For a time the
superiors were by no means favourably disposed towards the project, but
at last they furnished him with the necessary powers, and a contract to
the said effect was signed at Caiffa, 29 November, 1631. Onuphrius of
St. James, a Belgian, and two companions were commissioned to
re-establish religious life on the spot where the Carmelite order had
had its origin. They reached Alexandrette on 5 November, 1633, and at
the beginning of the following year took possession of Mount Carmel.
For cells, oratory, refectory, and kitchen they used caverns cut in the
living rock, and their life in point of austerity and solitude was
worthy of the prophets who had dwelt on Carmel. At length it became
necessary to construct a proper convent, in which they were installed
14 December, 1720, only to be plundered a few days later by the Turks,
who bound the fathers hand and foot. This convent served as a hospital
during Napoleon's campaign; the religious were driven out, and on their
return, 1821, it was blown up by the Turks. An Italian lay brother,
John Baptist of the Blessed Sacrament (1777-1849), having received
orders to rebuild it, and having collected alms in France, Italy, and
other countries, laid the foundation stone of the new fabric in 1827.
But as it became necessary to do the work on a larger scale than
formerly, it was completed only by his successor, Brother Charles, in
1853. It forms a large square block, strong enough to afford protection
against hostile attempts; the church is in the centre with no direct
entrance from outside; it is erected over a crypt sacred to the Prophet
Elias, and has been elevated by the pope to the rank of minor basilica.
There are few travellers of any creed who in the course of their
journeys in the Holy Land do not seek hospitality on Mount Carmel.</p>
<p id="c-p1557" shownumber="no">It must not be supposed that the Carmelites were spared the perils
to which the missionary life is exposed. John of Christ Crucified, one
of the first band of missioners sent out to Persia met with a hostile
reception in the neighbourhood of Moscow, and was thrown into a dungeon
where he remained for three years. At last he was released and, nothing
daunted, continued his journey to Ispahan. Another lay brother
Charisius a Sanctâ Mariâ, suffered martyrdom in 1621 on the
Island of Ormuz; he was tied to a tree and cut open alive. Blessed
Dionysius of the Nativity (Pierre Bertholet), and Redemptus a Cruce, a
Portuguese lay brother, suffered for the Faith in Sumatra on 28
November, 1638. The former had been pilot and cartographer to the
Portuguese viceroy, but gave up his position and became a Carmelite
novice at Goa. Soon after his profession the viceroy once more demanded
his services for an expedition to Sumatra; Dionysius was ordained
priest so that he might at the same time act as chaplain and pilot, and
Redemptus was given him as companion. No sooner had the ship cast
anchor at Achin than the ambassador with his suite was treacherously
apprehended, and Dionysius, Redemptus, and a number of others were put
to death with exquisite cruelty. The two Carmelites were beatified in
1900. Other members of the order suffered martyrdom at Patras in Achaia
in 1716.</p>
<p id="c-p1558" shownumber="no">In order to ensure the steady supply of missioners the order
established some missionary colleges. The original idea had been to
found a special congregation under the title of St. Paul, which should
entirely devote itself to missionary work. The Holy See granted
permission and placed the church of St. Paul in Rome (now Santa Maria
della Vittoria) at the disposition of the congregation; but on second
thought the project was allowed to drop, and the missionary career was
opened to all members of the Italian congregation. Those who manifested
a talent in this direction, after having completed their ordinary
studies were sent to the college of S. Pancrazio in Rome (1662) or to
that of St. Albert at Louvain (1621) to study controversy, practical
theology, languages, and natural sciences. After a year they were
allowed to take the missionary oath, and after a second year they
returned to their provinces until a vacancy in one of the missions
necessitated the appointment of a new labourer; by these means the
order was prepared to send out efficient subjects at very short notice.
The seminary of the Missions ètrangérs in Paris was founded
by a Carmelite, Bernard of St. Joseph, Bishop of Babylon
(1597-1663).</p>
<p id="c-p1559" shownumber="no">An attempt in this direction had been made soon after the Council of
Trent, but was not followed up. The pope, struck with the missionary
zeal of the Carmelites, consulted Thomas of Jesus as to the best means
of bringing about the conversion of infidels. This religious, in his
works "Stimulus missionum" (Rome, 1610) and especially "De
procurandâ salute omnium gentium" (Antwerp, 1613), laid down the
disciples upon which the Holy See actually instituted and organized the
Sacred Congregation of Propaganda; other fathers, particularly Ven.
Dominic of Jesus Mary, contributed towards its success by collecting
funds; the Bull of institution by Gregory XV pays just a tribute to the
zeal of the Carmelites. In establishing missions the order had in view
not only the conversion of infidels but also that of Protestants. St.
Teresa herself had been deeply afflicted by the spread of Lutheranism;
hence the foundation of the Dutch, English, and Irish missions. The
history of the first of these is only partly known; of the three it was
the least beset with difficulties, and although obstacles were never
wanting, it did not pass through the dangers which were a matter of
almost daily occurrence in England and Ireland. The most prominent
members were Peter of the Mother of God (Bertius, died 1683) and his
brother Cæsar of St. Bonaventure (died 1662), the sons of Peter
Bertius, rector of the University of Leyden, a famous convert to the
Catholic Faith.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1559.1">Missions in the British Isles</h4>
<p id="c-p1560" shownumber="no">The establishment of a mission in England dates back to the year
1615. Thomas Doughty of Plombley, Lincolnshire (1574-1652), probably
himself a convert, entered the Carmelite novitiate of La Scala in 1610
after having spent some years at the English College where he had taken
Holy orders. After a few months he was obliged by ill-health to return
to England, but remained in correspondence with the order and sent some
postulants to Belgium. Finally he resumed the religious life and after
profession proceeded to London, where he had charge of important
negotiations. Having become acquainted with the Spanish ambassador and
having secured a chaplaincy for himself and his successors, he was
introduced at Court and gained the confidence of Queen Anne of Denmark.
Nevertheless he was never secure from priest-hunters and had many
hairbreadth escapes. Other missioners having joined him, he withdrew to
a country place near Canterbury where he died after a long illness. He
was the author of several controversial and spiritual books much
appreciated in his time. For years he loudly advocated the
establishment of an English novitiate on the Continent, for which he
collected the necessary funds, but unfortunately the superiors did not
see their way to take up the idea and when at last it was carried out
it came too late to be of much practical use.</p>
<p id="c-p1561" shownumber="no">The next missioner, Eliseus of St. Michael (William Pendryck,
1583-1650), a Scotsman and a convert, who had received his religious
training at Paris and Genoa, arrived in London with letters patent
constituting him vicar-provincial and superior of the mission. He led
for the most part a very retiring life but did not escape persecution;
towards the end of his activity he became involved in one of the
innumerable disputes as to the extent of the pope's powers; compelled
to justify his attitude before the nuncio in Belgium, he returned to
England crushed with disappointment. Among the prominent missioners
must be mentioned Bede of the Blessed Sacrament (John Hiccocks,
1588-1647), a converted Puritan, who had been the first superior of the
missionary college at Louvain. Soon after his arrival in London he was
offered a mission on the estates of Lord Baltimore in Newfoundland,
which he appears to have been inclined to accept, but when the
faculties from Rome arrived, he was in prison, having been surprised by
the priest-hunters while writing to his superiors. For several months
his fate as well as that of a brother religious and fellow-prisoner was
uncertain, but being at last set free through the intervention of the
French ambassador he returned to Belgium. He underwent imprisonment for
a second time in Holland, but after a long interval came back to London
where he resumed his missionary work. Francis of the Saints
(Christopher Leigh, 1600-41) died of the plague contracted in prison.
John Baptist of Mount Carmel (John Rudgeley, 1587-1669) spent a
considerable portion of his life in prison. Joseph of St. Mary
(Nicholas Rider, 1600-82), after many years of fruitful activity,
devoted his old age to the training of aspirants to the order; these
were sent abroad for their novitiate and studies and on their return
were appointed to one or other of the missionary stations belonging to
the order.</p>
<p id="c-p1562" shownumber="no">The most remarkable men in a long series of missioners were Bede of
St. Simon Stock (Walter Joseph Travers, 1619-96) and his half brother,
Lucian of St. Teresa (George Travers, 1642-91). The son of a Devonshire
clergyman, Walter Travers was articled to a London solicitor. An elder
brother having become a Catholic and a Jesuit, Walter, desirous of
guarding himself against a like fate, began to study controversial
works with the result that he became convinced of the truth of the
Catholic Church which he went to Rome to join. He became a student the
English College and afterwards entered the Carmelite Order in which he
filled various offices. He was active in London during the whole period
of the Restoration and has left a record of his manifold experience. At
the outbreak of the Oates' Plot he was obliged to return to Italy, but
after some years resumed his work in London, until old age and grief
over his brother's death compelled him to retire to Paris where he died
in the odour of sanctity. He had the consolation of solemnly
inaugurating a chapel in Bucklersbury in London, as well as those at
Heresford and Worcester, but the Orange Revolution undid the work begun
by him. George Travers, after a dissolute life, accidentally met his
brother in London, was rescued by him, instructed, and received into
the Church. He made his studies under Joseph of St. Mary, and entered
the novitiate at Namur. At the outbreak of the plot he was sent to
London, where he passed through many thrilling adventures. Some time
after the Orange Revolution he was betrayed by a false friend, and
thrown into prison, whither his accuser, on a different charge,
followed him. This man was suffering from a contagious disease which
Lucian, while nursing him, contracted, and of which he died, 26 June,
1691.</p>
<p id="c-p1563" shownumber="no">Much less is known of the missioners of the eighteenth century than
of those of the seventeenth. Their lives, though still exposed to
dangers, were as a rule quiet; moreover, the art of memoir writing
seems to have been lost under the House of Orange. One of the more
prominent missioners of this period was Francis Blyth (q.v.). In 1773
the English mission acquired the college of the Society of Jesus,
recently suppressed, at Tongres, where a number of missioners were
prepared for their work before the French Revolution swept over
Belgium. The disappearance of this short-lived establishment dealt the
death-blow to the Carmelite mission in England. A few missioners
remained stationed in various places, but they received no fresh help
and little encouragement; the property of the mission as well as its
library and archives were lost through the iniquitous laws which
rendered the last will of a Catholic illegal. On the occasion of the
Catholic Emancipation, Francis Willoughby Brewster was obliged to fill
up a parliamentary paper with the laconic remark: "No superior, no
inferior, being the last man". He died at Market Rasen in Lincolnshire
11 January, 1849. Cardinal Wiseman, anxious to introduce the Discalced
Carmelites into his archdiocese, obtained in 1862 an order authorizing
him to select some suitable subjects. His choice fell upon Hermann
Cohen (Augustine Mary of the Blessed Sacrament, 1820-71), a converted
Jew of Hamburg, originally a brilliant musician, whose conversion and
entrance into a strict order had caused considerable stir in France. He
opened a small chapel in Kensington Square, London, 6 August, 1862,
where the new community struggled against many difficulties, not the
least of which was their deep poverty. Before long a convenient site
was found for a spacious church, designed by Pugin and inaugurated by
Cardinal Manning in 1866, and a convent, completed in 1888. A second
house having been founded in a remote country district in Somerset, the
English semi-province was canonically established in 1885. Father
Hermann did not see the completion of his work; having been called to
Spandau to minister to the French prisoners of war, he died of smallpox
and was buried in Berlin.</p>
<p id="c-p1564" shownumber="no">Soon after the English mission a similar undertaking was begun in
Ireland by Edward of the Kings (Sherlock, 1579-1629) and Paul of St.
Ubaldus, both of whom had made their novitiate in Belgium and had in
all probability studied at the missionary college at Louvain. Although
the persecution in Ireland was, if possible, more brutal than that in
England, Catholic missioners had the support of the poorer classes, who
clung tenaciously to their Faith, and from among who they were
recruited. Besides a convent at Dublin they founded residences in the
ruins of several former Carmelite abbeys (as they were called), viz. at
Athboy, Drogheda, Ardee, Kilkenny, Loughrea, Youghal, and other places.
Many of these were but of ephemeral existence. About the same time the
Calced Carmelites returned to Ireland, and there arose a dispute as to
the ownership of these convents. At the separation of the orders it had
been stipulated that the Discalced Carmelites were not to take away any
of the convents of their Calced brethren. The Holy See decided in 1640
that the former should retain possession of the four ancient convents
they then inhabited, as there still remained twenty-eight houses for
the Calced Carmelites to revive. No sooner had this decision reached
Ireland than the Cromwell persecution put a stop to any further
increase and necessitated the dissolution of the communities that had
been erected. Several friars earned the crown of martyrdom, viz. Thomas
Aquinas of St. Teresa, who was put to death at Ardee in 1642; Angelus
of St. Joseph, cleric (George Halley), an Englishman who was shot 15
August, 1642; and Peter of the Mother of God, lay brother, who was
hanged at Dublin, 25 March, 1643. There is reason to believe that
others met with a similar fate, but no particulars have been preserved;
many, however, suffered imprisonment. Such events told on the life of
the province. Canonically erected in 1638, it was dissolved in 1653 but
re-established during the comparatively quiet time of the Restoration.
In 1785 a chapel and convent were built near the ruins of the Abbey of
Loughrea, founded in 1300, and from 1640 in the hands of the Teresian
friars, who, nevertheless, were several times obliged to abandon it.
Further building operations were carried out in 1829 and again towards
the end of the century. The year 1793 witnessed the laying of the
foundation stone of St. Teresa's church, Clarendon Street, Dublin. This
church, which also underwent frequent alterations and enlargements,
served as a meeting room during Daniel O'Connell's campaign, which
ended in the Catholic Emancipation Act. It was felt that in this case
the interests of the Church were identical with those of the country. A
third convent was built at Donnybrook near Dublin in 1884.</p>
<p id="c-p1565" shownumber="no">The Calced Carmelites appear to have attempted a mission in England
at the beginning of the seventeenth century when George Rainer was put
to death (c. 1613). No particulars are known about his life and the
missionary projects seems to have died with him. In Ireland, however,
they carried on a flourishing mission from the early part of the same
century, and they have at present six convents and a college which is
well attended. Their church in Whitefriars Street, Dublin, is well
known to Catholics and is an architectural curiosity.</p>
<p id="c-p1566" shownumber="no">Steps were taken about 1635 to make a foundation in America, and a
petition was presented to the pope for approbation of the mission
founded there, but for some reason or other it does not seem to have
had a lasting result. The Dutch province, however, founded houses at
Leavenworth (1864) and Scipio, Anderson Co., Kansas (1865); Englewood,
Bergen Co., New Jersey (1869); New Baltimore, Somerset Co.,
Pennsylvania (1870); Pittsburg, Pennsylvania (1870); Niagara Falls,
Canada (1875); and St. Cyril's College, Illinois (1899); while the
Irish Calced Carmelites settled in 1888 in New York City and at
Tarrytown, New York, and the Bavarian Discalced Carmelites at Holy Hill
and Fond du Lac, Wisconsin (1906).</p>
<h4 id="c-p1566.1">Daily Life</h4>
<p id="c-p1567" shownumber="no">The life of a Carmelite is somewhat different according to the
branch of the order to which he belongs, and the house in which he
lives. The life in a novitiate, for instance, is different even for
those who have taken their vows, from that in a college, or in a
convent intended for the care of souls. It is also stricter among the
Discalced Carmelites, who keep perpetual abstinence (except in the case
of weakness or illness) and who rise in the night for the recitation of
the Divine Office, then among the Calced Carmelites, who have adapted
their rule to the needs of the times. Formerly the whole Office was
sung every day, but when in the sixteenth century the exercise of
mental prayer became more and more universal, particularly through the
influence of St. Teresa and St. John of the Cross, the singing was
abandoned for a recitation in monotone except on certain feasts. The
Calced Carmelites still adhere to the liturgy of the church of the Holy
Sepulchre at Jerusalem, a Gallo-Roman Rite, practically identical with
that of Paris in the middle of the twelfth century. It underwent
certain changes during the Middle Ages and was completely and
satisfactorily revised in 1584. The Discalced Carmelites, for reasons
already stated, adopted the new Roman Liturgy in 1586. In all convents
a certain time is given to mental prayer, both in the morning and the
afternoon. It is generally made in common, in the choir or oratory, and
is intended to impress the soul with the presence of God and the
everlasting truths. Other religious exercises and private devotions
supplement those already mentioned. The rule of fasting, somewhat less
severe among the Calced Carmelites, is preserved everywhere, although
the church has in many respects mitigated her legislation in this
matter. The Discalced Carmelites (Teresians) are generally barefooted;
otherwise the only distinction in the habit of the two branches
consists in the fashioning of the various garments. The habit of the
lay brothers is like that of the choir religious, except that among the
Discalced Carmelites they wear a brown mantle and no hood; but in the
Spanish congregation they use the hood, and, since 1744, a white
mantle. The correct colour of the habit has often been made the subject
of somewhat animated discussions among the different branches of the
order.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1567.1">Desert Convents</h4>
<p id="c-p1568" shownumber="no">A peculiar institution is that of "deserts". The recollection of
Mount Carmel and the purely contemplative life, as well as the wording
of the rule, which prescribes that the brothers should dwell in their
cells or near them, meditating day and night on the Law of the Lord,
except when other necessary occupation call them away, had awakened in
many a desire for an exclusively spiritual life. It has been noticed
that some of the first generals resigned their offices in order to
dedicate the remainder of their life to contemplation, and in the
constitutions and other documents exceptions are sometimes made in
favour of convents "situated in forests", far away from human
habitations. Among such convents were, to mention only two, Hulne in
England and Liedekerke in the Netherlands. One of the first Discalced
Carmelites in Spain, Thomas of Jesus, who has already been mentioned in
connection with the missions, conceived the idea of founding a "desert"
where the religious should find the opportunity for devoting their
whole time and energy to the cultivation of a spirit of contemplation.
With the exception of four or five who were to remain there
permanently, each friar was to spend but a year in the "desert", and
afterwards return to the convent whence he had come, so that, the whole
community being composed of strong and healthy members, no relaxation
however slight should become necessary. After some hesitation the
superiors took up the idea, and a suitable site having been found, the
first "desert" was inaugurated 28 June, 1592, at Bolarque, on the banks
of the Tagus in New Castile. The result was so encouraging that it was
decided to found such a house in every province, so that there have
been altogether twenty-two "deserts", many of which, however, have been
swept away during periods of political agitation. They were constructed
after the manner of a charterhouse, but on a smaller scale. A number of
cells, each forming a little house of four rooms with a garden
attached, were built in the shape of a quadrangle, one wing of which
contained the chapel, sacristy, library, etc. In the older "deserts"
the chapel was placed in the centre of the quadrangle. The refectory,
kitchen, robbery and other dependencies were connected with the
principal cloister; all the buildings were plain, imposing on account
of their austerity than their ornamental character. The manner of life,
too, resembles that of the Carthusians, (NOTE: LINK WORD CARTHUSIANS TO
PROPER ARTICLE "CARTHUSIAN ORDER, THE" :) but is far more severe. The
chant of the Divine Order is more solemn than in other convents; more
time is devoted to mental prayer; the fast is extremely strict, the
silence all but uninterrupted; only once a fortnight the hermits after
the manner of the ancient anchorites, assemble for a conference on some
spiritual subject; many volumes of such conferences are still preserved
and some have been printed. An hour's social intercourse follows the
conference. The time not devoted to prayer and reading is spent in
manual labour, the religious finding occupation in the cultivation of
their gardens. Study, strictly speaking, is not allowed, lest the
strain upon the mind become too severe.</p>
<p id="c-p1569" shownumber="no">Each "desert" possessed extensive grounds which were laid out as
forests with numerous rivulets and ponds. At equal distances from the
convent and from each other there were small hermitages consisting of a
cell and chapel, whither the friars retired at certain periods of the
year, as Advent and Lent, in order to live in a solitude still more
profound than that of the convent. There they followed all the
exercises of the community, reciting their Offices at the same time and
with the same solemnity as the brothers in choir, and ringing their
bell in response to the church bells. Early in the morning two
neighbouring hermits served each other's Mass. On Sundays and feasts
they went to the convent for Mass, chapter, and Vespers, and returned
in the evening to their hermitages, with provisions for the ensuing
week. While in the hermitage they fared on bread, fruit, herbs, and
water, but when in the convent their meals were less frugal, although
even then the fast almost equalled that of the early monks.
Notwithstanding this rigorous observance the "deserts" were never used
as places of punishment for those guilty of any fault, but on the
contrary as a refuge for those aspiring after a higher life. No one was
sent to the "desert" except upon his own urgent request and even then
only if his superiors judged that the applicant had the physical
strength and ardent zeal to bear and to profit by the austerity of the
hermit life. Among the more celebrated "deserts" should be mentioned
those of San Juan Bautista, founded in 1606 at Santa Fé, New
Mexico; Bussaco (1628), near Coimbra, Portugal, now a horticultural
establishment and recreation ground; Massa (1682), near Sorrento,
Italy, well known to visitors to Naples on account of the marvellous
view of the gulfs of Naples and Salerno to be obtained from the terrace
of the convent; and Tarasteix (1859), near Lourdes, France, founded by
Father Hermann Cohen.</p>
<p id="c-p1570" shownumber="no">The Calced Carmelites tried to introduce a similar institute but
were less successful. André Blanchard obtained in 1641 the papal
approbation for the foundation of a convent at La Graville near Bernos,
in France, where the original rule of St. Albert, without the
mitigations of Innocent IV should be kept, and the life led by the
hermits on Mount Carmel copied; all went well until the arrival, in
1649, of a pseudo-mystic, Jean Labadie, formerly a Jesuit, who in an
incredibly short time succeeded in so influencing the majority of the
religious, that at length the bishop had to interfere and dissolve the
community. Another "desert" was founded by the Calced Carmelites in
1741 at Neti near Syracuse in honour of the Madonna della Scala. A
suggestion made in the course of the seventeenth century to the
Discalced Carmelites of the Italian congregation to introduce perpetual
mental prayer after the manner in which in some convents the perpetual
chant of the Divine Office, or Perpetual Adoration of the Blessed
Sacrament is practiced, namely by relays of religious, was decided
against by the chapter as being altogether unsuitable.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1570.1">Exterior Occupations</h4>
<p id="c-p1571" shownumber="no">Apart from the purely contemplative life led in the "deserts", and
the specific religious exercises practiced in all convents (though in
different measure), the chief occupation of the order consists now in
the care of souls and missionary work. So long as the Carmelites
occupied a well-defined position at the universities and took part in
the academic work, a large number cultivated almost exclusively the
higher studies. During the Middle Ages the subjects of Carmelite
writings were almost invariable, including the explanation of a certain
number of Biblical writings, lectures on the various books of
Aristotle, the Sentences, and canon law, and sermons 
<i>De tempore</i> and 
<i>De sanctis.</i> In the long list of Carmelite writings preserved by
Trithemius, Bale, and others, these subjects occur over and over again.
Several friars are known to have cultivated the study of astronomy, as
John Belini (1370) and Nicholas de Linne (1386); others concerned
themselves with the occult sciences, e. g. William Sedacinensis, whose
great work on alchemy enjoyed considerable vogue during the Middle
Ages; Oliver Golos was expelled the order on account of his too great
knowledge of astrology (1500). There were poets too, within the order,
but while many were justly praised for purity and elegance of style, as
Lawrence Burelli (c. 1480), only one secured lasting renown, Blessed
Baptista Mantuanus. The other fine arts were also represented, painting
chiefly by Philippo Lippi of Florence, whose life, unfortunately,
caused him to be dismissed with dishonour. Although many friars
cultivated music, no really prominent name can be mentioned. In the
fifteenth or sixteenth centuries allusion is frequently made to
Carmelite organists serving various churches outside the order while
one obtained leave from the general to repair organs wherever his
services might be required.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1571.1">In the University</h4>
<p id="c-p1572" shownumber="no">When the Carmelites first appeared at the universities, the two
great schools of the Dominicans and Franciscans were already formed,
and there remained no room for a third. Some attempts to elevate the
teaching of John Baconthorpe to the rank of a theological school came
to naught. The majority of lecturers and writers belonged to the
Thomistic school, especially after the great controversies on grace had
compelled various orders to choose sides. This tendency became so
intense that the Carmelite 
<i>Salmanticenses</i> made it their duty to follow the teaching of the
Angelical Doctor even in the minutest details. Controversy was
inaugurated by Guy de Perpignan, general from 1318-20, author of "Summa
de hæresibus"; the subject was taken up anew at the time of the
Wycliffite troubles and ultimately led to the important works of Thomas
Netter de Walden, the "Doctrinale" and "De Sacramentis et
Sacramentalibus", which proved a gold mine for controversialists for
several centuries. No epoch-making work was done at the time of the
Reformation, and the order lost all its northern and the greater part
of its German provinces. Although few Carmelite controversialists are
to be found on the Catholic side (the best known being Evrard Billick),
there were hardly any prominent members among those who lost their
faith.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1572.1">Mystical Theology</h4>
<p id="c-p1573" shownumber="no">Although Scholastic philosophy and theology, as well as moral
theology, have found some of their chief exponents among the Carmelites
(e.g. the 
<i>Salmanticenses</i>), other branches of science being less generously
cultivated, the field on which absolutely fresh ground was opened by
them is mystical theology. During the Middle Ages this subject had been
treated only in so far as the ordinary course of studies required, and
those of the friars who wrote on it were few and far between, nor do
they seem to have exercised much influence. All this was changed with
the establishment of the Teresain Reform. As has already been said, St.
Teresa was led, unknown to herself, to the highest planes of the
mystical life. With her marvellous gift of introspection and analysis,
and her constant fear of swerving, be it ever so little, from the
teaching of the Church, she subjected her own personal experiences to
severe scrutiny, and ever sought the advice and direction of learned
priests, chiefly of the Dominican Order. When St. John of the Cross
joined the reform, he, fresh from the lecture-rooms at Salamanca and
trained in the philosophy and theology of St. Thomas, was able to give
her light on the phenomena of psychology and Divine grace. Both of
these saints have left writings on mystical theology, Teresa recording
and explaining in simple but telling words her own experiences, John
taking up the matter more in the abstract sense; still some of his
writings, particularly the "Ascent of Mount Carmel", might almost be
considered a commentary on the life and the "Interior Castle" of St.
Teresa. There is no evidence that he had derived his knowledge from
study; he was unacquainted with the works of St. Bernard, Hugh of St.
Victor, Gerson, and the Low German mystics, and knew nothing of the
mystical school of the German Dominicans; he appears to have known St.
Augustine and the other fathers only in so far as the Breviary and
theological textbooks contained extracts from their writings. He was
therefore in no way influenced by the views of earlier mystics, and had
no difficulty in keeping aloof from the beaten track, but he evolved
his system from his own and St. Teresa's personal experience as seen in
the light of Scholastic theology, and with constant reference to the
words of Holy Scripture. For the analogies and allegories of previous
mystics he had no taste, and nothing was farther from him than the wish
to penetrate the secrets of Heaven and gaze behind Divine
revelation.</p>
<p id="c-p1574" shownumber="no">An order which gives such prominence to the contemplative life could
not but take up the subject and study it under all aspects. The
experimental part, which of course does not depend on the will of the
individual, but which, nevertheless, is assisted by a certain
predisposition and preparation, found at all times a home not only in
the "deserts" and the convents of Carmelite nuns, but in other houses
as well; the annals of the order are full of biographies of profound
mystics. Considering the danger of self-deception and diabolical
illusion which necessarily besets the path of the mystic, it is
surprising how free the Carmelite Order has remained from such blots.
Rare instances are on record of friars or nuns who left the safe ground
for the crooked ways of a false mysticism. Much of this indemnity from
error must be ascribed to the training directors of souls receive,
which enables them to discern almost from the outset what is safe from
what is dangerous. They symptoms of the influence of good and evil
spirits have been explained so clearly by St. Teresa and St. John of
the Cross, and a prudent reserve in all that does not tend directly to
the advancement of virtue has been so urgently counselled, that error
can creep in only where there is a want of openness and simplicity on
the part of the subject. Hence, among the great number of mystics there
have been but a very few whose mysticism is open to question. Several
great theologians endeavoured to reduce mystical theology to a science.
Among these must be reckoned Jerome Gratian, the confessor and faithful
companion of St. Teresa; Thomas of Jesus, who represented both sides of
the Carmelite life, the active part as organizer of the missions of the
Universal Church as well as of his order, and the contemplative part as
founder of the "deserts". His great works on mystical theology were
collected and printed at the bidding of Urban VIII; Philip of the
Blessed Trinity (1603-71), whose "Summa theologiæ mysticæ"
may be taken as the authoritative utterance of the order on this
subject; Anthony of the Holy Ghost, Bishop of Angula (died 1677),
author of a handbook for the use of directors of souls, entitled
"Directorium mysticum"; Anthony of the Annunciation (died 1714), and,
finally, Joseph of the Holy Ghost (died 1739), who wrote a large work
on mystical theology in three folio volumes; all these and many more
strictly adhered to the principles of St. Teresa and St. John of the
Cross and to the teaching of St. Thomas Aquinas. The ascetic part was
not less cultivated. For elevation of principles and lucidity of
exposition it would be difficult to surpass Ven. John of Jesus-Mary.
The difficult art of obeying and the more difficult one of commanding
have been dealt with in a masterly manner by Modestus a S. Amabili
(died 1684). The Calced Carmelites, too, have furnished excellent works
on different branches of mystical theology.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1574.1">Foundations of Women</h4>
<p id="c-p1575" shownumber="no">The Carmelite nuns established by St. Teresa spread with marvellous
rapidity. Such was the veneration in which the foundress was held in
Spain during her life-time that she received more requests for
foundations than she could satisfy. Although very careful in the
selection of superiors for new convents she had not always the most
capable persons at her disposal and complained in several instances of
the lack of prudence or the overruling spirit of some prioresses; she
even found that some went so far as to tamper with the constitutions.
Such incidents may be unavoidable during the first stage of a new
order, but Teresa strove to counteract them by detailed instructions on
the canonical visitation of her convents. She desired one of her
favourite subjects, Ven. Anne of Jesus (Lobera, born 1545; died 4 March
1621), prioress of Granada to succeed her in the position of
"foundress" of the order. Hence, when Nicolò Doria changed the
manner of government of the Discalced Carmelites, Anne of Jesus
submitted the Constitutions of St. Teresa (already revised by the
General Chapter of 1581) to the Holy See for approbation. Certiain
modifications having been introduced by successive popes, Doria refused
to have anything to do with the nuns. His successors, however,
reinstated them, but maintained the prohibition in vigour for the
friars against making foundations outside Spain and the Spanish
colonies. A convent, however, had already been inaugurated at Genoa and
another was in contemplation in Rome, where some ladies, struck with
the writings of St. Teresa, formed a community on the Pincian Hill
under the direction of the Oratorians, one of the members being a niece
of Cardinal Baronius. On the arrival of the Discalced friars in the
Holy City it was found that the nuns had much to learn and more to
unlearn. Other convents followed in rapid succession in various parts
of Italy, the beatification and canonization of St. Teresa (1614 and
1622) acting as a stimulus. Not all convents were under the government
of the order, many having been from the first subject to the
jurisdiction of the local bishop; since the French Revolution this
arrangement has become the prevailing one. In 1662 the number of nuns
under the government of the Fathers of the Italian Congregation was
840; in 1665 it had risen to 906, but these figures, the only ones
available, embrace only a very small fraction of the order.</p>
<p id="c-p1576" shownumber="no">About the beginning of the seventeenth century Mme Acarie (Blessed
Marie of the Incarnation, 1565-1618) was admonished in an apparition by
St. Teresa to introduce her order into France. Several attempts were
made to obtain some nuns trained by the holy foundress herself, but the
Spanish superiors declared themselves unable to send subjects beyond
the Pyrenees. M. (afterwards Cardinal) de Bérulle, acting on
behalf of Mme Acarie and her friends, received a Brief from Rome
empowering him to proceed with the foundation; but as it contained some
clauses distasteful to him, e. g. that the new foundations should be
under the government of the friars as soon as these should be
established in France, and as it did not contain some others he had
counted upon, he obtained through the French ambassador an order from
the king commanding the general to send certain nuns to Paris. Among
these were Anne of Jesus, and Ven. Anne of St. Bartholomew (1549 to 7
June, 1626), then a lay sister, who had been St. Teresa's attendant
during the latter years of her life. Altogether seven sisters left
Spain for Paris, where they arrived in July, 1604, being received by
Princesse de Longueville and other ladies of the Court. As it soon
became manifest that M. de Bérulle had his own ideas about the
government of the order, which he was anxious to associate with the
French Oratory founded by him, pending the establishment of an "Order
of Jesus and Mary" he had in contemplation, six of the foundresses left
France within a few years, while the seventh remained only under
protest.</p>
<p id="c-p1577" shownumber="no">The French Carmelite nuns were placed (with few exceptions) under
the government of the Oratorians, the Jesuits, and secular priests,
without any official connection either with the Spanish or the Italian
congregation of Discalced Carmelites, forming a congregation apart from
the rest of the order. They spread very rapidly, being held in high
esteem by the episcopate, the Court, and the people. Unfortunately the
mother-house in Paris (Couvent de l'Incarnation, Rue d'Enfer) became
for some years one of the centres of the Jansenists, but otherwise the
French Carmelites have reflected glory on the Church. Among the most
celebrated French Carmelite nuns may be mentioned Louise de la
Miséricorde (1644-1710), who as Duchesse de la Vallière had
taken an unfortunate part in the court scandals under Louis XIV, which
she expiated by many years of humble penance; Ven. Térèse de
Saint Augustin (Mme Louis de France, 1737-87) daughter of Louis XV,
notwithstanding her exalted birth, chose for herself one of the poorest
convents, Saint-Denis near Paris, where she distinguished herself by
the exercise of heroic virtue. During the Revolution all the
communities were dissolved; one of them, that of Compiègne,
endeavoured to keep up, as far as circumstances allowed, the
observances prescribed by the rule, until the sixteen nuns were all
apprehended, cast into prison, dragged to Paris, tried, condemned to
death, and consigned to the guillotine, 17 July, 1794; they were
beatified in 1906. Another Carmelite nun, Mother Camille de l'Enfant
Jésus (Mme de Soyecourt) underwent with her community long
imprisonment, but being at last liberated she became instrumental in
re-establishing not only her own but many other convents. When at the
beginning of the twentieth century the law on religious associations
was passed, there were over a hundred Carmelite convents in France with
several offshoots in distant parts of the world, even Australia and
Cochin China. In consequence of the French legislation many communities
took refuge in other countries, but some are still in their old
convents.</p>
<p id="c-p1578" shownumber="no">Quitting Paris for Brussels, Ven. Anne of Jesus became the foundress
of the Belgian Carmel. At her instigation the Infanta Isabel Clara
Eugenia called the friars from Rome, with the result that foundations
increased rapidly. One of these, at Antwerp, was due to Ven. Anne of
St. Bartholomew, who, while in France, had been promoted from lay
sister to prioress, having learned to write by a miracle; she was
instrumental in delivering Antwerp from a siege. The Belgian Carmel
sent out colonies to other countries, Germany and Poland, where Mother
Teresa of Jesus (Marchocka, 1603-52) became celebrated. Another convent
was founded at Antwerp for English ladies (1619), who were reinforced
by Dutch sisters; in 1623 it was detached from the order and placed
under the bishop, and in its turn made foundations at Lierre in 1648,
and Hoogstraeten in 1678, all of which became the abode of many noble
English ladies during the times of penal laws. At the outbreak of the
French Revolution the nuns had to flee the country. After a short stay
in the neighbourhood of London the community of Antwerp divided into
two sections, one proceeding to America, the other settling ultimately
at Lanherne in Cornwall, whence they sent out an offshoot which finally
settled at Wells in Somerset (1870); the community of Lierre found a
home at Darlington, Co. Durham (1830), and that of Hoogstraeten, after
much wandering, settled at last at Chichester, Co. Sussex, in 1870. Not
counting the French refugees, there are at present seven convents of
Carmelite nuns in England. An earlier project for a convent in London,
with Mary Frances of the Holy Ghost (Princess Elénore d'Este,
1643-1722, aunt of the Queen of James II) as prioress, came to naught
owing to the Orange Revolution, but it appears that about the same time
a community was established at Loughrea in Ireland. At times the nuns
found it difficult to comply with all the requirements of the rule;
thus they were often compelled to lay aside the habit and assume
secular dress. Several convents were established in Ireland in the
eighteenth century, but in some cases it became necessary for the nuns
to accommodate themselves so far to circumstances as to open schools
for poor children. There are at present twelve convents in Ireland,
mostly under episcopal jurisdiction.</p>
<p id="c-p1579" shownumber="no">The second section of the English community at Antwerp, consisting
of Mother Bernardine Matthews as prioress and three sisters, arrived at
New York, 2 July, 1790, accompanied by their confessor, Rev. Charles
Neale, and Rev. Robert Plunkett. On the feast of St. Teresa, 15 October
of the same year, the first convent, dedicated to the Sacred Heart, was
inaugurated on the property of Mr. Baker Brooke, about four miles from
Port Tobacco, Charles Co., Maryland. Want of support compelled the
sisters to seek a more convenient site, and on 29 September, 1830, the
foundation-stone was laid for a convent in Aisquith Street, Baltimore,
whither the community migrated the following year, Mother Angela of St.
Teresa (Mary Mudd) being then prioress. In 1872, during the priorship
of Mother Ignatius (Amelia Brandy), the present (1908) convent, corner
of Caroline and Briddle Streets was inaugurated. This community made a
foundation at St. Louis, 2 October, 1863, first established at Calvary
Farm, and since 1878 within the city. The foundation at New Orleans
dates back to 1877, when Mother Teresa of Jesus (Rowan) and three nuns
took a house in Ursuline Street, pending the construction of a convent
in Barrack Street, which was completed on 24 November, 1878. The
convent at Boston was founded 28 August, 1890, and in its turn
established that of Philadelphia, 26 July, 1902, Mother Gertrude of the
Sacred Heart being the first prioress. In May, 1875, some nuns from
Reims arrived at Quebec and found a convenient place at Hochelaga near
Montreal, where they established, the convent of Our Lady of the Sacred
Heart. Another Canadian foundation attempted from Baltimore in the same
year was unsuccessful, and had to be given up after a few years.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1579.1">Life of the Nuns</h4>
<p id="c-p1580" shownumber="no">The life of a Carmelite nun is somewhat different from that of a
friar, as there is an essential difference between the vocation of a
priest and that of a lay person. Active work, such as nursing the sick
and teaching, are out of the question in a cloistered convent. The
Carmelite sister leads a contemplative life, a considerable portion of
her time being devoted to Divine service, meditation and other pious
exercises, the rest occupied with household work and other occupations.
The life is necessarily strict, the fasting severe, and there are many
opportunities for exercising virtue.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1580.1">Various Carmelite Institutions</h4>
<p id="c-p1581" shownumber="no">Several religious institutions have gathered round Carmel. In the
Middle Ages we find attached to many convents and churches anchorages,
that is, hermitages for recluses who at their own request were walled
up by the bishop and who exercised a great influence over the populace
by reason of their example, their austerities, and their exhortations.
Among the more celebrated Carmelite recluses may be mentioned Thomas
Scrope of Bradley, at Norwich, afterwards titular Bishop of Dromore in
Ireland and Apostolic legate in Rhodes; and Blessed Jane of Toulouse
(beginning of the fifteenth century) whose cultus was approved by Leo
XIII.</p>
<p id="c-p1582" shownumber="no">Probably ever since the coming of the friars to Europe, founders of
convents and benefactors were admitted to the order under the title of
Confratres, which gave them a right to participation in the prayers and
good works of a section or of the entire order, and to suffrages after
their death. Neither such Confratres, nor even the text of
confraternity letters, contain any mention of obligations incumbent on
them. The letters were at first granted only after mature
consideration, but from the end of the fifteenth century it was less
difficult to obtain them; in many cases the general handed numerous
blank forms to provincials and priors to be distributed by them at
their own discretion. Out of this confraternity, which stood in no
organic connection with the order, arose in the sixteenth century,
according to all probability, the Confraternity of the Scapular.</p>
<p id="c-p1583" shownumber="no">Another confraternity was a guild established in 1280 at Bologna,
and perhaps elsewhere, which held its meetings in the Carmelite church
and from time to time made an offering at a certain altar, but
otherwise was entirely independent of the order. As has been seen, some
communities of Beguines in the Netherlands asked, in 1452, for
affiliation to the order, and thus gave rise to the first convents of
Carmelite nuns. At a later period Herman of St. Norbert (died 1686),
preaching in 1663 at Termonde, determine five Beguines, among them Anne
Puttemans (died 1674), to sell their property and found the
congregation of Maricoles or Maroles, which was aggregated to the order
26 March, 1672; they occupy themselves with the education of poor girls
and with the care of the sick in their own homes, and have still many
convents in the Dioceses of Mechlin, Ghent, and especially Bruges. A
community of thirty-seven hermits living in various hermitages in
Bavaria and the Tyrol having asked for aggregation, the General Chapter
of the Discalced Carmelites of 1689 granted their wish under certain
conditions, among others that not more than four or five should live in
each hermitage, but the decree was rescinded in 1692, for what reason
is not known, and all connection between these hermits and the order
was severed.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1583.1">Carmelite Tertiaries</h4>
<p id="c-p1584" shownumber="no">Tertiaries or members of the Third or Secular Order may be divided
into two classes, those living in their own homes and those living in
community. The former class is first met with in the middle of the
fifteenth century, when the Holy See granted permission to the
Carmelites to institute a Third Order of secular persons, after the
model of similar institutions attached to other mendicant orders. The
oldest printed Missals and Breviaries contain the rite of admission of
such persons; these were then known by the term of bizzoche, which has
since acquired a somewhat unpleasant meaning. They were found to recite
certain prayers (in the Teresian Reform also to practice meditation),
to keep certain fasts and abstinences, refrain from worldly amusements,
and to live under obedience to the superiors of the order; they might
wear a distinctive habit resembling that of the friars or nuns.
Tertiaries living in community observe a rule similar to, but less
austere than, that of the friars; there are two communities of Tertiary
brothers in Ireland, one at Clondalkin, where they have a
boarding-school established previous to 1813, and another, in charge of
an asylum for the blind, at Drumcondra near Dublin, There are also
Tertiary fathers (natives) in the Archdiocese of Verapoly in India,
established 1855, who serve a number of missions.</p>
<p id="c-p1585" shownumber="no">Tertiary sisters have a convent in Rome founded by Livia Vipereschi
for the education of girls; they were approved by Clement IX in 1668.
The Austrian congregation has had, since 1863, ten houses partly for
educational purposes, partly for the care of servants. In India, too,
there are native Tertiary sisters in Verapoly and Quilon with thirteen
houses, boarding schools, and orphanages. A Tertiary convent was
founded in Luxemburg in 1886. Finally, mention must be made of the
Carmelite Tertiaries of the Sacred Heart lately established in Berlin,
with orphanages and kindergartens in various parts of Germany, Holland,
England, Bohemia, and Italy.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1585.1">Statistics</h4>
<p id="c-p1586" shownumber="no">At the present time (1908) there are about 80 convents of Calced
Carmelite friars, with about 800 members and 20 convents of nuns; 130
convents of Discalced Carmelite friars, with about 1900 members; the
number of convents of nuns, including the French previous to the
passing of the Association law, was 360.</p>
<p id="c-p1587" shownumber="no">A considerable portion of this article being based on unpublished
material, the following notices are necessarily incomplete, and to a
large extent antiquated.</p>
<p id="c-p1588" shownumber="no">GENERAL SOURCES: MIGNE, Dict. des ordres religieux, I, 635 sqq.;
Bullarium Carmelitanum, vols. I and II, ed. MONSIGNANUS (Rome, 1715,
1718), vols. III and IV (Rome, 1768), ed. XIMENES (Rome, 1768); RIBOTI,
Speculum Carmelitarium, ed. CATHANEIS (Venice, 1507), ed. DANIEL A
VIRGINE MARIA (2 vols. in fol., Antwerp, 1680), containing the Corpus
of medieval Carmelite historians together with numerous dissertations
and polemical writings, and practically superseding such authors as:
FALCONE, Chronicon Carmelitarium (Placenza, 1545); BRUSSELA, Compendio
historico Carmelitano (Florence, 1595); BOLARQUEZ, Chronicas dell'
Orden del Monte Carmelo melitano (Palermo, 1600); AUBERTUS MIRæUS,
Carmelit. Ordinis origo (Antwerp, 1610); J. DE CARTHAGENA, De
antiquitate Ordin. B. M. V. de Monte Carm. (Antwerp, 1620). DOMINICUS A
JESU, Spicilegium episcoporum, Ordin. Carmel. (Paris, 1638); DANIEL A
VIRG. MARIA, Vinea Carmeli (Antwerp, 1662), with a synchronological
table embracing the events during the lifetime of St. Simon Stock
(1165-1265) by SEGHERUS PAULI, which the student will do well to handle
critically. The first three vols. of LEZANA, Annales sacri prophetici
et Eliani Ord. (4 vols., Rome, 1645, 1650, 1653, and 1656), contain the
life of the Prophet Elias, the history of the order during the Old Law,
at the coming of Christ, and during the Middle Ages as far as 1140; the
fourth vol., which might have permanent value as it embraces the period
from 1140 till 1515, is in many respects unsatisfactory and
superficial. PHILIPPUS A SS. TRINITATE, Compendium historiæ
Carmelitarum (Lyons, 1656); IDEM, Theologia Carmelitana (Rome, 1665);
IDEM, Decor Carmeli (Lyons, 1665); HAITZE D' ACHE wrote against this
work Les moines empruntés, to which JEAN DE VAUX replied by
Réponse pour les Religiuex Carmes au livre intitulé: Les
moines empr. (Cologne, 1697). LOUIS DE STE THÉRÉSE, La
succession du S. prophète Elie (Paris, 1662); JOHANNES-NEPOMUCENUS
A S. FAMILIA, vere PETRUS RENERUS, Histoire de l'Ordre de N.D. du Mont
Carmel sous ses neuf premiers généraux (Maastricht, 1798),
published anonymously; this author frankly adopts the thesis of the
Bollandists. ALEXIS-LOUIS DE S. JOSEPH, Histoire sommaire de l'Odre de
N.D. du Mont Carmel (Carcassonne, 1855); FERDINAND DE STE
THÉRÉSE, Ménologe du Carmel (3 vols., Lille, 1879), not
always reliable; CAILLAUD, Origine de l'Ordre du Carmel (Limoges,
1894); ZIMMERMAN, Monumenta historica Carmelitana (Lérins, 1907),
so far only one vol., containing the oldest constitutions, acts of
general chapters, biographical and critical notes on the first
generals, lists of the Masters of Paris, and various collections of
letters. No critical history, however compendious, has as yet been
attempted, although there is no lack of material in public archives as
well as in those of the various branches of the order</p>
<p id="c-p1589" shownumber="no">ORIGINS: The bibliography of the controversy about the antiquity of
the order is extremely lengthy, but of no general interest; the
principal works are: (1) in favour of the traditional view: DANIEL A
VIRGINE MARIA, op. cit.; SEBASTIANUS A S. PAULO, Exhibitio errorum
(Cologne, 1693); (2) against the tradition: Acta SS., April, I, 764-99,
May, II, Commentar. apologet., 709-846; PAPEBROCH, Responsio ad Exhib.
error. (3 vols., Antwerp, 1696); IDEM, Elucidtio.; REUSCH, Der Index
der verbotenen Bücher (Bonn, 1885), II, 267 sqq.</p>
<p id="c-p1590" shownumber="no">GENERAL HISTORY OF THE ORDER: GULIELMUS DE SANVICO (1291),
TRITHEMIUS, De ortu et progressu; de viris illustribus;
PALæONYDORUS, Fasciculus trimerestus (Mainz, 1497; Venice, 1570),
reprinted in DANIEL A VIRGINE MARIA, op. cit.; LUCIUS, Bibliotheca
Carmel. (Florence, 1593); COSME DE VILLIERS DE S. ETIENNE, Bibliotheca
Carmelitana (2 vols., Orléans, 1752), which whould be compared
with the MSS. corrections and additions of NORBERTUS A S. JULIANA in
the Royal Library at Brussels. DE SMEDT, Introductio general. ad
histor. eccles. (Ghent, 1876); HURTER, Nomenclator (Innsbruck, 1893);
CHEVALIER, Rép. topo-bibliogr., s. v.; KOCH, Die
Karmelitenklöster der niederdeutschen Provinz (Freiburg im Br.,
1889); ZIMMERMAN, Die heil. Einsiedeleien im Karmeliten-Orden, in
Stimmen v. Berge Karmel (Graz, 1898-1900); IDEM, Die englischen
Karmelitenklöster (Graz, 1901-1903).</p>
<p id="c-p1591" shownumber="no">REFORMS: Reform of Mantua: PENSA, Teatro degli uomini illustri della
famiglia di Mantova (Mantua, 1618); FELLINI, Sacrum musæum s.
Congreg. Mantuanæ (Bologna, 1691); VAGHI, Commentarium fratrum et
sororum Ordin. B. V. M. de Monte Carm. Congreg. Mantuan. (Parma, 1725).
On the reform of Touraine (Rennes), LEO A S. JOHANNE, L'esprit de la
réforme des Carmes en France (Bordeaux, 1666); SERNIN-MARIE DE S.
ANDRÉ, Vie du Ven. Fr. Jean de S. Samson (Paris, 1881). Reform of
St. Teresa, (1) Spain: Besides her own writings, FRANCISCUS A S. MARIA
and others: Reforma de los Descalços (6 vols., Madrid, 1644); part
of this work, which is partisan, in favour of Doria and against St.
John of the Cross and Jerome Gratian, has been translated into Italian
(Genoa, 1654) and French (Paris, 1665; Lérins, 1896);
GRÉGOIRE DE S. JOSEPH, Le Pére Gratien et ses juges (Rome,
1904), also tr. It. and Sp.; IDEM., Peregrinación de Anastasio
(Burgos, 1905), published anonymously. (2) Portugal: MELCHIOR A S. ANNA
and others, Chronica de Carmelitas Descalços (3 vols., Lisbon,
1657). (3) Italy and other countries: ISIDOR A S. JOSEPH. and PETRUS A
S. ANDREA, Historia generalis fratrum discalceator. (2 vols., Rome,
1668, 1671); EUSEBIUS AB OMNIBUS SANCTIS, Enchiridion chronologicum
Carmel. Discalceat. (Rome, 1737); LOUIS DE STE THÉRÉSE,
Annales des Carmes déchaussés de France (Paris, 1666; Laval,
1891); HENRICUS-MARIA A SS. SACRAMENTO, Collectio scriptorum Ord.
Carmel. Excalceat. (2 vols., Savona, 1884), superficial. On the
missions: JOH. A JESU-MARIA, Liber seu historia missionum (1730);
PAULINUS A S. BARTHOLOMæO, Opera (Rome, 1790); BERTHOLDE-IGNACE DE
S. ANNE, Hist. de l'éstablissement de la mission de Perse
(Brussels, 1886); ALBERT-MARIE DU S. SAUVEUR, Le sanctuaire du Mont
Carmel (Tournai, 1897), the original edition published without
acknowledgment, by JULIEN DE STE THÉRÉSE (Marseilles, 1876);
HENRICUS A S. FAMILIA, Leven der gelukzaligen Dionysius en Redemptus
(Ypres, 1900); RUSHE, Carmel in Ireland (Dublin, 1897; supplement,
1903); ZIMMERMAN, Carmel in England (London, 1899).</p>
<p id="c-p1592" shownumber="no">CARMELITE NUNS: HOUSSAYE, M. de Bérulle et les Carmélites
de France (Paris, 1872); GRAMIDON, Notices historiques sur les origines
(Paris, 1873); HOUSSAYE, Les Carmélites de France et les
constitutions (Brussels, 1873); ALBERT-MARIE DU S. SAUVEUR, Les Carmes
déchaussés de France (3 vols., Paris, 1886) with a supplement
on the Jansenist troubles in the convent of the Incarnation at Paris;
Mémoire sur la fondation, le gouvernement et l'observance des
Carmélites déchaussées (2 vols., Reims, 1894),
anonymous, by the Carmelite nuns of the Rue d'Enfer, Paris, with a
valuable bibliography; Chroniques de l'ordre des Carmélites (9
vols., partly at Troyes, 1846; partly at Poitiers, 1887);
BERTHOLD-IGNACE DE STE ANNE, Vie de la Mère Anne de Jésus (2
vols., Mechlin, 1876, 1882); La vie et les instructions de la Vén.
anne de S. Barthélémy (anonymous, by a solitary of the
"Desert" of Marlaigne), (new ed., Paris, 1895); SYLVAIN, View du P.
Hermann (Paris, 1881), tr. Germ. and It.; Carmel in India (anonymous)
(London, 1895); IGNACE DE S. JEAN L'VANGÉLISTE, Vie et vertus
héroiques de la Mère Thérèse de Jésus
(Marchocka) (Lillie, 1906); Vie de la R. Mère Camille de l'Enfant
Jésus née de Soyecourt (anonymous), ed. D'HULST (Paris,
1898); BEDINGFIELD, Life of Margaret Mostyn (London, 1884); HUNTER, An
English Carmelite: Life of Catherine Burton (London, 1876); CURRIER,
Carmel in America (Baltimore, 1890).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1593" shownumber="no">BENEDICT ZIMMERMAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1593.1" title="Carneiro, Melchior" type="Encyclopedia">Melchior Carneiro</term>
<def id="c-p1593.2">
<h1 id="c-p1593.3">Melchior Carneiro</h1>
<p id="c-p1594" shownumber="no">(Carnero).</p>
<p id="c-p1595" shownumber="no">Missionary bishop; b. of a noble family at Coimbra, in Portugal; d.
at Macao, 19 August, 1583. He entered the Society of Jesus, 25 April,
1543, was appointed in 1551 the first rector of the College of Evora,
and shortly after transferred to the rectorship of the College of
Lisbon. When, in 1553, Simon Rodriguez, the first provincial of
Portugal, was summoned to Rome to answer charges made against his
administration, the visitor, Nadal, assigned him Carneiro as a
companion. In the meantime King John of Portugal, the great friend and
patron of the Society, had written both to Pope Julius III and to St.
Ignatius, requesting the appointment of a Jesuit as Patriarch of
Ethiopia. The pope chose John Nugnez, giving him at the same time two
coadjutors with the right of succession, Andrew Oviedo, titular bishop
of Hieropolis, and Melchior Carneiro, of Nicæa. They were
consecrated in 1555, and were the first Jesuits to be raised to the
episcopal dignity. The pope had given them an order of obedience to
accept consecration, and St. Ignatius acquiesced, considering that the
dignity carried with it hardship and suffering rather than honour.
Unable to enter his missionary field of Ethiopia, Carneiro set out for
the Indies and landed at Goa. He laboured there on the Malabar coast
until 1567, when he was appointed first bishop of Japan and China,
which office he seems to have renounced soon after, for in 1569 Leonard
de Saa succeeded him. He retired to the home of the Society of Jesus at
Macao, where he died. Carneiro has written some letters of considerable
historical interest, one from Mozambique, one from Goa, and two from
Macao. They are printed in various collections.</p>
<p id="c-p1596" shownumber="no">Mon. Hist. Soc. Jesu. (Madrid, 1894-96); Vita Ignatii Loyolæ,
I-IV, passim; Literæ Quadrimestres, I-IV, passim; Sommervogel,
Bibl. de la c. de J., II, s.v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1597" shownumber="no">H.M. BROCK</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1597.1" title="Carnoy, Jean-Baptiste" type="Encyclopedia">Jean-Baptiste Carnoy</term>
<def id="c-p1597.2">
<h1 id="c-p1597.3">Jean-Baptiste Carnoy</h1>
<p id="c-p1598" shownumber="no">Belgian biologist, b. at Rumilies, province of Hainaut, near
Tournai, 11 Jan., 1836; d. at Schuls, in Switzerland, 6 September,
1899. After the usual course in theology at the seminary of Tournai, he
was ordained priest and then devoted some years to the study of natural
science, for which he had always shown great talent. His progress was
rapid and, after receiving the degree of Doctor of Science, he was
awarded a government travelling fellowship. He went to Germany, where
he worked with Hanstein at Bonn and also spent some time in Leipzig,
Berlin, and Vienna. He was then sent to Rome by his bishop on business
pertaining to the Diocese of Tournai. While there he made the
acquaintance of Buoncompagni and Castracane and was associated with the
latter in his researches. In 1868 he was recalled to Belgium, his
bishop, at the request of Monseigneur Laforêt, having consented to
attach him to the University of Louvain to found a course in general
biology. Financial difficulties at the university, however, made it
impracticable to carry out this plan at the time, and he became,
instead, vicar at Celles near Tournai. During his stay here he
completed his "Recherches anatomiques et physiologiques sur les
champignons" published in the bulletin of the "Société royale
de botanique". In 1870 he was appointed 
<i>curé</i> at Bauffe, where his pastoral duties gave him little
leisure for scientific work. In 1876 he was again invited to Louvain on
the proposal of Monseigneur Nameche. He began his teaching with a
course in practical microscopy, and in 1879 he published his "Manuel de
microscopic". This was, however, but preliminary to his work in
biology, upon which his fame as a teacher and investigator rests. But
instead of taking the whole science for his field he confined himself
to that phase of it which seemed to him of greatest interest and
importance, viz. the study of the structure and phenomena of the cell.
He thus became the founder of the school of cellular biology or
eytology at Louvain — the first of its kind — whose
laboratories he equipped at his own expense. He gathered about him
students whom he inspired with his own enthusiasm, and he spared no
pains or labour to advance his school and its work and to secure
recognition for it. In 1884 he founded "La Cellule", a journal of
cytology, in which much of his own work and that of his collaborators
was published. Carnoy did much to advance our knowledge of the cell. He
advocated Fromman's theory of the reticulated structure of the cell,
and appears to have been the first to explain the true nature of the
albuminoid membrane. He devoted considerable study to the nucleus and
was able to distinguish three species of nucleoli within the nucleus,
differing in structure and function. He also carried on important
researches in cell segmentation. Besides the works already mentioned,
Carnoy was the author of the "Traite de biologie cellulaire" (1884), an
important work, which, however, was never completed.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1599" shownumber="no">H.M. BROCK</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1599.1" title="Carochi, Horacio" type="Encyclopedia">Horacio Carochi</term>
<def id="c-p1599.2">
<h1 id="c-p1599.3">Horacio Carochi</h1>
<p id="c-p1600" shownumber="no">Born in Florence, c. 1586; died in Mexico in 1666. he entered the
Society of Jesus and before he had concluded his philosophical studies
he went to Mexico, where he studies the Indian languages, especially
the Nahuatl and the Othomí, which he mastered fully. He was made
secretary of the province and wrote "Arte de la Lengua mexicana con la
declaración de todos sus adverbios, printed at Mexico in 1645";
"Vocabulario copioso de la Lengua mexicana"; "Gramática de la
Lengua Otomæ"; "Vocabulario Otomí"; "Sermones en Lengua
mexicana." His letters to the bishop of Puebla, Juan de Palafox, also
deserve mention. Only the first named work has been printed. It is a
much esteemed contribution to Mexican linguistics and a rare book.</p>
<p id="c-p1601" shownumber="no">Sotwell, Bibliotheca Jesuitica (Rome, 1676); Beristain, Biblioteca
hispano-americana; Ludewig, Literature of Am. Aboriginal Language
(1858).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1602" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1602.1" title="Caroline Books (Libri Carolini)" type="Encyclopedia">Caroline Books (Libri Carolini)</term>
<def id="c-p1602.2">
<h1 id="c-p1602.3">Caroline Books (Libri Carolini)</h1>
<p id="c-p1603" shownumber="no">A work in four books (120 or 121 chapters), purporting to be the
composition of Charlemagne, and written about 790-92. It is a very
severe critique of the Seventh General Council, held at Nicaea in 787,
particularly as regards its acts and decrees in the matter of sacred
images. In fact, it is a grave theological treatise in which both the
Iconoclastic council of 754 and its opponent, the aforesaid Second
Nicene of 787, are brought before the bar of Frankish criticism and
judged equally erroneous, the former for excluding all images from the
churches as sheer idolatry, the latter for advocating an absolute
adoration of images. Though launched under the royal name, the
theological, philosophical, and philological learning displayed far
surpass the known powers of Charlemagne. The author may be Alcuin;
possibly one or more of the Spanish or Irish theologians who were then
residing at the Frankish court. The work had its origin in a very
faulty (see Anastasius Bibliothecarius in Mansi, Coll. Conc. XII, 981)
Latin version of the Greek acts of the Seventh General Council (Second
Nicene) which the negligence of the Roman copyists disfigured still
more; in one crucial text, e.g., the negative particle was omitted, and
in another the council was made to assert that the images were to be
adored as the Trinity itself, whereas the genuine Greek text is quite
orthodox. This version was severely criticized by an assembly of
Frankish theologians at which Charlemagne assisted. Some (85) obnoxious
passages were gathered therefrom and brought to Pope Adrian I by Abbot
Angilbert for correction. This document is lost, but its content may be
gathered from the moderate and prudent reply (794) of Adrian (PL
1247-92; cf. Nam absit a nobis ut ipsas imagines, sicut quidam
garriunt, deificemus, etc.). Dissatisfied with this defence of the
council (not reputed oecumenical by the king's theologians) Charlemagne
caused the preparation (790-92) of the large work in question, known
since then as "Quattuor Libri Carolini".</p>
<p id="c-p1604" shownumber="no">In further explanation of this remarkable step, it has been noted
that Charlemagne was at this time much irritated against the Greek
Empress Irene, partly for the failure of the marriage projected between
her son and his daughter Rotrudis, partly for the protection and help
she was affording to Adelchis, the son of the dethroned King of
Lombardy, to which may be added a certain jealousy of any authority
over his Frankish subjects by a Greek council in which they had taken
no part. Some believe that he was even then contemplating the
assumption of the imperial title, and was therefore only too willing to
discredit Greek authority wherever possible. The work was first printed
at Paris in 1549 by the priest Jean du Tillet (Tilius), later Bishop of
Saint Brieuc and then of Meaux, but anonymously and without indication
of the place where he found the manuscript (Tilius was suspected of a
leaning to Calvinism). While the Centuriators of Magdeburg (q.v.) at
once made use of it as an evidence of Catholic corruption of the true
doctrine concerning images, some Catholic apologists asserted that it
was only an heretical work sent by Charlemagne to Rome for
condemnation, others that it was a forgery of Carlstad (the manuscript
of Tilius was, after all, a very recent one; Floss, De suspecta
librorum Carolinorum a Joanne Tilio editorum fide, Bonn, 1860). They
overlooked the fact that Augustinus Steuchus (1469-1549) librarian of
the Vatican, writing in defence of the Donation of Constantine, had
already quoted a passage from the "Libri Carolini" (I, 6) which he
declared he had found in a Vatican manuscript written in an ancient
Lombard hand; it had disappeared, however, by 1759, according to a
letter of Cardinal Passionei to the learned Abbot Frobenius
Förster, then meditating a new edition of the work (see preface
no. 10 to his edition of the Opera Alcuini. Floss (op. cit.) maintained
the thesis of a forgery, but the genuinity of the work can no longer be
questioned since the discovery (1866) by Reifferscheid of a tenth
century (imperfect) manuscript in the Vatican Archives (Narratio de
Vaticano Libror. Carol. codice, Breslau, 1873). Moreover, the work is
evidenced as extant in the latter half of the ninth century by Hincmar
of Reims (Adv. Hincmar. Laud., c. 20). Its genuinity was long since
admitted by Catholic scholars like Sirmond and Natalis Alexander VIII,
(Saec. VIII, Diss. VI, 6). The work was reprinted by the imperialist
editor Michael Goldast (Imperialia decreta de cultu imaginum,
Frankfort, 1608, p. 67, sqq., and Collect. Constitut. imper., I. 23)
whence it was taken by others, e.g. Migne (P. L., XCVIII, 989-1248),
though the latter had at his disposition the better edition of G. A.
Heumann, Augusta Concilii Nicaeni II Censura, i.e. Caroli M. de impio
imaginum cultu libri IV (Hanover, 1731). Some excerpts from it are
reprinted in Jaffé, Bibl. Rer. Germanic. VI, 220-42.</p>
<p id="c-p1605" shownumber="no">The authors of the "Libri Carolini" admit that images may be used as
ecclesiastical ornaments, for purposes of instruction, and in memory of
past events; it is foolish, however, to burn incense before them and to
use lights, though it is quite wrong to cast them out of the churches
and destroy them. The writers are scandalized chiefly by the Latin term

<i>adoratio</i>, taking it wrongly to mean absolute adoration, whereas
the original Greek word, Proskynesis, means no more than reverence in a
prostrate attitude. So they insist that God alone is to be adored 
(<i>adorandus et colendus</i>). The saints are to be venerated, only in
a suitable manner 
(<i>opportuna veneratio</i>). Ecclesiastical tradition, they insist,
holds of reverential honour, to the Cross of Christ, the Holy
Scriptures, the sacred vessels, and the relics of the saints. They
blame the excessive reverence shown by the Greeks to their emperors,
criticize unfavourably the elevation of Tarasius (q.v.) to the
Patriarchate of Constantinople, and find fault (not always
unreasonably) with the Scriptural and patristic exegesis of the Greeks.
On the other hand, they ignorantly confound the sayings and doings of
this orthodox council with those of the Iconoclastic conciliabulum of
754, frequently misrepresent the facts, and in general exhibit a strong
anti-Greek bias. In explanation of their attitude the following words
of Cardinal Hergenröther (Kircheng., ed. Kirsch, 1904, II, 132)
seem appropriate:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p1605.1">
<p id="c-p1606" shownumber="no">Apart from the [unrecognized] errors of the translation, the acts
and decrees of the Seventh General Council offended in various ways the
customs and opinions of the Teutonic world where heathenism, but lately
vanquished, was still potent in folklife and manners. The rude
semi-heathen Teuton might easily misunderstand in an idolatrous sense
the honours awarded to images, as yet few in number owing to the
uncultivated taste of the people. While, therefore, images were
tolerated, they were not yet encouraged and held but a subordinate
place. The Greeks had always reverenced highly, not alone the person of
the Emperors, but also their portraits and statues, and in this respect
incense and prostrations (Gr. Proskynesis, Lat. 
<i>adoratio</i>) were immemorial usages. It seemed to them, therefore,
that they could not otherwise pay due reverence to the images of the
Saviour and the saints. It was otherwise with the Germans, unaccustomed
to prostrate themselves or to bend the knee before their kings. Such
acts seemed fitted to express that adoration (latreia) which was due to
God alone; when exhibited to others they were frequently a source of
scandal. In the Teutonic mind, moreover, the freer ecclesiastical life
of the West already shone by contrast with the extravagance of Oriental
emperor-worship.</p></blockquote>

<p id="c-p1607" shownumber="no">As stated above, Pope Hadrian I, in a letter addressed to
Charlemagne, answered lengthily the eighty-five 
<i>Capitula</i> submitted to him. He reminded the king that twelve of
his bishops had taken part in a Roman Synod (previous to the Second
Nicene Council) and had approved the "cultus" of images; he refuted a
number of the arguments and objections brought forward, and asserted
the identity of his teaching with that of the highly-respected Pope
Gregory the Great concerning images. He also defended in a dignified
way the Second Nicene Synod, not yet finally acknowledged by him,
calling attention at the same time to his own just grievances against
the Greeks who still retained the churches and estates that the
Iconoclast Leo III (717-41) had violently withdrawn from Roman
jurisdiction. This letter of Pope Adrian (d. 795) may not have been
known to the bishops and abbots of the synod which met at Frankfort in
794 and on the above-described erroneous supposition rejected (can. 2)
the Second Nicene Council. Charlemagne sent the acts of this synod to
Rome, with a demand for the condemnation of Irene and Constantine VI,
but seems gradually to have yielded to the mild and prudent firmness of
Adrian for whom he professed at all times the most sincere admiration
and friendship. A last echo of the theological conflict crystallized in
the "Libri Carolini" is heard at the Paris Synod of 825, which, no
wiser than its predecessor as to the erroneous version of the acts in
question, sought in vain to obtain from Pope Eugene II an abandonment
of the position taken by Adrian I. Despite the increasing favour of the
the "cultus" of images among their people, the Frankish bishops
continued their opposition to the Second Nicene Council; the latter,
however, eventually gained recognition especially after a new and
somewhat more accurate version of its acts and decrees was made by
Anastasius Bibliothecarius under John VIII (872-82). In the meantime
the Frankish writer Walafrid Strabo had summarized and popularized the
true ecclesiastical doctrine in his excellent "Liber de exordiis et
incrementis rerum ecclesiasticarum", written about 840 (ed.
Knöpfler, Munich, 1890). See ICONOCLASM; IMAGES; FRANKFORT,
COUNCIL OF; DUNGAL OF ST. DENYS; JONAS OF ORLEANS.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1608" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1608.1" title="Caroline Islands" type="Encyclopedia">Caroline Islands</term>
<def id="c-p1608.2">
<h1 id="c-p1608.3">Caroline Islands</h1>
<p id="c-p1609" shownumber="no">A group of about 500 small coral islands, east of the Philippines,
in the Pacific Ocean. The distance from Manila to Yap, one of the
larger islands of the group, is 1200 miles. The Caroline Islands were
discovered in the sixteenth century by the Spaniards and were so named
in honour of Charles V. The Jesuits, John Anthony Cantova and Victor
Walter, attempted missionary work there in 1731; the former was soon
murdered, the latter obliged to flee. Two other Jesuits were killed
later. In 1767 the Jesuits were suppressed in the Spanish dominions,
and during the next 120 years there is no trace of a missionary. The
controversy between Germany and Spain concerning the possession of the
Carolines having been settled by Pope Leo XIII in favour of Spain, the
king directed Spanish Capuchins to the islands, 15 March, 1886, and the
Propaganda officially established that mission, 15 May, 1886, dividing
it into two sections, named West and East Carolines respectively. Until
then the islands had belonged ecclesiastically to the Vicariate
Apostolic of Micronesia.</p>
<p id="c-p1610" shownumber="no">The aborigines, of the Polynesian race, are not cannibals; they live
mainly by hunting and fishing, and know nothing of agriculture, though
the soil is very fertile. They wear very little clothing and build
small huts of branches. Immorality is rife among them, even the little
children being infected with it. The boys make progress in learning,
the girls are exceptionally slow. The language spoken in commerce is
English, but the aborigines have several dialects of their own. The
Spanish Capuchins had a catechism and prayer book printed in the Ponape
dialect, and Father Anthony of Valentia wrote a small grammar and
dictionary of the Yap dialect in 1890. They believe in a Supreme Being

(<i>Yalafar</i>) and in a bad spirit 
(<i>Can</i>), yet they have hardly any religious rites. When the Spanish
Fathers had laid the foundations of the mission, these islands passed
by purchase into the hands of Germany (1 June, 1899). Spain had
contributed more than $5000 a year towards the mission; Germany granted
no support. Spain had compelled the aborigines to send their children
to school; Germany gave full liberty in this regard, and the somewhat
lazy people consequently began to neglect school as well as church. The
mission thereby suffered greatly, and the Propaganda finally deemed it
advisable to replace the Spanish Capuchins with others of German
nationality (7 Nov., 1904) and to erect one Apostolic prefecture
instead of the two separate missions (18 Dec., 1905). The Very Reverend
Father Venantius of Prechthal was appointed first prefect Apostolic. In
1906 twelve fathers and twelve brothers were working in thirteen
stations, and several Sisters of St. Francis left Luxemburg to take
charge of the ten schools, in which were 262 children. Ninety adult
converts were the harvest of that year, and the Catholic population is
given as 1900 among 11,600 heathens and a few Protestants. The United
States Government sent, 1 July, 1905, a Jesuit from the observatory at
Manila to erect a meteorological station on the island of Yap, of which
station the Capuchin Father Callistus was appointed director. The
origin of the East-Asiatic typhoons had been traced to these regions,
and twice a day observations are made, and notice is frequently given
to Manila by cable.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1611" shownumber="no">OTTO JERON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1611.1" title="Caron, Raymond" type="Encyclopedia">Raymond Caron</term>
<def id="c-p1611.2">
<h1 id="c-p1611.3">Raymond Caron</h1>
<p id="c-p1612" shownumber="no">(Or REDMOND)</p>
<p id="c-p1613" shownumber="no">Franciscan friar and author, b. at Athlone, Ireland, in 1605; d. at
Dublin, 1666. Entering the Franciscan convent in his native town he
there made his preliminary studies, after which he studied philosophy
at Drogheda. Subsequently he left Ireland and studied theology at
Salzburg and at the Franciscan college at Louvain. At the latter place
he was, immediately after his ordination, appointed professor of
theology, and in that capacity maintained the reputation he had earned
as a student. In 1635 he published at Antwerp a work "Roma triumphans
Septicollis", in defence of Catholic doctrine, and had he continued at
Louvain the quiet life of author and professor it would have been well
for his peace of mind. But in 1648 he was sent by the superior of his
order in the Netherlands to Ireland as visitator with ample powers to
correct and reform. He resided at the Franciscan convent at Kilkenny,
and plunged at once into the strife of faction then raging there.
Opposing the nuncio and Owen Roe O'Neill, he sought to bring all to the
side of Ormond and imprisoned the members of his order at Kilkenny who
refused to adopt his views, a proceeding which made him so unpopular
that his life was in danger, and he had to be protected by Lord
Castlehaven at the head of an armed force. During the rule of the
Puritans he remained abroad, but returned to England at the Restoration
and lived there for several years. He was throughout the supporter of
Ormond and his policy and wrote two works, in defence of Peter Walsh's
"Remonstrance": "Loyalty asserted, and the late Remonstrance of the
Irish Clergy and Laity confirmed and proved by the authority of
Scripture, Fathers, etc." (London, 1662); and "Remonstrantia Hibernorum
contra Lovanienses" (London, 1665). This conduct earned for him the
character of a loyalist; but it brought on him the condemnation of his
own superiors and for a time he was under ecclesiastical censure.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1614" shownumber="no">E.A. D'ALTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1614.1" title="Caron, Rene-Edouard" type="Encyclopedia">Rene-Edouard Caron</term>
<def id="c-p1614.2">
<h1 id="c-p1614.3">Reneé-Edouard Caron</h1>
<p id="c-p1615" shownumber="no">A French Canadian statesman and magistrate, b. at Sainte Anne de
Beaupre, Canada, 13 October, 1800, of Augustin Caron, a farmer, and
Elizabeth Lessard; d. 13 December, 1876. He studied at the Quebec
seminary and was admitted to the Bar in 1826. In 1833 he was elected
Mayor of Quebec, an office he held for ten years with zeal and
devotedness, particularly during the cholera of 1834, and the fire of
1845, which nearly destroyed the whole city. Elected for the
Legislative Assembly in 1834, he was called to the Legislative Council,
at the Union of the two provinces (1841). He was appointed Speaker of
the Upper House successively in 1843, 1848, and 1851, having likewise a
seat in the Cabinet on the last two occasions. He shared with
Lafontaine and Morin the merit of wrestling from an ultra-Tory
oligarchy equal rights for Lower Canada. His patriotism and
disinterestedness made him twice forgo power and honours to assure to
his province the benefits of responsible government. In 1853 he was
appointed Judge of the Superior Court, and in 1855 of the Court of the
Queen's Bench, an office which he discharged for twenty years with
prudence and impartiality, ever guided by conscience and the sense of
duty. He took part in the codification of the civil laws (1859). In
1872 his long career of unsought honours was crowned by his appointment
to the Lieutenant-Governorship of the Quebec Province, a position which
he held till his death.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1616" shownumber="no">LIONEL LINDSAY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1616.1" title="Carpaccio, Vittore" type="Encyclopedia">Vittore Carpaccio</term>
<def id="c-p1616.2">
<h1 id="c-p1616.3">Vittore Carpaccio</h1>
<p id="c-p1617" shownumber="no">A Venetian painter whose real name was Scarpazza, b. at Venice about
1455; d. in the same city between 1523 and 1526. He was one of those
Venetian masters who formed a link between the earlier artists, such as
Jacobello del Fiore and the classic painters like Giorgione and Titian.
Lazzaro Bastiani was his teacher, not, as Vasari has maintained, his
pupil. Being an artist who worked for the middle classes of Venetian
society, Carpaccio enjoyed neither the official position nor the
aristocratic patronage that fell to the lot of the Bellinis. It was
only in 1501 that he received orders for the Doge's Palace, where he
painted the "Lion of St. Mark", still to be seen there, and the "Battle
of Ancona", destroyed in the fire of 1577. In 1508 he was one of the
commission appointed to set a valuation upon Giorgione's frescoes at
the Fondaco dei Tedeschi.</p>
<p id="c-p1618" shownumber="no">Nearly all of Carpaccio's lifetime was spent in painting for the 
<i>scuole</i> (schools) or religious confraternities either of artisans
or foreigners. It was for one of these that he executed the most
celebrated and extensive of his works "The Life of St. Ursula", now
preserved in the Academy of Venice. His other paintings were produced,
doubtless, under similar circumstances. They usually depicted the lives
of the saints, and they included such subjects as: "The Life of the
Virgin", "The Life of St. Stephen", "The Life of St. Jerome", and "The
Life of St. George". The first two are found in museums of Europe, but
about 1560 the others were placed, with the "Miracle of St. Tryphonius"
and the "Call of St. Matthew", in the little Venetian church of San
Giorgio de Schiavoni, the best place in the world in which to make
Carpaccio's acquaintance. The eight unframed panels found in the church
of Saint Alviso, signed "Carpathius" and dealing with the histories of
Joseph, the Queen of Sheba, Job, and Rebecca, are attributed, although
without positive proof, to the youthful period of the master.</p>
<p id="c-p1619" shownumber="no">Carpaccio's style, like that of all the Venetian painters of the
time, bore the imprint of Mantegna's influence. Architecturally he was
inspired by Lombardi, but his peculiar charm lay in knowing better than
any other artist how to reproduce the incomparable grace of Venice.
Long before the time of Guardi and the Canalettis, Carpaccio was the
historian and the poet of its 
<i>calle</i> and 
<i>canali</i>, and his work, together with Marin Sanudo's Journal,
provides the best picture extant of the golden age of the republic.
Carpaccio was the most truly Venetian of all the artists of Venice,
and, of course, it is there that he can be best understood and
appreciated. Moreover, he was the most Oriental, and his work abounds
in the costumes and views of the East. In 1511 he had completed a
panorama of Jerusalem that he offered in a letter to the Marquis of
Mantua. It might naturally be supposed that Carpaccio had accompanied
Gentile Bellini to Constantinople, but it has been ascertained that he
limited himself to copying Reuwich's pictures in Breydenbach's
"Itinerary", published at Mainz in 1486.</p>
<p id="c-p1620" shownumber="no">His genius is of a most realistic turn. He has nothing of Giovanni
Bellini's deep, religious lyricism; besides, his expression lacks
vigour. His "Martyrdom of the Ten Thousand" in the Academy of Venice is
among his feeblest efforts, being merely a happy, tranquil, although
quite pleasing, conception, luminous and life-like, and characterized
by exquisite dignity and an indescribable air of cheerful heroism. His
great equestrian picture of St. Vitalis at Venice was the most
beautiful piece of decorative painting prior to the time of Paul
Veronese. When pathetic, Carpaccio is charming. Nothing is more
instructive than to compare his "Life of St. Ursula" with Memling's
famous shrine in Bruges. With the Venetian everything merges into
splendid spectacles and ceremonies. However, his "Saint's Vision" is
one of the most beautiful paintings of virginal sleep ever made. His
"St. Jerome in his Cell" yields nothing in point of nobility to Durer's
fine print, and his last pictures, such as "The Holy Family" at Caen
and the eloquent "Pieta" at Berlin, reveal a soulful intensity of which
his earlier productions gave no promise.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1621" shownumber="no">LOUIS GILLET</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1621.1" title="Carpasia" type="Encyclopedia">Carpasia</term>
<def id="c-p1621.2">
<h1 id="c-p1621.3">Carpasia</h1>
<p id="c-p1622" shownumber="no">A titular see of Cyprus. Carpasia, Karpasia, also Karpasion
(sometimes mistaken for Karpathos) is said to have been founded by King
Pygmalion near Cape Sarpedon, now Cape St. Andrea, at the extreme end
of a peninsula on the north-east shore of Cyprus, a short distance
north of the modern Rhizokarpaso. Its first-known bishop, St. Philo,
was ordained by St. Epiphanius in the fourth century; he has left a
commentary on the Canticle of Canticles, a letter, and some fragments.
Hermolaus was present at Chalcedon in 451. The chroniclers mention
three other names, and a fourth occurs on a seal, all without dates.
Another is quoted in the "Constitutio Cypria" of Alexander IV (1260).
The see was suppressed in 1222 by the papal legate, Cardinal Pelagius,
but it figures in later episcopal lists. During the Latin domination
the Greek Archbishop of Arsinoe (Famagusta) was obliged to reside at
Rhizokarpaso.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1623" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1623.1" title="Carpi" type="Encyclopedia">Carpi</term>
<def id="c-p1623.2">
<h1 id="c-p1623.3">Carpi</h1>
<p id="c-p1624" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CARPI (CARPENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p1625" shownumber="no">The city of Carpi is situated in the province of Modena, Central
Italy. It belonged originally to the famous Countess Matilda, from whom
it passed to the Holy See (1115-1215). From 1215 to 1319 it was subject
to Modena and from the latter date until 1525 was ruled by the Pio,
vassals of the Holy See. In 1530 Charles V, who had occupied Carpi
since 1525, made it over to Alfonso (I) d'Este, Duke of Ferrara. Carpi
was created a see only in 1779, by Pius VI, the first bishop being
Francesco Benincasa. Under Julius II it became immediately dependent on
the Holy See, having previously been under the jurisdiction of Modena.
The cathedral, built by King Aistulf in 756, was entirely rebuilt and
richly embellished by Duke Alberto Pio. In 1855 Carpi became a
suffragan of Modena. The diocese contains a population of 70,000, with
31 parishes, 50 churches and chapels, 84 secular and 4 regular priests,
and 4 religious houses for women.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1626" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1626.1" title="Carracci" type="Encyclopedia">Carracci</term>
<def id="c-p1626.2">
<h1 id="c-p1626.3">Carracci</h1>
<h4 id="c-p1626.4">Agostino Carracci</h4>
<p id="c-p1627" shownumber="no">An Italian painter, engraver, and etcher, b. at Bologna, 16 August,
1557; d. at Parma, 22 March, 1602. The son of Antonio Carracci, a
tailor, he was nephew of Lodovico and brother of Annibale. He began his
art life as a goldsmith; but, urged by his uncle, the youth abandoned
plastic for graphic art, and studied painting, first with Fontana, who
had been Lodovico's master, and later with Passerotti. The fame of
Correggio's masterpieces drew Agostino to Parma, and afterwards,
accompanied by Annibale, he made a long sojourn in Venice, where he
became a distinguished engraver under the celebrated Cort. In 1589 he
and his brother returned to Bologna and with Lodovico started the
"School of the Carracci" (see below, 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1627.1">Lodovico</span>), in which he taught while working
devotedly at painting. In his native town is his masterpiece, "The Last
Communion of St. Jerome", a beautiful work, showing Corregio's
influence. Agostino helped in the decoration of nearly every great
palace in Bologna, and his poetic imagination was of great avail when
with the matter-of- fact Annibale he assisted in the decoration of the
Farnese Palace in Rome. He was a poet, and an interesting sonnet of his
tells the students of the "Academy" what parts to choose from each
school of painting and from the masters of the past in order to attain
perfection. In 1600 Annibale and Agostino had a disagreement, and the
latter left for Parma, where for the rest of his life he painted for
the duke. Agostino was a master of engraving: he introduced what is
called "the large style", and the lines of his plates were broadly and
boldly laid. His influence in the art of engraving was felt far beyond
the bounds of Italy, and his technic with the graver was widely
imitated. His plates were freely and beautifully executed, there is an
admirable expression on all his faces, and the execution of the hands
and feet is marvellous. In addition to his masterpiece, mention may be
made of: "St Francis receiving the Stigmata" (Vienna); "Triumph of
Galatea" (London). Among his numerous plates the best and most
celebrated are: "Antonio Carracci" (his father); "Tiziano Vocelli";
"The Repose in Egypt".</p>
<h4 id="c-p1627.2">Annibale Carracci</h4>
<p id="c-p1628" shownumber="no">Painter, etcher and engraver, brother of Agostino, b. at Bologna, 3
November, 1560; d. in Rome, 15 July, 1609. The boy's father, after much
persuasion by Lodovico an uncle, was induced to let Annibale study
painting instead of learning the trade of tailor, and Lodovico became
his first teacher. After a visit to Parma and a study of the masters in
that city, Annibale accompanied his brother Agostino to Venice and
worked with him there. He returned to Bologna in 1589, and with his
uncle and brother opened the Academy of the 
<i>Incamminati</i> or 
<i>Desiderosi,</i> called later the "School of the Eclectics" and the
"School of the Carracci", whose object was to "revive" art. In 1600
Annibale went to Rome, whither Cardinal Odoardo Farnese had invited
him, to decorate the splendid Farnese Palace. This was his greatest
achievement, and up to and through Sir Joshua Reynolds's time Annibale
was ranked with Raphael. Poussin says of the Farnese decorations, "in
them he surpassed every artist who preceded him". Agostino assisted him
in this work but left before a year was over, either from Annibale's
jealousy, as some assert, or because of the latter's quarrelsome
disposition. In any event, Annibale stands as the most distinguished of
the five Carracci, and in perfection of drawing, delicacy of colour,
and grace in modelling closely approaches the old masters. "The Three
Maries" is his finest easel picture, and both in feeling and handling
is beautiful and impressive. Although a founder of the 
<i>Desiderosi,</i> his landscapes possess great charm even as
backgrounds, and, what was unusual then, he painted landscapes where
figures were but accessories, and also worked in genre. His etchings
and engravings, however, are much inferior to his paintings, and,
compared with Agostino's work with the graver, conventional and
amateurish. When Annibale died, his nephew Antonio, to whom he was
benefactor, teacher, and friend, gave him a splendid burial in the
Pantheon. Among his principal paintings are: "The Three Maries" (Castle
Howard, England); "Holy Family" (Berlin); "Portrait of Himself"
(Florence); "La Vierge aux Cerises" (Paris); "Pietà" (St.
Petersburg). Of his engraved and etched plates the best is: "The Dead
Christ in the Lap of the Virgin", called the "Caprarola Christ".</p>
<h4 id="c-p1628.1">Antonio Marziale Carracci</h4>
<p id="c-p1629" shownumber="no">An Italian painter, the natural son of Agostino Carracci, b. in
Venice, 1583; d. in Rome, 1618. He began his art studies early and
proved an apt scholar. He was taught first by his father, and later and
chiefly by his uncle Annibale for whom he developed a deep affection.
With Annibale he went to Rome where most of his work was done. Cardinal
Tonti employed the talented youth to decorate his chapel, and on its
completion he was commissioned to paint the chapel of St. Charles
Borromeo, and a fresco in one of the rooms of the pope's palace at
Monte Cavallo. His easel pictures were few, and are to-day exceedingly
rare. In 1609, when his uncle and teacher, Annibale, died, he showed
his devotion by burying him with great solemnity near the tomb of
Raphael. His was an uneventful career. Chief among his works are: "The
Flood" (Louvre); "Christ healing a blind man" (Modena); "Lute Player"
(Modena).</p>
<h4 id="c-p1629.1">Francesco Carracci</h4>
<p id="c-p1630" shownumber="no">Painter and engraver, son of Giovanni Antonio Carracci, b. in
Bologna, 1595; d. in Rome, 1622. The father was a brother of Agostino
and Annibale. Francesco was a youth of great talent and promise. He was
taught by Lodovico in the Academy of the 
<i>Incamminati</i>, but left the school to start one in opposition to
his teacher, calling it the "True School of the Carracci". Like the
other members of the Carracci family he taught, engraved, and painted.
His "Adoration" in the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore, Bologna, is not
only his masterpiece but an excellent piece of vigorous painting. The
"True School" was not a success, and, his students leaving him,
Francesco went to Rome and made another attempt to found an academy,
only to fail again. He died in abject poverty. He left a few engravings
after the works of Lodovico and Annibale.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1630.1">Lodovico Carracci</h4>
<p id="c-p1631" shownumber="no">Painter, etcher, engraver, and founder of the "Eclectic School" of
painting, b. at Bologna, 21 April, 1555; d. there, 13 November, 1619.
He was of humble origin, and his brother Antonio was a tailor by trade.
Slow, plodding, but determined, the young Lodovico was advised by his
masters, Fontana and Tintoretto, to abandon his chosen career of art,
and his fellow-students jeered him, calling him "the ox" on account of
his physical and mental characteristics. But neither teachers nor
pupils could turn him from the path he had marked out for himself. He
travelled throughout Italy to prosecute his studies, and was chiefly
influenced by the works of Andrea del Sarto, Titian, and Corregio. He
returned to Bologna in 1589 and with Agostino and Annibale, his
nephews, opened the Academy 
<i>degli Desiderosi,</i> "the school of those who regret the past,
despise the present, and aspire to a better future". For eleven years
these three worked together, and then, the younger men going to Rome,
Lodovico remained the sole head of the Academy until his death. The
object of the "Eclectics" was to combine in their art Michelangelo's
line, Titian's colour, Correggio's chiaroscuro, and Raphael's symmetry
and grace. Midway, however, in their successful career, the three
Carracci were forced to modify their eclecticism and rely more and more
on nature. The fame of the Carracci Academy was great, its influence
spread over all Italy, and Lodovico's was a great name–great more
on account of the painters he developed than from his own work with the
brush. Albani, Guido Remi, Domenichino, Lanfranco, Spada, Tiarini, and
Bonzi 
(<i>Il Gobbo</i>) were among those who attended the school. Lodovico's
paintings are pleasing in colour, and exhibit much intelligence and
technical skill, but lack spontaneity, originality, and individuality.
He was a teacher rather than an artist. His engravings, much more
interesting than his other work, are very beautiful; evidently he began
his plates by freely and simply etching them and then finished with an
elaborate use of the graver. Chief among his works are: "Ecce Homo"
(Rome); "Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes" (Berlin); "Virgin and Child"
(Paris). Among his etched and engraved plates are the "Holy Family" and
"Samson overcoming the Lion".</p>
<p id="c-p1632" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p1632.1">Crowe and Cavalcaselle,</span> 
<i>History of Painting in Italy</i> (London, 1864); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1632.2">LÜbke,</span> 
<i>Gesch. der italienischen Malerei</i> (Stuttgart, 1878); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1632.3">Michaud,</span> 
<i>Biog. Univ.</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1632.4">Landon,</span> 
<i>Vies et Œuvres des peintures les plus cèlébres de
toutes les écoles</i> (Paris, 1803-25); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1632.5">Vasari,</span> 
<i>Vite de' piu excellenti pittori, scultori e architetti</i>
(Florence, 1849).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1633" shownumber="no">Leigh Hunt.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1633.1" title="Carranza, Bartolome" type="Encyclopedia">Bartolome Carranza</term>
<def id="c-p1633.2">
<h1 id="c-p1633.3">Bartolomé Carranza</h1>
<p id="c-p1634" shownumber="no">(Also called 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1634.1">de Miranda,</span> from his native town).</p>
<p id="c-p1635" shownumber="no">Archbishop of Toledo; b. at Miranda de Arga, Spain, 1503; d. at
Rome, 2 May, 1576. Carranza belonged to a noble family which had its
estates at Miranda de Arga in Spanish Navarre. He received his early
education at Alcalá and in 1520 entered the Dominican convent of
Benalaque near Guadalajara. He continued his philosophical and
theological studies at Salamanca; in 1528 he was made master of the
liberal arts, and in 1534 lector of theology, at the College of St.
Gregory, Valladolid. On account of some doctrinal opinions he was said
to hold, an accusation was about this time brought against him, but
nothing further came of it. Carranza's reputation as a learned
theologian increased rapidly, and he was appointed censor by the
Inquisition and was commissioned to prepare opinions and sermons. He
was also sent by his order on various important missions. Thus in 1539
he represented his province at the general chapter of the Dominicans at
Rome. After his return, in 1540, the Emperor Charles V offered him the
See of Cuzco in Peru, but Carranza declined the appointment and
continued performing his duties as lector of theology at Valladolid. In
1545, when the Council of Trent was opened, Charles V sent Carranza and
another Dominican, Dominicus de Soto, as imperial theologians, to the
council, and by June, 1545, Carranza was in Trent. During the first
period of the council (1545-47) he took an active part in the
discussions of the theologians in the congregations, expressed opinions
concerning the various matters appointed for discussion, the sacraments
in general, Baptism, the Eucharist, and the Sacrifice of the Mass, and
preached at Divine service, 14 March, before the assembled council (Le
Plat, "Monum. Trident.", I, 52-62, gives the text of the sermon). He
also showed great zeal in the conferences concerning the reform of
church discipline. In the warm discussions as to the duty of episcopal
residence, Carranza, like all the Spaniards, was strongly of the
opinion that the duty of residence was a Divine law 
(<i>juris divini</i>), and therefore could not be delegated to a vicar.
On this question, Carranza wrote and issued a treatise, "Controversia
de necessarii residentii personali episcoporum et aliorum inferiorum
ecclesiæ pastorum Tridenti explicata" (Venice, 1547), which may be
found in Le Plat, "Monum. Trident.", III, 522-584. Carranza also had a
share in drawing up the eleven articles proposed by the Spaniards,
which treated the duty of episcopal residence and other questions of
discipline relatiing to the office of a bishop. When the council was
transferred to Bologna he did not go to that city, but remained in
Trent. In 1548 Charles asked him to accompany Prince Philip to Flanders
as confessor, but Carranza declined the position; in 1549 he refused
the appointment of Bishop of the Canary Islands.</p>
<p id="c-p1636" shownumber="no">After his return to Spain, in 1549, he was made prior of the
monastery at Palencia, and in 1550 provincial. In 1551, when Pope
Julius III reopened the Council at Trent, Carranza went once more to
that city to take part in the deliberations. The council was again
interrupted in 1552, and Carranza went back to Spain, where, besides
his duties in his order, he also took part in the labours of the
Inquisition. As almoner of Prince Philip, Carranza came in contact with
the prince, and often preached before him and his court. When, in 1554,
Philip was betrothed to Queen Mary of England, and was preparing to go
to that country for the marriage, he sent Carranza and other members of
Spanish orders ahead of him, in order to give support to the queen in
her efforts to bring back the country to the Catholic Faith. Carranza
remained until 1557 in England, where he was actively engaged, in
connexion with Cardinal Pole, as visitator and preacher. He sought to
prevent the sale of Protestant books, preached frequently against the
false doctrines, and made an inspection of the University of Oxford,
from which, by his efforts, a number of professors were expelled. After
Charles V had abdicated the throne and was succeeded, in Spain, by
Philip, Carranza returned, in 1557, to the Continent, and went to
Flanders, where the new king had his principal residence at that time.
In Flanders the zealous Dominican also busied himself with efforts to
check the introduction and spread of Protestant writings and to
maintain the Catholic Faith.</p>
<p id="c-p1637" shownumber="no">The See of Toledo falling vacant by the death of the Cardinal
Archbishop Siliceo, 31 May, 1557, the king decided upon Carranza as
successor to the position. In vain did Carranza exert himself to win
the favour of the king for another candidate. Philip II persisted in
his choice, so that at last Carranza yielded and was preconized by Pope
Paul IV, 16 December, 1557, as Archbishop of Toledo and, therefore,
Primate of Spain. Carranza received episcopal consecration at Brussels,
in 1558, from Cardinal Granvella, then Bishop of Arras. Equipped with
important political instructions the new archbishop left Flanders in
June and reached the court at Valladolid in August. Soon after this he
went to Yuste to visit Charles V, who was dying; he remained with the
emperor until the latter's death. A report arose in time that Carranza
had led Charles into heretical views, so that the emperor had not died
in the true Catholic Faith. This rumour was pure invention, but it gave
a new ground for the process before the Inquisition which had already
begun against him. It was only for about a year that Carranza was able
to devote himself to his diocese, where he bestowed especial attention
upon the care of the poor. In 1558 his "Commentary on the Christian
Catechism" (Commentarios del revmo. Señ. Fray Bartolomé
Carranza de Miranda sobre el catechismo cristiano) had appeared at
Antwerp. A number of views suspected of heresy were found in the book,
and the Grand Inquisitor Valdés brought an action against the
author. Besides this work on the catechism,Carranza's manuscripts,
expressions he had employed in sermons, and letters found in his
possession, including one from Juan Valdés, the heretic, were
taken as evidence against him. Melchior Cano, the famous theologian,
and Dominicus de Soto, both members of the same order as the
archbishop, drew numerous propositions from the commentary which were
open to ecclesiastical censure. A Brief of Paul IV, dated 7 January,
1559, had granted the Grand Inquisitor of Spain the power, for the
space of two years, to investigate the conduct of all Spanish bishops;
this measure was intended to conteract the threatening danger of the
spread of Protestant doctrine. With the permission, therefore, of King
Philip II (26 June, 1558) the grand inquisitor had the archbishop
arrested at Torrelaguna, 22 August, 1558, and brought a prisoner to
Valladolid. Pope Pius IV made repeated requests to Philip II in the
matter, and the Holy Father was urged several times, in the years 1562
and 1563, by the members of the Council of Trent, to bring the case of
the Archbishop of Toledo before his court. The Congregation of the
Index also gave at the council a favourable testimony for Carranza in
regard to his commentary.</p>
<p id="c-p1638" shownumber="no">Nevertheless the Spanish process pursued its tedious course. In
1564, when the Inquisition had closed its investigation, the king
expressed the wish to Pius IV that the matter be decided in Spain by
judges appointed by the pope. The pope agreed to this and named (13
July, 1565) four judges who were to pronounce judgment in Spain. These
judges were: Cardinal Ugo Buoncompagni, Ippolito Aldobrandini, Fel.
Peretti, O. S. F., and J. B. Castagna, Archbishop of Rosano; all four
became popes later. However, after their arrival in Spain in November,
1565, they were not permitted to proceed independently of the officials
of the Inquisition, and the process, therefore, reached no final
settlement. At last, in 1567, owing to the peremptory order of Pius V,
the suit was brought before the Curia, the official documents were sent
to Rome, and Carranza, who had been in prison eight years, was taken to
Rome, where he arrived 28 May, 1567. The papal chambers in the Castle
of Sant' Angelo were appointed to be his residence during the trial.
Once more the case lasted a long time, being nine years before the
Curia. It was not until the reign of Gregory XIII that a final decision
was reached, 14 April, 1576. Carranza was not found guilty of actual
heresy, but he was condemned to abjure sixteen Lutheran propositions of
which he had made himself suspected, was forbidden to enter on the
government of his diocese for another five years, and was ordered
during this period to live in the monastery of his order near the
church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva, and there to perform certain
religious exercises as penance. Carranza died, however, in the same
year, and was buried in the choir of the church just mentioned. Before
this he had, on 23 April, visited the seven great churches and had
celebrated Mass on the following day in the basilica of the Lateran.
Previous to receiving the last sacraments he touchingly declared that
he had been all his life a true adherent of the Catholic Faith, that he
had never voluntarily understood and held the condemned propositions in
a heretical sense, and that he submitted entirely to the judgment
pronounced upon him. He had borne the imprisonment of nearly seventeen
years with patience and resignation, and was universally venerated at
Rome. Pope Gregory XIII gave permission for the placing over his grave
of a monument bearing an inscription in his honour.</p>
<p id="c-p1639" shownumber="no">Carranza's sorrowful fate was brought about, largely, by the intense
desire to keep all Protestant influences out of Spain. At the same time
it cannot be denied that expressions which he used and propositions
which he occasionally set forth would of themselves give rise to the
suggestion of heretical opinions. At a later date the Congregation of
the Index also condemned his commentary. This work, a stout folio,
treated the doctrines of Christian faith and morals under four heads:
faith, commandments, sacraments, and good works. Besides the
commentary, Carranza published a "Summa Conciliorum et Pontificum a
Petro usque Paulum III" (Venice, 1546), often republished and enlarged
by later editors. The "Summa" was prefaced by four dissertations:
"Controversiæ quattuor, (1) Quanta sit auctoritas traditionum in
ecclesiâ; (2) Quanta Sacræ Scripturæ; (3) Quanta Romani
Pontificis et Sedis apostolicæ; (4) Quanta Conciliorum"; further,
by the controversial treatise concerning episcopal residence mentioned
above, and by an "Introduction to the Hearing of the Mass" (Instruccion
para oir messa). An edition was issued at Antwerp in 1555.</p>
<p id="c-p1640" shownumber="no">     
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.1">Navarrete,</span> 
<i>Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de
España</i> (Madrid, 1844), V; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.2">Gachard,</span> 
<i>Retraite et mort de Charles-Quint au monastére de Yuste</i>
(Brussels, 1854-55f), II; 
<i>Concilium Tridentianum,</i> ed. 
<i>Societas Gœrresiana,</i> I; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.3">Diaria,</span> ed. 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.4">Merkle</span> (Freiburg im Br., 1901); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.5">QuÉtif and Echard,</span> 
<i>Scriptores ord. Prædicatorum</i> (Paris, 1721), II; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.6">Touron,</span> 
<i>Histoire des hommes illustres de l'ordre de S. Dominique</i> (Paris,
1747), IV; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.7">Llorente,</span> 
<i>Histoire critique de l'inquisition d'Espagne</i> (Paris, 1818), III;

<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.8">Rodrigo,</span> 
<i>Historia verdadera de la Inquisicion</i> (Madrid, 1877), III; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.9">SchÄfer,</span> 
<i>Geschichte des spanischen Protestantismus</i> (Gütersloh,
1902), I and III; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.10">Reusch,</span> 
<i>Der Index der verbotenen Bücher</i> (Bonn, 1883 sqq.), III; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.11">Laugwitz,</span> 
<i>Barth. Carranza, Erzbischof von Toledo</i> (Kempton, 1870); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.12">Caballero,</span> 
<i>Vida de Melchior Cano</i> (Madrid, 1871); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1640.13">Ehrle</span> in 
<i>Der Katholik</i> (1885, I, 86, sqq.).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1641" shownumber="no">J.P. Kirsch</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1641.1" title="Carranza, Diego" type="Encyclopedia">Diego Carranza</term>
<def id="c-p1641.2">
<h1 id="c-p1641.3">Diego Carranza</h1>
<p id="c-p1642" shownumber="no">Born at Mexico, 1559; died at Tehuantepec. He entered the Dominican
Order 12 May, 1577, and was sent to Nejapa in Oaxaca after being
ordained a priest. He was assigned to the mission among the Chontal
Indians, who roamed through the forests almost in a savage condition,
although, by their language, they belong to the same linguistic stock
as the sedentary Nahuatl. Undergoing great privations, Carranza clung
to these forest tribes, and succeeded in partly settling them in
hamlets and erecting hermitages where they might worship. For twelve
years he led this life of exposure and contracted leprosy. He must have
died quite young, but the exact date is unknown. Before his death he
erected a church for his wards in the village of Santa Maria
Tequiztlan. Details concerning this devoted missionary are very meagre.
We know however, that he composed, in the Chontal idiom, a "Doctrina
cristiana", "Exercicios espirituales", and "Sermones", which remained
in manuscript, but they are now lost. They would be of the greatest
value, since hardly anything has been published on this idiom.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1643" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1643.1" title="Carreno de Miranda, Juan" type="Encyclopedia">Juan Carreno de Miranda</term>
<def id="c-p1643.2">
<h1 id="c-p1643.3">Juan Carreno de Miranda</h1>
<p id="c-p1644" shownumber="no">Spanish painter, b. at Avilés in Asturia, 1614; d. at Madrid,
1685. He was a pupil of Pedro de Las Cuevas and Bartolomé Roman,
but at the age of twenty knew more than his masters could teach him,
and left them to set up a studio for himself. Velazquez is said to have
interested himself to gain permission for the young artist to study the
frescoes of the royal palaces; Carreno then obtained a commission to
decorate the mirrors in the palace of Alcázar, and his talents so
recommended him to the Court that in 1660 he was appointed by the king
as court painter 
(<i>pintor de cámara</i>), a position he retained under the next
king, Charles II. He was a man of particularly happy, peaceable
disposition, full of generosity, and an immense favourite with his
pupils and friends. His work is tender, suave, and of pure, fresh
colouring, and in his particular method he is only surpassed by
Murillo. Unfortunately, he was too much given to imitating the work of
Velazquez, and, although his portraits are powerful and truthful
likenesses, their resemblance in general pose to those of the master
force them to challenge the incomparable works of Velazquez, to the
obvious detriment of Carreño. His strongest portrait is that of
Prince Pedro Ivanovitz Potemkin, Ambassador from the Emperor of Russia
to the Court of Spain, a full length figure in red, and he painted
three portraits of Charles II, life-like representations of the
child-king. He executed several etchings. His best paintings are to be
seen at Madrid, St. Petersburg, Pamplona, Valenciennes, and Vienna.
Palomino gives a long account of his pictures in Alcala, Segovia, and
Pamplona, but very little about the artist himself. He was responsible,
with Francisco Ricci, for the decoration of the celebrated cupola of
San Antonio de los Portugueses, and the same two artists collaborated
in painting the "Magdalen in the Desert" for the Convent of Las
Recogidas.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1645" shownumber="no">GEORGE CHARLES WILLIAMSON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1645.1" title="Carrera, Rafael" type="Encyclopedia">Rafael Carrera</term>
<def id="c-p1645.2">
<h1 id="c-p1645.3">Rafael Carrera</h1>
<p id="c-p1646" shownumber="no">Born at Guatemala, Central America, 24 October, 1814; died there 14
April, 1865, one of the most remarkable men that Central America has
produced. A mestizo, he had no opportunity to secure an education, and
learned to sign his name only after he had already risen to power. The
judgment usually passed upon him is most unfavourable. He is described
as a cruel, bloodthirsty upstart from the lowest walks of life, opposed
to liberty and progress and even to order. The last is certainly not
true, since it was Carrera who, in the end, brought order into the
bloody chaos in which political factions had plunged Guatemala for
decades. Two factions were then opposing each other in Central America:
the Centralists, who clung to Spanish colonial traditions, and the
Federalists, who dreamt of a federation of the Central American States
in imitation of the United States of North America. Strife had been
bitter and bloody, at least since 1824, and on both sides terrible
excesses were committed. The Federalists or Liberals had forcibly
abolished the convents and monastic orders, driven away the clergy in
general, levying contributions right and left on the Church, making
forced loans to gratify the rapacity of unscrupulous and profligate
office-holders under pretext of supporting the Government. To this kind
of "liberty" Carrera was opposed. His opposition was intuitive, not
from principle or reasoning. Like the Indians, he clung to the Church
from tradition and habit. In 1829 he was an obscure drummer-boy in one
of the bands that fought and pillaged for the Centralist party. General
Morazan was the leader of the Liberals and captured the city of
Guatemala in the same year, putting the Federalist faction in power
again. Carrera abandoned the military career for the time and became a
humble swineherd. But when, in 1837, the cholera made its appearance in
Guatemala, the Indians, attributing its ravages to the poisoning of the
water by the Federalist authorities, rose in arms against them.</p>
<p id="c-p1647" shownumber="no">The uprising was put down by force, called forth by the usual
cruelties perpetrated by Indians on such occasions. Carrera's wife was
outraged by Liberals. He vowed revenge and kept his vow. On a later
occasion his aged mother was also ill-treated, which still further
increased his wrath. He gathered a band of followers and began a
merciless warfare. Extermination of the Liberal faction was thereafter
his aim. No pity had been shown to those he most loved, and he felt no
compassion for those under whose orders they had been wronged. Against
the trained soldiers of Morazan he could not for a long time prevail,
but his incessant harassing told upon the enemy in the end and, after
Morazan had recaptured the city of Guatemala in 1839, that leader found
himself entrapped. In 1840 Carrera was absolute master of Guatemala.
Until then he had been concerned only with war; now he faced the task
of reorganization, for which he was little or not at all prepared. He
re-established the clergy, the convents, and recalled the Jesuits, thus
laying the foundation of a new life. He proved himself wiser than the
Centralists, who opposed all progress, more practical than the
Liberals, who refused to take into account the historical development
of the people and their actual condition, striving by force to impose
changes for which the people were not prepared and which they could not
understand.</p>
<p id="c-p1648" shownumber="no">In 1847 Carrera was, by a kind of election, made President of
Guatemala, and seven years later he became dictator, that is, president
for life with the right to designate his successor. In 1862 he attacked
San Salvador and took its capital. Towards the end of his life he had
to repress attempts at insurrection. But no outbreak could succeed; he
was too firmly master of the situation, and his influence over the
Indians (who form three-fourths of the population) was too
powerful.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1649" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1649.1" title="Carrhae" type="Encyclopedia">Carrhae</term>
<def id="c-p1649.2">
<h1 id="c-p1649.3">Carrhae</h1>
<p id="c-p1650" shownumber="no">A titular see of Mesopotamia. Carrhae is the Haran of the Bible. It
is frequently mentioned in Assyrian monuments under the name Harranu,
which means "Road". It was the centre of the worship of the goddess Sin
(the Moon), and was inhabited by Sabeans. Abraham came thither from Ur,
in Chaldea (Gen., xi, 31), with his family, which remained there
(xxvii, 43) while he went on to Canaan (xii, 1). Rebecca was born there
(xxiv, 4), and Jacob lived there during fourteen years with his uncle
Laban (xxviii, 2; xxxi, 3). Under King Hezekiah it was taken by the
Assyrians (IV K., xix, 12; Is., xxxvii, 12). Ezechiel (xxvii, 23) says
it had commercial relations with Tyrus. In the neighbouring plain
Crassus was defeated and killed by the Parthians (53 B.C.); Emperor
Galerius was defeated on the same site (A.D. 296).</p>
<p id="c-p1651" shownumber="no">Christianity did not make rapid progress at Carrhae. Julian the
Apostate, before his expedition against the Persians, resided there in
preference to Edessa, a Christian city; under Justinian most of its
inhabitants were yet heathen (Procop. De bel. Pers., II, 13). In time,
however, it became a suffragan of Edessa in Osrhoene. Lequien (II, 973)
mentions from the fourth to the sixth century eleven bishops; among
them are: Vitus, the friend of St. Basil, St. Protogenes, and St.
Abrahamius. The latter died at Constantinople. Emperor Theodosius II
was so impressed by his saintly life that he chose to wear his poor
tunic. From the sixth century the Jacobites had at Carrhae a very
flourishing Church; Patriarch Michael the Syrian enumerates seventeen
bishops from the eighth to the twelfth century (Revue de l'Orient
chretien, 1901, p. 197). One Latin bishop is known, but not with
certainty (Eubel, I, 282). Carrhae was the residence of Merwan, the
last of the Ommiad caliphs, and became the centre of a famous Mussulman
school, where, in the tenth century, many Greek works were translated
into Arabic. Harran, to-day a village in a wide, barren plain,
destitute of trees, is not far from the river Belikh (Bilichus), and
about 25 miles from Orfa (Edessa) in the vilayet of Aleppo. Its houses
are shaped like sugar loaves and inhabited chiefly by bedouins. There
are ruins of a Roman camp, of many churches, and of a fortress dating
from the Crusades. Near the village is still to be found the well
whence Rebecca was drawing water when Eliezer found her.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1652" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1652.1" title="Carriere, Joseph" type="Encyclopedia">Joseph Carriere</term>
<def id="c-p1652.2">
<h1 id="c-p1652.3">Joseph Carrière</h1>
<p id="c-p1653" shownumber="no">Moral theologian, thirteenth superior of the seminary and Society of
Saint-Sulpice, b. 19 February, 1795, at La Panouze-de-Cernon, near
Rodez, France; d. at Lyons, 23 April, 1864. He entered the seminary of
Saint-Sulpice in 1812, and five years later, at the age of twenty-two,
became a member of the society and was ordained priest. The following
year he was called to Saint-Sulpice to teach the postgraduate course of
moral theology, and, despite his extreme youth, distinguished himself
as a brilliant and sound teacher. In 1829 he came to America in the
capacity of official visitor to the Sulpician houses; invited to take
part in the First Provincial Council of Baltimore, held in that year,
he gained admiration there by his learning as well as by his charming
and simple character. The works which have given him a place in the
history of theology were chiefly published between 1829 and 1850, when
he was chosen superior of the society, a position he retained till his
death.</p>
<p id="c-p1654" shownumber="no">Carrière's published writings are: "Dissertation sur la
réhabilitation des marriages nuls" (1828-34); "Juris cultor
theologus circa obligationes restitutionis", by I. Vogler, S.J.,
enlarged and adapted to the French Law (1833), and incorporated in
Migne's "Theologiae Cursus Completus"; "Praelectiones theologicae: De
Matrimonio" (2 vols., Paris, 1837; Louvain, 1838); a compendium of this
work (1837), which has had eight editions; "Praelectiones theologicae:
De justitia et jure" (3 vols., Paris, 1839; Louvain, 1845), and a
compendium (1840) which also reached its eighth edition; "Praelectiones
theologicae: De Contractibus (3 vols., Paris, 1844-47; Louvain,
1846-48), of which the compendium (1848) has had four editions.
Carrière was the first writer of note to treat theology in its
relations to the Napoleonic Code; his expositions of the French Law
were so lucid, full, and accurate that they were used as authorities by
jurists, and, it is said, are even to-day so regarded. These qualities
characterize his whole work; the opinions he rejects are treated as
fairly and almost as fully as those he adopts; his works abound in
erudition, but are clear, orderly, precise — 
<i>admodum eruditae, solidae, accuratae</i>, says Father Hurter, S.J.
He was inclined to the opinion, generally held in France in his day,
that the State had the power to create diriment impediments to marriage
among Catholics; but he abandoned it as soon as it was disapproved at
Rome. Conservative in temperament and by education, he was one of the
first to combat the ideas of de Lamenais. His position at Saint-Sulpice
afforded a wide scope to the influence of his learning and solid
judgment, and of his simple and upright nature as well, and made him
one of the foremost figures of the French Church in his day.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1655" shownumber="no">JOHN F. FENLON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1655.1" title="Carrieres, Louis de" type="Encyclopedia">Louis de Carrieres</term>
<def id="c-p1655.2">
<h1 id="c-p1655.3">Louis de Carrières</h1>
<p id="c-p1656" shownumber="no">Born in the chateau de la Plesse in Avrille, Angers, France, 1
September, 1662; d. at Paris, 11 June 1717. He entered the French
Oratory at a time when such masters as Le Cointe, Thomassin,
Malebranche, Richard Simon, and Bern. Lamy were flourishing, and made
the Holy Scriptures the favourite subject of his studies. In the
solicitude to promote Biblical science he founded a scholarship, the
first beneficiary of which was the well-known C. F. Houbigant. He held
various offices in his community, and earned the reputation of a priest
as modest as he was learned.</p>
<p id="c-p1657" shownumber="no">His work, "La Sainte Bible en francais, avee un commentaire
littéral inséré dans la traduction", has won for his
name a widespread and long-lived celebrity among the readers of the
Holy Scriptures in French. It differs entirely from anything published
by former commentators. Taking Le Maistre de Sacy's translation as a
framework, a few words of paraphrase are here and there used to explain
difficulties or clear up obscure places. These simple and short
additions inspired for the most part by Vatable, Tirinus, Menochius,
Bonfrere, and Jansenius, and printed in italics, are at first glance
discernible from the text itself, with which at the same time they are
so amalgamated as to form but one continuous narrative. There are no
notes to interrupt the text; no tiresome enumerations of the various
interpretations brought forward in the course of ages; hence no
necessity for the reader to compare and choose among them. A few
blemishes, however, mar these real qualities; besides occasional
mistranslations, some groundless hypotheses and opinions now
antiquated, the reader may think that better judgment could at times
have been shown in the choice of authorities and interpretations.</p>
<p id="c-p1658" shownumber="no">The first volumes published at Paris and Reims in the beginning of
the eighteenth century were heartily welcomed and highly recommended by
Bossuet, who encouraged the writer to pursue his work and augured well
for its success. The commentary, forming twenty-four volumes,
duodecimo, was completed in 1716. New editions rapidly followed one
another: the second edition with preface, summaries, and dissertations
compiled by the Abbé de Vence, twenty-two volumes, duodecimo
(Nancy, 1738-1741); third edition, five volumes, octavo (Paris, 1740);
fourth edition, ten volumes, octavo (1747); fifth edition, with maps
and illustrations, six volumes, quarto (1750), etc. Carrières
paraphrase, slightly corrected, together with an abridged revision of
Calmet's commentaries and a few dissertations from the Abbé de
Vence, made up Rondet's "Bible d'Avignon" (1748-1750), widely known
later as "Bible de Vence". During the nineteenth century Carrières
version has been frequently reprinted, often with the commentaries of
Menochius, sometimes also with the notes of modern interpreters, like
Sionnet (1840) and Drioux (1884).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1659" shownumber="no">CHAS. L. SOUVAY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1659.1" title="Charles Carroll of Carrollton" type="Encyclopedia">Charles Carroll of Carrollton</term>
<def id="c-p1659.2">
<h1 id="c-p1659.3">Charles Carroll of Carrollton</h1>
<p id="c-p1660" shownumber="no">American statesman, b. at Annapolis, Maryland, 19 September 1737, d.
at Doughoregan manor near Baltimore, Maryland, 14 November, 1832.</p>
<p id="c-p1661" shownumber="no">His grandfather, Charles Carroll, emigrated from England to Maryland
because of the persecution of Catholics, 1 October 1688. He obtained
considerable grants of land and was made attorney-general under the
third Lord Baltimore. The year he arrived in America, Lord Baltimore
was deprived of his rights, and Maryland was made a royal province. As
Carroll was in favour with the Baltimores, he enjoyed important
political positions in the colony before and after the restoration of
their rights in 1715. Charles Carroll of Annapolis, the father of
Charles Carroll of Carrollton, was born in 1703, and died in 1783. He
was a wealthy landowner and bitterly opposed the political disabilities
under which the Catholics of Maryland suffered. The mother of Charles
Carroll of Carrollton was Elizabeth Brooke, the daughter of Clement
Brooke and Jane Sewall, and was a near relation of her husband. Charles
Carroll's biographer, Rowland, divides his life into three periods of
about thirty years each; the first was a period of preparation, the
second a period of public service, and the third a period of
retirement, with scholarly observation of public events. At ten years
of age Carles Carroll was sent to school at the Jesuits at Bohemia on
Harmon's Manor in Maryland, where one of his fellow students was his
cousin, John Carroll, afterwards Archbishop of Baltimore. The following
year, 1748, they both crossed the ocean to the Jesuit college at
St-Omer in French Flanders, where Charles remained six years. After a
year at the college of the Jesuits at Reims he entered the College
Louis le Grand at Paris. In 1753 Carroll went to Bourges to study civil
law. He remained there for a year and then returned to Paris until
1757. In this year he took apartments in the Temple, London, where he
studied law for several years. In later days he spoke in highest praise
of the training he received at St-Omer and the College Louis le Grand.
To the former he owed his deep conviction of religious truth, and to
the latter his critical ability, his literary style, and the basis for
the breadth of knowledge which made him an invaluable citizen.</p>
<p id="c-p1662" shownumber="no">Upon his return to America, in 1765, the estate of Carrollton in
Frederick County, Maryland, was given him and later he became known as
Charles Carroll of Carrollton, to distinguish him from his father
Charles Carroll of Annapolis. In the difficulties with the mother
country, Carroll aggressively defended the position taken by the
colonies. In 1770, by a proclamation Governor Eden imposed certain fees
upon the colonists. As fees were treated as taxes this was vigorously
opposed as violating the right of the people to tax themselves. The
jurist Daniel Dulaney defended the position of the Government in a
series of articles in the "Maryland Gazette" under the signature
Antillon. Carroll took up the debate as a champion of popular rights,
maintaining the thesis that fees were taxes and that taxes should not
be levied upon the people except by the consent of their
representatives. He wrote four articles and the popular sentiment was
decidedly with him. This controversy established Carroll's reputation
as a debater and a scholar.</p>
<p id="c-p1663" shownumber="no">In 1774, Carroll was elected with six others by the citizens of Anne
Arundel County and of Annapolis, with full power to represent them in
the provincial convention. Catholics had been disfranchised and
declared ineligible to a seat in the Assembly, but by this act the
prejudice against them was swept away. Carroll was from this time for a
period of twenty-seven years called to important public service in
behalf of the colony and for the general government. In December of
this year he was appointed a member of a Provincial Committee of
Correspondence. He was a member of the Maryland Convention of 1775
which adopted the "Association of the Freemen of Maryland" which became
the charter of the colony until the adoption of the Maryland
constitution in 1776. The Association was pledged to an armed
resistance to Great Britain. He was appointed by the convention one of
a committee of nine to "consider the ways and means to put this
province in the best state of defense". On 12 September, 1775, the
citizens of Anne Arundel County and the city of Annapolis appointed a
Committee of Observation for the town and county of which Carroll was a
member. At this meeting he was elected one of the deputies to represent
the county in the State Convention for one year, and he was selected
with six others to license suits in the county for the same period. The
Colonial Convention on the 13th of October appointed Charles Carroll
chairman of a committee of five "to devise ways and means to promote
the manufacture of saltpetre". On the 11th of January 1776, he Maryland
Convention instructed the Maryland delegates to the Continental
Congress, "to disavow in the most solemn manner, all design in the
colonies for independence". This position was strenuously opposed by
Carroll, who at this time advocated independence. In February, 1776,
the Continental congress appointed Carroll one of a committee of three
to visit Canada to secure the alliance of the Canadians in the struggle
for independence. Franklin and Samuel Chase were the other members of
the committee, and Father John, afterwards Archbishop, Carroll
accompanied them. The committee was clothed with almost absolute power
over military affairs in that country, and their failure to accomplish
their object was not due either to their want of zeal or lack of
ability. On the 28th of June, 1776, the Maryland Convention withdrew
the instructions given on previous occasions to its delegates to
Congress, and authorized them "to vote in declaring the United States
free and independent states". Principally responsible for this change
of attitude by Maryland was Charles Carroll, who was afterwards
rewarded in being elected a delegate to the Continental Congress on the
4th of July. He took his seat on the 18th of July and signed the
Declaration of Independence on the 2nd of August, when the copy
engrossed on parchment was presented for signature. Of all the signers
he risked the most. He was the wealthiest man in the colonies at the
beginning of the Revolution, his wealth being estimated at $2,000,000.
On the 19th of July Carroll was appointed on the Board of War, a very
important appointment, as this board had charge of all the executive
duties of the military department, subject to the direction of
Congress. In the fall of 1777 the Board of War was enlarged and some of
Washington" enemies were made members. Out of this new membership the
Conway Cabal developed, the objects of which were defeated by Carroll,
Morris, and Duer.</p>
<p id="c-p1664" shownumber="no">Charles Carroll was appointed one of two delegates from Annapolis to
the Colonial Convention which was to adopt a constitution for Maryland.
It met 14 August. Carroll was selected as one of the seven to draw up a
constitution. He was responsible for the distinctive part of the
constitution, the method of choosing senators. The senate was to be
composed of fifteen members, who were to be selected by a body of forty
electors, two from each county, and one each from Baltimore and
Annapolis. In the fall of 1778, Carroll resigned his seat in Congress
and returned to Maryland to become a member of its senate. He was
placed on all its important committees. He was re-elected to Congress
in 1780, but promptly resigned from his seat. He was elected president
of the Maryland Senate, 23 May, 1783, and a second time on 23 December.
Carroll was in the Maryland Senate from 1787 to 1789, when the
constitution was adopted, and became a leader of the Federalists. He
was elected to the U. S. Senate from Maryland and took his seat in
1789. On the 19th of May, Carroll was appointed one of a committee of
three to revise the journal of the Senate for publication. As a
Federalist Carroll favoured the tariff, Hamilton's funding measures,
and the strengthening of the national government. He and Lee of
Virginia were the chief advocates of placing the capital at
Philadelphia for ten years, thence to be removed to the Potomac. As a
democrat he opposed all distinctions and titles. Although favouring a
centralized government he preferred to serve his state, for when
Congress at its session in 1792 passed a law making it ineligible for a
person to hold office in Congress and in a State legislature, Carroll
resigned his seat in the U.S. Senate to retain his place in the
Maryland Senate. In this capacity he served the State of Maryland till
1801. In 1799 he served on the committee to settle the boundary
disputes between Maryland and Virginia.</p>
<p id="c-p1665" shownumber="no">After the election of Jefferson to the presidency in 1800, Carroll
viewed public events with anxiety and fear. He was out of sympathy with
the prosecution of a second war with Great Britain. In later years he
became more hopeful of his nation's future. His last public act was the
laying of the corner-stone of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad on the
4th of July, 1828. After the death of Adams and Jefferson on the 4th of
July, 1826, he was the only surviving Signer of the Declaration of
Independence.</p>
<p id="c-p1666" shownumber="no">On the 5th of June, 1768, Charles Carroll married his cousin Mary
Darnall, who died in 1782. They had seven children, four of whom died
in youth. One of his daughters married Richard Caton, an Englishman,
and another married the distinguished statesman from South Carolina,
Robert Goodloe Harper. He outlived by several years his only son,
Charles Carroll, Jr.</p>
<p id="c-p1667" shownumber="no">ROWLAND, Life and Correspondence of Charles Carroll of Carrollton
(New York, 1898); LATROBE, Sketch of Charles Carroll of Carrollton in
Biography of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence (New York,
1872), VII; NILES, Register (1827), XXXVII. 79; Appleton's Journal (New
York, 1874), XII, nos. 286, 287; Catholic World (New York, 1876), XXII,
537; SHEA Hist. Cath. Ch. In U. S. (New York, 1889-92); GRIFFIN,
Catholics in the Am. Revolution (Ridley Park, Pennsylvania, 1907). A
very full list of publications relating to Charles Carroll is printed
in Hist. Records and Studies (U.S. Cath. Hist. Soc., New York, Jan.,
1903), III, pt. I.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1668" shownumber="no">J.E. HAGERTY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1668.1" title="Carroll, Daniel" type="Encyclopedia">Daniel Carroll</term>
<def id="c-p1668.2">
<h1 id="c-p1668.3">Daniel Carroll</h1>
<p id="c-p1669" shownumber="no">Brother of Archbishop Carroll, b. at upper Marlboro, Maryland, U. S.
A., 1733; d. at Washington, 1829. Politically he was, in his time, one
of the most influential men of his native State, but the wider fame of
his illustrious brother has somewhat overshadowed his repute. His early
training was like that of the archbishop. "My father", he wrote, 20
Dec., 1762, to his kinsman, James Carroll, in Ireland, "died in 1750
and left six children, myself, Ann, John, Ellen, Mary and Betsey. My
eldest sister Ann is married to Mr. Robert Brent in Virginia. They have
one child a son. My brother John was sent for his education on my
return. Ellen, my second sister, is married well, to Mr. Wm. Brent in
Virginia near my eldest sister. She has three boys and one girl. My
sisters Mary and Betsy are unmarried and live chiefly with my mother"
(Woodstock Letters, VII, 5). An elder brother, Henry, was drowned while
a boy at school. Until the Revolution Daniel Carroll led the life of
the country gentlemen of the day, but it may be noted that the Catholic
men who had been sent abroad to school were far superior, as a class,
to their neighbours, whose narrow and insular education rarely led them
to interests beyond their county limits. Carroll was an active partisan
of the colonists, serving as a member from Maryland of the old Colonial
Congress (1780-1784). He was also a delegate from Maryland to the
convention that sat in Philadelphia, 14 May to 17 Sept., 1780, and
framed the Constitution of the United States. Thomas Fitz- Simons of
Pennsylvania was the only other Catholic among the members. On his
return to Maryland, Carroll was by his efforts largely instrumental in
having the Constitution adopted by that State. In opposition to the
arguments of Samuel Chase, the Anti- Federalist leader in Maryland, he
wrote and printed a public letter defending the proposed Constitution,
the last sentences of which read: "If there are errors it should be
remembered that the seeds of reformation are sown in the work itself
and the concurrence of two-thirds of the Congress may at any time
introduce alterations and amendments. Regarding it then in every point
of view with a candid and disinterested mind I am bold to assert that
it is the best form of government which has ever been offered to the
world" (Maryland Journal, 16 Oct., 1787). As one of the four laymen
representing the Catholics of the United States, his name is signed to
the address of congratulation presented to George Washington on his
election as President of the Republic under the Constitution.</p>
<p id="c-p1670" shownumber="no">In the sessions of the new Congress Carroll served again (1789-1791)
as a member from Maryland. When the Congress, at the session held in
October, 1784, at Trenton, New Jersey, enacted that a board of three
commissioners should lay out a site, between two and three miles
square, on the Delaware for a federal city, to be the capital of the
nation, he was named with Thomas Johnson and David Stuart as his
associates. The choice of the present site of Washington was advocated
by him, and he owned one of the four farms taken for it, Notley Young,
David Burns, and Samuel Davidson being the others interested. The
capitol was built on the land transferred to the Government by Carroll,
and there is additional interest to Catholics in the fact that, in
1663, this whole section of country belonged to a man named Pope, who
called it Rome. On 15 April, 1791, Carroll and David Stuart, as the
official commissioners of Congress, laid the corner-stone of the
District of Columbia at Jones's Point near Alexandria, Virginia. When
the Congress met in Washington for the first time, in November, 1800,
Carroll and Notley Young owned the only two really comfortable and
imposing houses within the bounds of the city. Young's name is among
those assisting as collectors of subscriptions (1787) for the founding
of Georgetown College.</p>
<p id="c-p1671" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p1671.1">Shea,</span> 
<i>Life and Times of the Most Rev. John Carroll</i> (New York, 1888); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1671.2">Scharf,</span> 
<i>History of Western Maryland</i> (Baltimore, 1882); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1671.3">Varnum,</span> 
<i>The Seat of Government of the U. S.</i> (Washington, 1854); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1671.4">Ford,</span> 
<i>Essays on The Constitution of The U. S.</i> (Brooklyn, 1892); 
<i>Madison State Papers</i> in the archives of the State Department,
Washington; 
<i>United States Gazette,</i> files (1791).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1672" shownumber="no">Thomas F. Meehan</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1672.1" title="Carroll, John" type="Encyclopedia">John Carroll</term>
<def id="c-p1672.2">
<h1 id="c-p1672.3">John Carroll</h1>
<p id="c-p1673" shownumber="no">First bishop of the hierarchy of the United States of America, first
Bishop and Archbishop of Baltimore, b. at Upper Marlboro, Md., 8 Jan.,
1735; died in Baltimore, 3 Dec., 1815. His father, Daniel, born in
Ireland, settled at Upper Marlboro, where he became a merchant, and
married Eleanor Darnall, a relative of the wife of Charles Carroll of
Carrollton. She was very rich and had been well educated in France.
Their first son died in infancy; their second, Daniel, figured
prominently in Revolutionary history. John, their third son, was
probably baptized at Boone's Chapel, now Rosaryville, Maryland. When
twelve years of age, he went to the Jesuits' grammar school at Bohemia
in Cecil Co., Maryland, where he was "assiduous in study, pious and
amiable". After one year there, he went abroad to St. Omer's College in
French Flanders, and for six years pursued a liberal education with
"marked capability of mind, attention to studies and docility and
kindness of manner". His father died in 1750, and in 1753 John Carroll
joined the Society of Jesus. In 1755 he began his studies of philosophy
and theology at Liege, and after fourteen years (1769) was ordained
priest at the age of thirty-four. The next four years he spent at
St.-Omer and at Liege teaching philosophy and theology. During the
winter of 1772-3 Father Carroll travelled through Europe as preceptor,
with the son of Lord Stourton. Upon his return to England he was, for a
short time the guest and chaplain of Lord Arundell at Wardour Castle.
This year, 1773, Pope Clement XIV issued (21 July) and published (16
August) at Rome, the Bull suppressing and dissolving the Society of
Jesus. This news reached Father Carroll 5 September, and after writing
a vindication of the Society he had to provide for his future course of
life. In the following spring he returned (26 June) to Maryland and
hastened to his mother's home at Rock Creek, with whom and other
intimates he had faithfully corresponded while in Europe. As a result
of laws discriminating against Catholics, there was then no public
Catholic Church in Maryland, so Father Carroll began the life of a
missionary in Maryland and Virginia. He built a tiny frame chapel on
his mother's estate and here on Sundays (in her house on weekdays) he
said Mass when at home. During the next two years he devoted the time
left from his devotions to the study of ancient literature and current
topics in order to increase his knowledge; yet he did not neglect his
social obligations. Apropos of his support at that time he himself
wrote: "Catholics contributed nothing to the support of religion in its
ministers; the whole maintenance fell on the priests themselves. . .the
produce of their lands was sufficient to answer their demands."</p>
<p id="c-p1674" shownumber="no">In 1776, when a committee composed of Benjamin Franklin, Samuel
Chase, and Charles Carroll of Carrollton was about to be sent by the
Continental Congress to seek the neutrality of Canada during the War of
Independence, "by a special resolution (Feb. 15) Charles Carroll of
Carrollton was requested to prevail on Mr. John Carroll to accompany
the committee to Canada, to assist them in such matters as they shall
think useful". He accepted the honourable office, and spent the
remainder of the winter in Canada; he found, however (Shea, Life and
Times of the Most Rev. John Carroll, New York, 1888, 148-53), that it
was too late to discuss the question of union with the revolted
colonies, or even neutrality, and returned to New York at the end of
May in company with Benjamin Franklin. His influence on his
fellow-countrymen even at this period may be surmised from the fact
that, though out of the constitutions adopted by the Thirteen States,
only four did away with the old Penal Laws and allowed Catholics
absolute equality with other citizens, yet these (Pennsylvania,
Delaware, Virginia, and Maryland) were situated nearest to Father
Carroll. During these years he chose to live with his mother, then
seventy years old, and refused to accept an assignment elsewhere by
Father Lewis, formerly Superior of the Jesuits in Maryland, and now
Vicar-General of the Vicar Apostolic of London (or the Western
District). Father Lewis, however, did not consider him entitled to
support from the income of the property belonging to the Jesuits,
although he had to labour very hard, often riding twenty-five miles on
sick-calls. (Shea, op. Cit., 85-86); Campbell in U.S. Cath. Magazine,
Baltimore, 1844, III, 364,365.)</p>
<p id="c-p1675" shownumber="no">When the war was over Carroll and five other priests met at
Whitemarsh, Md., 27 June, 1783, to discuss ways and means to carry on
their missionary work and hold their property intact. They held a
second meeting 6 November, 1783, and a third 11 October, 1784, at the
same place, when they formulated the draft of the regulations binding
all the clergy of Maryland. Thereby every priest was maintained and
given thirty pounds a year, and each priest agreed to offer ten Masses
for every priest who died there. The adopted the following:</p>
<blockquote id="c-p1675.1"><p id="c-p1676" shownumber="no">"It is the opinion of a majority of the chapter 
that a superior 
<i>'in spiritualibus'</i>, with powers to give Confirmation, grant
faculties, dispensations, bless oils, etc., is adequate to the present
exigencies of religion in this country. Resolved therefore,
<br />"1st, That a bishop is at present unnecessary.
<br />"2nd, that if one is sent it is decided by the majority of the
chapter that he shall not be entitled to any support from the present
estates of the clergy.
<br />"3rd, That a committee of three be appointed to prepare and give
an answer to Rome conformable to the above
resolution."</p></blockquote>

<p id="c-p1677" shownumber="no">In
response to a petition sent by the Maryland clergy to Rome, 6 November,
1783, for permission for the missionaries here to nominate a superior
who should have some of the powers of a bishop, Father Carroll, having
been selected, was confirmed by the pope, 6 June, 1784, as Superior of
the Missions in the thirteen United States of North America, with power
to give confirmation. He was asked to send a report of the state of
Catholicity in the United States. This same year a minister named
Charles Henry Wharton, a Marylander, an ex-Jesuit, and distant relative
of Father Carroll, attacked the Church, and was answered by Carroll in
"An Address to the Roman Catholics of the United States of North
America". Its aim and spirit may be gauged from one of its passages
wherein Carroll said: "General and equal toleration, by giving a free
circulation to fair argument, is a most effectual method to bring all
denominations of Christians to an unity of faith." The work was
published at Annapolis in 1784, and is the first Catholic work written
by an American Catholic published in the United States. Father Carroll
was, all the while, distracted, personally wishing the rehabilitation
of the Society of Jesus and to remain himself a Jesuit. But officially
seeing the need of a bishop, and that too an American, he decided to
accept the pope's appointment of himself, and forthwith as Prefect
Apostolic sent (Feb., 1785), to Cardinal Antonelli, his acceptance of
that office, but urged that some method of appointing church
authorities be adopted by Rome that would not make it appear as if they
were receiving their appointment from a foreign power. A report of the
status of Catholics in Maryland was appended to his letter, where he
stated that 9000 were freemen, 3000 children, and 3000 negro slaves;
that some of the more prominent families, despite the dearth of priests
(there being then only nineteen in Maryland) were still Catholics in
faith, sufficiently religious, though prone to dancing and
novel-reading. The pope was so pleased with Father Carroll's report
that he granted his request "that the priests in Maryland be allowed to
suggest two or three names from which the Pope would choose their
bishop". In the meanwhile Father Carroll took up his residence in
Baltimore (1786-7), where even Protestants were charmed by his sermons
delivered in old St. Peter's church. He took an active part in
municipal affairs, especially in establishing schools, Catholic and
non-Catholic, being president of the Female Humane Charity School of
the City of Baltimore, one of three trustees for St. John's College at
Annapolis, founder of Georgetown College (1791), head of the Library
Company, the pioneer of the Maryland Historical Society, and President
of the trustees of Baltimore College (1803).</p>
<p id="c-p1678" shownumber="no">He represented to Congress the need of a constitutional provision
for the protection and maintenance of religious liberty, and doubtless
to him, in part, is due the provision in Article Sixth, Section 3, of
the Constitution, which declares that "no religious test shall ever be
required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the
United States", and also the first amendment, passed this same year by
the first Congress, that "Congress shall make no law respecting an
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof:
(for a more cautious view see SHEA, op. cit., 348).</p>
<p id="c-p1679" shownumber="no">Church troubles, Trusteeism in New York, and Nationalism in
Philadelphia, at this time decided the priests of Maryland (March,
1788) to petition Rome for a bishop for the United States. Cardinal
Antonelli replied, allowing the priests on the mission to select the
city and, for this case only, to name the candidate for presentation to
the pope. Twenty-four of the twenty-five other priests in the meeting
voted for Father Carroll. Accordingly on 6 November, 1789, Pope Pius VI
appointed him bishop. His consecration took place in Mr. Weld's chapel
at Lulworth Castle, England, 15 August, 1790, at the hands of the Rt.
Rev. Charles Walmesley, Senior Vicar Apostolic of England. Bishop
Carroll returned to Baltimore in triumph, 7 December, when he preached
an appropriate and touching sermon in St. Peter's church. Troubles in
Boston required him soon to go thither, where he removed much
prejudice.</p>
<p id="c-p1680" shownumber="no">In common with their fellow-citizens, the Catholics of the United
States hailed with joy the election of George Washington as first
president under the new Constitution. Before the inauguration Bishop
Carroll, on behalf of the Catholic clergy, united with the
representatives of the Catholic laity (Charles Carrollton, and Daniel
Carroll of Maryland, Dominick Lynch of New York, and Thomas FitzSimons
of Pennsylvania) in an address of congratulation, admirable for its
sentiments of exalted patriotism ["An Address from the Roman Catholics
of America to George Washington, Esq., President of the United States",
London, 1790, fol.; reprint New York, 1865, facsimile and notes; see
Shea, op.cit., 349-50, and ibid., the memorable and cordial reply of
Washington (12 March, 1790) "To the Roman Catholics of the United
States", in which he says: "I presume that your fellow-citizens will
not forget the patriotic part which you took in the accomplishment of
their Revolution, and the establishment of your Government, or the
important assistance which they received from a nation in which the
Roman Catholic faith is professed." The original of this reply is
preserved in the Archives of the Archbishop of Baltimore]. It may not
be out of place to quote here the noble words of Bishop Carroll
himself, addressed (10 June, 1789) to a maligner of Catholics: "Their
blood flowed as freely (in proportion to their numbers) to cement the
fabric of independence as that of any of their fellow-citizens. They
concurred with perhaps greater unanimity than any other body of men in
recommending and promoting that government from whose influence America
anticipates all the blessings of justice, peace, plenty, good order,
and civil and religious liberty" (Brent, 97, see below; Shea, op.cit.,
153).</p>
<p id="c-p1681" shownumber="no">On 7 Nov., 1791, he held the First Synod of Baltimore, attended by
twenty-two priests of five nationalities. To train priests for his
diocese of three million square miles, Bishop Carroll had asked the
Fathers of the Company of Saint Sulpice to come to Baltimore, where
they arrived in 1791 and started the nucleus of St. Mary's College and
Seminary. Bishop Carroll issued his first pastoral letter 28 March,
1792; very practical, yet tender, appealing for support for the clergy
by means of the offertory collections. In 1793 for the first time,
Bishop Carroll conferred Holy orders, the recipient being the Rev.
Stephen Badin, the first priest ordained within the limits of the
original thirteen of the United States. In 1795, he ordained to the
priesthood Prince Demetrius Gallitzin who was to add 6,000 converts to
his flock. In 1798, Bishoop Carroll won an interesting and important
lawsuit, the famous Fromm Case (Shea, op.cit., 448-5), in which Judge
Addison, President of the Court of Common Pleas of the Fifth Circuit of
Pennsylvania, decided that "The Bishop of Baltimore has the sole
episcopal authority over the Catholic Church of the United States.
Every Catholic congregation within the United States is subject to his
inspection; and without authority from him no Catholic priest can
exercise any pastoral function over any congregation within the United
States." In 1792, says Shea (op.cit., 486-7) he interceded with
Washington in regard to missions among the Indians; eventually the
president recommended to Congress a civilizing and Christianizing
policy among the Indians, one result of which was the acceptance of the
services of a Catholic priest, to whom a small yearly salary was
allowed. After the death of Washington, Bishop Carroll "issued a
circular to his clergy (29 Dec., 1799) in regard to the celebration of
the 22d of February as a day of mourning, giving directions for such
action as would be in conformity with the spirit of the Church, while
attesting to the country the sorrow and regret experienced by Catholics
at the great national loss" (Shea, op.cit., 495). Having been invited
by the unanimous resolution of Congress, in common with the clergy of
all denominations and congregations of Christians throughout the United
States, he preached a panegyric of the president in St. Peter's church
in Baltimore, 22 February, 1800, which was regarded by all who heard
it, or read it in print (Baltimore, 1800), says Shea, (op.cit., 495),
as one of the most masterly which were uttered on that day. Episcopal
orders were conferred for the first time in the United States by Bishop
Carroll on Bishop Neale, his coadjutor, with right of succession to the
See of Baltimore. Plans for building his cathedral now occupied Bishop
Carroll's mind, and on 7 July, 1806, he laid the corner-stone on ground
bought for $20,000, and the seventh design of the architect, B.H.
Latrobe, was accepted.</p>
<p id="c-p1682" shownumber="no">In 1808, Bishop Carroll became Archbishop, with suffragan sees at
New York, Philadelphia, Boston, and Bardstown. At a meeting held in
Baltimore in 1810, Archbishop Carroll, with Bishop Neale and three of
his suffragans, drew up some important regulations for the welfare and
direction of their clergy and people (See BALTIMORE, PROVINCIAL
COUNCILS OF). Owing to ill-health Archbishop Carroll had to decline the
proffered honour of laying the corner-stone of Washington's Monument in
Baltimore, in the autumn of 1815. His end was now approaching. To a
Protestant minister who said to the dying prelate that his hopes were
now directed to another world, Archbishop Carroll replied: "Sir, my
hopes have been always fixed on the Cross of Christ". A short while
after he said, "Of those things that give me most consolation at the
present moment, one is that I have always been attached to the practice
of devotion to the Blessed Virgin Mary; that I have established it
among the people under my care, and placed my diocese under her
protection." On 22 November he received the last sacraments, after
which he made a touching discourse to the priests present. "The whole
population of Baltimore", said a letter from a relative, were
"constantly calling to inquire about, and to urge permission to see
him." The funeral Mass was offered in St. Peter's pro-Cathedral and the
body temporarily laid in the chapel of St. Mary's Seminary till 1824,
when the cathedral crypt was ready for the deposit it still guards.</p>
<p id="c-p1683" shownumber="no">"Archbishop Carroll, though of low stature, had a commanding and
dignified appearance", wrote the Rev. Dr. C. I. White. "The
configuration of his head, his whole mein, bespoke the metropolite. . .
. He wrote them (Latin, Italian and French) not less readily and
tersely than his own. He mingled often in gay society, relished the
festivities of polished life, and the familiar intercourse of both
clergy and laity of the Protestant denomination. He was wholly free
from guile, uniformly frank, generous and placable; he reprobated all
intolerance. . . . He ranked and voted with the Federalist party. He
loved republicanism. His manners were mild, impressive and urbane."</p>
<p id="c-p1684" shownumber="no">A Baltimore paper of the day said of the burial: "We have never
witnessed a funeral procession where so many of eminent respectability
and standing among us followed the train of mourners. Distinctions of
rank, of wealth, of religious opinion were laid aside in the great
testimony of respect to the memory of the man." Another Baltimore paper
said: "In him religion assumed its most attractive and amiable form,
and his character conciliated for the body over which he presided,
respect and consideration from the liberal, the enlightened of all
ranks and denominations; for they saw that his life accorded with the
benign doctrines of that religion which he professed. In controversy he
was temperate yet compelling, considerate yet uncompromising.</p>
<p id="c-p1685" shownumber="no">Brent says he had "sound judgment, real piety and pre-eminent
talents". "The discourses from the pulpit, and the pastoral letters of
Archbishop Carroll were alike distinguished for their unction and
classical taste. His voice being naturally feeble, the exertions which
he made to be distinctly heard from the pulpit rendered his elocution
less agreeable there than in other situations requiring less force of
lungs. His colloquial powers and resources were great and rich, and his
kind and benignant feelings always prompted him to apply them to the
best of advantage. There was an irresistible charm and elegance indeed
in his conversations."</p>
<p id="c-p1686" shownumber="no">The archives of the Baltimore cathedral contain the original Brief
making Father Carroll Superior of the Missions in the United States,
and erecting the See of Baltimore and appointing bishop Carroll, copies
of the Briefs raising Baltimore to an archiepiscopal see and conferring
the pallium on Bishop Carroll, also very many of his official and
private letters, etc.</p>
<p id="c-p1687" shownumber="no">BRENT, "Biographical Sketchof the Most Rev. John Carroll"
(Baltimore, 1843); CAMPBELL, "Memoirs of the Life and Times of the Most
Rev. John Carroll" in "United States Catholic Magazine" (1844-5); IDEM,
Desultory Sketches of the Catholic church in Maryland" in "Religious
Cabinet" (1842); WHITE, Appendix to DARRAS, "History of the Catholic
Church"; SHEA, "Life and Times of the Most Rev. John Carroll" (New
York, 1888).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1688" shownumber="no">LOUIS O'DONOVAN</p></def>

<term id="c-p1688.1" title="Cartagena (Colombia)" type="Encyclopedia">Cartagena (Colombia)</term>
<def id="c-p1688.2">
<h1 id="c-p1688.3">Cartagena</h1>
<p id="c-p1689" shownumber="no">(CARTHAGENA IN INDIIS)</p>
<p id="c-p1690" shownumber="no">The city of the same name, residence of the archbishop, is situated
on an island to the north of Tierra Bomba (Colombia). Heredia built and
fortified it in 1533, and Philip II, King of Spain, in 1579, grant ed
it the title of city; it is now the capital of the State of Bolivar.
Pope Clement VII erected it into a bishopric in 1534, and Leo XIII
raised it to metropolitan rank in 1900.</p>
<p id="c-p1691" shownumber="no">Its first bishop was the Dominican Tomás del Toro (1535). Other
bishops were: Fra Antonio de Hervia (1590), who was the first professor
at the University of Lima; Fra Juan de Labrada (1596), who rebuilt the
cathedral; the Franciscan, JosÈ Diaz de Lamadrid (1677), who built
many churches and hospitals, and who gave to the cathedral a pulpit of
marble, mosaics, and a monstrance valued at ninety thousand dollars.
Pedro Adán Brioschi was the first archbishop. The diocese contains
300,000 inhabitants; it has 98 parishes, two religious orders of men
and two of women; it has also a university and a college directed by
the Jesuits, a seminary, and various houses of education for girls,
directed by nuns.</p>
<p id="c-p1692" shownumber="no">VARIGNY in La grand encyclopÈdie, IX, 612; Ann. Pont. Cath.
(Paris, 1907).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1693" shownumber="no">M. DE MOREIRA</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1693.1" title="Cartagena (Spain)" type="Encyclopedia">Cartagena (Spain)</term>
<def id="c-p1693.2">
<h1 id="c-p1693.3">Cartagena</h1>
<p id="c-p1694" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CARTAGENA (CARTHAGINIENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p1695" shownumber="no">Suffragan of Granada in Spain since the concordat of 1851,
previously of Toledo. It includes practicably the provinces of Murcia
and Albacete, with some towns in those of Alicante and Almeria. The
bishop resides at Murcia, the civil capital of the province which has a
population of 111,539. Cartagena was almost completely destroyed by the
Vandals in 425, and some writers, e.g. La Fuente, infer that it lost at
that time its dignity of metropolitan see. On the other hand the
decrees of the Second Council of Tarragona (516) are signed, among
other, by a Bishop of Cartagena named Hector. There is no evidence for
the statement that St. Fulgentius, brother of St. Isidore of Seville,
was Bishop of Cartagena. The city was rebuilt by the Byzantines, and
under them attained some measure of its former splendour. At the end of
the sixth century Bishop Licinianus was known as author of several
epistles on theological subjects, some of which have been preserved
(P.L., LXXII, 689-700). In 674 the Byzantines were expelled, and
Cartagena ceased to be an episcopal see. Under Moorish rule there is a
record of a Bishop of Cartagena name John (998). In 1247 the city was
retaken from the Moors, and the see was restored. Its first bishop was
a Franciscan, fray Pedro Gallego, the confessor of King Alfonso X. In
1291 Nicholas IV transferred the residence of the bishop from Cartagena
to Murcia, the former city being much exposed to piratical attacks.
Among its best-known bishops have been Juan Martinez Siliceo (1540),
tutor of Philip II, and later Archbishop of Toledo (1546), and Cardinal
Luis Belluga (1704), a great promoter of agriculture. The Catholic
population of the diocese is 691,382; there are 132 principal parishes
and 87 filial parishes, 620 priests, and 217 churches.</p>
<p id="c-p1696" shownumber="no">FLOREZ, de la Provincia cataginense in España sagrada (Madrid,
1763); V, 64-157; LA FUENTE, Hist.cc.ca de España (Madrid,
1873-75), II, 30-42, 94-96, 140-45, 389-90, III, 383; VINCENTE Y
PORTILLO, Biblioteca histórica de Cartagena (Madrid, 1889), I.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1697" shownumber="no">EDUARDO DE HINOJOSA</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1697.1" title="Carthage, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Carthage</term>
<def id="c-p1697.2">
<h1 id="c-p1697.3">St. Carthage</h1>
<p id="c-p1698" shownumber="no">St. Carthage, whose name is also given as Mochuda, was born of a
good family, in what is now County Kerry, Ireland, about the year 555.
He spent his youth as a swineherd near Castlemaine, and became a monk
in a neighbouring monastery under the guidance of St. Carthage the
Elder, subsequently receiving priest's orders. In 580 he determined to
lead a hermit's life, and he built a cell at Kiltallagh, where his fame
soon attracted pilgrims. After a few years the jealousy of two
neighbouring bishops forced him to quit his hermitage, and he proceeded
on a visit to Bangor, where he spent a year. On the advice of St.
Comgall he returned to Kerry and founded churches at Kilcarragh and
Kilfeighney. He then visited Waterford, Clonfert-molua (Kyle), and
Lynally, whence, on the recommendation of St. Colman Elo, he settled at
Rahan, near Tullamore, in the present King's County.</p>
<p id="c-p1699" shownumber="no">St. Carthage founded his monastery of Rahan about 590, and soon had
hundred of disciples. He was consecrated Abbot-Bishop of the Fercal
district, and composed a rule for his monks, an Irish metrical poem of
580 lines, divided into nine separate sections -- one of the most
interesting literary relics of the early Irish Church. Numerous
miracles are also recorded to him. At length, Blathmaic, a Meathian
prince, instigated by the neighbouring monks, ordered St. Carthage to
leave Rahan. This expulsion of the saint and eight hundred of his
community took place at Eastertide of the year 635. Journeying by
Saigher, Roscrea, Cashel, and Ardfinnan, St. Carthage at length came to
the banks of the River Blackwater, where he was given a foundation by
the Prince of the Decies, and thus sprang up the episcopal city of 
<i>Lios-mor</i>, or Lismore, County Waterford.</p>
<p id="c-p1700" shownumber="no">Great as was the fame of Rahan, it was completely eclipsed by that
of Lisemore, although St. Carthage lived less than two years at his new
foundation. He spent the last eighteen months of his life in
contemplation and prayer, in a cave near the present St. Carthage's
Well. When at the point of death, he summoned his monks and gave them
his farewell exhortation and blessing. Fortified by the Body of Christ
he died on the 14th of May, 637, on which day his feast is celebrated
as first Bishop and Patron of Lismore. Short as was St. Carthage's stay
in Lismore, he left an ineffaceable impress of his labours in a famous
abbey, cathedral, and infant university, but more so in the shining
example of an austere and blameless life. Purity was his transcendent
virtue, and to guard it he practised the severest penances. On this
account St. Cuimin of Connor thus writes of him in an Irish
quatrain:</p>
<p id="c-p1701" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">The beloved Mochuda of mortification,
<br />Admirable every page of his history.
<br />Before his time there was no one who shed
<br />Half so many tears as he shed.</p>

<p id="c-p1702" shownumber="no">Usher had two
manuscript copies of the Irish life of St. Carthage; and in 1634 Philip
O'Sullivan Beare sent a Latin translation to Father John Bollandus,
S.J. The "Vita Secunda" is the one usually quoted. In 1891 the present
writer discovered the site of the 
<i>Relig Mochuda</i> in which St. Carthage was buried.</p>
<p id="c-p1703" shownumber="no">Acta <scripRef id="c-p1703.1" osisRef="Bible:Song.14" parsed="|Song|14|0|0|0" passage="SS. 14">SS. 14</scripRef> May (III); Colgan, Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae (Louvain,
1645); Lanigan, Eccles. Hist. of Ireland (Dublin, 1829), II;
Baring-Gould, Lives of the Saints (London, 1874), V; O'Hanlon, Lives of
the Irish Saints (Dublin, 1889), V; Grattan Flood, St. Carthage
(Waterford, 1898); Healy, Insula Sanctorum et Doctorum (Dublin, 1902);
Power, Place-Names of the Decies (Waterford, 1907); Hyde, Literary
History of Ireland (London, 1901).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1704" shownumber="no">W.H. GRATTAN FLOOD</p></def>

<term id="c-p1704.1" title="Carthage" type="Encyclopedia">Carthage</term>
<def id="c-p1704.2">
<h1 id="c-p1704.3">Carthage</h1>
<p id="c-p1705" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p1705.1">Archdiocese of carthage</span> 
(<span class="sc" id="c-p1705.2">Carthaginiensis</span>)</p>
<p id="c-p1706" shownumber="no">The city of Carthage, founded by Phoenician colonists, and long the
great opponent of Rome in the duel for supremacy in the civilized
world, was destroyed by a Roman army, 146 B.C. A little more than a
century later (44 B.C.), a new city composed of Roman colonists was
founded by Julius Cæsar on the site of Carthage, and became the
capital of the Roman province of Africa Nova, which included the
province of Africa Vetus, as well as Numidia. From this date Roman
Africa made rapid progress in prosperity and became one of the most
flourishing colonies of the empire.</p>
<p id="c-p1707" shownumber="no">The history of African Christianity opens in the year 180 with the
accounts of two groups of martyrs who suffered at Scillium, a city of
Numidia, and Madaura. Twenty years later a flourishing Church existed
in Carthage, already the centre of Christianity in Africa. In his
"Apology", written at Carthage about 197, Tertullian states that
although but of yesterday the Christians "have filled every place among
you [the Gentiles] — cities, islands, fortresses, towns,
market-places, the very camp, tribes, companies, palaces, senate,
forum; we have left nothing to you but the temples of your gods". If
the Christians should be in a body desert the cities of Africa, the
governing authorities would be "horror-stricken at the solitude" in
which they would find themselves, "at a silence so all pervading", a
stupor as of a dead world (Apol., xxxvii). Fifteen years later the same
author asks the Proconsul Scapula: "What will you make of so many
thousands, of such a multitude of men and women, persons of every age,
sex and rank, when they present themselves before you? How many fires,
how many swords will be required?" And with regard to the Christians of
the African capital he inquires: "What will be the anguish of Carthage
itself, which you will have to decimate, as each one recognizes there
is relatives and companions; as he sees there, it may be, men of your
own order, and noble ladies, and all the leading persons of the city,
and either kinsmen or friends of those in your own circle? Spare
thyself, if not us poor Christians. Spare Carthage, if not thyself" (Ad
Scapulam, v). It is clear from this that the Christian religion at the
beginning of the third century must have had numerous adherents in all
ranks of Carthaginian society; Tertullian, if the contrary were the
case, would merely have stultified himself by making a claim which
could have been so easily disproved. A council of seventy bishops held
at Carthage by Bishop Agrippinus at the epoch (variously dated between
198 and 222), substantially corroborates the testimony of Tertullian as
to the general progress of Christianity in Africa in the early years of
the third century. It is impossible to say whence came the first
preachers of Christianity in Roman Africa. It is worthy of note in this
regard, however, that from the moment when African Christianity comes
into historical prominence, the bishops of Roman Africa are seen in
very close relations with the See of Rome. The faithful of Carthage in
particular were "greatly interested in all that happened at Rome; every
movement of ideas, every occurrence bearing on discipline, ritual,
literature, that took place at Rome was immediately re-echoed at
Carthage" (Duchenne, Hist. Anc. De l'Eglise, I, 392; cf. Leclecq,
L'Afrique chrÈt., I, iii). Indeed, during the last decade of the
second century the Roman Church was governed by an African, Pope Victor
(189-199).</p>
<p id="c-p1708" shownumber="no">The two greatest names in the history of the Church of Carthage are
those of Tertullian and St. Cyprian. The former comes on the scene, in
the troubled days of he persecution of Septimius Severus, as an able
and valiant defender of his religion. He was born at Carthage, about
the year 160. In his youth he devoted himself to the study of law and
literature, and thus obtained the intellectual training which was to
prove of the greatest service to his future coreligionists. His
conversion appears to have been influenced by the heroism of the
martyrs, and one of his earliest treatises was an exhortation to those
ready to die for the faith (Ad martyres). His first work was a severe
arraignment of pagans and polytheism (Ad nationes), and this was
followed in a short time (197) by his "Apologeticus", addressed to the
imperial authorities. The latter work was calm in tone, "a model of
judicial discussion" (Bardenhewer). Unlike previous apologists of
Christianity, whose appeals for tolerance were made in the name of
reason and humanity, Tertullian, influenced by his legal training,
spoke as a jurist convinced of the injustice of the laws under which
the Christians were persecuted. The "Apologeticus" was written before
the edict of Septimius Severus (202), and consequently, the laws to
which the writer took exception were those under which the Christians
of the first and second centuries had been convicted. From the year of
the martyrdom of Scillium and Madaura (180) the Christians of Africa
were not molested by the authorities for nearly two decades. But in 197
or 198 the governors recommenced the legal pursuit of the followers of
Christ, who soon filled the prisons of Carthage. Tertullian encouraged
the "blessed martyrs designate" by what he termed a contribution to
their spiritual sustenance (Ad martyres, i), and at the same time
protested against the unjust measures of which they were the victims.
But the magistrates took no heed of his protests. Christians were daily
condemned to exile, torture, death, and, in at least one instance, to a
still more dreaded fate (Apol., 1). In 202 the new anti-Christian
legislation of Septimius Severus appeared in the form of an edict which
forbade anybody to become a Jew or a Christian. According to Tertullian
the Church at this period was recruited chiefly by conversion 
(<i>fiunt, non nascuntur Christiani</i>, Apol., xviii); the new law,
consequently, aimed at cutting off this fertile source of membership,
by imposing the death- penalty both on converts and on those who were
the instruments of their conversion. Among the martyrs executed at
Carthage under the law of Severus were the young matron Vibia Perpetua
and the slave Felicitas, the Acts of whose martyrdom, which, perhaps,
we owe to Tertullian (Duchesne, op. cit., I, 394), is one of the
"jewels of ancient Christian literature". Throughout the trying period
inaugurated by the new legislation (202-213), during which the law was
enforced with more or less severity according to the disposition of the
governor of the moment, Tertullian was the central figure of the Church
of Carthage. His rigorism indeed drew him, about the opening year of
the persecution, into the sect of the Montanists, but in spite of this
lapse he appears not to have lost for many years the confidence of the
orthodox; as late as 212 he wrote his letter to the Proconsul Scapula
in the name of the Christians of Carthage (Leclercq, op.cit., I, 165).
It was only in the following year (213) that he broke definitively with
the Church and became the head of an obscure sect, called after him
"Tertullianists", which maintained a precarious existence till the age
of St. Augustine.</p>
<p id="c-p1709" shownumber="no">From this time to the election of St. Cyprian (249) little is known
of the Church of Carthage. The Acts of Sts. Perpetua and Felicitas
mention a certain Optatus, who was Bishop either of Carthage or
Thuburbo minus. Agrippinus, already mentioned, was Bishop of Carthage
about 197, and the immediate predecessor of St. Cyprian was Donatus,
who presided over a council of ninety African bishops which condemned
as a heretic Privatus, Bishop of Lambesa. Like Tertullian, Cyprian was
a convert to Christianity; he was baptized at Carthage about 246. The
period of his episcopate (249-258) is one of the most important, as
well as the best known, in the annals of Christianity in Africa. A year
after his elevation the edict of the Emperor Decius against the
Christians was promulgated, and its appearance was the signal for
wholesale apostasy. During the long interval of peace since the
persecution of Severus the fervour of the Christians of Carthage had
suffered a notable decline. The time was therefore favourable for
effecting the emperor's purpose, which was to compel the Christians to
renounce their faith and offer sacrifice on the altars of the gods. In
the early stages of the persecution capital punishment was not resorted
to, except in the case of bishops, but the mere threat of even less
sever penalties induced large numbers to comply with the law. Many
others, however, proved themselves worthy of their religion and died
heroically.</p>
<p id="c-p1710" shownumber="no">At the beginning of the storm, Cyprian, knowing that as bishop he
would be one of the first victims, and judging that in a time so
perilous it was his duty for the moment to preserve his life for the
good of his flock, retired to a secure refuge. His motives were not,
however, correctly construed by some of his people, and even the Roman
priests who directed the chief Church of Christendom after the
martyrdom of Pope Fabian (236-250) made a rather uncomplimentary
allusion, in a letter to the clergy of Carthage, to "the Good Shepherd
and the hireling". Cyprian was naturally offended at the tone of this
missive, and easily proved to the satisfaction of the Romans that they
had misjudged him. But the difficulties which arose in Carthage itself
during his retirement were not so easily overcome. In the absence of
the bishop five priests hostile to him took it upon themselves to
receive back apostates 
(<i>lapsi, libellatici</i>) into communion, merely on the recommendation
of confessors awaiting martyrdom in prison. The intercession of
confessors for the fallen was then customary, and was always regarded
by the bishops as a reason for remitting part of the canonical penance
for apostasy. But in Carthage at this time some of the confessors seem
to have regarded themselves as having practically superseded the
bishops, and issued letters of communion in a tone of command. One of
them, for example, gave a note ordering the restoration of the bearer
and his friends to communion 
(<i>communicet ille cum suis</i>). Cyprian objected to this usurpation
of his authority, which, if not resisted, would destroy the Church's
discipline, and he was supported in this attitude by the clergy and
confessors of the Roman Church. On this Novatus, one of the rebellious
priests, set out for Rome to obtain, if possible, support for his
party. But the schismatical envoy at first met with no success.
Eventually, however, he won over the priest Novatian and some of the
Roman confessors. The object of the alliance was to elect a
"confessors' pope", who would support a "confessors' bishop", to be
elected in Carthage in opposition to Cyprian. The allies were, however,
defeated at the outset by the election of Pope Cornelius, who was on
the side of Cyprian. But this check did not at all dispose them to
yield; they proceeded to elect an antipope in the person of Novatian.
Meanwhile Cyprian had returned to Carthage, where he convened a council
of African bishops for the purpose of dealing with the question of the 
<i>lapsi</i>. The decision of the council was moderate: all apostates
who repented their fall were admitted to penance, which should last a
greater or less time according to the degree of their guilt. The decree
to this effect was confirmed by a Roman council under Pope Cornelius.
But now, curiously enough, Novatian, who had taken the part of the
laxists of Carthage, became a rigorist; he admitted apostates to
penance, indeed, but without hope of reconciliation with the Church,
even at the point of death. His views, however, were received with
little favour, and eventually, through the efforts of Dionysius of
Alexandria, Cyprian, and Pope Cornelius, the Roman confessors from whom
he had derived his prestige deserted his party and were admitted to
communion. The attempts to organize a schism in Carthage were no more
successful. Cyprian was supported by all the bishops of Africa, with
five exceptions, three of whom were apostates and two heretics.</p>
<p id="c-p1711" shownumber="no">The years 255-257 witnessed a controversy between Rome and Carthage
on a question of discipline which for a short time produced strained
relations between these two great centres of Latin Christianity. The
trouble arose over the different modes in vogue in Rome and in Africa
of receiving into communion persons baptized in heretical sects. In
Rome baptism conferred by heretics was per se admitted to be valid; in
Africa such baptism was regarded a wholly invalid. The matter was
allowed to drop after the death of Pope Stephen (2 August, 257).
Africans and Romans preserved their respective practices till the
fourth century, when the former, at the Synod of Arles (314), agreed to
conform to the Roman custom (Hefele, Hist. Of the Councils, I, 188).
Cyprian died a martyr in the persecution of Valerian, September,
258.</p>
<p id="c-p1712" shownumber="no">From this date to the outbreak of the last persecution under
Diocletian, in 303, very little is known of the history of the Church
of Carthage. Two of the bishops who succeeded St. Cyprian, Carpophorus
and Lucian, in this period of forty-five years are mentioned by
Optatus, but nothing is related of them save their names. The worldly
spirit which had been the cause of so many defections in the African
Church of St. Cyprian's age was equally in evidence in the early part
of the fourth century. A new form of apostasy characterized this
persecution. In large numbers Christians betrayed their faith by giving
up to the civil authorities copies of the Scriptures and the liturgical
utensils. These renegades, who received the name of "traditors", were
indirectly the cause of the gravest division that had yet been seen in
Christendom. The Donatist schism originated in the consecration of
Cæcilian as Bishop of Carthage (311) by Felix of Aptunga, who was
falsely accused as having been a traditor. Its effects on the Church of
Africa were disastrous. The obstinacy of the Donatists kept the schism
alive for more than a century, and it was only the intervention of the
Emperor Honorius in 405 that dealt it a death-blow. The civil penalties
then inflicted on the schismatics brought them back to the Church in
large numbers, although the sect still existed in 429, when Carthage
was taken by the Vandals.</p>
<p id="c-p1713" shownumber="no">The Vandal occupation of Africa, which lasted over a century
(429-534), was a period of severe trial to the Catholics of that
country. The disorganization of the African Church was arrested by the
re-conquest under Justinian of this portion of the empire, but the
heresies which, during the sixth and seventh centuries, proved so
fruitful in dissensions affected this portion of Christendom like the
rest. The final catastrophe came with the fall of Carthage into the
hands of the Arabs in 698. From this time the once flourishing church
of Africa is rarely heard of. Apostasy became the order of the day, and
in 1053 only five bishops remained in the former pro-consulate.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1713.1">PRIMACY OF CARTHAGE</h3>
<p id="c-p1714" shownumber="no">In the time of St. Cyprian the Bishops of Carthage exercised a real
though not official primacy in the African Church. Roman Africa at this
period consisted of three provinces: (1) the province of Africa proper,
which comprised the proconsulate, Byzacena and Tripoli; (2) Numidia;
(3) Mauretania. These three civil divisions formed tin the middle of
the third century but one ecclesiastical province. In 305 a Primate of
Numidia is mentioned for the first time, and in the course of the
fourth century Byzacena, Tripoli, and the Mauretanias each obtained an 
<i>episcopus primæ sedis</i>. These later primatial sees were,
however, of little importance; their metropolitans presided over the
provincial synods, appointed delegates to the annual councils of
Carthage, received the appeals of the clergy of their provinces, and
gave letters of travel 
(<i>litteræ formatæ</i>) to the bishops of their jurisdiction
who wished to visit Italy (Synod of Hippo, 393, can. xxvii). The
provincial clergy had the right, if they preferred, to ignore their
immediate metropolitan and appeal directly to the Primate of Carthage.
At first the provincial primacy devolved 
<i>ipso facto</i> on the senior bishop of the province, but as this
method proved a source of dispute the synod of Hippo of 393 (can. iv)
decreed that in case of difference of opinion among the provincial
bishops the primate should be "appointed in accordance with the advice
of the Bishop of Carthage". It was the right of the Bishop of Carthage
also to determine, a year in advance, the date for the celebration of
Easter.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1714.1">COUNCILS OF CARTHAGE</h3>
<p id="c-p1715" shownumber="no">The earliest council of Carthage of which we know was held about 198
(?); seventy bishops, presided over by the Bishop of Carthage,
Agrippinus, were present. According to Cyprian the question of the
validity of baptism conferred by heretics came up for discussion and
was decided in the negative. Afer this date more than twenty councils
were held in Carthage, the most important of which were: (1) those
under St. Cyprian relative to the 
<i>lapsi</i>, Novatianism, and the rebaptism of heretics; and (2) the
synods of 412, 416, and 418 which condemned the doctrines of Pelagius.
(See AFRICAN SYNODS.)</p>
<h3 id="c-p1715.1">BISHOPS OF CARTHAGE</h3>
<p id="c-p1716" shownumber="no">The Acts of the martyrdom of Sts. Perpetua and Felicitas mentioned,
as noted above, a Bishop Optatus, who, if he was a Bishop of Carthage,
as is generally supposed, is the first known incumbent of this see. It
is possible, however, that Optatus was Bishop of Thuburbo minus, and,
if so, Agrippinus, who was bishop in 197, heads the list of Bishops of
Carthage. From this date to the election of St. Cyprian (249) we know
of only two Bishops of Carthage, Cyrus and Donatus. After St. Cyprian
(249-258) the succession so far as known (cf. Leclercq, op.cit., II,
Appendix; Kirchenlex., II, 1998; Duchesne, op.cit. I, xx) is as
follows: between 258 and 311 Carpophorus, Lucian, and Mensurius;
Cæcilian (311 till after 325); Gratus, at Council of Sardica (344
-), presided at Council of Carthage (349); Restitutus, at Council of
Rimini (359); Aurelius (391), presided at Council of Carthage (421);
Capreolus (431); Quodvultdeus (437); Deogratias (454 — 458);
Eugenius (481, exiled 496); Boniface (523 — 535); Repartatus
(535, banished 551); Primosus or Primasius (553 till after 565);
Publianus (581); Dominicus (591); Fortunius (632); Victor (635). After
this date no Bishop of Carthage is heard of till the middle of the
eleventh century.</p>
<p id="c-p1717" shownumber="no">After eight centuries of abeyance the archiepiscopal See of Carthage
was restored by Leo XIII (19 Nov., 1884) and confided to Archbishop
(later Cardinal) Lavigerie, to whose zeal it was owing that since 1875
the ancient site of Carthage became again a centre of Christian life
(see Baunard, Le Cardinal Lavigerie, Paris, 1898, 
<i>passim</i>). The territory of the new archdiocese, hitherto
administered by Italian Capuchins, was enlarged by papal decree 31
March, 1885, and now includes the entire Regency (French Protectorate)
of Tunis. By another decree of 28 March, 1886 the eighteen titular
canons of the new chapter and their successors enjoy the dignity of
papal chamberlains. A magnificent cathedral was dedicated by Cardinal
Lavigerie (15 May, 1890) on the famous Hill of Byrsa, in honour of St.
Louis IX of France; connected with it are several charitable and
educational institutions. A council of Carthage was held 20 April,
1890, in which the decrees of the Council of Algiers (1873) were
renewed and applied to the new ecclesiastical province. The archdiocese
counts at present about 35,000 Catholics in a Mohammedan population of
1,600,000; it has fifty-four parishes (cures) and fourteen vicariates.
It was also owing to Cardinal Lavigerie that the famous excavations on
the site of ancient Carthage were begun about 1880 by one of his
missionaries, Father Delattre. They were originally carried on at the
cardinal's expense, and for some time the church of St. Louis served as
a museum for the preservation of the antiquities discovered. Apart from
the light thrown by these excavations on the Phoenician and Roman life
of ancient Carthage, the discoveries of Father Delattre have greatly
increased our knowledge of the early Christian life of Africa,
particularly in the fourth and fifth centuries. Many Christian epitaphs
and inscriptions have been made known, the Christian architecture of
the period has been illustrated by the ground-plans of ancient
basilicas, some of them quite famous in Christian antiquity (e.g. the
Basilica Major of Carthage), while Christian burial customs and
domestic life have had fresh light thrown on them; in a word, the
importance of these excavations for our knowledge of Christian
antiquity is second only to that of De Rossi's epoch-making discoveries
at Rome.</p>
<p id="c-p1718" shownumber="no">LECLERCQ, L'Afrique chrÈtienne (Paris, 1904); Afrique in Dict.
D'ArchÈol. Et de Liturgie (Paris, 1903); DUCHESNE, Histoire
ancienne de l'eglise (Paris, 1906), I; NEHER in Kirchenlex., s.v.;
GSELL, Monuments antiques de l'AlgÈrie (Paris, 1901); HEALY, The
Valerian Persecution (Boston, 1905); BENSON, Cyprian, his Life, his
Times, his Work (New York, 1897).</p>
<p id="c-p1719" shownumber="no">For the modern period: LAVIGERIE, De l'utilitÈ d'une mission
archÈologique permanente à Carthage (Algiers, 1881);
DELATTRE, L'Epigraphie ChrÈtienne à Carthage (Paris, 1881);
Lampes chrètiennes in Revue de l'art chrètien (1890);
L'ArchÈologie chrÈtienne à Carthage (Paris, 1886); La
basilique de Damous-el-Karita (Paris, 1892); and numerous contributions
to Cosmos and Revue de l'art chrÈtien, also the local Bulletins of
the archæological societies of Constantine, Hippo, and Oran, the
Bulletin archÈologique du ComitÈ des travaux historiques, and
the Nuovo Bulletino di archeologia cristiano; BABELON, Carthage (Paris,
1896); WIELAND, Ein Ausflug ins altchristliche Afrika (Stuttgart,
1900); and Annual Report of the Simthsonian Institution (Washington,
1899), 601-14 (translation of the article of PH. BERGER in Revue des
deux mondes, CLIII, 1899).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1720" shownumber="no">MAURICE M. HASSETT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1720.1" title="Carthusian Order, The" type="Encyclopedia">The Carthusian Order</term>
<def id="c-p1720.2">
<h1 id="c-p1720.3">The Carthusian Order</h1>
<p id="c-p1721" shownumber="no">The name is derived from the French 
<i>chartreuse</i> through the Latin 
<i>cartusia</i>, of which the English "charterhouse" is a corruption.
For the foundation of the order see the article SAINT BRUNO. The
following points will be considered here:</p>
<div class="c6" id="c-p1721.1">I. The Rule;
<br />II. Life of the Monks;
<br />III. Organization;
<br />IV. Development;
<br />V. Present State of the Order;
<br />VI. Distinguished Carthusians;
<br />VII. English Province;
<br />VIII. Carthusian Nuns.</div>
<h3 id="c-p1721.9">I. THE RULE</h3>
<p id="c-p1722" shownumber="no">We have two accounts of the manner of life of the first Carthusians,
the earliest, written by Guibert, Abbot of Nogent, the second by Peter
the Venerable, Abbot of Cluny. The former runs as follows: "The church
stands upon a ridge . . . thirteen monks dwell there, who have a
sufficiently convenient cloister, in accordance with the cenobitic
custom, but do not live together 
<i>claustraliter</i> like other monks. Each has his own cell round the
cloister, and in these they work, sleep, and eat. On Sundays they
receive the necessary bread and vegetables (for the week) which is
their only kind of food and is cooked byy each one in his own cell;
water for drinking and for other purposes is supplied by a conduit . .
. . There are no gold or silver ornaments in their church, except a
silver chalice. They do not go to the church as we do [Guibert was a
Benedictine], but only for certain of them. They hear Mass, unless I am
mistaken, on Sundays and solemnities. They hardly ever speak, and, if
they want anything, ask for it by a sign. If they ever drink wine, it
is so watered down as to be scarcely better than plain water. They wear
a bair shirt next the skin, and their other garments are thin and
scanty. They live under a prior, and the Bishop of Grenoble acts as
their abbot and 
<i>provisor</i> . . . Lower down the mountain there is a building
containing over twenty most faithful lay brothers [ 
<i>laicos</i>], who work for them. . . . Althougli they observe the
utmost poverty, they are getting together a very rich library. (P.L.,
CLVI, 853 sqq.).</p>
<p id="c-p1723" shownumber="no">Peter the Venerable adds certain details, lays stress on the
poorness of their garments, and mentions that they restricted their
possessions both in land and cattle, and fixed their own number at
thirteen monks, eighteen lay brothers, and a few servants. Of their
diet he says, "They always abstain from the eating of meat, whether in
health or ill. They never buy fish, but accept them if given in
charity. Cheese an eggs are allowed on Sundays and Thursdays. On
Tuesdays and Saturdays, they eat cooked vegetables, but on Mondays,
Wednesdays and Fridays, they take only bread and water. They eat once a
day only, save at Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, Epiphany, and on
certain other festivals . . . . On feast days they go to the refectory,
eat twice, and sing the whole office in the church." (P.L., (CLXXXIX,
944 D.)</p>
<p id="c-p1724" shownumber="no">Guibert wrote in 1104, Peter some twenty years later, so there was
time for development, which may account for certain discrepancies
between the two accounts. The "Customsi" of the Chartreuse were not
committed to writing till 1127. Bruno had left the world in order to
serve God in solitude, and without any intention of founding an order.
In the earliest days the hermits had no rule, but all strove to live
after Bruno's example and in accordance with the Evangelical counsels.
When regular monastic buildings were erected and vocations began to
increase, some sort of rule became a necessity. St. Bruno wrote none,
but the customs which he introduced, together with additions born of
experience, were embodied in the "Consuetudines" written by Guigo, the
fifth prior, in 1127. This was not a rule written with authority, but a
record of the usages of the motherhouse of the order (Ann., 1, 305),
compiled at the request of the priors of the charterhouses, and finally
accepted by them as their code. In the introduction the writer says
that almost all the customs are contained "either in the epistles of
the Blessed Jerome, or in the Rule of St. Benedict, or in other
authorized writings". A later writer, Boso, the nineteenth prior of the
Grande Chartreuse (d. 1313), says, "It is clear that the contents of
the Statutes come either from St. Benediet's Rule, St. Jerome's
Epistles, the 'Vitae Patrum' or the 'collationes' and other writings of
Cassian and the Fathers" (quoted in Ann., 1, 37). The Rule of St.
Benedict (the only monastic rule of those days) gave the norm of those
duties which were performed in common, and supplied the arrangement of
the Divine Office, the treatment of guests, the form of the vows. Many
new departures were introduced to meet the needs of the solitude which
is an essential of the Carthusian life; from the Fathers of the Desert
came the laura-like arrangement of the building and the solitary life
of the cells, while the statutes are probably also indebted to the Rule
of Camaldoli (see CAMALDOLESE) (founded by St. Romuald in 1012), which
was reduced to writing by the Blessed Rudolf in 1080. The fundamental
principle of Camaldoli and the Chartreuse is the same, namely, the
combination of Western monasticism as embodied in St. Benedict's Rule
with the eremitical life of the Egyptian solitaries. In both orders the
superiors were to be priors, not abbots, and in all the earliest
Carthusian houses there was, as at Camaldoli, a "lower house" for lay
brothers who served the external needs of the contemplative monks at
the "upper house". The first hermits tended strongly to be purely
eremitical, but the cenobitic development was hastened hour by the
necessities of life find by the influence of neigbouring Benedictine
houses, especially perhaps of Cluny. The union of the two systems was
only gradually evolved under the pressure of circumstance.</p>
<p id="c-p1725" shownumber="no">Guigo's "Consuetudines" were first approved by Innocent II in 1133
(Ann., I, 305) and are still the basis of the modern statutes. In 1258
the general, Dom Riffier, issued a new edition, adding various
ordinances passed by the general chapters since 1127; these are known
as the "Statuta Antiqua". The "Statuta Nova" with similar additions
appeared in 1368. In 1509 the general chapter approved the "Tertia
Cornpilatio", consisting of a collection of the ordinances of the
chapters and a synopsis of the statutes. The Carthusian Rule was
printed for the first time by Johann Amorbach at Basle in 1510. This
volume contains Guigo's "Consuetudines", the "Statuta Antiqua", the
"Statuta Nova", and the "Tertia Compilatio". The "Nova Collectio
Statutorum" was published in l581. This work, which had cost eleven
years of preparatory labour, includes in one well-ordered series all
the various legislation scattered throughout the cumbersome volume of
1510. A century later a second edition was printed at the Correrie or
"lower house" of the Grande Chartreuse by order of Dom Innocent Le
Masson, and this, after receiving certain corrections of slight
importance, was finally confirmed by Innocent XI by the Bull "Injunctum
nobis" of 1588. Tile fifth edition of the statutes is a verbal reprint
of the second. The first part, or "Ordinarium"', which is printed
separately, is concerned with church ceremonial, the second treats of
the government of the order and the observances and occupation of the
religious, the third is concerned with the lay brothers and the nuns.
Guigo's "Consuetudines" contains in substance the customs introduced by
St. Bruno with certain additions and modifications. The many formal
changes and accretions which the original "Consuetudines" have
undergone, have affected neither their substance nor their spirit, but,
as Le Masson says, "have been like a change of clothing, which adds
nothing and takes nothing from the substance of the body" (Discip. Ord.
Cart., 1, vii, 9). We must remember that the pictures given by Guibert
and Peter the Venerable depict the Carthusian life at a stage of
semi-development. The only mitigation of importance introduced since
Guigo's day is the decrease of the fast on bread and water from thrice
to once weekly. Additional duties have been laid upon the monks in the
shape of extra prayers, the singing of a daily conventual Mass, the
lengthening of the night Office and of the Office for the Dead, and the
withdrawal of the permission to take a midday siesta, while, instead of
having, as formerly, seven or eight hours uninterrupted sleep, their
rest is now broken by the long night vigils (P. L., CLTII, 609A).</p>
<h3 id="c-p1725.1">II. LIFE OF THE MONKS</h3>
<p id="c-p1726" shownumber="no">A Carthusian monastery covers a great deal of ground owing to the
system of life. It usually consists, of the great cloister, round which
are the separate houses, or "cells" of the monks, the lesser cloister
with cells of various officials, the "obediences", or workshops of the
lay brothers and their living rooms, church, chapter-house, refectory
and other conventual offices. The church is usually small and without
aisles, divided by a solid screen with a door and two altars into the
choir proper and lay brothers' choir. No organ is allowed. There is
usually a tribune for visitors. No woman, save the sovereign, may enter
a charterhouse. At the side of each cell door is the 
<i>guichet</i> or hatch, through which the monk's food is introduced by
a lay brother; within, a covered 
<i>ambulacrum</i>, with a small garden beside it, leads to the house.
This consists of five rooms; on the ground floor, a store room for
timber and fuel, and a workshop with a lathe and other tools; above, an
antechamber, a small library with just sufficient room for bookcase,
chair, table, and the cell proper, whose furniture consists of a wooden
box-bedstead with woollen blankets, and mattress of straw, a table for
meals, a few chairs, a stove, and a stall with a 
<i>prie-Dieu</i>, known as the 
<i>oratorium</i>.</p>
<p id="c-p1727" shownumber="no">The Carthusian life is essentially solitary and contemplative with a
certain admixture of the cenobitic element (see I). A very large part
of the day is devoted to saying the three Offices (i.e. that of the
day, the Office of Our Lady, which is called 
<i>de Beata</i>, and the Office of the Dead), while much time is given
to mental prayer. The rest is divided between manual labour, study, and
a little recreation. The whole 
<i>horarium</i> depends on whether the Office of the day be that of the

<i>feria</i> or of a Sunday or feast. The following is the ferial
arrangement, which is by far the commoner. The Carthusian's day begins
at half-past five, when a junior monk, going the round of the cloister,
rings a bell hanging near the sleeper's ear. The church bell rings at
six, when Prime of the day is said in the oratorium, followed by Terce 
<i>de Beata</i>. All offices said in the oratorium are accompanied by
full choir ceremonial, as bowing, covering, and uncovering. At
half-past six the Angelus sounds, and the monk remains at prayer till a
quarter to seven, when he goes to the church. The conventual Mass,
which is always sung, is preceded by adoration of the Blessed Sacrament
and the litanies of the saints. The Carthusian liturgy differs
considerably from the Roman Rite, being substantially that of Grenoble
in the twelfth century with some admixture from other sources. There
are no servers at the high Mass, and the priest is attended by the
deacon, who wears neither alb nor dalmatic, but the 
<i>cuculla ecclesiastics</i> (see below) and, for the Gospel only, a
stole. The subdeacon merely reads the Epistle at the lectern in the
middle of the choir. There are many other points of difference. Copes
and monstrances are unknown in the charterhouse. After the conventual
Mass the priests say their private Masses, reciting Terce with the
server before vesting and Sext 
<i>de Beata</i> after their thanksgiving.</p>
<p id="c-p1728" shownumber="no">At about half-past eight the monk returns to his cell and is
occupied with manual work and meditation till ten, when, after saying
Sext of the day, he fetches his dinner from the 
<i>guichet</i>. The meal is copious and excellently cooked, consisting
of vegetable soup, fish or eggs, vegetables, cheese, butter and fruit,
and a small bottle of wine or, in England, of rather thin beer. After
dinner there is an hour and a half of solitary recreation, which may be
spent in garden, ambulacrum, or cell at will, and is followed by None;
spiritual reading, study, and manual labour till half-past two, when
Vespers 
<i>de Beata</i> are said. At a quarter to three the monk leaves his
cell for the second time, going to the church to sing Vespers, and,
except on feasts and their vigils, Vespers and Matins of the Dead. He
returns to his cell about four, and, after half an hour's study, takes
his supper, consisting generally of eggs and a little salad. This is
followed by spiritual reading and examination of conscience, known in
the order as the "recollection". At a quarter to six, but earlier on
the eve of a feast, the bell sounds for Complin of the day and 
<i>de Beata</i>. At about half-past six the monk retires to bed, still
wearing the greater part of his habit. Five hours after the Complin
bell, he rises and says Matins and Lauds 
<i>de Beata</i> with the Psalm "Deus venerunt gentes" and certain
prayers for the recovery of the Holy Land. These last were ordered to
be said during Mass by the Lateran Council in 1215, and were retained
voluntarily bv the Carthusians after the law ceased to bind, but
transferred to this hour. At a quarter to twelve the monk leaves his
cell for the third and last time to sing Matins and Lauds with Lauds of
the Dead. This takes two and a half to three hours. To a visitor it is
very impressive. A large portion of the Office is sung in complete
darkness save for the sanctuary lamps, the rest by the light of small
oil lamps carefully shaded to throw their light only one the choir
books, one of which is provided for every three religious. The
Carthusian chant, a species of Gregorian, has a special character of
its own, slow and plaintive. "As the duty of a good monk is rather to
lament than to sing", say the rubrics, "we must so sing that
lamentation, not the joy of singing, be in our hearts." At about a
quarter past two in the morning the Carthusian returns to his cell,
where he says Prime 
<i>de Beata</i>. His total of sleep, thus broken into two parts, is
seldom less than seven hours. On Sundays and feast days this 
<i>horarium</i> is considerably modified. The community assemble for
all the Hours of the Great Office in church, and in the refectory for
both meals. These latter are always eaten in silence, while the
Scripture or some homily of the Fathers is chanted to the solemn tones
of the nocturn-lessons. On these days also there is a common recreation
with talking in the cloister for the solemnly professed, but only on
Sundays for all. Once every week, the monks go out for a walk together,
during which they converse. This is known as the 
<i>Spatiamentum</i> and usually lasts about three and a half hours.</p>
<p id="c-p1729" shownumber="no">During the great monastic fast, which lasts from 14 September to Ash
Wednesday, except for Sundays and feast days, dinner is an hour later,
and supper consists of a glass of wine and a crust of bread 
<i>ne potus noceat</i> (Statutes). During Lent, Vespers are sung before
dinner, which is not till midday and supper is as above. Meat is never
allowed on any account, though, in a case of life and death, the monk
may, if not solemnly professed, be dispensed. Once a week there is a
fast on bread and water and during Advent and Lent, on Fridays and on
certain vigils 
<i>lacticinia</i> are forbidden.</p>
<p id="c-p1730" shownumber="no">The Carthusian wears the ordinary monastic habit in white serge, but
the scapular which is joined by bands at the side and has the hood
attached to it, is known as the "cowl". The long flowing garment with
wide sleeves, which usually bears this name, is used ony by the deacon
at high Mass. No beard is worn, and the hair is shaved except for a
narrow strip round the head. Novices wear a black mantle and their cowl
is short and unjoined. The postulancy usually lasts one month, the
novitiate one year, at the end which simple vows are taken; the solemn
vows are taken four years later.</p>
<p id="c-p1731" shownumber="no">The lay brothers live an entirely cenobitical life, and are occupied
in the servile work of the establishment. Their habit differs only
slightly from that of the fathers. After two years postulancy and
novitiate, the lay novice becomes a 
<i>donné</i>, wearing a brown habit, but takes no vows. He may
remain always in this condition, but it requires eight more years to
become a solemnly professed lay brother. The lay brothers and 
<i>donnés</i>, collectively known as the 
<i>Familia</i>, are under the procurator, and have their own chapel,
chapter-house, and refectory. Their Office consists of a large number
of Paters and Aves. They attend the night Office, conventual Mass, and
Vespers, on Sundays and feasts, but usually only the first part of the
night Office.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1731.1">III. ORGANIZATION</h3>
<p id="c-p1732" shownumber="no">The prior of the Grande Chartreuse, who is elected by the monks of
that house, is always the general of the order. He wears no insignia,
but is the only one in the order who receives the title of "Reverend
Father", all other religious being known as "Venerable Fathers". The
general chapter, which consists of the visitors and all the priors,
meets annually, and receives the resignations of all the superiors of
the order including the general. These it reinstates or removes at
will. Its ordinances have the force of law, but do not become permanent
unless twice renewed. The visitors, who are appointed by the chapter,
make a visitation of each charterhouse every two vears, to enquire into
its condition and reform any abuses. The first general chapter of the
order was held by St. Anthelm in 1142, and in the year 1258 its powers
were confirmed by Pope Alexander IV. To the wise ordinances of this
body and to its series of distinguished generals the order owes its
claim 
<i>nunquam reformata quia nunquam deformata</i>.</p>
<p id="c-p1733" shownumber="no">The prior of each house is, in strict law, elected by the professed
monks of the community, if there are four present who have been
actually professed for that house or who are original founders.
Nowadays he is generally the father general and the chapter. The prior
is assisted by various officials. These are the vicar, who takes the
prior's place in case of necessity, the procurator, who is entrusted
with the temporal administration and the care of the lay brothers, the
coadjutor, who looks after guests and retreatants, the antiquior, who
takes the vicar's place, the sacristan, and the novice-master.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1733.1">IV. DEVELOPMENT</h3>
<p id="c-p1734" shownumber="no">From its very nature the order grew slowly. In 1300 there were but
39 monasteries, but during the fourteenth century 113 were founded,
extending as ftr as Silesia, Bobemia, and Hungary. During the Great
Schism there were two generals, but both resigned on the election of
Alexander V in 1409 and the order was once more united. During the
fifteenth century, 44 charterhouses were founded and in 1521 there were
in all 206, but during the sixteenth century 39 were destroyed b the
Reformation and only l3 founded. In 1559 a foundation in Mexico was
projected but fell through owing to the opposition of the King of
Spain. Writing in 1607 Le Masson says, "We number about 2,500 choir
monks and 1,300 lay brothers and 
<i>donnés</i>, giving an average of a dozen fathers and eight or
nine lay brothers to each house". Between 1600 and 1667, 22 monasteries
were founded, and then no more till the nineteenth century. The order
entirely escaped the scourge of commendatory superiors. Joseph II
suppressed 24 houses, and in 1784 the Spanish Government compelled its
charterhouses to separate from the order.</p>
<p id="c-p1735" shownumber="no">The French charterhouses were less infected with Jansenism than most
of the ancient orders. Owing to the energy of the general, Dom Antoine
de Mongeffond, only thirty monks out of a total of over 1,000, and
those mostly belonging to the Paris house, ultimately refused to sign
the "Unigenitus". These fled to Utrecht. At the outbreak of the
Revolution there were 122 charterhouses, which were nearly all
suppressed, as the French armies swept over Europe. In 1816 the monks
returned to the Grande Chartreuse. The Spanish houses were suppressed
in 1835; the Port-Dietu in Switzerland, which had escaped the earlier
storm, in 1847; the monasteries in Italy for a second time during the
course of the Risorgimento; and the restored French houses as a
consequence of the Association Laws of 1901.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1735.1">V. PRESENT STATE OF THE ORDER</h3>
<p id="c-p1736" shownumber="no">In 1900 the monks possessed eleven monasteries in France and nine in
other parts of Europe. The French houses are now empty and four new or
restored houses have been opened in Spain and Italy. The following is a
list of the charterhouses existing at the end of 1907. In Italy:
Farneta, near Lucca, recently repurchased and occupied by the general
and the 
<i>conventus Cartusiae</i>; Pisa; Florence, where the monks are merely
custodians of a national monument; Trisulti, near Alatri; La Torre, in
Calabria; Vedana, in the Diocese of Belluno; La Cervara, near Genoa,
recently repurchased. The 
<i>Procura</i> of the order at Rome. In Spain: Monte Allegro, near
Barcelona; Aula Dei, Peñaflor, near Saragossa; Miraflores, with
its spelendid royal tombs; the liqueur is made at the Casa de los
Cartujos, Tarragona. In England: Parkminster, in Sussex, is the largest
charterliouse in the world, with thirty-six cells and 3,166 feet of
cloister. It now contains the community of Notre-Dame de Près,
Montreuil, as well as its own. In Switzerland: Val-Sainte in Canton
Friburg. In Gerimany: Hain near Düsseldorf. In Austria
Pletterjack, founded in 1403, abandoned 1595, and since rebuilt. In
Belgium: the printing works belonging to Montreuil are now at Tournai.
There are 300 solemnly professed monks, 35 junior professed, and 15
novices, making 350 choir monks, of whom about 20 are not yet priests;
also about the same total of lay brothers, lay novices, and 
<i>donnés</i>. The badge of the order is a globe surronded by a
cross and seven stars, with the motto "Stat crux, dum volvitur
orbis".</p>
<p id="c-p1737" shownumber="no">The famous liqueur is a secret manufacture, invented by the monks in
the nineteenth century, as a means of subsistence, to take the place of
the broad acres lost in the Revolution. The large proceeds, after
assisting to pay for the maintenance of the various charterhouses and
the building of new ones, has been entirely devoted to various works of
charity.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1737.1">VI. DISTINGUISHED CARTHUSIANS</h3>
<p id="c-p1738" shownumber="no">Besides St. Bruno the best known saints of the order are: St. Hugh,
Bishop of Lincoln (d. 1200); St. Anthelm, seventh prior of the Grande
Chartreuse, and first general, who died Bishop of Belley in 1178; St.
Arthold, Bishop of Belley (d. 1206); St. Stephen of Chitillon, Bishop
of Die (d. 1213). Many members have been beatified, among them the
English Carthusian martyrs and Bl. Nicolo Albergati, Cardinal and
Bishop of Bologna. There have been about seventy Carthusian bishops and
archbishops, including a few cardinals. There has never been a
Carthusian pope.</p>
<p id="c-p1739" shownumber="no">Guibert mentions the richness of the library of the 
<i>chartreuse</i> (see I), and in his "Consuetudines" Guigo writes, "We
desire that books be looked after most carefully as the continual food
of our souls, and that they be written [ 
<i>fieri</i>] with the utmost diligence, so that we may preach the Word
of God by the work of our hands, since we cannot do so with our
mouths", and again, "we teach writing to almost all whom we receive"
(P.L., CLIII, 693). Throughout the Middle Ages the Carthusians were
famous copyists. St. Bruno himself was the first Carthusian author,
writing commentaries on the Psalms and on St. Paul's Epistles (v.
Löbbel, op. cit. 
<i>infra</i>, 179-241). He was followed by Guigo, who, besides the
"Consuedines", wrote "Meditations" and a "Life of St. Hugh of
Grenoble". Writers of the order have mostly treated of ascetics and
mvstical theology. The following are among the more famous: Ludolf of
Saxony (d. after 1340), the author of a well known "Vita Christi";
Henry of Xalkar (d. 1408), who converted Gerhard Groot; Denis the
Carthusian (d. 1471), the 
<i>Doctor Ecstatims</i> whose works are now being edited by the order
in 45 vols.; Lanspergius (d., 1539); Surius (d. 1578), whose "Vitae"
still form a useful supplement to the Bollandists' unfinished "Acta";
Nicholas Molin (d. 1638); Petreius (d. 1640); Innocent Le Masson (d.
1703); Le Couteulx (d. 1709); Tromby, who flourished c. 1783, all
historians of the order. The first book printed at a charterhouse was
issued from the presses of the Seliola Dei near Parma in 1477. The
modern printing works of the order were transferred in 1901 from the 
<i>chartreuse</i> of Montreuil to Tournai.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1739.1">VII. ENGLISH PROVINCE</h3>
<p id="c-p1740" shownumber="no">The first English charterhouse was founded at Witham in Somerset by
King Henry II in 1178, the tenth and last by Henry V in 1414 at Sheen.
At the time of Henry VIII's breach with Rome the monks, especially
those of the London charterhouse (founded 1370), offered a stanch
resistance. The fourth of May, 1535, is memorable for the deaths of the
Protomartyrs of the English Reformation, the Bridgettine Monk Richard
Reynolds, and the three Carthusian Priors, John Houghton of London,
Robert Lawrence of Beauvale, and Augustus Webster of Axholme. During
the next five years, fifteen of the London Carthusians perished on the
scaffold or were starved to death in Newgate Gaol. On Mary's accession
nineteen monks belonging to various houses gathered at Sheen under
Prior Maurice Chauncy, a monk of the London Charterhouse, who, to his
lasting sorrow, had lost the crown of martyrdom by taking the Oath of
Supremacy. The restoration was short-lived, for on Mary's death the
monks were once more driven into exile. Prior Chauncy (died in 1581,
but the English community kept together in different parts of the Low
Countries with varying fortunes, until the charterhouse of Sheen
Anglorum at Nieuport, with a community of six choir monks and two 
<i>donnés</i>, was suppressed by Joseph II in 1783. The last
prior, Father Williams, died at Little Malvern Court, 2 June, 1797. His
papers, the seal of Sheen Anglorum, and various relics are now in the
possession of the Carthusians of Parkminster. A charterhouse was
founded at Perth in 1429 by King James I of Scotland, and a short-lived
foundation was made at Kinalehin in South Connaught in 1280, being
abandoned by the order in 1321.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1740.1">VIII. CARTHUSIAN NUNS</h3>
<p id="c-p1741" shownumber="no">In the Priorship of St. Antheim, about 1245, the nuns of the ancient
Abbey of Prébayon asked to be received into the order, and Blessed
John of Spain, Prior of Montrieux, was ordered to adapt the Carthusian
Rule to their needs. The nuns have never been numerous. Two convents
were founded in the twelfth century, nine in the thirteenth, and four
in the fourteenth, but of all these only nine were in existence in
1400. In 1690 when Innocent Le Masson published the "Statuts des
Moniales" there were only five, four of which were in France and one
near Bruges; the last was suppressed by Joseph II in 1783, and the
others disappeared in the French Revolution. In 1820 the surviving nuns
reassembled at Lozier (Isere), and finally settled in 1822 at
Beauregard, some miles from the Grande Chartreuse. Thence foundations
were made in 1854 at Bastide-Saint-Pierre (Tarn-et-Garonne), and in
1870 at Notre-Dame du Gard near Amiens. The nuns are still at
Beauregard, but the rest are in exile at Burdine in Belgium, and at San
Francesco, and Motta Grossa near Turin. The total number of nuns is
about 140, of whom 90 are "consecrated".</p>
<p id="c-p1742" shownumber="no">The Carthusian nuns have always been famed for their regularity and
fervour. Convents which had become lax were cut off from the order by
the general chapter. The small number of convents is explained not only
by the severity of the rule, but also by the great reluctance to accept
new houses always displayed by the order. In 1368 the acceptance of new
houses was forbidden by the general chapter, and this prohibition was
frequently reiterated. The life of the nuns is very similar to that of
the monks, with certain exceptions. They have single rooms instead of
separate dwellings, two recreations every day, eat together daily, are
not bound to wear the 
<i>cilicium</i>, and if ill are cared for in an infirmary. They are
allowed eight hours sleep. Eleven hours daily are given to prayer and
meditation, as well as work for the poor or for the church. The
arrangement of their Office is practically that of the monks. Perpetual
enclosure has been practised since the thirteenth century, and visitors
are only received at a grille and in the presence of another nun. Each
convent is divided into two distinct parts:</p>
<ul id="c-p1742.1">
<li id="c-p1742.2">the monastery proper with the cells and conventual offices;</li>
<li id="c-p1742.3">the dwelling of the two monks, who are known as the vicar and the
coadjutor. These two direct the nuns and have two or three lay brothers
to serve them. The two fathers live exactly as if in a charterhouse,
attending Office in stalls placed in the sanctuary of the church, which
is divided from the nuns' choir by a curtained grille.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1743" shownumber="no">The nuns are subject to the general chapter which appoints the
vicar. They elect their own prioress, though the vicar has the first
voice in the election; the prioresses must consult the vicar in all
important matters and, like the priors, are bound to tender their
resignation to each general chapter.</p>
<p id="c-p1744" shownumber="no">The habit is the same as that of the monks, with the exception of
the hood, for which a veil is substituted -- white for the young
religious, and black for the "consecrated" nuns. According to the
statutes the vows should be solemn, but since the Revolution they have
been regarded as simple by the Church. No widow is received. The
Carthusian nuns have retained the privilege of the consecration of
virgins, which they have inherited from the nuns of Prébayon. The
consecration, which is given four years after the vows are taken, can
only be conferred by the diocesan. The rite differs but slightly from
that given in the "Pontifical". The nun is invested with a crown, ring,
stole and maniple, the last being worn on the right arm. These
ornaments the nun only wears again on the day of her monastic jubilee,
and after her death on her bier. It is a consecrated nun who sings the
Epistle at the conventual Mass, though without wearing the manible. At
Matins, if no priest be present, a nun assumes the stole and reads the
Gospel. There are also lay sisters, 
<i>Données</i>, and 
<i>Saeurs Touricres</i>. Famous among Carthusian nuns have been St.
Roseline of Villeneuve and Bl. Beatrix of Ornacieus.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1745" shownumber="no">RAYMUND WEBSTER</p></def>

<term id="c-p1745.1" title="Cartier, Georges-Etienne" type="Encyclopedia">Georges-Etienne Cartier</term>
<def id="c-p1745.2">
<h1 id="c-p1745.3">Georges-Etienne Cartier</h1>
<p id="c-p1746" shownumber="no">A French Canadian statesman, son of Jacques Cartier and Marguerite
Paradis, b. at St. Antoine, on the Richelieu, 16 Sept., 1814; d. in
London 20 May, 1873. He studied at Montreal College (Sulpicians).
During the Canadian rebellion (1837-38) he fought at the battle of St.
Denis. Forced to cross the frontier, he was reported frozen to death in
the forests of Vermont. He practised law successfully in Montreal.
Elected for Verchères (1849), he followed Lafontaine and Baldwin,
the founders of constitutional government in Canada. He was
successively honoured with important seats in the Cabinet. Under the
Union of the two Canadas (1841-67) he was four times Attorney-General
of Lower Canada: in 1856, in 1857, with the leadership of his province;
in 1858 as Premier of Canada, and in 1864. After the confederation
(1867) he was Minister of Militia.</p>
<p id="c-p1747" shownumber="no">The following important measures are mostly due to his influence:
the Grand Trunk Railway (1852); the final settlement (1854) of the
seigniorial (feudal) tenure, which had become an obstacle to
agriculture and industry; Victoria Bridge (inaugurated in 1860); the
judiciary decentralization of Lower Canada; the creation of normal
schools (1857); the modification of the criminal laws (1864); the
codification of civil laws (1865). To avert legislative union,
detrimental to the nationality and faith of the French Canadians,
Cartier concurred in effecting — as a remedy — the
Confederation of Upper and Lower Canada (Ontario and Quebec) with the
Maritime Provinces (Nova Scotia and New Brunswick). By his ability,
energy, and patriotism, he succeeded in securing for his native
province as a condition 
<i>sine qua non</i> a degree of autonomy and a parliamentary
representation proportionate to its historical and political
importance, and in safeguarding the rights of the English and French
minorities respectively in the provinces of the former Union. Under the
Confederation, he contributed to the building of the Intercolonial
Railway, the acquisition of the North-West Territories, framing for
Manitoba a constitution which respected the rights of minorities. He
likewise shared in drawing British Columbia and Vancouver into the
Confederation, and in realizing the Canadian Pacific Railway. Cartier
was created a baronet in 1868.</p>
<p id="c-p1748" shownumber="no">During twenty-five years he was the uncontested leader of his
province in the struggle for equal rights. A man of indomitable energy,
equally loyal to the catholic Faith, to his French-Canadian origin, and
to the British Crown,, he directed his fellow-countrymen in the path of
progress and prosperity, assuring to them the advantages of responsible
government and a large share of influence in the councils of the
nation.</p>
<p id="c-p1749" shownumber="no">TURCOTTE, Le Canada sous l'Union (Quebec, 1872); Revue canadienne
Montreal, 1873); Courrier du Canada (Quebec, 1873); TASSE, Discours de
Sir Georges Cartier (Montreal, 1893).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1750" shownumber="no">LIONEL LINDSAY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1750.1" title="Cartier, Jacques" type="Encyclopedia">Jacques Cartier</term>
<def id="c-p1750.2">
<h1 id="c-p1750.3">Jacques Cartier</h1>
<p id="c-p1751" shownumber="no">The discoverer of Canada, b. at Saint-Malo, Brittany, in 1491; d. 1
September, 1557. Little is known of his youth, but it is probable that
he followed some of his countryment on their adventurous expeditions to
Newfoundland or to Brazil. Cartier offered his services to Philippe de
Chabot, Seigneur de Brion and Admiral of France, at a time when Francis
I was about to renew those attempts at French colonization in which
Thomas Aubert (1508), Jean Denys (1506), the Baron de LÈry (1528),
the brothers Parmentier (1520) and Verrazano the Florentine (1523) had
been the principal agents. His reputation as a mariner marked him out
forf preferment. Two small ships of sixty tons, equipped with sixty men
each, were placed at his disposition; he set sail, 20 April, 1534, from
Saint-Malo, and in twenty days made Cape Bonavista, Newfoundland.
Continuing his explorations northwards, Carter entered the Strait of
Belle Isle and explored the coast of Labrador as far as Brest, then,
turning south, followed western coast of Newfoundland as far as Cape
St. John. He then sailed towards the Magdalen Islands, which, as well
as Prince Edward Island, he sighted, and advancing towards the west, he
visited the entrance of the Miramichi River, Chaleurs Bay and
GaspÈ Basin. Thence, crossing the estuary of the St. Lawrence to
the northern coast, he shaped his course back to France.</p>
<p id="c-p1752" shownumber="no">The first voyage lasted 137 days. On his return, Cartier made a
circumstantial report of his expedition, and next year the kind offered
him a commission to continue his exploration. Three ships, fitted out
with 110 men, set sail 26 May, 1535, and this time determined to
attempt the ascent of the great river, Cartier went up as far as
Hochelaga (Montreal), returning to pass the winter at Stadacona
(Quebec), near which were four or five Indian villages. Having
entrenched himself at the mouth of the River Lairet, a tributary of the
Sainte-Croix, he was able to live quietly during the winter, but
unfortunately the scurvy broke out among his companions of whom
twenty-five died. After planting a cross on the spot where they had
wintered, Cartier sailed for France (6 May). He arrived safely at
Saint-Malo, 16 July.</p>
<p id="c-p1753" shownumber="no">During a third voyage to Canada, undertaken in the year 1541, with
five ships, Jacques Cartier passed the winter at the entrance of the
River Cap-Rouge, fortifying his position for fear of being molested by
the neighbouring savages. At this place, which he named
Charlesbourg-Royal, Cartier awaited the arrival of the Sieur de
Roberval, whom the king had charged to colonize Canada (1540). However,
the spring having arrived without Roberval, Cartier thought it wise to
return to France. Reaching Newfoundland, he met Roberval, who wished
him to return to Canada. Cartier, however, persisted in setting sail
for France, and the issue of Roberval's attempts at colonization
afterwards justified the conduct of the discoverer of Canada. The King
of France, as solicitous as was Cartier himself for the safety of
Roberval, resolved to send an expedition to his relief. Cartier assumed
command of this expedition, and hence his fourth voyage (1543) of which
we have no details. After that he crossed the sea no more, but retired
to his manor of Limoilou, near Saint-Malo, where he remained until his
death.</p>
<p id="c-p1754" shownumber="no">Voyages de Jacques Cartier au Canada en 1534 (Paris, 1865); Bref
recit et succincte narration de la navigation faite en 1535 et 1536 par
le Capitaine Jacques Cartier (Paris, 1863); MANET, Biographie des
Malouins cÈlèbres (Saint-Malo, 1824); DUPLAIS, La Bretagne et
ses fils (Paris, 1887); HAROUT, Jacques Cartier (Nantes, 1884); JOUON
DE LONGRAIS, Jacques Cartier (Paris, 1885); DIONNE, Jacques Cartier
(Quebec, 1889).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1755" shownumber="no">N.E. DIONNE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1755.1" title="Carvajal, Bernardino Lopez de" type="Encyclopedia">Bernardino Lopez de Carvajal</term>
<def id="c-p1755.2">
<h1 id="c-p1755.3">Bernardino Lopez de Carvajal</h1>
<p id="c-p1756" shownumber="no">Cardinal, b. 1455, at Plasencia in Estremadura, Spain; d. at Rome 16
Dec., 1523. He was a nephew of the famous Cardinal Juan Carvajal, and
owing to the universal esteem for the latter advanced rapidly in the
ecclesiastical career at Rome, whither he came during the pontificate
of Sixtus IV (1471-84). Under Innocent VIII he held successively the
Spanish sees of Astorga (1488), Badajoz (1489), and Cartagena, in which
latter quality he was sent as nuncio to Spain, and by their Catholic
Majesties sent back as Spanish ambassador to Alexander VI, by whom he
was made Cardinal of Sts. Peter and Marcellinus in 1493, which title he
exchanged in 1495 for that of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme. In the next
following years he was sent twice as legate to the German imperial
court, also to Naples, and acted as Governor of the Campagna. In 1503
he was made Bishop of Siguenza in Italy, and Administrator of Avellino;
from 1507 to 1509 he was in turn Cardinal-Bishop of Albano, Frascati,
Palestrina and Santa Sabina. In spite of this rapid advancement and his
numerous benefices he is best remembered as the leading spirit of the
schismatical Council of Pisa (1511), which he organized with the aid of
four other cardinals (Briçonnet, Francesco Borgia, Sanseverino,
and René de Prie); dissatisfaction with this treatment by Julius
II, and subserviency to the excommunicated French king, Louis XII, led
Carvajal to this rebellious attitude. Moroni (Diz., X, 134) says that
he went so far as to accept the office of antipope (Martin VI) at Milan
whither the Council was soon transferred. Von Reumont says (gesch. d.
Stadt Rom. III, ii 78-79) that in Pisa he was known to the urchins of
the street as "Papa Bernardino". It would seem, therefore, that
ambition was his chief falling; otherwise he was reputed a good
theologian and a friend of art and letters, virtuous, eloquent, and
skilful in the business of the curia. Both Carvajal and his colleagues
were excommunicated by Julius II, and deposed from their offices, which
act of the pope was confirmed by the Fifth Lateran Council (1512). At
the seventh session (1513) of this council the Italian cardinals,
Carvajal and Sanseverino, separated from their two French colleagues,
formally renounced the schism, and were restored by Leo X to their
offices. (Pastor, Gesch. d. Päpste, Freiburg, 1906, IV (1),
37-40). Carvajal was later made Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia and Dean of
the Sacred College, with his uncle's former title of San Marcello, and
as such welcomed to Rome Adrian VI, (op. cit. IV (2) 47-48), whom he
survived, and Clement VII. He had lived at Rome under eight popes, and
was buried in his titular church of Santa Croce, where a magnificent
sepulchral monument perpetuates his memory. The noble but modernized
frescoes (Pinturicchio school) in the tribuna of the apse, representing
the Discovery of the Holy Cross, are owing to his generosity. His
natural gifts, inherited prestige, numerous benefices, high offices,
love of splendour, and great wealth attracted to him more than once the
favourable attention of several conclaves, but at a critical period in
his career he stood in his own light by fathering an ugly and perilous
schism on the very eve of the Protestant Reformation.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1757" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1757.1" title="Carvajal, Gaspar de" type="Encyclopedia">Gaspar de Carvajal</term>
<def id="c-p1757.2">
<h1 id="c-p1757.3">Gaspar de Carvajal</h1>
<p id="c-p1758" shownumber="no">Dominican missionary, b. in Estremadura, Spain, c. 1500; d. at Lima,
Peru, 1584. Having entered the Order of St. Dominic in Spain, he went
to Peru in 1533 and devoted himself to the conversion of the native
Indians. In 1540 Carvajal accompanied the famous expedition of Gonzalo
Pizarro to the territory of Quixos and the Amazon. After several months
of toilsome travel Pizarro and his followers reached Canelos, the limit
originally proposed for their expedition; but hearing from the natives
of the existence of a rich and fruitful land beyond, they resolved to
press forward. They soon found themselves in a country destitute of
provisions and infested with tribes of fierce and unfriendly Indians.
Coming to the River Napo, Pizarro decided to send a small band of men
accompanied by Carvajal and under the command of Francisco de Orellana
down the river in search of provisions. Having reached the point of
confluence of the Napo and Amazon, Orellana resolved to abandon his
brigantine to the course of the river. Carvajal and another member of
the expedition, Sánchez de Vargas, protested against this
proceeding of dishonour and treachery. They were both promptly landed
by Orellana, and later Pizarro and his men found them in the
wilderness. The expedition returned to Quito in 1542 with only eighty
survivors of the original four hundred. Carvajal was sent by his
superiors to the mission of Tucuman, where for several years he
laboured with unceasing zeal and devotion for the conversion of the
native tribes in this immense territory. Having been elected to the
office of provincial, he spent the greater part of four years in
organizing and extending the province and founding new convents. In
1565 he was chosen to represent the province of Peru at Rome, but in
all probability he did not cross the ocean.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1759" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1759.1" title="Carvajal, Juan" type="Encyclopedia">Juan Carvajal</term>
<def id="c-p1759.2">
<h1 id="c-p1759.3">Juan Carvajal (Carvagial)</h1>
<p id="c-p1760" shownumber="no">Cardinal; b. about 1400 at Truxillo in Estremadura, Spain; d. at
Rome, 6 December, 1469. Little is known of his early youth, except that
he made much progress in canon and civil law, and by 1440 had attained
distinction at Rome as auditor of the Rota and governor of the City.
Thenceforth his life was to be spent mostly in the foreign service of
the Holy See; his contemporary, Cardinal Jacopo Ammanati, says
(Comment., I, 2, 7) that he was sent twenty-two times as papal legate
to various rulers and countries. Between 1441 and 1448 he spent much
time in Germany and laboured, in union with Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa,
to placate the strong feelings of the German princes against Eugene IV,
to overcome their "neutrality" in the last, and schismatic phase of the
Council of Basle, and to bring about the treaties known as the
Concordat of the Princes (1447) and the Concordat of Aschaffenburg or
Vienna (1448; see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1760.1">Concordat</span>), He was rewarded by Eugene IV (14
December, 1446) with the Cardinal's hat and the Title of St. Angelo in 
<i>foro piscium</i>. In 1444 and again in 1448 he was sent to Bohemia
to promote the cause of religious unity but failed both times, owing to
the stubbornness of the Calixtines and the influence of John Rokyzana,
Archbishop of Prague, beloved in Bohemia, but whose orthodoxy was
suspected at Rome (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1760.2">Hussites</span>).</p>
<p id="c-p1761" shownumber="no">In 1455 Carvajal was sent by Callistus III to Hungary to preach a
vigorous crusade against the Turks, and for six years was the soul of
the first effectual resistance made by Christian Europe to the ominous
progress of the Ottoman conquerors of Constantinople (1453). Aided by
the famous Capuchin preacher, St. John Capistran, he gathered an army
of about 40,000 men, effected a union with the troops of John Hunyady,
and on 22 July, 1456, the siege of Belgrade, the key of the Danube, was
raised by a glorious victory that inaugurated the century-long
resistance of Christian Hungary to the propaganda of Islam. He
reconciled King Ladislaus (1457), with Emperor Frederick III, and in
1458 made peace between teh Magyar nobles in favour of Matthias
Corvinus as successor of Ladislaus. He was still in Hungary, organizing
the defence of that bulwark of Christendom, when Pius II invited the
princes of Christian Europe to meet him at Mantua (1459) to confer on
the common danger and the need of a general crusade. While Cardinal
Bessarion sought in Germany something more than brilliant promises,
Carvajal continued his labours in Hungary, which he left only in the
autumn of 1461, after six years of extraordinary service for the common
good of Christian Europe, but "grown old and feeble", says Pastor
(History of the Popes), "in that severe climate, amid the turmoils of
the Court and the camp, and the fatigues of travel … [in] that
bleak country of moorlands and marshes". He was made Cardinal-Bishop of
Porto and Santa Rufina on his return. He had long held the See of
Plasencia in Spain, where a noble bridge across the Tagus, built by
him, is yet known as "the cardinal's bridge". In spite of his age and
feeble health, he was still willing to take a foremost part in the
crusade that Pius II was preparing at Ancona in 1464, when the death of
that pope (14 August) put an end to the enterprise. His last legation
was to Venice in 1466.</p>
<p id="c-p1762" shownumber="no">From all his journeys Carvajal brought back nothing but the
reputation of an unspotted priesthood (Pastor, op. cit., IV, 131).
"Such a legate", wrote the King of Hungary, "truly corresponds to the
greatness of our need" (op. cit., II, 391). By his contemporaries he
was considered the ornament of the Church, comparable to her ancient
Fathers (Cardinal Ammanati) and the sole reminder of the heroic
grandeur of Rome's earliest founders (Pomponius Lætus). Though
genial in intercourse, there was something awe-inspiring about this
saintly man whose ascetic life enabled him to provide liberally for the
poor and for needy churches. Denifle mentions (Die Universitäten,
I, 813) a college founded by him at Salamanca. His discourse in the
papal consistories, says Pastor, was brief, simple, clear, logical, and
devoid of contemporary rhetoric; his legatine reports have the same
"restrained and impersonal character". Palacky, the non-Catholic
historian of Bohemia writes of Carvajal (Geschichte Böhmens, IV,
ii, 372): "Not only in zeal for the Faith, in moral purity and strength
of character, was he unsurpassed, but he was also unequalled in
knowledge of the world, in experience of ecclesiast ical affairs, and
in the services which he rendered to the papal authority. It was
chiefly due to his labours, prolonged during a period of twenty years,
that Rome at last got the better of Constance and Basle, that the
nations returned to their allegiance, and that her power and glory
again shone before the world with a splendour that they had not seen
since the time of Boniface VIII." Pastor says of him that he was
absolutely free from the restless ambition and self-glorification so
common among the men of the Renaissance, and seemed born for
ecclesiastical diplomacy. His dominant idea was the consecration of his
life to the Church and the promotion of the glory and power of Christ's
Vicar. "Pars hæc vitæ ultima Christo neganda non est" (I must
not refuse to Christ this last portion of my life) were the words in
which he offered himself to Pius II as leader of a relief to the
diminutive Christian Republic of Ragusa hard pressed in 1464 by the
Turks. He left no printed works; among his manuscript remains are a
defence of the Holy See, reports of his legations, a volume of letters,
and discourses sacred and profane. He was buried in San Marcello al
Corso. A monument erected to him there by Bessarion bears these words:
Animæ Petrus pectore Cæsar erat (A Peter in spirit, a
Cæsar in courage).</p>
<p id="c-p1763" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p1763.1">Pastor,</span> 
<i>History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages</i> (tr.
London, 1894), IV, 131-35 and passim; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1763.2">Lopez,</span> 
<i>De rebus gestis S. R. E. Card. Carvajal commentarius</i> (Rome,
1754)–the chief source of information; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1763.3">Pray,</span> 
<i>Annales regni Hungariæ stirpis mixtæ</i> (Pesth, 1780),
VI, xiii, ii, 1448-58; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1763.4">Wadding,</span> 
<i>Annales Ord. Minorum,</i> XII, 332; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1763.5">Antonio,</span> 
<i>Bibl. Hisp. Vetus</i> (1788), II, 296; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1763.6">Vasst,</span> 
<i>Le Cardinal Bessarion</i> (Paris, 1878).–Dr. Pastor says (IV,
145) that a complete and really critical biography of Carvajal would be
a valuable work.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1764" shownumber="no">Thomas J. Shahan.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1764.1" title="Carvajal, Luis de" type="Encyclopedia">Luis de Carvajal</term>
<def id="c-p1764.2">
<h1 id="c-p1764.3">Luis de Carvajal</h1>
<p id="c-p1765" shownumber="no">Friar Minor and Tridentine theologian, b. about 1500; the time of
his death is uncertain. Of the noble and wealthy family of Carvajal in
the old Spanish province of Baetica, Carvajal was possessed of
extraordinary gifts of mind and heart, and at an early age was sent to
the University of Paris, where he completed his studies. Having entered
the Franciscan Order, he taught theology at Paris, whence he was sent
as legate of Cardinal Angelus to the Council of Trent. During the fifth
session, in which the doctrine of original sin was discussed, Carvajal
addressed the Council in favour of the Immaculate Conception, in
defending which he had already won fame at Paris; it was doubtless
owing to him that the Council inserted the words beginning "Declarat
tamen" at the end of the fifth canon of this session. The last glimpse
we get of Carvajal is at Antwerp in 1548, at which time he brought out
the third edition of his "Theologicarum sententiarum liber singularis".
Besides this work, he is the author of the "Declamatio expostulatoria
pro immaculatâ conceptione" (Paris, 1541) and of a defence of the
religious orders against Erasmus, entitled "Apologia monasticae
professionis" (Antwerp, 1529).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1766" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1766.1" title="Carvajal, Luisa de" type="Encyclopedia">Luisa de Carvajal</term>
<def id="c-p1766.2">
<h1 id="c-p1766.3">Luisa de Carvajal</h1>
<p id="c-p1767" shownumber="no">Born 2 Jan., 1568, at Jaraizejo, Spain; died 2 Jan., 1614, at
London, a lady of high birth, who received from God what appears to
have been a special vocation to go to England and minister to those who
were suffering for the Faith. Left an orphan at the age of six, she was
brought up by her uncle and aunt at Pampeluna, where she showed
evidence of extraordinary sanctity. She resolutely refused to marry;
yet she had no attraction to the religious life. On the death of her
aunt and uncle she collected a few women of her uncle's former
household, and they led a life of prayer together. This continued for
twelve years, until her Jesuit confessor at length allowed her to
fulfil her desire of setting out for England, in 1605. On arriving in
London, Luisa assembled a little community similar to the former one at
Pampeluna. She spent her time in visiting those in prison, and going to
the houses of others in danger of apprehension. She had the happiness
of ministering to Father Roberts, O. S. B., and Thomas Somers, a
secular priest, immediately before their martyrdom. Her life attracted
the attention of the authorities, who said she was doing more to
convert Protestants than twenty priests. On two occasions pretexts were
found for putting her in prison; on each occasion she was released at
the instance of the Spanish ambassador. Attempts were then made with
the latter to procure her removal from the kingdom. These would
probably in the end have succeeded, had they not been prevented by her
death which occurred on her forty-sixth birthday.</p>
<p id="c-p1768" shownumber="no">     A Spanish Life was published in 1632; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1768.1">Lady Georgiana Fullerton,</span> 
<i>Life of Louisa de Carvajal,</i> in 
<i>Quarterly Series</i> (London, 1873, 1881, 1889).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1769" shownumber="no">Bernard Ward</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1769.1" title="Carve, Thomas" type="Encyclopedia">Thomas Carve</term>
<def id="c-p1769.2">
<h1 id="c-p1769.3">Thomas Carve</h1>
<p id="c-p1770" shownumber="no">Historian, b. in Co. Tipperary, Ireland, 1590; d. probably in 1672.
His correct name was Carew, that of a family of great influence in
Munster during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. From his own
works it is clear that the Butlers of Ormonde were his patrons during
his early years. It is not certain where he was educated, but he was
ordained priest, and passed some years in an Irish diocese. On the
invitation of Walter Butler, then Colonel of an Irish regiment serving
in Austria, he left Ireland and remained for some time as chaplain to
Butler's regiment. He returned to Ireland twice (1630, 1632), and on
the death of Butler he acted as chaplain to Devereux, Butler's
successor in the command of the Irish forces fighting under Ferdinand
II. He accompanied the troops during several of the campaigns of the
Thirty Years' War, and had thus a good opportunity of observing the
events recorded in his history of the war. In 1640 he was appointed
chaplain to the English, Scotch, and Irish forces in Austria, and
continued to hold that position till 1643, when he went to reside at
Vienna as a choral vicar of the Cathedral of St. Stephen. His last book
was published at Sulzbach in 1672. The principal works from his pen
are: (1) "Itinerarium R. D. Thomae Carve Tipperariensis, Sacellani
majoris in fortissima juxta et nobilissima legione strenuissimi
Colonelli D. W. Devereux", etc. (Mainz, 1639-41, pts. I-II; Speyer,
1648, III; new ed., 1 vol., 1640-41). A new edition of the whole work
was published at London, 1859. It gives a good account of the Thirty
Years' War. In connection with the mysterious career of Wallenstein it
is particularly valuable. (2) "Rerum Germanicarum ab anno 1617 ad annum
1641 gestarum Epitome" (1641). (3) "Lyra seu Anacephalaeosis Hibernica,
in qua de exordio, seu origine, nomine, moribus ritibusque Gentis
Hibernicae succinte tractatur, cui quoque accessere Annales ejusdem
Hiberniae necnon rerum gestarum per Europam 1148-1650" (Vienna, 1651;
2nd ed., Sulzbach, 1666). (4) "Enchiridion apologeticum Noribergae"
(1670). (5) "Responsio veridica ad illotum libellum cui nomen
Anatomicum examen P. Antonii Bruodini, etc." (Sulzbach, 1672)</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1771" shownumber="no">JAMES MacCAFFREY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1771.1" title="Caryll, John" type="Encyclopedia">John Caryll</term>
<def id="c-p1771.2">
<h1 id="c-p1771.3">John Caryll</h1>
<p id="c-p1772" shownumber="no">Poet, dramatist, and diplomatist, b. at West Harting, England, 1625;
d. 1711; not to be confounded with his nephew, John Caryll,
immortalized by a line in Pope's "Rape of the Lock". He was head of an
old English Catholic and royalist family at that time settled at West
Harting, in Sussex. His father, of whom he was heir, was likewise named
John; his mother was a daughter of William, second Baron Petre. Of his
education he received part at the English college of Saint-Omer, in
Artois, part at the English College in Rome. During the reign of
Charles II he produced several plays and poems of more than average
merit. In poetry his chief performances were a translation of Ovid's
Epistle of Briseïs to Achilles, first appearing in 1680 in a work
entitled "Ovid's Epistles, translated by several hands", and afterwards
separately; also a translation of Vergil's first Eclogue, printed in
Nichol's "Select Collection of Miscellany Poems" and published in 1683.
His plays, both of them brought out at the Duke of York's Theatre, were
a tragedy written in 1666 and called "The English Princess, or the
death of Richard III" (Samuel Pepys, who saw this piece acted 7 March,
1667, found it no more than "pretty good"), and a comedy entitled "Sir
Solomon Single, or the Cautious Coxcomb", which came out in 1671, upon
the pattern of Moliere's "Ecole des Femmes". In 1679, during the
national madness brought on by Titus Oates's pretended "Popish Plot",
Caryll, as a Catholic of distinction, was committed to the Tower of
London, whence he had the good luck soon to be let out on bail. When
James II succeeded to the throne in 1685, he sent Caryll as his agent
to the court of Pope Innocent XI, withdrawing him some months later
upon the Earl of Castlemaine's appointment to that post. Caryll was
then appointed secretary to Queen Mary of Modena, in whose service he
continued after the Revolution of 1688, when he followed the exiled
royal family across the sea to Saint-Germain. From his voluntary
expatriation, however, there ensued no confiscation of his property
until 1696, when, by reason of his implication in one of the plots to
overthrow William III, he having furnished money for that purpose, his
estate at West Harting was declared forfeited and himself attainted.
His life interest in West Harting was thereon granted to Lord Cutts,
but redeemed by Caryll's nephew aforesaid for £6,000. The
dethroned King James II died in 1701, being succeeded in his rights and
claims by his son, the so-called Pretender, who as King James III
conferred upon Caryll the empty title of Baron Caryll of Dunford and
the office of one of his secretaries of state. Meanwhile, in 1700,
Caryll had published anonymously another work, this time in prose,
entitled "The Psalmes of David, translated from the Vulgat". He died 4
September, 1711, and was buried at Paris in the church of the Scotch
college, of which he had been a benefactor and where there was set up a
tablet to his memory. He left no issue. His wife was Margaret, a
daughter and co-heir of Sir Maurice Drummond. One of his sisters, Mary,
became first abbess of the English Benedictine nuns at Dunkirk. The
last of the Caryll family, a grandson of the above mentioned nephew,
died in poverty at Dunkirk in 1788.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1773" shownumber="no">C.T. BOOTHMAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1773.1" title="Carystus" type="Encyclopedia">Carystus</term>
<def id="c-p1773.2">
<h1 id="c-p1773.3">Carystus</h1>
<p id="c-p1774" shownumber="no">A titular see of Greece. According to legend it was named after
Carystus, a son of Chiron. The ancient city is often mentioned by
geographers, chiefly on account of its beautiful marble and its amianth
obtained from Mount Oche. The see was at first a suffragan of Corinth,
but early in the ninth century was made a suffragan of Athens and
before 1579 of Euripos (Chaleis). Only two Greek bishops are mentioned
by Lequien (II, 197): Cyriacus, who subscribed the letter of the
bishops of Hellas to the Emperor Leo in 458, and Joel at the beginning
of the eighteenth century. At least another titular may be mentioned,
Demetrius, a friend of Michael Acominatos, the famous Metropolitan of
Athens in the thirteenth century. The bishopric was maintained in 1833,
but under the district name of Carystia, its titular residing at Kyme.
In 1900 it was united to Chaleis (Euripos), the capital of the island.
As to the Latin see, we read that Innocent III assigned it with other
suffragans to the Archbishopric of Athens. In the "Gerarchia Cattolica"
(1907, 244) it is assigned to its original metropolis, Corinth. No
residential bishop is known. Lequien (III, 857) mentions an obviously
titular bishop of 1718. Carystus is to-day a village of about 2000
inhabitants on the southern coast of Euboea.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1775" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1775.1" title="Casale Monferatto" type="Encyclopedia">Casale Monferatto</term>
<def id="c-p1775.2">
<h1 id="c-p1775.3">Casale Monferatto</h1>
<p id="c-p1776" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CASALE MONFERATTO (CASALENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p1777" shownumber="no">A suffragan of Vercelli. Casale Monferrato, the ancient 
<i>Bodincomagus</i>, is a city in the province of Alessandria, Piedmont
(Italy), on the River Po, and has been a stronghold since the time of
the Lombards. King Liutprand enlarged it, and Emperor Otto II made it
the chief town of a marquisate, giving it to the sons of Aleran, Duke
of Saxony; later it was inherited by Emperor Michael VIII, Palaeologus,
who sent thither his son Theodore. In 1533, the dynasty of the
Palaeologi being extinct, Charles V gave it to the Gonzaga. From 1681
to 1706 it was in the hands of the French, from whom, in 1713, it
passed to the House of Savoy. Casale was created a see in 1474 by
Sixtus IV; previously it belonged to the Diocese of Asti. Its first
bishop was Bernardino de Tebaldeschi; his successor was Gian Giorgio
Paleologo (1517), who also governed the marquisate for his nephew, a
minor. Among its noteworthy bishops were: the Dominican Benedetto Erba
(1570), most zealous for the Christian instruction of children and the
introduction of the Tridentine reforms, in which good work he was
associated with St. Charles Borromeo; he was also the founder of the 
<i>monti di pietà</i>; Giulio Careta (1614), who imitated other
contemporary bishops and founded an oratory for priests, and when the
pest was ravaging Casale (1630) himself nursed the sick; Scipione
Pasquali (1645), author of a history of the campaign of Charles
Emmanuel of Savoy against Montferrat. Among the churches of Casale are
the cathedral, one of the finest monuments of Lombard architecture, and
that of St. Hilary (Ilario). The diocese has a population of 200,500,
with 140 parishes, 562 churches and chapels, 322 secular and 86 regular
priests, 8 religious houses of men and 8 of women.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1778" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1778.1" title="Casali, Giovanni Battista" type="Encyclopedia">Giovanni Battista Casali</term>
<def id="c-p1778.2">
<h1 id="c-p1778.3">Giovanni Battista Casali</h1>
<p id="c-p1779" shownumber="no">Musician, b. at Rome in 1715; d. there 1792. From 1759 until his
death he held the position of choir-master in the church of St. John
Lateran. Of his numerous compositions a mass in G major and several
motets (Confitebor tibi, Ave Maria, Exaltabo, Improperium) have been
reprinted in Lueck's "Collection" (Ratisbon, 1859). These compositions,
while liturgical in spirit and form, show a considerable departure from
the great period of the Roman School in a freer use of the dissonance,
and they also bear witness to the influence of the opera in which form
Casali also wrote. Most of his works are preserved in the library of
Abbate Santini in Rome. Casali was one of the last of that period to
write for voices 
<i>a capella</i>.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1780" shownumber="no">JOSEPH OTTEN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1780.1" title="Casanare" type="Encyclopedia">Casanare</term>
<def id="c-p1780.2">
<h1 id="c-p1780.3">Casanare</h1>
<p id="c-p1781" shownumber="no">Vicariate Apostolic in the Republic of Colombia, South America,
administered by the Augustinians, subject to the Congregation of
Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs. The city of Casanare, situated on
the river of the same name, was formerly a part of the Diocese of Tunja
(Archdiocese of Bogota). The vicariate was created in 1893, though
efforts were made in this direction as early as 1884. Its territory
forms an immense triangle bounded on the north-east by the Meta, on the
north-west by Venezuela, on the west by the Andes. The conterminous
dioceses are Bogota, Tunja, and Pamplona. The population in 1893 was
about 110,000 souls, ministered to by 10 priests. The territory of the
vicariate coincides with the political district 
(<i>Intendencia</i>) of Casanare and takes its name from the Casanare
River, an affluent of the Meta. The seat of the vicariate is at Tamara;
other important places are Nunchia, Tame, Arauca, Orocué, Moreno,
Trinidad, etc. Its first missionaries were Jesuits, who established
there 126 reductions (see PARAGUAY). After their expulsion (1767) the
original barbarism took the place of civilization and religion. The
churches built by the first Jesuit missionaries were large and well
furnished; even to-day local merchants and private individuals exhibit
candlesticks and other objects that once belonged to these abandoned
and despoiled churches. At present (1907) there are about 30
missionaries in the territory and 3 convents of Sisters of Charity. The
revolutions of 1895 and 1899 interfered seriously with the progress of
the missions.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1782" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1782.1" title="Casanata, Girolamo" type="Encyclopedia">Girolamo Casanata</term>
<def id="c-p1782.2">
<h1 id="c-p1782.3">Girolamo Casanata</h1>
<p id="c-p1783" shownumber="no">(Or Casanatta)</p>
<p id="c-p1784" shownumber="no">Cardinal, b. at Naples, 13 July, 1620; d. at Rome, 3 March, 1700.
His father, Tommaso Casanatta, was a member of the supreme council of
the kingdom. Girolamo studied law at the university of his native town
and practised in the courts for some time. Eventually he gave up the
brilliant promises of a secular career and entered the service of the
Church, in deference to the advice of Cardinal Pamphily whom he had met
on a visit to Rome. When that cardinal became pope as Innocent X,
Casanata was made private chamberlain and soon advanced rapidly in the
ecclesiastical career, becoming in turn Governor of Sabina, Fabriano,
Ancona, and Camerino. In the last- named city he became a close friend
of its bishop, Emilio Altieri, afterwards Clement X. In 1658 Alexander
VII sent him as inquisitor to Malta, whence he was shortly recalled to
Rome and made prelate of the "Consulta" and active member of the courts
known as the "Segnatura di Grazia" and the "Segnatura di Giustizia". He
was Consultor of the Congregation of Rites and of Propaganda, and
governor of the conclave that chose the successor of Alexander VII;
under Clement IX he was made assessor of the Holy Office (Congregation
of the Inquisition). He was appointed secretary of the Congregation of
Bishops and Regulars by Clement X, and 13 June, 1673, was named
Cardinal-Deacon of the Title of Santa Maria in Porticu, and later
(1686) Cardinal-Priest of the Title of San Silvestro in Capite. In 1693
Innocent XII bestowed on him the office of Librarian of the Vatican
(Bibliotecario di Santa Romana Chiesa). On his death-bed he was
assisted by two Dominicans, Father Cloché, the general of the
order, and Father Massoulié. He was buried in St. John Lateran,
though his heart was deposited in Santa Maria sopra Minerva, the church
of the Dominicans, to whom he was always warmly attached, and who
looked on him as their benefactor. The many responsible offices held by
Casanata are evidence of his uncommon wisdom and his extensive curial
experience. In the conduct of these offices it was necessary that he
study profoundly the numerous and grave doctrinal, disciplinary, and
political questions brought before the Holy See in the latter half of
the seventeenth century. It will suffice to recall the controversies
concerning Quietism (Michael Molinos, Fénelon, Madame Guyon), the
Gallican Liberties, the right of 
<i>Régale,</i> the Four Articles of 1682, the Chinese Rites
controversy between the Jesuits and the Dominicans and other orders,
not to speak of various doctrinal errors of the time, not unlike our
own in its extravagant theological fancies, and the diffusion of lax
moral theories so frequently condemned by contemporary popes.</p>
<p id="c-p1785" shownumber="no">The Casanatense Library (see below) still preserves 1125 manuscript
volumes of opinions, reports, and statements 
(<i>voti, relazioni, posizioni</i>) concerning matters treated in the
various Congregations to which Casanata belonged. So far these precious
materials have been too little utilized to justify a satisfactory
account of the part he played in contemporary ecclesiastical
administration. His curial duties did not prevent him from taking an
interest in letters and the sciences. He was on friendly terms and
corresponded with the learned men of his day. Among those whom he
encouraged most was Zaccagni, whom he induced to publish the well-known
collection of materials for the ancient history of the Greek and Latin
Churches, "Collectanea monumentorum veterum Ecclesiæ
græcæ et latinæ" (Rome, 1694, 4to). His chief service to
learning, especially the theological sciences, was the Casanatense
Library (Biblioteca Casanetense) founded and endowed by him. While
living he had collected a library of about 25,000 volumes; this he left
to the above-mentioned Dominican convent of Santa Maria sopra Minerva,
together with an endowment fund of 80,000 
<i>scudi</i> (almost as many dollars), to provide for the
administration of the trust and for the acquisition of new books. In
1655 the same convent had inherited the library of Giambattista
Castellani, chief physician of Gregory XV, with 12,000 
<i>scudi</i> for the erection of a suitable edifice. Cardinal Casanata,
moreover, ordered that the new library should be accessible to the
public six hours daily, excepting feast-days. In addition to the
library staff he provided for a college 
(<i>theologi casanatenses</i>) of six Dominicans of different
nationalities (Italian, French, Spanish, German, English, Polish). Each
of them must previously have received the degree of Doctor from one of
the most famous universities of Europe. Aided by the resources of the
library, they were to devote themselves to the defence and propagation
of Catholic doctrine. Moreover, two professors were to expound
regularly the text of St. Thomas Aquinas ("Summa Theologica" and other
writings). In other words, by means of the new library, he had created
at Rome another centre of intellectual activity (see "Minerva",
1892-93, II, 622). After the loss of the temporal power (1870) the
library was declared national property, but the Dominicans were left in
charge until 1884. At present the Casanatense Library is entirely under
lay management. It has 5238 manuscripts, among them 64 Greek codices
(15 of them the gift of Casanata), and 230 Hebrew texts (rolls and
books), among which are 5 Samaritan codices. The 
<i>incunabula</i> (books printed before 1500) number 2036; there is
also a large collection of Roman governmental proclamations 
(<i>bandi, editti</i>) from 1500 to 1870, comedies of the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries, etc. Father Cloché, the General of the
Dominicans, placed in the library a statue of Cardinal Casanata, the
work of the sculptor Le Gros. An inscription records the formal
permission of Clement XI to preserve there the books of heretical
authors.</p>
<p id="c-p1786" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p1786.1">Touron,</span> 
<i>Hommes illustres de l'orare de saint-Dominique</i> (1743-49), IV,
534 sqq.; 
<i>Monumenta Ord. Præd. Historica,</i> XIII, 335; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1786.2">Bacalari,</span> 
<i>Index codicum græcorum bibliothecæ Casanatensis</i>
(Florence, 1894); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1786.3">Gustavo Sacerdote,</span> 
<i>Catalogo dei codici ebraici della biblioteca Casanatense</i>
(Florence, 1897); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1786.4">Vaglizo and Colaneri,</span> 
<i>La Biblioteca Casanatense</i> (Rome, 1896).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1787" shownumber="no">U. Benigni.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1787.1" title="Casas" type="Encyclopedia">Casas</term>
<def id="c-p1787.2">
<h1 id="c-p1787.3">Bartolomé de las Casas</h1>
<p id="c-p1788" shownumber="no">(Originally 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1788.1">Casaus</span>)</p>
<p id="c-p1789" shownumber="no">Born at Seville, probably in 1474; d. at Madrid, 1566. His family
was from France and settled at Seville. He called himself Casaus during
his youth, and changed the name to Casas later on.</p>
<p id="c-p1790" shownumber="no">Francisco Casaus, or Casas, the father of Bartolomé, had
accompanied Columbus on his second voyage and brought back an Indian
boy whom he left to his son as a servant. Bartolomé studied law at
Salamanca, took his degree of Licentiate, and enjoyed a fair reputation
as a lawyer. He possessed the confidence of the Spanish Governors of
the Antilles after the departure of Columbus, and the first of these,
Ovando, took him to the Island of Hispañola in 1502. Both Ovando
and his successor, Velasquez, relied, in more ways than one, on the
advice of Las Casas, who did not, however, remain much longer a layman,
for in 1510 we find him a secular priest.</p>
<p id="c-p1791" shownumber="no">The condition of the Indians, especially those of the Greater
Antilles, was not a satisfactory one. The earliest Spanish colonists in
America were not the choicest examples of their race, neither were they
numerous enough to improve the country and its resources as fast as
they wished. Hence it was that the Indians were pressed into service;
but those of the Antilles were not fitted for labour. With them the
women, not the men, formed the labouring class. This the Spaniards did
not know and, as Europeans, could not understand. Nor could they
comprehend how the Indian was physically unfit for manual labour, owing
to the lack of training. Hence the aborigines were overworked, and in
many cases harshly treated, while epidemics were imported from the Old
World, and a rapid decrease of the indigenous population set in. Las
Casas saw all this, and sought to prevent it by every means at his
disposal. He received, in the first years of his activity, full support
from the clergy in America, and still more in Spain, where Cardinal
Cisneros was counted among his most unfailing supporters.</p>
<p id="c-p1792" shownumber="no">In becoming a priest Las Casas gained two important points: almost
complete freedom of speech and material independence. As an
ecclesiastic he could penetrate nearly everywhere, and express himself
as he liked. The rapid disappearance of the Indians in the Antilles
caused much concern in Spain. Fears were entertained that it would ruin
the colonies. Las Casas proposed a remedy. He suggested and, with
characteristic vehemence, insisted that the natives should be placed
under the control of the Church, and separated from contact with any
portion of the laity. This measure could not replace the many
aborigines who had already perished, and it gave but little relief to
the remnant. Yet the Crown, always anxious to assist the Indians, and
most favourably impressed by the philanthropic endeavours of Las Casas,
was willing and eager that he should make a trial. The north-eastern
coast of South America (Venezuela) was selected, and Las Casas was sent
there in 1519 with ample means for the experiment. It must be stated,
however, that when Las Casas was in Spain the second time, in 1517, he
had made great efforts to secure farmers as emigrants for the Antilles,
but failed. About the same time another measure of relief was proposed:
the importation of negroes. Las Casas was one of its advocates. When he
went to Venezuela he took with him seven negroes as his own personal
slaves, and it is certain that he recommended the distribution of
negroes through the Antilles, allowing five or six hundred to each
island.</p>
<p id="c-p1793" shownumber="no">The charge often made against Las Casas, that he introduced negro
slavery into the New World, is unjust. As early as 1505 negroes were
sent to the Antilles to work in mines. After that they were repeatedly
imported, but without his co-operation. Besides, slavery was at that
time sanctioned by Spanish custom and law. But the fact that he
tolerated slavery in the case of negroes, while condemning Indian
servitude, appears to us a logical inconsistency. It did not occur to
him that the personal liberty of negroes and Indians alike was sacred,
and that in point of civilization there was little difference between
the two races. At a later period he recognized his error, but the cause
of the Indians had so completely absorbed his sympathies that he did
nothing for the black race.</p>
<p id="c-p1794" shownumber="no">The first attempt of Las Casas to carry out his plan of educating
the Indian apart from the white man resulted in disastrous failure,
caused by the Indians themselves. After establishing a post at
Cumaná, Las Casas returned to give an account of what he had done.
In the meantime the aborigines, seeing a large building of frail
material, filled with commodities ultimately destined for distribution
among them as time went on, forcibly appropriated the supplies, set
fire to the buildings, and, after killing as many of the Europeans as
could not escape, withdrew to the interior with their booty. It was a
sore blow to the priest, but, instead of drawing the true lesson from
it, he laid the blame on his countrymen, accusing them of having
instigated the catastrophe out of ill will towards himself and his
projects. Thereafter the colonization of the New World became in his
eyes a grave offence, even a sin. Embittered in spirit, he joined the
Dominican Order and began a fierce crusade for what he considered the
rights and interests of the Indians.</p>
<p id="c-p1795" shownumber="no">In his active sympathy for the American aborigines Las Casas had not
stood alone. He had on his side, in principle, the sovereigns and the
most influential men and women of Spain. He was sincerely admired for
his absolute devotion to the cause of humanity, his untiring activity
and zeal. He stood out among the men of his day as an exceptionaly
noble personality. But the more perspicacious among his admirers saw,
also, that he was eminently unpractical, and, while they supported
within reason, they could not approve the extremes which he
peremptorily demanded. His very popularity spoiled his character. Among
the clergy, the Hieronymites, who had been entrusted with the
conversion and training of the Antillean natives, were his first active
supporters. After his entry into the Order of Preachers, the Dominicans
naturally stood by him. The conquest of Mexico brought the Spaniards
into intimate contact with the most numerous and most cultured groups
of Indians in America. The degree of culture and the civil polity of
these groups were overrated, and the character of the people
misunderstood, as well as their social organization. They were
represented as highly civilized, and the coercion accompanying the
conquest, even if indispensable for the changes which alone could set
the aborigines upon the path of progress, appeared to many to be wanton
cruelty. Las Casas was prompt to raise the cry of condemnation.</p>
<p id="c-p1796" shownumber="no">It was in 1522 that, after the failure of his plan at Cumaná,
Las Casas retired to a Dominican convent on the Island of Santo
Domingo, where he soon after began to write his voluminous "Historia de
las Indias". His picture of the earliest times of Spanish colonization
is gruesome. He exaggerated the number of aborigines on the island at
the time of discovery, and magnified into a deed of revolting cruelty
every act which savoured of injustice. Sober common sense demands the
revision and correction of his indictments. The life which Las Casas
would have desired to lead could not, in the face of his
disappointments, be led by a man of his temperament. At the same time
the authorities favoured further investigations into the condition of
the Indians, chiefly in the regions last occupied. He therefore went to
Nicaragua in 1527. Everywhere he found abuses, and everywhere painted
them in the blackest colours, making no allowances for local conditions
or for the dark side of the Indian character. That the natives, owing
to centuries of isolation, were unable to understand European
civilization did not enter his mind. He saw in them only victims of
unjustifiable aggression. It is greatly to the credit of the Spanish
Government's goodwill to have not only tolerated but encouraged the
visionary designs of Las Casas, who became more and more aggressive.
Some of his biographers have unjustifiably extended the scope of his
travels at that time. He is credited with having made a journey to Peru
in the execution of his philanthropic mission; the truth is that Las
Casas never touched South America, except on its northern coast.
Nevertheless, he addressed to the king a memorial, couched in violent
terms, on Peruvian affairs, of which he had not the least personal
knowledge.</p>
<p id="c-p1797" shownumber="no">The critical question was that of Indian labour. Slavery had
repeatedly been abolished, except in the case of prisoners of war and
as a punishment for rebellion. The most rational solution appeared to
be to let the Indian pass to enfranchisement through progressive stages
of training under the supervision of the whites, such as might have the
effect of initiating him little by little in the ways of European
civilization. This plan demanded a feudal condition of things, and the 
<i>Repartimientos</i> and 
<i>Encomiendas,</i> while abolishing personal servitude, substituted
for it agrarian serfdom. While not eliminating the possibility of
individual and official abuses, however, it checked them in many ways.
Las Casas was not satisfied with the improvement; it was not radical
enough for him. He continued to agitate, and, though he does not appear
as the framer of the "New Laws" for the Indies (promulgated in 1542),
it is certain that those enactments were due to his influence with the
Government, with the clergy, and with persons who, guided more by
humanitarian theories than by practical knowledge of the New World,
would not have stopped short of complete emancipation, regardless of
its consequences to European settlement. The strong support which Las
Casas found in Spain discredits the accusations of tyranny brought
against the Spaniards by Las Casas himself and by his partisans. His
violent denunciations were not only unjust, but extremely ungrateful.
Throughout his career he never lacked either the means for support or
for carrying out his schemes. But his vehemence and sweeping injustice
estranged more and more those who, fully desirous of aiding the
Indians, had to acknowledge that gradual reform, and not sudden
revolution, was the true policy.</p>
<p id="c-p1798" shownumber="no">The "New Laws", with their amendments of 1543 and 1544, were a
surprise and a source of much concern, especially in America. They did
not abolish serfdom, but they limited it in such a manner that the
original settlers 
(<i>Conquistadores</i>) saw before them utter ruin by the eventual loss
of their fiefs. The newly acquired territories belonged to the Crown.
Those who had sufferred unspeakable hardships, exposures, and
sacrifices to secure this new continent for Spain had a right to expect
compensation for themselves and their descendants. That expectation was
now suddenly threatened with disappointment. Not only this, but the
Indians obtained such favours that, as long as Spanish rule lasted in
America, the reproach was justly made to the mother country that a
native enjoyed more privileges than a creole. A storm of indignation
broke out in America against the new code, and against Las Casas as its
promoter. About that time the Emperor Charles V had Las Casas proposed
for the episcopal see of Cuzco, in Peru, but he refused it. He had
often declared that he would never accept any high office. In the case
of Cuzco it ws not so much modesty as prudence, for in Peru his life
would have been in imminent danger. Certain it is that he afterwards
accepted the Bishopric of Chiapas, in Southern Mexico. Notwithstanding
his egregious failure in Venezuela, the Crown was disposed and even
anxious to give him further opportunities and means to try once more
the practicability of his schemes. He was in Central America, with
intermissions, until 1539, disseminating his views and causing trouble
everywhere. Received at Guatemala in the most friendly manner by Bishop
Marroquin, he turned against his benefactor, because, while the latter
was in full harmony with him so far as concerned his efforts in favour
of the natives, he differed with him in regard to the mode of
procedure. Little by little he alienated the sympathy of the most
influential members of his own order, such, for example, as Fray
Domingo de Betanzos. Some of the Franciscans, among them the celebrated
missionary Fray Toribio de Paredes (Motolinia), took a decided stand
against the methods of relief urged by Las Casas. Officials and private
individuals, exasperated by the violence of his language, retorted with
equal acrimony, and accusations of inconsistency were made against him.
While he refused absolution to those who held fiefs, he did not
hesitate to take advantage of personal service without compensation.
Even his private character was, though unjustly, assailed. It must be
said that Las Casas had set the example by his treatment of Bishop
Marroquin.</p>
<p id="c-p1799" shownumber="no">The laws of the Indies were gradually modified so as to afford the
necessary protection to the natives without injuring too much the
interests of the settlers. But the bitterness of Las Casas grew with
age. In 1552 there appeared in print his "Brevísima Relacion de la
Destruycion de las Indias", a most injudicious book, glaringly partial,
based upon testimony often very impeachable and always highly coloured.
That so passionate and one-sided a document should have been published
with the permission of the authorities argues a broad tolerance on the
part of the Spanish Government, which, moreover, still continued its
support to Las Casas. In 1555 an annual pension of 200,000 
<i>maravedis</i> was granted to him, and five years later this was
increased to 350,000 
<i>maravedis</i>. Disappointed at the failure of his extravagant plans,
he spent the last ten years of his life in comparative quietness, dying
in the convent of Atocha, at Madrid, in the ninety-third year of his
age.</p>
<p id="c-p1800" shownumber="no">Las Casas was a man of great purity of life and of noble
aspirations, but his conviction that his own views were flawless made
him intolerant of those of others. By no means thoroughly acquainted
with the character of his Indian wards, he idealized them, but never
took time to study them. His knowledge of them was far less correct
than that of such men as Motolinia. Neither was he in any exact sense a
missionary or a teacher. Between the years 1520 and 1540 he accompanied
some of his Dominican brethren on missions–for instance, to
Honduras. He occasionally visited certain districts, but the life of
constant personal sacrifice among the aborigines was not to his taste.
With the exception of what he wrote on the Indians of the Antilles, in
the "Historia de las Indias", he has left very little of value to
ethnology, for the bulky manuscript entitled "Historia
apologética" is so polemical in its tone as to inspire deep
mistrust. He did almost nothing to educate the Indians. The name
"Apostle of the Indies", which has been given him, was not deserved;
whereas there were men opposed to his views who richly merited it, but
who had neither the gifts nor the inclination for that noisy propaganda
in which Las Casas was so eminently successful. Although for over fifty
years an ecclesiastic, he always remained under the spell of his early
education as a lawyer. His controversy with Juan Ginés de
Sepúlveda on the Indian question is a polemic between two
juris-consults, adorned with, or rather encumbered by, theological
phraseology.</p>
<p id="c-p1801" shownumber="no">Las Casas left no linguishtic contributions like those of Marroquin,
Betanzos, Molina, and other devoted priests. He was, however, a
prolific writer, though not all of his writings have ben published. The
"Historia apologética de las Indias", for instance, has been only
partly printed in the "Documentos para la Historia de España"
(Madrid, 1876). The "Historia de las Indias", the manuscript of which
he completed in 1561, appeared in the same collection (1875 and 1876).
His best-known work is the "Brevísima Relacion de la Destruycion
de las Indias" (Seville, 1552). There are at least five Spanish
editions of it. It circulated very quickly outside of Spain and in a
number of European languages. Appearing at a time when every seafaring
nation of Europe was jealous of Spain's American possessions, and bent
upon damaging Spanish reputation for religious, as well as for
political and commercial reasons, this violent libel, coming from a
source so highly considered as Las Casas, was eagerly welcomed. Latin
translations of it issued from Frankfort, 1598, Oppenheim, 1614,
Heidelberg, 1664; French translations from Antwerp, 1579, Amsterdam,
1620 and 1698, Rouen, 1630, Lyons, 1642, Paris, 1697 and 1822; Italian
from Venice, 1630, 1643, and 1645. A German translation appeared in
1599; Dutch translations at Amsterdam in 1610, 1621, and 1663. There is
an English version: "A Relation of the first voyages and discoveries
made by the Spaniards in America" (London, 1699). Many of the writings
of Las Casas have been included in the work of J. A. Llorente:
"Œuvres de Don Bartollomé de las Casas" (Paris, 1822).</p>
<p id="c-p1802" shownumber="no">A biography, or rather panegyric, of Las Casas has been weritten by 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1802.1">Quintana</span> in 
<i>Vidas de Españoles célebres</i> (Madrid, 1807). See also: 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1802.2">Ycazbalceta,</span> 
<i>Documentos para la Historia de México</i> (Mexico, 1866), II,
and 
<i>Bibliografía Méxicana del Siglo XVI</i> (Mexico, 1886).
Passing over the innumerable more or less correct sketches and mentions
of Las Casas in modern works, the sources may be noted which date from
the lifetime of the celebrated Dominican. 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1802.3">Gomara,</span> 
<i>Historia general de las Indias</i> (Saragossa, 1522; Medina del
Campo, 1553; Antwerp, 1554; Saragossa, 1555). A most important but
partial source is 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1802.4">Oviedo,</span> 
<i>Historia general y natural de las Indias</i> (Madrid, 1850).
&amp;gt;From the beginning of the seventeenth century there is 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1802.5">Herrera,</span> 
<i>Historia de los Hechos de los Castellanos en las Islas y Tierra
firme del Marocéano</i> (Madrid, 1601-15; Antwerp, 1728; Madrid,
1726-30). Lately there have appeared the interesting biographical data
of the book of 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1802.6">Diego Gutierez de Santa Clara,</span> 
<i>Historia de las Guerras civiles del Perú</i> (Madrid, 1904), I.
The most extensive biographers of Las Casas have been two monks of his
own order: 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1802.7">Antonio de Remesal,</span> 
<i>Historia general de las Indias occidentales, y particular de la
gobernacion de Chiapas y Guatemala</i> (Madrid, 1619, and, under a
somewhat different title, 1620); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1802.8">Augustin DÁvila y Padilla,</span> 
<i>Historia de la Fundación y Discurso de la Provincia de Santiago
de México</i> (Madrid, 1596; Brussels, 1625). Finally the
voluminous collection, 
<i>Documentos inéditos de Indias,</i> contains many documents
touching upon Las Casas or emanating from his pen.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1803" shownumber="no">Ad. F. Bandelier</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1803.1" title="Caserta" type="Encyclopedia">Caserta</term>
<def id="c-p1803.2">
<h1 id="c-p1803.3">Caserta</h1>
<p id="c-p1804" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CASERTA (CASERTANA).</p>
<p id="c-p1805" shownumber="no">Caserta is the capital of the province of that name in Southern
Italy, situated in a fertile and pleasant region about twenty miles
from Naples. It attained a certain importance under the Lombards and
later under the Normans, and the counts of Caserta were once powerful
lords in that vicinity. Later it was held as a fief by various noble
families, last of all by the Gaetani, who made it over to Charles III
of Savoy, King of Naples, by whom it was transformed into a second
Versailles. The royal castle, the work of the architect Vanvitelli, is
an edifice of great magnificence. Splendid residences were afterwards
built in the vicinity by the aristocracy of Naples. It is not known
when Caserta became an episcopal see. The first-known bishop was
Ranulfo whose election in 1113 was confirmed by Senne, Archbishop of
Capua. Other bishops of note were: Andrea (1234), who finished the
beautiful belfry of the cathedral; Secondo (1285) and Azzone (1200),
champions of ecclestiastical liberty; Antonio Bernardo della Mirandola
(1552), a famous student of Aristotle; Benedetto Mandina (1594), a
zealous promoter of an alliance of Christian princes against the Turks;
the Franciscan, Bonaventura Caballo (1669), renowned for his piety and
his preaching. In 1818 Pius VII united this see with that of Caiazzo,
but Pius IX made them separate sees. Casetta is a suffragan of Capua,
and has a population of 96,800, with 51 parishes, 176 churches and
chapels, 267 secular and 38 regular priests, and 7 religious houses of
men and 10 of women.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1806" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1806.1" title="Casey, John" type="Encyclopedia">John Casey</term>
<def id="c-p1806.2">
<h1 id="c-p1806.3">John Casey</h1>
<p id="c-p1807" shownumber="no">Mathematician, b. at Kilkenny, Ireland, 12 May, 1820; d. at Dublin,
3 Jan, 1891. He received his early education in the school of his
native town. As soon as his age permitted he took service under the
Board of National Education and taught in various schools, finally
becoming head master of the Central Model School of Kilkenny. In his
leisure moments he cultivated his natural taste for mathematics,
learning at the same time Latin, French, and German. His success in
obtaining a geometrical solution of Poncelet's problem brought him to
the notice of mathematicians, including Dr. Salmon and Professor
Townsend of Trinity College, Dublin. Following the advice of the
latter, he entered Trinity in 1858, though approaching his fortieth
year. He won a sizarship in 1859, a scholarship in 1861 and took his B.
A. degree in 1862. During the following eleven years he was
mathematical master in the Kingstown School where he gained distinction
by his success in training candidates for the Indian Civil Service
examinations. In 1873 he became professor of higher mathematics and
mathematical physics at the Catholic University in Dublin. Shortly
afterwards he was offered a professorship at Trinity which he refused,
preferring to devote his energies to the advancement of Catholic higher
education. In 1881 he was elected to a fellowship in the Royal
University and at the same time was appointed lecturer on mathematics
at University College, Stephen's Green, a position which he held until
his death.</p>
<p id="c-p1808" shownumber="no">Casey carried on an extensive correspondence with mathematicians at
home and abroad, and during his life received many distinctions in
recognition of his work in mathematics. In 1866 he was elected a member
of the Royal Irish Academy, serving for many years as a member of its
council, and for four years as vice-president. He received the honorary
degree of LL.D. from Trinity in 1869. In 1874 he was elected a member
of the London Mathematical Society, and in 1875 he was made a Fellow of
the Royal Society. In 1878 he served as secretary of the British
Association during its Dublin meeting. From 1862-1868 he was one of the
editors of the "Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin Messenger of Mathematics"
and for several years Dublin correspondent of the "Jahrbuch über
die Fortschritte der Mathemtik". Casey was an enthusiastic and devoted
teacher and yet found time for much original work in mathematics,
confining himself chiefly to geometry which he treated with much
ability. He was withal a man of ardent piety, being a member of the
Third Order of St. Francis and for many years a daily communicant. He
was the author of a number of mathematical papers, many of them
published in the "Philosophical Transactions" and in the "Proceedings
of the Royal Irish Academy". In 1881 he began a series of textbooks
which were highly esteemed. Among his works are: "On Cubic
Transformations" (Dublin, 1880); "Sequel to Euclid" (Dublin, 1881);
"Treatise on the Analytic Geometry of the Point, Line, Circle and Conic
Sections" (Dublin, 1885); "Treatise on Plane Trigonometry containing an
account of the Hyperbolic Functions" (Dublin, 1888); "Treatise on
Spherical Geometry" (Dublin, 1889).</p>
<p id="c-p1809" shownumber="no">
<i>Irish Monthly</i> (1891), XIX, 106, 152; 
<i>Proc. Royal Society</i> (1891), XLIX, 30, p. xxiv.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1810" shownumber="no">H.M. BROCK</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1810.1" title="Casgrain, Henri Raymond" type="Encyclopedia">Henri Raymond Casgrain</term>
<def id="c-p1810.2">
<h1 id="c-p1810.3">Henri Raymond Casgrain</h1>
<p id="c-p1811" shownumber="no">Author of some of the best works in French Canadian literature, b.
at Rivière Ouelle, 16 September, 1831; d. at Quebec, 2 February,
1904. His father, a proprietor of the old feudal regime who had been a
member of the Canadian ministry, gave him a careful education at the
College of Sainte-Anne-de-la-Pocatière. Having finished his
classics he studied medicine, but became a priest in 1856. For several
years he discharged his clerical duties at Beauport and Quebec, until
poor health and a serious affection of the eyes compelled him to
retire; thenceforth he was free to devote himself entirely to literary
pursuits. He first wrote tales, such as, "Le tableau de la rivière
Ouelle", "La jongleuse", "Les pionniers canadiens", for periodicals,
his work appearing, 1860-68, in the "SoirÈes canadiennes et foyer
canadien". In these narratives, which were well received, he depicted
the life and customs of the early colonists of Canada. He has also left
several biographies of Canadian writers, including lives of de
GaspÈ, Garneau, CrÈmazie, Chauveau. Casgrain's instinct for
research led him to devote himself almost exclusively to history. His
historical works include: "Histoire de la Mère Marie de
l'Incarnation" (1864); "Histoire de l'Hôtel-Dieu de QuÈbec"
(1878); "Une paroisse canadienne au XVIIe siècle"; "Pelerinage au
pays d'EvangÈline" (1855); "Montcalm et LÈvis" (1891); "Une
seconde Acadie" (1894); "Histoire de l'asile du Bon-Pasture de
QuÈbec" (1890); "Les sulpiciens et les prêtres des Missions
Ètrangers en Acadie" (1897); not to mention numerous monographs,
archæological studies, and letters of travel written for the
press. Ill-health compelled him to spend a long time in Europe, and he
turned necessity to profit by making researches in the archives of
France; thus he gathered many valuable documents for he history of his
own country. Under his direction the Government of Quebec published
(188-1895) the collection known under the name of "Documents de
LÈvis", dealing with the last wars between the French and English
in Canada, which he had secured from the family of this name. He also
collected and published the works of CrÈmazie, the national poet
of the French Canadians, under the title: "uvres de CrÈmazie"
(1882). Some of Casgrain's writings have been crowned by the French
Academy. He was professor of history at Laval University, and president
of the Royal Society of Canada (1889-1890). As historian, poet, and
literary critic Casgrain has exercised considerable influence upon the
intellectual movement in Canada, and has accomplished much in making
his country known. Although almost blind he was gifted with remarkable
fecundity. That he had read in his youth many of the works of Romantic
school is betrayed by a style inclined to over-elaboration, but his
diction grew purer as time went on. His literary judgments are not
always accurate, and his appreciations of historical events are
sometimes at fault. It has been said that he was better fitted to write
tales than history. However, everything considered, his work, as a
whole, has real worth. Above all he was a patriot; his one thought was
to increase the fame of his country. Casgrain's outlook is somewhat
restricted, but his flights of fancy are frequently beautiful, and he
is always interesting. He left unedited memoirs, which were bequeathed,
together with his manuscripts and a part of his fortune, to Laval
University.</p>
<p id="c-p1812" shownumber="no">ROUTHIER, Eloge historique de M. H. R. Casgrain in Royal Society
Transactions, new ser., X, 35; also Presidential Address, 1st ser.,
VIII, and Bibliography, XII; LAFLAMME, L'abbÈ Henri Raymond
Casgrain in Annuaire de l'universitÈ de Laval (1904-05), XLVIII,
174; CAMILLE ROY, L'abbÈ Casgrain in La Nouvelle-France (1904),
III, 257, 408, 511. For criticism see KERALLAIN, La jeunesse de
Bougainville (Paris, 1896); ROCHEMONTEIX, Les Jesuites et la
Nouvelle-France au XVIIIe siècle, II, 268.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1813" shownumber="no">J. EDMOND ROY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1813.1" title="Cashel" type="Encyclopedia">Cashel</term>
<def id="c-p1813.2">
<h1 id="c-p1813.3">Cashel</h1>
<p id="c-p1814" shownumber="no">A town in the County Tipperary, Ireland, which is also a Catholic
archbishopric and the see of a Protestant bishop. The Rock of Cashel,
to which the town below owes its origin, is an isolated elevation of
stratified limestone, rising abruptly from a broad and fertile plain,
called the Golden Vein. The top of this eminence is crowned by a group
of remarkable ruins. This ancient metropolis has lost its importance
and most of its inhabitants. The population is less than 3000.
Originally known as Fairy Hill, or 
<i>Sid-Druim,</i> the "Rock" was, in pagan times, the dun or castle of
the ancient Eoghnacht Chiefs of Munster. In Gaelic 
<i>Caiseal</i> denotes a circular stone fort and is the name of other
places in Ireland. The "Book of Rights" suggests that the name is
derived from 
<i>Cais-il,</i> i. e. "tribute stone", because the Munster tribes paid
tribute on the Rock. Here, Corc, the grandfather of Aengus Mac
Natfraich, erected a fort, and Cashel subsequently became the capital
of Munster. Like Tara and Armagh it was a celebrated court, and at the
time of St. Patrick claimed supremacy over all the royal duns of the
province, when Aengus ruled as King of Cashel. About 450, Patrick
preached at the royal dun and converted Aengus. The "Tripartite Life"
of the saint relates that while "he was baptising Aengus the spike of
the crozier went through the foot of the King" who bore with the
painful wound in the belief "that it was a rite of the Faith". And,
according to the same authority, twenty-seven kings of the race of
Aengus and his brother Aillil ruled in Cashel until 897, when
Cerm-gecan was slain in battle. There is no evidence that St. Patrick
founded a church at Cashel, or appointed a Bishop of Cashel. St. Ailbe,
it is supposed, had already fixed his see at Emly, not far off, and
within the king's dominions. Cashel continued to be the chief residence
of the Kings of Munster until 1100. Hence its title, "City of the
Kings". Before that date there is no mention in the native annals of
any Bishop, or Archbishop of Cashel. Cormac MacCullinan is referred to,
but not correctly, as Archbishop of Cashel, by later writers. He was a
bishop, but not of Cashel, where he was king. The most famous man in
Ireland of his time, but more of a scholar and warrior than an
ecclesiastic, Cormac has left us a glossary of Irish names, which
displays his knowledge of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and the "Psalter of
Cashel", a work treating of the history and antiquities of Ireland. He
was slain in 903, in a great battle near Carlow.</p>
<p id="c-p1815" shownumber="no">Brian Boru fortified Cashel in 990. Murtagh O'Brien, King of Cashel,
in presence of the chiefs and clergy, made a grant in 1101 of the
"Rock" with the territory around it to O'Dunan, "noble bishop and chief
senior of Munster", and dedicated it to God and St. Patrick. Then
Cashel became an archiepiscopal see, and O'Dunan its first prelate as
far as the primate, St. Celsus, could appoint him. At the synod of
Kells, 1152, Cardinal Paparo gave a pallium to Donat O'Lonergan of
Cashel, and since then his successors have ruled the ecclesiastical
province of Munster. In 1127 Cormac MacCarthy, King of Desmond, erected
close to his palace on the "Rock" a church, now known as Cormac's
Chapel, which was consecrated in 1134, when a synod was held within its
walls. During the episcopate of Donal O'Hullican (1158-82), the King of
Limerick, Donal O'Brien, built in 1169 a more spacious church beside
Cormac's Chapel, which then became a chapterhouse.</p>
<p id="c-p1816" shownumber="no">The "City of Kings" had a full share in the vicissitudes of the
times. Maurice, a Geraldine, filled the see from 1504 to 1523, and was
succeeded by a natural son of Pierce, Earl of Ormond, Edmund Butler,
prior of Athassal Abbey. In addition to the wars between the Irish and
the English there now arose a new element of discord, the Reformation
introduced by Henry VIII. The archbishop shared in the family failings,
propensity for plundering and servility to the king. While residing at
Kilmeaden Castle he levied black-mail on the traders of the Suir,
robbing their boats and holding their persons for ransom. At a session
of the privy council held at Clonmel, 1539, he swore to uphold the
spiritual supremacy of the king and denied the power in Ireland of the
Bishop of Rome. It does not appear that he left the Church. He died
1550 and was buried in the cathedral. Roland, a Geraldine (1553-61),
was created archbishop by Queen Mary. After a vacancy of six years
Maurice FitzGibbon (1567-78) a Cistercian abbot was promoted to the
archbishopric by the pope, and James MacCaghwell was put forward by
Elizabeth. Thus began the new religion at Cashel. FitzGibbon, who
belonged to the Desmond family, being deprived of his see fled to
France and passed into Spain where he resided for a time at the Court.
He conferred with the English ambassador at Paris in order to obtain
pardon for leaving the country without the Queen's sanction, and to get
permission to return. In this he failed, and going back to Ireland
secretly he was arrested and imprisoned at Cork, where he died (1578)
after much suffering. On the death of MacCaghwell, Elizabeth advanced
Miler MacGrath, a Franciscan, and apostate Bishop of Down, to the See
of Cashel. He held at the same time four bishoprics and several
benefices, out of which he provided for his numerous offspring. Having
occupied the see fifty-two years and wasted its temporalities, he died
in 1622. His monument in the ruined cathedral bears a strange epitaph
written by himself.</p>
<p id="c-p1817" shownumber="no">Dermod O'Hurley of Limerick, a distinguished student of Louvain and
professor at Reims, was appointed (1581) by Gregory XIII. Having
laboured secretly for two years among his flock, he was discovered and
brought before the Lord Justices at Dublin. He suffered cruel tortures
rather than take the Oath of Supremacy. He was hanged outside the city
(1583). The story of the See of Cashel varies little for more than two
centuries following; it is a narrative of struggle and persecution for
the old Faith. The roll of its prelates presents men illustrious by
learning, wisdom, and piety, as in former days. Meanwhile, on "the
Rock" the monuments to the Faith and art of a noble period were
yielding to the spoiler and falling to decay. Dr. James Butler 2nd
(1774-91), on being appointed settled in Thurles, where the archbishops
have since resided. His successor, Archbishop Bray (1792-1820), built a
large church in the early part of the nineteenth century, on the site
of which Archbishop Leahy (1857-74) erected a splendid cathedral in
Romanesque style. It was completed and consecrated in 1879 by
Archbishop Croke (1874-1902), and dedicated to Our Lady of the
Assumption. St. Albert (feast 8 Jan.), a reputed former bishop, is the
patron of the diocese. The Archbishop of Cashel is Administrator of the
ancient Diocese of Emly.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1817.1">The Ecclesiastical Province of Cashel</h4>
<p id="c-p1818" shownumber="no">The Ecclesiastical Province of Cashel comprises the Archdiocese of
Cashel with the Diocese of Emly and eight suffragan sees: Cloyne, Cork,
Kerry, Killaloe, Limerick, Ross, Waterford &amp; Lismore, and
Kilfenora. The Bishop of Galway is Apostolic Administrator of
Kilfenora.</p>
<p id="c-p1819" shownumber="no">
<i>Statistics for 1908.</i>--Archdiocese of Cashel and Diocese of Emly:
archbishop, 1, parishes, 46, parish priests, 44, administrators, 2,
curates, 67, secular clergy, 103, regular clergy, 3, parochial and
district churches, 84, houses of regular clergy (Augustinians), 1,
theological seminary (at Thurles), 1, college (at Rockwell, Cashel), 1,
convents of nuns, 15, with 322 members, monasteries of brothers, 4,
with 24 members, Catholic population (1901) 111,185, non-Catholic
population (1901) 4659, total 115,844.</p>
<p id="c-p1820" shownumber="no">COLGAN, 
<i>Acta Sanctorum</i> (Louvain, 1645); LANIGAN, 
<i>Ecclesiastical History of Ireland</i> (Dublin, 1905); WARE-HARRIS, 
<i>Works on Ireland</i> (Dublin, 1764); PETRIE, 
<i>The Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland</i> (Dublin, 1845); 
<i>Book of Rights,</i> ed. O'DONOVAN (Dublin, 1847); RENEHAN, 
<i>Collections of Irish Church History</i> (Dublin, 1861), I; 
<i>Spicilegium Ossoriense,</i> ed. MORAN (Dublin, 1863) HEALY, 
<i>Life and Writings of St. Patrick</i> (Dublin, 1905).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1821" shownumber="no">J.J. RYAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1821.1" title="Casimir, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Casimir</term>
<def id="c-p1821.2">
<h1 id="c-p1821.3">St. Casimir</h1>
<p id="c-p1822" shownumber="no">Prince of Poland, born in the royal palace at Cracow, 3 October,
1458; died at the court of Grodno, 4 March, 1484. He was the grandson
of Wladislaus II Jagiello, King of Poland, who introduced Christianity
into Lithuania, and the second son of King Casimir IV and Queen
Elizabeth, an Austrian princess, the daughter of Albert II, Emperor of
Germany and King of Bohemia and Hungary. Casimir's uncle, Wladislaus
III, King of Poland and Hungary, perished at Varna in 1444, defending
Christianity against the Turks. Casimir's elder brother, Wladislaus,
became King of Bohemia in 1471, and King of Hungary in 1490. Of his
four younger brothers, John I, Albert, Alexander, and Sigismund in turn
occupied the Polish throne, while Frederick, the youngest, became
Archbishop of Gnesen, Bishop of Cracow, and finally cardinal, in 1493.
The early training of the young princes was entrusted to Father
Dlugosz, the Polish historian, a canon at Cracow, and later Archbishop
of Lwów (Lemberg), and to Filippo Buonaccorsi, called Callimachus.
Father Dlugosz was a deeply religious man, a loyal patriot, and like
Callimachus, well versed in statecraft. Casimir was placed in the care
of this scholar at the age nine, and even then he was remarkable for
his ardent piety. When Casimir was thirteen he was offered the throne
of Hungary by a Hungarian faction who were discontented under King
Matthias Corvinus. Eager to defend the Cross against the Turks, he
accepted the call and went to Hungary to receive the crown. He was
unsuccessful, however, and returned a fugitive to Poland. The young
prince again became a pupil of Father Dlugosz, under whom he remained
until 1475. He was later associated with his father who initiated him
so well into public affairs that after his elder brother, Wladislaus,
ascended to the Bohemian throne, Casimir became heir-apparent to the
throne of Poland. When in 1479 the king went to Lithuania to spend five
years arranging affairs there, Casimir was placed in charge of Poland,
and from 1481 to 1483 administered the State with great prudence and
justice. About this time his father tried to arrange for him a marriage
with the daughter of Frederick III, Emperor of Germany, but Casimir
preferred to remain single. Shortly afterwards he fell victim to a
severe attack of lung trouble, which, weak as he was from fastings and
mortifications, he could not withstand. While on a journey to
Lithuania, he died at the court of Grodno, 4 March 1484. His remains
were interred in the chapel of the Blessed Virgin in the cathedral of
Vilna.</p>
<p id="c-p1823" shownumber="no">St. Casimir was possessed of great charms of person and character,
and was noted particularly for his justice and chastity. Often at night
he would kneel for hours before the locked doors of churches,
regardless of the hour or the inclemency of the weather. He had a
special devotion to the Blessed Virgin, and the hymn of St. Bernard of
Clairvaux, "Omni die dic Marix mea laudes anima", was long attributed
to him. After his death he was venerated as a saint, because of the
miracles wrought by him. Sigismund I, King of Poland, petitioned the
pope for Casimir's canonization, and Pope Leo X appointed the papal
legate Zaccaria Ferreri, Bishop of Guardalfiera, the Archbishop of
Gnesen, and the Bishop of Przemysl to investigate the life and miracles
of Casimir. This inquiry was completed at Turn in 1520, and in 1522
Casimir was canonized by Adrian VI. Pope Clement VIII named 4 March as
his feast. St. Casimir is the patron of Poland Lithuania, though he is
honoured as far as Belgiumand Naples. In Poland and Lithuania churches
and chapels are dedicated to him, as at Rozana and on the River Dzwina
near Potocka, where he is said to have contributed miraculously to a
victory of the Polish army over the Russians. In the beginning of the
seventeenth century King Sigismund III began at Vilna the erection of a
chapel in honour of St. Casimir, which was finished under King
Wladislaus IV. The building was designed by Peter Danckerts, of the
Netherlands, who also adorned the walls with paintings illustrating the
life of the saint. In this chapel is found an old painting renovated in
1594, representing the saint with a lily in his hand. Two other
pictures of the saint are preserved, one in his life by Ferreri, and
the other in the church at Krosno in Galicia.</p>
<p id="c-p1824" shownumber="no">POTTHAST, 
<i>Biblotheca historica medii ævi, Wegweiser</i> (2nd ed.), 1236;
CHEVALIER, 
<i>Bio-bibl.,</i> s. v.; ESTREICHER, 
<i>Bibliografia poloka</i> (Cracow, 1903), XIX, 210-12; PRILESZKY, 
<i>Acta sanctorum Hungariæ</i> (Tyrnau, 1743), I, 121-32; FERRERI,

<i>Vita beati Casimiri confessoris ex serenissimis Poloniæ
regibus</i> (Cracow, 1521) in 
<i>Acta SS.,</i> March, I, 347-51; ST. GREGORY, 
<i>Miracula S. Casimiri</i> in 
<i>Acta SS.,</i> March, I, 351-57; IDEM, 
<i>S. Casimiri theatrum seu ipsius prosapia, vita, miracula</i> (Vilna,
1604); CIATI, 
<i>La santità prodigiosa di S. Casimiro</i> (Luccoa, 16..); 
<i>Officium S. Casimiri confessoris M. D. Lithuaniæ patrini</i>
(Vilna, 1638); COLLE, 
<i>Compendio della vita di S. Casimiro</i> (Palermo, 1650);
TYSZKIEWICZ, 
<i>Królewska droga do nisba albo zycie sw. Kazimierza</i> (Warsaw,
1752); 
<i>Sw. Kazimier, in Przyjaeiel ludu</i> (Lissa, 1846), XIII; PEKALSKI, 
<i>Zywoty sw. Patronów polskich</i> (Cracow, 1866); PRZEZDZIECKI, 
<i>Oraison de saint Casimir à la très sainte Vierge</i>
(Cracow, 1866); LESZEK, 
<i>Zywot sw. Kazimierza Jagiellonczyka</i> (Cracow, 1818); PALLAN, 
<i>Sw. Kazimierz</i> (Tarnów, 1893); PAPÉE, 
<i>Swiety Kazimierz królewicz polski</i> (Lemberg, 1902);
PAPÉE, 
<i>Studya i szkice z czasów Kazimierza Jagiellonczyka</i> (Warsaw,
1907), 141-54.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1825" shownumber="no">L. ABRAHAM</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1825.1" title="Casium" type="Encyclopedia">Casium</term>
<def id="c-p1825.2">
<h1 id="c-p1825.3">Casium</h1>
<p id="c-p1826" shownumber="no">A titular see of Lower Egypt (Ptolemy, IV, v, 12), not far from
Pelusium, and near the sandhills known by Greek geographers as 
<i>Kasion Oros,</i> to-day El-Katieh, or El-Kas. There was at Casium a
temple of Zeus Kasios, the Aramean god Qasiou, and Pompey, who had been
murdered near the place, was buried there. The town is mentioned in
Georgius Cyprius (ed. Gelzer, 694), Hierocles' "Synecdemos" (727, 2),
and Parthey's "Notitia Prima", about 840, as a bishopric depending on
Pelusium in Augustamnica Prima. Only one bishop is known, Lampetius,
present at Ephesus in 431. He was sent by St. Cyril, with Hermogenes,
Bishop of Rhinocorua, to Rome, where both were present at the
consecration of Pope Pope Sixtus III. Many letters of St. Isidore of
Pelusium are addressed to him (Lequien, II, 545).</p>
<p id="c-p1827" shownumber="no">SMITH, 
<i>Dict. of Greek and Roman Geogr.</i> (London, 1878), I, 558.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1828" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1828.1" title="Casot, Jean-Jacques" type="Encyclopedia">Jean-Jacques Casot</term>
<def id="c-p1828.2">
<h1 id="c-p1828.3">Jean-Jacques Casot</h1>
<p id="c-p1829" shownumber="no">The last surviving Jesuit of the old Canada mission, born in
Liège, Belgium, 4 October, 1728; died at Quebec, 16 March, 1800.
With him ended the long line of the sons of St. Ignatius who laboured
in Canada during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. At his death
the Society of Jesus became extinct in New France. He first joined the
Society as a lay brother at the novitiate in Paris, 16 December, 1753,
and left for Canada towards the close of 1756, where he was employed as
cook at the college of Quebec. He was ordained to the priesthood by
Bishop Briand, of Quebec, in order to preserve from extinction as long
as possible the Society of Jesus in Canada. He was an humble and devout
religious who "deprived himself of the very necessaries of life, in
order that he might expend the whole of whatever property he had
received from his deceased brethren in promoting and multiplying as
widely as he could different works of zeal and charity" (English
Menology, S.J.). Upon his decease, the property of the Jesuits in
Canada passed into the possession of the British Crown. His portrait
forms the frontispiece of Thwaites' "Jesuit Relations" (Cleveland,
1896-1901), LXXI, 125).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1830" shownumber="no">EDWARD P. SPILLANE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1830.1" title="Cassander, George" type="Encyclopedia">George Cassander</term>
<def id="c-p1830.2">
<h1 id="c-p1830.3">George Cassander</h1>
<p id="c-p1831" shownumber="no">Flemish Humanist and theologian, b. 15 August, 1513 at Pitthem in
West Flanders; d. 3 February, 1566, at Cologne. He studied at Louvain,
where he was graduated in 1533. In 1541 he was appointed professor of
belles-lettres at Bruges, but resigned two years later, partly from a
natural desire to travel for instruction, and partly in consequence of
the opposition aroused by his pro-Reformation views. On his journeys,
which were undertaken in the company, and at the expense of his friend,
Cornelius Wouters, he visited Rome, and in 1544 came to Cologne, where
he settled permanently in the summer of 1549. He soon abandoned the
classics for the study of the Bible and ecclesiastical questions, and
had already published several classical, Biblical, and patristic
treatises, when in 1556 he commenced a series of liturgical works. His
"Hymni Ecclesiastici" (1556) were followed in 1558 by the "Liturgica de
ritu et ordine Dominicæ coenæ celebrandæ". Both
publications were placed on the Index. As a completion of the
"Liturgica", his "Ordo Romanus" appeared (1558); and in 1560 the
"Preces Ecclesiasticæ" were published. Cassander's activity in
promoting religious peace between Catholics and Protestants began with
the publication of his anonymous book: "De officio pii viri in hoc
religionis dissidio" (1561). This work, written at the request of the
jurist, Francis Baldwin, and submitted by him to the Colloquy of Poissy
(Sept., 1561), gave offence to both sides. Calvin wrote a violent
answer, in which he unjustly berated Francis Baldwin as the author of
the publication. On the Catholic side, William Lindanus, afterwards
Bishop of Roermonde, remonstrated with Cassander by letter, and would
have attacked him publicly had it not been for the intervention of a
secretary of the King of Spain.</p>
<p id="c-p1832" shownumber="no">At the request of William, Duke of Cleves, Cassander wrote in 1563 a
treatise against the Anabaptists: "De Baptismo Infantium". It was
supplemented in 1565 by "De Baptismo Infantium: Pars Altera". The
treatise, "De sacrâ communione Christiani populi in utrâque
panis et vini specie" (Cologne, 1564), a plea in favour of the
reception of communion under both species by the laity, attracted the
attention of the Emperor Ferdinand I, who was himself a partisan of the
idea. The latter, wishing to use the author as the peacemaker between
Catholics and Protestants, invited him to Vienna. Cassander, prevented
by illness from acting upon the invitation, wrote his "Consultatio de
articulis Religionis inter Catholicos et Protestants controversis",
which he addressed to Maximilian II (1564), as Ferdinand I had died
before its completion. This work, however, failed to satisfy either
side. It is most probable, though not universally admitted, that
Cassander died in full submission to the Catholic Church. He certainly
always wished to remain a faithful member of the Church; but it is
equally certain that some of his opinions were Protestant to the core.
He advocated, for example, the division of ecclesiastical doctrines
into fundamental and non-fundamental articles, the supremacy of private
judgement, and the human origin of the papal primacy. An incomplete
collection of his works was issued at Paris in 1616, and placed on the
Index the following year.</p>
<p id="c-p1833" shownumber="no">DE SCHREVEL, Hist. Du semin. De Bruges (Bruges, 1883-95), I, 263-65,
387-609; FRITZEN, De Cassandri ejusque sociorum studiis irenicis
(Muenster, 1865); PASTOR in Kirchenlex., s.v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1834" shownumber="no">N.A. WEBER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1834.1" title="Cassani, Joseph" type="Encyclopedia">Joseph Cassani</term>
<def id="c-p1834.2">
<h1 id="c-p1834.3">Joseph Cassani</h1>
<p id="c-p1835" shownumber="no">(Also Casani).</p>
<p id="c-p1836" shownumber="no">Born at Madrid, 26 Nov., 1673, entered the Society of Jesus, 16
Nov., 1686, was still in active service of priestly functions in 1745,
and died in 1750. He was one of the founders in of the 
<i>Academia de la Lengua española</i> at Madrid, and published
there a "Diccionario de la Lengua Catellana" in 1726-1730, in six
volumes. He was a very prolific writer. Among his works may be noted
Admirable vida, singulares virtudes etc. del extçtico Varon P.
Dionisio Rickel (Madrid, 1738); Varones ilustres de la Compañia de
Jesus Escual militar de forificacion Tratado de la naturaleza y
orígen de los cometas (Madrid, 1737). He was a member of the 
<i>Academia</i> from 6 July, 1713. Although he never visited America,
he appeals particularly to Americans through his "Historia de la
Provincia de la Compañia de Jesus del Nueva Reyno de Granada en la
América" (Madrid, 1741), the only regular chronicle of the Jesuit
Order in Columbia thusfar extant. The fact that Cassani was never in
the New World detracts somewhat from the usefulness of this otherwise
valuable history, as far as ethnologic and ethnographic data are
concerned; otherwise it is a conscientious and earnest work, giving
interesting data, chiefly of the missions in the upper Orinoco basin.
The work is exceedingly rare.</p>
<p id="c-p1837" shownumber="no">Sommervogel-de Backer, Bibl. des éscriv. de la c. de J.;
Diccionario hispano-americano; Salvç; Catçlogo de la
Biblioteca de Salvç (Valencia, 1874); Acosta, Compendia hist. del
Descub. y Coloniz., de la Nueva Granada (Paris, 1848); Brinton, The
American Race (New York, 1891).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1838" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1838.1" title="Cassano All' Ionio" type="Encyclopedia">Cassano All' Ionio</term>
<def id="c-p1838.2">
<h1 id="c-p1838.3">Cassano all' Ionio</h1>
<p id="c-p1839" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CASSANO ALL' IONIO (CASSANENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p1840" shownumber="no">Suffragan of Reggio. Cassano all' Ionio is a city of Calabria,
province of Cosenza, situated in a fertile region in the concave recess
of a steep mountain. It was already known in Caesar's time as 
<i>Cassanum</i>. It is not known when it became an episcopal see; in
1059 mention is made of a bishop of Cassano, otherwise unknown. In 1096
we read of a bishop known as Saxo (Sassone). Other bishops worthy of
mention are: Antonello dei Gesualdi (1418), learned in canon and civil
law; Belforte Spinelli (1432), who while yet a layman assisted at the
Council of Constance, under Martin V was sent on important missions,
and later renounced the world and retired to Venice, leaving his rich
library to the Collegio Spinelli of Padua; Cristoforo Giacoazzi (1523),
later Cardinal, called to Rome by Paul III on account of his skill in
ecclesiastical affairs; Giovanni Angelo Medici (1553), afterwards Pius
IV; the Englishman, Audoeno Ludovico Cambrone (1588), who was sent by
Pope Gregory XIII on different missions, and never resided in Cassano;
the Franciscan, Deodata de Arze (1614); the two Theatines, Paolo
Palombo (1617) and Gregorio Caraffa (1648); the Augustinians, Luigi
Balmaseda (1670) and Vincente de Magistris (1671). The diocese has a
population of 130,000, with 46 parishes, 200 churches and chapels, 253
secular and 10 regular priests, 2 religious houses of men and 3 of
women.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1841" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1841.1" title="Casserly, Patrick S." type="Encyclopedia">Patrick S. Casserly</term>
<def id="c-p1841.2">
<h1 id="c-p1841.3">Patrick S. Casserly</h1>
<p id="c-p1842" shownumber="no">Educator, b. in Ireland; d. in New York, where for many years he
conducted a classical school. He was also associate editor of the "New
York Weekly Register". He translated the "Sublime and Beautiful" of
Longinus, and "Of the Little Garden of Roses and Valley of Lillies" of
Thomas a Kempis; edited Jacob's "Greek Reader" (1836), of which sixteen
editions were published, and a textbook on Latin Prosody (1845), which
is still extensively used in classical schools, and wrote and published
a pamphlet entitled "New England Critics and New York Editors", in
reply to an article in the "North American Review" on the merits of
certain Greek class-books.</p>
<p id="c-p1843" shownumber="no">EUGENE, his son, b. in Ireland, 1822; d. at San Francisco,
California, 14 June, 1883. He was graduated from Georgetown University,
and in 1844 was admitted to the New York Bar. During the years 1846-7
he served as Corporation Counsel in New York, and in 1850 moved to San
Francisco, where he took an active part in both local and national
politics. In 1869 he was elected United States Senator from California,
but resigned his seat and returned to San Francisco, November, 1873, to
resume the practice of the law.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1844" shownumber="no">THOMAS GAFFNEY TAAFFE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1844.1" title="Cassian, John" type="Encyclopedia">John Cassian</term>
<def id="c-p1844.2">
<h1 id="c-p1844.3">John Cassian</h1>
<p id="c-p1845" shownumber="no">A monk and ascetic writer of Southern Gaul, and the first to
introduce the rules of Eastern monasticism into the West, b. probably
in Provence about 360; d. about 435, probably near Marseilles.
Gennadius refers to him as a Scythian by birth 
(<i>natione Scytha</i>), but this is regarded as an erroneous statement
based on the fact that Cassian passed several years of his life in the
desert of Scete 
(<i>heremus Scitii</i>) in Egypt. The son of wealthy parents, he
received a good education, and while yet a youth visited the holy
places in Palestine, accompanied by a friend, Germanus, some years his
senior. In Bethlehem Cassian and Germanus assumed the obligations of
the monastic life, but, as in the case of many of their contemporaries,
the desire of acquiring the science of sanctity from its most eminent
teachers soon drew them from their cells in Bethlehem to the Egyptian
deserts. Before leaving their first monastic home the friends promised
to return as soon as possible, but this last clause they interpreted
rather broadly, as they did not see Bethlehem again for seven years.
During their absence they visited the solitaries most famous for
holiness in Egypt, and so attracted were they by the great virtues of
their hosts that after obtaining an extension of their leave of absence
at Bethlehem, they returned to Egypt, where they remained several years
longer. It was during this period of his life that Cassian collected
the materials for his two principal works, the "Institutes" and
"Conferences". From Egypt the companions came to Constantinople, where
Cassian became a favourite disciple of St. John Chrysostom. The famous
bishop of the Eastern capitol elevated Cassian to the diaconate, and
placed in his charge the treasures of his cathedral. After the second
expulsion of St. Chrysostom, Cassian was sent as an envoy to Rome by
the clergy of Constantinople, for the purpose of interesting Pope
Innocent I in behalf of their bishop. It was probably in Rome that
Cassian was elevated to the priesthood, for it is certain that on his
arrival in the Eternal City he was still a deacon. From this time
Germanus is no more heard of, and of Cassian himself, for the next
decade or more, nothing is known. About 415 he was at Marseilles where
he founded two monasteries, one for men, over the tomb of St. Victor, a
martyr of the last Christian persecution under Maximian (286-305), and
the other for women. The remainder of his days were passed at, or very
near, Marseilles. His personal influence and his writings contributed
greatly to the diffusion of monasticism in the West. Although never
formally canonized, St. Gregory the Great regarded him as a saint, and
it is related that Urban V (1362-1370), who had been an abbot of St.
Victor, had the words 
<i>Saint Cassian</i> engraved on the silver casket that contained his
head. At Marseilles his feast is celebrated, with an octave, 23 July,
and his name is found among the saints of the Greek Calendar.</p>
<p id="c-p1846" shownumber="no">The two principal works of Cassian deal with the cenobitic life and
the principal or deadly sins. They are entitled: "De institutis
coenobiorum et de octo principalium vitiorum remediis libri XII" and
"Collationes XXIV". The former of these was written between 420 and
429. The relation between the two works is described by Cassian himself
(Instit., II, 9) as follows: "These books [the Institutes] . . . are
mainly taken up with what belongs to the outer man and the customs of
the coenobia [i.e. Institutes of monastic life in common]; the others
[the "Collationes" or Conferences] deal rather with the training of the
inner man and the perfection of the heart." The first four books of the
"Institutes" treat of the rules governing the monastic life,
illustrated by examples from the author's personal observation in Egypt
and Palestine; the eight remaining books are devoted to the eight
principal obstacles to perfection encountered by monks: gluttony,
impurity, covetousness, anger, dejection, 
<i>accidia</i> (ennui), vainglory, and pride. The "Conferences" contain
a record of the conversations of Cassian and Germanus with the Egyptian
solitaries, the subject being the interior life. It was composed in
three parts. The first instalment (Books I-X) was dedicated to Bishop
Leontius of Fréjus and a monk (afterwards bishop) named Helladius;
the second (Books XI-XVII), to Honoratus of Arles and Eucherius of
Lyons; the third (Books XVIII-XXIV), to the "holy brothers" Jovinian,
Minervius, Leontius, and Theodore. These two works, especially the
latter, were held in the highest esteem by his contemporaries and by
several later founders of religious orders. St. Benedict made use of
Cassian in writing his Rule, and ordered selections from the
"Conferences", which he called a mirror of monasticism 
(<i>speculum monasticum</i>), to be read daily in his monasteries.
Cassiodorus also recommended the "Conferences" to his monks, with
reservations, however, relative to their author's ideas on free will.
On the other hand, the decree attributed to Pope Gelasius, "De
recipiendis et non recipiendis libris" (early sixth century), censures
this work as "apocryphal", i.e. containing erroneous doctrines. An
abridgment of the "Conference" was made by Eucherius of Lyons which we
still possess (P. L., L, 867 sqq.). A third work of Cassian, written at
the request of the Roman Archdeacon Leo, afterwards Pope Leo the Great,
about 430-431, was a defence of the orthodox doctrine against the
errors of Nestorius: "De Incarnatione Domini contra Nestorium" (P. L.,
L, 9-272). It appears to have been written hurriedly, and is,
consequently, not of equal value with the other works of its author. A
large part consists of proofs, drawn from the Scriptures, of Our Lord's
Divinity, and in support of the title of Mary to be regarded as the
Mother of God; the author denounces Pelagianism as the source of the
new heresy, which he regards as incompatible with the doctrine of the
Trinity.</p>
<p id="c-p1847" shownumber="no">Yet Cassian did not himself escape the suspicion of erroneous
teaching; he is in fact regarded as the originator of what, since the
Middle Ages, has been known as Semipelagianism. Views of this character
attributed to him are found in his third and fifth, but especially in
his thirteenth, "Conference". Preoccupied as he was with moral
questions he exaggerated the rôle of free will by claiming that
the initial steps to salvation were in the power of each individual,
unaided by grace. The teaching of Cassian on this point was a reaction
against what he regarded as the exaggerations of St. Augustine in his
treatise "De correptione et gratia" as to the irresistible power of
grace and predestination. Cassian saw in the doctrine of St. Augustine
an element of fatalism, and while endeavouring to find a 
<i>via media</i> between the opinions of the great bishop of Hippo and
Pelagius, he put forth views which were only less erroneous than those
of the heresiarch himself. He did not deny the doctrine of the Fall; he
even admitted the existence and the necessity of an interior grace,
which supports the will in resisting temptations and attaining
sanctity. But he maintained that after the Fall there still remained in
every soul "some seeds of goodness . . . implanted by the kindness of
the Creator", which, however, must be "quickened by the assistance of
God". Without this assistance "they will not be able to attain an
increase of perfection" (Coll., XIII, 12). Therefore, "we must take
care not to refer all the merits of the saints to the Lord in such a
way as to ascribe nothing but what is perverse to human nature". We
must not hold that "God made man such that he can never will or be
capable of what is good, or else he has not granted him a free will, if
he has suffered him only to will or be capable of what is evil" 
(<i>ibid.</i>). The three opposing views have been summed up briefly as
follows: St. Augustine regarded man in his natural state as dead,
Pelagius as quite sound, Cassian as sick. The error of Cassian was to
regard a purely natural act, proceeding from the exercise of free will,
as the first step to salvation. In the controversy which, shortly
before his death, arose over his teaching, Cassian took no part. His
earliest opponent, Prosper of Aquitaine, without naming him, alludes to
him with great respect as a man of more than ordinary virtues.
Semipelagianism was finally condemned by the Council of Orange in
529.</p>
<p id="c-p1848" shownumber="no">The best edition of the works of Cassian is that of PETSCHENIG
(Vienna, 1886-1888); a tr. of his writings by GIBSON is published in
the series of the 
<i>Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers</i> (Oxford and New York, 1894), XI.
See also HOLE in 
<i>Dict. of Christ. Biog.</i> I, 414 sqq. (London, 1877); GODET in 
<i>Dict. de théol. cath.</i> (Paris, 1906), II, 1824 sqq.
BARDENHEWER, 
<i>Les Pères de l'église</i> (Paris, 1905), II;
GRÜTZMACHER in 
<i>Realencyklopädie f. prot. Theol.</i> (Leipzig, 1897), III, 746
sqq.; POHLE in 
<i>Kirchenlex.</i>, II, 2021 sqq.; HOCH, 
<i>Lehre des Johannes Cassianus von Natur und Gnade</i>, etc.
(Freiburg, 1896); CHEVALIER, 
<i>Rep. bio-bibliogr.</i> (Paris, 1905), 796-97.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1849" shownumber="no">MAURICE M. HASSETT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1849.1" title="Cassidy, William" type="Encyclopedia">William Cassidy</term>
<def id="c-p1849.2">
<h1 id="c-p1849.3">William Cassidy</h1>
<p id="c-p1850" shownumber="no">Journalist, essayist, critic, b. at Albany, New York, U.S.A., 12
Aug., 1815; d. there 23 Jan., 1873. One of the most accomplished and
brilliant journalists of his time, he was educated at the Albany
Academy and Union College, graduating in 1833. He studied law with John
Van Buren, eighth President of the United States, was appointed State
Librarian 1843, and became editor of the Albany "Atlas". On
consolidation of the "Atlas" with the "Argus", he assumed the
editorship of the new paper and retained it to his death. As a writer
he was terse, incisive, vigorous, and scholarly, and was a
conversationalist of rare power. He was a member of the State
Constitutional Convention in 1871, and in 1872 was appointed by
Governor Hoffman on the commission to revise the Constitution. His
influence was that of a pen wielded by a master of thought, and his
achievements those of the exponent of party and the leader of political
councils. At his funeral held from the Cathedral of the Immaculate
Conception, Albany, Bishop McNeirny pontificated. Both houses of the
State Legislature then in session adjourned out of respect to the
deceased.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1851" shownumber="no">J.T. DRISCOLL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1851.1" title="Cassini, Giovanni Domenico" type="Encyclopedia">Giovanni Domenico Cassini</term>
<def id="c-p1851.2">
<h1 id="c-p1851.3">Giovanni Domenico Cassini</h1>
<p id="c-p1852" shownumber="no">Astronomer, b. at Perinaldo (Nice, Italy), 8 June, 1625; d. at
Paris, 14 September, 1712. After two years at Vallebone he entered the
Jesuit College at Genoa and studied under Casselli. Coming by chance
across some books on astrology, he took up the serious study of
astronomy, abandoning his belief in the former pseudo-science. In 1644
the Marquis Malvasia invited him to Bologna, where he was building an
observatory. In 1650 he filled the chair of astronomy at the
University, left vacant by the death of Cavalleri. Together with the
Marquis Tanara he was sent to Pope Alexander VII to plead with Bologna
against Ferrara in the dispute over the navigation and the courses of
the rivers Reno and Po. His studies in hydraulic engineering procured
for him the position of inspector of water and waterways. Later he was
appointed by Mario Chigi, the brother of Alexander VII, superintendent
of the fortifications of Fort Urban. In 1663 he was delegated to
arrange the difficulty that had arisen between the pope and the
Grand-duke of Tuscana about the course of the River Chiana. All this
time he continued his astronomical work. The Abbé Picard, prior of
Rillè in Anjou and successor of Gassendi in the chair of astronomy
at the College de France, recommended Cassini to Colbert, the minister
of Louis XIV, and after some delay Pope Clement IX consented to lend
Cassini to France for a few years. He reached Paris in 1669. In 1671 he
went to live in the observatory which was then built partly under his
direction. In 1673 he was finally persuaded by the king to become
naturalized. Soon afterwards he married a French woman, Geneviève
Delaitre, and became himself a thorough Frenchman. His blindness (1711)
was probably caused by over-exertion in he course of his work.
Fontenelle points out his calm and gentle character, based on a deeply
religious nature, which made him bear almost cheerfully nearly total
blindness. While working for Pope Alexander VII he sent a manuscript to
the Jesuit Riccioli, a friend and astronomer at Bologna, treating of
the Immaculate Conception, and recommending that it be celebrated as a
special feast.</p>
<p id="c-p1853" shownumber="no">Cassini was principally an observer. We owe to him the calculation
of the rotation periods of the planets Jupiter, Venus, and partly of
Mars by means of observations of motions of spots on their disks. These
results were very important in those days, because they furnished
analogues to the disputed motion of the earth. With the aid of
Campani's long telescope, he added four satellites of Saturn to the one
that had been seen by Huyghens. he studied the causes of the librations
of the moon, observed the zodiacal light, and developed a theory of the
motion of comets. His first achievement was the re-establishment and
improvement of the gnomon and the meridian, traced by Ignazio Dante in
the church of St. Petronius, Bologna, for the purpose of fixing the
time of the solstices and reforming the calendar.</p>
<p id="c-p1854" shownumber="no">He was very industrious, and constantly held the attention of the
public. He interested the king and the court in his work, and as
director of the observatory trained a great number of astronomers among
whom were many of the Jesuits belonging to the Chinese mission. His
Italian memoirs are almost all collected in his "Opera Astronomica"
(Rome, 1666). His very numerous French publications appear scattered in
the "Journal des Savants" and "Mémoires de l'Académie des
Sciences," of which latter he was a member.</p>
<p id="c-p1855" shownumber="no">Delambre, Histoire de l'astr. (Paris, 1821); Fontenelle, Eloge de J.
D. Cassini (Paris, 1825); Mèdler, Geschichte der Himmelskunde
(Braunschweig, 1873); Drohodjewska, Les savants modernes; Cassini
(Lille, 1887).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1856" shownumber="no">WILLIAM FOX</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1856.1" title="Cassiodorus" type="Encyclopedia">Cassiodorus</term>
<def id="c-p1856.2">
<h1 id="c-p1856.3">Cassiodorus</h1>
<p id="c-p1857" shownumber="no">Roman writer, statesman, and monk, b. about 490; d. about 583. His
full name was Flavius Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus Senator, the last
being a surname. Although of Syrian ancestry, his family had been for
at least three generations one of the most important in Bruttium
(Southern Italy). His great-grandfather successfully defended Bruttium
during the Vandal invasion of 455; his grandfather was signally
favoured by Valentinian III and Actius, but chose to retire early from
his honourable career, and his father went through all the degrees of
the magistracy, at length being made prætorian prefect and a
patrician by Theodoric.</p>
<p id="c-p1858" shownumber="no">Cassiodorus or, more properly, Senator, born on the paternal estate
at Scyllaceum (Squillace) in 490 or somewhat earlier, made his first
appearance as councillor to the prætorian prefect about 501. A
panegyric on Theodoric attracted this prince's attention, and between
507 and 511 he appointed Cassiodorus quæstor. The rule prohibiting
a magistrate of that time to govern his own province was waived by
Theodoric in favour of Cassiodorus's father and again a second time
when Cassiodorus himself was made 
<i>corrector,</i> i. e. governor, of Lucania and Bruttium. Consul in
514, he was minister in 526 when Theodoric died. From the time of his
quæstorship he had remained the king's regular councillor, and he
retained his influence throughout the regency of Amalaswintha, who made
him prætorian prefect. But Gothic power was passing through a
serious crisis. Athalaric, the son of Amalaswintha, died in 534;
Theodahadus, who had been made king by Amalaswintha, had the latter
slain and in 536 himself fell a victim to Witiges, who, in turn, was
taken prisoner in 540 by Belisarius, the Byzantine general. Cassiodorus
decided to retire. Several years previously Benedict of Nursia had
founded among the ruins of a temple of Apollo at Monte Cassino, a
monastery which was to serve as a model for all the West, and it was
undoubtedly in imitation of Benedict's institution that Cassiodorus
erected the monastery of Vivarium on his own estate. Here he spent his
remaining days, which must have been numerous, as we are told that at
the age of ninety-three he was still writing. If born in 490, he could
not therefore have died before 583.</p>
<p id="c-p1859" shownumber="no">The writings of Cassiodorus may be classified according to the two
great divisions of his life, namely, his public career and time of
religious retirement. While in office he devoted himself to work
relating to politics and public affairs. There still remain fragments
of two of his panegyrics, which, conformably to an already ancient
tradition among Roman office-holders, he dedicated to the Gothic kings
and queens. One was addressed to Eutharic, Theodoric's son-in-law (518
or 519); the other was delivered at Ravenna on the occasion of the
marriage of Witiges and Matheswintha (536). A great wealth of instances
drawn from Roman history and illustrations from mythology serve the
purpose of placing in relief the story of high heroic deeds set forth
amid a clatter of empty phrases. In 519 Cassiodorus published a
chronicle dedicated to Eutharic, the consul of the year. It is in
substance a list of consuls, preceded by a table of the kings of
Assyria, Latium, and Rome, and accompanied by a few notes. Cassiodorus
uses successively an abridgment of Livy, the histories of Aufidius
Bassus, St. Jerome, and Prosper, and the "Chronicle of Ravenna". The
historical comments appended to the names of the consuls are taken at
random from these sources without either skill or accuracy. From the
year 496 Cassiodorus wrote from his own experiences and with a
pronounced partiality for the Goths. He betrays the same inclination in
his "History of the Goths", published between 526 and 533 and of which
we have only the abridgment edited by Jornandes in 551. Finally, as the
bequest of his official career, we have his letters gathered into
twelve books, the "Variæ", at the close of 537. This voluminous
correspondence does not contain as much historical information as one
whould expect, dates, figures, names of men and places being frequently
omitted as opposed to elegance of style. On the other hand, useless and
pompous digressions, commonplaces of ethics or history, form the basis
of these compositions. "The reader", says Mommsen, "often hesitates as
to the meaning of what is said and is ever vainly seeking a reason for
its being said." Cassiodorus carefully avoids all concrete details of
the troublous time in which he lived, all that might in any way offend
either Goths, Romans, or Byzantines. He is even lavish in his praise of
those princes who were killing one another: Amalaswintha, Theodahadus,
and Witiges. Books VI and VII of the "Variæ" are a collection of
formulæ, the first of a kind quite common in the Middle Ages.
These letters were designed for use on any occasion where a migistrate
was created, needing only the insertion of new names. The letters in
the other books are scarcely more interesting. However, such was the
taste of the time, and the correspondence of Symmachus is almost
equally insipid.</p>
<p id="c-p1860" shownumber="no">Cassiodorus seems to have begun his ecclesiastical writings with the
"De animâ", which, after 540, he added to the "Variæ" as a
thirteenth book. This little treatise sets forth the nature and origin
of the soul, its vices and virtues, following chiefly the opinions of
Claudianus Mamertus and St. Augustine–Cassiodorus being still in
secular life when he wrote it. He indicates as the first fruit of his
conversion a commentary on the Psalms which occupied him for several
years. The works composed during the religious retirement reveal his
anxiety to make the literary investigations serviceable to his monks;
they also manifest a peculiar taste for figures and the symbolism of
numbers. The commentary on the Psalms is founded chiefly on the
"Enarrationes" of St. Augustine. The "Complexiones in epistolas et acta
apostolorum et apocalypsin"–thus named because, in them, instead
of commenting verse by verse, Cassiodorus combines several verses in
order to paraphrase them–are also compilations; perhaps he refers
to this work when he says that he has purged of all heresy an
exposition by Pelagius of the Epistle to the Romans. He had the "Jewish
Antiquities" of Flavius Josephus translated and also the ecclesiastical
histories of Theodoret, Sozomen, and Socrates. He himself made extracts
from the translations of these three historians and combined them in
the "Historia Tripartita", a hasty composition, teeming with errors and
contradictions, but nevertheless much used throughout the Middle Ages
as a manual of history. In another compilation he united the
grammatical treatises and their commentaries ascribed to Donatus with
the book of Sacerdos on figures; towards the close of his life
Cassiodorus added thereto a treatise on orthography, merely another
collection of extracts. The "De computo paschali" of 562 is not his but
an anonymous work, added by a copyist to the chronicle of
Cassiodorus.</p>
<p id="c-p1861" shownumber="no">Of all the work achieved by this author in the monastic retreat,
what we of to-day find most interesting is the "Institutiones divinarum
et sæcularium litterarum", written between 543 and 555. His object
was to furnish the monks with means of interpreting Holy Writ, but the
plan of study which he suggests is far in advance of simple meditation
on the Bible. He demands the reading of commentators, of Christian
historians, to whom he adds Flavius Josephus, of chroniclers, and of
the Latin Fathers. He recommends the liberal arts; he proclaims the
merit gained by those who copy the Sacred Books, and outlines the rules
to be followed in the correction of the text. Finally, in a second
part, he resumes the theory of the liberal arts by following the
division worked out by St. Jerome, Martianus Capella, and St.
Augustine. He distinguishes the arts, notably grammar and rhetoric,
from the sciences, which are arithmetic, geometry, music, and
astronomy. Dialectics, to which he attributes great importance, he
considers part art and part science. Of course, Cassiodorus
subordinates the profane studies to theology, but, unlike Isidore, for
example, his extracts and compendiums do not dispense the monks from
making further researches; they rather provoke such research by
referring to books with which he was careful to equip the convent
library. It had been his dream to found the first theological faculty
in Rome; at least he had the merit of putting in the first rank of
monastic occupations intellectual work, to which St. Benedict had
allotted no place. During his public career Cassiodorus endeavoured to
reconcile two races, the Goths and the Romans; in his religious retreat
he laboured with greater success to harmonize the culture of the
ancient with that of the Christian world. Modern civilization was the
outgrowth of the alliance brought about by him.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1861.1">INFLUENCE OF CASSIODORUS UPON CHURCH MUSIC</h3>
<p id="c-p1862" shownumber="no">In his work on the liberal arts (De Artibus ac Disciplinis
Liberalium Litterarum) Cassiodorus writes of music under the heading, 
<i>Institutiones musicæ,</i> and this latter treatise has been
reprinted by Gerbert (Scriptores eccl. de mus. sacr., I) and is
particularly valuable for the study of the early beginnings of the
music of the Church. Cassiodorus did not go to the original
sources–the Greek theoricians–for his knowledge of the
Greek system of music, which was the only one then known and which he
taught his monks. He borrowed from the Roman author Albinus, whose
works are now lost. Cassiodorus, with Bœthius, is the chief
exponent of the theory of music between antiquity and the early Middle
Ages. For this reason his writings are of great assistance to the many
students who are occupied in restoring the chant of the Church,
especially as to its rhythm, in accordance with the oldest tradition.
His works also contain instructive information about musical
instruments in use in his time, namely the flute, shawm, bag-pipe, pipe
of Pan, and the organ.</p>
<p id="c-p1863" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.1">Dreves,</span> 
<i>Aurelius Ambrosius</i> (Freiburg, 1893); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.2">Riemann,</span> 
<i>Handbuch der Musikgeschichte</i> (Leipzig, 1906). 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.3">Garet</span> 
(<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.4">Garetius</span>), 
<i>Cassiodori opera omnia</i> (Rouen, 1679; Venice, 1729); also in 
<i>P. L.,</i> LXIX-LXX; 
<i>Variæ,</i> ed 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.5">Mommsen</span> in 
<i>Mon. Germ. hist.: Auct. ant.</i> (Berlin, 1894), XII; 
<i>Chronicon</i> in 
<i>Chronica minora,</i> ed. 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.6">Mommsen,</span> II; 
<i>Mon. Germ. hist.: Auct. ant.</i> (Berlin, 1894), XI, 109-161; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.7">Hodgkin,</span> 
<i>The Letters of Cassiodorus, Being a Condensed Translation of the
Variæ</i> (London, 1886); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.8">Mortet,</span> 
<i>Notes sur le texte des institutions de Cassiodore</i> (Paris, 1904),
and in 
<i>Revue de philologie</i> (1900, 1903); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.9">Roger,</span> 
<i>L'Enseignement des lettres classiques d'Ausone à Alcuin</i>
(Paris, 1905), 175-187; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.10">Zimmer,</span> 
<i>Pelagius in Ireland</i> (Berlin, 1901), 200- 216; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.11">Hartmann</span> in 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.12">Pauly,</span> 
<i>Real-Encyc. des class. Alt.,</i> ed. 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.13">Wissowa,</span> VI, part I, s. v. 
<i>Cassiodorus</i> (Stuttgart, 1899), 1671, sqq. For earlier
bibliography see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1863.14">Chevalier,</span> 
<i>Rép. Bio-bibl.</i></p>
<p id="c-p1864" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p1864.1">Paul Lejay</span>
<br />Joseph Otten</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1864.3" title="Casson, Francois Dollier de" type="Encyclopedia">Francois Dollier de Casson</term>
<def id="c-p1864.4">
<h1 id="c-p1864.5">François Dollier de Casson</h1>
<p id="c-p1865" shownumber="no">Fourth superior of Saint-Sulpice, Montreal, Canada, b. near Nantes,
France, 1636; d. in 1701. He was first a soldier and served as a
captain under Marshal Turenne, his bravery eliciting this general's
esteem. In 1657 he entered the Seminary of Saint-Sulpice, at Paris, was
admitted into the Company, and went to Canada in 1666. There he devoted
himself with great ardour to missionary work and, in company with
Father Galinée, a fellow Sulpician, made a reconnoitring tour of
Lakes Erie and Ontario; unfortunately, his account of the expedition
has been lost. In 1671 Father de Casson succeeded Father de Queylus as
superior of the Sulpicians, and while in this position contributed
largely to the development of Villemarie (Montreal), planned the laying
out of its streets, began the canal known since by the name of Lachine,
and moreover, stimulated the energy of the colonists under trying and
hazardous circumstances. He wrote a "Histoire du Montreal"
(Mémoires de la société historique de Montréal,
1869), and "Récit de ce qui s'est passé au voyage que M. de
Courcelles a fait au lac Ontario" (Bibliothèque nationale de
Paris, old French supplement, no. 13, 516, 516, fol. 207-218).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1866" shownumber="no">A. FOURNET</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1866.1" title="Cassovia" type="Encyclopedia">Cassovia</term>
<def id="c-p1866.2">
<h1 id="c-p1866.3">Cassovia</h1>
<p id="c-p1867" shownumber="no">(Hung. 
<i>Kassa</i>; Germ. 
<i>Kaschau</i>; Slav. 
<i>Kosice</i>)</p>
<p id="c-p1868" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CASSOVIA (CASSOVIENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p1869" shownumber="no">Diocese in Hungary, founded in 1804 by the division of the Diocese
of Agria, in the archdiocese of the same name, and the Dioceses of
Cassovia and Szatmar. It includes Abauj, Saros, and Zemplen. Its first
bishop was Andrew Szabo (1804-19). The chief benefactors of the diocese
were the Bishops Emerich Palugyay (1831-38); John Perger (1868-76), and
Constantin Schuster (1877-87).</p>
<p id="c-p1870" shownumber="no">The episcopal city, situated among vine-clad hills, on the Hernad,
130 miles north-east of Budapest, is one of the principal towns of
Northern Hungary and the seat of numerous industries. The population in
1900 was about 40,000, mostly Catholic Magyars. The Cathedral of St.
Elizabeth (restored 1882-96) is one of the most beautiful monuments of
Gothic art in Hungary. There are in the diocese 197 parish churches and
about 300 priests. The ecclesiastical seminary has about fifty students
of theology. Premonstratensian Canons have houses at Cassovia and also
at Lelesz.</p>
<p id="c-p1871" shownumber="no">There are also in the diocese four small convents of Franciscans,
two houses of Piarists, besides Ursulines, Dames Anglaises, Sisters of
Charity, etc. In 1900 the Catholic population of Latin Rite was
307,186; Greek Catholics, 160,527. The Protestant population numbered
898,727; Israelites, 35,475. An illustrated description of the diocese
in two volumes was printed on the occasion of its first centenary
(1904). A history of the diocese was then published.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1872" shownumber="no">A. FISCHER-COLBRIE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1872.1" title="Castabala" type="Encyclopedia">Castabala</term>
<def id="c-p1872.2">
<h1 id="c-p1872.3">Castabala</h1>
<p id="c-p1873" shownumber="no">A titular see of Asia Minor, Latin title suppressed, 1894. This city
was situated somewhere on the river Pyramos (now Djihan) in Cilicia,
and was also known as Hieropolis. It was probably near Osmanié, in
the vilayet of Adana, perhaps at Kestel or Kastal, a village five or
six miles south of Anazarbus. Others have located it, erroneously, at
Karanlik or Kartanlik between the Pyramos and Aegaea (now Ayas), or at
Kara Kaya near Demir Kapou (Amanicae portae). According to Hierocles,
Georgius Cyprius, and Parthey's "Notitiae episcopatuum" (I), it was a
suffragan of Anazarbus, metropolis of Cilicia Secunda. About the tenth
century it seems to have been confounded with or united to Mamista,
i.e., Mopsuestus. Seven bishops are mentioned by Lequien (II, 901). The
first, Maris, is spoken of in an apocryphal letter of St. Ignatius, and
another letter is addressed to him. Moyses was present at Nicaea in
325. Theophilus, a semi-Arian and friend of St. Basil, was sent to Rome
on an embassy with two colleagues. The last, Theodorus, attended the
Trullan Council in 692.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1874" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1874.1" title="Castagno, Andrea" type="Encyclopedia">Andrea Castagno</term>
<def id="c-p1874.2">
<h1 id="c-p1874.3">Andrea Castagno</h1>
<p id="c-p1875" shownumber="no">(Or ANDREINO DEL CASTAGNO)</p>
<p id="c-p1876" shownumber="no">Florentine painter, b. near Florence, 1390; d. at Florence, 9
August, 1457. Little is known of his life. Vasari tells us that his
father was only a poor labourer and that the painter himself commenced
life as a keeper of cattle. It is not known what led him to study art,
or who was his first master. In 1434, after the return of the Medici,
he was given a commission to commemorate in painting on the façade
of the palace the execution of the Albizzi, the Peruzzi, etc. From that
time he went by the name of "Andrea degli Impiccati". In 1454 Pope
Nicholas V commissioned him to decorate the apartments of the Vatican.
Vasari recounts that Andrea, having learned the secret of oil-painting
from Domenico Veneziano, and wishing to remain the sole master of the
art, assassinated his comrade. It is known, however, that Domenico
survived him four years. Castagno is one of the artists who, with Paolo
Uccello (b. 1497) and Filippo Lippi (b. 1406), contributed most
actively to the Masaccio revolution in art. His works, however, show
the influence of the frescoes of the Brancacci's chapel. He was greatly
influenced also by the work of the sculptor Donatello. He has neither
the passion of the latter, nor the moral grandeur of Masaccio, nor the
elegance of Lippi. But in his own domain, which is the perfecting of
plastic and of the resources of drawing, no one has made more progress
than he. His paintings have been scattered and cannot be studied
anywhere but in Florence. The most celebrated of his works is the
life-like and strongly-executed equestrian portrait of Niccolò da
Tolentino, in the Cathedral of Florence, which forms the pendant to
that of John Hawkwood by Uccello (1436). Most remarkable is the "Last
Supper", which hangs in the refectory of the old convent of S.
Appolonia. The figures, almost colossal, have a power of anatomy, an
individuality, a savage life which forces one to forget the absence of
all religious emotion. Such characteristics are also found in the
frescoes of the Villa Carducci, which are now at the National Museum.
They represent Thomyris, Esther, and the Cumaean Sibyl, the poets
Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio, statesmen such as Acciaiuoli, Farinata
degli Uberti, and Pippo Spano. These last, by the energy of their
attitude, the hang of their draperies, and their heroic aspect, produce
an impression of grandeur and solemnity which is found nowhere in the
Florentine school of the fourteenth century outside of the works of
Masaccio and Signorelli.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1877" shownumber="no">LOUIS GILLET</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1877.1" title="Castellammare di Stabia" type="Encyclopedia">Castellammare di Stabia</term>
<def id="c-p1877.2">
<h1 id="c-p1877.3">Castellammare di Stabia</h1>
<p id="c-p1878" shownumber="no">(CASTRI MARIS, STABLE; DIOCESE OF CASTELLAMMARE: STABIENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p1879" shownumber="no">The seat of the diocese is an industrial city, situated on the Bay
of Naples, on a slope of Monte Gauro, and famous for its health-giving
mineral springs. It is also a naval station. The city was built near
the ruins of the ancient 
<i>Stabiae</i>, buried in A.D. 79 under the ashes and scoria of
Vesuvius. The history of the city is more or less that of Naples. It
has been a fortified town since the time of the House of Anjou, and it
is supposed that Christianity was introduced there at an early period.
Previous to Ursus, present at the Roman synod under Pope Symmachus, in
499, no register was kept of the bishops of this city. Among its
noteworthy bishops were: Lubentius, present in Rome in 649; St.
Castellus (827); Palmerio (1196), champion of ecclesiastical rights
against Frederick II; Giovanni Fonseca (1537), a famous theologian at
the Council of Trent; Ludovico Gravina (1581) and C. Vittorino Maso
(1599), learned theologians and canonists; also the accomplished
orator, Clemente del Pezzo (1651). In 1818 Pius VII united with this
see Torre Patria, the ancient 
<i>Liternum</i>. The diocese has a population of 70,400, with 26
parishes, 90 churches and chapels, 220 secular and 30 regular priests,
4 religious houses of men and 11 of women.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1880" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1880.1" title="Castellaneta" type="Encyclopedia">Castellaneta</term>
<def id="c-p1880.2">
<h1 id="c-p1880.3">Castellaneta (Castania)</h1>
<p id="c-p1881" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CASTELLANETA (CASTELLANETENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p1882" shownumber="no">Suffragan of Taranto. Castellaneta is a city of the province of
Leece, in Southern Italy, about twenty-four miles from Taranto
(Tarentum). Nothing is known of this city previous to 1080, when it was
taken by Robert, Duke of Tarentum, who expelled its Byzantine
inhabitants, at which time, probably, the episcopal see was created; in
the same year Tarentum was made a metropolitan see. A Bishop of
Castellaneta, Joannes, is first mentioned with the Diocese of
Castellaneta. There is a record of an otherwise unknow Bishop of
Mottola who died in 1040; his successor was a certain Liberius. The
diocese has a population of 38,000, with 6 parishes, 41 churches and
chapels, 53 secular and 16 regular priests, 2 religious houses of men
and 6 of women.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1883" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1883.1" title="Castellanos, Juan de" type="Encyclopedia">Juan de Castellanos</term>
<def id="c-p1883.2">
<h1 id="c-p1883.3">Juan de Castellanos</h1>
<p id="c-p1884" shownumber="no">Born in Spain in the first half of the sixteenth century; date of
death unknown. He came to America previous to 1545 as a cavalry
soldier, and acquired some means on the Pearl Coast. Abandoning the
military profession he became a secular priest at Cartagena and,
declining the dignities of canon and treasurer, went as curate to Tunja
on the Colombian table-land. There he composed his epic poem, "Elegias
de Varones ilustres de Indias", the first part of which appeared at
Madrid in 1588, and the first three parts in 1837. The remainder of the
work is still in manuscript. The Lenox Branch of the New York Public
Library possesses a complete and handsome copy. The verse is better
than that of Ercilla's "Araucana"; it treats successively of the deeds
of the principal Spaniards who distinguished themselves in America,
beginning with Columbus, and is an invaluable source for the colonial
history of northern South America, including many details of
ethnography and ethnology.</p>
<p id="c-p1885" shownumber="no">Castellanos enjoyed the advantage of being among the earliest
"conquerors", and was acquainted with nearly every prominent leader of
the time. He relies to some extent upon Oviedo for many details,
stating that Oviedo communicated to him verbally what he knew by
personal experience of the settlement at Cartagena. Castellanos' poem
is the second of a series of epic compositions in Spanish treating of
the early colonization of America, Ercilla's being the earliest in date
of publication.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1886" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1886.1" title="Castelli, Benedetto" type="Encyclopedia">Benedetto Castelli</term>
<def id="c-p1886.2">
<h1 id="c-p1886.3">Benedetto Castelli</h1>
<p id="c-p1887" shownumber="no">Mathematician and physicist; b. at Perugia, Italy, 1577; d. at Rome,
1644. He was destined by his parents for the service of the Church and
entered the Order of St. Benedict, at Monte Cassino. There he became
abbot, and in 1640 he was transferred to the Abbey of San Benedetto
Aloysio. He was specially interested in the mathematical sciences and
their application to hydraulics. Galileo, his teacher, and Toricelli,
one of his pupils, speak very highly of his scientific attainments, and
both of them frequently asked his advice. In 1623 Urban VIII invited
him to Rome and later appointed him chief mathematician to the pope and
public professor of mathematics in the University of Rome. In 1625 he
was sent with Monsignore Corsini to study the disorders occasioned by
the waters of the Romagna, and to propose a remedy. Here he completed
his important work on the "Mensuration of Running Water", in which he
developed the important relations, that the speed of a current varies
inversely as the area of its cross section, and that the discharge from
a vessel depends on the depth of the tap below the free surface of the
water. He was often consulted in other provinces of Italy in connexion
with drainage, water-supply, prevention of floods, and the like.</p>
<p id="c-p1888" shownumber="no">His chief work is "Della misura dell'acqua corrente" (Rome, 1628;
3rd ed., 1660), translated into English by Salusbury (London, 1661),
and into French by Saporta (1664), reprinted (Bologna, 1823) in
Cardinali's collection "d'autori italiani che trattano del moto
dell'acqua". Another work is "Risposta alle oppositioni del Sig.
Lodvico, &amp;c., contro al trattato del Sig. Galileo, Delle cose che
stanno sopra acqua" (Bologna, 1655). According to Poggendorf, the
invention of the helioscope is ascribed to him.</p>
<p id="c-p1889" shownumber="no">SALUSBURY, 
<i>Math. Collections and Translations</i> (London, 1661); 
<i>La Grande Encycl.</i>, s. v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1890" shownumber="no">WILLIAM FOX</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1890.1" title="Castelli, Pietro" type="Encyclopedia">Pietro Castelli</term>
<def id="c-p1890.2">
<h1 id="c-p1890.3">Pietro Castelli</h1>
<p id="c-p1891" shownumber="no">Italian physician and botanist, b. at Rome in 1574; d. at Messina in
1662. He was graduated in 1617, studied under the botanist Andrea
Cesalpino, and was professor at Rome from 1597 to 1634 when he went to
Messina. He laid out the botanical gardens at Messina (1635), where he
cultivated many exotic medicinal plants. He was equally distinguished
as a botanist, chemist, and surgeon. He stoutly maintained the
necessity for all physicians of studying anatomy, and declared in 1648
that he had dissected more than one hundred corpses. The learned Dane,
Thomas Bartolinus, was led by Castelli's fame to visit him in Messina,
in 1644, and speaks of his activity as a publicist. He wrote no less
than one hundred and fifty pamphlets. Among these there is one written
in 1653 in answer to inquiries by Hieronymus Bardi of Genoa, wherein
Castelli speaks of the cinchona plant and its curative properties in
cases of malaria. He seems to have had but little knowledge of the
plant, and no experience in its medicinal application. Still, the
pamphlet is noteworthy as being the first Italian publication that
mentions the Peruvian febrifuge.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1892" shownumber="no">CHARLES G. HERBERMANN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1892.1" title="Castello, Giovanni Battista" type="Encyclopedia">Giovanni Battista Castello</term>
<def id="c-p1892.2">
<h1 id="c-p1892.3">Giovanni Battista Castello</h1>
<p id="c-p1893" shownumber="no">Italian painter, sculptor, and architect; b. at Gandino, in the
Valle Seriana, in the territory of Bergamo, in 1509 (some writers state
1500 or 1506); d. at Madrid in 1579. He is commonly called Il
Bergamasco, to distinguish him from Giovanni Battista Castello, a
Genoese, who was a miniature-painter. When young, he was entrusted to
the care of Qurelio Busso of Crema, a pupil of Polidoro da Caravaggio,
by whom he was taught the first principles of art. That painter took
him to Genoa, and after some time left him in that city, unprotected
and without means, but considerably advanced in his studies. A Genoese
nobleman, Tobia Pallavicino, took him under his protection and sent him
to Rome to study the great masters there, where he became very
proficient in painting, sculpture, and architecture. On his return to
Genoa he decorated the palace of his protector and painted some
frescoes in the church of San Marcellino. He made a great reputation by
his painting of the martyrdom of St. Sebastion, in the monastery of San
Sebastiano and, together with Luca Cambiasco, was employed by the Duke
Grimaldi, in the Nunziata di Portoria in Genoa, Castello painting on
the ceiling of the choir the Savior as judge of the World, and Luca
painting the laterals with the fate of the Blessed and the Reprobate.
On visiting his native country, desiring to leave there something
worthy of his fame, he undertook his great work in the hall of the
Lanzi Palace at Gorlago, where he has represented some of the most
interesting subjects of the Iliad.</p>
<p id="c-p1894" shownumber="no">Towards the latter part of his life (1567) he was invited by Charles
V to visit Spain and was employed by that monarch in the palace of the
Pardo, which he ornamented with subjects from Ovid. He also executed
some works in the Escorial and other palaces, and died holding the
office of architect of the royal palace. As architect, he is supposed
to have remodelled the church of San Matteo in Genoas and to have
designed the imperial palace at Campetto. The paintings of Castello
show correct design, with excellent colouring, more nearly allied,
however, to the Venetian than to the Roman school.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1895" shownumber="no">Miliizia. Lives of Celebrated Architects, II, 65, 66;
Pilkington, Dict. of Painters, 105; Bryan, Dict. of Painters and
Engravers, I, 267, 268; Champlin and Perkins, Cycl. of Painters and
Paintings, I, 145.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1895.1" title="Baldassare Castiglione" type="Encyclopedia">Baldassare Castiglione</term>
<def id="c-p1895.2">
<h1 id="c-p1895.3">Baldassare Castiglione</h1>
<p id="c-p1896" shownumber="no">An Italian prose-writer, b. at Casatico, near Mantua, 6 December,
1478; died at Toledo, Spain, 7 February, 1529. After receiving a
classical education at Milan, he went to the court of Ludovico il Moro.
Soon, however, owing to his father's death in 1499, he left the Sforza
and became a retainer of Francesco Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua. In
September, 1504, Urbino became his new residence, and here, in the
service of Duke Guidobaldo da Montefeltro, he spent the best years of
his life. The splendour of the Montefeltro court was such as to attract
thither the most distinguished writers and artists of the time, and in
their midst Castiglione, though engrossed in momentous affairs of
state, drank at the fountain-head of art and literature. In 1513
Francesco Maria della Rovere, Guidobaldo's successor, made him a count
and later his ambassador to the Holy See. In 1524 Pope Clement VII sent
him as a special envoy to Charles V, but, in spite of his good offices
on behalf of the pontiff Rome was sacked on the 6th of May, 1527, and
Clement made a captive. This melancholy event broke Castiglione in
health and spirits and hastened his death. Great honours were paid to
his memory, and Charles the Fifth was said to have called him "one of
the best knights in the world". His fame, however, mainly rests on his
"Cortegiano" (Courtier), a work in four books, describing the
accomplishments and moral character of the ideal courtier. He began
writing it in 1514 and finished it four years later, but polished its
style so elaborately as to delay its publication until 1528, one year
before his death. A truly representative son of the Renaissance, he
exhibited in his "Courtier" brilliant classical scholarship and
exquisite taste, combined with a keen spirit of observation and noble
conceptions. As a result, "Il Cortegiano" gradually acquired a
world-wide reputation, and was translated into a dozen languages,
including Japanese. The latest edition is that of Opdyke (New York,
1902). His many letters, in part unpublished, are of considerable
importance.</p>
<p id="c-p1897" shownumber="no">CIAN, Il Cortegiano del Conte B.C. annotato e illustrato (Florence,
1894); MARTINATI, Notizie storico-bibliografiche intorno al Conte B.C.
(Florence, 1890).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1898" shownumber="no">EDOARDO SAN GIOVANNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1898.1" title="Count Carlo Ottavio Castiglione" type="Encyclopedia">Count Carlo Ottavio Castiglione</term>
<def id="c-p1898.2">
<h1 id="c-p1898.3">Count Carlo Ottavio Castiglione</h1>
<p id="c-p1899" shownumber="no">Philologist and numismatist, b. of an ancient family at Milan,
Italy, 1784; d. at Genoa, 10 April, 1849. He was descended from
Baldassare Castiglione, the author of the "Cortegiano". Early in life
he displayed a great aptitude for languages and numismatics and quickly
acquired a mastery of almost all the Indo-Germanic and Semitic
languages. In 1819 he published a description of the Cufic coins in the
Gabinetto of Brera at Milan, under the title, "Monete cufiche del musee
di Milano" (Milan, 1819). His principal work in Oriental literature is
entitled "Mémoire géographique et numismatique sur la partie
orientale de la Barbarie appelée Afrikia par les Arabes, suivi de
recherches sur les Berbères atlantiques" (Milan, 1826). In this he
endeavours to ascertain the origin and the history of the towns in
Barbary whose names are found on Arabic coins. Outside of Italy he is
perhaps best known by his edition, begun in 1819, of some fragments of
the Gothic translation of the Bible by Ulfilas, which had been
discovered in 1817 by Cardinal Mai among the palimpsests of the
Ambrosian Library. At first Castiglione brought out some specimens in
conjunction with the cardinal, but later at various times he published
by himself a number of fragments of the Epistles of St. Paul. Besides
these he wrote numerous unpublished works on linguistics.</p>
<p id="c-p1900" shownumber="no">BIONDELLI, Vita di C. O. Castiglione (Milan, 1856).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1901" shownumber="no">EDMUND BURKE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1901.1" title="Castiglione, Giovanni Benedetto" type="Encyclopedia">Giovanni Benedetto Castiglione</term>
<def id="c-p1901.2">
<h1 id="c-p1901.3">Giovanni Benedetto Castiglione</h1>
<p id="c-p1902" shownumber="no">Painter and etcher, b. at Genoa, Italy, 1616; d. at Mantua, 1670. In
Italy he was known as 
<i>Il Grechetto</i> from his beautiful colouring, and in France as 
<i>Il Benedetto.</i> Some authorities make him a pupil of Paggi and
Andrea de' Ferrari, and others of Van Dyck. But as Van Dyck left Genoa
when Castiglione was nine years old, and since Genoa was rich in Van
Dyck's works, it is more than probable that the young man never saw Van
Dyck, but had ample opportunity, in his native city, to study his works
and those of Rubens also. He travelled throughout Italy and painted in
nearly every large city. In 1654 Charles II, Duke of Mantua, generously
gave him an apartment in his own palace and pensioned him. Castiglione
did his best work in Mantua. His specialty was animal painting, but he
enjoys an excellent reputation as a landscape, historical, and portrait
painter. He frequently chose Biblical subjects, but, apparently only
when these afforded him a chance to introduce animals. He was fond of
painting kermesses, village, market, and rural scenes, and closely
approached the marvellous Dutchmen in this kind of work. His touch was
spirited, his colour beautiful and the chiaroscuro excellently managed.
His many pastoral scenes show him possessed of a keen sense of the
picturesque, and he proved himself an admirable draughtsman and
figure-painter. Orders poured in upon him from England, France, and
Germany. His rank as a master is, however, due to his point-work more
than to his brush-work. He etched in a free, spirited, and effective
style more than seventy plates, and so skillfully managed the light and
shade that many of them have the effect of aquatint. Unlike his Italian
contemporaries, he seldom used the graver, but relied on pure line,
like Rembrandt and the etchers of the North. Lipmann thinks
Castiglione's needle-work was based "on contact with Van Dyck".
Benedetto had many imitators, especially his brother Salvatore and his
son Francesco, both his pupils. Salvatore's work is often very
difficult to distinguish from Castiglione's. Among his noted works are
"The Nativity" (his masterpiece), at Genoa; "Adoration of the
Shepherds", at the Louvre, Paris; "Noah entering the Ark", at Dresden.
Some notable prints are: "Melancholy", "Landscape" (dated 1658),
"Animals Entering the Ark".</p>
<p id="c-p1903" shownumber="no">SOPRANI, Le Vite de' pittori genovesi (Genoa, 1768); LAROUSSE, Dict.
Universel (Paris, 1877); LIPMANN, Engraving and Etching (New York,
1906); MABERLY, The Print Collector (New York, 1880).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1904" shownumber="no">LEIGH HUNT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1904.1" title="Castile and Aragon" type="Encyclopedia">Castile and Aragon</term>
<def id="c-p1904.2">
<h1 id="c-p1904.3">Castile and Aragon</h1>
<p id="c-p1905" shownumber="no">The united kingdom which came into existence by the marriage (1469)
of Isabella, heiress of Castile, with Ferdinand the Catholic, King of
Aragon. Columbus made his voyages of discovery as the agent of the
"Catholic Kings" 
(<i>los Reyes Católicos</i>) of this united kingdom, which in the
course of history became the Kingdom of Spain — or, more
precisely, of the Spains.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1905.1">CASTILE</h3>
<p id="c-p1906" shownumber="no">The origin of the name Castile is a matter of dispute, but it is
more than probably derived from the fortified castles 
(<i>castillos</i>), built first by the Romans to protect themselves from
the Cantabrians whom they had not completely subjugated, and afterwards
by the Christians to defend the northern regions which they had
conquered from the Moors. At the present time this name is given to the
extensive region which forms the central portion of Spain, and is
bounded on the north by the Bay of Biscay (the ancient 
<i>Sinus Cantabricus</i>), on the east by the Basque Provinces, and the
provinces of Navarre, Aragon, and Valencia, on the south by Andalusia,
and on the west by Estremadura, Leon, and the Asturias, and is divided
into Old Castile and New Castile.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1906.1">Old Castile 
(<i>Castilla la Vieja</i>)</h4>
<p id="c-p1907" shownumber="no">It is asserted by some (Fernández Guerra, Cantabria) that Old
Castile was called 
<i>Vellegia</i> and afterwards 
<i>Vétula</i>, that it was called 
<i>Vieja,</i> or 
<i>Antiqua,</i> to distinguish it from 
<i>Castilla la Nueva</i> — the New Castile formed from the lands
which since the eleventh century had been reconquered beyond the
mountain chain of the Carpetano-Vetónica. Old Castile is in
outline an irregular triangle, the western frontier bordering on the
ancient Kingdom of Leon, the south-eastern boundary being the Sierras
de Gredos, Guadarrama, and the Moncayo 
(<i>Mons Caunus</i>), and the north-eastern, the river Ebro. In the
political division of Spain the ancient province of Cantabria, which is
included in Castile, does not belong to it either ethnographically or
geographically, but forms a separate district called by those who
inhabit it 
<i>de Peñas al Mar,</i> or more commonly 
<i>La Montaña</i>. In the present political division Old Castile
comprises a territory of 22,415 square miles, with a population of
1,654,585, and since the division of 1833 it has included the eight
provinces of Burgos, Palencia, Valladolid, Avila, Segovia, Soria,
Logroño, and Santander. Old Castile forms the highest plateau of
Spain, perhaps of Europe, the mean height being 880 feet. The mountain
streams of this region feed the river Ebro in the north-east, the
Duero, which flows through the centre, and the Pisuerga, which is a
tributary of the Duero. Owing to its situation it has the most extreme
climate of Spain, both as to cold and heat, and its fertile soil
produces wheat and other cereals. The most important cities are:
Burgos, population 29,683, famous for its Gothic cathedral, which is
one of the most beautiful in the world; Valladolid, population 52,181,
which was the capital of Spain until the time of Philip II; Santander,
population 41,021, capital of Cantabria, a maritime city with an
extensive commerce; Segovia, population 11,318, where the ancient
Alcazar and the artillery school are situated; and Avila, population
25,039, the city of St. Teresa.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1907.1">New Castile</h4>
<p id="c-p1908" shownumber="no">As has already been said, this name was given to the territory
reconquered from the Arabs, from the time of Alfonso VI to that of St.
Ferdinand. This region also forms a great table-land, not quite so
lofty as that of Old Castile, and is bounded on the north by the
mountain chain of the Carpetano-Vetónica, on the south by the
Sierra Morena, on the east by the mountains of Cuenca; the mountains of
Toledo, which merge into the Sierra de Guadalupe in Estremadura, run
through the centre and separate the two great valleys into which New
Castile is divided, that of the Tagus to the north, and that of the
Guadiana to the south. The river Jucar, which flows through the
south-east, rises in the mountains of Cuenca. The climate is not so
cold as that of Old Castile, and the soil not so fertile, there being a
scarcity of water, especially in La Mancha. Its present limits comprise
an area of 28,017 square miles, with a population of 1,777,506, and is
divided into the five provinces of Madrid, Toledo, Ciudad Real, Cuenca,
and Guadalajara. The principal cities are: Madrid, population 518,442,
the capital of Spain since the time of Philip II, noted for its royal
palace, picture gallery, containing specimens of Velasquez, Murillo,
etc., and armoury (Museo de la Real Armería); Toledo, population
26,239, ancient capital of the kingdom of the Visigoths, honoured by
Charles I with the title of "Imperial", and noted for its cathedral,
one of the finest monuments of Spain, and the see of the cardinal
primate, as well as for its military school; Guadalajara, which has a
military school for engineers; Aranjuez, where one of the favourite
country residences of the Spanish royal family is situated; and
Alcalá, the seat of the university founded by Cisneros, which has
since been transferred to Madrid. The Escorial, near Madrid, contains
the famous mausoleum of Philip II, and is one of the historic monuments
of New Castile.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1908.1">History</h4>
<p id="c-p1909" shownumber="no">(1) 
<i>The Countship (Condado) of Castile</i></p>
<p id="c-p1910" shownumber="no">The territory of Old Castile began to be reconquered in the time of
the first three Alfonsos, who entrusted to several counts the
repopulation and defence of these cities; thus Ordoño I entrusted
the repopulation of Amaya, on the Pisuerga, to Rodrigo, a Goth by
extraction, and his son, Diego Porcellos, fortified and repopulated
Burgos under the orders of Alfonso III. Nuño Núñez de
Roa, Gonzalo Téllez de Osma, and Fernán Gonzáles de
Sepúlveda appear also in the same rôle. In 910 a Count of
Castile, Nuño Fernández, assisted the sons of Alfonso III in
their rebellion against their father, and Ordoño II of Leon (924)
was defeated by the troops of Abdérraman in Valdejunquera because
the Counts of Castile did not come to his assistance; in punishment of
their disloyalty, Ordoño had them imprisoned and executed in Leon.
Tradition hands down the names of these counts as Nuño
Fernández, Abolmondar el Blanco, his son Diego, and Fernando
Ansúrez. Further on mention is made of the judges of Castile, Lain
Calvo and Nuño Rasura, established to facilitate the
administration of justice, but who fostered the spirit of independence.
The hero of this movement was Count Fernán González, to whom
legendary lore has attributed all manner of heroic achievements. It is,
however, known that, after having fought with Ramiro II against the
Arabs, and after the battle of Simancas and the retreat of
Abdérraman, this count, dissatisfied, as it appears, because the
King of Leon distributed his troops in the frontier towns, rose in
rebellion against him. He was, however, vanquished and made prisoner.
He became reconciled with his sovereign, giving his daughter Urraca in
marriage to the king's son, Ordoño, who afterwards became
Ordoño III. Notwithstanding this alliance, Fernán
González continued to foment trouble and discord in Leon, aiming
to secure his independence. He successively aided Sancho against his
brother, Ordoño III, and Ordoño, son of Alfonso IV (the
Monk), against Sancho the Fat 
(<i>el Graso</i>). After the death of Fernán González (970)
there followed the campaigns of Almánzor, in which all the
reconquered territory was at stake. In 995 the King of Navarre and
García Fernández, the son of Fernán González, made
an attempt to oppose him, but were defeated at Alcocer. Sancho Garcia,
grandson of Fernán González, took part in the victory of
Calatañazor, which put an end to the campaigns of the victorious
Moslem 
<i>hájib</i> (1002). This Count Sancho García was called 
<i>El de los Fueros</i> (literally, "He of the Rights" or "of the
Charters"), because of the rights or charters which he granted to the
various cities. His son, García Sánchez, gave one of his
sisters, Elvira, in marriage to Sancho the Great of Navarre, and
another, Jimena, to Bermudo III of Leon, and was himself about to marry
Sancha, Bermudo's sister, when he was assassinated by the Velas, Counts
of Alava. At his death Sancho of Navarre reclaimed the countship of
Castile, and took possession of it, notwithstanding the resistance of
Bermudo III.</p>
<p id="c-p1911" shownumber="no">(2) 
<i>The Kingdom of Castile</i></p>
<p id="c-p1912" shownumber="no">Sancho the Great divided his possessions among his sons. Castile,
with the title of king, was given to Ferdinand, who had married Sancha,
the sister of Bermudo, who was to have married García
Sánchez, the last independent count. Ferdinand I, of Castile,
united Castile and Leon, the latter having fallen to his wife upon the
death of her brother, Bermudo III. Thus reinforced, Ferdinand extended
his conquests as far as Coimbra; but he committed the fatal error of
dividing his possessions among his three sons and two daughters.
Sancho, who inherited the Kingdom of Castile, began encroaching upon
the rights of his brothers, but was assassinated at the siege of
Zamora, which he was trying to take from his sister Urraca, and was
succeeded by Alfonso VI. This monarch began to reunite the estates of
his father, and carried the war of reconquest beyond the mountain chain
of the Carpentano-Vetónica, capturing Madrid and Toledo, and thus
laying the foundations of New Castile. He gave his daughter Teresa in
marriage to Henry of Burgundy, forming for them, with the western
territory reconquered from the Moors, the Countship of Portugal, which
was the beginning of the Portuguese monarchy. His daughter Urraca
succeeded him, the first queen to reign in the kingdom where Isabella
the Catholic was later to hold the sceptre. Alfonso VII bore the title
of emperor, and extended his conquests as far as Almeria, but he, also,
at his death in 1157, divided his possessions among his children,
giving Leon to Ferdinand II, and Castile to Sancho, in whose short
reign the Military Order of Alcántara was founded. Alfonso VIII
(1158-1214) conquered Cuenca and defeated the Almohades in the battle
of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212), which definitively freed New Castile
from the Mussulman yoke. This decisive victory is annually
commemmorated by the Church in Spain on the 16th of July, under the
title "El Triumfo de la Santa Cruz" (The Triumph of the Holy Cross).
After the brief reigns of Henry I and Doña Berengaria, Castile and
Leon were definitively united under St. Ferdinand III (1219-52), who
conquered the greater part of Andalusia (Jaen, Cordova, and Seville,
1248), leaving the Mohammedans only the Kingdom of Granada. The
cathedral of Burgos occupies the first place among the monuments of his
greatness. His successors failed to carry on the reconquest. Alfonso X,
"The Wise" 
(<i>el Sabio</i>), was too much taken up with his vain pretensions to
the imperial crown of Germany, Sancho the Brave (1248-95) and Ferdinand
IV, "The Cited" 
(<i>el Emplazado</i>), with their domestic struggles. In the time of
Sancho IV the celebrated defence of Tarifa took place, giving to Alonzo
Pérez de Guzmán, to whom it was entrusted, the title of "The
Good" 
(<i>el Bueno</i>). Alfonso XI (1310-50) in the battle of Salado
annihilated the last of the Mussulmans who attempted the reconquest of
Spain. The irregularity of his private life, however, paved the way for
the disorders and cruelties of the reign of his son Pedro, the Cruel,
who met death at the hands of his bastard brother, Henry II (1369-79).
Bertrand du Guesclin, with his famous companies, was the ally of Henry
II. John I attempted to obtain possession of Portugal, but was defeated
by the Portuguese at Aljubarrota (1385), and his grandson, John II,
turned over the government to his favourite, Alvaro de Luna, whom he
afterwards caused to be decapitated (1453). Henry IV, "The Impotent",
was the tool of the nobles, who forced him to declare illegitimate his
daughter Juana, known as 
<i>la Beltraneja</i> (the daughter of Beltran), and the succession thus
passed to his sister Isabella the Catholic (1474).</p>
<h3 id="c-p1912.1">ARAGON</h3>
<p id="c-p1913" shownumber="no">Aragon derives its name from the river Aragon, a small tributary of
the Ebro near Alfaro, and forms an irregular ellipse, bounded on the
north by the Central Pyrenees (Pic du Midi), on the east by Catalonia
and Valencia (Provinces of Lérida, Tarragona, and Castellon), on
the south by Valencia and New Castile (Provinces of Valencia and
Cuenca), and on the west by Navarre and Castile (Provinces of
Guadalajara and Soria). It is one of the most mountainous regions of
Spain, perhaps of Europe, surrounded as it is on the north by the
Pyrenees mountains and the Sierras de la Peña and de Guara, on the
west by the Moncayo and the mountains of Cuenca, and on the south by
the Montes Universales and the Sierra de Gúdar. From north-west to
south-east it is traversed by the River Ebro, of which almost all the
rivers of this region are tributaries, the Aragon, Gallego, and Cinca
emptying into it from the north, and the Jiloca, the Jalon, and others
of lesser importance from the south. The Guadalaviar and the Mijares,
however, are fed directly from the mountains of Teruel. These
topographical conditions made the soil of Aragon very fertile; the
mountains are covered with great forests, and fruits grow abundantly,
but, on account of the isolation of the mountains and the scarcity of
water on some of the high table-lands, some regions are but thinly
populated. According to the modern division of provinces (30 Nov.,
1833), Saragossa, Huesca, and Teruel belong to Aragon. The principal
cities are Saragossa, famous for its sieges in the War of Independence
and for the ancient shrine 
<i>del Pilar,</i> where from very remote times the Blessed Virgin has
been venerated, and Huesca (Osca), where Pedro IV established, in 1354,
a university to which was given the name of the Sertorio, in memory of
Quintus Sertorius, who, in 77 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1913.1">b.c.</span>, founded here a school for the sons of
native chiefs.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1913.2">History</h4>
<p id="c-p1914" shownumber="no">We must depend principally on legend for information about the
origin of the Aragonese monarchy. It is certain that a portion of the
Goths driven northward by the Mussulman invasion sought refuge among
the mountaineers, who were never completely subjugated by any conqueror

(<i>indoctus juga ferre</i> — Horace), and there formed certain
independent countships, principally those of Sobrarbe, Aragon, and
Ribagorza. The legend designates the Montes Uruel or S. Juan de la
Peña as the spot where the patriots assembled, and from a cross
which appeared over a tree the name, Sobrarbe, and the coat of arms
were derived, just as Aragon took its name from the river which flows
west of Jaca, which appears to have been its capital. About 724 mention
is made of a García Jiménez who was Count of Sobrarbe, and
further on we find that García Iñiguez bestowed the Countship
of Aragon upon a knight named Azmar, who had obtained possession of
Jaca. This countship then embraced the valleys of Canfranc, Aisa,
Borao, Aragües, and Hecho. After Azmar (d. 975) we find the names
of several counts of Aragon — Galindo, Jimeno Aznar, Jimeno
García Aznar, Fortunio Jiménez, and Urraca, or Andregoto, who
married García of Navarre, thus uniting Navarre and Aragon. The
Countship of Ribagorza, established under the protection of the Franks,
was reconquered by Sancho the Great of Navarre, who at his death left
Aragon to his son Ramiro, and Sobrarbe and Ribagorza to his son Gonzalo
(1035), but at Gonzalo's death Ramiro was elected to succeed him, the
Aragonese monarchy being definitively founded. Sancho Ramírez
(1069-94) took a great part of the deep valley of the Cinca from the
Moors, with the strongholds of Barbastro and Monzon, and died while
besieging Huesca. His son Pedro I, after vanquishing the Moorish
auxiliary army in the battle of Alcoraz, took possession of the city.
His brother, Alfonso the Fighter 
(<i>El Batallador,</i> 1104-34), who succeeded him, captured Saragossa
(1118), but died from the effects of wounds received in the siege of
Fraga, willing his estates to the military orders of Jerusalem,
thinking that they would be best able to bring the war of reconquest to
a successful close. His subjects, however, would not accept this, and
obliged his brother Ramiro, who was a monk in the monastery of
Saint-Pons de Tomières, to accept the crown. Dispensed by the pope
from his vows, he married Agnes of Poitiers, and when the birth of a
daughter, whom he married to Raymond Berengar IV, Count of Barcelona,
assured the succession, he returned to his cloister. Thus a permanent
union was effected between Aragon and Catalonia. Raymond Berengar
reconquered Fraga, and his son Alfonso II finished the reconquest of
Aragon, adding Teruel. Pedro II, "The Catholic" 
(<i>El Católico,</i> 1196-1213), made his kingdom a dependency of
the Holy See, although not with the consent of his subjects, but died
in the battle of Muret, in which he took part to aid his kinsman, the
Count of Toulouse, in the war against the Albigenses. Jaime the
Conqueror 
(<i>El Conquistador</i>) successfully terminated the conquest of
Valencia (1238) and Majorca (1228), and aided Alfonso X of Castile to
reconquer Murcia, thus accomplishing the reconquest of the western part
of the Peninsula. Pedro III, "The Great" 
(<i>El Grande,</i> 1276-85), after the Sicilian Vespers took possession
of Sicily as heir of the Hohenstaufen, and the wars and disputes which
followed in Italy, and the dissensions of the Aragonese nobles occupied
the reigns of Alfonso III (1285-91), Jaime II, Alfonso IV (1327-36),
and Pedro IV (1336-87). John I and Martin (1395-1410) dying without
heirs, the 
<i>Conpromiso de Caspe</i> (a commission of nine members, three from
the Cortes of each province) was assembled and gave the crown of Aragon
to Ferdinand of Antequera, Infante of Castile. Alfonso V, his son and
successor, renewed the wars in Italy. As the adopted son of Joanna of
Naples, he laid claim to the throne of Naples, and obtained possession
of it (1416-58). John II disturbed the peace of his reign by the unjust
persecution of his son the Prince of Viana, and at his death was
succeeded by Ferdinand the Catholic, who by his marriage to Isabella
the Catholic definitively united the Kingdoms of Castile and
Aragon.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1914.1">RELATIONS BETWEEN CASTILE AND ARAGON</h3>
<p id="c-p1915" shownumber="no">The will of Sancho the Great of Navarre had in 1035 separated these
two kingdoms; in the twelfth century they were temporarily united by
the marriage of Doña Urraca to Alfonso I, "The Fighter", but this
unhappy marriage caused a war which ended in the separation of the
couple (1114), and Alfonso VII was afterwards obliged to recover the
strongholds of La Rioja, which had remained in the possession of the
Aragonese monarch (1134). At the death of Alfonso I of Aragon Alfonso
VII reclaimed and occupied part of his estates, but Alfonso II aided by
Alfonso VIII in the siege of Cuenca (1177) obtained for his kingdom
freedom from the dependence on Castile, to which it had been subjected
since the time of Ramiro the Monk. The two great warriors, St.
Ferdinand III and Jaime 
<i>el Conquistador,</i> were contemporaries and lived in harmony. Jaime
helped Alfonso X in the conquest of Murcia, which remained to Castile.
Later, however, the relations between Castile and Aragon again became
involved, on account of the claims for the succession to Alfonso X,
which the Infantes of la Cerda, aided by Philip III of France and
Alfonso III of Aragon, put forth. The 
<i>Compromiso de Caspe</i> placed the crown of Aragon on the head of an
Infante of Castile, Ferdinand of Antequera (1412), and the marriage of
Isabella, heiress of Henry IV of Castile, to Ferdinand, the heir of
John II of Aragon, finally united these kingdoms and formed the
beginning of the Spanish monarchy.</p>
<p id="c-p1916" shownumber="no">The linguistic unity of Castile and Aragon is a very notable fact
because although Aragon and Catalonia, united since the twelfth century
(1137), possess two very different languages, Castile and Aragon,
although they had an entirely independent historical development until
the sixteenth century, have the same language with the exception of
some minor dialectical differences. After the union the political
individuality of Aragon was lost in that of Castile, and in the time of
Philip II, on account of the Antonio Pérez incident, the ancient
kingdom lost part of its 
<i>fueros,</i> or political liberties. In the War of Succession it
sided with the Archduke Charles, and the victory of Philip V served
still more to increase its dependence.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1916.1">CIVIL AND ECCLESIASTICAL DIVISIONS</h3>
<p id="c-p1917" shownumber="no">It is difficult, on account of the different epochs in which they
were formed and the different principles which governed them, to give
an exact idea of the relations between the civil and ecclesiastical
divisions of Castile and Aragon.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1917.1">Judiciary</h4>
<p id="c-p1918" shownumber="no">The 
<i>Judiciary Divisions</i> consist of the five district courts of (1)
Burgos, (2) Valladolid, (3) Madrid, (4) Albacete-Murcia, and (5)
Saragossa, which are subdivided as follows: (1) Provinces of Burgos,
Santander, Logroño, and Soria; (2) Valladolid and Palencia; (3)
Madrid, Avila, Guadalajara, Segovia, and Toledo; (4) Ciudad Real and
Cuenca; (5) Saragossa, Huesca, and Teruel. The Burgos district
comprises thirty-seven Courts of First Instance and as many Property
Registries; that of Valladolid, seventeen of each; that of Madrid,
forty-nine Courts of First Instance and forty-two Property Registries;
Albacete-Murcia, eighteen Courts of First Instance and the same number
of Property Registries; Saragossa, twenty-one Courts of First Instance
and thirty Property Registries.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1918.1">Military</h4>
<p id="c-p1919" shownumber="no">
<i>For Military Purposes</i> there are four districts, subdivided into
sixteen provinces, as follows: Old Castile, subdivided into the
provinces of Avila, Palencia, and Valladolid; Burgos, with the
provinces of Burgos, Logroño, Soria, and Santander; New Castile,
with the provinces of Madrid, Segovia, Toledo, Cuenca, Ciudad Real, and
Guadalajara; Aragon, with Saragossa, Huesca, and Teruel.</p>
<p class="c5" id="c-p1920" shownumber="no">Education</p>
<p id="c-p1921" shownumber="no">For university and secondary instruction the four districts are: Old
Castile, with the University of Valladolid and four centres of
secondary education at Valladolid, Burgos, Palencia, and Santander; New
Castile, with the University of Madrid, and centres of secondary
instruction at Madrid (S. Isidro and Cisneros), Ciudad Real,
Guadalajara, Segovia, Toledo, and Cuenca; Aragon, with the University
of Saragossa, and centres of secondary instruction at Saragossa,
Huesca, Teruel, Logroño, and Soria; Leon, with the University of
Salamanca and a centre of secondary instruction at Avila. Primary
instruction is under the care of one first-class 
<i>inspeccion</i> at Madrid, the four second-class 
<i>inspecciones</i> of Valladolid, Burgos, Toledo, and Saragosso, and
the eleven third-class 
<i>inspecciones</i> of Avila, Ciudad Real, Cuenca, Logroño,
Guadalajara, Palencia, Santander, Segovia, Soria, Huesca, and
Teruel.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1921.1">Ecclesiastical</h4>
<p id="c-p1922" shownumber="no">This is in many respects not in conformity with the civil, and still
subject to the changes made by the Concordat of 1851, which suppressed
some sees and transferred others. In Old Castile there are the two
Archdioceses of Burgos and Valladolid, the former of which has for its
suffragan dioceses Palencia, Santander, Calaborra (Logroño), and
Osma (Soria), while the latter has Avila and Segovia. In New Castile
the Archdiocese of Toledo has the four suffragan dioceses of
Madrid-Alcalá, Guenca, Sigüenza (Guadalajara), and Ciudad
Real. In Aragon the Archdiocese of Saragossa has for its suffragans
Jaca, Huesca, Tarazona, Barbastro, and Teruel. The statistics of all
these dioceses are given in the following table:—</p>
<table border="1" id="c-p1922.1">
<tr id="c-p1922.2">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.3" rowspan="2" style="text-align:center">Diocese</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.4" rowspan="2">Date of Erection</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.5" rowspan="2">Deaneries</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.6" rowspan="2">Parishes</td>
<td colspan="2" id="c-p1922.7" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Religious
<br />Communities</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p1922.9">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.10" rowspan="1">Men</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.11" rowspan="1">Women</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p1922.12">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.13" rowspan="1">Burgos
<br /> 
<br />Palencia
<br />Santander
<br />Calahorra
<br />Osma
<br /> 
<br />Valladolid
<br />Segovia
<br /> 
<br />Toledo
<br /> 
<br />Madrid-Alcala
<br />Cuenca
<br />Sigüenza
<br />Ciudad Real
<br />Saragossa
<br /> 
<br />Jaca
<br />Huesca
<br />Tarazona
<br /> 
<br />Barbastro
<br />Teruel</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.37" rowspan="1">988; metropolitan
<br />  in time of Alfonso VI
<br />3rd century
<br />4th century
<br />Apostolic origin (?)
<br />Apostolic origin,
<br />  restored 11th century
<br />1595, metropolitan since 1859
<br />In the time of the Goths,
<br />  restored by Alfonso VI
<br />Apostolic origin,
<br />  metropolitan since 5th century
<br />1851, Bull of 1885
<br />1179
<br />Restored by Alfonso VIII
<br />1876
<br />Apostolic origin, restored 1117,
<br />  metropolitan since 1138
<br />As a diocese 1575
<br />Apostolic, restored 1086
<br />In the time of the Goths,
<br />  restored in 1115
<br />Pedro I, 1094, 1104
<br />Philip II, 1577</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.61" rowspan="1"> 
<br />47
<br />24
<br />26
<br />47
<br /> 
<br />28
<br />9
<br /> 
<br />15
<br /> 
<br />20
<br />18
<br />12
<br />18
<br />11
<br /> 
<br />15
<br />8
<br />9
<br /> 
<br />9
<br />10
<br />5</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.85" rowspan="1"> 
<br />1220
<br />345
<br />425
<br />266
<br /> 
<br />349
<br />93
<br /> 
<br />276
<br /> 
<br />442
<br />232
<br />325
<br />350
<br />88
<br /> 
<br />370
<br />70
<br />167
<br /> 
<br />138
<br />154
<br />96</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.109" rowspan="1"> 
<br />8
<br />9
<br />6
<br />9
<br /> 
<br />5
<br />7
<br /> 
<br />3
<br /> 
<br />2
<br />11
<br />1
<br />1
<br />6
<br /> 
<br />12
<br /> 
<br />1
<br /> 
<br />6
<br />4
<br />1</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p1922.133" rowspan="1"> 
<br />40
<br />38
<br />9
<br />28
<br /> 
<br />13
<br />37
<br /> 
<br />26
<br /> 
<br />58
<br />22
<br />27
<br />15
<br />30
<br /> 
<br />71
<br />5
<br />16
<br /> 
<br />36
<br />9
<br />8</td>
</tr>
</table>
<h3 id="c-p1922.157">RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION AND CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS</h3>
<h4 id="c-p1922.158">Religious Instruction</h4>
<p id="c-p1923" shownumber="no">There are seminaries in all the dioceses, and besides a number of
colleges for youths intended for the priesthood 
(<i>collegios de vocaciones eclesiásticas</i>). There are also
numerous colleges under the direction of the Society of Jesus, the
Piarists, the Marists, the Brothers of the Christian Schools, and the
Salesians. The statistics of these independent schools have never been
published.</p>
<h4 id="c-p1923.1">Charitable Institutions</h4>
<p id="c-p1924" shownumber="no">Although charitable work is carried on extensively throughout Spain,
especially by the religious orders, both of men and women, which devote
themselves exclusively to such work, it is difficult to give exact
figures, as some are under government control, while others are purely
religious, and the statistics are very incomplete. Thus, official
statistics, which place the total number of institutions at 356, give
to Saragossa only two charitable institutions, whereas the "Anuario
Eclesiastico" makes the number twenty-eight.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1924.1">NOTES</h3>
<p id="c-p1925" shownumber="no">      
<i>Historia general de España, por individuos de la Real Academia
de la Historia, bajo la direccion de Don Antonio Cánovas del
Castillo</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1925.1">Colmeiro,</span> 
<i>Reyes Cristianos, en Castilla, Aragon, etc.</i> (Madrid, 1891); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1925.2">Catalina y Garcia,</span> 
<i>Castilla y Léon</i> (Madrid, 1891); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1925.3">Mariana,</span> 
<i>Historia General de España</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1925.4">Lafuente,</span> 
<i>Historia General de España; Reseña geografica y
estadística de España, Dirección general del Instituto
geografico y estadístico</i> (Madrid, 1888—); 
<i>Anuario Eclesiástico de España</i> (Madrid, 1904, last
ed.). See also 
<span class="sc" id="c-p1925.5">Chevalier,</span> 
<i>Topo-Bibl.</i> (Paris, 1894-99), 194 for bibliography of Aragon, and
604-5 for that of Castile.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1926" shownumber="no">RamÓn Ruiz Amado</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1926.1" title="Castillejo, Cristobal de" type="Encyclopedia">Cristobal de Castillejo</term>
<def id="c-p1926.2">
<h1 id="c-p1926.3">Cristóbal de Castillejo</h1>
<p id="c-p1927" shownumber="no">Spanish poet, b. in Ciudad Rodrigo (Salamanca), 1491; d. in Vienna,
12 June, 1556. From the age of fifteen he was attached to the person of
the younger brother of the Emperor Charles V, the Infante Ferdinand,
who subsequently became King of Bohemia and Hungary, and eventually
Emperor of Germany. He lived for many years in Austria as secretary to
that prince, and late in life took ecclesiastical orders, retiring to a
monastery near Vienna where he passed the remainder of his days.
Castillego was the champion of the old school of Spanish verse as
opposed to the Italian measures recently introduced by Boscan, seconded
by Garcilasso de la Vega. He vigorously opposed the innovation,
maintaining and demonstrating in his writings that the old metres were
amply competent for the expression of all sentiments. When he did use
the 
<i>villancicos, canciones</i>, and other measures of the new school, it
was only to attack and ridicule the innovators.</p>
<p id="c-p1928" shownumber="no">As a poet he was distinguished for purity of language, grace,
fluency, and humour, the latter quality abounding in his "Dialogue
between Himself and His Pen". He used satire with simplicity and ease,
and, at times, freely and boldly. Some of his satires, notable the
"Sermon on Love" and the "Dialogue on the Condition of Women", were so
offensive to the clergy that the Inquisition prohibited the publication
of his poems until they had been expurgated. Among his other works are
the fanciful "transformation of a Drunkard into a Mosquito" and a
satire addressed "To those who give up the Castillian measures and
follow the Italian". His poems are divided into three books devoted to
love; conversation and pastime; moral and religious verses. In 1573 a
collection of the "Works of Castillejo Expurgated by the Inquisition"
was published in Madrid, which was one of the first books printed in
that city. The most complete edition is that published by Ramón
Fernandez (Madrid, 1792).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1929" shownumber="no">VENTURA FUENTES</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1929.1" title="Caspar Castner" type="Encyclopedia">Caspar Castner</term>
<def id="c-p1929.2">
<h1 id="c-p1929.3">Caspar Castner</h1>
<p id="c-p1930" shownumber="no">(Or Kastner).</p>
<p id="c-p1931" shownumber="no">A missionary, b. at Munich, Bavaria, 7 October, 1655; d. at Peking,
China, 9 November, 1709. He entered the Society of Jesus, 17 September,
1681, and studied theology at Ingolstadt where he finished his studies,
22 March, 1694. For a short time he taught logic at the gymnasium at
Ratisbon; after this he devoted himself to the work of missions and
sailed in 1696 for China at the head of a company of brother Jesuits
from Portugal and Genoa. In China he laboured with great success on the
island of Shang-chuen (St. John) and in the city of Fatshan, then a
competitor of Canton. In 1702 he went with Father Franciscus Noel to
Lisbon and Rome in order, as representative of the Bishops of Nanking
and Macao, to obtain some settlement of the question of Chinese Rites.
In 1706 he returned to China, taking with him a number of
missionaries.</p>
<p id="c-p1932" shownumber="no">Besides the merit of his apostolic labours, Father Castner deserves
much praise for his work in the sciences of navigation, astronomy, and
cartography. He called the attention of the Portuguese Government to
the fact that the voyage to Macao would be much shorter if the vessels
followed a direct course from the Cape of Good Hope by the way of the
Sunda islands, avoiding Mozambique and Goa, and the result showed that
he was right. He did excellent work in the mapping of the Chinese
Empire, and had so great a reputation as a mathematician that he was
made president of the mathematical tribunal and instructor of the heir
to the throne. Besides a number of elaborate reports on the question of
Chinese Rites which he drew up with the aid of Father Noel, Father
Castner also wrote an interesting but rare little work called "Relatio
Sepulturæ Magno Orientis Apostolo S. Francisco Xaviero erectæ
in Insula Sanciano MDCC." It is an exact description of the island
where from 19 March to 2 June, 1700, he had been engaged in erecting,
at the command of his superiors, a memorial over the grave of St.
Francis Xavier. The book was accompanied by a good map. One of the few
copies printed in China is in the so-called "Orban'sche Sammlung" of
the library of the University of Munich. A translation was published by
Father Joseph Stöcklein in his "Welt-Bott" (Augsburg, 1729), No.
309. The title-page and map are reproduced in the work of Henri
Cordier, "L'imprimerie sino-européenne en chine" (Paris, 1901),
11-15.</p>
<p id="c-p1933" shownumber="no">Franco, Synopsis analium Societatis Jesu (Augsburg, 1726), 398, 424;
Mederer, Annales Ingolstadienses (1782), III, 80; Zach, Monatliche
Correspondenz zur Beförderung der Erdund Himmelskunde (Gotha,
1800), I, 589-93; Lipowski, Gesh. der Jesuiten in Baiern (Munich,
1816), II, 253; Kalendar für katholische Christen (Sulzbach,
1889), 123-124; Backer-Sommervogel, Bibl. de la c. de J. (1891), II,
853-54; (1900), IX, 9; Münsterberg, Bayern und Asien im XVI.,
XVII., XVIII. Jahrhundert in Zeitshrift des Münchener
Alterhumes-Vereins (Munich, 1894), VI, 12 sqq.; Huonder, Deutsche
Jesuiten-missionère, supplement to Stimmen aus Maria-Laasch
(1899), LXXIV, 189.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1934" shownumber="no">OTTO HARTIG</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1934.1" title="Castoria" type="Encyclopedia">Castoria</term>
<def id="c-p1934.2">
<h1 id="c-p1934.3">Castoria</h1>
<p id="c-p1935" shownumber="no">A titular see of Macedonia. Livy (XXXI, XL) mentions a town near a
lake in Orestis, called Celetrum, whose inhabitants surrendered to
Sulpitius during the Roman war against Philip V (200 B.C.). Procopius
(De aedif., vii. 3) tells us that Justinian, finding the town of
Diocletianopolis ruined by the barbarians, built a city on the lake, of
Castoria. Tafel (De Viâ Egnatianâ, 44-46) suggests that
Celetrum, Diocletianopolis, and Castoria are three successive names of
the same place. Be that as it may, Castoria seems to have replaced
Celetrum. There Bohemond camped with his army at Christmas, 1083. The
Byzantine chroniclers describe it as a strong fortress. In the tenth
century it must have been occupied by the Bulgarians. About 1350 it was
given up by the Emperor Joannes Cantacuzene to the King of Servia, and
in 1386 it was captured by the Turks. As early at least as the reign of
Basil II, Castoria was the first suffragan see of Achrida. Lequien (II,
315) mentions only three bishops: Joasaph in 1564, Hierotheus, who went
to Rome about 1650, and Dionysius Mantoucas; this short list of course
can be readily completed. The see still exists for the Greeks and has
been made a metropolitan. Some ten Latin bishops are known from the
thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries. (Lequien, III, 1087; Eubel, I,
179, II, 134.) Castoria is to-day [1908] the chief town of a 
<i>mutessariflik</i> in the vilayet of Monastir, with about 10,000
inhabitants -- Turks, Greeks, and Bulgarians. It is also the see of a
Bulgarian bishopric with 2224 families, 32 priests, and 22
churches.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1936" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1936.1" title="Francesco Castracane Degli Antelminelli" type="Encyclopedia">Francesco Castracane Degli Antelminelli</term>
<def id="c-p1936.2">
<h1 id="c-p1936.3">Francesco Castracane degli Antelminelli</h1>
<p id="c-p1937" shownumber="no">Naturalist, b. at Fano, Italy, 19 July, 1817; d. at Rome 27 March,
1899. He was educated at the Jesuits' school at Reggio nell'Emilia, and
was ordained priest in 1840. Four years later he was made canon of the
cathedral at Fano, and at the same time resumed his studies at the
Collegio dei Nobili in Rome. In 1852 he resigned his canonry, and took
up his residence at Rome. Castracane had a great love of nature, and
during the latter half of his life devoted himself to biological
research. He was one of the first to introduce microphotography into
the study of biology. His first experiments in applying the camera to
the microscope were made as early as 1862 with 
<i>diatomaceæ</i>, and he subsequently made these micro-organisms
his chief study. While investigating their structure and physiological
functions and, particularly in his last years, their processes of
reproduction, he valued the knowledge which they afforded, not merely
as an end in itself, but also on account of its bearing on some of the
problems of biology, geology, and even hydrography. The extensive
collections of 
<i>diatomaceæ</i> obtained by the Challenger Expedition were
entrusted to him for description and classification. He discovered
among them three new genera, two hundred and twenty-five new species,
and some thirty new varieties. Castracane was a devout priest as well
as an enthusiastic investigator. He shrank from preferment and led a
simple, regular life. He continued his work to the end, saying Mass
even on the day of his death. He was the author of a large number of
papers, published chiefly in the proceedings of the 
<i>Accademia dei Nuovi Lincei</i>, over whose meetings he presided for
many years.</p>
<p id="c-p1938" shownumber="no">TONI, 
<i>Commemorzione del conte ab. F. Castracane degli Antelminelli</i> in 
<i>Mem. della Pont. Accad. dei Nuovi Lincei</i> (Rome, 1899), XVI;
MENGARINI-TRAUBE, 
<i>Castracane degli Antelminelli</i> in 
<i>Biolog. Centralblatt</i> (Leipzig, 1900), XX, 401-402, 433-447.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1939" shownumber="no">HENRY M. BROCK</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1939.1" title="Castro, Alphonsus de" type="Encyclopedia">Alphonsus de Castro</term>
<def id="c-p1939.2">
<h1 id="c-p1939.3">Alphonsus de Castro</h1>
<p id="c-p1940" shownumber="no">Friar Minor and theologian, b. in 1495 at Zamora, Leon, Spain; d. 11
February 1558, at Brussels. When fifteen years old he entered a little
convent of the Franciscan Order near Salamanca in the province of St.
James. He taught theology at the University of Salamanca, and for
forty-three years was confessor to Charles V and Philip II, and
preacher at the Court of Spain. In 1545 he accompanied Cardinal Grennis
as theologian to the Council of Trent, and during the fourth session
took an important part in the discussion concerning Holy Scripture. As
representative of the cardinal he subscribed to the canons of this
session, and suggested that the words "praeter hos sacros libros multa
alia sunt tenenda quae scripta non sunt, sed observantur Ecclesiae
auctoritate" be added to the Decree "De Canonicis Scriptures". In
succeeding sessions he addressed the council on the advisability of
vernacular versions of the Sacred Scripture, and on original sin. He
accompanied Philip II to England, returned with that monarch to the
Continent in 1557, and was appointed to the archiepiscopal See of
Compostella, made vacant by the death of Cardinal John Tolenton. His
untimely death, however, prevented his consecration. Castro's
best-known works include (1) "Adversus omnes haereses", first published
at Cologne in 1539; (2) "De justa haereticorum punitione" (Salamanca,
1547). Both these works were published in one edition at Paris
(1571-78).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1941" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1941.1" title="Castro Palao, Fernando" type="Encyclopedia">Fernando Castro Palao</term>
<def id="c-p1941.2">
<h1 id="c-p1941.3">Fernando Castro Palao</h1>
<p id="c-p1942" shownumber="no">Spanish theologian, b. at Leon in 1581; d. at Medina, 1 Dec., 1633.
From his earliest youth he gave such proofs of sanctity that he became
known as "the saint," "the angel," "the predestined child." At the age
of fifteen, in 1596, he entered the Society of Jesus, and here his fame
for learning equalled that of his holiness. He taught philosophy at
Valladolid, moral theology at Compostella, Scholastic theology at
Salamanca, and finally became rector of the College of Medina, and
consultor and qualificator of the Holy Inquisition. His death overtook
him while he filled these last three offices. He excelled especially as
a moral theologian; his classes of moral theology were attended by a
greater number of students than were ever known to follow the course at
Compostella. His decisions were regarded as oracles, and the most
difficult cases were submitted to him for solution. St. Alphonsus
numbers him among the principal authorities on moral theology (Dissert.
schol. mor., Naples, 1755, c. iv, n. 119) and Gury calls him "a
probabilist, a most learned, wise, erudite, and prolific author." His
"Opus Morale" comprises seven volumes, and covers in the same number of
treatises, the whole field of moral theology. It appeared first at
Lyon, 1631-51; its fifth edition is dated 1700. A general index to the
whole work is found in the fourth volume of this last edition, and also
in the third edition, which appeared at Venice in 1721. Immediately
after his death (1633) there appeared at Valladolid a meditation book
written by him, entitled, "Manual del Cristiano de varias
consideraciones para el exercico santa de la oracion." The first part
of this work contains meditations on the end of man; the second treats
of the life of Christ and his Blessed Mother; the third considers God
Himself and in his relations to us. An English translation of a letter
of Father Castro Palao on the death of Father Thomas White appeared in
the "Month" for 1890 (vol. 69, pp. 91-93).</p>
<p id="c-p1943" shownumber="no">Sommervogel, Bibliothéque de la c. de J. (Brussels, 1891, II.
col. 867. sq.; Müllendorff in Kirkenlex, s.v.; Hurter, Nomenclator
(Innsbruck, 1892), I, 363.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1944" shownumber="no">A.J. MAAS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1944.1" title="Castro y Bellvis, Guillen de" type="Encyclopedia">Guillen de Castro y Bellvis</term>
<def id="c-p1944.2">
<h1 id="c-p1944.3">Guillen de Castro y Bellvis</h1>
<p id="c-p1945" shownumber="no">Spanish dramatic poet, b. of a noble family at Valencia in 1569; d.
at Madrid in 1631. He appears to have been early distinguished in the
world of letters, for when a very young man we find him a member of the
"Nocturnos", a brilliant Spanish imitation of the "Academies" then
fashionable in Italy. In early life he followed a military career. At
one time he was a captain of cavalry; at another he had an important
command at Naples, through the friendship of the viceroy, Count of
Benavente. Returning to Spain, he gained the favour of the powerful
Count-Duke Olivares, who gave him several posts that were lucrative as
well as honourable. He also gained the friendship of the Duke of Osuna,
who settled an annuity upon him. But if his literary ability won for
him many influential friends, a haughty and sour temper, a discontented
spirit, and great obstinacy soon lost for him whatever advantages he
had gained. He was obliged then to turn to the theatre to earn a
painful subsistence as a dramatic writer. He died in poverty and was
buried by charity. As a lyric and dramatic poet Guillen de Castro had
few if any superiors. He wrote some forty comedies, all of which show
the inventive genius and patriotism of the author, and they enjoyed
great popularity both in and out of Spain. The best known probably are
"Las Mocedades del Cid" in two parts, "Engañarse engañando",
and "Pagar en propia moneda". To the first mentioned Castro owed his
European reputation, for it is from the first part of this play that
the French dramatist Corneille gathered the materials for his own
brilliant tragedy "Le Cid", which, according to Ticknor, did more than
any other drama to determine for two centuries the character of the
theatre throughout Europe. His comedies were published in two parts at
Valencia, in 1621 and 1625 respectively.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1946" shownumber="no">VENTURA FUENTES</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1946.1" title="Casuistry" type="Encyclopedia">Casuistry</term>
<def id="c-p1946.2">
<h1 id="c-p1946.3">Casuistry</h1>
<p id="c-p1947" shownumber="no">The application of general principles of morality to definite and
concrete cases of human activity, for the purpose, primarily, of
determining what one ought to do, or ought not to do, or what one may
do or leave undone as one pleases; and for the purpose, secondarily, of
deciding whether and to what extent guilt or immunity from guilt
follows on an action already posited.</p>
<p id="c-p1948" shownumber="no">Being merely a science of application, casuistry must be based on
the principles and established conclusions of moral theology and
ethics. These normative sciences it presupposes; to them it is
ancillary; and strictly speaking it is distinct from them. It does not
define objective morality, nor the objective circumstances that modify
morality, nor the psychological conditions that fix motive and consent;
but, borrowing from the moralist the principles that determine these
elements of a volitional act, its inquiry regards the extent of their
presence or absence in a given case. Neither does it establish the
existence of moral obligation; but, assuming the precepts of morality
as already established, its only office is to determine the subjective
morality of an individual act. In subordination to the sciences which
it subserves, its sphere comprises the whole range of man's free
activity. The decisions of the casuist are right or wrong, therefore,
in so far as they are or are not in accord with a science of morality,
which is itself a right interpretation of the natural or positive laws
promulgated by the Supreme Legislator of the Universe. They are of no
worth, when based on an arbitrary or purely self-sanctioned autonomous
philosophy of conduct.</p>
<p id="c-p1949" shownumber="no">Since the special function of casuistry is to determine practically
and in the concrete the presence or absence of a definite moral
obligation, it does not fall within its scope to pass judgment on what
would be more advisable, or on what may be recommended as a counsel of
perfection. It leaves these judgments to the sciences to which they
belong, particularly to pastoral and ascetical theology. The prudent
director of consciences, however, being more than a casuist, ought in
giving advice to make use of these other sciences in so far as they are
applicable. Should he fail to do so, the blame cannot be attributed to
casuistry.</p>
<p id="c-p1950" shownumber="no">The necessity of casuistry and its importance are obvious. From the
nature of the case, the general principles of any science in their
concrete application give rise to problems which trained and expert
minds only can solve. This is especially true regarding the application
of moral principles and precepts to individual conduct. For, although
those principles and precepts are in themselves generally evident,
their application calls for the consideration of many complex factors,
both objective and subjective. Only those who unite scientific
knowledge of morality with practice in its application may be trusted
to solve promptly and safely problems of conscience. Personal, social,
commercial, and political experience proves this abundantly. Moral
education requires long, patient, and delicate training, and few
acquire it without the aid of casuistry. The objections that are urged
against casuistry arise from misconception of its purpose and scope, or
from errors and abuses that have sometimes accompanied its practice.
The former are sufficiently disposed of; the latter no more discredit
its legitimate use than the corresponding difficulties which may be
raised against therapeutics or civil law impair the value of these
sciences. Historically considered, casuistry in some form or other is
as old as human conscience. Wherever civilization has developed along
moral lines, there the casuist has been for the interior forum of
conscience what the judge was for the exterior forum of civil legality.
The scope of this article, however, is confined to Catholic casuistry.
The history of this may be divided into three periods:</p>
<h3 id="c-p1950.1">I. FROM THE FIRST TO THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY</h3>
<p id="c-p1951" shownumber="no">During this period, though there are no works treating of casuistry
in a formal and scientific way, practical applications of Christian
morality to the conduct of life are numerous and continuous; first, in
the works of the Fathers and other ecclesiastical writers, in the
decisions of popes and bishops, and in the decrees of councils; later,
in the Scriptural commentaries, the Books of Sentences, and the
Penitential Books.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1951.1">II. THIRTEENTH TO THE MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY</h3>
<p id="c-p1952" shownumber="no">After the Fourth Council of Lateran the reduction to a scientific
form of the casuistic doctrine, which had been gradually developed and
elaborated during the patristic period, began concurrently with an
awakening interest in theological studies and the apostolic activity of
the now flourishing mendicant orders. The work of the Dominican,
Raymund of Pennafort, entitled "Summa de Poenitentia et Matrimonio",
and published about 1235, opened an era in the scientific study of
casuistry, and fixed the manner of treatment which the science retained
for over two hundred years. Two other books exercised an influence
during this period on the formation of scientific casuistry: The "Summa
Astesana", published in 1317 by a Franciscan of Asti in Piedmont; and
the "Summa Pisana", written by the Dominican Bartholomew of San
Concordio, or of Pisa (d. 1347), which treated casuistic subjects
alphabetically, and was the first of a long series of similar works.
The "Summa Summarum", of Sylvester Prierias, O.P. (d. 1523),
practically brings the age of the great "Summists" to a close. St.
Antoninus, O.P., of Florence (d. 1459) is notable in his period for his
"Summa Confessionalis" and "Summa Confessorum", which were followed by
many more manuals of a like kind. He was probably the first who treated
moral theology as a distinct science, and thus prepared the way for
that closer union of treatment between it and casuistry which finally
obtained in the following period.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1952.1">III. MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY TO THE PRESENT TIME</h3>
<p id="c-p1953" shownumber="no">The first hundred years of this period are characterized by a
splendid development of theological sciences, due to the ecclesiastical
reformation begun and carried out by the Council of Trent, to the
institution of a new religious order, the Society of Jesus, and to the
intellectual activity evoked in defence of the Church against the
pseudo-Reformation of Luther and of contemporaneous heresiarchs. In
this progress casuistry shared. Besides the various "Summae Casuum"
which were published, the great theologians of the time, in commenting
on the second part of the "Summa Theologica" of St. Thomas Aquinas,
treated fully and profoundly casuistical questions regarding personal,
social, political, and religious duties, regarding the mutual relations
of states, and regarding the relative rights of Church and State.
During this time moral theology finally attained the dignity of a
special science, and became the explicit basis of casuistry. Prominent
in bringing about this development were John Azor, S.J. (d. 1603),
whose "Institutiones Morales" was printed at Rome in 1600; Paul
Laymann, S.J. (d. 1635), who published at Munich in 1625 his "Theologia
Moralis"; and Hermann Busembaum (d. 1668), whose "Medulla Theologiae
Moralis" became the text for the celebrated commentaries of Claude La
Croix, S.J. (d. 1714), of St. Alphonsus Liguori, and in our time of
Anthony Ballerini, S.J. The progress of casuistry was interrupted
towards the middle of the seventeenth century by the controversy which
arose concerning the doctrine of probabilism. This controversy might
have been conducted with scientific calm and finally disposed of by the
Holy See, but by the injection into it of Jansenistic fanaticism,
sophistry, and satire, real issues were confused, and an embittered
strife arose, which for nearly two centuries disturbed Catholic
schools. The effects on casuistry were deplorable. Two extreme schools,
the Rigorists and the Laxists, came into being, and centred attention
upon themselves. The vast body of conservative theologians were
practically ignored, or charged with laxity because they did not hold
the opinions of a narrow school. The Laxists were taken as typical
casuists, and because some of them were Jesuits, Jesuit morality became
a byword of reproach. The tenets of both Rigorists and Laxists were
repeatedly condemned by ecclesiastical authorities; nevertheless the
repute of sane casuistry suffered not only among the enemies of the
Church, but even to a degree among Catholics also. So much so, that, by
the middle of the eighteenth century the very name of casuistry became
a synonym for moral laxity -- a signification it yet unfortunately
retains in the minds of many whose information on the subject is drawn
from prejudiced sources. When Jansenistic rigorism seemed to have
attained a permanent triumph, especially in France and Spain, relief
was obtained through Alphonsus Maria de Liguori (d. 1787), the saintly
founder of the Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer. By recalling
casuists to the study of their classic authors he restored casuistry
itself to the place its importance and dignity demanded. His first
publication was the "Medulla Theologiae Moralis" of Hermann Busembaum,
S.J., with annotations. In eight successive editions this work was
enlarged and improved, until it became a synopsis of casuistical
literature. The last edition, entitled "Theolgia Moralis", was
published in 1785, and received the approbation of the Holy See in
1803. In 1871 Pius IX proclaimed the saintly author a Doctor of the
Church. The after-history of casuistry is one of peace and development
along the lines laid down by St. Alphonsus.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1954" shownumber="no">TIMOTHY BROSNAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1954.1" title="Caswall, Edward" type="Encyclopedia">Edward Caswall</term>
<def id="c-p1954.2">
<h1 id="c-p1954.3">Edward Caswall</h1>
<p id="c-p1955" shownumber="no">Oratorian and poet, b. 15 July 1814, at Yately, Hampshire, of which
place his father, the Rev. R. C. Caswall, was vicar; d. at the Oratory,
Birmingham, 2 January, 1878. He was educated at Marlborough Grammer
School and at Brasenose College, Oxford, where he was Hulme
exhibitioner. Before leaving Oxford he published, under the pseudonym
of Scriblerus Redivivus, "The Art of Pluck", in imitation of Aristotle,
a witty satire upon the ways of the careless college student, which
still has a circulation. To the eighth edition, in 1843, he wrote a
special preface of regret for certain passages, now excluded, which, at
that later date, he had come to regard as irreverent. In 1838 he was
ordained deacon, and in 1839 priest, in the Church of England. In 1840
he became perpetual curate of Stratford-sub-Castle in the diocese of
his uncle, Dr. Burgess, Bishop of Salisbury. In 1846 he published
"Sermons on the Seen and the Unseen", a volume of thoughtful discourses
marked by the same tender and fervent piety found in his well-known
hymns, and by a clear leaning to certain elements of Catholic doctrine.
Soon afterwards, having come under the influence of Cardinal (then Dr.)
Newman and the "Tracts for the Times", he resigned his curacy and, in
January, 1847, was received into the Church by Cardinal Acton at Rome.
In 1849 Caswall's wife, who had also become a Catholic, died suddenly
of cholera, and early in 1850 he became an Oratorian. In 1852 he was
ordained priest, and lived at the Oratory until his death. He was
buried at Rednal, in the private cemetery of the congregation, near the
grave of Cardinal Newman. Besides various manuals of devotion, several
of which he translated from the French, his principal works are: "Lyra
Catholica", a translation of all the Breviary and Missal hymns with
some others (often reprinted; last edition, London, 1884); "The Masque
of Mary and other Poems", original poetry, thoughtful, imaginative,
tender, and full of zealous faith, a book which drew from Cardinal
Newman, in return, a remarkable poem addressed to the author (reprinted
several times; last edition, London, 1887); "The Catholic's Latin
Instructor in the principal Church offices and devotions" (frequently
reprinted; last edition, London, 1897).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p1956" shownumber="no">K.M. WARREN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p1956.1" title="Catacombs, Roman" type="Encyclopedia">Roman Catacombs</term>
<def id="c-p1956.2">
<h1 id="c-p1956.3">Roman Catacombs</h1>
<p id="c-p1957" shownumber="no">This subject will be treated under seven heads:</p>
<div class="c6" id="c-p1957.1">I. Position;
<br />II. History;
<br />III. Inscriptions;
<br />IV. Paintings;
<br />V. Sarcophagi;
<br />VI. Small Objects Found in the Catacombs;
<br />VII. Catacombs outside Rome.</div>
<h3 id="c-p1957.8">I. POSITION</h3>
<p id="c-p1958" shownumber="no">The soil on which the city of Rome is built, as well as that of the
surrounding district, is of volcanic origin; alluvial deposits are
found only on the right bank of the Tiber, on the downward course of
the stream, below the Vatican. Wherever the volcanic deposits occur
three strata appear, one above the other: the uppermost is the
so-called 
<i>pozzolano</i>, earth from which the Romans, by an admixture of lime,
prepared their excellent cement; next is a stratum of tufa, made up
half of earth and half of stone; the lowest stratum is composed of
stone. From the earliest times the lowest layer was worked as a stone
quarry, and, both in the lowest and uppermost strata, irregularly hewn
galleries are discovered everywhere, as in the Capitoline Hill and in
the suburbs of the city.</p>
<p id="c-p1959" shownumber="no">It was formerly believed that the early Christians used these
galleries as places of burial for their dead. But all the catacombs are
laid out in the middle stratum of tufa, from which no building-material
was obtained. It is only necessary to compare the irregular galleries
of the sand-pits and stone-quarries with the narrow straight passages
and vertical walls of the catacombs in order to recognize the
difference. In some cases an 
<i>arenaria</i>, or sand-pit, forms the starting-point for the laying
out of a catacomb; in other spots the catacombs are connected by a
gallery with the 
<i>arenariae</i> so that entrance could be gained into the Christian
city of the dead, in times of persecution, without exciting notice. The
catacombs are, therefore, entirely of Christian construction. As a rule
a stairway leads below the surface to a depth of from thirty-three to
forty-nine feet or even more; from this point diverge the galleries,
which are from ten to thirteen feet in height, and seldom broader than
would be necessary for two grave-diggers, one behind the other, to
carry a bier. Side galleries branch off from the main galleries,
intersecting other passages. From this level or story steps lead to
lower levels where there is a second network of galleries; there are
catacombs which have three or even four stories, as, for example, the
Catacomb of St. Sebastian. The labyrinth of galleries is incalculable.
It has been asserted that if placed in a straight line they would
extend the length of Italy. Along the passages burial chambers 
(<i>cubicula</i>) open to the right and left, also hewn out of the tufa
rock. In the side walls of the galleries horizontal tiers of graves
rise from the floor to the ceiling; the number of graves in the Roman
catacombs is estimated at two millions. The graves, or 
<i>loculi</i>, are cut out of the rock sides of the gallery, so that
the length of the bodies can be judged from the length of the graves.
When the body, wrapped in cloth, without a sarcophagus, was laid in the
spot excavated for it, the excavation was closed by a marble slab or
sometimes by large tiles set in mortar. For the wealthy and for martyrs
there were also more imposing graves, known as 
<i>arcosolia</i>. An 
<i>arcosolium</i> was a space excavated in the wall above which a
semicircular recess was hewn out, in which a sarcophagus was sometimes
placed; in the excavation below, the body was laid and covered with a
flat marble slab. It was not common to bury the dead beneath the floor
of the passages or burial chambers. At the present day the majority of
the graves are found open, the slabs which once sealed them having
vanished; often nothing remains of the ashes and bones. The rock and
broken material loosened by the constant digging in the innumerable
passages were piled up in the sand-pits nearby, or brought to the
surface in baskets, or were heaped up in the passages which were no
longer visited because the families of the dead had passed away. In
order to obtain light, and above all fresh air, shafts called 
<i>luminaria</i>, somewhat like chimneys, were cut through the soil to
the surface of the ground. These 
<i>luminaria</i>, however, are seldom found before the fourth century,
when the great numbers of the faithful who attended religious services
in the catacombs on the feast days of the martyrs rendered such
precautions for health a necessity. At this date also wider and easier
stairways were made, leading from the surface of the ground into the
depths below.</p>
<p id="c-p1960" shownumber="no">The early Christian name for these places of burial was 
<i>koimeterion</i>, 
<i>coemeterium</i>, place of rest. When, in the Middle Ages, the
recollection of the catacombs passed away, the monks attached to the
church of St. Sebastian on the Via Appia kept the 
<i>coemeterium ad catacumbas</i> on this road accessible for pilgrims.
After the rediscovery and opening of the other 
<i>coemeteria</i>, the name belonging to this one 
<i>coemeterium</i> was applied to all. The catacombs awaken
astonishment on account of the remarkable work of construction which,
in the course of three hundred years, the piety of the early Christians
and their love for the dead produced. In estimating the enormous sum of
money required for the catacombs, it must also be taken into
consideration that the early Christians, by voluntary contributions,
supported the clergy, aided the poor, widows, and orphans, assisted
those sent to prison or the mines on account of their faith, and bought
from the executioners at a large price the bodies of the martyrs.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1960.1">II. HISTORY</h3>
<p id="c-p1961" shownumber="no">The Romans cremated their dead and deposited the ashes in a family
tomb 
(<i>sepulcrum, memoria</i>), or in a vault or common sepulchre 
(<i>columbarium</i>); but the Jews living in Rome retained their native
method of burial, and imitated the rock-graves of Palestine by laying
out cemeteries in the stone-like stratum of tufa around Rome. In this
manner Jewish catacombs were laid out and developed before Christianity
appeared in Rome. Connected with the two chief Jewish colonies, one in
the quarter of the city across the Tiber, and the other by the Porta
Capena, were two large Jewish catacombs, one on the Via Portuensis and
one on the Via Appia, as well as some smaller ones; all are
recognizable by the seven-branched candlestick, which repeatedly
appears on gravestones and lamps.</p>
<p id="c-p1962" shownumber="no">Until after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus (A.D. 70) the
Christians were regarded as a sect of the Jews; hence those Jews who
were converted by the Apostles at Rome were buried in the catacombs of
their fellow-countrymen. The question arises as to where those
converted from heathenism by the Apostles found their last
resting-place. It is a fact to which Tacitus, Suetonius, Dio Cassius,
and other pagan historians bear witness, that as early as the days of
the Apostles members of the higher and of even of the highest ranks of
the nobility had become Christians. These converts of rank from
heathenism had their own tombs, and permitted their brethren in the
Faith to construct, in connection with these family tombs, places of
burial modelled on the Jewish catacombs. This is the origin of the
Christian catacombs. The catacombs of the Apostolic Era are: on the Via
Ardeatina, the catacomb of Domitilla, niece of the Emperor Domitian and
a member of the Flavian family; on the Via Salaria, that of Priscilla,
who was probably the wife of the Consul Acilius Glabrio; on the Via
Appia, that of Lucina, a member of the Pomponian family; on the Via
Ostiensis, that of Commodilla, connected with the grave of St. Paul. At
a later date other catacombs were constructed, nearly all of them
having their origin in a family vault; among them are those of
Caecelia, Prætextatus, Hermes, etc., which still bear the names of
their founders. Again, the grave of a venerated martyr would be another
nucleus of a catacomb, e.g. that of St. Laurence, St. Valentine, or St.
Castulus; such a 
<i>coemeterium</i> would bear the name of the martyr. 
<i>Coemeteria</i> occasionally owed their names to some external
feature as the one 
<i>ad duas lauros</i> (the two laurel trees); this title is still added
to the names of the two martyrs, Peter and Marcellinus, resting there.
Thus in the course of three hundred years some fifty catacombs, large
and small, formed a wide circle around the city, the majority being
about half an hour's walk from the city gate.</p>
<p id="c-p1963" shownumber="no">The question, however, arises as to whether the Christians were able
to construct these subterranean cemeteries without molestation from the
heathens. Undoubtedly the Romans had knowledge of the spots where the
Christians buried their dead; but according to old laws every spot
where a body lay was under the protection of Roman law and custom that
guaranteed the inviolability of burial places. It is true that the
Emperors Decius and Diocletian, at a later date, declared the ground
covering the catacombs to be the property of the State, thus making it
impossible to enter the catacombs by the ordinary ways. But the
successors of Decius and Diocletian repealed these laws as contrary to
the entire spirit of the Roman State. Even though the Christians felt
themselves secure in the catacombs, yet the laying out of the
galleries, the burying of the bodies, the odour of decay, and the
pestilential air in summer, made the lives of the 
<i>fossores</i>, or excavators, one of the greatest self-sacrifice,
while visiting the graves of the departed became much more difficult
for the surviving members of families. Therefore, after the Emperor
Constantine had granted freedom to the Church, and had set an example
for the erection of churches and chapels over the graves of martyrs by
building a basilica over the burial-place of St. Peter and Paul, it
became customary to lay out cemeteries above ground, preferably in the
neighbourhood of such holy spots. At the same time, however, burial in
the catacombs did not fall into disuse, especially as the piety of the
popes and the faithful of the fourth century led to the adorning of the
resting-places of the early martyrs with marbles, paintings, and
inscriptions (see DAMASUS, SAINT, POPE). Furthermore, by enlarging the
burial chambers, by opening shafts for light, and by the construction
of broader stairways, access was made easier for the faithful of Rome
and for pilgrims. Just as, in the course of the fourth century, the
veneration of the martyrs, especially at their graves and on the
anniversaries of their death, became more widespread, so the confidence
in their intercession found its expression in the endeavour to secure
burial in the vicinity of a martyr's tomb.</p>
<p id="c-p1964" shownumber="no">Then came that year of misfortune, 410, when the Goths laid siege to
Rome for months, devastated the surrounding country, and plundered the
city itself. This naturally put an end to burial in the catacombs. In
the following centuries Goths, Vandals, and Lombards repeatedly
besieged and plundered Rome; plague and pestilence depopulated the
region around the city; both the churches over the graves of the
martyrs and the catacombs sank into decay, and shepherds of the
campagna even turned the deserted sanctuaries into sheepfolds. For this
reason Pope Paul I (757-67) began to transfer the remains of the
martyrs to the churches of the city; the work was continued by Paschal
I (817-24) and Leo IV (847-55). As a result the catacombs lost their
attraction for the faithful, and by the twelfth century they were
completely forgotten.</p>
<p id="c-p1965" shownumber="no">In 1578 a catacomb on the Via Salaria was accidentally rediscovered.
It was not, however, until the publication in 1632, after the author's
death, of the "Roma Sotteranea" of Antonio Bosio (q.v.), that attention
was once more called to the catacombs. For nearly forty years, from the
year 1593, Antonio Bosio had devoted himself to finding and exploring
the early Christian cemeteries. The real "Columbus of the catacombs",
however, is Giovanni Battista de Rossi. De Rossi's labours and
publications have led to the wide diffusion of a knowledge of
archaeology and an increased veneration for the catacombs. Among his
works are: "Roma Sotterranea" in three volumes; "Inscriptiones
christianae" in two volumes, and numerous scattered pamphlets and
articles; he also founded and edited the "Bullettino de archeologia
christiana" (since 1863). The Holy See gives between three and four
thousand dollars (18,000 lire) annually for the work in the catacombs,
and the excavations are superintended by a special commission (see
ARCHAEOLOGY, THE COMMISSION OF SACRED). De Rossi died 20 September,
1894, after devoting nearly fifty years, from his earliest youth, to
the exploration of the catacombs and the study of Christian antiquity.
His work was and is carried on by his pupils, among them Armellini,
Stevenson, Marucchi, Wilpert, and others. The publications annually
issued by Catholic and non-Catholic investigators bear witness to the
self-sacrificing zeal and devotion as well as to the sound scholarship
with which the science of Christian antiquities ispursued. In addition
to this the 
<i>Collegium Cultorum Martyrum</i>, by holding religious services
followed by popular addresses on the feast days of the martyrs, in the
various catacombs, endeavours to stimulate the reverence of Romans and
strangers for these noble memorials of the Early Church and to diffuse
the knowledge of them. In all quarters the example of Rome acted as a
stimulus to the study of Christian antiquity and led to exploration and
excavations; unexpected treasures of the first Christian centuries have
been rescued from oblivion in other parts of Italy, in France, Illyria,
Greece, North Africa, Egypt, Palestine, and Asia Minor.</p>
<p id="c-p1966" shownumber="no">At Rome, during the last half-century, excavations were undertaken
in the following catacombs on the outskirts of the city; the catacombs
of Thecla and Commodilla on the Via Ostiensis; the catacomb of
Domitilla on the Via Ardeatina; those of Callistus, Praetextatus, and
Sebastian on the Via Appia; Sts. Peter and Marcellinus on the Via
Labicana; Laurentius and Hippolytus on the Via Tiburtina; Nicomedes,
St. Agnes, and the 
<i>coemeterium majus</i> on the Via Nomentana; Felicitas, Thraso, and
Priscilla on the Via Salaria Nova; Hermes on the Via Salaria Vetus;
Valentinus on the Via Flaminia. On the right bank of the Tiber the
catacombs explored were those of Pontianus and Generosa on the Via
Portuensis. The most thorough explorations were carried out in the
catacombs of Callistus, Domitilla, and Priscilla. In a large number of
cases the graves of the martyrs mentioned in the old authorities
(martyrologies, itineraries, the "Liber pontificalis", and the
legendary accounts of the martyrs) were rediscovered. At the same time
there was dug up a treasure, valuable beyond expectation, of early
Christian epitaphs and paintings, which gave much unlooked-for
information concerning the faith of the early Christians, their
concepts of life, hopes of eternity, family relations, and many other
matters.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1966.1">III. INSCRIPTIONS</h3>
<p id="c-p1967" shownumber="no">Although thousands of inscriptions on the graves of the early
Christians have been lost, and many more contain nothing of importance,
there is still a valuable remainder that yields more information than
any other source concerning the first Christian centuries. That
Christianity as early as the days of the Apostles found entrance into
distinguished families of the Eternal City, and that, as time went on,
it gradually won over the nobility of Rome is evident from the epitaphs
containing the titles 
<i>clarissimi, clarissimae</i> (of senatorial rank), as well as from
epitaphs in which appear the names of noted clans 
(<i>gentes</i>). The change wrought by Christianity in the social
relations of master and slave is plain from the exceedingly small
number of inscriptions containing the words 
<i>servus</i> (slave), or 
<i>libertus</i> (freedman), words which are constantly seen on pagan
gravestones; the often recurring expression 
<i>alumnus</i> (foster-child) characterizes the new relation between
the owner and the owned. Many of the epitaphs give eloquent voice to
the love of married couples, dwelling on the fact that man and wife had
lived chastely 
(<i>virginius, virginia</i>) before entering the married state, on the
virtues of the dead companion and the faithfulness to the departed
observed through long years of solitary life in order that, lying side
by side in the same grave, they might rise together at the
Resurrection. Others record the love of parents for a dead child and
conversely. Reference to the virgin state, which seldom appears in
heathen epitaphs, is often met with in the Christian inscriptions; from
the fourth century on mention is made of a virginity specially
dedicated to God, 
<i>virgo Deo dicata, famula Dei</i>. Besides allusions in the
inscriptions to the various ecclesiastical ranks of bishop, priest,
deacon, lector, and excavator 
(<i>fossor</i>), there are references to physicians, bakers, smiths, and
joiners, often with emblems of the respective instruments. Especially
interesting are inscriptions which throw light on the religious
coneptions of the time, which speak not only of the hope of eternity,
but also of the means of grace on which that hope rests- above all, of
the faith in the one God, and Christ, his Son. They also dwell on
membership in the Church through baptism, and on the relations with the
dead through prayer. Naturally, the older the epitaphs referring to
dogma the greater their importance.</p>
<p id="c-p1968" shownumber="no">Next comes the question as to how the age of an inscription can be
ascertained. In the first place the inscriptions are limited to the
first four centuries of the Christian Era, since, after the invasion of
the Goths (410), burial in the catacombs occurred only in isolated
incidences and soon ceased altogether. The later Roman inscriptions and
all the inscriptions of Gaul, Africa, and the Orient, however such
additional information they may give in regard to dogma, cannot here be
taken into consideration. The most natural and certain method of
determining the age of an inscription, i.e. through the reference it
usually contains to the annual consul, can scarcely be used a dozen
times in the epitaphs of the first two centuries. There are, however,
many auxiliary means of determining the question, as: the names, the
form of the letters, the style, the place of discovery, the pictorial
emblems (varying from the anchor and the fish to the monogram of
Christ); these permit, with a reasonable degree of certainty, the
assignment of inscriptions to the fourth century, to the time before
Constantine, to the beginning of the third or the end of the second
century, or even to an earlier period. The Roman gravestones of the
first four centuries furnish numerous proofs not only for the
fundamental dogmas of the Catholic Church but also for a large
additional number of its doctrines and usages, so that the epitaphs
could be employed to illustrate and enforce nearly every page of a
modern Catholic catechism. Some inscriptions are here given as
examples.</p>
<p id="c-p1969" shownumber="no">Catacomb of Callistus, second century (text somewhat restored):</p>
<p id="c-p1970" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">
<br />PHRONTON epoiesen SEPTIMIOS PRAItextATOS kAIKilianos
<br />O LOYLOS TOY theoY AXIOS BIOsas
<br />OY METENOESA KAN ODE SOI YPERSTESA
<br />KAI EYKArisTESO TO ONOMATI SOY PAredoke
<br />TEN psYCHen TO THEO TRIANTA TRIOn eton
<br />. . . . . EX MENON PETEILos . . . laMPRotatos
<br />ETon . . . paredOKE ten psychen to theo
<br />PRo . . . septEMBRION</p>

<p id="c-p1971" shownumber="no">This inscription was found in a
fragmentary condition along with other inscriptions of the Caecilian
family, near the grave of St. Cecilia. Phronton made the grave. The
epitaph mentions two dead, Septimius Praetextatus Caecilianus and
Petilius, the latter with the additional statement 
<i>Lamprotatos</i>, 
<i>clarissimus</i>, signifying one of senatorial rank. Septimius is
called a "servant of God" and is then represented as speaking: "If I
have lived virtuously I have not repented of it and if I have served
Thee [O Lord] I will give thanks to Thy Name." He "gave up his soul to
God" at the age of thirty-three years and six months. The same
expression, "he gave up his soul to God", is used for Petilius, the
date of whose death is given as before 1 September.</p>
<p id="c-p1972" shownumber="no">Catacomb of Domitilla, second century:</p>

<verse id="c-p1972.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1972.2">C. IVLIA. AGRIPPINA</l>
<l id="c-p1972.3">SIMPLICI. DVLCIS IN</l>
<l id="c-p1972.4">ÆTERNUM</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1973" shownumber="no">"Sweet Simplicius, live in eternity" is
the wish which Caia Julia Agrippina, whose aristocratic name indicates
a very early imperial date, sends after the departed.</p>
<p id="c-p1974" shownumber="no">Catacomb of Domitilla, third century:</p>

<verse id="c-p1974.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1974.2"> . . . . SPIRITVS</l>
<l id="c-p1974.3">TVVS IN REFRIGERIO</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1975" shownumber="no">The beginning of the inscription,
containing the name, has disappeared. "May thy spirit be in
refreshment". The very ancient prayer in the Canon of the Mass entreats
for the dead locum refrigerii, lucis et pacis (a place of refreshment,
light, and peace).</p>

<p id="c-p1976" shownumber="no">Catacomb of Pontianus, beginning of the fourth century:</p>

<verse id="c-p1976.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1976.2">EVTYCHIANO FILIO DVLCISSIMO</l>
<l id="c-p1976.3">EVTYCHIUS PATER [<i>Chi-Rho symbol</i>] V.A.I.M.</l>
<l id="c-p1976.4">II.D IIII DEI SERVS ICHTHYS</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1977" shownumber="no">i.e. "Eutychius, the
father [has erected] the gravestone to his sweetest little son,
Eutychianus. The child who lived one year, two months, and four days
the servant of God." The Greek monogram of the name of Christ 
<i>Chi-Rho</i>, and the "ICHTHYS" scratched on the gravestone, shows
that the child had, through baptism, died a Christian and had been
received into heaven by "Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the Saviour".
(See ANIMALS IN CHRISTIAN ART.)</p>
<p id="c-p1978" shownumber="no">Catacomb of Priscilla, third century (in verse):</p>

<verse id="c-p1978.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1978.2">VOS PRECOR O FRATRES. ORARE. HVC QVANDO VENITIS</l>
<l id="c-p1978.3">ET PRECIBVS. TOTIS. PATREM. NATVMQVE ROGATIS</l>
<l id="c-p1978.4">SIT. VESTRÆ. MENTIS. AGAPES. CARÆ. MEMINISSE</l>
<l id="c-p1978.5">VT DEVS. OMNIPOTENS. AGAPEN IN SÆCVLA SERVET</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1979" shownumber="no">i.e. "I beg you, brethren, whenever ye come hither
[to the service of God] and call in united prayer on the Father and the
Son, that ye remember to think on your loved Agape, that Almighty God
may preserve Agape in eternity." A second, fragmentary, piece of the
inscription recalls the sentence of death pronounced in Paradise, 
<i>de terra sumptus terrae traderis</i> (thou wast taken from the earth
and unto the earth shalt thou return). Agape lived twenty-seven years;
so had it been appointed to her by Christ. The mother, Eucharis, and
the father, Pius, erected the gravestone to her.</p>
<p id="c-p1980" shownumber="no">Catacomb of Commodilla, inscription of A.D. 377:</p>

<verse id="c-p1980.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1980.2">CINNAMIVS OPAS LECTOR TITVLI FASCIOLE AMICVS PAVPERVM</l>
<l id="c-p1980.3">QVI VIXIT ANN. XLVI. MENS. VII. D. VIIII DEPOSIT</l>
<l id="c-p1980.4">IN PACE KAL MART</l>
<l id="c-p1980.5">GRATIANO IIII ET MEROBAVDE COSS</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1981" shownumber="no">i.e. Cinnamius Opas,
lector of the title [church] of Fasciola, a friend of the poor, who
lived forty-six years, seven months, and nine days, and was buried in
peace on 1 March, when Gratian was consul for the fourth time and with
him Merobaudus.</p>
<p id="c-p1982" shownumber="no">Catacomb of Commodilla, A.D. 394:</p>

<verse id="c-p1982.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1982.2">DEP III IDVS MAII OSIMVS QVI</l>
<l id="c-p1982.3">VIXIT ANNVS XXVIII QVI FECIT</l>
<l id="c-p1982.4">CVM CONPARE SVA ANNVS SEPTE</l>
<l id="c-p1982.5">MENSIS VIII BENEMERENTI IN PACE. CON</l>
<l id="c-p1982.6">SVLATV NICOMACI. FLABIANI. LOCV MAR</l>
<l id="c-p1982.7">MARARI QVADRISOMVM</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1983" shownumber="no">i.e. Buried on 13 May, Osimus who
lived twenty-eight years, who was united to his wife seven years and
nine months. May the well-deserving rest in peace. He died during the
consulate of Nicomachus Flavianus. Grave of the stone-mason for four
bodies.</p>
<p id="c-p1984" shownumber="no">Catacomb of Callistus, third century:</p>

<verse id="c-p1984.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1984.2">PETRONIÆ AVXENTIÆ. C.F. QUÆ VIXIT</l>
<l id="c-p1984.3">ANN. XXX. LIBERTI. FECERUNT. BENEMERENTI IN. PACE</l>
</verse>

<p id="c-p1985" shownumber="no">The
freedmen of Petronia Auxentia, the highly born lady (clarissimae
feminae), who died at the age of thirty, made the grave where she rests
in peace. She seems to have had neither children, brothers or sisters,
nor, at the time of her death, parents.</p>
<p id="c-p1986" shownumber="no">Catacomb of Callistus, fourth century:</p>

<verse id="c-p1986.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1986.2">DASVMIA QVIRIACE BONE FEMINE PALVMBRA SENe FELlE . . .</l>
<l id="c-p1986.3">QVÆ VIXIT ANNOS LXVI DEPOSITA IIII KAL MARTIAS IN PACE</l>
</verse>

<p id="c-p1987" shownumber="no">Cyriaca, a member of the noble Dasumian family, who
died at the age of sixty-six years, is called a "dove without
bitterness", a eulogy that is found on other female graves.</p>
<p id="c-p1988" shownumber="no">Catacomb of Callistus, about A.D. 300:</p>
<blockquote id="c-p1988.1"><p id="c-p1989" shownumber="no">With the permission of his Pope Marcellinus (296-304)
Severus the Deacon made in the level of the cemetery of Callistus
directly under that of the pope a family vault, consisting of a double
burial chamber (<i>cubiculum duplex</i>) with arched tombs 
(<i>arcosolia</i>) and a shaft for air and light, as a quiet
resting-place for himself and his family, where his bones might be
preserved in long sleep for his Maker and Judge. The first body to be
laid in the new family vault was his sweet little daughter Severa,
beloved by her parents and servants. At her birth God had endowed her
for this earthly life with wonderful talents. Her body rests here in
peace until it shall rise again in God, Who took away her soul, chaste,
modest, and ever inviolate in His Holy Spirit; He, the Lord, will
reclothe her at some time with spiritual glory. She lived a virgin nine
years, eleven months and fifteen days. Thus was she translated out of
this world.</p></blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1990" shownumber="no">Besides the text of the epitaphs, on many of
the tombstones the ideas are also conveyed by pictures; in this manner
expression is given, above all, to the hope of eternal life for the
dead. First come symbolic pictures and signs: the anchor, the palm, the
dove with the olive-branch, are allegorical symbols of hope, victory,
and everlasting peace; from the third century on appears the fish, the
symbol of Christ. The Good Shepherd carrying the lamb on His shoulders,
and the Orante, both often depicted together, were well-known and
favourite allusions to the joy of heaven. The carving on the tombstone
also copied those paintings on the catacombs that represent Biblical
scenes, e.g. the awakening of Lazarus, the adoration of the Wise Men.
Carvings of an entirely secular character are also found on the
tombstones, namely representations of characteristic tools to indicate
the rank in life or trade of the dead, e.g. for a baker, a grain
measure; for a joiner, a plane; for a smith, an anvil and hammer. If
the dead had borne in life the name of an animal, Leo (lion), Equitius
(from 
<i>equus</i>, a horse), a picture of the particular animal was also cut
on the tombstone. From the time of Constantine the monogram of Christ
was a favourite symbol for use on gravestones.</p>

<h3 id="c-p1990.1">IV. PAINTINGS</h3>
<p id="c-p1991" shownumber="no">The paintings of the catacombs conveyed pictorially the same ideas
as the inscriptions. These frescoes adorn the spaces between the single
graves, ornament the arched niches above the arcosolia, and are
employed to decorate the walls and ceilings of entire burial chambers.
It is true that the paintings are not so easily understood as the
inscriptions or epitaphs, but while the oldest epitaphs afford little
instruction, since they are limited simply to the names of the dead,
the paintings, of which the number is very large, give information
concerning the beginnings of Christianity. Certain fixed types are
repeated in manifold forms, so that one explains another. In the course
of time new types of pictures and new conceptions were developed which
throw a steadily increasing light on the belief and the hope of the
primitive Christians in regard to death.</p>
<p id="c-p1992" shownumber="no">The heathen "who have no hope" might stand disconsolate by the grave
of the departed, they might adorn the 
<i>oeterna domus</i> (the eternal home) of the dead with gay pictures
of ordinary life. The Christians in these paintings of the catacombs
conceived the souls of the dead as Oranti, or praying female figures,
in the bliss of heaven. The Good Shepherd Who lovingly carries the lamb
on His shoulders to the flock that are pastured in Paradise signified
to the Christian the reason for his hope in eternity. The
representations of baptism and of the miraculous multiplication of the
loaves are allusions to the means of grace by which heaven is attained.
After favourable judgment is pronounced, the saints, the advocates or
intercessors, lead the souls into the joys of heaven. To depict the
belief of the early Christians in a future life the art of the
catacombs generally chose episodes from the Old and New Testaments,
episodes to which many allusions still occur in the prayers for the
dying. If death is represented as having entered the world through the
sin of Adam and Eve, the escape from death is indicated in pictures
from the Old Testament showing the rescue of Noe from the Deluge, the
preservation of Isaac from the sacrificial knife of his father Abraham,
the rescue of the Tree Hebrew Children from the fiery furnace, the
escape of Jonas from the belly of the great fish, Susanna's deliverance
with the aid of Daniel from false accusation. From the New Testament
the raising of Lazarus is used as the type of the resurrection from the
dead; the miracles of the Saviour, the healing of the blind, the cure
of the palsied man, are all taken as proofs of the omnipotent power of
the Son of God over sickness and death. The Wise Men from the East
having been the first called out of heathenism, were regarded by the
Christians of the catacombs as their predecessors in the Faith, as
security for the hope that they too might, at some time, adore the Son
of God above. The Mother of God is never separated from the Divine
Child; one of the oldest paintings of the catacombs, painted under the
eyes of the pupils of the Apostles and found in the cemetery of
Priscilla, represents the Virgin holding the Child on her lap, while
the Prophet Isaias, who stands before her, points to the star above the
head of the Mother and Child. In the frequent pictures of the Wise Men
the Virgin is seated on a throne accepting in the name of her Child the
gifts which the Magi bring. A fresco of the third century in the
cemetery of Priscilla represents the annunciation; a painting of the
fourth century in the 
<i>coemeterium majus</i> shows the Virgin as an Orante, before her the
Divine child, who is clearly indicated to be Christ by the monogram of
the name Christ painted to the right and left of the figure. The
enthroned Saviour surrounded by the Apostles, the dead, who are being
led by the saints before the Judge to receive a gracious verdict, the
Wise Virgins at the heavenly wedding feast, all these form the last
links in the chain of heavenly hopes that bind together earth and
heaven, time and eternity.</p>
<p id="c-p1993" shownumber="no">The themes depicted in the purely decorative painting of the burial
chambers, especially that of the ceilings, are largely taken from
concepts peculiar to Christianity: the dove with the olive-branch of
peace, the peacock that in springtime renews its gay plumage, the lamb,
taken as a symbol of the soul, all these continually reappear as
allusions to the consoling hopes cherished in this place of death. When
the artist paints family life, e.g. a picture of a husband, wife, and
child, who occupy a common grave, he represents the three as Oranti
standing with raised hands absorbed in the contemplation of God. There
are some purely secular paintings in the catacombs, e.g. a fresco in
the cemetery of Priscilla representing vine-dressers carrying away a
large cask; in the cemetery of Domitilla, corn-merchants superintending
the unloading of sacks of grain from ships; and in the cemetery of
Callistus, a market-woman selling vegetables.</p>
<p id="c-p1994" shownumber="no">Special reference should be made to the representations of the
Eucharist in connection with the multiplication of the bread when the
Lord fed the multitude with the loaves and fishes. Since the second
century the Early Church regarded the five letters of the Greek word
for fish "ICHTHYS" as the first letters of the words making up the
phrase "IESOUS CHRISTOS THEOU YIOS SOTER" (Jesus Christ, the Son of
God, the Saviour), bread and fish, the food with which Christ had fed
the multitude, were in themselves an allusion to the Eucharistic meal.
Thus in the catacomb of Domitilla a man and his wife are represented
reclining on a cushion, before them a small table holding loaves of
bread and fish; in the cemetery of Priscilla the presiding officer at
the semi-circular table breaks for the guests the round loaves of
bread; the wine-cup with handles stands ready near bread and fish;
baskets on either side holding the miraculously multiplied loaves and
fishes indicate the deeper meaning of the scene. Both paintings belong
to the earliest Christian art. There is in the catacomb of Callistus a
painting of a large fish; close before or above the fish is a woven
basket on the top of which lie round loaves of bread; the front part of
the basket has a square opening in which is seen a glass containing red
wine. In the six so-called Chapels of the Sacraments of the same
catacomb various representations of the Eucharist appear in combination
with pictures of baptism, the raising of Lazarus, a ship, etc. Bread
and fish are shown lying on a table; on one side stands Christ, Who
stretches a hand in blessing over the food; on the other side is an
Orante, the symbol of the soul, which in this meal receives the pledge
of the heavenly one. The opposite picture represents the sacrifice of
Isaac. In a third picture, placed between these two, guests sit around
a table on which are bread and fish; in the foreground stand the
baskets holding the miraculously multiplied loaves. These and similar
pictures, all belonging to the first half of the third century, are
based upon the thought that the Eucharistic meal has been prepared for
us by the Saviour as the pledge and type of the heavenly one.</p>
<p id="c-p1995" shownumber="no">Catholic writer have at times found a richer dogmatic content in the
pictures of the catacombs than a strict examination is able to prove;
but Protestant scholars go to the other extreme when they claim that
the "dogmatic results" obtained from the early Christian pictures are
exceedingly small. Although it is willingly acknowledged that
non-Catholic writers have occasionally placed a picture in a proper
light, it is nevertheless necessary to protest against the attempt to
eliminate from the early Christian memorials all dogmatic proof for the
faith of the Catholic Church.</p>
<p id="c-p1996" shownumber="no">Just as it is of importance to settle the dates of inscriptions, so
also it is essential to determine as nearly as possible when paintings
were executed; there are for the paintings, as for the inscriptions,
indications which serve as clues. The artistic value of the pictures
increases the closer they approach the golden age of profane art. In
the second and third centuries the pictures were lightly sketched and
painted in transparent colours on a carefully prepared background of
plaster. During this period the artist did not follow set patterns, but
was under the necessity at first of devising forms in which to express
his new Christian ideas. As secular art fell into decay Christian art
experienced the same decline. Another aid in determining the age of a
fresco is given by the site in a catacomb where a picture has been
painted, whether in the oldest part or in a later addition. As time
went on the painter's range of artistic conceptions enlarged; thus in
the third and fourth centuries scenes were depicted which were foreign
to earlier Christian art. When in the fourth century the newly-erected
basilicas were ornamented with mosaics, the same form of decoration was
also introduced into the catacombs; this is shown in a mosaic depicting
as an Orante a person who had died. The ornamentation of the places of
interment came to an end with the above-mentioned cessation of burial
in the catacombs; in lieu of this the graves of the martyrs were now
decorated, generally with pictures of the saints, who are represented
grouped around the Saviour. These paintings form a class apart from the
other pictures of the catacombs on account of the constant decline in
the artistic execution and because of the subjects of the composition.
The last pictures painted in the catacombs are some executed in the
ninth century in the crypt of St. Cecilia. St. Cecilia herself is
represented as an Orante in the garden of heaven; there is also
preserved in this crypt a bust-fresco of Christ in a niche, next to
which is a picture of Pope St. Urban who buried the martyr, St.
Cecilia.</p>
<h3 id="c-p1996.1">V. SARCOPHAGI</h3>
<p id="c-p1997" shownumber="no">In ancient Rome citizens of rank built for themselves family tombs
on the great military roads; the structure above ground 
(<i>monumentum</i>) was adorned with statues and inscriptions, while the
bodies were deposited in stone coffins (sarcophagi) or, when cremated,
in funerary urns in a subterranean vault or 
<i>hypogoeum</i>. The freedmen and clients of the noble family to whom
the tomb belonged were buried in graves made in the upper stratum of
the earth of the 
<i>area monumenti</i>, or plot of ground or garden in which the tomb
stood. These graves were indicated by 
<i>stelae</i>, or stone slabs, which gave the names of the dead. Those
who were first converted from heathenism to Christianity were interred
in a similar manner. This is evident both from the 
<i>hypogoeum</i> of the Flavian family, which has horizontal niches to
the right and left for the sarcophagi, and from the 
<i>stelae</i> with symbols or inscriptions that are Christian in
character, although, as is easily understood, such telae are not
numerous. The example of the Jews, however, led very early to the
excavation, in the enclosure of the 
<i>area monumenti</i>, of subterranean galleries or passage ways, the
walls of which offered ample space for single graves or 
<i>loculi</i>. From the beginning burial in sarcophagi was, on account
of the expense, a privilege of the rich and of people in rank; this is
also one reason why Christian sculpture developed later than Christian
painting. As the Christians were obliged at first to buy sarcophagi
from heathen stone-masons they avoided purchasing those with
mythological scenes. They preferred such as were ornamented with
carvings of scenes from pastoral life, the harvest and vintage; at
times they selected sarcophagi merely ornamented on the front with wave
lines 
(<i>strigili</i>), as for example, the sarcophagus of Petronilla, a
relative of the imperial Flavian family, which was found in the
catacomb of Domitilla. The only decoration of this sarcophagus, outside
of the wave lines, were figures of lions at the corners; on the upper
edge of the sarcophagus was the inscription:</p>

<verse id="c-p1997.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p1997.2">AVRELIAE. PETRONILLAE. FILIAE. DVLCISSIMAE.</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="c-p1998" shownumber="no">"To Aurelia Petronilla, sweetest daughter". There 
are still in the
catacombs of Priscilla, Domitilla, and Prætextatus a number of
sarcophagi, the most ancient of which show no Christian sculpture.</p>
<p id="c-p1999" shownumber="no">It was not until towards the end of the third century that Christian
sarcophagi were ornamented with sculpture; at first the carvings were
small figures of the Good Shepherd or an Orante placed where the 
<i>strigili</i> came together, or else Christians symbols were carved
on the 
<i>tabella inscriptionis</i>, i.e. the flat slab closing the grave in
which the epitaph was cut. A Christian stone-mason, probably, cut these
Christian emblems on sarcophagi made in heathen workshops. The oldest
sarcophagus showing Christian emblems carved in relief is one found in
the Vatican quarter and now in the Lateran Museum; it has in excellent
work, between two scenes of family life, an Orante, symbolical of the
person buried, and the Good Shepherd. Another sarcophagus, also
belonging to the time before Constantine and in the same museum, has as
its chief decoration the story of Jonas; around this scene are grouped
representations of Noe, the raising of Lazarus, Moses smiting the rock
in the wilderness, a pastoral scene, and purely secular fishing
scenes.</p>
<p id="c-p2000" shownumber="no">Christian sculpture on sarcophagi was not fully developed until
about the middle of the fourth century; two sarcophagi of this period,
that of Junius Bassus in the crypt of St. Peter's, and another similar
in style, in the Lateran Museum, are the finest examples of early
Christian carving. When it became customary, in the vicinity of the
great basilicas, to build mausoleums or mortuary chapels, in which the
sarcophagi were either sunk in the ground or exposed along the walls,
sculpture as a Christian art developed rapidly. The growth was perhaps
too rapid, for the comparatively small number of Christian sculptors
could only meet the constantly increasing demand by over-hasty or
half-finished work. To this period which extended from the second half
of the fourth into the first decades of the fifth century belong by far
the greater part of the sarcophagi found, most of which are in the
Lateran Museum. The terrible misfortunes that befell Rome after it had
been conquered and plundered by the Goths in 410 checked and finally
put an end to carved decoration on Christian sarcophagi.</p>
<p id="c-p2001" shownumber="no">Naturally, the reliefs of the sarcophagi show the same fundamental
ideas as are expressed in the paintings of the catacombs, and they are
conveyed by the presentation of the same Biblical scenes. Plastic art,
however, followed its own course in the development of the themes. This
is evident from the large number of figures employed for the scenes,
and still more from the great variety of new subjects which were
introduced into the domain of Christian art. When Adam and Eve are
shown, it is not, as in the frescoes, merely with the tree and the
serpent; in sculpture the second Adam, Christ, is represented standing
between the first pair, offering to Adam a sheaf of grain and to Eve a
goat, symbols of labour in the field and household occupations. While
in the frescoes Moses stands alone when he smites the rock with his
staff that the water may gush out, the sculptured relief includes the
Jews quenching their thirst. The same difference is evident in the
representation of the raising of Lazarus; whereas in sculpture the two
sisters and some witnesses of the miracle fill out the scene, in the
frescoes the figures are limited to the chief personages. The range of
subjects is increased by the addition of other incidents from the old
Testament, e.g. the passage of the Israelites through the Red Sea,
symbolic of baptism, and the vision of Ezechiel, intended an as
allusion to the resurrection of the body; more especially, however, by
fresh scenes from the life of Christ. The carvings representing the
manger, the scenes from the Passion, and the prominence given to the
position and office of Peter in the Christian scheme of salvation, have
no parallel in the paintings of the catacombs. Only once in the
catacombs is the birth of Christ taken as a subject of a painting, and
this is a fresco of a very late date in the catacomb of St. Sebastian.
The reliefs on the sarcophagi show the little Child lying in the manger
with the Virgin sitting near by on a knoll; behind her stands Joseph
while the ox and ass are placed to one side, and above shines the star
that guides the Wise Men. The Virgin is often represented sitting on a
throne and holding the Child forward on her hands to receive the
adoration of the Magi. As regards scenes from the Passion, Christians
preferred, during the centuries of persecution, to represent the
Saviour as the Son of God, full of miraculous power, as the conqueror
of death and surrounded by His heavenly glory, rather than in His
sufferings and death on the Cross. As Christianity advanced, however,
in its conquest of heathenism, the faithful turned their attention more
to the sufferings of Christ. Still, although sculpture ventured to
present scenes from Christ's Passion, His humiliation was always
accompanied by an allusion to His glory; at the foot of the empty Cross
sleep the watchers by the grave, above the Cross is the monogram of
Christ enclosed in a victor's wreath; or Christ is represented seated
on the throne of His heavenly glory in the midst of scenes from His
Passion. The subjects chosen from the Passion are the prediction of the
denial of Peter, the washing of the feet, the crowning with thorns,
Pilate's judgment, with the Old Testament prototype of the sacrifice of
Isaac as contrasting relief. The manner in which the Church of the
fourth century regarded the office of Peter is plain from the
preference shown for representations of the 
<i>traditio legis</i> in which Peter, as the Moses of the New Covenant,
receives from the hand of Christ 
(<i>Dominum legem dat</i>), the New Testament, the 
<i>Lex</i> or law that he was to proclaim and explain to Christians.
The different scenes of the reliefs were separated from one another by
arcades, or perhaps by trees, or, frequently they followed one another
directly; the numerous incidents carved on large sarcophagi were often
arranged in two rows, one over the other. In this disposition plastic
art followed the model set by the mosaics in the great basilicas.</p>
<p id="c-p2002" shownumber="no">Although single scenes carved on the sarcophagi are not difficult to
explain, yet where the composition is more complicated it is often not
easy to discover the leading thought, as the artist was apt to run
scenes together. An example will make this clear. On a sarcophagus in
the Lateran Museum the following scenes succeed one another from left
to right: the sacrifices of Cain and Abel; Peter led to execution; the
triumph of the Cross; the beheading of Paul; Job. The question arises
as to why the figures are thus arranged. In the death of Abel the
judgment pronounced on the whole human race in Paradise was executed
for the first time, while Job is the great herald of the Resurrection:
"I know that my Redeemer liveth, and in the last day I shall rise out
of the earth. And I shall be clothed again with my skin, and in my
flesh I shall see my God" (xix, 25). The fulfilment of this hope is
shown by the two Apostles and the glory of the risen Saviour. On many
of the sarcophagi, however, especially those belonging to the period of
the decline of Rome, the compositions lack a central thought and are
arranged either according to the fancy of the sculptor or according to
the command and desire of the purchaser.</p>
<p id="c-p2003" shownumber="no">Outside of the sarcophagi the most important early Christian
sculpture is the life-size statue of St. Hippolytus, bishop and martyr,
in the Lateran Museum, which was dug up near the catacomb bearing his
name. The statue, of which only the lower half has been preserved,
belongs to the middle of the third century. The figure of the Good
Shepherd, also in the Lateran Museum, belongs probably to the time
before Constantine; there are, besides, some other statuettes of the
Good Shepherd, which are assigned to the second half of the fourth
century. Of the work of the stone-masons and sculptors in the 
<i>cubicula</i> of the martyrs, and in the ornamentation of the altars,
choir-screens, pulpits, Easter candlesticks, etc., of the great
basilicas only scanty remains have been preserved. Early Christian
sculpture reached its zenith in the first half of the fourth century
when it joined in the triumph of the Christian religion as it emerged
from the catacombs. Sculpture was employed at this period chiefly to
ornament Christian graves with symbols of religious hope in the risen
Christ.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2003.1">VI. SMALL OBJECTS FOUND IN THE CATACOMBS</h3>
<p id="c-p2004" shownumber="no">The ornaments which the early Christians put in the graves, the
lamps and perfume bottles that they placed outside, the coins, pieces
of glass, and rings, that were pressed, to distinguish the spot, into
the fresh plaster that sealed the opening, all these remains of early
Christianity are often of artistic and scientific value. Both the coins
and the factory stamps on the tiles that sealed the grave are in many
instances important clues to the age of a gallery in a catacomb, as
well as to the date of the inscriptions and paintings that may be found
in it.</p>
<p id="c-p2005" shownumber="no">Earthen lamps were set in the fresh plaster sealing the slab which
closed the grave, or were placed on projecting mouldings in the 
<i>cubicula</i>, and these lamps in the early period were very simple.
It was not before the middle of the fourth century that Christian
potters began to ornament lamps with Christian pictures and symbols;
these consisted mainly of the Biblical scenes already noted in the
frescoes, e.g. Jonas, the Good Shepherd, Oranti, the Three Hebrew
Children in the fiery furnace. In addition to these, other Biblical
characters were introduced, e.g. Josue and Caleb carrying the great
bunch of grapes, the three angels visiting Abraham, Christ carrying the
Cross and adored by angels. A large number of the lamps of this period
are ornamented with pictures of animals (the lion, peacock, cock, hare,
fish), shells, trees, geometrical designs, for both Christian and
heathen potters chose ornaments without a religious character in order
to offend neither Christian nor pagan customers. A number of bronze
lamps have also been preserved, many with three small chains for
hanging; but metal lamps were more used in the homes than in the
catacombs. The most important group of these small objects of early
Christian times is that of the so-called "gilded glasses", or the bases
of glass drinking-vessels with Biblical incidents, pictures of saints,
or family scenes, designed in gold-leaf and laid between two layers of
glass; most of these glasses belong to the fourth century. Such
drinking cups or glass mugs were popular as presents at baptisms and
wedding anniversaries; they were also probably used at the love-feasts,
or 
<i>agapæ</i>, which, on the great feast days of the saints, were
spread for the poor in the porticoes of the porches. This explains the
great number of gilded glasses ornamented with the portraits of the two
chief Apostles. The designs shown by such glasses vary greatly; they
throw valuable light on the paintings, the ornamentation of the lamps,
the carvings of the sarcophagi, and in many ways are of dogmatic
importance. Thus the design of Moses smiting the rock in the wilderness
and the water gushing forth bears the inscription "Petrus", a proof
that the early Christians saw in the leader of the Israelites the
prototype of Peter, who in this case is regarded as the mediator for
the Christian springs of grace, and in the pictures of the Transmission
of the Law 
(<i>Dominus legem dat</i>), as the mediator of the truths of salvation.
When these gilded glass mugs or cups were broken, the bases containing
in gold-leaf the religious pictures were set in the mortar sealing the
grave. No whole glasses have been preserved, and these bases are only
found in the catacombs.</p>
<p id="c-p2006" shownumber="no">Much discussion has arisen over the ampullae said to contain blood.
These are small earthen pots or phials and vessels of glass containing
a reddish-brown deposit on the inner side, that have been found secured
in the outer surface of the mortar seal of large numbers of graves.
This incrustation was held to be the blood of the martyrs, and each
grave where such a phial was found was believed to be the burial place
of a martyr; accordingly in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
the bones discovered in these graves were presented, as the remains of
martyrs, to the churches of Italy and beyond the Alps. This assumption
was not shaken by the fact that many of these vessels were found on the
graves of children, and that the statements as to the consul given in
the epitaphs showed dates at the end of the fourth century when
martyrdom was no longer suffered. it is now universally held by
scholars that these vessels contained pungent essences intended to
counteract the odour of the decay perceptible in the galleries of the
catacombs. In the same way folded linen has been found inside the
graves, which when burned still gives out a strong and agreeable scent;
this linen must have been soaked with essences to attain the same end,
i.e. to overcome the smell of decay. While in the last few decades the
places of Christian burial of the fifth and sixth centuries in Egypt
have yielded a large amount of well-preserved materials and woven
fabrics, the garments and cloths in which the bodies in the Romans
catacombs were wrapped have all mouldered away. It is only where the
dead were enveloped in cloth worked with gold threads that the threads
have been partially preserved, as in the case of St. Hyacinth. De Rossi
found a body in the catacomb of St. Callistus that had been wrapped in
cloth with gold threads. Within recent years a grave was discovered in
the catacomb of Priscilla where the cloths are still preserved in which
the bones lie, but it is rightly feared that they will fall to dust
when brought into the air. Once a year at St. Peter's a large carpet is
exhibited that has sewn into it the so-called 
<i>coltre</i>, or cloth, in which, it is supposed, martyrs were buried.
Taking its genuineness for granted, this cloth is the only woven fabric
now existing at Rome which has been preserved from the time of the
primitive Roman Church.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2006.1">VII. CATACOMBS OUTSIDE OF ROME</h3>
<p id="c-p2007" shownumber="no">It was impossible to lay out subterranean passages in the Mons
Vaticanus because the soil there is not of volcanic formation, but
consists of alluvial deposits. Consequently there is no catacomb around
the grave of St. Peter; the faithful who wished to have their last
resting-place near the tomb of the Apostle were buried close to the
surface of the ground. Such cemeteries were probably laid out wherever
the formation was not suitable for the excavation of subterranean
passages, at the same time such 
<i>areae</i> or cemeteries of the Christians had no protection against
desecration by a maddened mob. Where the soil allowed it, therefore,
underground cemeteries were excavated. A number of small catacombs lay
at a short distance from Rome, e.g. those of St. Alexander on the Via
Nomentana, and St. Senator at Albano; the former has some importance on
account of its epitaphs, the latter on account of its paintings. The
town of Chiusi in central Italy has a catacomb called St. Mustiola,
Bolsena that of St. Christina. At Naples the catacombs of St. Januarius
preserve paintings, e.g. of Adam and Eve, belonging to the best period
of early Christian art. Sicily has numerous catacombs, especially in
the neighbourhood of Syracuse; the museum of Syracuse, besides
epitaphs, lamps, and other objects, contains a very beautiful early
Christian sarcophagus. There are also several small catacombs on the
Island of Malta, and others in Sardinia, the latter having beautiful
frescoes of the fourth century. In 1905 a large catacomb was discovered
in North Africa near Hadrumetum in which the graves as a rule had not
been opened, but unfortunately they are poor in epitaphs, paintings,
and small objects. In all these the objects most frequently found are
lamps, without ornamentation of importance. The Greek monogram of
Christ, so often found on the Roman lamps of the fourth century, is
also met on the lamps in the catacombs outside Rome, and in some places
is the only sure proof of the Christian character of the burial
place.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2008" shownumber="no">ANTON DE WAAL</p></def>

<term id="c-p2008.1" title="Catafalque" type="Encyclopedia">Catafalque</term>
<def id="c-p2008.2">
<h1 id="c-p2008.3">Catafalque</h1>
<p id="c-p2009" shownumber="no">Catafalque, derived from the Italian word 
<i>catafalco</i>, literally means a scaffold or elevation, but in its
strictly liturgical sense the word is employed to designate the
cenotaph-like erection which is used at the exequial offices of the
Church, and takes the place of the bier whenever the remains are not
present. It is covered with a black cloth or pall, on which there is a
cross either of white or some other colour (De Herdt, Praxis Sac. Lit.,
II, 328). The catafalque is usually placed immediately outside the
sanctuary, and is the centre of the ceremonies of that part of the
exequial office known as the absolution, receiving the same attention
as the corpse would if present. Hence it is that lights burn around the
catafalque during the function, and it is aspersed with holy water and
incensed. During the absolution at the catafalque the cross-bearer
should always stand between it and the door of the church, the
celebrant or officiant being at the other end, between it and the
sanctuary. When it is not possible for any reason to have a catafalque,
its place may be supplied by a square piece of black cloth 
(<i>pannus niger</i>), which should be laid in front of the lowest step
of the altar, and be sprinkled with holy water and incensed at the
proper time by the officiant. Formerly the word was used to designate
the bier or structure on which the corpse rested. No flowers should be
used in connection with it, but it is allowable in the case of deceased
prelates to mount their insignia to show the dignity, and in the case
of nobles to display the family coat of arms, together with coronets,
orders, and other insignia, to show the rank of the deceased. A very
notable monument of this kind was that erected to the memory of
Michelangelo by his brother artists on the occasion of his funeral in
the Church of Santa Croce, Florence.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2010" shownumber="no">PATRICK MORRISROE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2010.1" title="Catalani, Giuseppe" type="Encyclopedia">Giuseppe Catalani</term>
<def id="c-p2010.2">
<h1 id="c-p2010.3">Giuseppe Catalani</h1>
<p id="c-p2011" shownumber="no">(CATALANO, CATALANUS).</p>
<p id="c-p2012" shownumber="no">A Roman liturgist of the eighteenth century, member of the Oratory
of San Girolamo della Carita (Hieronymite), famous for his correct
editions of the chief liturgical books of the Roman Church, which are
still in habitual use, and which he enriched with scholarly
commentaries illustrative of the history, rubrics, and canon law of the
Roman Liturgy. Among these are the "Pontificale Romanum" (3 vols. in
fol., Rome, 1738-40, reprinted at Paris, 1850; re-edited by Muhlbauer,
Augsburg, 1878), with a learned introduction and notes, and based on
the best manuscripts; "Caeremoniale episcoporum" (2 vols., in fol.,
Rome, 1747, with copperplate engravings; reprinted at Paris, 1860);
"Sacrarum Caeremoniaryum sive rituum ecclesiasticorum S. R. ecclesiae
libri tres" etc. (1 vol. in fol., Rome, 1750-51); "Rituale Romanum
Benedicti XIV jussu editum et auctum" etc. (Rome, 1757, 2 vols. in
fol.). Catalani is also the author of works on the history, series,
duties, and privileges of two important curial offices: "De Magistro
Sacri Palatii libri duo" (Rome, 1751) and "De Secretario S. Congreg.
Indicis libri duo" (Rome, 1751). We owe him also annoted editions of
two works much used for the spiritual formation of the Catholic clergy:
the letter of St. Jerome "ad Nepotianum suum" (Rome, 1740) and St. John
Chrysostom's work on the priesthood (De Sacerdotio, Rome, 1740). His
(rare) historical treatise on the reading of the Gospels at Mass, its
origin, ancient usages, etc. ("De codice Evangelii", Rome, 1733; see
"Acta erudit. Lips.", 1735, 497-99) is yet highly appreciated by all
liturgists. He belongs also among the best historians of the ecumenical
councils by reason of his edition of their decrees, which Father Hurter
calls a very learned 
(<i>plane docta</i>) work. "Sacrosancta concilia oecumenica commentariis
illustrata" (Rome, 1736-49). Finally, he offers no slight interest to
the ecclesiastical scholars of the New World because of his new edition
(Rome, 1753, 6 vols. in fol.) of Cardinal d'Aguirre's "Collectio maxima
conciliorum Hispaniae et Novi Orbis", i.e. Mexico and South America
(first published at Rome, in 1693).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2013" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2013.1" title="Catalonia" type="Encyclopedia">Catalonia</term>
<def id="c-p2013.2">
<h1 id="c-p2013.3">Catalonia</h1>
<p id="c-p2014" shownumber="no">A principality within the Spanish Monarchy, occupying an area of
12,414 square miles in the north-east corner of the Iberian Peninsula.
The name is derived either from the compound 
<i>Gath-Alania,</i> referring to the occupation of that region by the
Goths and Alans, or from 
<i>Gothaland,</i> or from 
<i>Catalanos,</i> supposed to have been the name of an indigenous
people identical with Ptolemy's 
<i>Catalauni,</i> or, according to others again, from Otger Catalo, a
hero of the Eastern Pyrenees who vanquished the Saracens about the year
756. The principality forms a right-angled triangle, of which the least
side lies along the Eastern Pyrenees, the greater leg of the right
angle forming the boundary of Aragon, while the hypotenuse of the
triangle is represented by the Mediterranean coastline. Thus Catalonia
is bounded on the north by France (the ancient province of Roussillon)
and the little independent republic of Andorra, on the west by Aragon,
on the south-west by Valencia, and on the east by the Mediterranean.
Its surface slopes gently from the Pyrenees down to the sea-coast on
the one side and the basin of the Mediterranean on the other, the
eastern portion being drained directly into the Mediterranean by the
Ter and Llobregat rivers, the western by the Noguera and Segre into the
Ebro. Of these rivers, only the Ebro is really navigable in any part of
its course, though the Segre is used as a waterway for timber and the
produce of the upland country.</p>
<p id="c-p2015" shownumber="no">According to the census of 1900, Catalonia had a population of
1,960,620–an average of about 157.25 to the square mile. Its
climate, somewhat cold in the north-east, is generally very temperate,
the olive and fig being cultivated throughout and the orange in the
maritime regions, which compare in beauty with the most celebrated
portions of Greece and Italy.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2015.1">HISTORY</h3>
<p id="c-p2016" shownumber="no">Peopled, according to the most probable opinion, by Iberian races,
Catalonia was from the earliest ages invaded by foreign settlers, the
Greeks in particular founding the colonies of Rhodon (Rosas) and
Emperion (Ampurias) on the beautiful Gulf of Rosas. The Carthaginians
left no traces of their presence in Catalonia, although Hannibal
marched across it; but the Romans, conquerors of Carthage, making
themselves masters of the country, founded its civilization and its
language. The Catalan language, a neo-Latin dialect, differs from
Castilian chiefly in the absence of doubled vowels and in the
suppression of the unaccented syllables which follow an accent (e. g. 
<i>temps,</i> for Castilian 
<i>tiempo,</i> "time"; 
<i>foc</i> for 
<i>fuego,</i> "fire"). Catalonia forms part of the Roman 
<i>Hispania Tarraconensis</i> and 
<i>Citerior,</i> and the country is still full of Roman remains. It
next formed the first State established by the Goths in Spain, Astolfo
having set up his court at Barcelona. When the Arabs took possession of
Spain the lot of the Catalans was particularly hard, since their
country, lying directly in the path which the Emirs followed on their
victorious expeditions into Gaul, found it impossible to begin such a
struggle for independence as the Asturians and the Aragonese had begun.
But after the conquest of the Mohammedans by Charles Martel, and their
expulsion from Gallia Narbonensis, the Catalans could lift up their
heads among the recesses of the Pyrenees, where they gathered under the
leadership of Quintillian, an independent chief in the district of
Montgrony. Soon Charlemagne began his expeditions into Catalonia (778),
conquering Gerona, Barcelona, Ausona (the modern Vich), and Urgel.
Louis the Pious, son and successor of Charlemagne, formally undertook
the conquest of Catalonia, which, under the name of Marca Hispanica
(the Spanish March), he entrusted to Borrel. This district was ruled by
dependent counts from 801 to 877, and in the latter year this dignity
was made hereditary by the Diet of Quercy, Wilfrid the Hairy beginning
a dynasty of counts who in a short time became independent. Wilfrid set
the boundaries of his dominions at the rivers Segre and Llobregat, and
founded the monasteries of Ripoll and Montserrat, the two centres of
Catalan national life.</p>
<p id="c-p2017" shownumber="no">Wilfrid was succeeded by Borrel I, Suñer, and Borrel II, in
whose time Almansor took and sacked Barcelona (985). In this period we
find Catalonia divided into various countships–Barcelona, Ausona,
Urgel, Ampurdán, Perelada, Besalú, Gerona, etc.–now
united, now separated, until the time of Berenger III. Ramón
Berenger I, the Old (1035-1076), published the 
<i>Usatges</i> (Customs), the first civil code of the Reconquest
(1071), and left the throne to his two sons, of whom Ramón
Berenger II, called the Fratricide, because he was believed to have put
his brother to death, was vanquished in an ordeal by combat, and
journeyed to the Holy Land in penance for his crime. Ramón
Berenger III, the Great, married Dulcia, heiress of Provence, united
the two countships, and entered upon the Aragonese policy of
intervention in Italian affairs. Ramón Berenger IV, the Saint,
married Petronilla, daughter and heiress of Ramiro the Monk, thus
bringing about the union (1137) of Aragon and Catalonia (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2017.1">Castile and Aragon</span>); he also finished the
reconquest of Catalonia, capturing the cities of Tortosa and Lerida.
After Alfonso-Ramón, who succeeded to the kingdom and the
countship in 1162, the histories of Catalonia and of Aragon are one.
Especially worthy of note here are the conquests of Valencia (1238) and
the Balearic Isles (1229), won chiefly by Jaimé the Conqueror. The
latter were peopled mostly with Catalans, as the island dialects prove,
the Majorcan still preserving a base of archaic Catalan, while in the
Valencian there is an influx of Aragonese. The Order of Mercy, for the
redemption of captives, originally an order of knighthood, was founded
on Catalan soil, in 1223, by St. Peter Nolasco and St., Raymund of
Peñafort. In 1225, Philip the Bold, King of France, laid siege to
Gerona and was defeated on the Coll de les Panises. An expedition of
Catalan and Aragonese allies, summoned to the Levant by the Byzantine
Emperor Andronicus Palæologus, and commanded by Roger de Flor,
founded, in 1313, the Latin Duchies of Athens and Neo Patra. Lastly, it
was with Catalan sailors and fleets that the kings of Aragon,
intervening in the affairs of Italy, possessed themselves of the
Kingdom of Sicily (1282) and Naples (1420).</p>
<p id="c-p2018" shownumber="no">Castilian influence began to make itself felt in Catalonia from the
time when the Castilian dynasty, in the person of Fernando I, of
Antequera, ascended the throne of Aragon. The first important collision
between Catalonia and her Castilian rulers had its origin in the
persecution which Juan II, the husband of Doña Juana Enriquez,
carried on against his son, the Prince of Viana, who was generally
beloved by the Catalans. From this resulted a war lasting twelve years.
The marriage of Fernando (Ferdinand) II of Aragon with Isabel of
Castile established Spanish unity and Castilian preponderance, to
which, also, the discovery of America in the name of Castile, together
with the diversion of commerce from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic,
and the consequently diminishing economic importance of Barcelona and
other ports on that coast, largely contributed. Catalonia no doubt
played an important part in the direction of Spanish policies in Italy,
and the principality lived in a state of contentment under the first
three Austrian monarchs. But the misgovernment of Philip IV provoked an
uprising in Catalonia (Feast of Corpus Christi, 1640), and the
insurgents named Louis XIII of France Count of Barcelona. This
insurrection, however, was suppressed by the Castilians. In the War of
the Succession Catalonia embraced the cause of the Archduke of Austria
against Philip V, who punished the Catalans (1713) by abolishing their
ancient 
<i>fueros,</i> or constitutional rights. Catalonia was the first region
of Spain to rise against the Napoleonic tyranny, and overthrew the
French in 1808.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2018.1">ACTUAL CONDITIONS</h3>
<p id="c-p2019" shownumber="no">What was anciently the Countship of Barcelona is now the
Principality of Catalonia, divided into the four provinces of
Barcelona, Tarragona, Lerida, and Gerona.</p>
<p id="c-p2020" shownumber="no">The Province of Barcelona, with an area of 2965 square miles,
includes 327 municipalities. Its principal city, Barcelona (pop.
525,977), beautifully situated between the sea and a chain of verdant
mountains, possesses a port which is considered one of the best on the
Mediterranean, both by nature and by its recent improvements. The city
combines the attractions of a great modern metropolis with the
interesting associations of a long history, the presence of so many
magnificent old buildings seeming to stimulate modern enterprise in the
same direction. (See 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2020.1">Barcelona</span>.) Many smaller cities–e. g.
Sabadell, Tarrasa, Manresa (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2020.2">Ignatius Loyola, Saint</span>), Reus–depend industrially on
Barcelona, and the banks of the Llobregat and the Ter are bordered with
paper-, spinning-, and other mills, which utilize the motive power of
the numerous waterfalls.</p>
<p id="c-p2021" shownumber="no">The 184 municipalities of Tarragona aggregate 2503 square miles in
area. The province produces wine, vinegar, and fruits in great
abundance. Its capital, Tarragona (pop. 25,000), was selected by the
Romans for its exceptionally fine situation upon a slight eminence, the
sea on one side, and a very fertile fruit-producing district on the
other; in spite of the excellence of its harbour, its importance has
decreased through the transfer of industries to Reus and of commerce to
Salou, a little farther south. Historically, Tarragona is one of the
world's most interesting cities. Tortosa, an ancient episcopal see, is
also commercially famous for its vinegar.</p>
<p id="c-p2022" shownumber="no">Lerida, the largest, but the least wealthy, province of Catalonia,
has an area of 4685 square miles, divided into 324 municipal districts.
Its resources are agricultural, chiefly fruits and timber. Besides
Lerida, the capital (the ancient 
<i>Ilerda</i>), the most important cities of this province are:
Cervera, in ancient times the seat of a university celebrated for its
theological faculty, Seo de Urgel, and Solsona.</p>
<p id="c-p2023" shownumber="no">The Province of Gerona (the ancient 
<i>Marca Hispanica</i>), with an area of 2361 square miles, divided
into 249 municipal districts, has a generally mountainous surface,
which produces large quantities of cork of the best quality. Its long
coastline, with numerous small harbours, is excellently adapted for
both fishing and navigation. Its principal cities are: Gerona, the
capital (pop. about 15,000), a city of great historical importance,
famous for its remarkable variety of mineral waters; Figueras, with its
once redoubtable fortress; Olot, situated in a volcanic region
abounding in springs.</p>
<p id="c-p2024" shownumber="no">In the judiciary department of its government Catalonia is served by
a single district court 
(<i>audiencia</i>), that of Barcelona, with criminal tribunals in the
four provincial capitals, Barcelona having seventeen courts of first
instance (five of them in the capital itself), Tarragona eight, Lerida
eight, and Gerona six. In the military administration, the
Captaincy-General of Catalonia is one of the fourteen military
districts of Spain, and is divided into four military governments. It
belongs to the naval department of Cartagena, and has stations at
Barcelona, Tarragona, Tortosa, Mataró, and Palamós. It has
only one university, that of Barcelona, with four provincial and two
local institutes (Figueras and Reus).</p>
<h3 id="c-p2024.1">ECCLESIASTICAL DIVISIONS</h3>
<p id="c-p2025" shownumber="no">The principality of Catalonia forms the ecclesiastical province of
Tarragona, the archiepiscopal see of which is, according to tradition,
one of the most ancient in Spain, dating from the first century of
Christianity. The suffragan dioceses are Barcelona (a see claiming
Apostolic origin), Gerona, Lerida, Solsona, Tortosa, Urgel, and Vich.
The following table gives briefly the most complete statistics
obtainable of religious communities in the Province of
Tarragona:—</p>
<div class="Centered" id="c-p2025.1">
<table border="1" id="c-p2025.2">
<tr id="c-p2025.3">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.4" rowspan="1">Dioceses</td>
<td colspan="5" id="c-p2025.5" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Religious Communities</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p2025.6">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.7" rowspan="1"> </td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.8" rowspan="1">Men</td>
<td colspan="4" id="c-p2025.9" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Women</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p2025.10">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.11" rowspan="1"> </td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.12" rowspan="1"> </td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.13" rowspan="1">Cloistered</td>
<td colspan="3" id="c-p2025.14" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">Not Cloistered</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p2025.15">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.16" rowspan="1"> </td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.17" rowspan="1"> </td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.18" rowspan="1"> </td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.19" rowspan="1">Colleges</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.20" rowspan="1">Houses</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.21" rowspan="1">Benevolent
<br />Institutions</td>
</tr>
<tr id="c-p2025.23">
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.24" rowspan="1">Tarragona
<br />Barcelona
<br />Gerona
<br />Lerida
<br />Solsona
<br />Tortosa
<br />Urgel
<br />Vich</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.32" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">2
<br />10
<br />2
<br />5
<br />8
<br />5
<br />6
<br />8
<br /></td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.41" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">9
<br />8
<br />7
<br />6
<br />…
<br />13
<br />3
<br />…</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.49" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">…
<br />…
<br />…
<br />…
<br />19
<br />19
<br />28
<br />…</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.57" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">…
<br />39
<br />…
<br />…
<br />24
<br />6
<br />33
<br />5</td>
<td colspan="1" id="c-p2025.65" rowspan="1" style="text-align:center">2
<br />12
<br />…
<br />13
<br />10
<br />12
<br />4
<br />…</td>
</tr>
</table>
</div>
<p id="c-p2026" shownumber="no">(See also separate articles on 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2026.1">Tarragona</span>, 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2026.2">Barcelona</span>, 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2026.3">Gerona</span>, and the other dioceses.)</p>
<p id="c-p2027" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p2027.1">Bofarull,</span> 
<i>Historia critica y eclesiástica de Cataluña</i>
(Barcelona); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2027.2">Barroso,</span> 
<i>Anuario eclesiástico de España</i> (Madrid, 1904); 
<i>Reseña geográfica … por la dirección general
del Instituto Geográfico y Estadístico</i> (Madrid, 1888); 
<i>El Principado de Cataluña</i> in 
<i>Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia,</i> XL, 261.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2028" shownumber="no">RamÓn Ruiz Amado.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2028.1" title="Catania" type="Encyclopedia">Catania</term>
<def id="c-p2028.2">
<h1 id="c-p2028.3">Catania (Catanensis)</h1>
<p id="c-p2029" shownumber="no">Catania, a seaport and capital of the province of the same name in
Sicily, is situated on the eastern side of Mount Etna in a very fertile
region. It was known to the ancients as Catana or Catina. Founded (c.
730 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2029.1">b.c.</span>) by Chalcidian emigrants from Naxos,
Catania was soon a flourishing city. Hiero I, King of Syracuse, in 470 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2029.2">b.c.</span> transported these first settlers to
Leontini (now Lentini) and filled Catania with Syracusans and
Polopennesians. The former inhabitants attempted to regain possession
of the city, but were driven back by Dionysius and Agathocles. Catania
accepted the Roman yoke during the First Punic War, and after the fall
of the Roman Empire shared the fate of Sicily. The city has suffered
much from the eruptions of Etna. Most of its old monuments are buried
under the lava. According to legend the Faith was first preached there
by St. Beryllus, an immediate Disciple of Christ. During the
persecution of Decius the virgin St. Agatha suffered martyrdom. At the
same period or a little later the Bishop of Catania was St. Everus
mentioned in the acts of the martyrs of Leontini (303). This same year
is marked by the martyrdom of the Deacon Euplius and others. Domninus,
Bishop of Catania, was present at the Council of Ephesus (431); another
bishop, Fortunatus, was twice sent with Ennodius by Pope Hormisdas to
Emperor Anastasius I to effect the union of the Eastern Churches with
Rome (514, 516). Bishops Leo and Junius appear in the correspondence of
St. Gregory the Great. In 730 Bishop Jacobus suffered martyrdom for his
defence of images. Another bishop, St. Leo II, was known as a
wonder-worker 
(<i>thaumaturgus</i>). Bishop Euthymius was at first an adherent of
Photius, but in the Eighth General Council approved the restoration of
Ignatius as patriarch. Among other bishops of Catania may be noted,
Giuliano della Rovere, later pope under the name of Julius II. The
cathedral was destroyed by the earthquake of 22 January, 1693, in which
thousands of people met their death. The church 
<i>del San Carcere</i> contains beautiful sculptures of the eleventh
century and a fine painting of St. Agatha by Bernardino Negro. The
church of San Nicolò possesses fine paintings and a magnificent
organ of 2916 pipes, built under Abbot Donato del Piano. The adjoining
Benedictine monastery is famous for its cloister, library, and rich
collection of paintings. In the ninth century, while still a Greek
city, Catania became suffragan to Monreale. In 1860 it was made an
archiepiscopal see, immediately subject to the Holy See. The
archdiocese contains 295,300 inhabitants, with 43 parishes, 16
religious houses of men and 17 of women, and 47 educational
institutions.</p>
<p id="c-p2030" shownumber="no">The University of Catania was founded by Pope Eugenius IV in 1444
with the co-operation of Alfonso, King of Aragon and Sicily. The papal
Bull of erection, besides establishing the usual faculties on the model
of Bologna, authorized the teaching of Greek and Latin. Funds for the
endowment were provided by the municipality of Catania and by royal
grants. The privileges of the university were confirmed in 1458 and
1494. It comprises at present the Faculties of Law, Medicine, Natural
Sciences, Philosophy and Letters, with 105 professors and 1100
students. The library, founded in 1755 by the Benedictine abbot, Vito
Arnico, contains 120,000 volumes.</p>
<p id="c-p2031" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p2031.1">Cappelletti,</span> 
<i>Le chiese d'Italia</i> (Venice, 1844), XXI, 633-42; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2031.2">Ferrara,</span> 
<i>Storia di Catania sino alla fine del secolo XVIII</i> (ibid., 1829);

<i>Ann. eccl.</i> (Rome, 1907), s. v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2032" shownumber="no">U. Benigni</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2032.1" title="Catanzaro" type="Encyclopedia">Catanzaro</term>
<def id="c-p2032.2">
<h1 id="c-p2032.3">Catanzaro</h1>
<p id="c-p2033" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CATANZARO (CATACIUM)</p>
<p id="c-p2034" shownumber="no">Suffragan of Reggio. Catanzaro is the capital of the province of
Calabria, Italy. The date of the erection of the see is uncertain; it
may have been 1122, when Callistus II transferred to Catanzaro the See
of Taverna. The diocese has a population of 85,000, with 48 parishes,
97 churches and chapels, 116 secular and 4 regular priests, 1 religious
house of men, and 5 of women.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2035" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2035.1" title="Catechumen" type="Encyclopedia">Catechumen</term>
<def id="c-p2035.2">
<h1 id="c-p2035.3">Catechumen</h1>
<p id="c-p2036" shownumber="no">"Catechumen," in the early Church, was the name applied to one who
had not yet been initiated into the sacred mysteries, but was
undergoing a course of preparation for that purpose. The word occurs in
Gal. vi, 6: "Let him that is instructed in the word, [<i>ho katechoumenos, is qui catechizatur</i>] communicate to him that
instructeth him [<i>to katechounti</i>, 
<i>ei qui catechizat</i>] in all good things." Other parts of the verb
katicksein occur in I Cor., xiv, 19; Luke, i, 4; Acts, xviii, 24.</p>
<p id="c-p2037" shownumber="no">I. As the acceptance of Christianity involved belief in a body of
doctrine and the observance of the Divine law ("teach, make disciples,
scholars of them"; "teaching them to observe all things whatever I have
commanded you", Matt., xxviii, 20), it is clear that some sort of
preliminary instruction must have been given to the converts. In
Apostolic times this would vary according as these were Jews or pagans,
and was naturally simple in character and short in duration. When,
however, the churches came to be organized, the instruction and
probation would be longer and more elaborate. Thus, as early as the
date of the Epistle to the Galatians (56-57?) we meet with the mention
of catechist and catechumen; but we cannot infer from this that the
full regulations were already in force. It was rather the danger of
apostasy, or even betrayal in time of persecution which gave rise to
special precautions as to admission into the Church. To avert this
danger a careful intellectual and moral preparation was needed:
intellectual to guard against the arguments of the pagan philosophers;
moral, to give strength against the torments of the persecutors. This
is the "trial of faith more precious than gold which is tried by the
fire" of which St. Peter speaks (I Pet., i, 7). Hence we find in St.
Justin's first Apology (c. lxi, P.G, VI, 420), distinct reference to
the twofold preparation and also to the more elaborate rites of
initiation: "Those who are persuaded and believe in the truth of our
teachings 
(<i>didaskomena</i>) and sayings undertake to live accordingly; they are
taught to ask, with fasting, the remission of their sins; we also
praying and fasting with them. Then they are led by us to a place where
there is water, and they are regenerated in the same way that we have
been regenerated", etc. By the end of the second century we find the
catechumenate in force in all its main lines. Tertullian reproaches the
heretics with disregarding it; among them, he says "one does not know
which is the catechumen and which the faithful, all alike come [to the
mysteries], all hear the same discourses and say the same prayers" 
(<i>quis catechumenus, quis fidelis incertum est; pariter adeunt,
pariter audiunt, pariter orant</i>), "Catechumens are initiated before
they are instructed" 
(<i>ante sunt perfecti catechumeni quam edocti</i>.--"De Praeser."xli,
P.L., II, 56) A little later we read of Origen being in charge of the
catechetical school 
(<i>tou tes katecheseos didaskaleiou</i>) at Alexandria (Eusib., Hist.,
Eccl., VI, iii). It is not necessary to quote further author ities for
the third and fourth centuries, the age in which the catechumenate
flourished in its full form. During the years of persecution the
necessity of the institution was realized, and in the intervals of
peace the arrangements were more and more elaborated. When, however,
Christianity finally triumphed over paganism, the reasons for retaining
the catechumenate became less urgent. The majority were born of
Christian families, and so were brought up in the Faith, and were in no
danger of falling into paganism. Moreover, with the increasing
development of the doctrine of grace, and original sin the practice of
early baptism became the rule. Further, the conversion of the
barbarians precluded the possibility of submitting them to any
prolonged period of preparation. Hence the catechumenate gradually fell
into disuse, and has merely left traces in the existing rites of
baptism and reception in the Church. Still, even now, an informal
species of the old regulations should be observed in the case of grown
up converts.</p>
<p id="c-p2038" shownumber="no">II. The catechumens were divided into mere inquirers 
(<i>audientes, akromeni</i>) and catechumens properly so-called; and in
each stage there was a three-fold preparation -- catechetical,
ascetical, and liturgical.</p>
<p id="c-p2039" shownumber="no">(1) If a pagan wished to become a Christian he was given some
elementary instruction in the fundamental doctrines and practices of
the Church (see CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE). He had to show by his conduct that
he was in earnest about the step he was about to take. So far, he was
only in the stage of inquiry, and was not counted as a Christian at
all. He was allowed to be present at the first part of the Mass, but he
was dismissed immediately after the sermon.</p>
<p id="c-p2040" shownumber="no">(2) As soon as his instructors were satisfied that he was likely to
persevere, the inquirer was promoted to the rank of catechumen. He was
now entitled to be called a Christian, though he was not looked upon as
one of the "faithful". "Ask a man, 'Are you a Christian?' He answers,
'No', if he is a pagan or a Jew. But if he says 'Yes', ask him again,
'Are you a catechumen or one of the faithful?'" (St. Aug., "In Joan.",
xliv, 2, P.L., XXXV, 1714).</p>
<p id="c-p2041" shownumber="no">In the early ages the rites of admission to the catechumenate were
quite simple, but in the course of time they became more elaborate. At
first the candidates were merely signed on the forehead with the sign
of the cross, or hands were imposed on them with suitable prayers; and
sometimes both ceremonies were used. Thus St. Augustine in his model of
an instruction to an inquirer says: "He should be asked whether he
believes what he has heard, and is ready to observe it. If he answers
in the affirmative he should be solemnly signed and treated according
to the custom of the Church" 
(<i>solemniter signandus est et ecclesiae more tractandus.</i>-- De Cat.
Rud., xxvi, P.L., XL, 344). Eusebius mentions the imposition of hands
and prayer (Vita Constantini, iv. 61, P.G., XX, 1213). Among the
Latins, and especially at Rome, breathing accompanied with a form of
exorcism and placing in the mouth a little exorcised salt, was employed
in addition to the signing with the cross and the imposition of hands.
Other rites were the opening of the ears (Mark, vii, 34) and anointing.
See Martène, "De Antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus" (Rouen, 1700), I,
where several 
<i>ordines ad fasciendum Christianum</i>, or 
<i>catechumenum</i>, are given; Chardon, "Hist. des Sacrements", in
Migne's "Theol. Cursus Completus", Paris, 1874, XX, 31 sqq., 149
sqq.</p>
<p id="c-p2042" shownumber="no">Catechumens when present at Mass were not dismissed with the
inquirers, but were detained while a special prayer was recited over
them. They then also withdrew before the Mass of the Faithful began.
The instruction which they received is described in the article
CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE. As to their standard of living they had to abstain
from all immoral and pagan practices, and give proof by their virtue
and works of penance that they were worthy to begin a more immediate
preparation for baptism. The duration of this stage was not fixed. In
general it lasted long enough to test the dispositions of the
catechumen. The council of Elvira alludes to the custom of making it
last two years and the civil law fixed it at this (Justinian, Novel.
cxliv). But the causes which ultimately led to the abolition of the
catechumenate (see above) tended also to shorten it. Thus the Council
of Agde (506) allowed even Jews (with regard to whom special caution
was required) to receive baptism after eight months preparation; and
later on St. Gregory reduced the term to forty days. On the other hand
the duration of the catechumenate might be extended, and the catechumen
might be reduced to the rank of the 
<i>audientes</i>, if he was guilty of grave crimes (fifth canon of
Neocaesarea, fourteenth canon of Nicaea). What seems extraordinary to
our modern notions is that the catechumens themselves put off their
baptisms for many years, sometimes even till their last illness.
Constantine the Great is an example of this extreme delay. St. Ambrose,
St. Basil, St. Gregory Nazianzen, and St. John Chrysostom were not
baptized till after their thirtieth year. A question much discussed was
the fate of those who died in this stage. As we have seen, they were
looked upon as Christians, but not as belonging to the "faithful",
because the cleansing waters of baptism had not been poured over their
souls. St. Gregory describes his terror during a storm at sea lest he
might be taken away unbaptized (Carmen de Vita Sua, 324, sqq., P.G.
XXXVII, 994). However, St. Ambrose has no doubt about the salvation of
Valentinian the Younger, who has asked for baptism, but had died before
the saint could reach him ("De Obitu Valentini.", n. 51, P.L. XVI,
1374). Hence the common teaching was that the defect of baptism might
be supplied by desire. This was especially held with regard to those
who were in the later stage of immediate preparation, to be described
presently. On this whole question see Franzelin, "De Ecclesia" (Rome,
1887), 414 sqq.</p>
<p id="c-p2043" shownumber="no">(3) When the catechumens had completed this stage of preparation and
trial, their names were inscribed among the 
<i>competentes</i>; i.e. those seeking to be baptized. The Greeks
called them 
<i>photizomenoi</i>. This might mean that they were being enlightened
in the mysteries of the faith; or, more probably, that they were being
baptized, for the Greeks commonly spoke of baptism as "light" (cf.
Heb., vi, 4; x, 32). In this advanced stage they were sometimes called 
<i>fideles</i> by anticipation (e.g. St. Cyril of Jerusalem, Cat., I,
4; V, 1; P.G., XXXIII, 373, 505). Lent was the time when the three-fold
preparation -- instructive, ascetical, and liturgical -- was carried
on. The ascetical preparation was severe. Prayer and fasting naturally
formed part of it; but the 
<i>competentes</i> were also exhorted to keep silence as far as
possible and, if they were married, to observe continence. (St. Justin,
"Apol.", lxi, P.G., VI, 420; St. Cyril of Jerusalem, Cat., I, sub
fin.,P.G., XXXIII, col.376; St. August., "De Fide et Op.", ix, P.L. XL,
205). Confession was also enjoined (Tertullian, "De Bapt.", xx, P.L. I,
1222 where he quotes Matt., iii, 6: "they were baptized, confessing
their sins". See also St. Cyril, ib.; Eusebius, "Vita Const., iv, 61).
The instruction given at this time is described in the article
CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE, where an account of St. Cyril's "catecheses" will
be found.</p>
<p id="c-p2044" shownumber="no">The rites connected with this stage were elaborate. There are
considerable survivals of them in the first part of the order of
baptism, and also traces in the Lenten Masses, especially the Mass of
the Wednesday of the fourth week. The assemblies were called
"scrutinies" (examination and presentation of the candidates), and were
seven in number. At the first scrutiny the candidates gave in their
names. After the collect of the Mass, and before the lessons, the
ceremony of exorcism was performed over them. This was done at all the
scrutinies except the last, by the exorcists, and then the priest
signed them with the cross and laid hands upon them. It is interesting
to know that the words at present used in baptism "Ergo, maledicte
diabole", etc. belonged to the exorcism, and the words "Aeternam ac
justissimam pietatem" etc. belonged to the laying on of hands. The
third scrutiny was of a specially solemn character, for it was then
that the candidates received the Gospel, the Symbol (Creed), and the
Our Father. Each of these was accompanied by a short explanation. For
example, St. Augustine has left four sermons (lvi-lix) "De Oratione
Domenica ad competentes" (P.L., XXXVIII, 377 sqq.), and three on the
delivery of the Symbol (ibid., 1058 sqq.). In our present missal the
Mass of the Wednesday of the fourth week in Lent has a lesson in
addition to the ordinary Epistle, or rather lesson. The former is taken
from the thirty-sixth chapter of Ezechiel, the latter from the fiftieth
of Isaias; and both (together with the Introit and the two Graduals,
and the Gospel, the healing of the man born blind, John, ix) have
obvious reference to the "great scrutiny". The seventh scrutiny took
place on Holy Saturday, apart from the Mass, as indeed there was
formerly no Mass for that day. The priest himself performed the
ceremony of the exorcism and the Ephphetha (Mark, vii). Then followed
the anointing on the breast and back. The candidates pronounced the
three-fold renunciation of Satan and recited the Creed. The actual
initiation, (baptism, confirmation, and Communion) took place at the
Paschal Mass, at which the neophytes assisted for the first time, being
now no longer mere catechumens. But until the Sunday after Easter they
were considered as "infants", receiving further instruction, especially
on the sacraments which had lately been conferred upon them 
(<i>see</i> CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE). Finally, on Low Sunday 
(<i>Dominica in Albis depositis</i>) when the Introit of the Mass speaks
of the "new born babes" (I Pet., ii, 2), they put off their white
garments, and were henceforth counted among the regular "faithful".</p>
<p id="c-p2045" shownumber="no">Funk (ed.), Didache, (Tuebingen, 1887); St. Justin, Apol. I in P.G.
Vi, 328 sqq; Tertullian, De Baptismo, P.L. I, 1197 sqq.; St. Cyril of
Jerusalem, Catecheses, P.G. XXXIII, 369, sqq.; St. Augustine, De
Catech. Rudibus, P.L., XL, 309, Sermones ad competentes, lvi-lix, P.L.
XXXVIII, 377, sqq.; In Traditione et Redditione Symboli, P.L. XXXVIII,
1058, sqq.; Martene, De Antiquis Ecclesiae Ritibus (Rouen, 1700), tom.
I, 29, sqq.; Chardon, Hist. de Sacrements in Migne, Cursus Theologiae
Completus, XX; Duchesne, Origines de cult chretien (Paris, 1898), IX;
Thurston, Lent and Holy Week, (London, 1904), 169, sqq.; Kuepper in
Kircheniex., s.v. Katechumenat; Bareille in Dict. de theol. cath., s.v.
Catechumenat.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2046" shownumber="no">T.B. SCANNELL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2046.1" title="Categorical Imperative" type="Encyclopedia">Categorical Imperative</term>
<def id="c-p2046.2">
<h1 id="c-p2046.3">Categorical Imperative</h1>
<p id="c-p2047" shownumber="no">A term which originated in Immanuel Kant's ethics. It expresses the
moral law as ultimately enacted by reason and demanding obedience from
mere respect for reason. Kant in his ethics takes his point of
departure from the concept of a good will: "Nothing can possibly be
conceived in the world or out of it that can be called good without
qualification except a good will." But that will alone is good which
acts not only conformably to duty, but also from duty. And again the
will acts from duty when it is determined merely by respect for the
law, independently of inclination, and without regard to the
agreeableness or the consequences of the action prescribed. Therefore
the first fundamental principle of morality is: "Let the law be the
sole ground or motive of thy will." Kant further finds that the law is
capable of inspiring respect by reason of its universality and
necessity, and hence lays down the following general formula of the
moral law: "Act so that the maxim [determining motive of the will] may
be capable of becoming a universal law for all rational beings."
Necessity and universality, he declares, cannot be derived from
experience, whose subject matter is always particular and contingent,
but from the mind alone, from the cognitive forms innate in it. Hence
the moral law originates in pure reason and is enunciated by a
synthetical judgment a priori--a priori because it has its reason, not
in experience, but in the mind itself; synthetical, because it is
formed not by the analysis of a conception, but by an extension of it.
Reason, dictating the moral law, determines man's actions. Yet it may
do so in a twofold manner. It either controls conduct infallibly, its
dictates being actually responded to without conflict or friction--and
in this case there is no obligation necessary or conceivable, because
the will is of itself so constituted as to be in harmony with the
rational order--or it is resisted and disobeyed, or obeyed only
reluctantly, owing to contrary impulses coming from sensibility. In
this case determination by the law of reason has the nature of a
command or imperative, not of a 
<i>hypothetical</i> imperative, which enjoins actions only as a means
to an end and implies a merely conditional necessity but of a 
<i>categorical</i> imperative, which enjoins actions for their own sake
and hence involves absolute necessity. While for God, Whose will is
perfectly holy, the moral law cannot be obligatory, it is for man, who
is subject to sensuous impulses, an imperative command. Accordingly,
the categorical imperative is the moral law enacted by practical
reason, obligatory for man, whose sensibility is discordant from the
rational order, and demanding obedience from respect for its
universality and necessity.</p>
<p id="c-p2048" shownumber="no">Kant essays to prove the existence of a categorical imperative a
priori from the idea of the will of a rational being Will is conceived
as a faculty determining itself to action according to certain laws.
Now it is only an end that serves as an objective principle for the
self-determination of the will, and only an end in itself that serves
as a universal principle holding for all rational beings. But man, and
indeed every rational being, is an end in himself, a person, and must
in all actions, whether they regard self or others, be respected as
such. Thus arises a supreme practical principle, objective and
universal, derived not from experience, but from human nature itself; a
principle from which, as the highest practical ground, all laws of the
will are capable of being derived. This, then, is the categorical
imperative, to be enunciated in the following terms: 
<i>Act so as to use humanity, whether in your own person or in others,
always as an end, and never merely as a means.</i></p>
<p id="c-p2049" shownumber="no">Hence Kant infers, first, that the will of every rational being, by
commanding respect for humanity as an end in itself, lays down a
universal law, and is therefore a law unto itself, autonomous, and
subject to no external lawgiver; secondly, that morality consists in
obedience to the law of our own reason, and immorality, on the
contrary, in heteronomy, that is, in obedience to any, even Divine,
authority distinct from our own reason, or in action from any other
motive than respect for our reason as a law.</p>
<p id="c-p2050" shownumber="no">The merits of Kant's categorical imperative are said to consist in
this: that it firmly establishes the reign of reason; elevates the
dignity of man by subjecting in him sensibility to reason and making
rational nature free, supreme, and independent; overcomes egoism by
forbidding action from self-interest; and upholds morality by the
highest authority. But the theist philosopher and the Christian
theologian must needs take another view. Man is not an end in himself,
but is essentially subordinate to God as his ultimate end and supreme
good; nor is he autonomous, but is necessarily subject to God as his
supreme Lord and lawgiver. Man, conceived as a law unto himself and an
end in himself, is emancipated from God as his master and separated
from Him as his supreme good; conceived, moreover, as autonomous and
independent of any higher authority, he is deified. This is not
building up true and lofty morality, but is its complete overthrow; for
the basis of morality is God as the ultimate end, highest good, and
supreme lawgiver. Kant utterly ignores the nature of both intellect and
will. Human reason does not enact the moral law, but only voices and
proclaims it as the enactment of a higher power above man, and it is
not from the proclaiming voice that the law derives its binding force,
but from the majesty above that intimates it to us through our
conscience.</p>
<p id="c-p2051" shownumber="no">Nor do the universality and necessity of a law determine the will.
What really attracts the will, and stirs it as a motive to action, is
the goodness of the object presented by the intellect; for the rational
appetite is by its nature an inclination to good. Hence it is that the
desire of perfect happiness necessarily results from rational nature,
and that the supreme good, clearly apprehended by the mind, cannot but
be desired and embraced by the will. Hence, too, a law is not presented
as obligatory, unless its observance is known to be necessarily
connected with the attainment of the supreme good. It is, therefore,
wrong to denounce the pursuit of happiness as immoral or repugnant to
human nature. On the contrary, a paralysis of all human energy and
utter despair would result from bidding man to act only from the motive
of stern necessity inherent in law, or forbidding him ever to have his
own good in view or to hope for blessedness.</p>
<p id="c-p2052" shownumber="no">The theory of the categorical imperative is, moreover, inconsistent.
According to it the human will is the highest lawgiving authority, and
yet subject to precepts enjoined on it; it is absolutely commanding
what is objectively right, and at the same time reluctant to observe
the right order. Again, the categorical imperative, as also the
autonomy of reason and the freedom of the will, belongs to the
intelligible world, and is, therefore, according to the "Critique of
Pure Reason", absolutely unknowable and contradicted by all laws of
experience; nevertheless in Kantian ethics it is characterized as
commanding with unmistakable precision and demanding obedience with
absolute authority. Such a contradiction between Kant's "Critique of
Pure Reason" and his "Ethics", between theoretical and practical
reason, induces in morals a necessity which resembles fatalism.</p>
<p id="c-p2053" shownumber="no">Kant sets forth the categorical imperative in his "Fundamental
Principles of the Metaphysics of Morals" (1785) and his "Critique of
Practical Reason" (1788).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2054" shownumber="no">JOHN J. MING</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2054.1" title="Category" type="Encyclopedia">Category</term>
<def id="c-p2054.2">
<h1 id="c-p2054.3">Category</h1>
<p id="c-p2055" shownumber="no">(Greek 
<i>kategoría,</i> accusation, attribution).</p>
<p id="c-p2056" shownumber="no">The term was transferred by Aristotle from its forensic meaning
(procedure in legal accusation) to its logical use as attribution of a
subject. The Latin equivalent, 
<i>prædicamentum,</i> given it by Boethius, aptly suggests its
technical significance. The categories or predicaments are the most
widely generic classes or groups of predicates applicable to an
individual Subject-- 
<i>summa genera prædicatorum.</i> Whether Aristotle originally
intended them as aspects and divisions of words, of ideas, or of things
is a debated question. Nevertheless they lend themselves readily to
each of these subjects. They are divisions:</p>
<ul id="c-p2056.1">
<li id="c-p2056.2">of Ideas in as much as they are the widest generalizations under
which all other more restricted ideas may be subsumed;</li>
<li id="c-p2056.3">of words in that they are the oral terms answering to those supreme
notions;</li>
<li id="c-p2056.4">of things in the sense that they are aspects which the mind
abstracts from the objects falling under experience.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2057" shownumber="no">In the first acceptation they belong to logic, where they stand as
the ultimate classification of strictly universal ideas; in the second
to grammar, where they represent the parts of speech; in the third to
ontology, where they are the ultimate classes of real (finite) being.
In this latter sense they will be here considered.</p>
<p id="c-p2058" shownumber="no">Since it is the business of philosophy to reduce the world of real
beings--the self included--to its simplest terms or aspects and their
orderly relations, the task of discovering and defining the
corresponding categories has been attempted by every philosopher of
note. The results, however, have been by no means identical. Thus we
find the Indian sage, Kanada, the reputed founder of the Vaiseshika
philosophy, reducing all things to substance, quality, action,
generality particularity, co-inherence, and non-existence, while the
Greek (supposed) author of the word philosophy, Pythagoras, discovers
twenty ultimate groups, ten of which he calls good and the opposite ten
bad. Plato in turn subsumes all things under being, identity,
diversity, change. In modern times Descartes and Leibniz arranged seven
categories: mind (spirit), matter (body), measure, shape, rest, motion,
position, while Kant, basing his division on the varieties of judgment,
invented twelve categories or forms under which he makes the intellect 
<i>(Verstand)</i> judge of all objects of experience. Aristotle's
classification of ten categories which was taken up into Scholasticism,
and still holds its place in the logic and ontology of Catholic
philosophy, is thus set forth in the fourth chapter of the
"Organon":</p>
<blockquote id="c-p2058.1">of things in-complex enunciated (i.e. simple predicates),
each signifies either substance or quantity or quality or relation or
where (place) or when (time) or position or possession or action or
passion. But substance is to speak generally as 'man', 'horse';
quantity as 'two' or 'three cubits'; quality as 'white'; relation as
'greater'; where as 'in the Forum'; when as 'yesterday'; position as
'he sits'; possession as 'he is shod'; action as 'he cuts'; passion
as 'he burns'.</blockquote>

<p id="c-p2059" shownumber="no">Of these groups substance, quantity, quality
and relation are obviously the principal; the remaining six are
reducible to some form of relation, for it should be noted that between
some of the categories a real distinction is not required; a virtual,
i.e. an objectively founded mental distinction suffices, as, e.g.,
between action and passion. The object or thing divided into the
categories is:</p>
<ul id="c-p2059.1">
<li id="c-p2059.2">(a) real being i.e. not the mere being expressed by the copulative
verb 
<i>(ens copulæ)</i>; nor conceptual being 
<i>(entia rationis)</i>; nor, at least according to many Aristoteleans,
being as explicitly actual 
<i>(ens participium)</i>; but substantive or essential
being--reality--the object matter of ontology 
<i>(ens essential non ens existentæ)</i>;</li>
<li id="c-p2059.3">(b) being 
<i>per se,</i> i.e. being having an essential not merely accidental
unity--such as an artificial or a random construction 
<i>(ens per se, non per accidens)</i>, or concrete adjectives which
include a subject;</li>
<li id="c-p2059.4">(c) complete being, not the abstract 
<i>differentiæ</i> or the parts of things;</li>
<li id="c-p2059.5">(d) finite being; the Infinite of course transcends all categories.
Though the privilege of categorization is thus limited, a method has
been devised whereby accommodation may be secured for any (finite)
reality whatsoever.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2060" shownumber="no">For (a) some beings enter a category directly 
<i>(in linea recta)</i>, as do genera, species, and individuals; (b)
others indirectly 
<i>(a latere)</i>, as do specific and individual 
<i>differentiæ</i>; or (c) others come in by reduction as do the
parts of things and things having only an accidental unity 
<i>(entia per accidens)</i>, and even, by analogy, mental fictions 
<i>(entia rationis).</i> Thus for instance family and hand are reduced
to the category of substance; intensity of heat to quality; a point to
quantity and so on. It should be noted, however, that being itself as
such 
<i>(ens transcendentale)</i> cannot be confined to a category since it
is not a univocal, but only an analogous attribute of the supreme
divisions of reality (e.g. substance and accident), and is not
therefore a genus as is each category. For the same reason accident is
not a genus by itself under which the nine classes mentioned above are
subsumed as species. If the foregoing restrictions are taken into
account it will be found that the Aristotelean classification answers
its purpose--the simplification of the world of finite reality for the
sake of investigation--and that on the whole no more workable scheme
has thus far been devised.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2061" shownumber="no">F. P. SIEGFRIED</p></def>

<term id="c-p2061.1" title="Catenae" type="Encyclopedia">Catenae</term>
<def id="c-p2061.2">
<h1 id="c-p2061.3">Catenæ</h1>
<p id="c-p2062" shownumber="no">(Lat. 
<i>catena,</i> a chain)</p>
<p id="c-p2063" shownumber="no">Collections of excerpts from the writings of Biblical commentators,
especially the Fathers and early ecclesiastical writers, strung
together like the links of a chain, and in this way exhibiting a
continuous and connected interpretation of a given text of Scripture.
It has been well said that they are exegetical anthologies.</p>
<p id="c-p2064" shownumber="no">These fragments of patristic commentaries are not only quite
valuable for the literal sense of Scripture, since their text
frequently represents the evidence of very ancient (now lost)
manuscripts; they are also serviceable to the theologian (dogmatic and
mystical), to the ecclesiastical historian, and to the patrologist, for
they often exhibit the only remains of important patristic writings
(see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2064.1">Mai</span>, 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2064.2">Pitra</span>; cf. Holl, Fragmente vornikänischer
Kirchenväter, Leipzig, 1899).</p>
<p id="c-p2065" shownumber="no">With the disappearance of the great Scriptural theologians,
investigators, and commentators of the fourth and fifth centuries,
there arose a class of Scriptural compilers, comparable to Boethius and
Isidore of Seville in the provinces of philosophy, church history, and
general culture. The very antiquity of the patristic commentators, so
close to the origin of the Sacred Books, and the supreme value set by
Catholic theology on the unanimous consent of the Fathers in the
exposition of Scripture, naturally led, in an age of theological
decadence, to such compilations. The earliest Greek catena is ascribed
to Procopius of Gaza, in the first part of the sixth century, but
Ehrhardt (see Krumbacher, 211) points to Eusebius of Cæsarea (d.
about 340) as the pioneer in this branch of Scriptural exegesis.
Between the seventh and the tenth centuries appear Andreas Presbyter
and Johannes Drungarios as compilers of catenæ to various Books of
Scripture, and towards the end of the eleventh century Nicetas of
Serræ, perhaps the best representative of Byzantine scholarship in
this respect. Both before and after, however, the makers of catenæ
were numerous in the Greek Orient, mostly anonymous, and offering no
other indication of their personality than the manuscripts of their
excerpts. Similar compilations were also made in the Syriac and Coptic
Churches (Wright, de Lagarde, Martin, in Krumbacher, 216).</p>
<p id="c-p2066" shownumber="no">In the West, Primasius of Adrumentum in Africa (sixth century)
compiled the first catena from Latin commentators. He was imitated by
Rhabanus Maurus (d. 865), Paschasius Radbertus, and Walafrid Strabo,
later by Remigius of Auxerre (d. 900), and by Lanfranc of Canterbury
(d. 1089). The Western catenæ, it must be noted, have not the
importance attached to the Greek compilations. The most famous of the
medieval Latin compilations of this kind is that of St. Thomas Aquinas,
generally known as the "Catena Aurea" (Golden Catena) and containing
excerpts from some eighty Greek and Latin commentators on the Gospels
(ed. J. Nicolai, Paris, 1869, 3 vols.). Since the sixteenth century
much industry has been expended in collecting, collating, and editing
these exegetical remains of the early Christian Fathers, fully one-half
of whose commentaries, Faulhaber asserts (see bibliography), have
reached us in this way. Among the modern editors of Greek catenæ
much credit is due to the Jesuit Bartholomew Cordier, who published
(1628-47) important collections of Greek patristic commentaries on St.
John and St. Luke and, in conjunction with his confrère Possin, on
St. Matthew; the latter scholar edited also (1673) similar collections
of patristic excerpts on St. Mark and Job. The voluminous catenæ
known as Biblia Magna (Paris, 1643) and Biblia Maxima (Paris, 1660),
edited by J. de la Haye, were followed by the nine volumes of
well-known "Critici Sacri, sive clarissimorum virorum annotationes
atque tractatus in biblia" (edited by Pearson, London, 1660; Amsterdam,
1695-1701), containing selections, not only from Catholic but also from
Protestant commentators. An important modern collection of the Greek
catenæ on the New Testament is that of J. A. Cramer (Oxford,
1638-44). See also the twenty-eight volumes of the Migne commentary in
his "Scripturæ sacræ cursus completus" (Paris, 1840-45).</p>
<p id="c-p2067" shownumber="no">Similar collections of Greek patristic utterances were constructed
for dogmatic purposes. They were used at the Council of Chalcedon in
451, at the Fifth General Council in 533, also apropos of Iconoclasm in
the Seventh General Council in 787; and among the Greeks such
compilations, like the exegetical catenæ, did not cease until late
in the Middle Ages. The oldest of these dogmatic compilations,
attributed to the latter part of the seventh century, is the
"Antiquorum Patrum doctrina de Verbi incarnatione" (edited by Cardinal
Mai in Scriptor. Vet. nova collectio, Rome, 1833, VII, i, 1-73; cf.
Loofs, Leontius von Byzanz, Leipzig, 1887). Finally, in response to
homiletic and practical needs, there appeared, previous to the tenth
century, a number of collections of moral sentences and parænetic
fragments, partly from Scripture and partly from the more famous
ecclesiastical writers; sometimes one writer (e.g. Gregory of
Nazianzus, Basil the Great, especially St. John Chrysostom whom all the
catenæ-makers pillage freely) furnishes the material. Such
collections are not so numerous as the Scriptural or even the dogmatic
catenæ. They seem all to depend on an ancient Christian
"Florilegium" of the sixth century, that treated, in three books, of
God, Man, the Virtues and Vices, and was known as 
<i>tà ‘iepá</i> (Sacred Things). Ere long its material
was recast in strict alphabetical order; took the name of 
<i>tà ‘iepá parállela,</i> "Sacra Parallela"
(because in the third book a virtue and a vice had been regularly
opposed to one another); and was attributed widely to the great Greek
theologian of the eighth century, St. John Damascene (Migne, P. G.,
XCV, 1040-1586; XCVI, 9-544), whose authority has lately been defended
with much learning (against Loofs, Wendland, and Cohn) by K. Holl in
the above-mentioned "Fragmente vornikänischer Kirchenväter"
(Leipzig, 1899), though the Damascene probably based his work on the
"Capita theologica" of Maximus Confessor. The text of these ancient
compilations is often in a dubious state, the authors of most of them
are unknown, and many are still unedited; one of the principal
difficulties in their use is the uncertainty concerning the correctness
of the names to which the excerpts are attributed. The carelessness of
copyists, the use of "sigla", contractions for proper names, and the
frequency of transcription, led naturally to much confusion. For the
Byzantine collections of ethical sentences and proverbs (Stobæus,
Maximus Confessor, Antonius Melissa, Johannes Georgides, Macarius,
Michael Apostolios) partly from Christian and partly from pagan
sources, see Krumbacher, 600-4, also A. Elter, De Gnomologiorum
Græcorum historii atque origine (Bonn, 1893).</p>
<p id="c-p2068" shownumber="no">     The best modern treatise on the
catenæ is that of 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2068.1">Ehrhardt,</span> in 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2068.2">Krumbacher,</span> 
<i>Gesch. d. byzantinischen Literatur</i> (2nd ed., Munich, 1897), 106-
18–bibliography and manuscript indications. Among the older works
cf. 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2068.3">Ittig,</span> 
<i>De Catenis et bibliothecis</i> (Leipzig, 1707), and 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2068.4">Fabricius,</span> 
<i>Bibliotheca Græca,</i> VIII, 639-700. A very full list of
catenæ is given in 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2068.5">Harnack,</span> 
<i>Gesch. d. altchristlich. Literatur</i> (Leipzig, 1893), I, 835-42.
For the catenæ manuscripts in the Vatican, see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2068.6">Pitra,</span> 
<i>Analecta Sacra,</i> II, 350, 359, 405, and 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2068.7">Faulhaber,</span> 
<i>Die Proheten-Catenen nach den römischen Handschriften</i>
(Freiburg, 1899); 
<i>Catholic University Bulletin</i> (Washington, D. C., 1899), V, 368;
(1900), VI, 94.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2069" shownumber="no">Thomas J. Shahan</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2069.1" title="Cathari" type="Encyclopedia">Cathari</term>
<def id="c-p2069.2">
<h1 id="c-p2069.3">Cathari</h1>
<p id="c-p2070" shownumber="no">(From the Greek 
<i>katharos</i>, pure), literally "puritans", a name specifically
applied to, or used by, several sects at various periods. The Novatians
of the third century were frequently known as Cathari, and the term was
also used by the Manichæans. In its more usual sense, Cathari was
a general designation for the dualistic sects of the later Midde Ages.
Numerous other names were in vogue to denominate these heretics.
Without speaking of the corrupted forms of "Cazzari", "Gazzari", in
Italy, and "Ketzer" in Germany, we find the following appellations:
"Piphili", "Piphles", in Northern France and Flanders; "Arians",
"Manichæans", and "Patareni", owing to real or alleged doctrinal
similarity; "Tesserants", "Textores" (Weavers), from the trade which
many of the members followed. Sometimes they were erroneously styled
"Waldenses" by their contemporaries. From the demagogue Arnold of
Brescia and the heretical bishop Robert de Sperone, they were called
"Arnoldistæ" and "Speronistæ". To their geographical
distribution they owed the names of "Cathari of Desenzano" or
"Albanenses" (from Desenzano, between Brescia and Verona, or from Alba
in Piedmont, Albano, or perhaps from the provinces of Albania);
"Bajolenses" or "Bagnolenses" (from Bagnolo in Italy); "Concorrezenses"
(probably from Concorrezo in Lombardy); "Tolosani" (from Toulouse); and
especially "Albigenses" (from Albi). The designations "Pauliciani", of
which "Publicani", "Poplicani", were probably corruptions, and
"Bulgari", "Bugri", "Bougres", point to their probable Oriental
origin.</p>
<p id="c-p2071" shownumber="no">Among recent historians there is a pronounced tendency to look upon
the Cathari as the lineal descendants of the Manichæans. The
doctrine, organization, and liturgy of the former, in many points,
reproduce the doctrine, organization, and liturgy of the early
disciples of Manes. The successive appearance of the Priscillianists,
the Paulicians, and the Bogomili, representatives to some extent of
similar principles, fairly establishes the historical continuity
between the two extreme links of the chain -- the Manichæans of
the third, and the Cathari of the eleventh, century. In the present
state of our knowledge, however, conclusive proofs in favour of the
genetical dependence of the Cathari on the Manichæans are lacking.
Some differences between the two religious systems are too radical to
find a sufficient explanation in the appeal to the evolution of human
thought. Among the Cathari we look in vain for that astronomical
mythology, that pagan symbolism, and the worship of the memory of
Manes, which were important characteristics of Manichæism. However
attractive it may be to trace the origin of the Cathari to the first
centuries of Christianity, we must be cautious not to accept as a
certain historical fact what, up to the present, is only a probable
conclusion.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2071.1">I. CATHARIST PRINCIPLES</h3>
<p id="c-p2072" shownumber="no">The essential characteristic of the Catharist faith was Dualism,
i.e. the belief in a good and an evil principle, of whom the former
created the invisible and spiritual universe, while the latter was the
author of the material world. A difference of opinion existed as to the
nature of these two principles. Their perfect equality was admitted by
the absolute Dualists, whereas in the mitigated form of Dualism the
beneficent principle alone was eternal and supreme, the evil principle
being inferior to him and a mere creature. In the the East and the West
these two different interpretations of Dualism coexisted. The Bogomili
in the East professed it in its modified form. In the West, the
Albanenses in Italy and almost all the non-Italian Cathari were rigid
Dualists; mitigated Dualism prevailed among the Bagnolenses and
Concorrezenses, who were more numerous than the Albanenses in Italy,
though but little represented abroad. (For an exposition of absolute
Dualism, see ALBIGENSES; on the mitigated form, see BOGOMILI.) Not only
were the Albanenses and Concorrezenses opposed to each other to the
extent of indulging in mutual condemnations, but there was division
among the Albanenses themselves. John of Lugio, or of Bergamo,
introduced innovations into the traditional doctrinal system, which was
defended by his (perhaps only spiritual) father Balasinansa, or
Belesmagra, the Catharist Bishop of Verona. Towards the year 1230 John
became the leader of a new party composed of the younger and more
independent elements of the sect. In the two coeternal principles of
good and evil he sees two contending gods, who limit each other's
liberty. Infinite perfection is no attribute even of the good
principle; owing to the genius of evil infused into all its creatures,
it can produce only imperfect beings. The Bagnolenses and
Concorrezenses also differed on some doctrinal questions. The former
maintained that human souls were created and had sinned before the
world was formed. The Concorrezenses taught that Satan infused into the
body of the first man, his handiwork, an angel who had been guilty of a
slight transgression and from whom, by way of generation, all human
souls are derived. The moral system, organization, and liturgy of
absolute and mitigated Dualism exhibit no substantial difference, and
have been treated in the article on the Albigenses.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2072.1">II. HISTORY</h3>
<h4 id="c-p2072.2">France, Belgium and Spain</h4>
<p id="c-p2073" shownumber="no">Although there is no historical foundation for the legend that the
Manichæan Fontanus, one of St. Augustine's opponents, came to the
castle of Montwimer (Montaimé in the Diocese of
Châlons-sur-Marne) and there spread dualistic principles, yet
Montwimer was perhaps the oldest Catharist centre in France and
certainly the principal one in the country north of the Loire. It is in
the central part of France that we come upon the first important
manifestation of Catharism. At a council held in 1022 at Orléans
in presence of King Robert the Pious, thirteen Cathari were condemned
to be burned. Ten of these were canons of the church of the Holy Cross
and another had been confessor to Queen Constance. About the same time
(1025), heretics of similar tenets, who acknowledged that they were
disciples of the Italian Gundulf, appeared at Liège and Arras.
Upon their recantation, perhaps more apparent than real, they were left
unmolested. The sectarians appeared again at Châlons under Bishop
Roger II (1043-65), who in 1045 applied to his fellow-bishop, Wazo of
Liège, for advice regarding their treatment. The latter advised
indulgence. No manifestation of the heresy in North France is recorded
during the second half of the eleventh century; its secret existence,
however, cannot be doubted.</p>
<p id="c-p2074" shownumber="no">A new outbreak of the evil occurred in the twelfth century both in
France and Belgium. In 1114 several heretics who had been captured in
the Diocese of Soissons were seized and burned by the populace while
their case was under discussion at the Council of Beauvais. Others were
either threatened with, or actually met a similar fate at Liège in
1144; some of them were spared owing only to the energetic intervention
of the local bishop, Adalbero II. During the rest of the twelfth
century, Cathari appeared in rapid succession in different places. In
1162 Henry, Archbishop of Reims, while on a visit to Flanders, found
them widely spread in that part of his ecclesiastical province. Upon
his refusal of a bribe of six hundred marks, which they are said to
have offered him for toleration, the heretics appealed to the pope,
Alexander III, who was inclined to mercy in spite of King Louis VII's
advocacy of rigorous measures. At Vézelay in Burgundy seven
heretics were burned in 1167. Towards the end of the century the Count
of Flanders, Phililp I, was remarkable for his severity towards them,
and the Archbishop of Reims, Guillaume de Champagne (1176-1202),
vigorously seconded his efforts. Confiscation, exile, and death were
the penalties inflicted upon them by Hugues, Bishop of Auxerre
(1183-1206). The execution of about one hundred and eighty heretics at
Montwimer in May, 1239, was the death-blow of Catharism in those
countries. Southern France, where its adherents were known as
Albigenses, was its principal stronghold in Western Europe. Thence the
Cathari penetrated into the northern provinces of Spain: Catalonia,
Aragon, Navarre, and Leon. Partisans of the heresy existed in the
peninsula about 1159. At the beginning of the thirteenth century, King
Pedro II of Aragon personally led his troops to the assistance of
Raymond VI of Toulouse against the Catholic Crusaders, and fell at the
battle of Muret in 1213. During that century a few sporadic
manifestations of the heresy took place, at Castelbo in 1225 and again
in 1234, at Leon in 1232. The Cathari however never gained a firm
foothold in the country and are not mentioned after 1292.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2074.1">Italy</h4>
<p id="c-p2075" shownumber="no">Upper Italy was, after Southern France, the principal seat of the
heresy. Between 1030-1040 an important Catharist community was
discovered at the castle of Monteforte near Asti in Piedmont. Some of
the members were seized by the Bishop of Asti and a number of noblemen
of the neighbourhood, and, on their refusal to retract, were burned.
Others, by order of thc Archbishop of Milan, Eriberto, were brought to
his archiepiscopal city, where he hoped to convert them. They answered
his fruitless efforts by attempts to make proselytes; whereupon the
civil magistrates gave them the choice between the Cross and the stake.
For the most part, they preferred death to conversion. In the twelfth
century, when, after prolonged silence, historical records again speak
of Catharism, it exhibits itself as strongly organized. We find it very
powerful in 1125 at Orvieto, a city of the Papal States, which, in
spite of the stringent measures taken to suppress the heresy, was for
many subsequent years deeply infected. Milan was the great heretical
capital; but there was hardly a part of Italy where the heresy was not
represented. It penetrated into Calabria, Sicily, and Sardinia, and
appeared even in Rome. The prohibitions and penalties enacted by the
civil and ecclesiastical rulers of the thirteenth century could not
crush the evil, although the merciless Frederick II occupied the
imperial throne and Popes Innocent III, Honorius III, and Gregory IX
were not remiss in their efforts to suppress it. To prevent the
enforcement of the punishment decreed against them, the members of the
sect, on a few occasions, resorted to assassination, as is proved by
the deaths of St. Peter Parenzo (1199) and St. Peter of Verona (1252);
or, like Pungilovo, who after his death (1269) was temporarily honoured
as a saint by the local Catholic population, they outwardly observed
Catholic practices while remaining faithful Catharists. According to
the Dominican inquisitor, Rainier Sacconi, himself a former adherent of
the heresy, there were in the middle of the thirteenth century about
4000 perfected Cathari in the world. Of these there were in Lombardy
and the Marches, 500 of the Albanensian sect, about 200 Bagnolenses,
1500 Concorrezenses, and 150 French refugees; at Vicenza 100, and as
many at Florence and Spoleto. Although the increase in the number of
"Believers" was very probably not proportionate to that of the
"Perfecti", in consequence of the arrival of refugees from France, yet
the Cathari of the northern half of Italy formed at this time over
three-fifths of the total membership. The heresy, however, could not
hold its own during the second half of the thirteenth century, and
although it continued in existence in the fourteenth, it gradually
disappeared from the cities and took refuge in less accessible places.
St. Vincent Ferrer still discovered and converted some Cathari in 1403
in Lombardy and also in Piedmont, where in 1412 several of them,
already deceased, were executed in effigy. No definite reference to
their existence is found at a subsequent date.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2075.1">Germany and England</h4>
<p id="c-p2076" shownumber="no">Catharism was comparatively unimportant in Germany and England. In
Germany it appeared principally in the Rhine lands. Some members were
apprehended in 1052 at Goslar in Hanover and hanged by order of the
emperor, Henry III. About 1110 some heretics, probably Cathari, and
among them two priests, appeared at Trier, but do not seem to have been
subjected to any penalty. Some years later (c. 1143) Cathari were
discovered at Cologne. Some of them retracted; but the bishop of the
sect and his 
<i>socius</i> (companion), not so ready to change their faith, were
cited before an ecclesiastico-lay tribunal. During the trial they were,
against the will of the judges, carried off by the people and burned.
The heretical Church must have been completely organized in this part
of Germany, as the presence of the bishop seems to prove. To these
events we owe the refutation of the heresy written by St. Bernard at
the request of Everwin, Abbot of Steinfeld. In 1163 the Rhenish city
witnessed another execution, and a similar scene was almost
simultaneously enacted at Bonn. Other districts, Bavaria, Suabia, and
Switzerland, were infected, but the heresy did not gain a firm
foothold. It disappeared almost completely in the thirteenth
century.</p>
<p id="c-p2077" shownumber="no">About 1159, thirty Cathari, German in race and speech, left an
unknown place, perhaps Flanders, to seek refuge in England. Their
proselytizing efforts were rewarded by the temporary conversion of one
woman. They were detected in 1166 and handed over to the secular power
by the bishops of the Council of Oxford. Henry II ordered them to be
scourged, branded on the forehead, and cast adrift in the cold of
winter, and forbade any of his subjects to shelter or succour them.
They all perished from hunger or exposure.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2077.1">The Balkan States</h4>
<p id="c-p2078" shownumber="no">Eastern Europe seems to have been, in point of date, the first
country in which Catharism manifested itself, and it certainly was the
last to be freed from it. The Bogomili, who were representatives of the
heresy in its milder dualistic form, perhaps existed as early as the
tenth century and, at a later date, were found in large numbers in
Bulgaria. Bosnia was another Catharist centre. Some recent writers make
no distinction between the heretics found there and the Bogomili,
whereas others rank them with the rigid Dualists. In the Western
contemporary documents they are usually called "Patareni", the
designation then applied to the Cathari in Italy. At the end of the
twelfth century, Kulin, the 
<i>ban</i> or civil ruler of Bosnia (1168-1204) embraced the heresy,
and 10,000 of his subjects followed his example. The efforts made on
the Catholic side, under the direction of Popes Innocent III, Honorius
III, and Gregory IX, to eradicate the evil, were not productive of any
permanent success. Noble work was accomplished by Franciscan
missionaires sent to Bosnia by Pope Nicholas IV (1288-92). But though
arms and persuasion were used against the heresy, it continued to
flourish. As the country was for a long time a Hungarian dependency,
Hungary was conspicuous in its resistance to the new faith. This
situation developed into a source of weakness on the Catholic side, as
the Cathari identified their religious cause with that of national
independence. When, in the fifteenth century, the Bosnian king, Thomas,
was converted to the Catholic Faith, the severe edicts which he issued
against his former coreligionists were powerless against the evil. The
Cathari, 40,000 in number, left Bosnia and passed into Herzegovina
(1446). The heresy disappeared only after the conquest of these
provinces by the Turks in the second half of the fifteenth century.
Several thousand of its members joined the Orthodox Church, while many
more embraced Islam.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2078.1">III. THE CATHARI AND THE CATHOLIC CHURCH</h3>
<p id="c-p2079" shownumber="no">The Catharist system was a simultaneous attack on the Catholic
Church and the then existing State. The Church was directly assailed in
its doctrine and hierarchy. The denial of the value of oaths, and the
suppression, at least in theory, of the right to punish, undermined the
basis of the Christian State. But the worst danger was that the triumph
of the heretical principles meant the extinction of the human race.
This annihilation was the direct consequence of the Catharist doctrine,
that all intercourse between the sexes ought to be avoided and that
suicide or the 
<i>Endura</i>, under certain circumstances, is not only lawful but
commendable. The assertion of some writers, like Charles Molinier, that
Catholic and Catharist teaching respecting marriage are identical, is
an erroneous interpretation of Catholic doctrine and pratice. Among
Catholics, the priest is forbidden to marry, but the faithful can merit
eternal happiness in the married state. For the Cathari, no salvation
was possible without previous renunciation of marriage. Mr. H.C. Lea,
who cannot be suspected of partiality towards the Catholic Church,
writes: "However much we may deprecate the means used for its
(Catharism) suppression and commiserate those who suffered for
conscience' sake, we cannot but admit that the cause of orthodoxy was
in this case the cause of progress and civilization. Had Catharism
become dominant, or even had it been allowed to exist on equal terms,
its influence could not have failed to prove disastrous." (See Lea,
Inquisition, I, 106.)</p>
<p id="c-p2080" shownumber="no">Eberhard of Béthune, 
<i>Antihaeresis</i>, in 
<i>Biblioth. Max. Patr. XXIV,</i> 1525-84; St. Bernard, 
<i>Sermones in Cantica,</i> in 
<i>P.L.,</i> CLXXXIII, 1088-1102; Ber. Guidonis, 
<i>Practica Inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis,</i> ed. Douais (Paris,
1886); Bonacursus, 
<i>Vita haereticorum,</i> in 
<i>P.L.,</i> CCIV, 775-92; Moneta, 
<i>Adv. Catharos et Waldenses,</i> ed. Ricchini (Rome, 1743); Rainier
Sacconi, 
<i>Summa de Catharistis et Leonistis,</i> in Martène and Durand, 
<i>Thesaurus nov. Anecdot.</i> (Paris, 1717), V; Ecbert of
Schönau, 
<i>Sermones contra Catharos,</i> in 
<i>P.L.,</i> CVC, 11-98; Fredericq, 
<i>Corpus documentorum Inquisitionis haereticae pravitatis
Neerlandicae</i> (Ghent, 1889, sqq.); Döllinger, 
<i>Beiträge zur Sektengesch. des M. A.</i> (Munich, 1890);
Schmidt, 
<i>Histoire et doct. de la secte des Cathares</i> (Paris, 1849);
Douais, 
<i>Les Albigeois</i> (Paris, 1879); Lea, 
<i>Inquisition of the Middle Ages</i> (New York, s.d.), I, 89-208,
563-83; II, 290-315, 569-87, and passim; Tanon, 
<i>Tribunaux de l'inquisition en France</i> (Paris, 1893);
Alphandéry, 
<i>Les idées morales chez les hétérodoxes latins au
début du XIIIe siècle</i> (Paris, 1903), 34-99; Guiraud, 
<i>Questions d'hist.</i> (Paris, 1906), 1-149; Palmieri, 
<i>Les Bogomiles en Bosnie-Herzég.</i> in 
<i>Dict. théol. cath.</i> (Paris, 1905), II, 1042-45; Vacandard, 
<i>L'inquisition</i> (Paris, 1907), 81-123 and passim; Davison, 
<i>Some Forerunners of St. Francis of Assisi</i> (s.C. 1907), 16 sqq.;
Molinier, 
<i>L'Eglise et la société Cathares,</i> in 
<i>Rev. hist.,</i> XCIV, 225 sqq. (1907), and XCV, 1-22, 263-94 (1907).
For further bibliographical indications see Molinier, 
<i>Sources de l'histoire de France</i> (Paris, 1903), Part I, III,
54-77.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2081" shownumber="no">N.A. WEBER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2081.1" title="Cathedra" type="Encyclopedia">Cathedra</term>
<def id="c-p2081.2">
<h1 id="c-p2081.3">Cathedra</h1>
<p id="c-p2082" shownumber="no">(1) The chair or throne 
(<i>thronos</i>) of a bishop in his cathedral church, on which he
presides at solemn functions. Originally the bishop's cathedra stood in
the center of the apse, flanked on either side, though on a lower
plane, by the benches of the assisting priests. A good idea of the
arrangement may be had from the catacomb frescoes representing Christ
seated on a throne surrounded by the apostles, whom He is instructing
in their future duties, and in the fourth century mosaic in the apse of
St. Pudenziana. The earliest type of bishop's throne consisted of a
high-backed armchair, rounded at the top, made out of a single block of
marble. The stone seats in the Roman catacombs of similar form were
probably used by the bishop in the occasional services of the
subterranean chapels. Wooden episcopal chairs were in use in Africa.
The marble chair supporting the famous statue of St. Hippolytus (third
century) is an excellent example of an ancient cathedra; the back has
less than half the elevation of the thrones of the fourth and fifth
centuries. In several Roman basilicas e.g. St. Petronilla, St. Bablina,
and Sts. Nereus and Achilleus, a niche for the bishop's cathedra was
constructed in the wall of the apse, but this arrangement was
exceptional. An example of a cathedra with a perforated seat, like
those used in the Roman baths, is preserved at Monte Cassino. The form
and decoration of the most ancient of episcopal cathedrae were borrowed
from paganism; one side of the chair of St. Hippolytus, however, is
engraved with the saint's computation of the paschal cycle from the
year 222 to 334. During the early centuries of Christianity it was
customary for the bishop to deliver his sermon or homily while seated
in his chair facing the congregation, but in the great basilicas of the
Constantinian era, as well as subsequently, this arrangement became
impracticable; it would have been extremely difficult in a large church
to be heard from this location, particularly in a church where the
altar was surmounted by a ciborium. St. John Chrysostom was accustomed
to address his great audience from the better-adapted lector's ambon in
front of the altar. It appears probable also that in some instances the
episcopal cathedra was moveable, and thus could be placed near the
chancel while the bishop addressed the congregation. This inference is
suggested by the famous chair of Bishop Maximianus at Ravenna, the back
of which, as well as the sides, contains sculptured ornamentation; if
the chair was to remain stationary against the wall of the apse, the
adornment of the back would have been superfluous. In a church
ornamented with an iconostasis, a moveable episcopal chair became
especially necessary if the bishop wished to preach from his throne,
for otherwise he would be almost wholly shut out from view of the
congregation. The two most famous ancient cathedrae still preserved are
the chair of Maximianus mentioned above, and the chair of St. Peter.
The latter, a moveable chair, stood in the time of Ennodius of Pavia
(d.521), who alludes to it, in the baptistery of St. Peter's. During
the pontificate of Alexander VII (1655-1667) it was encased in the
bronze throne in the apse of the new St. Peter's, where it remained
invisible till 1867. It was then, on the occasion of the eighteenth
centenary of the martyrdoms of Sts. Peter and Paul, by order of Pius
IX, removed from its bronze enclosure and exposed to the gaze of the
faithful. De Rossi took advantage of the moment, and gave a description
of the chair in his "Bullettino" (1867, 33 sqq.). The oak framework, in
which four large rings are fastened, is regarded as of much greater
antiquity than the other parts of the cathedra; the presence of the
rings suggests the inference that originally the chair was one of the
"sedes gestatoriae", which came into fashion in the reign of Claudius
(41-54). The wear and tear of time, and the zeal of the relic-hunter,
made extensive repairs necessary at a later period, perhaps in the
reign of Charlemagne. The oak frame was reinforced by the insertion of
pieces of acacia, and new panels of the same wood were made for the
front and sides. The front panel is adorned with square slabs of ivory,
disposed in three rows of six each, representing the labors of
Hercules. Some of these slabs are placed upside down and were not,
apparently, made for the places they occupy. The ivory ornaments of the
back, on the contrary, are well adapted to the form of the chair; they
represent the combats of animals, of centaurs and of men. In the center
of the horizontal bar of the tympanum is the figure of an emperor,
between two angels, variously supposed to represent Charlemagne,
Charles the Bald, or an emperor of the seventeenth century. The ivories
of the front panel are attributed to .the fifth century. The beautiful
ivory chair of Bishop Maximianus (so called from the monogram in front,
"Maximianus ep.") preserved in the sacristy of the cathedral at Ravenna
is an excellent specimen of fifth- or sixth-century ivory carving.
Until recentl y it was attributed to the pontificate of Bishop
Maximianus of Ravenna (d. 556), but Venturi (Storia dell' Arte Ital.,
I, 466) attributes it rather to Maximianus of Constantinople (d. 431).
The back is engraved with twenty four scenes from the life of Christ
and the Blessed Virgin, the front represents St. John the Baptist with
the four Evangelists, while on the sides the story of Joseph, in ten
scenes, is depicted. Occasionally, the cathedra was covered by a
baldachino, e.g. at Torcello and Grado. The marble cathedra of St.
Mark, in his church at Venice, is of great antiquity (Secchi, La
catedra di San Marco, Venice, 1835).</p>
<p id="c-p2083" shownumber="no">(2) The term cathedra was applied also to the see of a bishop. The
earliest use of the word in this sense occurs in Tertullian, who speaks
(De praescriptione, XXXVI) of "cathedrae Apostolorum" in allusion to
Apostolic succession in episcopal sees. In the councils and
ecclesiastical writings of the early Middle Ages such expressions as
"cathedrae viduatae", "cathedrae principales", "cathedrae matrices"
have a similar signification. For the feast of the "chair" or
"cathedra" of St. Peter at Rome and at Antioch, see CHAIR OF PETER.</p>
<p id="c-p2084" shownumber="no">(3) Canon 41 of the Council of Aachen, held in 789, refers to the
cathedral church as distinguished from other churches of a diocese as
"principalis cathedrae"; the term for the official seat of the bishop
is thus employed for the bishop's church. By a definition "ex cathedra"
is meant a formal infallible decision of the pope, obligatory on all
the faithful. See also, FALDSTOOL.</p>
<p id="c-p2085" shownumber="no">Haddan, in dictionary of Christian Antiquities, s. v. (London,
1875); I: Lowrie, Monuments of the Early Church, (New York, 1901);
Venturi, Storia dell' Arte Italiana (Milan, 1901); Kraus, Gesch. der
christl. Kunst (Freiburg, 1896); Kaufmann, Christl. Archäologie
(Paderborn, 1905); de Fleury, La Messe, II, 147 sqq.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2086" shownumber="no">MAURICE M. HASSETT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2086.1" title="Cathedral" type="Encyclopedia">Cathedral</term>
<def id="c-p2086.2">
<h1 id="c-p2086.3">Cathedral</h1>
<p id="c-p2087" shownumber="no">The chief church of a diocese, in which the bishop has his throne 
(<i>cathedra</i>) and close to which is his residence; it is, properly
speaking, the bishop's church, wherein he presides, teaches, and
conducts worship for the whole Christian community. The word is derived
from the Greek 
<i>kathedra</i> through the Latin 
<i>cathedra</i>, throne, elevated seat. In early ecclesiastical
literature it always conveyed the idea of authority. Christ Himself
spoke of the scribes and Pharisees as seated on the chair of Moses
(<scripRef id="c-p2087.1" osisRef="Bible:Matt.23.2" parsed="|Matt|23|2|0|0" passage="Matthew 23:2">Matthew 23:2</scripRef>), and it suffices to recall the two feasts of the Chair
of St. Peter (at Antioch and Rome) to show that, in the language of the
Fathers as well as among the monuments of antiquity, the 
<i>cathedra</i> was the principal symbol of authority. (Martigny, Dict.
des antiq. chrét., Paris, 1877, s.v. Chaire) In the Latin Church
the official name is 
<i>ecclesia cathedralis</i>; nevertheless, this expression is not
wholly identical with that of 
<i>ecclesia episcopalis</i>, also an official title, which indicates
the church of one who is only a bishop, while the churches of the
higher-ranking prelates take their names from the dignity of their
incumbents; 
<i>ecclesiae archiepiscopalis, metropolitanae, primatialis,
patriarchalis.</i> In the East the word cathedral does not exist, the
episcopal church being known simply as "the church" or "the great
church". (L. Clugnet, Dictionnaire grec-français des noms
liturgiques en usage dans l'Eglise-grecque, Paris, 1895, s.v. 
<i>Ekklesia</i>). What seems to predominate is the name of the city; at
the consecration of a bishop it is simply said that he is destined for
the church of God in a given city. In popular usage the cathedral is
variously named. In France, England, and English-speaking countries the
word cathedral is general; occasionally it gives way to the expression,
metropolitan church 
(<i>la metropole</i>). In Lyons it is known as the primatial church, in
reference to the special dignity of the archbishop. In Spain it is
called 
<i>la seo</i> or 
<i>la seu</i> (the see). In one instance the city itself is thus known,
Urgel being called la seo d'Urgel or simply la seo. In Italy the
cathedral is called 
<i>il duomo</i>, and in some parts of Germany, especially in the
ecclesiastical province of Cologne, 
<i>der Dom</i> (whence the German term 
<i>Domherr</i>, canon), the episcopal church being looked on as
preeminently the house of god or of the saint of whom it was named
(DuCange, Glossar., med. et inf. latin., s.v.v. 
<i>Ecclesia, domo</i>, and 
<i>domus</i>). At Strasburg and elsewhere in Germany the cathedral is
called 
<i>Münster</i> 
(<i>monasterium</i>), because some cathedrals were served by monks, or,
rather, were the abode of canons living in community, the church being
thus converted into a sort of monastery, especially where the reform of
St. Chrodegang (d. 766) had been adopted. (DuCange, Glossar., s.v.
Monasterium). Medieval documents and writers offer other names for the
cathedral church. The following are found in the above mentioned work
of Du Cange (s.v. Ecclesia): 
<i>ecclesia major, ecclesia mater, ecclesia principalis, ecclesia
senior,</i> more frequently 
<i>ecclesia matrix.</i> The last appellation was current in Northern
Africa (Fulgentius Ferrandus, Breviatio canonum, nos. 11. 17, 38, in
Migne, P. L., LXVII, 950) and has been consecrated y the canon law;
Innocent III says quite explicitly (e. Venerabili, 12, de verb.
signif.): 
<i>Per matricem ecclesiam cathedralem intelligi volumus.</i></p>
<p id="c-p2088" shownumber="no">Hence the juridical character or standing of the cathedral does not
depend on the form, dimensions, or magnificence of the edifice, since,
without undergoing any change a church may become a cathedral,
especially when a new diocese is founded. What properly constitutes a
cathedral is its assignment by competent authority as the residence of
the bishop in his hierarchical capacity, and the principal church of a
diocese is naturally best adapted to this purpose. Such official
designation is known as canonical erection and necessarily accompanies
the formation of a new diocese. At present, and for a long time past,
new dioceses are formed by a division 
(<i>dismembratio</i>) of older ones. Erection and division being what
are known in canon law as important affairs 
(<i>causae majores</i>) are reserved to the sovereign pontiff, and the
erection of cathedrals likewise belongs to him. Very often the
Apostolic Letters by which a new diocese is created expressly designate
the cathedral church; again, however (and such is usual in the United
States), the episcopal city being named the bishop is left free to
select his church (III Conc. Balt., n.35). The transfer of a cathedral
can occur in two ways:</p>
<ul id="c-p2088.1">
<li id="c-p2088.2">First, the episcopal residence may be moved from one city to
another within the same diocese, in which event the cathedral also
would have to be changed; such a transfer would require the
intervention of the Holy See, since it created the diocese and assigned
the bishop to his first residence.</li>
<li id="c-p2088.3">Second, the cathedral may be transferred from one church to another
within the same city, either to a church already in use or to one built
specially for the purpose. As the mere act of rebuilding does not
necessitate the removal to another city and hence a change of episcopal
title, this second kind of transfer requires no papal authorization.
The consent of the bishop and the clergy of the cathedral would
therefore regularly suffice, presupposing, of course, reasonable
motives, e.g. inadequate size of the church, unhealthy or inconvenient
location, etc.(Pollottini, Collect. resolut. S. Cong. Conc., s.v.
Ecclesia Cathedralis, II, n. 1 sq).</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2089" shownumber="no">In both of the above methods it is necessary to transfer with the
cathedral all that is characteristic of it or essential to it as such:
first the name and pre-eminence of cathedral, then the chapter and
clergy, and finally the title in all movables and real estate, except
what belongs to the former cathedral in its capacity of parish church.
The suppression of a cathedral follows that of a diocese -- just as its
establishment follows the creation of a diocese -- but does not do away
with the church itself as a place of worship.</p>
<p id="c-p2090" shownumber="no">Ecclesiastical law, based on the constitution of the Church,
provides that there shall be but one bishop of each diocese. The
bishop, of course, is at home in all the churches of his diocese, and
in any or all of them he is at liberty to erect a temporary throne or
seat 
(<i>cathedra</i>) symbolic of his episcopal jurisdiction, but there is
only one cathedral. This unity of residence is implied by the unity of
headship and direction, and canonists add that the unity of the
mystical marriage of the bishop with his church signifies the unity of
his spiritual spouse. To this rule of residence there are two so-called
exceptions.</p>
<p id="c-p2091" shownumber="no">The first deals with two or even three dioceses united 
<i>aeque principaliter</i>, i.e. without forfeiting their existence or
rights as dioceses, and yet having but one bishop. Such cases are not
uncommon in Italy, e.g. the three united Dioceses of Terracina, Sezze,
and Piperno. This combining of dioceses was authorized by the Council
of Trent (Sess. XXIV, c. XIII, de ref.) to meet the insufficiency of
resources in certain cases. But while in this case the same bishop has
several cathedrals, yet there is but one in each diocese. The following
passage relative to a seminary in the Diocese of Piperno clearly
establishes the legitimate existence of these cathedrals of united
dioceses (Privernen., Aperitionis seminarii, 16 March, 1771, in
Pallottini, loc cit., n. 17,18): "The union of an equal level of
dignity does not affect the internal status of the dioceses so united;
each continues to hold its rights, privileges, etc., as before. The
union is really only a personal one, inasmuch as henceforth one bishop
is charged with the government of all the sees thus united."</p>
<p id="c-p2092" shownumber="no">The second apparent exception is in regard to ancient churches
which, for one reason or another, have ceased to be cathedrals, yet
preserve their ancient title, retain a certain degree of pre-eminence,
and occasionally enjoy some honorary privileges. One of the oldest
examples is that of the ancient cathedral on Mount Sion in Jerusalem,
which ceased to be a cathedral when the bishop's see was transferred to
the great Constantinian church erected on Calvary (Duchesne, Christian
Worship, tr. London, 1903, 491-92). Sometimes an episcopal see was
transferred to another city of the diocese without losing its first
title: thus the see Perpignan still preserves the ancient title of the
city of Elne. Several of the ancient French episcopal titles,
suppressed by the concordat of 1801 and never reestablished, have been
revived in memory of the past and added to the titles of existing sees;
thus the Archdiocese of Aix carries with it the titles of the
suppressed dioceses of Arles and Embrun. But such honorary survivals of
ancient cathedrals in no wise conflict with the unity of the real
cathedral.</p>
<p id="c-p2093" shownumber="no">Formerly a solemn consecration or dedication was requisite to set
apart churches for purposes of worship. But for many centuries it has
sufficed, at least for churches of minor importance, that they be
blessed according to the form provided in the Ritual. The obligation,
however, of consecrating cathedrals has always been maintained in the
liturgical books of the Roman Church, and was formerly renewed for the
ecclesiastical province of Rome by the Roman provincial council of 1725
under Benedict XIII (tit. XXV, c, 1). moreover, the Congregation of
Sacred Rites acknowledged this as a general law when (7 August, 1875)
it replied as follows to the bishop of Cuneo in Piedmont: "Incumbere
debent episcopi ut ecclesiae saltem cathedrales et parochialis
solemnitur consecrenter" (Cuneen., ad I; n. 3364) -- i.e. the bishops
should see to it that at least the cathedral and the parish churches
(strictly so-called) be consecrated. This is all the more imperative
for the cathedral because the anniversary of its dedication must be
celebrated by all the clergy of the diocese. Canon law does not specify
the form and dimensions of the cathedral; nevertheless, it supposes the
edifice sufficiently spacious to accommodate a large assemblage of the
faithful on the occasion of elaborate pontifical ceremonies. If
possible, the choir, sanctuary, and nave should be of suitable
proportions, and besides the altar and general equipment necessary in
other churches, the cathedral should have a permanent episcopal seat.
The word 
<i>cathedra</i>, so expressive in the language of antiquity, has
gradually been replaced in liturgical usage, by throne 
(<i>thronus</i>) or seat 
(<i>sedes</i>). According to the "Caeremoniale Episcoporum" (I, c. xiii)
the throne should be a fixture and placed either at the extreme end of
the apse-- when, as in the ancient basilicas, the altar is in the
middle of the church and the celebrant faces the people--or else to the
front of the altar on the Gospel side, when the altar is placed, as is
usual, against the rear wall and the celebrant turns his back to the
people. In either case the throne should have an approach of three
steps and be surmounted by a canopy as a sign of honor. When the bishop
pontificates, the steps of the throne should be carpeted and both the
throne proper and the canopy be decorated with costly materials. The 
<i>thronos</i> of the Greek bishop is the same, except that its very
high back is surmounted by an icon, or sacred image. The cathedral
should also have its baptismal fonts (q.v.). Finally, not only should
it have an ample supply of the sacerdotal vestments and sacred vessels
required in all churches, but also of the vestments and pontifical
insignia used by the bishop in solemn ceremonies.</p>
<p id="c-p2094" shownumber="no">As personnel or staff, ecclesiastical law requires that a cathedral
should have a chapter (q.v.), taking the place of the ancient 
<i>presbyterium</i> and constituting, as it were, the senate of the
church and the bishop's council. The chief obligation of the chapter is
daily to celebrate the Divine Office and Holy Sacrifice of the Mass in
the name of the entire Christian community. Its members, dignitaries,
and canons escort and assist the bishop when he pontificates; even when
he merely presides at the services they form an entourage of honor for
him. In the United States there are no chapters, properly so called,
these being replaced to a certain extent by "consultors" (III Conc.
Balt., 
<i>passim</i>). The solemnity of the ceremonies also calls for a
greater or lesser number of ecclesiastics of lower rank; there exists,
however, no definite legislation on this head. It is sometimes asked
whether the cathedral can be a parish church. As the bishop is
unquestionably the first pastor of the diocese he might, in a certain
sense, be said to be its first parish priest, were it not that this
title implies jurisdiction of an inferior kind and confined to a
portion of the diocesan territory. Moreover, the bishop does not
personally and immediately exercise the duties of the parochial cure of
souls 
(<i>cura animarum</i>). Originally, the cathedral was the only parish
church for the entire diocese, and later, after the establishment of
rural parishes, for the episcopal city. In Christian antiquity it was
only in large cities like Rome that certain ministerial functions were
habitually discharged in presbyterial churches; these 
<i>tituli</i>, or titles, however, were always dependent on the bishop
(see Parish, Cardinal). But, in a general way, the division of cities
into distinct and individual parishes does not date beyond the eleventh
century (M. Lupi, De parochis ante annum millesimum, 1788). Once this
division was made it was quite natural that the cathedral should retain
as parish territory the district immediately surrounding it. Indeed,
there are very few cathedrals that are not at the same time parish
churches, although in this regard the law prescribes nothing. The cure
of souls does not, then, devolve on the bishop, but on the chapter,
which exercises it through a vicar chosen either from its own number or
from outside. A chapel in the cathedral church is frequently set aside
for parochial ministrations, this custom being very general in Spain
and Italy. But the ancient Christian discipline has not entirely
disappeared, and it is interesting to observe how, in many places,
certain ceremonies are reserved to the cathedral, especially the
administration of baptism. In Florence, Sienna, Pisa, and other cities,
the parish churches have no baptismal fonts, and all children, unless
in urgent cases, must be baptized in the cathedral, or, rather, in the
baptistery. It is to be noted that the revenues, accounts, and
administration of the cathedral parish are entirely distinct from those
of the cathedral as such. As the principal church of the diocese--no
matter what their privileges in other respects--even over those they
may have received from Rome the title of minor basilica; hence it is
that the clergy of the cathedral church when walking in large
processions take precedence over those of all the other churches of the
city and diocese, collegiate churches included.</p>
<p id="c-p2095" shownumber="no">Canonists compare to a spiritual marriage the union of a bishop with
his church, and although this expression may be truer with respect to
the church as understood in the moral sense than to the cathedral, it
is nevertheless not inappropriate. They say that the bishop should love
his cathedral, adorn and embellish it, and never neglect it. Metaphors
apart, the bishop receives his cathedral as his "title" 
(<i>titulus</i>) or right; he is its governor 
(<i>rector</i>) and its head. He should take possession of it by a
solemn entrance into his episcopal city and by the ceremony of
enthronement 
(<i>inthronisatio</i>) as prescribed in the Roman Pontifical and the
"Caeremoniale Episcoporum", (I, c. ii) in so far, at least, as custom
will permit. Except when the visitation of his diocese or some other
just cause necessitates his absence, he should reside near his
cathedral, attend services there, pontificate (i.e. perform the more
solemn services) on the days specified in the above-mentioned
"Caeremoniale Episcoporum", preach and teach Divine truth, and find
there a last resting-place. Theoretically, the diocesan clergy are the
clergy of the cathedral delegated by the bishop to minister in his
stead to the distant members of his flock. Hence the clergy of the
diocese should feel at home in their cathedral and in its sanctuary
find by right their place whenever occasion arises. There is much,
indeed, to bind the diocesan clergy to their mother church, since it is
there that the general ordinations regularly take place, that by
Tridentine law the 
<i>theologalis</i> should expound the Holy Scripture for the benefit of
all the clergy (Conc. Trid., Sess. V, c. i, de ref), and that the
seminarians participate in the services of the Church feasts and learn
the ecclesiastical ceremonies (Sess. XXIII, c. xviii, de ref). In order
that all the clergy may, in a way, belong to the cathedral, the
obligation is imposed upon them of celebrating the two feasts proper to
the cathedral, it's patronal feast and the anniversary of its
dedication, just as they would observe these feasts in their own
particular churches. The patronal feast of the cathedral, i.e. the
commemoration of the religious mystery or the saint fir whom it has
been named -- or indeed of its two patrons, if it have two, 
<i>aeque principales</i> -- must duly solemnized as a first-class
double with octave, the regular cle rgy only being dispensed from the
octave. Although the observance of the anniversary of the dedication is
also of obligation for all the clergy, there is this difference: the
priests of the episcopal city celebrate it as a second-class double
with octave, while only those regulars who reside in the episcopal city
are obliged to celebrate it, and they observe it as a second-class
double without octave (General Decree of 9, July, 1895, in Decret.
authent. S. Cong. Rit., n. 3863)</p>
<p id="c-p2096" shownumber="no">A cathedral cannot subsist without resources, I.e. without temporal
possessions. Canonically speaking, these are provided by the
establishment of a fund 
(<i>dotatio</i>) for the support of the cathedral. Strictly speaking,
the latter should not be established unless sufficient resources are
assured for the performance of Divine worship and the maintenance of
the cathedral clergy (III, tit. 48, de eccles. aedificandis vel
reparandis). The same law applies to all other churches. In the
thirteenth century, when the decretal legislation arose, the endowment
of a church, benefice, or monastery was not conceivable except by an
allotment of land, whose fruits or revenues constituted the necessary
means of support for the institution or persons in question. To-day
such endowment, when not maintained by the State or municipality, is in
the form of personal estate and is seldom adequate, so that both
cathedral and parochial churches depend largely on the annual
contributions of the faithful. The repair, renovation, and rebuilding
of cathedrals are the object of many decisions of the Sacred
Congregation of the Council. The cathedral property either belongs to
the Church in full right or is claimed by the State, the municipality,
etc. In the first case the cost of the repairs falls principally on the
bishop, but not on him alone. First, the income of the 
<i>fabrica</i>, i.e. the funds destined to the support of the edifice,
like the 
<i>Fabbrica</i> of St. Peter's or the 
<i>Opera</i> at Siena and elsewhere, is used to defray these expenses;
second, the episcopal revenue properly speaking 
(<i>mensa episcopalis</i>) is drawn upon, i.e. when it is large enough
to suffer a drain without undue inconvenience to the bishop; third, the
canons and other beneficed ecclesiastics of the cathedral are assessed
proportionately to the amount of their income; an assessment may then
be levied upon the diocesan clergy, and finally an ecclesiastical tax
may be imposed upon the faithful. When these different means are either
impractical or insufficient, foundations for Masses may be temporarily
suspended (Pallottini, op. cit., I, per totum; Benedict XIV, Inst.
eccl., C.). The aforesaid measures, however, suppose an organization of
ecclesiastical benefices which are now about extinct; at present the
practical method is an appeal to the generosity of the clergy and the
faithful. It may be, however, that the cathedral is held to be property
of the State or city, in which case, if either has pledged itself to
care for the building, the responsibility of the bishop or clergy
ensues only in default of the former (Permaneder-Riedl, Die kirchliche
Baulast, Munich, 1890). The question sometimes arises as to whether the
bishop has any claim upon the temporal possessions of the cathedral.
According to the letter of the law, provision should be made for the
personal support of the bishop, at the same time that it is made for
the revenue of the cathedral; this endowment of the episcopal office 
(<i>mensa episcopalis</i>) should be totally distinct from the endowment
of the cathedral; in this event, the bishop should come to the
assistance of his cathedral rather than take from its income. Like the
cathedral clergy, however, the bishop can with all propriety claim the
adventitious revenues of foundations in proportion as he discharges the
duties involved. But there are many countries in which the system of
ecclesiastical benefices does not exist. In such countries the
Apostolic Letters that create the diocese assign the bishop a suitable
support 
(<i>cathedraticum</i>) instead of the canonical revenue. In the
collection of this cathedraticum the bishop may assess the cathedral
for as much as (even more than) he asks from the other churches of the
diocese. He may even consider himself the real pastor of his cathedral
church and apply to himself the diocesan rule whereby a pastor is
assigned an appropriate salary out of the income of his church.</p>
<p id="c-p2097" shownumber="no">Finally, as regards the temporal administration of the cathedral,
local customs, quite variable, as a rule, are to be duly considered. It
will suffice if we mention here the common ecclesiastical law according
to which the administration of the cathedral belongs conjointly to the
bishop and the chapter. It is not only the bishop's right and duty to
control the administration of the cathedral by exacting financial
reports, as in the case of all the churches and ecclesiastical
institutions of the diocese; in the administration of the cathedral he
participates personally and intervenes directly. He assists either in
person or by his vicar-general at the deliberations of the chapter or
administrative council, whatever its name and composition, being
rightfully its first member and president, and he alone is qualified to
sanction measures for the use of the funds and revenues of all kinds
belonging to the cathedral. See: Bishop; Diocese; Cathedraticum;
Buildings, Ecclesiastical; Canon.</p>
<p id="c-p2098" shownumber="no">Mich. Ant. Frances, De ecclesiis cathedralibus eorumque privilegis
et praerogativis (Lyons, 1668); The Canonists, in tit., De ecclesiis
aedificandis et reparandis, lib. III, tit. 48; Decreta authentica S. C.
Rituum (Rome, 1901), s.vv. Ecclesia, Cathedralis Ecclesia, Episcopus;
Taunton, The Law of the Church (London, 1906), 134; E.W. Benson
(Anglican), The Cathedral, (London, 1878)</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2099" shownumber="no">A. BOUDINHON</p></def>

<term id="c-p2099.1" title="Cathedraticum" type="Encyclopedia">Cathedraticum</term>
<def id="c-p2099.2">
<h1 id="c-p2099.3">Cathedraticum</h1>
<p id="c-p2100" shownumber="no">(Lat. 
<i>cathedra,</i> episcopal seat or throne).</p>
<p id="c-p2101" shownumber="no">A certain sum of money to be contributed annually for the support of
the bishop, as a mark of honour and in sign of subjection to the
cathedral church, hence its name. In the early ages of the Church,
contributions for the support of the bishop were tendered rather
through custom than by law. The earliest legislation on the subject
seems to be a canon of the Second Council of Braga (572). According to
the decree of this council, only parish churches and chapters were
obliged to pay the cathedraticum (Can. Placuit, 10, qu. 3). The reason
given for this limitation is that at the time of the Council of Braga
the sacraments were administered to the faithful in parochial churches
only. When in the course of time, many other ecclesiastical edifices
were built and endowed, it was judged proper that these also should pay
the cathedraticum. Hence Pope Honorius III made a universal law (cap.
Conquerente, de Off. Ordin.) that not only chapters and parish
churches, but also endowed chapels and benefices should be subject to
the same tax (Rota coram Tan. decis, 228). This sum was to be paid to
the bishop on the occasion of his annual visitation of his diocese. The
amount of the cathedraticum was fixed in ancient times at two 
<i>solidi</i>; a solidus was one seventy-second part of a pound of
gold. According to canonists, this remains the obligatory amount of the
tax, unless custom establishes a different sum. If a smaller amount
than the original tax becomes customary in a diocese, the bishop must
be content with this reduced pension, nor can he command a return to
the higher sum (S. C. C. in Amalph., 1705). In general it is presumed
that the quantity of the cathedraticum will be determined by reasonable
custom according to the exigencies of various dioceses and countries.
Where custom has not fixed the sum, the S. Congregation of the Council
declared that either the amount paid by a neighbouring diocese or the
equivalent of the original two 
<i>solidi</i> must be taken as the proper tax (In Albin., 1644).</p>
<p id="c-p2102" shownumber="no">The regular clergy are not obliged to pay the cathedraticum for
their monasteries and conventual churches, as is expressly stated in
the "Corpus Juris" (cap. Inter cætera, viii, caus. 10). The reason
is found in the very idea of the cathedraticum, which is given by a
church or benefice in sign of subjection to the jurisdiction of the
bishop. As exempt regulars are immediately subject to the Holy See,
there is no obligation on them to pay the cathedraticum. In the case,
however, that regulars administer parish churches or secular benefices,
they are subject to the tax, inasmuch as such institutions fall under
diocesan law. It has also been declared that confraternities which have
no churches in the strict sense of the word, but only chapels, are
exempt from this episcopal tax ("In Firmana, Cathedr."). As the
cathedraticum pertains to episcopal rights, it is privileged and
consequently no prescription can totally abrogate it. This is expressly
declared by the S. Congregation of the Council (In Amalph., 1707), when
it decrees that no contrary custom, even of immemorial antiquity, can
exempt from the payment of this tax. It is also to be noted that,
according to the common law, the cathedraticum is to be uniform for all
institutions in a diocese, without regard to the opulence or poverty of
the benefices.</p>
<p id="c-p2103" shownumber="no">Owing to the phraseology of the Council of Trent (Sess. XXIV, cap.
ii), a controversy arose as to whether this council had abrogated the
cathedraticum. The S. Congregation of the Council gave the following
interpretation: "The Council did not abolish the cathedraticum; but
desired that it be paid, not at the time of the episcopal visitation,
but rather at the diocesan synod." It is owing to the custom of paying
this tax at the synod that the name 
<i>synodaticum</i> has been given to it. By law, however, there is,
strictly speaking, no fixed time for making this payment. For although
as a rule it is customary to do so in the synod, yet custom or
agreement can place it at another time. In fact the S. Congregation of
the Council has declared that the cathedraticum must be paid, even in
those years in which no diocesan synod is celebrated (In Perus.,
Cathedr., 1735). As the cathedraticum is a mark of subjection to the
cathedral church, the bishop cannot exempt any benefice from this tax.
On the other hand he cannot demand it from clerics or priests who have
no benefices, even though he plead ancient custom to the contrary (S.
C. Ep. In Compsan., 1694). He can require it, however, from the
diocesan seminary if benefices have been incorporated with it. In like
manner he can demand the cathedraticum from monasteries with which
secular churches and benefices have been united. An exception to this
law was made, however, for the Order of St. John of Jerusalem in
1630.</p>
<p id="c-p2104" shownumber="no">All this concerns the laws on the cathedraticum where the Church is
canonically established. Obviously, in so-called missionary countries,
where benefices are practically unknown, such laws cannot apply. As,
however, it is only equitable that the diocese should support its
bishop, especially as he has no episcopal benefice, a pension which
retains the canonical name of cathedraticum is usually paid to the
bishop in most missionary countries. There is no uniform law on the
subject. The question necessarily occupied the attention of various
synods and the conclusion was unanimous that a tax analogous to the
cathedraticum should be imposed on dioceses for the support of their
bishops. Thus the Eighth Provincial Council of Baltimore (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2104.1">Baltimore, Provincial Councils of</span>), held in 1855, declares in its
seventh decree: "As it is just that the bishop who watches over the
salvation of all, should receive from all the faithful of the diocese
whatever is necessary for his proper support and for enabling him to
execute his office, we decree that he may demand for this purpose a
part of the revenues of all churches in which the care of souls is
exercised". The Cardinal Prefect of the Propaganda, writing to the
bishops of the Province of Cincinnati in 1857, says: "The right of the
bishop to receive support from his diocese has been recognized;
nevertheless, the application and determination of the means of support
can best be treated of in diocesan synods, because cognizance can then
be taken of the state and condition of each diocese". The Provincial
Council of New Orleans in 1856 calls this subsidy the "right of
cathedraticum, either to sustain the bishop or to provide for various
necessities of the diocese". It states that each bishop of the province
should determine the amount in a diocesan synod. In Canada, the
Provincial Council of Halifax in 1857 declares: "As the bishop is
constituted not for one part but for all parts of his diocese, and as
he labours and watches for all alike, all are obliged to contribute for
his proper sustenance". The Second Plenary Council of Baltimore in
1866, likewise states that "it is evidently equitable and just that all
the faithful of each diocese should contribute to the support of their
bishop, who bears the solicitude for all".</p>
<p id="c-p2105" shownumber="no">As to the determination of the quantity of the cathedraticum, we
find the First Provincial Council of Cincinnati requesting Propaganda
to sanction some uniform method, but the latter preferred to commit
this to the diocesan synods. In the acts of the First Provincial
Council of Quebec in 1851, we fine the following scheme "proposed" to
Propaganda. It is there said to be similar to that already sanctioned
for some bishops in Canada and Ireland: each bishop is to receive a
third of the revenues of one or two parishes; or the fourth or fifth
part of three or four parishes; or the tenth part of practically all
the parishes in his diocese, having regard to the circumstances of each
parish. Propaganda sanctioned the employment of the last-named
provision in 1852. In the Province of Halifax, Canada, it was decreed
in 1857 that a collection be taken up annually in October for the
support of the bishops. In England, the Third Provincial Council of
Westminster in 1859 placed the amount of the cathedraticum at one half
pound sterling. It declared that the liability to pay this tax was
obligatory on each cathedral chapter; on priests ordained for the
mission, who receive salaries from churches or oratories; on those who
have the cure of souls; and on all who preside over churches and public
oratories unless they can prove a special exemption.</p>
<p id="c-p2106" shownumber="no">In the United States, the Eighth Provincial Council of Baltimore,
when vindicating the right of the bishop to part of the revenues of the
churches, enumerates as such revenues, the renting of pews, the
collections taken up during Mass, and the offerings made at baptisms
and marriages. An identical decree was adopted by the Second Council of
the Province of Australia in 1869, but Propaganda did not sanction it
and declared that the matter should preferably be determined by the
various diocesan synods. This was likewise the opinion of the Fathers
of the Second Plenary Council of Baltimore in 1866. As a consequesce,
different methods of computing the cathedraticum prevail throughout the
United States. In one prominent diocese, for example, the rector of
each church must pay one-fifth of his revenue if it exceed one thousand
dollars, or one-third if it be less. The revenue in question is
declared to be made up of the pew rents, the collections during Divine
service and the funeral stipends. Finally the diocesan arrangement for
the cathedraticum has been declared by Propaganda (as in 1872) to be a
binding law on those whom it concerns.</p>
<p id="c-p2107" shownumber="no">
<i>Acta et Decreta Conc. Recent. Coll. Lacensis</i> (Freiburg im Br.,
1875), III; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2107.1">Ferraris,</span> 
<i>Bibl. Jur. Can.</i> (Rome, 1886), II, s. v.; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2107.2">Smith,</span> 
<i>Notes on II Conc. Balt.</i> (New York, 1874); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2107.3">Benedict</span> XIV, 
<i>De Synodo diœcesanâ,</i> V, 67; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2107.4">Taunton</span> 
<i>The Law of the Church</i> (London, 1906), s.v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2108" shownumber="no">William H. W. Fanning.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2108.1" title="Catherick, Ven. Edmund" type="Encyclopedia">Ven. Edmund Catherick</term>
<def id="c-p2108.2">
<h1 id="c-p2108.3">Ven. Edmund Catherick</h1>
<p id="c-p2109" shownumber="no">Priest and martyr, born probably in Lancashire about 1605; executed
at York, 13 April, 1642. He was descended from the old family of
Catherick of Carlton and Stanwick, in the North Riding of Yorkshire,
known for its loyalty to the Faith. Educated at Douai College, he was
ordained in the same institution, and about 1635 went out to the
English mission where he began his seven years' ministry which closed
with his death. During this time he was known under the 
<i>alias</i> Huddleston, which was probably his mother's maiden
name.</p>
<p id="c-p2110" shownumber="no">Apprehended in the North Riding, near Watlas, Catherick was brought
by pursuivants before Justice Dodsworth, a connection by marriage --
possibly an uncle. Gillow states (IV, 310) that it was through
admissions made to Dodsworth, under the guise of friendship, that
Catherick was convicted. He was arraigned at York and condemned to
death together with Father John Lockwood. The execution was stayed by
the king for a short time, but he finally signed the warrant and it was
carried out during his presence at The Manor in York. Catherick and
Lockwood were dragged through the streets of York on a hurdle to the
place of execution and hanged, drawn, and quartered. Catherick's head
was placed on Micklegate Bar, and what fragments remained, after the
hangman's butchery, were buried at Toft Green. The "body" is now at St.
Gregory's Monastery, Downside, and the skull, said to have been found
at Hazlewood Castle, was carefully examined by Lingard in 1845.</p>
<p id="c-p2111" shownumber="no">Gillow, Bibl. 
<i>Dict. Eng. Cath.</i>, I, 432; Challoner, Memoirs, II; De Marsys, 
<i>Hist. de la persécution presente des cath.</i>, III.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2112" shownumber="no">E.F. SAXTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2112.1" title="Catherine, Monastery of St." type="Encyclopedia">Monastery of St. Catherine</term>
<def id="c-p2112.2">
<h1 id="c-p2112.3">Monastery of St. Catherine</h1>
<p id="c-p2113" shownumber="no">Situated on Mount Sinai, at an altitude of 4854 feet, in a
picturesque gorge below the Jebel-Musa, the reputed Mountain of the
Law. This Byzantine convent, perhaps the most interesting of the
Christian Orient, is under the Rule of St. Basil, and is well-known for
its hospitality. It is chiefly famous, however, on account of its
library, in which was discovered the Codex Sinaiticus, a valuable
Biblical manuscript dating from the fourth century. Although now in a
state of decay, the Monastery of St. Catherine is still held in great
veneration by the Orthodox Greeks, both because it is believed to
contain the remains of the famous virgin of Alexandria, and because of
its intimate connection with some of the most sublime events recorded
in Holy Scripture. In a little oratory where a lamp is kept always
burning, and which is only to be entered unshod, the monks show the
supposed location of the Burning Bush. The earliest known historical
fact is the erection of a church by Emperor Justinian about A.D. 550. A
Byzantine mosaic, which is still in existence, shows that this was
formerly called the church of the Transfiguration; here were gathered
the hermits who had previously lived in separate cells and caves among
the rocks of Mount Sinai. It is not known when or how the monastery
obtained possession of the remains of St Catherine of Alexandria and
adopted her name. According to legend her body was transported thither
by the hands of angels. The name, however, does not appear in
literature before the tenth century. To protect the monks and pilgrims
against the Saracens the monastery was fortified like a castle, the
exterior wall of which forms a quadrangle resting on solid rock. The
fact that a castle presupposes a military force accounts for the
mention some authors make of a military order of St. Catherine, founded
in 1063, which would thus antedate any other military order. No trace
has been found, however, of the rule of any such order, or of a list of
its grand masters. From the Crusades the monastery of St. Catherine
attracted many Latin pilgrims, who gradually formed a brotherhood, the
members of which pretended to the knighthood. In return for a vague
promise to protect sacred shrines and pilgrims, they were granted the
coveted St. Catherine's Cross, a cross inserted in the wheel of St.
Catherine. See Catherine of Alexandria; Sinai; MSS. of the Bible.</p>
<p id="c-p2114" shownumber="no">Palmer, 
<i>Sinai to the Present Day</i> (London, 1878); Wilson and Palmer, 
<i>Ordnance Survey of Sinai</i> (London, 1872); Roehrichts and Meisner,

<i>Deutsche Pilgerreise nach dem heiligen Lande</i> (Berlin, 1880);
Stanley, 
<i>Sinai and Palestine</i> (London, 1882); Julian, 
<i>Sinai et Syrie</i> (Lille, 1903).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2115" shownumber="no">CH. MOELLER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2115.1" title="Catherine De' Medici" type="Encyclopedia">Catherine De' Medici</term>
<def id="c-p2115.2">
<h1 id="c-p2115.3">Catherine de' Medici</h1>
<p id="c-p2116" shownumber="no">Born 13 April, 1519; died 5 January, 1589; she was the daughter of
Lorenzo de' Medici (II), Duke of Urbino, and Madeleine de la Tour d'
Auvergne who, by her mother, Catherine of Bourbon, was related to the
royal house of France. Left an orphan when only a few weeks old,
Catherine had barely reached the age of thirteen when Francis I, King
of France, eager to thwart the projects of the Emperor Charles V and to
court the friendship of Clement VII, Catherine's uncle, arranged a
marriage between Catherine and his second son Henry, Clement VII coming
to Marseilles in October, 1533, for the ceremony. The death, however,
of the pontiff during the ensuing year prevented Francis I from
realizing the political advantages he had hoped for from this union.
Having brought to the French court only 100,000 
<i>écus</i> and a few poor appanages, Catherine was relegated to
the background, where she remained even when, on the death of her
husband's elder brother, she attained the dignity of Dauphiness.
Obliged to continue in this comparative obscurity for ten years because
of being childless, her entire policy meanwhile consisted in trying to
retain the favour of Diane de Poitiers, her husband's mistress, and of
the Duchesse d'Etampes, mistress of Francis I. On the accession of
Henry II, 31 March, 1547, Catherine became Queen of France, but she
still remained inconspicuous, except during Henry's short campaign in
Lorraine, when she acted as regent, and even then showed her political
abilities.</p>
<p id="c-p2117" shownumber="no">It was only on Henry II's death, 10 July, 1559, that Catherine's
political career really began. Her son Francis II, husband of Mary
Stuart, was king, and the Guises, Mary Stuart's uncles, were in power,
a condition that overtaxed Catherine's patience. The Huguenots relied
on her because everyone knew that the psalms of Marot had always
delighted her, and that she had recently promised the Prince de Conde
and the Admiral de Coligny, who were Huguenot leaders, liberty and
security for their followers. But the intriguing Huguenots developed a
State within the State in France, and Castelnau tells us that at their
synods they were urged to adopt "all means of self defence and attack,
of furnishing money to military men and making attempts upon cities and
fortresses". Catherine was obliged to allow the Guises to quell the
conspiracy of Amboise, March, 1560, and for a few months to exercise a
sort of Catholic dictatorship. Then to check and paralyze their power,
she appointed Michel de l'Hôpital chancellor, a man whose wife and
children were Calvinists, and convoked an assembly of notables at
Fontainebleau (August, 1560) at which it was decided that the
punishment of heretics should be suspended, and that the States
General, from which religious peace was looked for, were to meet at
Orleans in December. Meanwhile Francis II died, 5 December, 1560.</p>
<p id="c-p2118" shownumber="no">Catherine's policy remained just what it had been during Francis'
brief reign. She continued to oscillate between the Catholics and
Protestants in order to establish the dominion of the royal family, and
was forever manoeuvring between Protestant England, whose queen,
Elizabeth, she sought at certain times as a daughter in law, and
Catholic Spain, whose king, Philip II, was her son in law. Thus did
Catherine strive to insure the independence and political self
government of French royalty. As Charles IX, Catherine's second son and
the successor of Francis II, was scarcely ten years old, Catherine was
regent and virtually sovereign. She named Anthony of Bourbon, King of
Navarre and a Protestant, lieutenant general of the kingdom, increased
l'Hopital's power, inflicted upon the Guises a sort of political defeat
by imposing an obstacle to the marriage of Mary Stuart with Don Carlos,
son of Philip II, and convoked the conference of Poissy in an endeavour
to bring about a theological understanding between Catholics and
Huguenots. "It is impossible", she wrote to Rome, "to reduce either by
arms or law those who are separated from the Roman Church, so large is
their number". She also opposed her son in law, Philip II of Spain, who
demanded severity against the Huguenots, and the edict of January,
1562, insured them toleration. The political interests that helped to
set the religious factions at variance did not abate: the arrogance of
the Huguenots exasperated the Catholics, and the Vassy massacre (March,
1562) opened the first religious war, which fact alone was a victory
for the Guise policy and a defeat for that of the regent. At one time
Catherine thought of taking sides with Conde against the Guises, and
accordingly wrote him four letters, which the Huguenots subsequently
claimed to have contained her orders to Conde to take up arms, but
which Catherine declared had been altered. Events then occurred in
rapid succession, and she had the humiliation of seeing Guise bring
Charles IX back to Paris.</p>
<p id="c-p2119" shownumber="no">Thenceforth Catherine fluctuated between the Catholic and Huguenot
forces. She negotiated and watched the intrigues of Spain when it would
interfere in behalf of the Catholics; of England when it would interest
itself in the Huguenots; and of the emperor who took advantage of
French anarchy to reclaim the three bishoprics recently conquered by
Henry II. The assassination of Guise by the Huguenot, Poltrot de Mere
(18 February, 1563), hastened the hour of peace, and when the treaty of
Amboise (12 March, 1563) had granted certain liberties to Protestants,
Catherine, to show Europe that discord no longer existed in France sent
both Catholics and Protestants to recover Le Havre (28 July, 1563),
which Admiral de Coligny had yielded to the English. It was indeed a
great period in Catherine's life: Charles IX who had attained his
majority on the 27th of June solemnly declared to her that she should
govern more than ever; the treaty with England, 11 April, 1564, assured
Calais to France; and Catherine and the young king made a tour of the
provinces. The Bayonne interview between Catherine and the Duke of Alba
(June, 1565) caused a renewal of trouble; the Protestants spread the
rumour that the queen mother had conspired against them with the King
of Spain, and a serious resort to arms was under way. For Catherine's
growing hatred of Coligny; her fear lest Charles IX, susceptible to
certain Huguenot influence, should ally himself with the Prince of
Orange and wage war against Spain; her order for the murder of Coligny
what she might regain her control over Charles IX; and finally, for the
connection of Coligny's murder with the massacre of St. Bartholomew's
Day and Catherine's responsibility in the matter see the article St.
Bartholomew's Day.</p>
<p id="c-p2120" shownumber="no">Charles IX died 30 May, 1574, and Henry, Duke of Anjou, whom
Catherine had but lately made King of Poland, became King of France.
She was very fond of this third son, but had only a limited influence
over him. The concessions which he made to Protestants in the treaty
known as the "Peace of Monsieur" (5 May, 1576) brought about the
formation of the Holy League for the protection of Catholic interests.
For twelve years the power of the Guises in France was constantly on
the increase, the relentless warfare against the Huguenots serving only
to fortify it, and as a consequence Catherine suffered cruelly.
Surrounded by his favourites, Henry III let his dynasty fall into
disrepute. Francis of Valois, Catherine's youngest son, died 10 June,
1584, and Henry III being without issue, Henry of Bourbon, a Protestant
(the future Henry IV), fell heir to the crown of France. And now the
discouraged queen mother and the childless king saw France become the
bone of contention between the League and the Huguenot party; the royal
family of Valois, doomed to extinction, watched the struggle as would
supernumeraries assisting at a theatrical performance. Catherine, ever
ambitious, laid claim to the crown of Portugal for a member of her
family, and dreamed in vain of giving the crown of France to her
daughter's son, the Marquis de Pont a Mousson; but the matter rested
between the Guises and the Bourbons. At the close of 1587 the real
master of Paris was no longer Henry III, but the Duke of Guise, and on
the "Day of the Barricades" (12 May, 1588) Catherine saved her son's
honour by going in person to negotiate with Guise who received her as
would a conqueror. She thus gained time for Henry III to fly secretly
from Paris, and then she provisionally reconciled Henry III and Henry
of Guise by the "Edict of Union" (July, 1588). This intriguing woman,
who used these means to prolong the wearing of the crown by a Valois,
was at Blois with her son, Henry III, for the meeting of the States
General, when she learned, on 23 December, 1588, that through
assassination Henry III had rid himself of Guise. Her surprise was
tragic. "You have cut out, my son, but you must sew together", she
exclaimed upon hearing the news, and thirteen days later she died in
despair at leaving her son in this critical situation. It was soon
ended, however, when, on 1 August, 1589, the dagger of Jacques Clement
cut short Henry's earthly existence. Catherine had always placed the
interests of her children and her family first, and she died oppressed
with anxiety whether this last representative would remain king of
France until his death.</p>
<p id="c-p2121" shownumber="no">Dictatorial, unscrupulous, calculating, and crafty, the subtlety of
her policy harassed all parties concerned and perhaps contributed to
the aggravation of discord, although Catherine herself was peaceably
inclined. Moreover, being intensely superstitious, she surrounded
herself with astrologers. But she was sadly wanting in strong religious
faith, and acted in favour of Catholicism only because in so doing she
saw some advantage to her crown. There was never any joint interest
between the Catholic Church and Catherine's religious policy. Indeed
her methods were so essentially egotistical as to border on cynicism,
and it was because the interests of France and of royalty were at that
time identical that Catherine, in working for her children,
incidentally rendered direct political service to France and, for
thirty years, prevented foreigners from interfering with, or
exploiting, its religious discords. Despite her many cares she found
leisure in which to enrich the Bibliotheque Royale, to have Philibert
Delorme erect the Tuileries, and Pierre Lescot build the Hotel de
Soissons. In a word she was a woman of the Renaissance, a disciple of
Machiavelli, and the objective point of her policy may be perceived
when we remember that she was a mother, crowned.</p>
<p id="c-p2122" shownumber="no">De Reumont, La jeunesse de Catherine de Medicis, tr. Baschet (Paris,
1864); Cheruel, Marie Stuart et Catherine de Medicis (Paris, 1858);
Zeller, Le mouvement guisard en 1588: Catherine de Medicis et la
Journee des Barricades in Revue Historique (1889); Lettres de Catherine
de Medicis, ed. de la Ferriere, I IV, and de Puchesse, VII (Paris,
Imprimerie Nationale); de Lacombe, Les débuts des guerres de
religion: Catherine de Médicis entre Guise et Conde (Paris, 1899);
Bouchot, Catherine de Medicis (Paris, 1899); Sichel, Catherine de
Médicis and the French Reformation (London, 1905).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2123" shownumber="no">GEORGES GOYAU</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2123.1" title="Catherine De' Ricci, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Catherine De' Ricci</term>
<def id="c-p2123.2">
<h1 id="c-p2123.3">St. Catherine de' Ricci</h1>
<p id="c-p2124" shownumber="no">(In baptism, Alessandra Lucrezia Romola), a Dominican nun, of the
Third Order, though enclosed, born in Florence, 23 April, 1522; died 2
February, 1590. She is chiefly known to the world for her highly
mystical and miraculous life, and especially as the subject of a
marvellous, but fully and most carefully authenticated ecstasy, into
which she was rapt every week, from Thursday at noon till 4 p.m. on
Friday, for several years. In this state she went through all the
stages of Our Lord's Passion, actually realizing, and showing forth to
others with wonderful vividness, all that His Blessed Mother suffered
in witnessing it. Her father, Pier Francesco de' Ricci, was one of an
old and respected family of bankers and merchants. Her mother of the
Ricasoli family -- died when she was a small child, and she was brought
up by a devoted stepmother, Fiammetta da Diacceto. The latter soon
observed the child's unusual tendency to holiness -- particularly to
solitary prayer -- and did her utmost to foster and develop it. Whilst
still a child, Alessandra resolved to join some strictly observant
religious order; but the state of relaxation just then was so universal
that it was long before she could find what she desired. Her vocation
was finally decided during a stay at Prato, where she made acquaintance
with the Dominican Convent of San Vincenzio, founded in 1503 by nine
ladies who had been devoted followers of Savonarola. Alessandra there
found the spirit of religious fervour high enough to satisfy even her
ideal; and, after some difficulties with her father, she entered the
novtiate, was clothed in 1535 (taking the name of Catherine), and
professed in 1536.</p>
<p id="c-p2125" shownumber="no">Both during her novitiate and for four or five years after
profession, she was subjected to humiliating trials from the community,
owing to their misunderstanding of some of the high supernatural
favours she received; but her holiness and humility eventually
triumphed. She was then appointed to one important office after
another, finally remaining prioress or sub prioress till her death.
During all these years, whilst conscientiously fulfilling every
religious duty, she was feeling and showing keen interest in all her
relations -- especially her brothers -- and in numerous friends and
"spiritual children". The great "Ecstasy of the Passion", above
referred to, happened for the first time in February, 1542, and was
renewed every week afterwards for twelve years, when it ceased in
answer to the prayers of Catherine herself and the community. The fame
of it was bringing so many people of every rank and calling to Prato
that the peace and strict observance of the convent were suffering.
Catherine de' Ricci lived in an age of great saints; among her
contemporaries were St. Charles Borromeo, St. Philip Neri, and St. M.
Magdalen de Pazzi. With the two last named she is said to have held in
different ways, miraculous intercourse, never having met them in a
natural way. She was beatified in 1732 by Clement XII, after many
delays in the process, and canonized by Benedict XIV in 1746 on both
occasions amid great rejoicings at Prato, where her memory is always
kept fresh. The lineal descendants of her community still inhabit the
convent of San Vincenzio (now commonly called Santa Caterina), and
there her body still reposes. Her feast is kept on the 13th of
February.</p>
<p id="c-p2126" shownumber="no">For the original sources see the Letters of Catherine de' Ricci, ed.
Gherardi (Florence, 1890); also two old Italian lives by Razzi and
Guidi with documents mentioned. A number of her letters with full
details of her life may be found in Capes, Life of St. Catherine de'
Ricci (London, 1905).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2127" shownumber="no">F.M. CAPES</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2127.1" title="Catherine of Alexandria, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Catherine of Alexandria</term>
<def id="c-p2127.2">
<h1 id="c-p2127.3">St. Catherine of Alexandria</h1>
<p id="c-p2128" shownumber="no">A virgin and martyr whose feast is celebrated in the Latin Church
and in the various Oriental churches on 25 November, and who for almost
six centuries was the object of a very popular devotion.</p>
<p id="c-p2129" shownumber="no">Of noble birth and learned in the sciences, when only eighteen years
old, Catherine presented herself to the Emperor Maximinus who was
violently persecuting the Christians, upbraided him for his cruelty and
endeavoured to prove how iniquitous was the worship of false gods.
Astounded at the young girl's audacity, but incompetent to vie with her
in point of learning the tyrant detained her in his palace and summoned
numerous scholars whom he commanded to use all their skill in specious
reasoning that thereby Catherine might be led to apostatize. But she
emerged from the debate victorious. Several of her adversaries,
conquered by her eloquence, declared themselves Christians and were at
once put to death. Furious at being baffled, Maximinus had Catherine
scourged and then imprisoned. Meanwhile the empress, eager to see so
extraordinary a young woman, went with Porphyry, the head of the
troops, to visit her in her dungeon, when they in turn yielded to
Catherine's exhortations, believed, were baptized, and immediately won
the martyr's crown. Soon afterwards the saint, who far from forsaking
her Faith, effected so many conversions, was condemned to die on the
wheel, but, at her touch, this instrument of torture was miraculously
destroyed. The emperor, enraged beyond control, then had her beheaded
and angels carried her body to Mount Sinai where later a church and
monastery were built in her honour. So far the Acts of St.
Catherine.</p>
<p id="c-p2130" shownumber="no">Unfortunately we have not these acts in their original form, but
transformed and distorted by fantastic and diffuse descriptions which
are entirely due to the imagination of the narrators who cared less to
state authentic facts than to charm their readers by recitals of the
marvellous. The importance attached throughout the Middle Ages to the
legend of this martyr accounts for the eagerness and care with which in
modern times the ancient Greek, Latin and Arabic texts containing it
have been perused and studied, and concerning which critics have long
since expressed their opinion, one which, in all likelihood, they will
never have to retract. Several centuries ago when devotion to the
saints was stimulated by the reading of extraordinary hagiographical
narrations, the historical value of which no one was qualified to
question, St. Catherine was invested by Catholic peoples with a halo of
charming poetry and miraculous power.</p>
<p id="c-p2131" shownumber="no">Ranked with St. Margaret and St. Barbara as one of the fourteen most
helpful saints in heaven, she was unceasingly praised by preachers and
sung by poets. It is a well known fact that Bossuet dedicated to her
one of his most beautiful panegyrics and that Adam of Saint-Victor
wrote a magnificent poem in her honour: "Vox Sonora nostri chori", etc.
In many places her feast was celebrated with the utmost solemnity,
servile work being suppressed and the devotions being attended by great
numbers of people. In several dioceses of France it was observed as a
Holy Day of obligation up to the beginning of the seventeenth century,
the splendour of its ceremonial eclipsing that of the feasts of some of
the Apostles. Numberless chapels were placed under her patronage and
her statue was found in nearly all churches, representing her according
to medieval inconography with a wheel, her instrument of torture.
Whilst, owing to several circumstances in his life, St. Nicholas of
Myra, was considered the patron of young bachelors and students, St.
Catherine became the patroness of young maidens and female students.
Looked upon as the holiest and most illustrious of the virgins of
Christ, it was but natural that she, of all others, should be worthy to
watch over the virgins of the cloister and the young women of the
world.</p>
<p id="c-p2132" shownumber="no">The spiked wheel having become emblematic of the saint, wheelwrights
and mechanics placed themselves under her patronage. Finally, as
according to tradition, she not only remained a virgin by governing her
passions and conquered her executioners by wearying their patience, but
triumphed in science by closing the mouths of sophists, her
intercession was implored by theologians, apologists, pulpit orators,
and philosophers. Before studying, writing, or preaching, they besought
her to illumine their minds, guide their pens, and impart eloquence to
their words. This devotion to St. Catherine which assumed such vast
proportions in Europe after the Crusades, received additional eclat in
France in the beginning of the fifteenth century, when it was rumoured
that she had appeared to Joan of Arc and, together with St. Margaret,
had been divinely appointed Joan's adviser.</p>
<p id="c-p2133" shownumber="no">Although contemporary hagiographers look upon the authenticity of
the various texts containing the legend of St. Catherine as more than
doubtful, it is not therefore meant to cast even the shadow of a doubt
around the existence of the saint. But the conclusion reached when
these texts have been carefully studied is that, if the principal facts
forming the outline are to be accepted as true, the multitude of
details by which these facts are almost obscured, most of the wonderful
narratives with which they are embellished, and the long discourses
that are put into the mouth of St. Catherine, are to be rejected as
inventions, pure and simple. An example will illustrate. Although all
these texts mention the miraculous translations of the saint's body to
Mount Sinai, the itineraries of the ancient pilgrims who visited Sinai
do not contain the slightest allusion to it. Even in the eighteenth
century Dom Deforis, the Benedictine who prepared an edition of
Bossuet's works, declared the tradition followed by this orator in his
panegyric on the saint, to be in a great measure false, and it was just
at this time that the feast of St. Catherine disappeared from the
Breviary of Paris. Since then devotion to the virgin of Alexandria has
lost all its former popularity.</p>
<p id="c-p2134" shownumber="no">Migne, P.G., CXVI, col. 276-301; Viteau, 
<i>Passions des saints Ecaterine et Pierre d'Alexandrie, Barbara et
Anysia</i> (Paris, 1897); Varnhagen, 
<i>Zur Geschichte der Legende der Katharina von Alexandrien</i>
(Erlangen, 1891); 
<i>Analecta Bollandiana</i> (Brussels, XXII, 1903, 423-436; XXVI, 1907,
5-32).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2135" shownumber="no">LEON CLUGNET</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2135.1" title="Catherine of Bologna, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Catherine of Bologna</term>
<def id="c-p2135.2">
<h1 id="c-p2135.3">St. Catherine of Bologna</h1>
<p id="c-p2136" shownumber="no">Poor Clare and mystical writer, born at Bologna, 8 September, 1413;
died there, 9 March, 1463. When she was ten years old, her father sent
her to the court of the Marquis of Ferrara, Nicolr d'Este, as a
companion to the Princess Margarita. Here Catherine pursued the study
of literature and the fine arts; and a manuscript illuminated by her
which once belonged to Pius IX is at present reckoned among the
treasures of Oxford. After the marriage of the Princess Margarita to
Roberto Malatesta, Prince of Rimini, Catherine returned home, and
determined to join the little company of devout maidens who were living
in community and following the rule of the Third Order of St. Augustine
in the neighboring town of Ferrara. Later the community, yielding to
the entreaties of Catherine, adopted the Rule of St. Clare, and in 1432
they were clothed with the habit of the Second Order of St. Francis by
the provincial of the Friars Minor. The increasing number of vocations,
however, made it necessary to establish other monasteries of the Poor
Clares in Italy, and in pursuance of the Brief of Callistus III, "Ad ea
quf in omnipotentis Dei gloriam", convents were founded at Bologna and
Cremona. St. Catherine was chosen abbess of the community in her native
town, which office she held until her death. The grievous and
persistent temptations which in the early days of her religious life
had tried her patience, humility, and faith, especially the latter
virtue, gave place in later years to the most abundant spiritual
consolation, and enjoyment of the heights of contemplation. A large
part of St. Catherine's counsels and instructions on the spiritual life
are to be found in her "Treatise on the Seven Spiritual Weapons", which
contains, besides, an account of the saint's own struggles in the path
of perfection, and which she composed with the aid of her confessor
shortly before her death. The body of St. Catherine, which remains
in-corrupt, is preserved in the chapel of the Poor Clares at Bologna.
St. Catherine was canonized by Pope Benedict XIII. Her feast is kept on
the 9th of March throughout the Order of Friars Minor.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2137" shownumber="no">STEPHEN M. DONOVAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2137.1" title="Catherine of Genoa, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Catherine of Genoa</term>
<def id="c-p2137.2">
<h1 id="c-p2137.3">St. Catherine of Genoa</h1>
<p id="c-p2138" shownumber="no">(CATERINA FIESCHI ADORNO.)</p>
<p id="c-p2139" shownumber="no">Born at Genoa in 1447, died at the same place 15 September, 1510.
The life of St. Catherine of Genoa may be more properly described as a
state than as a life in the ordinary sense. When about twenty-six years
old she became the subject of one of the most extraordinary operations
of God in the human soul of which we have record, the result being a
marvellous inward condition that lasted till her death. In this state,
she received wonderful revelations, of which she spoke at times to
those around her, but which are mainly embodied in her two celebrated
works: the "Dialogues of the Soul and Body", and the "Treatise on
Purgatory". Her modern biographies, chiefly translations or adaptations
of an old Italian one which is itself founded on "Memoirs" drawn up by
the saint's own confessor and a friend, mingle what facts they give of
her outward life with accounts of her supernatural state and
"doctrine", regardless of sequence, and in an almost casual fashion
that makes them entirely subservient to her psychological history.
These facts are as follows:</p>
<p id="c-p2140" shownumber="no">St. Catherine's parents were Jacopo Fieschi and Francesca di Negro,
both of illustrious Italian birth. Two popes -- Innocent IV and Adrian
V -- had been of the Fieschi family, and Jacopo himself became Viceroy
of Naples. Catherine is described as an extraordinarily holy child,
highly gifted in the way of prayer, and with a wonderful love of
Christ's Passion and of penitential practices; but, also, as having
been a most quiet, simple, and exceedingly obedient girl. When about
thirteen, she wished to enter the convent, but the nuns to whom her
confessor applied having refused her on account of her youth, she
appears to have put the idea aside without any further attempt. At
sixteen, she was married by her parents' wish to a young Genoese
nobleman, Giuliano Adorno. The marriage turned out wretchedly; Giuliano
proved faithless, violent-tempered, and a spendthrift. And made the
life of his wife a misery. Details are scanty, but it seems at least
clear that Catherine spent the first five years of her marriage in
silent, melancholy submission to her husband; and that she then, for
another five, turned a little to the world for consolation in her
troubles. The distractions she took were most innocent; nevertheless,
destined as she was for an extraordinary life, they had the effect in
her case of producing lukewarmness, the end of which was such intense
weariness and depression that she prayed earnestly for a return of her
old fervour. Then, just ten years after her marriage, came the event of
her life, in answer to her prayer. She went one day, full of
melancholy, to a convent in Genoa where she had a sister, a nun. The
latter advised her to go to confession to the nuns' confessor, and
Catherine agreed. No sooner, however, had she knelt down in the
confessional than a ray of Divine light pierced her soul, and in one
moment manifested her own sinfulness and the Love of God with equal
clearness. The revelation was so overwhelming that she lost
consciousness and fell into a kind of ecstacy, for a space during which
the confessor happened to be called away. When he returned, Catherine
could only murmur that she would put off her confession, and go home
quickly.</p>
<p id="c-p2141" shownumber="no">From the moment of that sudden vision of herself and God, the
saint's interior state seems never to have changed, save by varying in
intensity and being accompanied by more or less severe penance,
according to what she saw required of her by the Holy Spirit Who guided
her incessantly. No one could describe it except herself; but she does
so, minutely, in her writings, from which may here be made one short
extract: -- "[The souls in Purgatory] see all things, not in
themselves, nor by themselves, but as they are in God, on whom they are
more intent than on their own sufferings. . . . For the least vision
they have of God overbalances all woes and all joys that can be
conceived. Yet their joy in God does by no means abate their pain. . .
. This process of purification to which I see the souls in Purgatory
subjected, I feel within myself." (Treatise on Purgatory, xvi, xvii.)
For about twenty-five years, Catherine, though frequently making
confessions, was unable to open her mind for direction to anyone; but
towards the end of her life a Father Marabotti was appointed to be her
spiritual guide. To him she explained her states, past and present, in
full, and he compiled the "Memoirs" above referred to from his intimate
personal knowledge of her. Of the saint's outward life, after this
great change, her biographies practically tell us but two facts: that
she at last converted her husband who died penitent in 1497; and that
both before and after his death -- though more entirely after it -- she
gave herself to the care of the sick in the great Hospital of Genoa,
where she eventually became manager and treasurer. She died worn out
with labours of body and soul, and consumed, even physically, by the
fires of Divine love within her. She was beatified in 1675 by Clement
X, but not canonized till 1737, by Clement XII. Meantime, her writings
had been examined by the Holy Office and pronounced to contain doctrine
that would be enough, in itself, to prove her sanctity.</p>
<p id="c-p2142" shownumber="no">The first published life, based on early MSS., is GENUTI, "Vita
mirabile e dotrrina santa della Beata Caterina da Genova" (Florence,
1551). Founded on the above: FLICHE, "St. Catherine de Genes, sa vie et
son esprit' (1881); "Life and Doctrine of St. Catherine of Genoa" (Eng.
Tr., New York, 1874). For a discussion of her doctrine, PARPERA, "Beata
Caterina Genuensis illustrata (Genoa, 1682). See also BUTLER "Lives of
the Saints", IX, 14 Sept., and a modern life by DE BUSSIERE.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2143" shownumber="no">F.M. CAPES</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2143.1" title="Catherine of Siena, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Catherine of Siena</term>
<def id="c-p2143.2">
<h1 id="c-p2143.3">St. Catherine of Siena</h1>
<p id="c-p2144" shownumber="no">Dominican Tertiary, born at Siena, 25 March, 1347; died at Rome, 29
April, 1380.</p>
<p id="c-p2145" shownumber="no">She was the youngest but one of a very large family. Her father,
Giacomo di Benincasa, was a dyer; her mother, Lapa, the daughter of a
local poet. They belonged to the lower middle-class faction of
tradesmen and petty notaries, known as "the Party of the Twelve", which
between one revolution and another ruled the Republic of Siena from
1355 to 1368. From her earliest childhood Catherine began to see
visions and to practise extreme austerities. At the age of seven she
consecrated her virginity to Christ; in her sixteenth year she took the
habit of the Dominican Tertiaries, and renewed the life of the
anchorites of the desert in a little room in her father's house. After
three years of celestial visitations and familiar conversation with
Christ, she underwent the mystical experience known as the "spiritual
espousals", probably during the carnival of 1366. She now rejoined her
family, began to tend the sick, especially those afflicted with the
most repulsive diseases, to serve the poor, and to labour for the
conversion of sinners. Though always suffering terrible physical pain,
living for long intervals on practically no food save the Blessed
Sacrament, she was ever radiantly happy and full of practical wisdom no
less than the highest spiritual insight. All her contemporaries bear
witness to her extraordinary personal charm, which prevailed over the
continual persecution to which she was subjected even by the friars of
her own order and by her sisters in religion. She began to gather
disciples round her, both men and women, who formed a wonderful
spiritual fellowship, united to her by the bonds of mystical love.
During the summer of 1370 she received a series of special
manifestations of Divine mysteries, which culminated in a prolonged
trance, a kind of mystical death, in which she had a vision of Hell,
Purgatory, and Heaven, and heard a Divine command to leave her cell and
enter the public life of the world. She began to dispatch letters to
men and women in every condition of life, entered into correspondence
with the princes and republics of Italy, was consulted by the papal
legates about the affairs of the Church, and set herself to heal the
wounds of her native land by staying the fury of civil war and the
ravages of faction. She implored the pope, Gregory XI, to leave
Avignon, to reform the clergy and the administration of the Papal
States, and ardently threw herself into his design for a crusade, in
the hopes of uniting the powers of Christendom against the infidels,
and restoring peace to Italy by delivering her from the wandering
companies of mercenary soldiers. While at Pisa, on the fourth Sunday of
Lent, 1375, she received the Stigmata, although, at her special prayer,
the marks did not appear outwardly in her body while she lived.</p>
<p id="c-p2146" shownumber="no">Mainly through the misgovernment of the papal officials, war broke
out between Florence and the Holy See, and almost the whole of the
Papal States rose in insurrection. Catherine had already been sent on a
mission from the pope to secure the neutrality of Pisa and Lucca. In
June, 1376, she went to Avignon as ambassador of the Florentines, to
make their peace; but, either through the bad faith of the republic or
through a misunderstanding caused by the frequent changes in its
government, she was unsuccessful. Nevertheless she made such a profound
impression upon the mind of the pope, that, in spite of the opposition
of the French king and almost the whole of the Sacred College, he
returned to Rome (17 January, 1377). Catherine spent the greater part
of 1377 in effecting a wonderful spiritual revival in the country
districts subject to the Republic of Siena, and it was at this time
that she miraculously learned to write, though she still seems to have
chiefly relied upon her secretaries for her correspondence. Early in
1378 she was sent by Pope Gregory to Florence, to make a fresh effort
for peace. Unfortunately, through the factious conduct of her
Florentine associates, she became involved in the internal politics of
the city, and during a popular tumult (22 June) an attempt was made
upon her life. She was bitterly disappointed at her escape, declaring
that her sins had deprived her of the red rose of martyrdom.
Nevertheless, during the disastrous revolution known as "the tumult of
the Ciompi", she still remained at Florence or in its territory until,
at the beginning of August, news reached the city that peace had been
signed between the republic and the new pope. Catherine then instantly
returned to Siena, where she passed a few months of comparative quiet,
dictating her "Dialogue", the book of her meditations and
revelations.</p>
<p id="c-p2147" shownumber="no">In the meanwhile the Great Schism had broken out in the Church. From
the outset Catherine enthusiastically adhered to the Roman claimant,
Urban VI, who in November, 1378, summoned her to Rome. In the Eternal
City she spent what remained of her life, working strenuously for the
reformation of the Church, serving the destitute and afflicted, and
dispatching eloquent letters in behalf of Urban to high and low in all
directions. Her strength was rapidly being consumed; she besought her
Divine Bridegroom to let her bear the punishment for all the sins of
the world, and to receive the sacrifice of her body for the unity and
renovation of the Church; at last it seemed to her that the Bark of
Peter was laid upon her shoulders, and that it was crushing her to
death with its weight. After a prolonged and mysterious agony of three
months, endured by her with supreme exultation and delight, from
Sexagesima Sunday until the Sunday before the Ascension, she died. Her
last political work, accomplished practically from her death-bed, was
the reconciliation of Pope Urban VI with the Roman Republic (1380).</p>
<p id="c-p2148" shownumber="no">Among Catherine's principal followers were Fra Raimondo delle Vigne,
of Capua (d. 1399), her confessor and biographer, afterwards General of
the Dominicans, and Stefano di Corrado Maconi (d. 1424), who had been
one of her secretaries, and became Prior General of the Carthusians.
Raimondo's book, the "Legend", was finished in 1395. A second life of
her, the "Supplement", was written a few years later by another of her
associates, Fra Tomaso Caffarini (d. 1434), who also composed the
"Minor Legend", which was translated into Italian by Stefano Maconi.
Between 1411 and 1413 the depositions of the surviving witnesses of her
life and work were collected at Venice, to form the famous "Process".
Catherine was canonized by Pius II in 1461. The emblems by which she is
known in Christian art are the lily and book, the crown of thorns, or
sometimes a heart--referring to the legend of her having changed hearts
with Christ. Her principal feast is on the 30th of April, but it is
popularly celebrated in Siena on the Sunday following. The feast of her
Espousals is kept on the Thursday of the carnival.</p>
<p id="c-p2149" shownumber="no">The works of St. Catherine of Siena rank among the classics of the
Italian language, written in the beautiful Tuscan vernacular of the
fourteenth century. Notwithstanding the existence of many excellent
manuscripts, the printed editions present the text in a frequently
mutilated and most unsatisfactory condition. Her writings consist
of</p>
<ul id="c-p2149.1">
<li id="c-p2149.2">the "Dialogue", or "Treatise on Divine Providence";</li>
<li id="c-p2149.3">a collection of nearly four hundred letters; and</li>
<li id="c-p2149.4">a series of "Prayers".</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2150" shownumber="no">The "Dialogue" especially, which treats of the whole spiritual
life of man in the form of a series of colloquies between the Eternal
Father and the human soul (represented by Catherine herself), is the
mystical counterpart in prose of Dante's "Divina Commedia".</p>
<p id="c-p2151" shownumber="no">A smaller work in the dialogue form, the "Treatise on Consummate
Perfection", is also ascribed to her, but is probably spurious. It is
impossible in a few words to give an adequate conception of the
manifold character and contents of the "Letters", which are the most
complete expression of Catherine's many-sided personality. While those
addressed to popes and sovereigns, rulers of republics and leaders of
armies, are documents of priceless value to students of history, many
of those written to private citizens, men and women in the cloister or
in the world, are as fresh and illuminating, as wise and practical in
their advice and guidance for the devout Catholic today as they were
for those who sought her counsel while she lived. Others, again, lead
the reader to mystical heights of contemplation, a rarefied atmosphere
of sanctity in which only the few privileged spirits can hope to dwell.
The key-note to Catherine's teaching is that man, whether in the
cloister or in the world, must ever abide in the cell of
self-knowledge, which is the stable in which the traveller through time
to eternity must be born again.</p>
<p id="c-p2152" shownumber="no">
<i>Processus contestationum super sanctitate et doctrina beatae
Catharinae de Senis</i>, in MARTENE AND DURAND, 
<i>Veterum Scriptorum et Monumentorum Amplissima Collectio</i> (Paris,
1729), VI; GIGLI, 
<i>L'opere della serafica Santa Caterina da Siena</i> (Siena and Lucca,
1707-54); TOMMASEO, 
<i>Le Lettere di S. Caterina da Siena (Florence, 1860)</i>; Italian
translations of the 
<i>Legend</i> and the 
<i>Supplement</i> are included in the first and fifth volumes of
GIGLI's 
<i>Edition</i>; important portions of the 
<i>Process</i> are still left unpublished in manuscripts in the
Biblioteca Comunale of Siena and the Biblioteca Casanatense at
Rome.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2153" shownumber="no">EDMUND G. GARDNER</p></def>

<term id="c-p2153.1" title="Catherine of Sweden, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Catherine of Sweden</term>
<def id="c-p2153.2">
<h1 id="c-p2153.3">St. Catherine of Sweden</h1>
<p id="c-p2154" shownumber="no">The fourth child of St. Bridget and her husband, Ulf Gudmarsson,
born 1331 or 1332; died 24 March, 1381. At the time of her death St.
Catherine was head of the convent of Wadstena, founded by her mother;
hence the name, Catherine Vastanensis, by which she is occasionally
called. At the age of seven she was sent to the abbess of the convent
of Riseberg to be educated and soon showed, like her mother, a desire
for a life of self-mortification and devotion to spiritual things. At
the command of her father, when about thirteen or fourteen years, she
married a noble of German descent, Eggart von Kürnen. She at once
persuaded her husband, who was a very religious man, to join her in a
vow of chastity. Both lived in a state of virginity and devoted
themselves to the exercise of Christian perfection and active charity.
In spite of her deep love for her husband, Catherine accompanied her
mother to Rome, where St. Bridget went in 1349. Soon after her arrival
in that city Catherine received news of the death of her husband in
Sweden. She now lived constantly with her mother, took an active part
in St. Bridget's fruitful labours, and zealously imitated her mother's
ascetic life. Although the distinguished and beautiful young widow was
surrounded by suitors, she steadily refused all offers of marriage. In
1372 St. Catherine and her brother, Birger, accompanied their mother on
a pilgrimage to the Holy Land; after their return to Rome St. Catherine
was with her mother in the latter's last illness and death.</p>
<p id="c-p2155" shownumber="no">In 1374, in obedience to St. Bridget's wish, Catherine brought back
her mother's body to Sweden for burial at Wadstena, of which foundation
she now became the head. It was the motherhouse of the Brigittine
Order, also called the Order of St. Saviour. Catherine managed the
convent with great skill and made the life there one in harmony with
the principles laid down by its founder. The following hear she went
again to Rome in order to promote the canonization of St. Bridget, and
to obtain a new papal confirmation of the order. She secured another
confirmation both from Gregory XI (1377) and from Urban VI (1379) but
was unable to gain at the time the canonization of her mother, as the
confusion caused by the Schism delayed the process. When this sorrowful
division appeared she showed herself, like St. Catherine of Siena, a
steadfast adherent of the part of the Roman Pope, Urban VI, in whose
favour she testified before a judicial commission. Catherine stayed
five years in Italy and then returned home, bearing a special letter of
commendation from the pope. Not long after her arrival in Sweden she
was taken ill and died. In 1484 Innocent VIII gave permission for her
veneration as a saint and her feast was assigned to 22 March in the
Roman martyrology. Catherine wrote a devotional work entitled
"Consolation of the Soul" (Sielinna Troëst), largely composed of
citations from the Scriptures and from early religious books; no copy
is known to exist. Generally she is represented with a hind at her
side, which is said to have come to her aid when unchaste youths sought
to ensnare her.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2156" shownumber="no">J.P. KIRSCH</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2156.1" title="Catholic" type="Encyclopedia">Catholic</term>
<def id="c-p2156.2">
<h1 id="c-p2156.3">Catholic</h1>
<p id="c-p2157" shownumber="no">The word 
<i>Catholic</i> 
(<i>katholikos</i> from 
<i>katholou</i> -- throughout the whole, i.e., universal) occurs in the
Greek classics, e.g., in Aristotle and Polybius, and was freely used by
the earlier Christian writers in what we may call its primitive and
non-ecclesiastical sense. Thus we meet such phrases as the "the
catholic resurrection" (Justin Martyr), "the catholic goodness of God"
(Tertullian), "the four catholic winds" (Irenaeus), where we should now
speak of "the general resurrection", "the absolute or universal
goodness of God", "the four principal winds", etc. The word seems in
this usage to be opposed to 
<i>merikos</i> (partial) or 
<i>idios</i> (particular), and one familiar example of this conception
still survives in the ancient phrase "Catholic Epistles" as applied to
those of St. Peter, St. Jude, etc., which were so called as being
addressed not to particular local communities, but to the Church at
large.</p>
<p id="c-p2158" shownumber="no">The combination "the Catholic Church" 
(<i>he katholike ekklesia</i>) is found for the first time in the letter
of St. Ignatius to the Smyrnaeans, written about the year 110. The
words run: "Wheresoever the bishop shall appear, there let the people
be, even as where Jesus may be, there is the 
<i>universal</i> [<i>katholike</i>] Church." However, in view of the context, some
difference of opinion prevails as to the precise connotation of the
italicized word, and Kattenbusch, the Protestant professor of theology
at Giessen, is prepared to interpret this earliest appearance of the
phrase in the sense of 
<i>mia mone</i>, the "one and only" Church [Das apostolische Symbolum
(1900), II, 922]. From this time forward the technical signification of
the word 
<i>Catholic</i> meets us with increasing frequency both East and West,
until by the beginning of the fourth century it seems to have almost
entirely supplanted the primitive and more general meaning. The earlier
examples have been collected by Caspari (Quellen zur Geschichte des
Taufsymbols, etc., III, 149 sqq.). Many of them still admit the meaning
"universal". The reference (c. 155) to "the bishop of the catholic
church in Smyrna" (Letter on the Martyrdom of St. Polycarp, xvi), a
phrase which necessarily presupposes a more technical use of the word,
is due, some critics think, to interpolation. On the other hand this
sense undoubtedly occurs more than once in the Muratorian Fragment (c.
180), where, for example, it is said of certain heretical writings that
they "cannot be received in the Catholic Church". A little later,
Clement of Alexandria speaks very clearly. "We say", he declares, "that
both in substance and in seeming, both in origin and in development,
the primitive and Catholic Church is the only one, agreeing as it does
in the unity of one faith" (Stromata, VII, xvii; P. G., IX, 552). From
this and other passages which might be quoted, the technical use seems
to have been clearly established by the beginning of the third century.
In this sense of the word it implies sound doctrine as opposed to
heresy, and unity of organization as opposed to schism (Lightfoot,
Apostolic Fathers, Part II, vol. I, 414 sqq. and 621 sqq.; II,
310-312). In fact Catholic soon became in many cases a mere
appellative--the proper name, in other words, of the true Church
founded by Christ, just as we now frequently speak of the Orthodox
Church, when referring to the established religion of the Russian
Empire, without adverting to the etymology of the title so used. It was
probably in this sense that the Spaniard Pacian (Ep. i ad Sempron.)
writes, about 370: "Christianus mihi nonem est, catholicus cognomen",
and it is noteworthy that in various early Latin expositions of the
Creed, notably that of Nicetas of Remesiana, which dates from about 375
(ed. Burn, 1905, p. lxx), the word Catholic in the Creed, though
undoubtedly coupled at that date with the words Holy Church, suggests
no special comment. Even in St. Cyprian (c. 252) it is difficult to
determine how far he uses the word Catholic significantly, and how far
as a mere name. The title, for instance, of his longest work is "On the
Unity of the Catholic Church", and we frequently meet in his writings
such phrases as 
<i>catholica fides</i> (Ep. xxv; ed. Hartel, II, 538); 
<i>catholica unitas</i> (Ep. xxv, p. 600); 
<i>catholica regula</i> (Ep. lxx, p. 767), etc. The one clear idea
underlying all is orthodox as opposed to heretical, and Kattenbusch
does not hesitate to admit that in Cyprian we first see how Catholic
and Roman came eventually to be regarded as interchangeable terms. (Cf.
Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, II, 149-168.) Moreover it should be noted
that the word 
<i>Catholica</i> was sometimes used substantively as the equivalent of 
<i>ecclesia Catholica.</i> An example is to be found in the Muratorian
Fragment, another seemingly in Tertullian (De Praescrip, xxx), and many
more appear at a later date, particularly among African Writers.</p>
<p id="c-p2159" shownumber="no">Among the Greeks it was natural that while Catholic served as the
distinctive description of the one Church, the etymological
significance of the word was never quite lost sight of. Thus in the
"Catechetical Discourses" of St. Cyril of Jerusalem (c. 347) he insists
on the one hand (sect. 26): "And if ever thou art sojourning in any
city, inquire not simply where the Lord's house is--for the sects of
the profane also attempt to call their own dens, houses of the
Lord--nor merely where the church is, but where is the Catholic Church.
For this is the peculiar name of the holy body the mother of us all."
On the other hand when discussing the word Catholic, which already
appears in his form of the baptismal creed, St. Cyril remarks: (sect.
23) "Now it [the Church] is called Catholic because it is throughout
the world, from one end of the earth to the other." But we shall have
occasion to quote this passage more at length later on.</p>
<p id="c-p2160" shownumber="no">There can be no doubt, however, that it was the struggle with the
Donatists which first drew out the full theological significance of the
epithet Catholic and passed it on to the schoolmen as an abiding
possession. When the Donatists claimed to represent the one true Church
of Christ, and formulated certain marks of the Church, which they
professed to find in their own body, it could not fail to strike their
orthodox opponents that the title Catholic, by which the Church of
Christ was universally known, afforded a far surer test, and that this
was wholly inapplicable to a sect which was confined to one small
corner of the world. The Donatists, unlike all previous heretics, had
not gone wrong upon any Christological question. It was their
conception of Church discipline and organization which was faulty.
Hence, in refuting them, a more or less definite theory of the Church
and its marks was gradually evolved by St. Optatus (c. 370) and St.
Augustine (c. 400). These doctors particularly insisted upon the note
of Catholicity, and they pointed out that both the Old and the New
Testament represented the Church as spread over all the earth. (See
Turmel, "Histoire de la theologie positive, 1904, I, 162-166, with
references there given.) Moreover, St. Augustine insists upon the
consensus of Christians in the use of the name Catholic. "Whether they
wish or no", he says, "heretics have to call the Catholic Church
Catholic" ("De vera religione", xii). "Although all heretics wish to be
styled Catholic, yet if any one ask where is the Catholic place of
worship none of them would venture to point out his own conventicle"
(Contra Epistolam quam vocant Fundamenti, iv). Of later exponents of
this same thesis the most famous Vincent of Lerins (c. 434). His canon
of Catholicity is "That which has been believed everywhere, always, and
by all." "This", he adds, "is what is truly and properly Catholic"
(Commonitorium, I, ii).</p>
<p id="c-p2161" shownumber="no">Although belief in the "holy Church" was included in the earliest
form of the Roman Creed, the word Catholic does not seem to have been
added to the Creed anywhere in the West until the fourth century.
Kattenbusch believes that our existing form is first met with in the
"Exhortatio" which he attributes to Gregorius of Eliberis (c. 360). It
is possible, however, that the creed lately printed by Dom Morin (Revue
Bénédictine, 1904, p. 3) is of still earlier date. In any
case the phrase, "I believe in the holy Catholic Church" occurs in the
form commented on by Nicetas of Remesiana (c. 375). With regard to the
modern use of the word, Roman Catholic is the designation employed in
the legislative enactments of Protestant England, but 
<i>Catholic</i> is that in ordinary use on the Continent of Europe,
especially in Latin countries. Indeed, historians of all schools, at
least for brevity's sake, frequently contrast Catholic and Protestant,
without any qualification. In England, since the middle of the
sixteenth century, indignant protests have been constantly made against
the "exclusive and arrogant usurpation" of the name Catholic by the
Church of Rome. The Protestant, Archdeacon Philpot, who was put to
death in 1555, was held to be very obstinate on this point (see the
edition of his works published by the Parker Society); and among many
similar controversies of a later date may be mentioned that between Dr.
Bishop, subsequently vicar Apostolic, and Dr. Abbot, afterwards Bishop
of Salisbury, regarding the "Catholicke Deformed", which raged from
1599 to 1614. According to some, such combinations as Roman Catholic,
or Anglo-Catholic, involve a contradiction in terms. (See the Anglican
Bishop of Carlisle in "The Hibbert Journal", January, 1908, p. 287.)
From about the year 1580, besides the term 
<i>papist</i>, employed with opprobrious intent, the followers of the
old religion were often called Romish or Roman Catholics. Sir William
Harbert, in 1585, published a "Letter to a Roman pretended Catholique",
and in 1587 an Italian book by G.B. Aurellio was printed in London
regarding the different doctrines "dei Protestanti veri e Cattolici
Romani". Neither do the Catholics always seem to have objected to the
appellation, but sometimes used it themselves. On the other hand,
Protestant writers often described their opponents simply as
"Catholics". A conspicuous instance is the "Pseudomartyr" of Dr. John
Donne, printed in 1610. Moreover, if only for brevity's sake, such
burning questions as "Catholic Emancipation" have commonly been
discussed by both sides without any qualifying prefix. In connection
with this matter we may call attention to a common Anglican view
represented in such a popular work of reference as Hook's "Church
Dictionary" (1854), s.v. "Catholic" -- "Let the member of the Church of
England assert his right to the name of Catholic, since he is the only
person in England who has a right to that name. The English Romanist is
a Roman Schismatic and not a Catholic." The idea is further developed
in Blunt's "Dictionary of Sects and Heresies" (1874), where "Roman
Catholics" are described as "a sect organized by the Jesuits out of the
relics of the Marian party in the reign of Queen Elizabeth". An earlier
and less extreme view will be found in Newman's "Essays Critical and
Historical", published by him as an Anglican (see No. 9, "The
Catholicity of the Anglican Church"). The Cardinal's own note on this
essay, in the last revised edition, may be read with advantage.</p>
<p id="c-p2162" shownumber="no">So far we have been considering only the history and meaning of the
name Catholic. We turn to its theological import as it has been
emphasized and formalized by later theologians. No doubt the
enumeration of four precise "notes" by which the Church is marked off
from the sects is of comparatively recent development, but the
conception of some such external tests, as pointed out above, is based
upon the language of St. Augustine, St. Optatus, and others, in their
controversies with the heretics of their time. In a famous passage of
St. Augustine's treatise "Contra Epistolam quam vocant Fundamenti",
directed against the Donatists, the holy doctor declares that besides
the intrinsic acceptability of her doctrine "there are many other
things which most justly keep me within the bosom of the Church", and
after indicating the agreement in the faith among her members, or, as
we should say, her Unity, as well as "the succession of priests from
the installation of Peter the Apostle, to whom our Lord after His
resurrection entrusted His sheep to be fed, down to the present
episcopate", in other words the quality which we call Apostolicity (q.
v.), St. Augustine continues in a passage previously cited in part,
"Lastly there holds me the very name of Catholic which not without
reason so closely attaches to the Church amid the heresies which
surround it, that although all heretics would fain be called Catholics,
still if any stranger should ask where the Catholic service is held,
not one of these heretics would dare to point to his own conventicle"
(Corpus Scrip. Eccles. Lat., XXV, Pt. I, 196). It was very natural that
the situation created by the controversies of the sixteenth century
should lead to a more exact determination of these "notes". English
theologians like Stapleton (Principiorum Fidei Doctrinalium
Demonstratio, Bk. IV, cc. iii sqq.) and Sander (De Visibili Monarchia,
Bk. VIII, cap. xl) were foremost in urging this aspect of the question
between the Churches, and foreign scholars like Bellarmine, who engaged
in the same debates, readily caught the tone from them. Sander
distinguished six prerogatives of the Church instituted by Christ.
Stapleton recognized two primary attributes as contained in Christ's
promises--to wit, universality in space and perpetuity in time--and
from these he deduced the other visible marks. Bellarmine, starting
with the name Catholic, enumerated fourteen other qualities verified in
the external history of the institution which claimed this title (De
Conciliis, Bk. IV, cap. iii). In all these varying schemes, it may be
remarked, the universality of the Church was given a foremost place
among her distinctive marks. However, already in the fifteenth century
the theologian John Torquemada had set down the notes of the Church as
four in number, and this more simple arrangement, founding upon the
wording of the familiar Mass Creed (Et unam, sanctam, catholicam et
apostolicam Ecclesiam), eventually won universal acceptance. It is
adopted, for instance, in the "Catechismus ad Parochos", which in
accordance with a decree of the Council of Trent was drawn up and
published in 1566 with the highest official sanction 
(<i>see</i> CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE). In this authoritative document we
read:</p>
<p id="c-p2163" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">The third mark of the Church is that she is Catholic, that
is, universal; and justly is she called Catholic, because, as St.
Augustine says, 'she is diffused by the splendour of one faith from the
rising to the setting sun'. Unlike republics of human institution, or
the conventicles of heretics, she is not circumscribed within the
limits of any one kingdom, nor confined to the members of any one
society of men, but embraces within the amplitude of her love, all
mankind, whether barbarians or Scythians, slaves or freemen, male or
female.</p>

<p id="c-p2164" shownumber="no">In confirmation of this, various prophetic
utterances of Holy Scripture are quoted, after which the Catechism
proceeds: "To this Church, built on the foundation of the Apostles and
Prophets (Ephes., ii, 20) belong all the faithful who have existed from
Adam to the present day, or shall exist in the profession of the true
faith to the end of time, all of whom are founded and raised upon the
one cornerstone, Christ, who made both one, and announced peace to them
that are near, and to them that are afar. She is also called universal,
because all who desire eternal salvation must cling to and embrace her,
like those who entered the ark to escape perishing in the flood. This,
therefore, is to be taught as a most just criterion to distinguish the
true from a false church."</p>
<p id="c-p2165" shownumber="no">This multiplex and somewhat confused presentment of the note of
Catholicity undoubtedly finds its warrant in the equally wide
interpretation of some of the early Fathers. Thus, for example, St.
Cyril of Jerusalem says: "The Church is called Catholic because she is
diffused throughout the whole world [i.e. the habitable world, 
<i>oikoumenes</i>] from one end of the earth to the other, and because
she teaches universally and without curtailment all the truths of faith
which ought to be known to men whether they concern visible or
invisible things, heavenly things or the things of earth; further
because she brings under the yoke of God's true service all races of
men, the mighty and the lowly, the learned and the simple; and finally
because she tends and heals every kind of sin committed by body or soul
and because there is no form of virtue, whether in word or deed or in
spiritual gifts of any kind whatever, which she does not possess as her
own" (Cateches., xviii, 23; P. G., XXXIII, 1043). In similar terms
speaks St. Isidore (De Offic., Bk. I), among the Fathers of the West,
and a variety of other explanations might also, no doubt, be appealed
to.</p>
<p id="c-p2166" shownumber="no">But of all these various interpretations, which, after all, are not
inconsistent with one another, and which are probably only
characteristic of a fashion of exegesis which delighted in
multiplicity, one conception of Catholicity is almost invariably made
prominent. This is the idea of the actual local diffusion of the
Church, and this is also the aspect which, thanks no doubt to the
influence of Protestant controversy, has been most insisted upon by the
theologians of the last three centuries. Some heretical and
schismatical teachers have practically refused to recognize Catholicity
as an essential attribute of Christ's Church, and in the Lutheran
version of the Apostles' Creed, for example, the word Catholic ("I
believe in the holy Catholic Church") is replaced by Christian. But in
the majority of the Protestant professions of faith the wording of the
original has been retained, and the representatives of these various
shades of opinion have been at pains to find an interpretation of the
phrase which is in any way consistent with geographical and historical
facts. (For these see CHRISTENDOM.) The majority, including most of the
older Anglican divines (e.g. Pearson on the Creed), have contented
themselves with laying stress in some shape or form upon the design of
the Founder of the Church that His Gospel should be preached throughout
the world. This diffusion 
<i>de jure</i> serves its purpose sufficiently as a justification for
the retention of the word Catholic in the Creed, but the supporters of
this view are of necessity led to admit that Catholicity so understood
cannot serve as a visible criterion by which the true Church is to be
distinguished from schismatical sects. Those Protestant bodies who do
not altogether reject the idea of "notes" distinctive of the true
Church consequently fall back for the most part upon the honest
preaching of God's word and the regular administration of the
sacraments as the only criteria. (See the "Confession of Augsburg",
Art. 7, etc.) But such notes as these, which may be claimed by many
different religious bodies with apparently equal right, are practically
inoperative, and, as Catholic controversialists have commonly pointed
out, the question only resolves itself into the discussion of the
nature of the Unity of the Church under another form. The same must be
said of that very large class of Protestant teachers who look upon all
sincere Christian communions as branches of the one Catholic Church
with Christ for its invisible head. Taken collectively, these various
branches lay claim to worldwide diffusion 
<i>de facto</i> as well as 
<i>de jure.</i> But clearly, here again the question primarily involved
is that concerning the nature of the Unity of the Church, and it is to
the articles CHURCH and UNITY, that the reader who wishes to pursue the
matter further must be referred.</p>
<p id="c-p2167" shownumber="no">As against these and other interpretations which have prevailed
among Protestants from the Reformation until quite recent times, the
scholastic theologians of the last three centuries have been wont to
put forward the conception of the note of Catholicity in various formal
propositions, of which the most essential elements are the following.
The true Church of Christ, as it is revealed to us in prophecy, in the
New Testament, and in the writings of the Fathers of the first six
centuries, is a body which possesses the prerogative of Catholicity,
i.e. of general diffusion, not only as a matter of right, but in actual
fact. Moreover, this diffusion is not only successive--i.e. so that one
part of the world after another should in course of ages be brought in
contact with the Gospel-- but it is such that the Church may be
permanently described as spread throughout the world. Further, as this
general diffusion is a property to which no other Christian association
can justly lay claim, we are entitled to say that Catholicity is a
distinctive mark of the true Church of Christ.</p>
<p id="c-p2168" shownumber="no">It will be seen from this that the point upon which stress is laid
is that of actual local diffusion, and it can hardly be denied that
both Scriptural and Patristic arguments adduced by Bellarmine,
Thomassin, Alexander Natalis, Nicole, and others, to take but a few
prominent names, afford strong justification for the claim. The
Scriptural argument seems first to have been developed by St. Optatus
of Mileve against the Donatists, and it was equally employed by St.
Augustine when he took up the same controversy a few years later.
Adducing a large number of passages in the Psalms (e.g. Pss. ii and
lxxi), with Daniel (ch. ii), Isaiah (e.g. liv, 3), and other prophetic
writers, the Fathers and modern theologians alike draw attention to the
picture which is there afforded of the Kingdom of Christ the Messiah as
something gloriously and conspicuously spread throughout the world,
e.g. "I will give thee the Gentiles for thy inheritance and the utmost
parts of the earth for thy possession", "He shall rule from sea to
sea", "All the nations shall serve Him", etc., etc. Moreover, in
combination with these we have to notice our Lord's instructions and
promises: "Go ye therefore and teach all nations", "You shall be
witnesses unto me . . . even to the uttermost part of the earth" (Acts,
i, 8), or St. Paul's words quoting Psalm xviii, "Yes, verily, their
sound went out over all the earth and their words unto the ends of the
whole world" (Rom., x, 18), etc. But the real strength of the argument
lies in the patristic evidence, for such words of Scripture as those
just quoted are cited and interpreted, not by one or two only, but by a
large number of different Fathers, both of the East and of the West,
and nearly always in such terms as are consistent only with the actual
diffusion over regions which to them represented, morally speaking, the
whole world. It is indeed particularly important to note that in many
of these patristic passages the writer, while insisting upon the local
extension of the Church, distinctly implies that this diffusion is
relative and not absolute, that it is to be general indeed, but in a
moral, not in a physical or mathematical sense. Thus St. Augustine
(Epist. cxcix; P. L., XXXIII, 922, 923) explains that the nations which
formed no part of the Roman Empire had already joined the Church, which
was fructifying and increasing throughout the whole world. But he adds
that there will be always need and room for it still to grow; and,
after quoting <scripRef id="c-p2168.1" osisRef="Bible:Rom.10.14" parsed="|Rom|10|14|0|0" passage="Romans 10:14">Romans 10:14</scripRef>, he adds:</p>
<p id="c-p2169" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">In those nations therefore among whom the Church is not yet
known it has still to find a place [<i>in quibus ergo gentibus nondum est ecclesia, oportet ut sit</i>],
not indeed in such a way that all who are there should become
believers; for it is all nations that are promised, not all the men of
all nations. . . . Otherwise how shall that prophesy be fulfilled, 'Ye
shall be hated by all for my name's sake', unless among all nations
there are those who hate as well as those who are
hated?</p>

<p id="c-p2170" shownumber="no">Lastly, it should be said that among some confused
thinkers of the Anglican communion, as also among certain
representatives of Modernist opinions, an interpretation of the
Catholicity of the Church has lately come into fashion which has little
connection with anything that has hitherto fallen under our notice.
Starting with the conception familiar in such locutions as "a man of
catholic tastes", meaning a man who excludes no rational interest from
his sympathies, these writers would persuade us that a 
<i>catholic</i> church either does or should mean a church endowed with
unlimited comprehensiveness, i.e. which is prepared to welcome and
assimilate all opinions honestly held, however contradictory. To this
it may be answered that the idea is absolutely foreign to the
connotation of the phrase 
<i>Catholic Church</i> as we can trace it in the writings of the
Fathers. To take a term consecrated by centuries of usage and to attach
a brand-new meaning to it, of which those who through the ages had it
constantly on their lips never dreamed, is to say the least extremely
misleading. If this comprehensiveness and elasticity of belief is
regarded as a desirable quality, by all means let it have a new name of
its own, but it is dishonest to leave the impression upon the ignorant
or the credulous, that this is the idea which devout men in past ages
have all along been groping for, and that it has been left to the
religious thinkers of our own day to evolve from the name 
<i>catholic</i> its true and real significance. So far from the idea of
a nebulous and absorbent substance imperceptibly shading off into the
media which surround it, the conception of the Fathers was that the
Catholic Church was cut off by the most clearly defined of lines from
all that lay outside. Its primary function, we might also say, was to
set itself in acute opposition to all that threatened its vital
principle of unity and stability. It is true that patristic writers may
sometimes play with the word 
<i>catholic,</i> and develop its etymological suggestiveness with an
eye to erudition or edification, but the only connotation upon which
they insist as a matter of serious import is the idea of diffusion
throughout the world. St. Augustine, indeed, in his letter to
Vincentius (Ep. xciii, in "Corpus Scrip. Eccles. Lat.", XXXIV, p. 468)
protests that he does not argue merely from the name. I do not
maintain, he declares equivalently, that the Church must spread
throughout all the world, simply because it is called Catholic. I base
my proof of its diffusion upon the promises of God and upon the oracles
of Holy Scripture. But the saint at the same time makes it clear that
the suggestion, that the Church was called Catholic because it observed
all God's Commandments and administered all the sacraments, originated
with the Donatists, and he implies that this was a view in which he did
not himself concur. Here again the demonstration of the unity of the
Church as built upon a dogmatic basis is fundamental, and the reader
must be referred to the article CHURCH. The Anglican Bishop of
Carlisle, in an article published in the Hibbert Journal for January,
1908, and entitled "The Catholic Church, What Is It?", seems to carry
the modern formula, Catholic = comprehensive, to its most extreme
lengths. No principle of cohesion seems to be left except this, that
the Catholic Church is that which bans nothing. The bishop conceives of
it, apparently, as an institution invested by Christ with unlimited
power to add to its numbers, but no power to expel. It must surely be
plain that practical common sense pronounces against such a conception
not less strongly than the plain words of our Lord in the Gospel or the
consistent attitude of the Fathers.</p>
<p id="c-p2171" shownumber="no">In addition to the references given in the course of this article,
see WILHELM AND SCANNELL, 
<i>Manual of Catholic Theology</i> (1898), II, 351-4; KRAUS, 
<i>Real-Encycklopadie der christlichen Alterthumer</i> (Freiburg,
1882), s. v. 
<i>Catholicus;</i> MAZZELLA, 
<i>De Religione et Ecclesia</i> (Rome, 1885); SCHANZ, 
<i>A Christian Apology</i> (tr. Dublin, 1891); MOUREAU, in 
<i>Dict. de theol, cath., s. v. Catholicite;</i> BILLOT, 
<i>De Sacra Traditione</i> (Rome, 1904), 72-134; SEMERIA, 
<i>Dogma, Gerarchia e Culto</i> (Rome, 1902), 235-257; TURMEL, 
<i>Histoire de theologie positive</i> (Paris, 1906), II, 117; NEWMAN, 
<i>Essays Historical and Critical,</i> Essay ix, with note.
<br />For the Protestant view see the latest (HAUCK) ed. of HERZOG, 
<i>Realencyklopadie fur protestantische Theologie und Kirche,</i> s. v.

<i>Kirche;</i> HARNACK, 
<i>History of Dogma</i> (tr. London, 1896), II; PEARSON, 
<i>Exposition of the Creed;</i> FAIRBAIRN, 
<i>Catholicism, Roman and Anglican</i> (London, 1899).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2172" shownumber="no">HERBERT THURSTON</p></def>

<term id="c-p2172.1" title="Catholic Benevolent Legion" type="Encyclopedia">Catholic Benevolent Legion</term>
<def id="c-p2172.2">
<h1 id="c-p2172.3">Catholic Benevolent Legion</h1>
<p id="c-p2173" shownumber="no">A fraternal assessment life-insurance society organized in Brooklyn,
New York, U.S.A., 5 September, 1881. The charter members were Dr.
George R. Kuhn, John C. McGuire, John D. Carroll, John Rooney, Thomas
Cassin, John D. Keiley, Patrick F. Keany, William G. Ross, David T.
Leahy, and Robert Myhan Bishop Loughlin of Brooklyn was the spiritual
adviser of the supreme council, the body through which the legal
incorporation was made, and which governed the entire organization. The
object of the Legion was, as stated in its constitution, to unite
fraternally, for social, benevolent, and intellectual improvement,
Catholic men between the ages of eighteen and fifty-five years at the
time of admission. Life insurance not to exceed $5,000 was given in
various amounts to members according to an optional classification,
assessments for which were governed by the age of the member. The
original figures of these assessments were increased in 1905 to meet
the requirements of sounder insurance experience, as was the case with
most of the other organizations of this character. Reports to 1908
showed that the Legion had, from its establishment, paid in death
insurance $19,000,000. It had 20,000 members out of a total, from time
of organization, of 74,188, and was represented by councils in six
States: New York, New Jersey, Maryland, Indiana, Illinois and
Connecticut.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2174" shownumber="no">THOMAS F. MEEHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2174.1" title="Catholic Club of New York, The" type="Encyclopedia">The Catholic Club of New York</term>
<def id="c-p2174.2">
<h1 id="c-p2174.3">The Catholic Club of New York</h1>
<p id="c-p2175" shownumber="no">A social organization described by its constitution as a club which
"shall consist of Catholic gentlemen who are governed by a spirit of
devotion to the Church and fidelity to the Holy Father". Its objects,
as defined by the constitution, "shall be to advance Catholic
interests, to promote the moral improvement of its members, to foster
among them a true Catholic spirit, to encourage the study of Catholic
history, literature, science and art, and for these purposes to
maintain a library, and by frequent social intercourse to bind
themselves more closely in the pursuit of these and kindred ends". The
club sprang from the Xavier Alumni Sodality, which was organized in
1863, in connection with the College of St. Francis Xavier, New York,
with the object of encouraging Christian piety among the educated
Catholic men of the city, and for many years directed by the Rev. P.F.
Dealy, S.J. In March, 1871, the Xavier Union was organized by members
of the Sodality to promote other desirable ends not embraced in the
scope of a purely religious organization, and to unite the members more
intimately in social intercouse. The club was formally opened 13 March,
1871, with a membership of about 150, and Joseph Thoron was elected its
first president, on 28 March of the same year. In 1872 Archbishop
McCloskey took the club under his formal protection, and the
organization has ever since enjoyed the active patronage of the
archbishops of New York, and has co-operated with them in promoting
Catholic interests. On 1 January, 1888, the name was changed from the
Xavier Union to the Catholic Club of the City of New York. Its growth
was soon such that a building was erected for it on a site purchased at
No. 120 Central Park South, for $115,000. Here a building, 75 by 200
feet, was erected at a cost of $225,000, of which formal possession was
taken in 1892. From this period the club grew with great rapidity until
the normal resident membership numbers about 1000 the non-resident over
500, and, in addition, there is a considerable army and navy membership
consisting of officers of these arms of the service. The club is
governed by a board of officers and managers, and has a spiritual
director appointed by the Archbishop. A Committee on Catholic Interests
has special charge of all matters within the scope indicated in which
Catholic lay activity or co-operation with the arch-bishop may seem
necessary. The library contains over 35,000 volumes. Many lectures are
given during the season and the club co-operates with leading
educational and charitable Catholic enterprises.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2176" shownumber="no">JOHN JEROME ROONEY Trancribed by Joseph P. Thomas</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2176.1" title="Catholic Epistle" type="Encyclopedia">Catholic Epistle</term>
<def id="c-p2176.2">
<h1 id="c-p2176.3">Catholic Epistle</h1>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2177" shownumber="no">The name given to the Epistle of St. James, to that
of St. Jude, to two Epistles of St. Peter and the first three of St.
John, because, unlike the Epistles of St. Paul, they were addressed not
to any particular person or church, but to the faithful generally after
the manner of an Encyclical letter. Though addressed to particular
persons the other two Epistles of St. John are also styled Catholic,
because they have always been grouped with the epistles bearing that
name.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2177.1" title="Catholic Knights of America" type="Encyclopedia">Catholic Knights of America</term>
<def id="c-p2177.2">
<h1 id="c-p2177.3">Catholic Knights of America</h1>
<p id="c-p2178" shownumber="no">A fraternal life-insurance company chartered under the laws of the
State of Kentucky, U.S.A. It was founded in Nashville, Tennessee by
James J. McLoughlin, D.N. Burke, John Broderick, and John MeDonald. The
first meeting was held, 23 April, 1877, at Emmett Hall, Nashville, with
James J. McLoughlin as temporary chairman. At the second meeting, 1
May, 1877, the first permanent branch was organized with J.J.
McLoughlin, president, and John McDonald, secretary. The name selected
for the new organization was the Order of United Catholics, which was
subsequently changed, on the recommendation of Bishop P.A. Feehan, of
Nashville, to Catholic Knights of America. The bishop gave his cordial
approval to the new society, and accepted the office of spiritual
director. In June, 1877, plans were drawn up for the establishment of a
supreme council form of government, and branches were organized in
Grafton, West Virginia; Louisville, Kentucky; New Albany, Indiana; and
Galion, Ohio.</p>
<p id="c-p2179" shownumber="no">The first session of the supreme council was held in Louisville,
Kentucky, 9 July, 1878. Sixteen branches were represented; a supreme
constitution was adopted, the Hon. W.C. Smith of Louisville was elected
first Supreme President, and Bishop Feehan was chosen Supreme Spirltual
Director. At the second annual session, held in Indianapolis 8 July,
1879, seventy-two branches were represented. It was then decided to
hold biennial sessions like most of the fraternal societies that were
founded at this period, the Catholic Knights had to learn by experience
that their rates were inadequate, and the association was among the
first of these bodies to change the rate system. Although the
organization sustained a loss of several thousands, the wisdom of the
change of rates was early reorgnanized by the loyal members, and the
loss was soon made good by the influx of nearly 5000 young members in a
period of a little over two years. Financially it is one of the
strongest organizations of its kmd in the United States. It has a
membership of 20,000, divided among 560 branches, located in forty-two
States of the Unions. Since its inception to 1 August, 1907, it has
paid to the heirs of over 8500 deceased members nearly fifteen million
dollars. The total resources of the order on 1 August, 1907, were
$828,000. The head-quarters are located at St. Louis, Missouri.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2180" shownumber="no">ANTHONY MATRE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2180.1" title="Catholic Missionary Union" type="Encyclopedia">Catholic Missionary Union</term>
<def id="c-p2180.2">
<h1 id="c-p2180.3">Catholic Missionary Union</h1>
<p id="c-p2181" shownumber="no">The corporate name of a society whose directors are chosen from
among the bishops of the United States, the seminaries, the parishes
and the missionary organizations of that country, its purpose being to
engage priests and lay-men as missionaries to non-Catholics in the
United States, to provide for their maintenance, to distribute Catholic
literature, and in every way to assist the bishops in establishing and
carrying on home missions in their various jurisdictions. It was formed
by the Paulist Fathers in carrying out the vocation of their founder,
Isaac Thomas Hecker, i.e. the conversion of non-Catholics in
America.</p>
<p id="c-p2182" shownumber="no">This movement recognizes and helps to meet the responsibility of
clergy and people for the spiritual welfare of Catholics, of baptized
non-Catholics, as being even sacramentally part of Christ's fold; and
of all others, as called by God to be saved and brought to the
knowledge of the truth by the Church's ministrations. Thus, instead of
ignoring the religious condition of their non-Catholic countrymen, all
classes of Catholics will be aided by this society in zealously
striving to convert them. Among the practical efforts of this movement
is the forming in each diocese of bands of missionaries composed of
diocesan priests acting under their bishops. These assemble
non-Catholics wherever possible and explain to them the doctrines of
the Catholic Church. The mode of explanation is more expository than
controversial. Through a "question box" queries are invited concerning
the Church's teaching, and through carefully prepared lectures and the
widespread dissemination of literature misunderstandings are dispelled
and an attractive presentation of the Catholic teaching provided.</p>
<p id="c-p2183" shownumber="no">The Catholic Missionary Union owns the Apostolic Mission House, the
training school for the missionaries, located at the Catholic
University, Washington, D.C., and dedicated in April, 1904. It provides
a normmal course of instruction for priests who are desirous of
devoting themselves to the conversion of non-Catholics in the diocesan
mission-bands, or even in the parochial ministry. The following
dioceses are now provided with these apostolates, as the missionary
bands are called: Providence, Hartford, Burlington, New York,
Pittsburg, Cleveland, Wheeling, Covington, Peoria, St. Paul, Dubuque,
St. Louis, Sioux Falls, Fort Wayne, Richmond, North Carolina,
Charleston, St. Augustine, Mobile, Natchez, and Oklahoma, numbering
together 51 priests. There are six other priests assisting at missions
in these dioceses in preparation for forming apostolates in their own
dioceses, namely in Springfield, Buffalo, and Winona. Meanwhile priests
are making their courses of study in the Apostolic Mission House for
Ogdensburg, Erie, Baltimore, Philadelphia, Alton, Baker City, Peoria,
Pittsburg, Sioux City, St. Augustine, and St. Paul, together with
several members of religious communities, some domiciled, and others
attending classes giving missions, or preparing to do so, there is now
a total of 82 priests. For the more necessitous dioceses not only are
the missionaries trained without any expense to the bishops, but
financial support is furnished them after they begin their work. During
a decade of years the missionaries in the movement that centres about
the Apostolic Mission House have given 1008 missions to Catholics,1468
missions to non-Catholics, and received many converts into the Church,
besides placing many more under instruction to be received later by the
parochial clergy. It is not possible to give precise statistics, but it
is sure that conversions have been stimulated by these missionary
activities. During the year 1906 it is computed that about 25,000
converts were received into the Church in the United States by various
missionary agencies.</p>
<p id="c-p2184" shownumber="no">An important feature of the missions is the free distribution of
Catholic literature. The books are given into the hands of
non-Catholics by the missionaries themselves standing before the altar
after the public services, it being expressly stated that they are
accepted to be read. In this way a great deal more than a million of
Catholic books have passed into non-Catholic hands during the last ten
or twelve years. These are Cardinal Gibbons' "Faith of Our Fathers",
Searle's "Plain Facts", Conway's "Question Box", Faa Di Bruno's
"Catholic Belief", Xavier Sutton's "Clearing the Way", and others; not
counting a very great number of catechisms, Mass-books, pamphlets, and
leaflets.</p>
<p id="c-p2185" shownumber="no">A public convention of missionaries to non-Catholics is assembled by
the society every two or three years. The delegates discuss fully the
religious conditions in America and the prospects of converting the
people to the Catholic Church. Carefully prepared papers are read, and
addresses delivered, and their topics debated, all looking to the
choice of means and methods for increasing the number of converts. The
proceedings of each convention are published in book form and
circulated very extensively with remarkly good results. It is
noteworthy that at the latest convention (June, 1905) the principal
religious orders were present by their representatives. The Mission
Union depends wholly on charity for funds to support its work. The
principal medium of collection is its monthly magazine "The Missionary"
which, by edifying Catholics with authentic accounts of the results of
the propaganda, stimulates their charitable offerings. The whole
movement has from the begining enjoyed the fullest approval of the
bishops and the co-operation of the religious orders, and has received
the express commendation of the Holy See.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2186" shownumber="no">WALTER ELLIOTT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2186.1" title="Catholicos" type="Encyclopedia">Catholicos</term>
<def id="c-p2186.2">
<h1 id="c-p2186.3">Catholicos</h1>
<p id="c-p2187" shownumber="no">(Greek 
<i>Katholikos</i>, universal).</p>
<p id="c-p2188" shownumber="no">The ecclesiastical title of the Nestorian and Armenian
patriarchs.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2188.1">I. NESTORIANS</h3>
<p id="c-p2189" shownumber="no">During the first five centuries Seleucia in Mesopotamia,
subsequently the see of the Nestorian catholicos, was under the
Patriarchate of Antioch. In the fifth century, as can be seen in the
"Synodicon Orientale" (ed. Chabot), almost all the bishops of
Seleucia-Ctesiphon bore the title of catholicos, without, however,
severing their relations with Antioch; hence, originally, the word 
<i>catholicos</i> was not synonymous with 
<i>patriarch.</i> Owing to the political separation of the East from
the West and to theological disputes, several attempts were made during
the fifth century to secure religious independence. In the synod held
at Seleucia under Dadjesus in 424 (cf. Synodicon, 51, text and 296.
tr.) it was forbidden to appeal from the Catholicos of Seleucia to the
Patriarch of Antioch. The breach, however, became complete and
permanent under the Nestorian Mar Babai. The synod held under him (497
or 499) renewed the decree of independence from Antioch, and henceforth
Seleucia became the centre of Nestorianism. The list of the Nestorian
catholicoi is given by Bar Hebraeus (Chronicon ed. Abbeloos, and Lamy,
III passim), the list is supplemented by the editors, III, 566 sqq. In
the middle of the sixteenth century, in opposition to the Catholicos
Mar Mama, several bishops met, elected Sullaka, and sent him to Rome
for consecration. Since then there has been a Catholic patriarch whose
residence is now at Mosul. A list of the catholicoi united with Rome is
given by Abbeloos and Lamy, op. cit., 570 sqq. (See NESTORIANS)</p>
<h3 id="c-p2189.1">II. ARMENIANS</h3>
<p id="c-p2190" shownumber="no">Among the Armenians also 
<i>catholicos</i> was originally a simple title for the principal
bishop of the country; he was subordinate to the See of Caesarea in
Cappadocia. The bishops of Albania and Georgia, although dependent on
the Catholicos of Armenia bore the same title. Under King Pap and the
Catholicos lousik Armenia asserted its independence of Caesarea. In the
fifth century the Armenians adopted Monophysitism and anathematized the
Council of Chalcedon, 491. Many of the catholicoi, however, especially
after the Crusades, professed the orthodox Catholic Faith. The see of
the Armenian catholicos, originally Achtichat, has varied considerably.
Besides many schisms have taken place, and today there are no less than
five Armenian catholicoi. One of them, the successor of the old
catholicos, is at Sis in Cilicia, with jurisdiction over the Turkish
provinces of Asia. His power in ecclesiastical matters, supreme in
theory, is considerably curtailed in practice by the appointment of a
catholicoi with additional powers in Constantinople. Since 1113 there
is also an Armenian catholicos at Aghtamar with jurisdiction over the
island of that name and the villages surrounding Lake Van. Another
catholicos resides in Jerusalem, but with greatly reduced powers. In
1441 another schism occurred, and a catholicos was elected in
Etchmiadzin in Greater Armenia. Today he bears the title of "Supreme
Patriarch and Catholicos of all Armenians" and at least theoretically,
is considered the principal catholicos by all non-Catholic Armanians.
Since 1740 there has also been a Catholic catholicos in Constantinople
with the title of Patriarch of Cilicia. He is recognized by the Porte
as having jurisdiction over all Catholic Armenians in the Turkish
possessions. (See ARMENIA; CONSTANTINOPLE.)</p>
<p id="c-p2191" shownumber="no">In the beginning of the fourth Century Albania and Georgia (Iberia)
were converted to Christianity by Armenian missionaries, and the
principal bishop of each of these countries bore the title of
catholicos, although neither of them was autocephalous. They followed
the Armenians in rejecting the Council of Chalcedon. At the end of the
sixth, or beginning of the seventh, century the Georgian catholicos
asserted his independence and came back to orthodoxy. Henceforward the
Georgian Church underwent the same evolutions as the Greek. In 1783
Georgia abolished the office of its catholicos, and placed itself under
the Holy Synod of Russia, to which country it was united politically in
1801. The Albanian catholicos remained loyal to the Armenian Church,
with the exception of a brief schism towards the end of the sixth
century. Shortly afterwards Albania was assimilated partly with Armenia
and partly with Georgia. There is no mention of any catholicos in
Albania after the seventh century. It is asserted by some that the head
of the Abyssinian Church, the Abuna, also bears the title of
catholicos, but, although this name may have been applied to him by
analogy, there is, to our knowledge, no authority for asserting that
this title is used by the Abyssinian Church itself.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2192" shownumber="no">R. BUTIN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2192.1" title="Catholic University of America" type="Encyclopedia">Catholic University of America</term>
<def id="c-p2192.2">
<h1 id="c-p2192.3">The Catholic University of America</h1>
<p id="c-p2193" shownumber="no">A pontifical institution located in Washington, D.C. It comprises
the Schools of the Sacred Sciences, Philosophy, Law, Letters, and
Science, each of which includes several departments. Under the supreme
authority of the Holy See, the governing power of the university
resides in the episcopate of the United States, and by their delegation
in the board of trustees, composed of bishops, priests, and laymen. The
president of the board is the Chancellor of the University, and this
office is held by the Archbishop of Baltimore 
<i>ex officio</i>. The immediate government of the university is
entrusted to the rector who is assisted by the academic senate.
Instruction is given by professors, associate professors, and tutors.
The number of these in 1907 was 32; the number of students (1906-1907)
was 210. The library contains 100,000 volumes. The official organ of
the university is "The Catholic University Bulletin" published
quarterly 1895-1907, and since 1908 eight times yearly. Other official
publications are the "General Announcements", the "Announcements" of
the different Schools and the rector's "Annual Report".</p>
<p id="c-p2194" shownumber="no">In the Second Plenary Council of Baltimore, October, 1866, the
Bishops expressed their desire for the establishment of a university.
The project took definite shape in the Third Plenary Council of
Baltimore (1884) which included in its "Acta et Decreta" the decision
to found a university and accepted Miss Mary Gwendoline Caldwell's
offer of $300,000 to inaugurate the work. Washington was selected as
the site, and the Right Rev. John J. Keane, then Bishop of Richmond,
was appointed rector. Pope Leo XIII, in 1887, sanctioned the
undertaking and by the Apostolic Letter "Magni nobis gaudii" (7 March,
1889) approved the constitution and statutes, and empowered the
university to grant the usual degrees. The scope of the university as
defined by Leo XIII was "to provide instruction in every department of
learning to the end that the clergy and laity alike might have an
opportunity to satisfy fully their laudable desire for knowledge". The
pope furthermore urged that the seminaries, colleges, and other
Catholic institutions of learning should be affiliated to the
university; and he ordained that no step should be taken towards
founding any other university without the approbation of the Holy
See.</p>
<p id="c-p2195" shownumber="no">The School of Sacred Sciences was opened in November, 1889. This was
followed in 1895 by the School of Philosophy for which Mgr. James
McMahon of New York donated the hall bearing his name. Chairs were
founded by Miss Caldwell (2); the Misses Andrews, Baltimore; the Misses
Drexel, Philadelphia; Mr. &amp; Mrs. Eugene Kelly, New York (2); Hon.
M.P. O'Connor, San José, California; Patrick Quinn, Philadelphia;
Mrs. C.B. Whitford, Baltimore; Joseph Banigan, Providence; Col. M.P.
O'Brien, New Orleans (3); Rev. A.H. Walburg, Cincinnati; Miss Margaret
Gardiner, Baltimore; The Catholic Total Abstinence Union; The Ancient
Order of Hibernians; and the Knights of Columbus. Founders of
fellowships were Miss Anna Hope Hudson, Baltimore, and Rev. Thomas
Brehony, Wilkesbarre, Pennsylvania. Scholarships were endowed by the
Messrs. Benziger, New York; Duke Joseph de Loubat, New York; Michael
Jenkins, Baltimore; Miss Emily Harper, Baltimore; Charles M. Routt,
Alton, Illinois; Rev. W.A. Nolan, Butler, Pennsylvania; Rev. Dwight
Lyman, Govanstown, Maryland; Miss Winifred Martin, Baltimore; Rev. P.J.
Lavin, Necedah, Wisconsin; Miss Mary D. Peabody, Washington; Rev.
Thomas Carroll, Oil City, Pennsylvania; The Mitchell Memorial
Committee, Brooklyn; The Catholic Young Men's National Union; the Right
Rev. John J. Conroy, second Bishop of Albany, New York; Very Rev. Mgr.
R.L. Burtsell, Rondout, New York; Miss Ruth C. Dana, Boston; the Most
Rev. John Hennessy, Archbishop of Dubuque; Rev. E.W.J. Lindesmith,
Rootstown, Ohio; Rev. James Brennan, Erie, Pennsylvania; Timothy
Riordan, Baltimore, Edward Johnson, Milwaukee; the Right Rev. T.M.
Burke, Bishop of Albany, New York; Rev. P.J. Murphy, Oliphant,
Pennsylvania; the Right Rev. Mgr. D.W. Murphy, Dover, New Hampshire;
the Right Rev. Mgr. J.M. Mackey, Cincinnati.</p>
<p id="c-p2196" shownumber="no">The university has also received donations and bequests from Albert
F. Ryan, Norfolk, Virginia; Michael Cudahy, Chicago, Illinois; Miss
Lina Caldwell, Newport, Rhode Island; Miss Rebecca Reyburn, Baltimore,
Maryland; Miles P. O'Connor, San José, California; Mrs. A.R.
Reynolds, Philadelphia; David T. Leahy, Brooklyn, New York; Messrs.
Leopold Huffer and Sons, Paris, France; O. Andrews, Baltimore,
Maryland; Miss Eliza P. Blight, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Sylvester
Johnson, Louisville, Kentucky; Rev. J. Lambert, Laconia, New Hampshire;
Gen. John Lawlor, Prairie du Chien, Wisconsin; John McCaffrey, Albany,
New York; Miss M. Moran, Baltimore; M. Murphy, Chicago, Illinois; J.F.
Sinnott, Philadelphia; Mrs. Stanley, Baltimore; J. Walsh, Baltimore;
Rev. J.J. Doherty, Hernsdale, Pennsylvania; J.P. Morgan, C.A. Hoyt and
A. Dougherty, New York. Numerous subscriptions were also made to the
Divinity, University Chapel, and Guarantee Funds, as also to the
Archbishop Kenrick Chair and the Archbishop Williams Chair.</p>
<p id="c-p2197" shownumber="no">In 1896, Bishop Keane was succeeded in the rectorship by Rev. Thomas
J. Conaty of Worcester, Massachusetts, who became (1903) Bishop of Los
Angeles. His successor was the Right Rev. Denis J. O'Connell, appointed
(1907) Bishop of Sebaste. His prudent administration and the generous
response of the Catholic people in the collection which Pius X directed
to be taken up annually in each diocese enabled the university to
overcome the financial difficulties which it encountered in 1904.</p>
<p id="c-p2198" shownumber="no">Since its foundation the university has gradually become a centre of
learning for the laity, the diocesan clergy, and the religious orders.
The institutions grouped about it, with the dates of establishment, are
as follows: St. Thomas College (Paulist Fathers), 1889; Marist College
(Marists), 1891; Holy Cross College (Congregation of the Holy Cross),
1895; College of the Holy Land (Franciscans), 1897; St. Austin's
College (Sulpicians), 1901; The Apostolic Mission House (Catholic
Missionary Union), 1902; College of the Immaculate Conception
(Dominicans), 1903. These colleges are the novitiates and houses of
study of the several communities; their advanced students pursue
courses in the University. Other affiliated institutions, outside the
city of Washington, are the St. Paul Seminary, St. Paul, Minnesota, and
the Institute of Scientific Study, New York. In compliance with the
express desire of the Holy See the university has contributed toward
the improvement and co-ordination of the Catholic schools in the United
States and has taken an active part in the organization and proceedings
of the Catholic Educational Association established for the purpose of
unifying and furthering educational work. Though as yet but partially
developed and inadequately endowed, it has exerted a salutary influence
by encouraging research, maintaining a high standard of scholarship,
and impressing upon the minds of the Catholics throughout the country
the need of providing university education under Catholic auspices.</p>
<p id="c-p2199" shownumber="no">HERBERMANN, in 
<i>Am. Cath. Quart. Review</i> (Philadelphia, 1889); HEWITT, in 
<i>The Catholic World</i> (New York), XLII, 85; KEANE, 
<i>ibid.</i> XLVII, 577; XLIX, 427; MAAS, in 
<i>Amer. Eccl. Review</i> (Dec., 1903); McPOLIN, in 
<i>New Ireland Review</i> (Jan., 1908); SHAHAN, 
<i>The House of God</i> (New York, 1905), gives a good bibliography, p.
347.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2200" shownumber="no">E.A. PACE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2200.1" title="Catrou, Francois" type="Encyclopedia">Francois Catrou</term>
<def id="c-p2200.2">
<h1 id="c-p2200.3">François Catrou</h1>
<p id="c-p2201" shownumber="no">French historian, b. at Paris, 28 December, 1659; d. there 12
October, 1737. He was the son of Mathurin Catrou, secretary to Louis
XIV. During his college days a marked facility and grace in composition
gave promise of his future literary success. At eighteen he entered the
Society of Jesus. During his regular period of Jesuit probation and
study his talents for preaching were discovered, and at the completion
of his course in 1690 he began his active career as a preacher, in
which office he continued for ten years with remarkable success. In
1701 he founded the "Journal de Trevoux", and was an active member of
its staff for twelve years. While thus engaged in journalistic duties
he found time for historical research, and to his productions in this
line his fame is chiefly due. His principal works are: (1) histoire
generale de l'empire du Mogul", published in five duodecimo volumes,
1715, the matter being drawn, in the main, from the memoirs of the
Venetian traveller Manuzio (translated into Italian as "Istoria
generale del Imperio del Mogul" by Domenico Occhi, Venice, 1751, and
into English as "History of the Mogul Dynasty", London, 1826). - (2)
"Histoire du fantisme dans la religion protestante", a controversial
work dealing principally with the Anabaptists and the Quakers; the best
edition, 1740, in two duodecimo volumes, Paris - (3) "Histoire
romaine", with geographical and critical notes in twenty-one quarto
volumes (1725-37), edited a second time in 1737. - The notes are from
the pen of P. Rouillé, S.J. This gigantic work was translated into
Italian by Fra Zannino Marsecco, Venice, 1730-37, and into English by
R. Bundy, as "The Roman History with Notes, done into English from the
Original French of the Rev. Fathers Catrou and Rouillé", London,
1728-37, in six folio volumes. The French work was highly praised at
the time for its deep research and solid reasoning, but its somewhat
pompous style soon brought severe censure from the critics. Its
appearance in an English dress gave occasion to some very bitter
attacks; but, though censured, this work was the source of Nathaniel
Hooke's inspiration. In his "Roman History" he drew freely from the
text of Catrou and more freely from the critical notes of Rouillé.
- (4) "Traduction de Virgile", with critical and historical notes. The
translation is at all times free and not infrequently inaccurate. The
notes and the accompanying life of Virgil manifest a thorough
acquaintance with both poem and poet. Catrou's Virgil was a constant
companion of the historian Gibbon during his early studies. "I always
consulted the most learned and ingenious commentators" he writes in his
autobiography; "Torrentius and Dacier on Horace, and Catrou and Servius
on Virgil".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2202" shownumber="no">DENNIS J. KAVANAGH</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2202.1" title="Cattaro" type="Encyclopedia">Cattaro</term>
<def id="c-p2202.2">
<h1 id="c-p2202.3">Cattaro (Catharum)</h1>
<p id="c-p2203" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CATTARO (CATARENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p2204" shownumber="no">Suffragan of Zara. Cattaro, the principal town in one of the four
divisions of Dalmatia, is situated at the foot of steep limestone
rocks, on one of the small bays of the Adriatic, and nearly surrounded
by mountains. The Gulf of Cattaro, itself a natural port, is divided
into four smaller bays called Bocche di Cattaro, one of the most
picturesque sites in Europe. The ancients called the town 
<i>Ascrivium</i>, and its gulf, 
<i>Sinus Rhizonicus</i>. Early in the Christian Era Ascrivium became a
Roman colony; it was destroyed about 860 by the Saracens, but was
rebuilt by the inhabitants of the town of Cattaro, who had been driven
from home by the Hungarians. In the twelfth century, Cattaro seems to
have been a republic; as early as 1178 its coins appear, bearing the
image of St. Trypho. Later on it passed successively under Byzantine
and Servian rule, and in 1368 formed an alliance with King Louis of
Hungary. Having sided with the Genoese against the Venetians it was
captured and burned by the latter (1378). In 1423 Cattaro voluntarily
submitted to Venice, though retaining a certain autonomy. The long rule
of Venice is reflected in the architecture of the town. During the
Napoleonic period it passed successively into the hands of the
Austrians, the French, the Russians, the French, and the Montenegrins,
who sacked it after the departure of the French (1814). It then fell
under Austrian rule, and is now a seaport of the Austro-Hungarian
Monarchy, and the commercial outlet of Montenegro. Situated as it was,
Cattaro must have received the Gospel at an early period, according to
legend from St. Boimus. The list of bishops, however, does not go
farther back than 877. The Catholic population of the diocese is
13,363, the non-Catholic, 15,000. There are 19 parishes, 11 vicariates,
50 secular and 12 regular priests.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2205" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2205.1" title="Cauchy, Augustin-Louis" type="Encyclopedia">Augustin-Louis Cauchy</term>
<def id="c-p2205.2">
<h1 id="c-p2205.3">Augustin-Louis Cauchy</h1>
<p id="c-p2206" shownumber="no">French mathematician, b. at Paris, 21 August, 1789; d. at Sceaux, 23
May, 1857. He owed his early training to his father, a man of much
learning and literary taste, and, at the suggestion of La Grange, who
early detected his talents and took a lively interest in him, he
received a good classical education at the Ecole Centrale du
Panthéon in Paris. In 1805 he entered the Ecole Polytechnique,
where he distinguished himself in mathematics. Two years later he
entered the Ecole des Ponts et Chaussées and, after a brilliant
course of study, he was appointed one of the engineers in charge of the
extensive public works inaugurated by Napoleon at Cherbourg. While here
he devoted his leisure moments to mathematics. Several important
memoirs from his pen, among them those relating to the theory of
polyhedra, symmetrical functions, and particularly his proof of a
theorem of Fermat which had baffled mathematicians like Gauss and
Euler, made him known to the scientific world and won him admittance
into the Academy of Sciences. At about the same time the Grand Prix
offered by the Academy was bestowed on him for his essays on the
propagation of waves. After a sojourn of three years at Cherbourg his
health began to fail, and he resigned his post to begin at the age of
twenty-two his career of professor at the Ecole Polytechnique. In 1818
he married Mlle. de Bure, who, with two daughters, survived him.</p>
<p id="c-p2207" shownumber="no">Cauchy was a stanch adherent of the Bourbons and after the
Revolution of 1830 followed Charles X into exile. After a brief stay at
Turin, where he occupied the chair of mathematical physics created for
him at the university, he was invited to become one of the tutors of
the young Duc de Bordeaux, grandson of Charles, at Prague. The old
monarch conferred the title of baron upon him in recognition of his
services. He returned to France in 1838, and was proposed by the
Academy for a vacant chair at the Collège de France. His
conscientious refusal to take the requisite oath on account of his
devotion to the prince prevented his appointment. His nomination to the
Bureau des Longitudes was declared void for the same reason. After the
Revolution of 1848, however, he received a professorship at the
Sorbonne. Upon the establishment of the Second Empire the oath was
reinstated, but an exception was made by Napoleon III in the cases of
Cauchy and Arago, and he was thus free to continue his lectures. He
spent the last years of his life at Sceaux, outside of Paris, devoting
himself to his mathematical researches until the end.</p>
<p id="c-p2208" shownumber="no">Cauchy was an admirable type of the true Catholic savant. A great
and indefatigable mathematician, he was at the same time a loyal and
devoted son of the Church. He made public profession of his faith and
found his greatest pleasure and recreation in works of zeal and
charity. He was an active member of the Society of St. Vincent de Paul,
and took a leading part in founding the "Ecoles d'Orient" in 1856, and
the "Association pour la liberté du dimanche". During the famine
of 1846 in Ireland Cauchy made an appeal to the pope on behalf of the
stricken people. He was on terms of intimate friendship with Père
de Ravignan, S. J., the well-known preacher, and when, during the reign
of Louis-Philippe, the colleges of the Society of Jesus were attacked
he wrote two memoirs in their defence. Cauchy is best known for his
achievements in the domain of mathematics, to almost every branch of
which he made numerous and important contributions. He was a prolific
writer and, besides his larger works, he was the author of over seven
hundred memoirs, papers, etc., published chiefly in the "Coptes
Rendus". A complete edition of his works has been issued by the French
Government under the auspices of the Academy of Sciences. Among his
researches may be mentioned his development of the theory of series in
which he established rules for investigating their convergency. To him
is due the demonstration of the existence and number of real and
imaginary roots of any equation, and he did much to bring determinants
into general use. In connexion with his work on definite integrals, his
treatment of imaginary limits deserves special mention. He was the
first to give a rigid proof of Taylor's theorem. The "Calculus of
Residues" was his invention, and he made important researches in the
theory of functions. By his theory of the continuity of functions and
the method of limits he placed the differential calculus on a logical
basis. Cauchy was also a pioneer in extending the applications of
mathematics to physical science, especially to molecular mechanics,
optics, and astronomy. In the theory of dispersion we have his
well-known formula giving the refractive index in terms of the wave
length and three constants. Besides his numerous memoirs, he was the
author of "Cours d'analyse de l'Ecole royale polytechnique" (1821);
"Résumé des leçons données à l'Ecole royale
polytechnique sur les applications du calcul infinitésimal"
(1823); "Leçons sur les applications du calcul infintésimal
à la géométrie" (1826, 1828); "Leçons sur le calcul
différentiel" (1829); "Anciens exercices de mathématicques"
(1826-1830); "Résumés analytiques" (1833); "Noveaux exercices
de mathématiques" (1835-1836); "Noveaux exercices d'analyse et de
physique mathématique" (1840-47).</p>
<p id="c-p2209" shownumber="no">VALSON, 
<i>La vie et les travaux du baron Cauchy</i> (Paris, 1868); MARIE, 
<i>Hist. des sciences math. et phys.</i> (1888), XII; BALL, 
<i>Hist. of Math.</i> (London, 1893); KNELLER, 
<i>Das Christentum, u. die Vertreter der neueren Naturwisseschaft</i>
(Freiburg, 1904); IDEM in 
<i>Stimmen aus Maria-Laach</i> (Freiburg, 1903), LXIV; 
<i>The Month</i>, No. 516 (New Series, 126), June, 1907.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2210" shownumber="no">HENRY M. BROCK</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2210.1" title="Caughnawaga" type="Encyclopedia">Caughnawaga</term>
<def id="c-p2210.2">
<h1 id="c-p2210.3">Caughnawaga</h1>
<p id="c-p2211" shownumber="no">Or SAULT ST. LOUIS.</p>
<p id="c-p2212" shownumber="no">An Iroquois reservation, situated on the south bank of the St.
Lawrence, about ten miles above Montreal. Area, 12,327 acres.
Population in 1905, 2,100; all Catholics, except five or six families.
The language is the Mohawk dialect. The 
<i>Sault</i> (or Rapids) was an old seigniory, or concession, granted
to the Jesuits in 1680. To P. Raffeix, S.J., is due the idea of thus
grouping the Iroquois neophytes on the banks of the St. Lawrence, to
guard them from the persecution and temptation to which they were
subject amid the pagan influences of their own villages. In 1667 the
missionary prevailed upon seven communities to take up their residence
at Laprarie, opposite Montreal. Other Christian Iroquois, from
different localities, soon came to join the settlement, and in 1670
there were twenty families. As the proximity of the whites was
prejudicial to the Indians, the mission was transferred, in 1676,
several miles higher up the river. This second site is memorable as the
scene of the saintly life and death of Catherine Tegakwitha (d. 1680).
In 1890 a granite monument was erected on the site, in memory of the
humble Iroquois virgin. In 1689, to escape the threatened attacks of
their pagan tribesmen, the Christian Iroquois sought refuge in
Montreal, where they remained eight or nine months. When the danger had
passed, they founded another settlement a mile or two above the last.
In 1696 another migration took place to a fourth site. Here it was that
P. Lafitau, S.J., discovered the famous "ginseng" plant, so valuable in
the eyes of the Chinese. The discovery created a great sensation, and
was for a time the source of a lucrative commerce. This fourth site
still proving unsatisfactory, the settlement was moved to the present
site of Caughnawaga in 1716. From 1667 to 1783 the mission was
conducted by the Jesuits; from 1783 to 1903 by secular priests and
Oblates. In 1903 it was again confided to the Jesuits. Among the more
noted missionaries were Fathers Bruyas, S.J., Chauchetiere, S.J.,
Lafitau, S.J., Burtin, O.M.I., Marcoux, who composed an Iroquois
dictionary and grammar, and Forbes who drew up complete genealogical
tables of the settlement. The Indians are intelligent and industrious.
Some are engaged in farming, others take rafts down the Lachine rapids.
The industries are principally bead-work and the making of lacrosse
rackets and snowshoes. Besides the presbytery, dating from 1716, and
the church, built in 1719 and restored in 1845, there are in the
village the ruins of a French fort of 1754, two schools, and a
hospital. The government by chiefs was, in 1889, replaced by that of a
mayor and council.</p>
<p id="c-p2213" shownumber="no">"Jesuit Relations" (Cleveland, 1901); CHAUCHETIERE, "La Vie de la
B.C. Tegakouita" (Mante, 1887); SHEA, "History of Catholic Missions
among the Indian Tribes of the U.S." (New York, 1854; new ed. 1899); DE
ROCHEMONTEIX, "Les jesuites de la Nouvelle France au XVIIIe siecle"
(Paris, 1906).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2214" shownumber="no">JOSEPH GRAS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2214.1" title="Caulet, Francois-Etienne" type="Encyclopedia">Francois-Etienne Caulet</term>
<def id="c-p2214.2">
<h1 id="c-p2214.3">François-Etienne Caulet</h1>
<p id="c-p2215" shownumber="no">(Also called M. DE FOIX from an abbey of which he was commendatory
abbot).</p>
<p id="c-p2216" shownumber="no">A French bishop and Jansenist, b. at Toulouse, 1610; d. at Pamiers,
1680. After completing his studies at the Collège de La
Flèche he laboured for some time under Père de Condren,
Superior of the French Oratory, and then joined M. Olier in founding
the Vaugirard Seminary and the Company of Saint-Sulpice. When M. Olier
accepted the parish of Saint-Sulpice (1642), Caulet became practically
the head of the seminary. In 1644 Louis XIV, at the suggestion of St.
Vincent de Paul, made him Bishop of Pamiers. Caulet had not sought
episcopal honours, but once a bishop he showed great zeal in the
reformation of the clergy, the annual visitation of the diocese, the
holding of synods, and the founding of schools, one of which was
devoted especially to the training of teachers. His impulsive zeal did
not fail to raise opposition. The chapters of Foix and Pamiers, which
he tried to reform, revolted openly, and had to be coerced into
submission by Briefs of Alexander VII and ordinances of Louis XIV. For
an account of his conflict with the Jesuits of Pamiers (1668) regarding
approbation for hearing confessions, see Bertrand, "Hist. Litt. de la
Compagnie de Saint-Sulpice" (Paris, 1900), III, 55,57. For the lengthy
previous controversies see CONFESSION, apropos of Approbation, and
Ferraris (Roman ed., 1885) s.v. "Approbation"; Santi (ed. Leitner,
Rome, 1905), "Praelectiones juris canonici", III, 366; Bouix, "De
episcopo", II, 250, and "De jure regularium", II, 213 sqq.</p>
<p id="c-p2217" shownumber="no">Two facts stand out prominently in Caulet's episcopal career, his
dubious attitude with regard to the formulary of Alexander VII
(Denzinger, "Enchiridion", no. 971) and his noble conduct in the 
<i>affaire de la régale</i>, i.e. the royal pretension to the
revenues and the administration of vacant sees. On receipt of the
formulary of Alexander VII Caulet issued a pastoral letter requesting
his clergy to subscribe to it, but with certain qualifications 
(<i>foi aux dogmes révélés, déférence
respectueuse aux faits non révélés</i>). Most people see
in that respectful deference the 
<i>silence respectueux</i> of the Jansenists. However, De la Chambre
(Traité du formulaire), Bouix (De Papâ, II, 95), and Bertrand
(Histoire littéraire, III, 19) are of opinion that Caulet really
meant an internal adhesion of the mind, albeit this adhesion may not
have come up to the "ecclesiastical faith" as proposed by Fénelon,
and later admitted commonly by theologians. Clement IX did not urge the
point, and accepted Caulet's adhesion such as it was. In February,
1673, Louis XIV, in need of funds, attempted to extend to all French
bishoprics the 
<i>droits de régale</i>. Caulet was one of the few bishops who
stoutly resisted the royal encroachment. Betrayed by his metropolitan,
despoiled by the king, he appealed to Innocent XI, who issued several
Briefs, lauding his courage and his loyalty to the Church. The last of
these Briefs, dated 17 July, 1680 (Inn. XI, epistolae, Rome, 1890, I,
357), reached Pamiers just after Caulet's death, and it contained the
best eulogy a bishop could receive. Caulet left a mass of episcopal
ordinances, synodal statutes, memoirs, etc., analyzed by Doublet and
Bertrand. Two treatises on the 
<i>régale</i> were published under his name in 1680 and 1681.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2218" shownumber="no">J.F. SOLLIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2218.1" title="Caunus" type="Encyclopedia">Caunus</term>
<def id="c-p2218.2">
<h1 id="c-p2218.3">Caunus</h1>
<p id="c-p2219" shownumber="no">
(<span class="sc" id="c-p2219.1">Kaunos</span>).</p>
<p id="c-p2220" shownumber="no">A titular see of Asia Minor. Kaunos was said to have been founded by
Kaunos, son of Miletos and Kyane, on the southern coast of Caria,
opposite Rhodes, and was known as Rhodian Peraea, at the foot of Mount
Tarbelos. Its acropolis was called Imbros. It exported, chiefly to
Rome, highly prized figs. It was the home of the painter Protogenes.
The "Synecdemus" of Hierocles and most "Notitiae episcopatuum", as late
as the twelfth or thirteenth century, place it in Lycia, as a suffragan
of Myra. Four bishops are mentioned by Lequien (I, 981): Basil, who
attended the council at Seleucia in 359; Antipater, at Chalcedon in
451; Nicolaus, who subscribed the letter to Emperor Leo in 458;
Stephanus at Nicaea in 787. The interesting ruins of the city are half
an hour from the modern village of Dalian, in the vilayet of Konia, on
the right bank of a little brook, the ancient Kalbis. Among them are a
theatre, a large rectangular building that was probably a temple,
others of uncertain destination, a Byzantine church, and very curious
rock-hewn tombs.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2221" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2221.1" title="Cause" type="Encyclopedia">Cause</term>
<def id="c-p2221.2">
<h1 id="c-p2221.3">Cause</h1>
<ul id="c-p2221.4">
<li id="c-p2221.5">CAUSE IN GREEK PHILOSOPHY
<div class="c6" id="c-p2221.6">
<i>The Pre-Socratics,</i> 
<i>Plato,</i> 
<i>Aristotle</i></div></li>
<li id="c-p2221.7">THE SCHOLASTIC ANALYSIS OF CAUSATION
<div class="c6" id="c-p2221.8">
<i>Material Cause,</i> 
<i>Formal Cause,</i> 
<i>Efficient Cause,</i> 
<i>Final Cause</i></div></li>
<li id="c-p2221.9">CAUSATION IN MODERN THOUGHT
<div class="c6" id="c-p2221.10">
<i>Bacon,</i> 
<i>Descartes,</i> 
<i>Hume,</i> 
<i>Reid,</i> 
<i>Kant</i></div></li>
<li id="c-p2221.11">LATER SPECULATIONS
<div class="c6" id="c-p2221.12">
<i>Hegel and Schopenhauer,</i> 
<i>Cause in Science,</i> 
<i>Common Sense,</i> 
<i>Cause in Law</i></div></li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p2222" shownumber="no">(Gr. 
<i>aitía, aítion,</i> Lat. 
<i>causa,</i> Fr. 
<i>cause,</i> Ger. 
<i>Ursache;</i> from the Latin both the Italian term 
<i>cosa</i> and the French 
<i>chose,</i> meaning "thing", are derived),</p>
<p id="c-p2223" shownumber="no">
<i>Cause,</i> as the correlative of effect, is understood as being that
which in any way gives existence to, or contributes towards the
existence of, any thing; which produces a result; to which the origin
of any thing is to be ascribed. The term cause is also employed in
several other suppositions, philosophical, scientific, legal, etc., to
which reference will be made in the course of the present article. The
description just given is that of cause taken in the philosophical
sense, as well as in its ordinary signification in popular language,
for, strictly speaking, cause, being a transcendental, cannot receive a
logical definition. It is that also commonly advanced as a preliminary
to the investigation of the nature of causality, in the schools.
Although the ideas of cause and of causality are quite obviously among
the most familiar that we possess, since they are involved in every
exercise of human reasoning, and are presupposed in every form of
argument and by every practical action, a very great vagueness attaches
to the popular concept of them and a correspondingly great ambiguity is
to be found in the use of the terms expressing them. In view of this
fact, it will be necessary to clear the ground traversed in the main
portion of the present article by stating that it is concerned, not so
much in treating of individual causes considered in the concrete, as
with the analysis of the idea of causality underlying and involved in
that of every cause. There is also a psychological, as well as a
metaphysical, aspect of the subject, which ought not to be lost sight
of, especially in that part of the article in which the more recent
speculations with regard to causality are touched upon.</p>
<p id="c-p2224" shownumber="no">As a matter of fact, all mankind by nature attributes to certain
phenomena a causative action upon others. This natural attribution of
the relationship of cause and effect to phenomena is anterior to all
philosophical statement and analysis. Objects of sense are grouped
roughly into two classes--those that act and those that are acted upon.
No necessarily conscious reflection seems to enter into the judgment
that partitions natural things into causes and effects. But when we
proceed to ask ourselves precisely what we mean when we say, for
example, that A is cause and B effect, that A causes B, or that B is
the result of A, we raise the question of causality. Whatever answer we
put forward, it will be the statement of our conception of causation.
It will be the expression of our judgment as to the actual relationship
between A and B involved in the conception of the one as cause and of
the other as effect. It will probably be found, when we attempt to
formulate any answer to the question, that much more is involved than
we had at first sight thought; and, since the investigation we should
pursue would probably proceed upon lines analogous to those upon which
philosophy has, as a matter of fact, travelled, it will not be amiss to
trace the history and development of the problem concerned with causes
and causality, and to set down briefly the various solutions advanced.
We shall begin, therefore, with the first crude conception of power or
efficiency, and pass on through the stages of hyloism and idealism to
the full analysis of cause and statement of causality made by
Aristotle. This will be considered merely in outline, as filled in in
the following more detailed account of the doctrines of the Schoolmen
upon the subject, who, while adopting it in all its main lines, in
several respects modified the teaching of the Stagirite. The critical
attack upon the possibility of a knowledge of causality, made by the
Scottish sceptic Hume, will next be considered in its relation to the
reply of the Common Sense School, as represented by Reid. The doctrine
of Kant, with its double sequence of idealism and materialism, will be
touched upon briefly; and, with a comparison of the mechanical concept
of modern science with regard to causes and the more fundamental
metaphysical analysis of causality, the philosophical treatment of the
topic will be brought to an end.</p>


<h3 id="c-p2224.1">CAUSE IN GREEK PHILOSOPHY</h3>


<p id="c-p2225" shownumber="no">

<b>The Pre-Socratics</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2226" shownumber="no">Before the inception of the pre-Socratic schools of Greek
philosophy, the first rude and popular conception of causes was mixed
up with much that was extravagant and, in the proper sense of the word,
superstitious. The powers of nature were personified, and thought of as
intelligent and wilful. They were conceived of as far more powerful
than man, but uncertain and capricious, so that it was necessary to
propitiate them and enlist their favour by offering them sacrifices and
praying to them. Thus there was the idea of power, and a loose
attribution of effects to one or another of the natural forces that had
vaguely come to be looked upon as causes. It was in order to provide a
ground of unity, rather than thus to distract causes, that the early
philosophers took up their search for the principles of things. The
problem immediately before them was that of explaining similarity and
diversity, as well as change, in the visible world. With them, though
the term 
<i>aitía</i> was employed, and even occasionally in several of the
senses in which Aristotle later distinguished it, the commoner term was

<i>arché,</i> with which the former was apparently generally
interchangeable. By this term a principle was designated that, in some
vague sense, approaches in meaning to the material cause of the
Stagirite. It was used to signify an entity prior to existing entities,
and yet in some way coexisting with them and furnishing the ground or
reason for their existence. But it did not connote the idea of cause in
the strict sense, namely as that which actually gives being to its
effect, such as is involved in later concepts of causality and is
derived from the observation and analysis of the conditions of physical
change. The problem thence arising had not yet been definitely set. The
task of the philosophers of these early schools was the investigation
of nature, with, for result, the discovery of its elemental constituent
or constituents, its primordial principles. Thus the representatives of
both the Ionian and Eleatic Schools, in reducing all things to a single
purely material basis, or to several bases, assign, indeed, a principle
that may be considered as a concrete cause, but do not raise the real
question of causality, or give any satisfactory account either as to
how one thing differs from another or as to how things can come to be
at all. Nor, in explaining diversity and change by assigning heat,
rarefaction, condensation, arrangement in space, number, etc., was more
than an attempt made to call closer attention to the fact of causation
and to determine more accurately than did popular opinion what were the
concrete causes by which things came to be what they are. This,
obviously, is not an analysis of causality, and in no sense really
touches the heart of the question. It hardly calls for the remark that
at most the causes, or more properly the principles, assigned, even if
understood in the sense of inherent differentiating principles, were
such as would account for no more than an accidental diversity, leaving
all things, the diversity of which was the very point to be explained,
really identical in substance.</p>
<p id="c-p2227" shownumber="no">

<b>Plato</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2228" shownumber="no">The progress from this first search for the elemental principles of
being to the later investigation and interpretation of alteration, or
change, in itself was gradual. Something had to be found that would
account for the regularity of the succession of phenomena in the
physical world, as well as for their diversity and alteration. The
Pythagoreans put forward their doctrines of number as an explanation;
Plato, his theory of ideas. Thus, in his advance upon his predecessors,
he clearly allows, in a very real sense, for formal causes of
existence. But he does not specify the nature of these ideas, other
than as substances, separate from the individual entities that they
cause. In some manner not fully explained, these individual entities
are precisely what they are by participating in the idea. In different
passages in his writings Plato alludes to the relation between the
ideas and the concrete entities as a participation, a community, or an
imitation. Thus he states the fact of similarity in the essences and
processes of the physical world, but does not offer any explanation or
definite account of it. In common with the earlier nature philosophers,
Plato assigns concrete causes but does not attempt to give any solution
of the real problems of causality. Not until Aristotle formulated his
famous doctrine of the four causes of being can it be said that the
question was envisaged with sufficient clearness to admit of exact
presentation or fruitful discussion. Instead of explaining diversity in
the physical world by a reference to a common underlying principle and
an accidental modification, either fortuitous or designed, proceeding
from it and in it--at best the crude makeshift of an incipient
philosophy that has yet to state correctly the problem to be solved,
instead of looking outside the object, or effect, for that which
specifies it, and finding a substance entirely separated from it, to
which its substantial existence in the world of phenomena, in some
cryptic manner, is to be attributed, Aristotle instituted a profound
inquiry into the essentially diverse modes in which any one thing can
be said to contribute to the existence of any other. In so doing he
changed the nature of the inquiry. The result was not only the
discovery of the four causes, but a solution of the really far more
important question of causality. There is no doubt but that his
teaching is, in a very real sense, a synthesis of all that had gone
before it; but it is a synthesis in which no one of the preceding
doctrines is adopted precisely as it stood in the earlier systems. The
secret which governed the adaptation of the currently accepted
"principles" and made the synthesis possible, lay in the signification
that he gave to the formal cause. The task he had to perform had ceased
to be that of discovering merely physical constituents or principles,
and had shifted to the fundamental issue of metaphysical inquiry.
Aristotle gives the opinions of his predecessors at considerable length
in the "Physics", and again in the "Metaphysics", in which he submits
them to a careful analysis and rigorous criticism. But the elements of
his own doctrine with regard to the four causes, as causes, were there
in solution. The signification of the term 
<i>arché,</i> already used, was sufficiently comprehensive to
include that of 
<i>aitía,</i> since all causes come necessarily under the head of
principles. The Ionians of the older school had dealt with matter.
Later Ionians had treated vaguely of efficient causes. The method and
moral teaching of Socrates had convolved and brought out the idea of
the final, while Plato had definitely taught the existence of separated
formal, causes. All these factors contributed to the result of his
inquiry, and the splendid historical criticism and review to which he
submits the earlier philosophers and their teachings on this point show
not only his wide and profound acquaintance with their doctrines, but
his readiness also to credit them with whatever they had advanced that
at all made for knowledge. Still, to this point, as has been said, it
was a question of principle rather than of cause; and, when of cause as
such, of cause considered in the concrete rather than of the causality
of causes.</p>
<p id="c-p2229" shownumber="no">

<b>Aristotle</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2230" shownumber="no">The problem, then, for Aristotle, took the form of an analysis of
essences in such wise as to perceive, separate, and classify those
principles which, in conspiring to bring the essence of any effect,
object or event, actually into existence, as it were, flow into it. For
the idea of cause is of that which in any way influences the production
of an effect as an essence. And, to declare the manner in which such
causes, once discovered, are found to correspond, and play their
several parts in causation, will be to state causality. Now, as our
notion of principles in general, whether in the being, in the becoming,
or in the understanding of any thing, is primarily derived from
observation of motions taking place in space, so our notion of cause is
derived from observation of changes, whether local, quantitative,
qualitative, or substantial. The explanation of any change leads to the
doctrine of the four distinctions, or classes, of causes as formulated
by Aristotle. They were:</p>
<ul id="c-p2230.1">
<li id="c-p2230.2">matter, 
<i>húle--tò hex oû gínetaí tí
enupárchontos</i></li>
<li id="c-p2230.3">form, 
<i>morphé, eîdos--ho lógos ho toú ti ên
eînai--</i></li>
<li id="c-p2230.4">moving, or efficient cause, 
<i>tò kinetikó--hóthen he archè tês
metabolés he próte--</i></li>
<li id="c-p2230.5">final cause, 
<i>tò télos--tò hoû héneka</i> (Cf. Physics,
II, iii.)</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2231" shownumber="no">These are severally related in various ways. It is in the
declaration of this relationship that the notion and explanation of
causality is to be found. The material cause, that out of which the
principiate, or effect, is made or caused, is conceived as an
indeterminate potentiality. It is determined to a definite substantial
essence by the formal cause. This, in turn, is conceived as an
actuality specifying the material potentiality. Formal causes are the
changeless essences of things in themselves, permanent in them amid the
flux of accidental modifications, yet by actual union with the material
cause determining this to the concrete individual; and not, like the
ideas of Plato, separated from it. They are, under the action of the
moving, or efficient, cause, the accomplishment of the determinability
of matter. The moving, or efficient, cause, which, as will be seen
later, is that which has come to be chiefly regarded as the true cause,
and that round which most controversy has arisen, is, in this fourfold
division of causes, that one by the operation or agency of which the
effect is brought into being; i.e. by the operation of which the formal
cause of the effect is induced in the material. Lastly, the final cause
is that principle on account of which the efficient cause moves towards
the production of its effect. It is the effect itself formally
considered as the term of the intention of the agent, or efficient
cause. Neither Aristotle nor Plato is very clear as to the precise
sense in which the final cause is to be understood. The Aristotelean
phrase is loose enough to cover the two meanings: i.e., the end
considered as the object desired, and the end considered as the desire
of the object. Aristotle perceives and teaches that the end is
frequently identified with the form, and that this is also frequently
identified 
<i>in species</i> with the moving cause; for man, as he says in the
example that he gives, begets man. It does not, however, follow that
all moving causes are always identified, even 
<i>in species,</i> with their effects. Indeed, Aristotle teaches that
this is not the case. He holds that the world is eternal; but, in
virtue of his fundamental principle that no potentiality can precede
actuality, he makes it a participative eternity. Hence the material and
the formal causes that together go to make up the world are created, or
more properly, eternally concreated. From this fundamental principle of
the priority of actuality over potentiality, Aristotle proves also the
fact of the existence of God as the first moving cause. As each effect
of a process is now to be reckoned an actuality that was before no more
than potential, and postulates a moving cause in order that it should
have come into being as the term of a motion, so all things in the
world, taken together, necessitate an absolutely first cause of the
same nature. This first moving cause must, on Aristotle's principle, be
an absolute actuality, since, were it not entirely in act, it could not
be the moving cause of all things nor keep them eternally in motion.
Similarly, it must be pure form, or 
<i>noûs,</i> with no admixture of matter, since this would import
a limitation of its actuality. Thus did Aristotle raise and answer the
question of causality, dividing causes into four classes, and
indicating the nature of the causal influx with which each contributes
towards the production of their common effect. For, according to this
theory, all the four causes, taken together, are really 
<i>the</i> cause of any given physical effect.</p>

<h3 id="c-p2231.1">THE SCHOLASTIC ANALYSIS OF CAUSATION</h3>
<p id="c-p2232" shownumber="no">The teaching of Aristotle is that which substantially passed current
in the medieval schools. With certain important modifications
concerning the eternity of the material cause, the substantiality of
certain formal causes of material entities, and the determination of
the final cause, the fourfold division was handed on to the Christian
teachers of patristic and scholastic times. As Aristotle had developed
and improved the doctrine of Plato with regard to inherent substantial
forms, so the leaders of Christian thought, guided in their work by the
light of revelation and the teaching of the Church, perfected the
philosophical teaching of Aristotle. It is not, indeed, advanced that
the Christian philosophy of this period was merely theological; but it
is contended that certain purely philosophical truths, verifiable in
and by philosophy, were obtained as a result of the impetus given to
metaphysical research by the dogmas of revelation. This is not the
place for enlarging upon such a topic except in so far as it is
directly pertinent to the question of causes; and it is principally in
other matters that the contention obtains. Still, at least in the three
cases to which allusion has just been made, it is true that speculation
was helped forward on the right lines by the teaching of the Church.
The truth of the contention is patent. In the patristic Period,
particularly in the works of St. Augustine, who was a Platonist rather
than an Aristotelean, and in the scholastic period, the foremost
representative of which is St. Thomas Aquinas, the doctrine of the four
causes of being is set forth in connection with the modifications
noted. The theory of causality, as held and taught in the Middle Ages,
and as taught in the schools today, will in this section be exhibited
in some detail.</p>
<p id="c-p2233" shownumber="no">"The ancient philosophers came to the knowledge of truth by degrees
and slowly", writes St. Thomas.</p>
<p id="c-p2234" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">For at first, being as it were less cultivated, they did
not recognize any beings other than sensible bodies. And those of them
who acknowledged movement in them only admitted movement as to
accidents, as in rarity and density, aggregation and disgregation. And,
supposing that the substance of bodies was untreated, they assigned
certain causes for accidental changes of this kind, as, for example,
friendship, strife, intellect or something of this nature. Proceeding,
they distinguished intellectually between the substantial form and the
matter, which they considered as uncreated; and they perceived that
substantial transmutation takes place in bodies with respect to their
substantial forms. (Summa Theologica I:44:2)</p>

<p id="c-p2235" shownumber="no">The last
sentence of this passage gives the basis of the Scholastic doctrine
with regard to causes. "Consider", a Scholastic would say, "a
substantial change--that is to say, a change in which one substance,
made known to the understanding by its qualities, ceases to be what it
was in the instant A, and becomes, in the instant B, another substance.
In order that such a change should be possible, four things are
necessary: namely,</p>
<ol id="c-p2235.1">
<li id="c-p2235.2">the thing that is changed;</li>
<li id="c-p2235.3">the term, or manner of being, or essence, that is induced in that
which is changed;</li>
<li id="c-p2235.4">the active agent that produces the change, or accomplishes the
existence of the new term, manner of being, or essence; and</li>
<li id="c-p2235.5">the motive, or reason why this latter acts.</li>
</ol>
<p class="continue" id="c-p2236" shownumber="no">There is also, though it cannot be reckoned as a cause, the 
<i>terminus a quo,</i> or the original determinative of the thing
changed, which passes out of being with the advent of the newly induced
term. These four necessary things, since they produce the final result
by a mutual action and interaction, in which they give being to it
considered as result, are its causes. They are to be discovered,
moreover, wherever and whenever any change takes place, not only in
substantial, but also in accidental, changes, or mere changes of
qualities." Consider the two cases, the one of accidental, the other of
substantial, change. A cube of wax is moulded by the hand into a
sphere. The wax, as permanent substratum of the change of figure, is
considered to be the matter, or material cause. The spherical figure
supervening upon that of the cubical, is the induced formal cause. The
moulder, or fashioner of the sphere, is the efficient cause. The final
cause is to be sought for in the intention of the moulder. The
substance of the wax remains throughout the entire process of the
moulding. It is affected only accidentally by the operation.
Consequently the example is one of accidental change, and gives us no
more than an accidental formal cause. But in cases of substantial
change, such as, for example, the electrolysis of water, the induced
formal cause is a substantial one; and, moreover, since the substance
of the water does not remain after the change has taken place, the
material cause cannot be other than a subject, or permanent substratum,
that is neither water nor oxygen and hydrogen taken together. In such a
case, it is called primordial, or first matter, and is conceived as
being a subject potential to information by any and all formal causes.
It is a potentiality, but, as a permanent substratum, or determinable
entity, is capable of receiving new substantial determinations in the
place of that which actually denominates it. It cannot exist alone, but
exists only as informed, or actuated by a formal cause. It is not
eternal, but created, or, more properly, concreated 
<i>with</i> substantial form.</p>
<p id="c-p2237" shownumber="no">

<b>Material Cause</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2238" shownumber="no">The material cause, as presented in the Scholastic system of
philosophy, fulfils the conditions of a cause as given above. It gives
being to the effect, since without it this could neither exist nor come
into being. Though it is conceived as an essentially incomplete
subject, as a merely passive potentiality, it is distinguished from the
complete effect, to the becoming and being of which it contributes. The
diversity of primordial matter from the forms which actuate it is
exhibited by the consideration that there is an essential distinction
between the subject of change and the states, modifications, or
determined natures from which and towards which the change is conceived
as acting. Hence primordial matter is reasonably held to be a reality,
belonging reductively to the category of substance, and determinable to
every kind of corporeal substance by reason of its essential ordination
to the reception of a form. Quantity is said to be a consequent of
material substances by reason of the matter entering into their
physical composition; and by matter, as quantified, forms, specifically
the same, are held to be numerically individuated.</p>
<p id="c-p2239" shownumber="no">

<b>Formal Cause</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2240" shownumber="no">The doctrine of the school with regard to formal causes must be
understood in the light of the thesis that all forms are, of their
nature, acts, or actualities. The formal cause of material entities has
been described as that substantial reality which intrinsically
determines matter in any species of corporeal substance. It is
conceived as the actuating, determining, specifying principle, existent
in the effect. It is a substance, not of itself as form, but
reductively, as the quidditative act, as the material cause belongs to
the same category in the sense of being a receptive potentiality. But
substantial form, with which we are here dealing, is not of its nature
either dependent or independent of the matter that it informs; or
actuates. Certain substantial forms are said to be drawn from the
potentiality of matter--those, namely, that for the exercise of all
their functions are totally dependent upon material dispositions or
organs. Of this nature are said to be all substantial forms, or formal
causes, specifically below that of the human being, i.e. the soul of
man. This, as intrinsically independent of matter in its chief
functions of intellection and volition, is, although the formal cause
of man, as such, held to be immaterial, and to necessitate a special
and individual creative act on the part of God. While the material
cause of corporeal entities is one, in the sense that it is one
indeterminate potentiality, the formal cause is said to be one in the
sense that one substantial formal cause only can exist in each effect,
or result, of the union of form and matter. For formal causes, as the
specifying factors in diverse corporeal entities, are diverse both
numerically and specifically. They are so specifically in that they
proceed in an order of varying perfection, from the formal causes of
the simple elements upwards, just as the various effects, or results,
of the union of matter and form, which are specified by them, proceed
in an order of varying perfection, to the lower of which, in each
subsequent grade, a higher is super-added. They are numerically
diverse, in the same species, because of the differentiation that
accrues to them on account of their reception in quantified matter 
<i>(materia signata).</i></p>
<p id="c-p2241" shownumber="no">Consistent with this teaching is that in which the angels are said
to be distinguished specifically, and not numerically, as lacking the
material subject by which substantial forms of the same species are
differentiated. In the same way the human soul, when separated from the
body at death, is held to retain its "habit" towards the quantified
matter that it actuated as formal principle, and from which it received
its differentiation from all other human souls. In a sense similar to
that of substantial forms specifying primordial matter, accidental
formal causes are conceived as informing corporeal substances already
in existence as entities. The causality of the substantial formal cause
is shown in the same manner as that of the material. It concurs in the
being of the effect, or result of the union of matter and form, as
actually constituting this in its proper and specific essence. Yet it
is distinct from it in that it does not include in itself matter, which
the composite effect does. A parallel consideration will show the
nature of the causality of accidental formal causes. The specific
qualities of material substances, as well as of immaterial, are said to
depend upon their formal causes. It may be noted that, while both the
material and the formal principle are, properly speaking, causes, in
that they contribute, each in its proper manner, towards the resultant
effect, their causal nature is intrinsic. The informed matter is the
effect, produced and sustained by the act of information. Form and
matter are physically component parts of the effect. The theory derived
from an examination of corporeal changes, both accidental and
substantial, that has just been outlined, is that commonly known as
Hylomorphism. It permeates the whole of Scholastic physical science and
philosophy and is employed, both as to terminology and signification,
in the exposition of Catholic theology. In this place it will be well
to note that the terminology and meaning of this doctrine are not only
consecrated to theology by the usage of theologians, but have also been
employed in the solemn definitions of the Church. In the general
Council of Vienne it was defined that whosoever shall presume to
assert, defend, or pertinaciously hold that the rational or
intellective soul is not the form of the human body, of itself and
essentially, is to be considered as a heretic. (Cf. "Conc. Viennen.
Definitiones...ex Clementinâ de Summâ Trinitate" in
Denzinger, "Enchirid.", n. 408.) This teaching was reasserted in the
decree of Pope Leo X, in the Fifth Lateran Council (Bull, Apostolici
Regiminis), and again by Pope Pius IX, in a Brief to the Cardinal
Archbishop of Cologne, concerning the books and teaching of
Günther (1857).</p>
<p id="c-p2242" shownumber="no">

<b>Efficient Cause</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2243" shownumber="no">The efficient cause is that which, by its action, produces an effect
substantially distinct from itself. It is denominated 
<i>efficient</i> on account of the term produced by its action, i.e.
the effect itself, and not necessarily from any presupposed material
principle which it is conceived as potent to transform. The action, or
causality, of the efficient cause is conceived as one which educes the
actuality of the effect from its potentiality. This it is held to do in
virtue of its own actuality, though precisely how no one has ever
explained. No explanation of the essential nature of the action of the
efficient cause would seem to be possible. St. Thomas Aquinas tells us
that</p>
<p id="c-p2244" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">an effect shows the power of the cause only by reason of
the action, which proceeds from the power and is terminated in the
effect. But the nature of a cause is not known through its effect
except in so far as through its effect its power is known, which
follows upon its nature. (Contra Gentiles, III, lxix, tr.
Rickaby.)</p>

<p id="c-p2245" shownumber="no">Both the fact of efficient causality, and an
account of its mode of action, as to accidents, are thus expressed by
St. Thomas, in answer to the objections of "some Doctors of the Moorish
Law":</p>

<blockquote id="c-p2245.1">Now this is a ridiculous proof to assign of a body not
acting, to point to the fact that no accident passes from subject to
subject. When it is said that one body heats another, it is not meant
that numerically the same heat, which is in the heating body, passes to
the body heated; but that by virtue of the heat, which is in the
heating body, numerically another heat comes to be in the heated body
actually, which was in it before potentially. For a natural agent does
not transfer its own form to another subject, but reduces the subject
upon which it acts from potentiality to actuality. (Op. cit., Bk. III,
lxix.)</blockquote>

<p id="c-p2246" shownumber="no">The same argument, 
<i>mutatis mutandis</i>, would likewise hold good if applied to the
efficient causes of substances. The efficient cause, unlike the
material and the formal, is thus seen to be entirely extrinsic to its
effect. It is held to act in virtue of its form. The fact and mode of
this action is given in the above quotation from the "Contra Gentiles";
but the precise nature of the action, or relation, between the
efficient cause and its effect is not stated. It is quite clear that
the accident, quality, power, or motion in the cause A is not held to
pass over into the effect B, since a numerically new one is said to be
reduced from potentiality. Equally clear is it that nothing of the
first efficient cause is supposed to pass over into its effects, as
creation is said to be 
<i>ex nihilo sui et subiecti;</i> and there is nothing in God to pass
over, since all that we conceive of as in God is God Himself.
Consequently it would seem that the concept of efficiency in general
includes no more than the activity of the cause as producing the effect
by educing an accidental or a substantial form from the potentiality of
matter. In the one case of forms not so educible, the efficient cause
(God) creates and infuses them into matter. (Cf. In III Phys., Lect.
5.)</p>
<p id="c-p2247" shownumber="no">There are many divisions and subdivisions of the efficient cause
commonly made in Scholastic treatises, to which the reader is referred
for a more complete development of the subject. Under this head,
however, will be added the principal dignities, or axioms of causality,
as laid down by the Schoolmen:</p>
<ol id="c-p2247.1">
<li id="c-p2247.2">Whatever exists in nature is either a cause or an effect (Contra
Gent., III, cvii).</li>
<li id="c-p2247.3">No entity can be its own cause (op. cit., II, xxi).</li>
<li id="c-p2247.4">There is no effect without a cause.</li>
<li id="c-p2247.5">Given the cause, the effect follows; the cause removed, the effect
ceases. This axiom is to be understood of causes efficient in act, and
of effects related to them not only in becoming but also in being (op.
cit., II, xxxv).</li>
<li id="c-p2247.6">An effect requires a proportionate cause. This axiom is to be
understood in the sense that actual effects respond to actual causes,
particular effects to particular causes, etc. (op. cit., II, xxi).</li>
<li id="c-p2247.7">The cause is by nature prior to its effect. Priority is not
necessarily understood here as relating to time. (Op. cit., II, xxi;
Summa theol. III:62:6; "De potentiâ", Q. iii, a. xiii; "De
veritate", Q. xxviii, a. vii.)</li>
<li id="c-p2247.8">The perfection of the effect pre-exists in its cause (formally,
virtually, or eminently). (Cf. Summa theol. I:6:2.)</li>
<li id="c-p2247.9">Whatever is the cause of a cause (precisely as cause) is the cause
also of its effect. This axiom enunciates a truth with regard to series
of connected causes formally acting by their nature. (Cf. Summa Theol.
I:45:5.)</li>
<li id="c-p2247.10">The first cause (in any order of causes dependent one on the other)
contributes more to the production of the effect than the secondary
cause. (Cf. De causis, in cap.) Arguments, besides that given above,
for the establishing of the fact of efficient causality in the physical
world are to be found in the "Contra Gentiles", III, lxix.</li>
</ol>
<p class="continue" id="c-p2248" shownumber="no">It may be pointed out, in anticipation of the conception of purely
mechanical, or dynamical, causation to be referred to later on, that in
this system causation is not merely taken to mean an impulse, or
change, in motion. The theory advanced is one to account for change of
any kind, and, by a profound analysis, to reach the causes upon which
things depend for their becoming and their actual beings.</p>
<p id="c-p2249" shownumber="no">

<b>Final Cause</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2250" shownumber="no">The final cause, or end, is that for the sake of which the effect,
or result of an action, is produced. It is distinguished in the
following manner: 
<b>I</b> (1) The end considered objectively, or the effect
itself as desired by the agent; (2) the end formally considered,
or the possession or use of the effect. 
<b>II</b> (1) The end of the efficient operation, or that
effect or result to which the operation is directed by the efficient
cause; (2) the end of the agent, or that which he principally and
ultimately intends by his operation. 
<b>III</b> (1) The end prior to the activity caused by it,
both as cause and in the line of being; (2) the end prior to the
activity as cause, but posterior to this in the line of being. There
are other divisions of the final cause, for the details of which the
reader is referred to the literature upon the subject. The causality of
the final cause is to be referred to its appetibility. "As the influx
of the efficient cause is in its act, so the influx of the final cause
is in its being sought after and desired" (St. Thomas, De veritate, Q.
xxii, a. ii.) That it is a true cause Aquinas shows in the following
words:</p>
<blockquote id="c-p2250.1">Matter does not acquire form, except according as it is
moved by an acting cause (agent); for nothing reduces itself from
potency to act. But the acting cause does not move, except by reason of
the intention of an end. For if the acting cause were not determined to
some effect, it would not act to produce one rather than another. In
order, therefore, that it should produce a determined effect, it is
necessary that it should he determined to something certain as end.
(Summa theol. I-II:1:2; cf. also In V Metaphysic., Lect.
2.)</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2251" shownumber="no">The final cause, like the efficient, is extrinsic to
the effect, the latter being the cause of the existence of the former,
and the former causing the latter, not in its existence, but as to its
activity here and now exercised. Efficient causes acting towards ends
are distinguished as: (1) acting by intelligence; or
(2) acting by nature. Ultimately, the tendency of the operation of
the latter class is resolved into operation by intelligence, since the
determined operation following on their nature is, and must be,
assigned to an intelligent first cause, either of a particular series,
or of all series: i.e. God. Thus deliberative operation is seen not to
be of the essence of operation towards the attainment of ends. It is
shown that, in no one of the four classes into which causes are
differentiated is an infinite progression possible; and, upon the
doctrine advanced as to causality in general, and the four classes of
causes in particular, are based arguments demonstrating rationally the
existence of God. It may be of interest to refer in this section to the
exemplary cause, or exemplary ideas, as conceived by St. Thomas. He
writes (Summa theol. I:15:1):</p>
<blockquote id="c-p2251.1"><p id="c-p2252" shownumber="no">In all those things that are not generated by chance, it is
necessary that form should be the end of the generation of each. But
the efficient cause 
<i>[agens]</i> does not act on account of the form, except in so far as
the likeness of the form is in it. And this happens in two ways.
(1) For in certain efficient causes the form of the thing to be
made pre-exists, agreeably to natural essence, as in those things that
act by nature; as man begets man, and fire produces fire. (2) But
in others it pre-exists agreeably to intelligible essence; as in those
things which act by intellect; as the likeness of the house pre-exists
in the mind of the builder.</p></blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2253" shownumber="no">He concludes that, since the
world is not the result of chance, there is an idea (in the succeeding
article of the same question, many ideas) in the Divine mind, as the
archetype forms of things. But these ideas are the essence of God
understood by Him as imitable in diverse modes on the part of His
creatures. In this sense, perhaps, did Aristotle identify form, end,
and moving cause. In the imitability on the part of creation, St.
Thomas finds the secret of the world of phenomena. Viewed with his
theory of causality as exposed above, it is perhaps the most complete
and consistent explanation that has ever been given of the problem.
When we find Spinoza putting forward substance, with its two attributes
of thought and extension, determined to modes (unreal as these
ultimately turn out to be); when Berkeley teaches that what we take to
be causal changes in the phenomenal world are illusory, that there are
no secondary causes, and that God and the human mind alone are real;
when Hegel posits the unfolding of thought as the cause of phenomenal
change, or Schopenhauer will manifesting itself in phenomenal
succession--we seem to have found some clue to the labyrinth of
causality, some common ground of unification. But it is at the cost of
doing violence to our sense perception and immediate necessary
judgments that the unification is brought about. In the Scholastic
solution of the problem a ground of unification is provided in the
transcendence, rather than the immanence, of the first and original
source of all efficient causality. Moreover, with the isolation of the
four causes and the declaration of their relationships and interaction,
a coherent account is given of the working of secondary causality, as a
matter of fact, in the phenomenal world.</p>
<p id="c-p2254" shownumber="no">There is one aspect of the present topic that usually has a
treatment apart from the more general question of causality. How, it is
asked, can causal action be conceived as taking place between soul and
body--between mind and matter, or between matter and mind? For a fuller
statement of the answer to the latter part of this question the reader
must be referred to the article EPISTEMOLOGY. It may be pointed out
here, however, that in the Scholastic philosophy, man is not regarded
as being a double entity--i.e. body+soul--but as a single one. The soul
is the true and proper form of the body, which is its matter. It is,
consequently, man who sees, hears, feels, etc., just as it is man who
understands and wills. The communication from the outside world to his
consciousness is made by the action of phenomena upon his organs of
sensation. He is in touch with things external to himself through the
medium of their "sensible species". These, as phantasmata, under the
abstraction of the "acting intellect", are transformed into
"intelligible species". Thus, from the observation of causal action in
the concrete, man rises to a true intellectual knowledge of causality
in itself.</p>
<p id="c-p2255" shownumber="no">The first part of the question includes two issues. Man wills and
performs actions, either becoming the efficient cause of effects, or
causing efficient causes to act. God wills and creates the world. In
the second case philosophy must confess to a mystery. It is held to be
proved, by a consideration of the multiplicity and mutability of the
entities that together form the world, that they have their origin in
that one supreme and immutable entity which is God. It is further held
to be proved that they are neither produced out of Him nor out of an
already existing subject. To such a production of effects is given the
name Creation. How God, as efficient cause of creation, acts, it is
impossible to conceive. In the first case, will is a faculty of the
soul, which is the substantial form of man. Consequently a man wills,
rather than the will (or the soul), and, by reason of the intimate
union of body and soul as matter and form (i.e. one suppositum, thing,
or person), man acts. As informed by "soul" man is capable of willing
to act and of acting; as body, or matter informed by "soul", he is
capable of acting upon other bodies. For a more complete development of
this point see PSYCHOLOGY.</p>


<h3 id="c-p2255.1">CAUSATION IN MODERN THOUGHT</h3>


<p id="c-p2256" shownumber="no">Though the Scholastic philosophy never fell into complete desuetude,
nor ever lacked distinguished exponents of its principles, the upheaval
of the sixteenth century was productive of new systems of thought in
the development of which the idea of causality was profoundly modified,
and ultimately was, in any intelligible sense, to a great extent
abandoned. In this period two main lines of thought with regard to
causes and causal action are pursued. On the one hand there is a
tendency to revert to a purely mechanical conception, on the other to a
purely idealistic one. The later Schoolmen had, by indulging largely in
stereotyped, and often useless, speculations, in which a perplexing
number of concrete cases of causality figure, brought Scholasticism
into disrepute; while a general vague unrest and a desire for practical
results from philosophy contributed to the formation of a new empirical
system, constructed upon the principles of what is called the
scientific method.</p>
<p id="c-p2257" shownumber="no">

<b>Bacon</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2258" shownumber="no">In his "Instauratio magna", Bacon gave impetus to the movement.
While accepting the traditional fourfold division of causes, he was of
opinion that any speculation with regard to final causes is fruitless.
The material cause, also, is not a proper subject for investigation.
Even the efficient cause, except in given conditions, is such as cannot
lead us to knowledge. Forms alone help the interpreter of nature and
this in the practical sense that by a knowledge of forms he is in a
position to become an efficient minister of nature. What is meant by
form is not very clearly explained; but it is fairly safe to say that
by it Bacon intended something approximating in meaning to the 
<i>eîdos</i> of Aristotle. Both Bacon, as is to be seen in his
treatment of heat in the "Novum Organum", and Descartes make motion the
cause of the "apparently diverse changes in nature". The latter
entirely rejected the Scholastic system of formal causes, and
considered matter as entirely inert. Hence diversify and change are to
be accounted for immediately by motion+matter; while ultimately the
sole efficient cause of all things is nothing else than the Will of
God.</p>
<p id="c-p2259" shownumber="no">

<b>Descartes</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2260" shownumber="no">The opinion of Descartes on this head, together with his complete
dualism of body and mind, led to the theory of causality, already
advanced by certain Arabs in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and
known as Occasionalism. This is one of the most curious causal theories
that has ever been put forward, and merits some notice. The
Occasionalists--Malebranche, Geulinex (Leibniz)--taught that created
things do not themselves possess any effective activity, but are merely
occasions in which the activity of the sole efficient cause, God, is
manifested. A cause in nature does not produce any effect; but is the
condition--or, more properly, the occasion--of the production of
effects. Similarly, there is no causal connection or relation between
body and soul. When God acts in nature producing effects, or things,
occasioned by the previous existence of other things, He acts directly
likewise upon our minds producing the corresponding idea of causal
change. When we will, our volition is no more than the occasion of His
acting on our bodies and effecting a movement, or change, corresponding
to our willing. Akin to this explanation of the origin of our concepts
of causality and of volition, is the doctrine of Leibniz on
"pre-established harmony" between the soul-monad and the
material-monads. Conformably to the theory of the Occasionalists, there
is no transeunt, but only immanent, action to be admitted in causal
changes. Several of the considerations given above in the section
developing the doctrine of the Schoolmen anticipate this theory as an
objection, notably that which deals with the reductive nature of
efficient causality by which the potential is said to become actual and
thus constitute the effect.</p>
<p id="c-p2261" shownumber="no">

<b>Hume</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2262" shownumber="no">The problem of causation, for which a solution was advanced by the
Occasionalists in the introduction of God as sole efficient cause, was
disposed of by Hume in a still more drastic manner. His critical
examination of the idea of causality issues, in full accordance with
his sensistic principles, in sheer scepticism. Having previously
reduced mind to no more than a succession of perceptions, he declares:
"To me there appear to be only three principles of connection among
ideas, namely, 
<i>Resemblance, Contiguity</i> in time or place, and 
<i>Cause or Effect"</i> (Works, IV, 18). Thus, for Hume, causality is
no more than a relation between ideas. It is not an a priori relation,
"but arises entirely from experience, when we find that any particular
objects are 
<i>constantly conjoined</i> with each other" (ibid., 24). However, we
can never comprehend any force or power, by which the cause operates,
or any connection between it and its supposed effect. The same
difficulty occurs in contemplating the operations of mind on body....
So that, upon the whole, there appears not, throughout all nature, any
one instance of connection, which is conceivable by us" (ibid., 61
sqq.). Whence, then, does our conception of cause come? Not from a
single observed sequence of one event from another, for that is not a
sufficient warranty for us to form any general rule, but from the
conjunction of one particular species of event with another, in all
observed instances. "But there is nothing", he writes,</p>
<blockquote id="c-p2262.1">in a number of instances, different from every single
instance, which is supposed to be exactly; except only, that after a
repetition of similar instances, the mind is carried by habit, upon the
appearance of one event, to expect its usual attendant, and to believe
that it will exist.... When we say, therefore, that one object is
connected with another, we mean only, that they have acquired a
connection in our thought, and give rise to this inference, by which
they become proofs of each other's existence (p. 63)</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2263" shownumber="no">Hence
Hume defines cause as that object, followed by another, 
<i>"where, if the first object had not been, the second would never
have existed",</i> or 
<i>"an object followed by another, and whose appearance always conveys
the thought to that other"</i> (ibid.). In this doctrine Hume advances
a psychological explanation of the origin of the idea (habit), but
inculcates an utter scepticism as to the reality of causation.</p>

<p id="c-p2264" shownumber="no"><b>Reid</b></p>

<p id="c-p2265" shownumber="no">Hume's position was sharply attacked by Thomas Reid, who invoked
"common sense" to confute him, principally on account of the
consequences of his scepticism in the region of natural theology. But
Reid, mistaking the doctrine of the Schoolmen as to perception--he
supposed that Scholasticism taught that the 
<i>species sensibilis</i> was that which is perceived, rather than that
by which the sensible object is perceived--went so far as to assert
that sense perception is the same as intellectual judgment. Reid was
accused by Kant of having altogether misunderstood the point of the
question raised by Hume; and was defended by Galluppi, who instead
makes Kant mistaken as to Hume's meaning. Kant represents Hume as
saying: "Metaphysical causation is not in the objects observed;
therefore it is a product of the imagination based on custom or habit."
This he alters to: "Causation is not in the things observed; therefore
it is in the observer." But Hume's real argument is: "Metaphysical
causality is not in the things observed; therefore it cannot be in the
observer, in whom all is derived from observation." This, he says, Reid
thoroughly understands, and pertinently retorts: "As a matter of fact
the concept of metaphysical causation is in the intellect; and, since
it is not derived from the things observed, it must therefore be a
subjective law of the observer." Had Reid not misunderstood the import
of the 
<i>species sensibilis</i> his appeal to "common sense" would have given
him a greater affinity to the Schoolmen. His division of first
principles as necessary or contingent has the metaphysical in the first
category. Among these he places the principle of causation, thus
assigning it a place as a necessary first principle, prior to all
experience and independent of it.</p>
<p id="c-p2266" shownumber="no">Thomas Brown, whose work was said by Mackintosh to be "all open
revolt against the authority of Reid", agrees with Hume in resolving
causality into invariable succession, but dissents from his theory that
the idea has its origin in "habit", and contends, with Reid, that it is
an intuitive, or first truth. His analysis of consciousness into "the
whole series of states of the mind", and consequent denial that there
is a consciousness capable of knowing its own states, is, however, in
explicit contradiction with Reid's teaching. Thus, Reid having
overlooked the point of transition from phenomenal observance to
noumenal truth, Brown still further separates the two and prepares the
way for Hamilton and Mill, the former of whom makes our notion of
causality a belief dependent upon a powerlessness of our nature to
think otherwise. The latter explains causality as uniform antecedence,
the growth of human experience and not to be extended beyond the realm
of experience. "In distant parts of the stellar regions", he writes,
"where the phenomena may be entirely unlike those with which we are
acquainted, it would be folly to affirm that this general law
prevails." (System of Logic, III, xxi.)</p>
<p id="c-p2267" shownumber="no">

<b>Kant</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2268" shownumber="no">Hume was the philosophical predecessor of Kant. We accordingly find
in the "Kritik der reinen Vernunft" that, on the question of causality,
the doctrine of Kant, to a considerable extent, is in substantial
agreement with that of the Scottish sceptic. Where Hume posited a
repetition of similar instances of connection, by the observance of
which is set up a habit that accounts psychologically for the idea of
necessary causation, Kant advances a regular succession of effect from
cause. This regular succession, whatever it may chance to be in nature,
is physical causation. But we cannot know anything of it a priori.
There is, as far as we can discover, no reason why A should succeed to
B, rather than to C, D, or E. Whatever the order of succession is 
<i>de facto,</i> we must learn by observation, since there is nothing
in the nature of things, so far as we can judge, to make one the
consequent of another rather than of some third. We do, however,
know--and this a priori--that the order of succession, whatever it may
actually happen to be, is, and must be, regular. This follows from a
fundamental position of the Kantian philosophy. Space and time are a
priori concepts, or subjective forms. All phenomenal successions,
whatever they may be, exist in time and space. Or, rather, time is
regular succession, just as space is regular reciprocal occupancy.
Hence, whatever the things existing in space may 
<i>de facto</i> be, and however the order of succession may happen to
take place, the one must be definitely determined to some set of
reciprocal relations, and the other must be one, definite, and
irreversible. We arrive at a knowledge of the one actual order of
succession, of which some one order 
<i>must</i> be, by observation; but the datum of a regular order is
known beforehand. Efficient causality, therefore, in the world, as
regular succession, is an a priori item of knowledge. What the precise
order is remains to be discovered, and its formulation is the
formulation of natural laws. Between cause, then, and effect there is a
constant and necessary relation; but the effect is not in the cause. In
the scheme of categories developed by Kant, cause and effect fall under
the head of Relation, together with substance and accident, and action
and passion. But the relation is known through experience, and
consequently is of no value beyond the realm of experience. No
inference can be made from it to God, as cause. The cosmological proof
is thus rejected by Kant.</p>


<h3 id="c-p2268.1">LATER SPECULATIONS</h3>


<p id="c-p2269" shownumber="no">From Kant onwards the two lines of thought already noted become yet
more clearly marked. Indeed the elements of both are to be found in his
own writings. On the one hand, the idealistic development of
philosophic thought reaches its expression in Hegel, Schopenhauer, etc.
On the other, science, as such, limits itself more and more to purely
mechanical concepts. The problems of causality are referred to the
idealistic standpoint, or else are treated in terms of matter and
motion, with no reference to the essences of the effects.</p>
<p id="c-p2270" shownumber="no">

<b>Hegel and Schopenhauer</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2271" shownumber="no">With Hegel causality takes the form of the development of the Idea,
as the Absolute in itself 
<i>(an sich),</i> through its manifestation as otherness 
<i>(für sich),</i> and back to identity 
<i>(an und für sich).</i> All that is, in the way of cause, is the
working out, or unfolding, and coming back to itself, of the Absolute
Idea. Being is becoming. The Hegelian notion of Being as essentially
pure thought issues naturally in a kind of inversion of the ordinary
notion of causality; for, with Hegel, the notion of causality is
causality itself. Although he opposed Hegel and his philosophy with
great violence, the system of Schopenhauer is not greatly dissimilar to
this. Schopenhauer substitutes Will for Idea. The world, and its
processes, are the objectivized form of the Will. But, strictly
speaking, Will cannot be considered as cause and effect. Rather are
these but two aspects of one and the same thing. Thus Schopenhauer (as
does to some extent von Hartmann) reduces causality to the universal
operation of a single ideal principle. Both attenuate the idea of it,
Schopenhauer by his extreme doctrine of relativity, von Hartmann by his
conception of the all-oneness of the Unconscious. According to
Schopenhauer, we call cause that state of objects which is followed by
another state (i.e. the effect), on account of the principle of
sufficient reason of becoming-- 
<i>principium rationis sufficientis fiendi.</i></p>
<p id="c-p2272" shownumber="no">

<b>Cause in Science</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2273" shownumber="no">This last notion of causality, as mere sequence, but without any
idealistic ground to account for it, is that which principally obtains
in current science. A given event, in the instant A, is uniformly
followed by a second given event in the instant B. No implication of
power, or dependence, is conceived or stated. Similarly, a group of
events, in one instant, is followed by another group in the next; the
total sum of things comprising the world is succeeded by the total sum
of things comprising the world in two succeeding instants. In all these
cases, as far as they are considered by science, the event or events of
the prior instant are always the cause of what follows, provided the
succession is invariable. Thus the same thing may conceivably be, and
is sometimes said to be both cause and effect, identical in all
respects but that of succession in time. There need be no necessary
contradiction between such a view and that of philosophy; for science,
as such, does not consider the questions of metaphysics or seek to
determine the essential causes of beings. A relationship, given that it
is invariable, as the unconditional constant succession of John Stuart
Mill, between the two or more phenomena, is all that science demands
and, under the particular abstractions with which it deals, this is
enough to ensure scientific results. A knowledge of the conditions of
the existence of certain phenomena is the principal aim of science; and
this is strictly pursued by observation, experiment, and the
application of mathematical methods. There is, consequently, no radical
opposition between the two provinces of knowledge, since both the ends
sought and the means employed in their search differ. Indeed were a man
of science to make any pronouncement as to the nature of essential
causes or their mode of causality, he would have overstepped the
boundaries drawn by his science and declared himself a metaphysician.
As a matter of fact, there have not been wanting scientists, whose
habit of mind and training are entirely scientific and in no sense
metaphysical, who have done this very thing and attempted to give a
scientific solution of a purely metaphysical problem. There will be no
need to give any detailed account of such an attempt, the success of
which is obviously impossible. The scientific means at disposal are not
equal to the task. But, on the other hand, in its own sphere and
working with its own particular abstractions, science is quite
competent to reach its own results in its own way, and this without any
necessary correction on the part of metaphysics.</p>
<p id="c-p2274" shownumber="no">

<b>Common Sense</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2275" shownumber="no">It will be perceived that the period of groping for the concrete
causes of things gave place to one in which the synthesis of causes
provided an explanation of causality. The concept of the efficient
cause--not of the causal nexus and interaction as a whole--was, in the
next stage, submitted to a critical analysis resulting in scepticism,
then rehabilitated either on idealistic or mechanical lines. But the
critical analysis, though it certainly led indirectly to both these
later views as to causality, was answered, by the appeal to "common
sense", in a way that, but for one missing factor, would probably have
turned the current of philosophic thought back to Scholasticism and the
Aristotelean doctrine, as the only one providing a satisfactory
account, either of the action of what we call causes and the production
of effects in the world, or of the true origin of the idea of necessary
causality. For the theory of Aristotle and the Schoolmen can lay claim,
most truly, to a character of common sense. It is based upon the
observation, by the senses, of individual cases of causal action in the
phenomenal world. So far it is no more than in agreement with the
common experience of mankind. But, beyond this, it provides a suitable
account of the manner in which an observation of individual cases can
become an intellectual concept. This it does in its theory of the
origin of ideas. In this point, then, the Scholastic system of
philosophy can be represented as in full accord with, and built out of,
the common judgments of mankind. It parts company with this only in
requiring clearer evidence, using stricter analysis and sharper
criticism. Also, it proceeds farther, though still along the lines
traced by common sense, in its analyses and syntheses, until it has
presented natural knowledge as a complete and co-ordinate whole.</p>
<p id="c-p2276" shownumber="no">The fact, already alluded to, that several of the systems given to
the world, even after Hume's criticism, have much in common with, yet
lack the conclusive and convincing force of, the Scholastic system on
this issue, would seem to argue in favour of the claim of the latter to
common sense or naturalness. As a metaphysical theory, it has the merit
of being straightforward, clear, and consistent; and it accounts for
that for which it professes to account without ambiguity or
circumlocution. That, as a matter of history, modern speculation on
this point did not return, confirmed and justified, to the earlier
lines, after the criticism of Hume, is probably due, in the main, to
the fact that the full concept of causality had been more or less lost
sight of during the period preceding him. His criticism was aimed at
the possibility of a knowledge of causal efficiency; and without an
adequate theory of cognition, as well as a proper grasp of the
relationships between efficient cause and effect in the process of
becoming, the idea of efficiency, or power, is indeed inexplicable.
Thus, while in the idealistic theories the attempt is made to restate
the problem on a new basis, and solve it by reference to the
manifestation, in one or another form, of Spirit, modern science
pursues its own course and limits itself to the investigation of purely
scientific conditions. Neither the one nor the other, properly
speaking, raises the question as to the true and immediate causes of
the qualities or essences of entities, for both have abandoned that
standpoint from which alone the problem, in this sense, is
envisaged.</p>
<p id="c-p2277" shownumber="no">

<b>Cause in Law</b>

</p>
<p id="c-p2278" shownumber="no">Cause, in law, embraces any action, suit, or other original
proceeding, between a plaintiff and a defendant. A cause of action is
the entire set of facts that give rise to an enforceable claim. It
includes the right of action; but the right does not necessarily
include the cause. Thus, by lapse of time, a cause may cease to be
actionable; or by legal enactment, as in the case of a solicitor, who
cannot sue for his bill of costs until one month after its delivery.
Until the expiry of the time there is no cause of action.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2279" shownumber="no">FRANCIS AVELING</p></def>

<term id="c-p2279.1" title="Caussin, Nicolas" type="Encyclopedia">Nicolas Caussin</term>
<def id="c-p2279.2">
<h1 id="c-p2279.3">Nicolas Caussin</h1>
<p id="c-p2280" shownumber="no">A famous Jesuit preacher and moralist; b. at Troyes in France, in
1583; d. at Paris, 2 July, 1651. His father, a physician of extensive
practice, was able from a competent income to aid materially in the
development of the remarkable talents that his son early displayed.
Young Caussin's success in oratory, particularly after his entry into
the Society of Jesus (1609), was brilliant, and drew to him the
attention of the royal family. When the kingdom of Henry IV was fast
declining under the impotent sway of the queen-regent, Marie de'
Medici, Louis XIII came to the throne. Richelieu summoned Caussin to
court to direct the young king's conscience. The task was a difficult
one in those disturbed times, but Caussin, with scrupulous earnestness,
gave his heart and soul to the work. The king, who relied implicitly on
him, was made to realize that peace would once more reign in his realm
and in his own soul when he recalled the queen-mother and other members
of the royal family from the banishment in which they were languishing.
Richelieu disliked this advice and accused Caussin of raising false
scruples in the king's mind, and even of holding communications that
savoured of treachery or that were at all events disloyal to his
sovereign, with another of the royal chaplains. Caussin was at once
banished to Quimper-Corentin in Brittany, where he remained until the
death of Richelieu in 1643, when he returned to Paris to prepare his
works for the press.</p>
<p id="c-p2281" shownumber="no">Many false statement regarding Caussin's disgrace were current. The
Jansenist Arnauld claims that "it was well known from persons
intimately connected at the former court of Louis XIII, that Father
Caussin considered himself obliged to tell His Majesty that attrition,
arising from the fear of hell alone, was not sufficient for
justification, as there could be no justification without love of God,
and this was what caused his disgrace." Many more surmises were engaged
in by other Jansenists, but the reason given above is admitted by
unfriendly biographers of the father. Among his works are: "La Cour
Sainte" (5 vols.)--"A comprehensive system of moral maxims, pious
reflections and historical examples, forming in itself a complete
library of rational entertainment, Catholic devotion, and Christian
knowledge." It was translated into several languages and has done much
to perpetuate his fame. The English translation was printed in Dublin
in 1815. "Le parallèle de l'éloquence sacree et profane"; "La
vie de Sante Isabelle de France, soeur du roi St. Louis"; "Vie du
Cardinal du Richelieu"; "Thesaurus Græcæ Poeseos." For his
other works see De Backer, "Bibl. des écriv. de la c. de J."
(Liège, 1855), and Sommervogel (new ed., Liège), II Feller,
Biog. Univ. (Paris 1834); Duhr, Jesuiten Fabelen (4th ed., 1904), 670
sqq.; Cherot in Dict. de théol. cath., s.v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2282" shownumber="no">JOHN J. CASSIDY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2282.1" title="Cavagnis, Felice" type="Encyclopedia">Felice Cavagnis</term>
<def id="c-p2282.2">
<h1 id="c-p2282.3">Felice Cavagnis</h1>
<p id="c-p2283" shownumber="no">Canonist, b. in Bordogna, Diocese of Bergamo, Italy, 13 January,
1841; d. at Rome, 29 December, 1906. After a brilliant course in the
Pontifical Roman Seminary he received the doctorate in philosophy,
theology, and in civil and canon law. Leo XIII named him professor of
public ecclesiastical law in the Roman Seminary in 1880, a position
which he retained for fifteen years, during which time he proved
himself an eminent canonist, especially in all that related to the
constitution of the Church and its relations with civil society. The
Roman congregations vied with one another in securing his services. He
was appointed Consultor of the Sacred Congregations of Bishops and
Regulars, of the Council, and of Studies; Consultor and Secretary of
the Congregation of Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs; Canonist of
the Sacred Penitentiary; and member of the Commission for the
Codification of Canon Law. In all these exalted offices he left
profound traces of his acuteness and skill in handling arduous and
delicate questions. Austria, Spain, and Portugal honoured him with
titles and distinctions, while the sovereign pontiff made him
successively canon of several Roman basilicas, rector of the Roman
Seminary, Domestic Prelate, and finally, 18 April, 1901, raised him to
the cardinalate. He is best known by his important work: "Institutiones
Juris Publici Ecclesiastici" (Elements of Public Ecclesiastical Law), a
reliable and even classical manual of ecclesiastical government. He was
conspicuous for gentleness of manner and the modest retirement which he
observed even as cardinal.</p>
<p id="c-p2284" shownumber="no">His death was mourned as a public loss to religion and science. The
most important of his publications are: "Della natura di società
giuridica e pubblica competente alla Chiesa" (Rome, 1880); "Nozioni di
diritto pubblico naturale ed ecclesiastico" (Rome, 1886); "La
Massoneria quel che e quel che ha fatto, quel che vuole" (Rome, 1905);
"Institutiones Iuris Publici Ecclesiastici" (Rome, 1906), in three
volumes.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2285" shownumber="no">S. LUZIO</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2285.1" title="Cavalieri, Bonaventura" type="Encyclopedia">Bonaventura Cavalieri</term>
<def id="c-p2285.2">
<h1 id="c-p2285.3">Bonaventura Cavalieri</h1>
<p id="c-p2286" shownumber="no">Italian mathematician, b. at Milan in 1598; d. at Bologna, 3
December, 1647. At the age of fifteen he entered the Congregation of
Hieronymites, or Jesuates. He taught theology for a time, but, as he
showed a decided preference and talent for mathematics, his superiors
sent him to the university at Pisa. Here he studied under Castelli, and
became one of the most illustrious of the disciples of Galileo. In 1629
he became professor of mathematics at Bologna, where he continued to
teach until his death. He suffered many years from gout, and, like
Pascal, sought relief from pain in mathematical researches. Cavalieri
was one of the leading mathematicians of his time, and is celebrated
for his "Method of Indivisibles", to which he was led by his
investigations on the determination of areas and volumes. The principle
was known to Kepler. Cavalieri published an account of his method in
1635 in his "Goemetria indivisibilibus continuorum novâ
quâdam ratione promota". It is an improvement over the method of
exhaustions employed by the Greek mathematicians and was a forerunner
of the integral calculus, which has since superseded it. In his
"Geometria" he assumes that lines are made up of an infinite number of
points, surfaces of an infinite number of lines, and solids of an
infinite number of surfaces. This statement was attacked, especially by
Guldinus, as being unscientific, and in 1647 in his "Exercitationes
Geometricæ sex", Cavalieri endeavours to put it into better form,
and answer the objections of his critics. In this work he also gives
the first rigid demonstration of the theorem of Pappus, which Guldinus
had rediscovered, though he was unable to give a satisfactory proof of
it. A later edition of the "Geometria" appeared in 1653. Cavalieri did
much to render common the use of logarithms in Italy. Besides the works
already mentioned, he was the author of "Lo Specchio ustorio, ovvero
trattato delle settioni coniche", 1632; "Directorium generale
uranometricum in quo trigonometriæ fundamenta ac regulæ
demonstrantur", 1632; "Rota planetaria", 1640; "Trigonometria plana et
sphærica linearis et logarithmica", 1635.</p>
<p id="c-p2287" shownumber="no">BALL, 
<i>Hist. of Math.</i> (London, 1893); CAJORI, 
<i>Hist. of Math.</i> (New York, 1894); 
<i>Biog. Univ.</i>, VII; FRISI, 
<i>Elogio di B. Cavalieri</i> (Milan, 1829), I.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2288" shownumber="no">H. M. BROCK</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2288.1" title="Cavanagh, James" type="Encyclopedia">James Cavanagh</term>
<def id="c-p2288.2">
<h1 id="c-p2288.3">James Cavanagh</h1>
<p id="c-p2289" shownumber="no">Soldier, b. in County Tipperary, Ireland, 1831; d. in New York, 7
January, 1901. He emigrated to New York when he was sixteen years old
and went to work as a carpenter. In 1852 he enlisted as a private in
the Sixty-Ninth Regiment of the Militia, and was captain of Company C
of the state command when it went to take part in the Civil War, 23
April, 1861. When the regiment returned after the battle of Bull Run
and was reorganized as the Sixty-Ninth New York Volunteers of the Irish
Brigade, he again went to the front as its major. In this rank he
served during the campaigns of the Army of the Potomac, until the
battle of Fredericksburg, 13 December, 1862, when he was shot in the
hip while leading the regiment in one of the charges up Marye's
Heights. He was then discharged from the army because of the
disabilities from his wound. When the State Militia was reorganized as
the National Guard, he rejoined the regiment and was made its
lieutenant-colonel. In 1867 he was elected colonel, which command he
held for more than twenty years. He received the brevet of
brigadier-general, 10 January, 1893, the first time that rank was
conferred on an officer of the New York State Militia, and in 1894 he
retired, after a service of forty-two years. For a number of years
before his death he was attached to the New York Custom House as a
special customs inspector.</p>
<p id="c-p2290" shownumber="no">     
<span class="sc" id="c-p2290.1">Conyngham,</span> 
<i>The Irish Brigade and its Campaigns</i> (Boston, 1869); 
<i>The Irish American</i> (New York), files; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2290.2">Michael Cavanagh,</span> 
<i>Memoirs of Gen. Thomas Francis Meagher</i> (Worcester, 1892).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2291" shownumber="no">Thomas F. Meehan</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2291.1" title="Cavazzi, Giovanni Antonio" type="Encyclopedia">Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi</term>
<def id="c-p2291.2">
<h1 id="c-p2291.3">Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi</h1>
<p id="c-p2292" shownumber="no">Of Montecucolo, a Capuchin friar of the province of Bologna, date of
birth uncertain; died at Genoa, 1692. In 1654 a band of friars was sent
to the Congo to supply the place of those who had died or were
incapacitated by sickness, and amongst the newcomers was Cavazzi. He
suffered much on the long sea-voyage, yet his zeal was unabated when he
landed in the Congo, where he laboured for many years with much
spiritual fruit. Being invalided home, he was summoned by the
Propaganda to give an account of the mission, and from this he got the
idea of setting down in writing his observations and experiences. He
produced a voluminous work, but had hardly finished it when he was
again sent on the mission. The manuscript was entrusted by the
superiors of the order to Fortunato da Bologna, who rewrote the book in
more elegant style, and published it at Bologna in 1687 under the title
"Istorica Descrizione de' Tre Regni Congo, Matamba et Angola". The work
is profusely illustrated. In the "Bibliotheca Scriptorum Ordinis"
Fortunato da Bologna is stated to have rewritten an already published
work of Cavazzi, but the "Bibliotheca" seems in error on this point, as
may be gathered from Fortunato's prefatory remarks.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2293" shownumber="no">FATHER CUTHBERT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2293.1" title="Cavedoni, Celestino" type="Encyclopedia">Celestino Cavedoni</term>
<def id="c-p2293.2">
<h1 id="c-p2293.3">Celestino Cavedoni</h1>
<p id="c-p2294" shownumber="no">An Italian ecclesiastic, archæologist, and numismatist; b. 18
May, 1795, at Levizzano-Rangone, near Modena; d. 26 November, 1865, at
Modena. He pursued his theological studies in the diocesan seminary,
and from 1816 to 1821 distinguished himself in the study of
archæology and the Greek and Hebrew languages at the University of
Bologna. He was then appointed custodian of the Numismatical Museum of
Modena, and received a position in the City Library, of which he became
librarian in 1847. From 1830 to 1863 he held the chair of hermeneutics
at the University of Modena. Cavedoni was, moreover, a corresponding
member of the commission created by Napoleon III to edit the works of
Count Bartolommeo Borghesi, to which collection he contributed numerous
scientific notes. Among his numismatic works may be mentioned "Saggio
di osservazioni sulle medaglie di famiglie romane" (1829); "Carellii
nummorum Italiæ Veteris tabulæ" (Leipzig, 1850); "Numismatica
Biblica" (Modena, 1850; German tr. by Werlhof, Hanover, 1855-56).
Cavedoni contributed numerous historical and archæological papers
to the "Annali" and the "Bullettino" of the Archæological
Institute of Rome and to other Italian publications. In religious
polemics he wrote a refutation of Renan's "Life of Jesus", which passed
through four editions in several months: "Confutazione dei principali
errori di Ernesto Renan nella sua Vie de Jésus" (Modena,
1863).</p>
<p id="c-p2295" shownumber="no">     
<span class="sc" id="c-p2295.1">Bertaux,</span> in 
<i>La Grande Encyclopédie,</i> IX, 967; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2295.2">Hurter,</span> 
<i>Nomenclator</i> (Innsbruck 1895), III, 1024-25.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2296" shownumber="no">N.A. Weber.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2296.1" title="Cavo, Andres" type="Encyclopedia">Andres Cavo</term>
<def id="c-p2296.2">
<h1 id="c-p2296.3">Andres Cavo</h1>
<p id="c-p2297" shownumber="no">A writer frequently quoted on Spanish-Mexican history; b. at
Guadalajara in Mexico, 21 January, 1729, he entered the Society of
Jesus, 14 January, 1758, and went to Italy with the other members of
the order after their expulsion from Mexico in 1767. An important
chronicle of events from the date of the conquest of Mexico (1521) to
the year 1767, which Cavo wrote for the municipality of the City of
Mexico, Bustamente asserts was composed after his expatriation and
while at Rome. From considerations of delicacy Cavo desisted from after
the work after his order had been expelled from Mexico. He has
preserved and co-ordinated a large number of facts that are found
nowhere else. Bustamenete edited and continued the chronicle to 1836,
bit not with the impartiality of Cavo. The book was published at Jalapa
in Mexico in 1870.</p>
<p id="c-p2298" shownumber="no">Beristain de Souza, Biblioteca hispano-americana setentrional
(Mexico 2nd ed., 1885 By Fortino Hipolito Vera); Cavo, Los Tres Siglos
en Mexico (Jalapa, 1870); Diccionario universal de Historia y Geografia
(Mexico).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2299" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2299.1" title="Caxton, William" type="Encyclopedia">William Caxton</term>
<def id="c-p2299.2">
<h1 id="c-p2299.3">William Caxton</h1>
<p id="c-p2300" shownumber="no">Born in the Weald of Kent, c. 1422; died at Westminster, 1491; the
first English printer and the introducer of the art of printing into
England. Of his life we have little definite information beyond that
given us by himself in the prefaces and epilogues to his printed books.
He thanks his parents for having given him an education that fitted him
to earn a living, though he says nothing as to the place where he had
been educated. From the records of the Mercers' Company we learn that
in 1438 (the first definite date of his life that is known) he was
apprenticed to Robert Large, a well-known and wealthy London mercer.
About 1446 he became a merchant on his own account and settled at
Bruges, and, being a good man of business, soon became prosperous. In
1453 he went to England for his formal admittance to the Mercers'
Company, and in 1465 he was appointed governor for Bruges of the
Merchant Adventurers, an association of English merchants. This
important position involved delicate and responsible commercial
negotiations, and Caxton seems to have fulfilled his duties honourably
and with success. About 1470 a change took place in his life. He gave
up his connexion with commerce, and entered the service of Margaret,
Duchess of Burgundy, sister of Edward IV. It is not known why he did
this, but it may well be that he wished for greater freedom for
literary work. He had already begun his first translation from the
French, the "Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye", and this he finished
in 1471, dedicating it to his patroness, the Duchess of Burgundy. It
was this piece of work which led him to turn his attention to the art
of printing. The book in manuscript was much sought after, and the
labour of copying was too heavy and too slow to meet the demand.
Therefore, he says, "I have practysed &amp; lerned at my grete charge
&amp; dispense to ordeyne this said book in prynte…that every man
may have them attones."</p>
<p id="c-p2301" shownumber="no">There is some evidence to show that Caxton first learned printing at
Cologne, where other famous printers had learned it, but the question
is still under debate. His first book, the "Recuyell", was undoubtedly
printed at Bruges in 1474, at the press of Colard Mansion, an
illuminator of manuscripts, who had set up a press in that city in
1473. Caxton's second book, the "Game &amp; Pleye of Chess", another
translation from the French, came, it is almost certain, from the same
press in 1475.</p>
<p id="c-p2302" shownumber="no">The highest point of interest in Caxton's life is reached when in
1476, returning to England, he set up a printing press of his own at
Westminster. The first dated book issued from this press was the
"Dictes and sayings of the Philosophers" and bears the imprint 1477.
From this date to the end of his life he issued ninety-six books from
the Westminster press, including, amongst others, the works of Chaucer
and Gower, Sir Thomas Malory's "Morte d'Arthur", and various
translations of more or less classical works from French, Latin, and
Dutch, together with a number of smaller books, a good many of which
are religious. His industry was very great, and he died in the midst of
his work. He was not only a skilful master printer and publisher of
books, but to some extent a man of letters–editor, author,
translator–with a certain style of his own and a true enthusiasm
for literature. His work as writer and translator helped to fix the
literary language of England in the sixteenth century. Specimens of his
printed books exist in various public and private libraries. The
British Museum possesses eighty-three Caxton volumes, twenty-five of
which are duplicates.</p>
<p id="c-p2303" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p2303.1">Blades,</span> 
<i>Life and Typography of Wm. Caxton</i> (London, 1861- 63); condensed
and revised edition of the above (London, 1882); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2303.2">Gordon Duff,</span> 
<i>William Caxton</i> (Chicago, 1903); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2303.3">Lee,</span> in 
<i>Dict. Nat. Biog.,</i> s. v.; 
<i>British Museum Catalogues.</i></p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2304" shownumber="no">K.M. Warren</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2304.1" title="Cayes (Haiti)" type="Encyclopedia">Cayes (Haiti)</term>
<def id="c-p2304.2">
<h1 id="c-p2304.3">Cayes</h1>
<p id="c-p2305" shownumber="no">(CAJESENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p2306" shownumber="no">Diocese in the republic of Haiti, suffragan to Port-au-Prince. The
actual ecclesiastical province of Port-au-Prince (the archdiocese and
the four suffragan dioceses of Cap Haïtien, Gonaives, Cayes, and
Port-de-Paix) dates only from the reorganization following upon the
Concordat of 1860 between Pope Pius IX and the Republic of Haiti; but
the Faith was planted in this part of Santo Domingo towards the end of
fifteenth century, and despite the many political and social
vicissitudes of the island has never been quite extinguished there. The
jurisdiction of Bishop of Cayes (Monseigneur Jean-Marie-Alexandre
Morice, elected 4 March, 1893) extends over the whole civil Department
of the South (Werner, Orb.Terr.Cath., Freiburg 1890) and his episcopal
see is at Cayes (commonly spoken of as 
<i>Aux Cayes</i>), a seaport in the extreme south-western part of the
island. This diocese is divided into 25 parishes containing altogether
a population of 500,000, almost without exception Catholics by
profession. According to the "Annuaire pontifical" for 1907, there were
95 churches or chapels in the diocese, with 35 secular priests.</p>
<p id="c-p2307" shownumber="no">The Catholic progress of Cayes since the first settlement of Santo
Domingo, as well as the educational, racial, and economic conditions
and development of the district, have been substantially the same as in
the northern diocese of Haiti. (See Cap Haïtien.)</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2308" shownumber="no">M. CHATTÉ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2308.1" title="Caylus, Comte de" type="Encyclopedia">Comte de Caylus</term>
<def id="c-p2308.2">
<h1 id="c-p2308.3">Comte de Caylus</h1>
<p id="c-p2309" shownumber="no">ANNE-CLAUDE-PHILIPPE DE TUBIÈRES-GRIMOARD DE PESTELS DE
LÉVIS, COMTE DE CAYLUS</p>
<p id="c-p2310" shownumber="no">French archaeologist, b. at Paris, in 1692; d. in 1765. He was the
eldest son of Lieutenant-General de Caylus and was educated with the
greatest care by his mother, a woman of much ability and literary
distinction, whose "Souvenirs" are full of valuable information for the
history of the time. When only seventeen years old he enlisted and took
part in the campaigns of the French army in Spain and Germany. After
the peace of Rastadt (1714), he left the army and devoted himself
entirely to the study of the arts and sciences. He first travelled for
a few years in Italy, Greece, the East, England and Germany, visiting
old ruins and gathering inscriptions and antiquities. His desire to see
everything himself and verify the information given by ancient
historians was such that he sometimes risked his life. He went even so
far, during his excursion to the ruins of Ephesus and Colophon, as to
take as guides and bodyguards a troop of much-dreaded highwaymen who
infested the country. After his return to Paris, he wrote his most
important book, "Recueil d'antiquités égyptiennes,
étrusques, grecques, romaines et gauloises" (Paris, 1752-67, seven
vols., the last two volumes published after his death). He also worked,
with Mariette, Barthelemy and Rive, at the collection of ancient
paintings known as "Peintures antiques trouvees a Rome" (three vols.
folio), which was published in 1783-87, long after Caylus' death. A
member of the Academy of Painting in 1731, and of the Academy of
Inscriptions in 1742, he wrote no fewer than fifty reports on various
topics of erudition. Caylus was also a painter and an engraver of no
little merit, and he is credited with finding a new process to inlay
colors in marble. Many engravings were made at his own expense, such as
those of the "Histoire de Saint Joseph", after Rembrandt (Amsterdam,
1755). In his moments of leisure Caylus took pleasure in composing
novels, humorous pieces, and fairy tales, which were published together
under the title of "Oeuvres badines" (Paris, 1787). His "Oriental
Tales" were translated into English (London, 1817).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2311" shownumber="no">LOUIS N. DELAMARRE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2311.1" title="Cazeau, Charles-Felix" type="Encyclopedia">Charles-Felix Cazeau</term>
<def id="c-p2311.2">
<h1 id="c-p2311.3">Charles-Félix Cazeau</h1>
<p id="c-p2312" shownumber="no">A French-Canadian priest, born at Quebec, 24 December, 1807, of
Jean-Baptiste Cazeau and Genevieve Chabot; died 26 February, 1881. He
studied at Nicolet Seminay and in 1825 joined the clergy, acting as
under-secretary to Bishop Plessis of Quebec. He shared more or less
directly in the diocesan administration during fifty-six years, serving
successively under Bishops Plessis, Panet, Signay, Turgeon,
Baillargeon, and Taschereau. With his arduous duties as secretary
vicar-general, and, at four different periods, administrator of an
immense diocese, he combined the direction of the men's sodality and,
later, the chaplaincy of the Good Shepherd Institute, from 1856 until
his death. His generosity and charity were boundless. His chief title
to veneration and gratitude is his devotedness to the "exiles of Erin",
whom, in 1847, famine and pestilence forced to seek a home on the
shores of the St. Lawrence. Not content with risking his life in the
quarantine station with so many heroic priests, nine of whom fell
victims to duty, the Abbe Cazeau, moved with compassion at the sight of
the many orphans, took for his share 300, placed them in
French-Canadian families, and helped to provide for their maintenance
and education out of his slender means. Few of these failed to respond
to his zeal, many graced the Church and society by their brilliant
qualities and virtuous lives. He kept a register of his 300 orphans, in
which were inscribed the chief events of their careers, and he was
always ready by word, by letter, or by a gift, to reform the wayward,
comfort and relieve the stricken and the afflicted. The Abbé
Cazeau was appointed a Domestic Prelate by Pius IX in 1875.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2313" shownumber="no">LIONEL LINDSAY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2313.1" title="Ceadda, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Ceadda</term>
<def id="c-p2313.2">
<h1 id="c-p2313.3">St. Ceadda</h1>
<p id="c-p2314" shownumber="no">(Commonly known as ST. CHAD.)</p>
<p id="c-p2315" shownumber="no">Abbot of Lastingham, Bishop successively of York and Lichfield,
England; date of birth uncertain, died 672.</p>
<p id="c-p2316" shownumber="no">He is often confounded with his brother, St. Cedd, also Abbot of
Lastingham and the Bishop of the East Saxons. He had two other
brothers, Cynibill and Caelin, who also became priests. Probably
Northumbrian by birth, he was educated at Lindisfarne under St. Aidan,
but afterwards went to Ireland, where he studied with St. Ecgberht in
the monastery of Rathmelsige (Melfont). There he returned to help his
brother St. Cedd to establish the monastery of Laestingaeu, now
Lastingham in Yorkshire. On his brother's death in 664, he succeeded
him as abbot.</p>
<p id="c-p2317" shownumber="no">Shortly afterwards St. Wilfrid, who had been chosen to succeed Tudi,
Bishop of Lindisfarne, went to Gaul for consecration and remained so
long absent that King Oswiu determined to wait no longer, and procured
the election of Chad as Bishop of York, to which place the Bishopric of
Lindisfarne had been transferred. As Canterbury was vacant, he was
consecrated by Wini of Worcester, assisted by two British bishops. As
bishop he visited his diocese on foot, and laboured in an apostolic
spirit until the arrival of St. Theodore, the newly elected Archbishop
of Canterbury who was making a general visitation. St. Theodore decided
that St. Chad must give up the diocese to St. Wilfrid, who had now
returned. When he further intimated that St. Chad's episcopal
consecration had not been rightly performed, the Saint replied, "If you
decide that I have not rightly received the episcopal character, I
willingly lay down the office; for I have never thought myself worthy
of it, but under obedience, I, though unworthy, consented to undertake
it". St. Theodore, however, desired him not to relinquish the
episcopate and himself supplied what was lacking ("ipse ordinationem
ejus denuo catholica ratione consummavit" -- Bede, Hist. Eccl. IV, 2).
Ceadda then returned to Lastingham, where he remained till St. Theodore
called him in 669 to become Bishop of the Mercians. He built a church
and monastery at Lichfield, where he dwelt with seven or eight monks,
devoting to prayer and study time he could spare from his work as
bishop. He received warning of his death in a vision.</p>
<p id="c-p2318" shownumber="no">His shrine, which was honoured by miracles, was removed in the
twelfth century to the cathedral at Lichfield, dedicated to Our Lady
and the Saint himself. At the Reformation his relics were rescued from
profanation by Catholics, and they now lie in the Catholic cathedral at
Birmingham, which is dedicated to him. His festival is kept on the 2nd
of March. All accounts of his life are based on that given by Venerable
Bede, who had been instructed in Holy Scripture by Trumberct, one of
St. Chad's monks and disciples.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2319" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2319.1" title="Cebu" type="Encyclopedia">Cebu</term>
<def id="c-p2319.2">
<h1 id="c-p2319.3">Cebú</h1>
<p id="c-p2320" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CEBÚ (CEBUANENSIS); DIOECESIS NOMINIS JESU</p>
<p id="c-p2321" shownumber="no">Located in the Philippine Islands. Cebú, the diocesan city,
spelled also Sebú and Zebú, in the province of the same name,
is so called from the island on which it is situated, in turn so called
from the Indian ox 
(<i>bos indicus</i>), on account of a fancied resemblance between that
animal and the outline of the island. Magellan discovered Cebú in
April, 1521, but he lost his life in a foolhardy battle on the island
of Mactan, opposite Cebú, and no trace of his expedition was left
except the celebrated statuette of the Holy Child, called the 
<i>Santo Niño</i>, still held in the greatest veneration.</p>
<p id="c-p2322" shownumber="no">The Diocese of Cebú was separated from the Diocese of Manila,
which originally included the whole Philippine archipelago, 14 August,
1595. The new territory comprised the present Dioceses of Cebú and
Jaro, and the Vicariate Apostolic of the Marian Islands. The diocese
now consists of the islands of Cebú, Leyte, Samar, Bohol,
Siquijor, Camaguin, and the smaller islands adjacent. Since its
establishment in 1595, twenty-two bishops have governed the Church of
Cebú. The northern half of the island of Mindanao remains under
the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Cebú, until the appointment of a
bishop at Zamboanga, as provided for (1903) by Leo XIII, in the Bull
"Quæ Mari Sinico". Cebú was the birthplace of the Christian
religion in the Philippine Islands. It was here that it made its first
stand against the gradually advancing forces of Mohammedanism. Father
Urdaneta, an Augustinian friar, accompanied by six others of the same
order, went to Cebú in April. 1565, and immediately began his work
of evangelization. The first convert was a niece of Tupas, a native
chief of great influence. Two other friars, Fathers Juan de Vivero and
Juan de Villanueva, arrived with Salcedo in 1567. Shortly afterwards
the Jesuits went to Bohol, in 1595, and also to Leyte, Samar, and
Mindanao. They built fortified churches for defense against the Moros
everywhere, and forts at Cebú, Iloilo, Misamis, Zamboanga, and
other places. They also began, in 1595, the College of San Ildefenso,
now called San Carlos College, in Cebú. The work of the
missionaries was facilitated by the disposition of the brave but
naturally peaceful Visayan people, who occupied most of the territory.
The missionaries were opposed by the ferocious tribes of the
Mohammedans, who for centuries had been gradually extending their sway
eastwards, and by 1521 were strongly established in the western part of
the island of Mindanao, in the Sulu archipelago. The efforts of the
missionaries were threefold in character: defensive against the
bloodthirsty Moros, who roamed over these seas in flotillas of ships;
active in the evangelization of the tribes; and also didactic in the
arts of peace, agriculture, trades, and the rudiments of learning. The
natives, already well forward in trades, soon became expert carpenters,
masons, workers in metals, weavers — in a word, well equipped to
make the best use of the natural resources at hand. As the missionaries
advanced, the domination of the Moros was gradually restricted, though
even as late as 1856 occasional fleets of Moro boats appeared, striking
terror into the peaceful Visayans. With the beginning of steam
navigation, the Spanish ships of war at once assumed offensive tactics
against the Moros, whose vessels were easily captured and
destroyed.</p>
<p id="c-p2323" shownumber="no">After the insurrection of 1898, and the Spanish-American War that
followed, the people suffered greatly, not only from the evils of war,
but also from the loss of their cattle and horses by epidemics. Many of
their churches were destroyed, not only by the 
<i>insurrectos</i>, but also by United States troops. The chief evil,
however, was the lack of priests. The parishes average about ten
thousand souls. In the mountainous regions about half a million of
souls were without spiritual succour. The Franciscans, by whom many
churches were formerly supplied, began to return, and the Jesuits
worked with great success in Mindanao. Redemptorist Fathers from
Ireland are exclusively occupied in giving missions to the people. The
Lazarists have two colleges for boys, one in Cebú with 600,
another in Samar with 350 pupils. The same Fathers have also charge of
the ecclesiastical seminary, in which there are 85 students. A college
for girls is conducted in Cebú by the Sisters of Charity of St.
Vincent de Paul, with 500 pupils. An orphan asylum and trade school
under the same Sisters care for 85 girls and a few small boys. A leper
hospital was maintained for fifty years until 1906. The diocese
contains 135 secular priests and 123 religious, of the following
communities: Augustinians, Recollects, Franciscans, Benedictines,
Jesuits, Lazarists, and Redemptorists. There are fifty-five schools in
the diocese, with an attendance of about 12,000 pupils. The people are
practically all Catholics, and are very devout and loyal to the Church.
Estimated population, 2,145,679. The Right Rev. Thomas Augustine
Hendrick, the first American bishop, was consecrated at Rome, 23 Aug.,
1903, and took possession 6 March, 1904.</p>
<p id="c-p2324" shownumber="no">REDONDO, 
<i>Historia de la Diocese de Cebú,</i> in 
<i>Guia Official de Filipinas</i> (1907); BOURNE, 
<i>The Philippine Islands; The Philippine Commission Reports; The
Catholic Directory</i> (Milwaukee. 1908).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2325" shownumber="no">THOMAS A. HENDRICK</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2325.1" title="Cecilia, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Cecilia</term>
<def id="c-p2325.2">
<h1 id="c-p2325.3">St. Cecilia</h1>
<p id="c-p2326" shownumber="no">Virgin and martyr, patroness of church music, died at Rome. This
saint, so often glorified in the fine arts and in poetry, is one of the
most venerated martyrs of Christian antiquity. The oldest historical
account of St. Cecilia is found in the "Martyrologium Hieronymianum";
from this it is evident that her feast was celebrated in the Roman
Church in the fourth century. Her name occurs under different dates in
the above-mentioned martyrology; its mention under 11 August, the feast
of the martyr Tiburtius, is evidently a later and erroneous addition,
due to the fact that this Tiburtius, who was buried on the Via
Labicana, was wrongly identified with Tiburtius, the brother-in-law of
St. Cecilia, mentioned in the Acts of her martyrdom. Perhaps also there
was another Roman martyr of the name of Cecilia buried on the Via
Labicana. Under the date of 16 September Cecilia is mentioned alone,
with the topographical note: "Appiâ viâ in eâdem urbe
Româ natale et passio sanctæ Ceciliæ virginis (the text
is to be thus corrected). This is evidently the day of the burial of
the holy martyr in the Catacomb of Callistus. The feast of the saint
mentioned under 22 November, on which day it is still celebrated, was
kept in the church in the Trastevere quarter at Rome, dedicated to her.
Its origin, therefore, is to be traced most probably to this church.
The early medieval guides 
(<i>Itineraria</i>) to the burial-places of Roman martyrs point out her
grave on the Via Appia, next to the crypt of the Roman bishops of the
third century (De Rossi, Roma sotterranea, I, 180-181). De Rossi
located the burial-place of Cecilia in the Catacomb of Callistus in a
crypt immediately adjoining the crypt or chapel of the popes; an empty
niche in one of the walls contained, probably, at one time the
sarcophagus with the bones of the saint. Among the frescoes of a later
time with which the wall of the sepulchre are adorned, the figure of a
richly-dressed woman appears twice and Pope Urban, who was brought
personal into close relation with the saint by the Acts of her
martyrdom, is depicted once. The ancient titular church of Rome,
mentioned above was built as early as the fourth century and is still
preserved in the Trastevere. This church was certainly dedicated in the
fifth century to the saint buried on the Via Appia; it is mentioned in
the signatures of the Roman Council of 499 as "titulus sanctae
Caeciliae" (Mansi, Coll, Conc. VIII, 236). Like some other ancient
Christian churches of Rome, which are the gifts of the saints whose
names they bear, it may be inferred that the Roman Church owes this
temple to the generosity of the holy martyr herself; in support of this
view it is to be noted that the property, under which the oldest part
of the true Catacomb of Callistus is constructed, belonged most likely,
according to De Rossi's researches, to the family of St. Cecilia (Gens
Caecilia), and by donation passed into the possession of the Roman
Church. Although her name is not mentioned in the earliest (fourth
century) list of feasts (Depositio martyrum), the fact that in the
"Sacramentarium Leoniam", a collection of masses completed about the
end of the fifth century, are found no less than five different masses
in honour of St. Cecilia testifies to the great veneration in which the
saint was at that time held in the Roman Church ["Sacram. Leon.", ed.
Muratori, in "Opera" (Arezzo, 1771), XIII, I, 737, sqq.].</p>
<p id="c-p2327" shownumber="no">About the middle of the fifth century originated Acts of the
martyrdom of St. Cecilia which have been transmitted in numerous
manuscripts; these acts were also translated into Greek. They were
utilized in the prefaces of the above-mentioned masses of the
"Sacramentarium Leonianum". They inform us, that Cecilia, a virgin of a
senatorial family and a Christian from her infancy, was given in
marriage by her parents to a noble pagan youth Valerianus. When, after
the celebration of the marriage, the couple had retired to the
wedding-chamber, Cecilia told Valerianus that she was betrothed to an
angel who jealously guarded her body; therefore Valerianus must take
care not to violate her virginity. Valerianus wished to see the angel,
whereupon Cecilia sent him to the third milestone on the Via Appia
where he should meet Bishop (Pope) Urbanus. Valerianus obeyed, was
baptized by the pope, and returned a Christian to Cecilia. An angel
then appeared to the two and crowned them with roses and lilies. When
Tiburtius, the brother of Valerianus, came to them, he too was won over
to Christianity. As zealous children of the Faith both brothers
distributed rich alms and buried the bodies of the confessors who had
died for Christ. The prefect, Turcius Almachius, condemned them to
death; an officer of the prefect, Maximus, appointed to execute this
sentence, was himself converted and suffered martyrdom with the two
brothers. Their remains were buried in one tomb by Cecilia. And now
Cecilia herself was sought by the officers of the prefect. Before she
was taken prisoner, she arranged that her house should be preserved as
a place of worship for the Roman Church. After a glorious profession of
faith, she was condemned to be suffocated in the bath of her own house.
But as she remained unhurt in the overheated room, the prefect had her
decapitated in that place. The executioner let his sword fall three
times without separating the head from the trunk, and fled, leaving the
virgin bathed in her own blood. She lived three days, made dispositions
in favour of the poor, and provided that after her death her house
should be dedicated as a church. Urbanus buried her among the bishops
and the confessors, i.e. in the Catacomb of Callistus.</p>
<p id="c-p2328" shownumber="no">In this shape the whole story has no historical value; it is a pious
romance, like so many others compiled in the fifth and sixth century.
The existence of the aforesaid martyrs, however, is a historical fact.
The relation between St. Cecilia and Valerianus, Tiburtius, and
Maximus, mentioned in the Acts, has perhaps some historical foundation.
These three saints were buried in the Catacomb of Praetextatus on the
Via Appia, where their tombs are mentioned in the ancient pilgrim 
<i>Itineraria.</i> In the "Martyrologium Hieronymianum" their feast is
set down under 14 April with the note: "Romae via Appia in cimiterio
Prætextati"; and the octave under 21 April, with the comment:
"Rome in cimiterio Calesti via Appia". In the opinion of Duchesne the
octave was celebrated in the Catacomb of Callistus, because St. Cecilia
was buried there. If, therefore, this second notice in the martyrology
is older than the aforesaid Acts, and the latter did not give rise to
this second feast, it follows that before the Acts were written this
group of saints in Rome was brought into relation with St. Cecilia. The
time when Cecilia suffered martyrdom is not known. From the mention of 
<i>Urbanus</i> nothing can be concluded as to the time of composition
of the Acts; the author without any authority, simply introduced the
confessor of this name (buried in the Catacomb of Praetextatus) on
account of the nearness of his tomb to those of the other martyrs and
identified him with the pope of the same name. The author of the "Liber
Pontificalis" used the Acts for his notice of Urbanus. The Acts offer
no other indication of the time of the martyrdom. Venantius Fortunatus
(Miscellanea, 1, 20; 8,6) and Ado (Martyrology, 22 November) place the
death of the saint in the reign of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus (about
177), and De Rossi tried to prove this view as historically the surest
one. In other Western sources of the early Middle Ages and in the Greek
"Synaxaria" this martyrdom is placed in the persecution of Diocletian.
P.A. Kirsch tried to locate it in the time of Alexander Severus
(229-230); Aubé, in the persecution of Decius (249-250); Kellner,
in that of Julian the Apostate (362). None of these opinion is
sufficiently established, as neither the Acts nor the other sources
offer the requisite chronological evidence. The only sure
time-indication is the position of the tomb in the Catacomb of
Callistus, in the immediate proximity of the very ancient crypt of the
popes, in which Urbanus probably, and surely Pontianus and Anterus were
buried. The earliest part of this catacomb dates at all events from the
end of the second century; from that time, therefore, to the middle of
the third century is the period left open for the martyrdom of St.
Cecilia.</p>
<p id="c-p2329" shownumber="no">Her church in the Trastevere quarter of Rome was rebuilt by Paschal
I (817-824), on which occasion the pope wished to transfer thither her
relics; at first, however, he could not find them and believed that
they had been stolen by the Lombards. In a vision he saw St. Cecilia,
who exhorted him to continue his search, as he had already been very
near to her, i.e. near her grave. He therefore renewed his quest; and
soon the body of the martyr, draped in costly stuffs of gold brocade
and with the cloths soaked in her blood at her feet, was actually found
in the Catacomb of Prætextatus. They may have been transported
thither from the Catacomb of Callistus to save them from earlier
depredations of the Lombards in the vicinity of Rome. The relics of St.
Cecilia with those of Valerianus, Tiburtius, and Maximus, also those of
Popes Urbanus and Lucius, were taken up by Pope Paschal, and reburied
under the high altar of St Cecilia in Trastevere. The monks of a
convent founded in the neighbourhood by the same pope were charged with
the duty of singing the daily Office in this basilica. From this time
the veneration of the holy martyr continued to spread, and numerous
churches were dedicated to her. During the restoration of the church in
the year 1599 Cardinal Sfondrato had the high altar examined and found
under it the sarcophagi, with the relics of the saints, that Pope
Paschal had transported thither. Recent excavations beneath the church,
executed at the instigation and expense of Cardinal Rampolla, disclosed
remains of Roman buildings, which have remained accessible. A richly
adorned underground chapel was built beneath the middle aisle, and in
it a latticed window, opening over the altar, allows a view of the
receptacles in which the bones of the saints repose. In a side chapel
of the church there have long been shown the remains of the bath in
which, according to the Acts, Cecilia was put to death.</p>
<p id="c-p2330" shownumber="no">The oldest representations of St. Cecilia show her in the attitude
usual for martyrs in the Christian art of the earlier centuries, either
with the crown of martyrdom in her hand (e.g. at S. Apollinare Nuovo in
Ravenna, in a sixth-century mosaic) or in the attitude of prayer, as an

<i>Orans</i> (e.g. the two sixth and seventh-century pictures in her
crypt). In the apse of her church in Trastevere is still preserved the
mosaic made under Pope Paschal, wherein she is represented in rich
garments as patroness of the pope. Medieval pictures of the saint are
very frequent; since the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries she is
given the organ as an attribute, or is represented as playing on the
organ, evidently to express what was often attributed to her in
panegyrics and poems based on the Acts, viz., that while the musicians
played at her nuptials she sang in her heart to God only ("cantantibus
organis illa in corde suo soi domino decantabat"); possibly the 
<i>cantantibus organis</i> was erroneously interpreted of Cecilia
herself as the organist. In this way the saint was brought into closer
relation with music. When the Academy of Music was founded at Rome
(1584) she was made patroness of the institute, whereupon her
veneration as patroness of church music in general became still more
universal; today Cecilian societies (musical associations) exist
everywhere. The organ is now her ordinary attribute; with it Cecilia
was represented by Raphael in a famous picture preserved at Bologna. In
another magnificent masterpiece, the marble statute beneath the high
altar of the above-mentioned church of St. Cecilia at Rome, Carlo
Maderna represented her lying prostrate, just as she had received the
death-blow from the executioner's hand. Her feast is celebrated in the
Latin and the Greek Church on 22 November. In the "Martyrologium
Hieronymainum" are commemorated other martyrs of this name, but of none
of them is there any exact historical information. One suffered
martyrdom in Carthage with Dativus in 304.</p>
<p id="c-p2331" shownumber="no">MOMBRITIUS, Sanctuarium, I, 186 sqq.; BOSIO, Atti di S. Cecilia
(Rome, 1600); SURIUS, De vitis Sanctorum (Venice, 1581), VI, 161 sqq.;
LADERCHI, S. Caciliae virg. et mart. acta ac transtiberina basilica
(Rome, 1722); BOLLANDISTS ed., Bibliotheca hagiographica latina
(Brussels, 1898-99), I, 224; SIMEON METAPHRASTES, in P.G., CXVI;
BARONIUS, Annales, ad an. 821, 15 xv (the spurious document of Pope
Paschal I); BOLLANDISTS ed., Synaxarium Constatinopolitanum (Brussels,
1902), 243; Liber Pontificalis, ed. DUCHESNE, I, xciii sq., 143, and
II, 55-57, 65; TILLEMONT, Hist. eccles., III, 259 sqq.; De Rossi, Roma
Sotterranea, II, xxxii sq.; GUERANGER, Histoire de Ste Cecile (Paris
1849; 2nd ed., 1852); IDEM, Ste Cecile et la societe romaine (Paris,
1878); MORSE, BIRKS, and HOLE, in Dict. of Christian Biog., s.v.; AUBE,
Les chrétiens dans l'empire romain (2nd ed., Paris, 1881), 352
sqq.; ALLARD, Histoire des persecutions, I, 427 sqq.; ERBES, Die
heilige Cacilia im Zusammenhang mit der Papstcrypta sowie der altesten
Kirche Roms, in Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, IX, 1888, 1 sqq.;
P.A. KIRSCH, Die heilge Cacilia, Jungfrau und Martyrin (Ratisbon,
1901); IDEM, Das Todesjahr der heiligen Cacilia, in 
<i>Stromation Archaiologikon</i> (Rome, 1900), 42-77; KELLNER, Das
wahre Zeitalter der heil. Cacilia, in Theologische Quartalschrift
(Tubingen, 1902), 237 sqq.; (1903), 321 sqq.; (1905), 258 sqq.;
DUFOURCQ, Les Gesta martyrum romains (Paris, 1900), 116 sqq., 293 sqq.;
MARUCCHI, Basiliques et eglises de Rome (Rome, 1902), 438 sqq.;
BIANCHI-CAGLIESI, S. Cecilia e sua basilica (Rome, 1902); DETZEL,
Christl. Ikonographie (Freiburg im Br., 1896), 220 sqq.; ROHAULT DE
FLEURY, Les saints de la Messe, I, pl, 16-17; P. SIXTUS, Elucubrationes
historico-liturgicae de recenti quadem sententia circa aetatem S.
Caeciliae martyris, in Ephemerides liturgicae (Rome, Sept.-Oct. 1907).
See also the accounts in BUTLER, Lives of the Saints, 22 November.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2332" shownumber="no">J.P. KIRSCH</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2332.1" title="Cedar Tree" type="Encyclopedia">Cedar Tree</term>
<def id="c-p2332.2">
<h1 id="c-p2332.3">Cedar</h1>
<p id="c-p2333" shownumber="no">[<i>éréz</i>, 
<i>kedros</i>, 
<i>cedrus</i>].</p>
<p id="c-p2334" shownumber="no">A coniferous tree frequently mentioned in the Bible. The Hebrew 
<i>ÈrÈz</i>, like the corresponding Arabic 
<i>arz</i>, the Greek 
(<i>kedros</i>), the Latin 
<i>cedrus</i>, or the English 
<i>cedar</i>, may be applied to several different species of conifers,
but usually it designates the celebrated cedar of Libanus 
(<i>Cedrus Libani</i>). In Lev., xiv, 4, 6, 49, 52, and Num., xix, 6,
the cedar of Libanus seems out of the question, as the tree must be one
whose wood the Israelites could readily obtain during their sojourn in
the desert, which is plainly not the case with the cedar of Libanus. 
<i>Juniperus Phoenicea</i>, a species of juniper which is found in the
Arabah, and probably also in the adjoining Sinaitic Peninsula, and
whose wood, like that of the cedar, possesses aromatic properties, is
most likely the tree meant in the texts. In Num., xxiv, 6, too, the
cedar of Libanus, which thrives best on high, dry ground, can hardly be
intended, unless as has been suggested, the terms of comparison in the
last two members have been accidentally transposed. In all the other
passages the cedar of Libanus is referred to, though in a few cases a
doubt might be raised as to whether it is meant exclusively. The cedar
is described as a tree "of a high stature" (Ezech., xxxi, 3; Is., ii,
13; xxxvii, 24; IV K., xix, 23), whose "height was exalted above all
the trees of the country" (Ezech., xxxi, 5; cf. Judges, ix, 15; III K.,
iv, 33; IV K., xiv 9; Amos, ii, 9). It is "the cedar of God" (ps.
lxxix, 11), the tree of the Lord which He has planted [Ps. civ, 16
(Hebr.)]. It is the type of strength [Ps. xxviii, 5; Job, xl, 12 (<scripRef id="c-p2334.1" osisRef="Bible:Heb.17" parsed="|Heb|17|0|0|0" passage="Hebr. 17">Hebr.
17</scripRef>)], the symbol of lofty pride (Ps. xxxvi, 35; Is., ii, 13), the
emblem of greatness and power (Jer., xxii, 7; Zach., xi, 2) and of
surpassing excellence (Ecclus., xxiv, 17). It is the "glory of Libanus"
(Is., lx, 13), "most beautiful for his greatness and for the spreading
of his branches" (Ezech., xxxi, 3, 6, 7).</p>
<p id="c-p2335" shownumber="no">All this is verified in the cedar of Libanus, which is the
stateliest and most majestic tree of Palestine. It often reaches a
height of 100 feet and more, and the girth of the trunk in old trees
may exceed 40 feet. The branches, with their numerous ramifications,
spread out horizontally and are of such size that not infrequently the
spread of the tree exceeds its height. The leaves are dark green and
grow in tufts like those of the larch, but unlike these they persist
through the winter. The wood is reddish-white, fragrant, and
close-grained, at least in older trees. Moreover, by reason of the
resinous oil with which it is impregnated, it is proof against dry-rot
and worms, and in consequence is extremely durable. Pieces found by
Layard in the ruins of the palace of Assurnasirpal were still in a good
state of preservation after 2700 years. These qualities caused it to be
much sought for building purposes. It was extensively used in the
palaces built by David and Solomon, and especially in the first Temple
(II K., v, 11; vii, 2; III K., v, 6 sq.; vi, 9 sq.; vii, 2 sq.) It was
also used in the second Temple (I Esd., iii, 7). Because of its close
grain and lasting qualities, statues and images were fashioned out of
it (Is., xliv, 14, 15; cf. Pliny, "Hist. Nat.", XIII, ii). Young trees
were made into masts (Ezech., xxvii, 5). The statement that the cedar
is unsuitable for masting rests on insufficient observation; in dense
growths trees suitable for masts are not uncommon. There is no reason,
then, why, in the last text, "cedars from Libanus" should be referred
to the Aleppo pine, which, moreover, is not special to Libanus and
could have been obtained by the Tyrians nearer home. The large forests
of cedar-trees which once adorned Libanus, and from which the Hebrews
drew the wood, have almost entirely disappeared. They were laid under
contribution by Phoenician and Hebrew, Egyptian and Assyrian, Greek and
Roman, till only a few (eleven) small groups of trees remain. The most
important and best-known is situated below the summit of Dahr
el-Qodîb, the highest peak of the chain, four miles from Besherre.
Here are found about 400 trees, among which are some ten venerable
patriarchs probably about 2000 years old, more remarkable, however, for
their girth of trunk than for their height. Extensive forests exist
farther north in Mt. Amanus and Mt. Taurus. There are two other
varieties of cedar, considered by some botanists as distinct species;
namely, 
<i>Cedrus deodara</i>, or deodar-tree, a native of the Himalayas, and 
<i>Cedrus Atlantica</i>, growing in the Atlas mountains.</p>
<p id="c-p2336" shownumber="no">The cedar is often used in Scripture for figures and comparisons.
Besides the uses already indicated the following may be mentioned.
Because of its luxuriant growth and length of life it is an emblem of
prosperity (Ps. xci, 13), and because of its stateliness it is a figure
of beauty and majesty (Cant., v, 15; Ecclus., I, 13). It is also used
as the symbol of the Messias and His kingdom (Ezech., xvii, 22
sq.).</p>
<p id="c-p2337" shownumber="no">POST, Flora of Syria (Beirut, 1896), 751: IDEM in HASTINGS, Dict. Of
the Bib., I, 364; TRISTRAM, Nat. Hist. Of the Bibl. (London, 1889), 343
sq.; HOOKER in Nat. Hist. Rev. (1862), 11 - 18; ANDERLIND, in Zeitschr.
D. D. Pal. Ver. (1884), 89 sq.; BOISSIER, flora Orient. (Basle and
Geneva, 1867-88), V, 699; MISLIN, Les lieux saints (Paris, 1858), I,
337; LEVESQUE in VIG., Dict. De la Bible, II, 374; FONCK in Lexicon
Bibl., I, 799.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2338" shownumber="no">F. BECHTEL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2338.1" title="Cedar (Son of Ismael)" type="Encyclopedia">Cedar (Son of Ismael)</term>
<def id="c-p2338.2">
<h1 id="c-p2338.3">Cedar</h1>
<p id="c-p2339" shownumber="no">[Heb. 
<i>Qedar</i>; Gr. 
<i>Kedar</i>].</p>
<p id="c-p2340" shownumber="no">The name of the second son of Ismael (Gen., xxv, 13; I Par., i, 29);
also of an Arabian tribe descended from him, and of the territory
occupied by it. This tribe is repeatedly mentioned in the Bible and in
Assyrian inscriptions; in these latter the people is called Qidrai and
the country Qidri. The Cedarenes are represented as a nomadic people
differing but little from the modern desert-dwelling Arabs. They lived
in tents, which are called black no doubt because, like those of the
bedouins, they were made of goat's and camel's hair (Jer., xlix, 29;
Cant., i, 4-Heb. 5); they were gathered in 
<i>hacerim</i> or encampments protected merely by a rough enclosure
like the douars of the tribes of North Africa (Is., xlii, 11, Heb.);
they possessed many camels and much other cattle, in which they carried
on a trade with Tyre (Jer., xlix, 29; Ezech., xxvii, 21); they were a
restless, warlike people and skillful archers (Ps. cxix, 5 sq.; Is.,
xxi, 17). These frequent references as well as the use of Cedar for
Arabia and the Arabians in general [Cant., i, 4 (5); Ps. Cxix, 5], show
that before they were crushed by the Assyrian power the Cedarenes were
a people of considerable importance. In the Assyrian inscriptions they
are associated with certain kings of the Arabs 
(<i>Aribi</i>). From the fact that Hazael, one of them, is once called
King of Cedar in cylinder B of Assurbanipal, the conclusion has been
drawn that these kings were Cedarenes, and that towards the middle of
the seventh century B.C. Cedar held the hegemony among the tribes of
the Syro-Arabian desert — the Arabs of the Bible and of the
inscriptions. However, as a certain Ammuladi is called King of Cedar,
while his contemporary Ya'uta' or Uaite' is styled King of the Arabs,
it is probable that the Cedarenes were merely allies of these kings.
The prophecy of Isaias, "within a year . . . . all the glory of Cedar
shall be taken away" (xxi, 16), probably refers to an expedition of
Sennacherib against Hazael, when the latter's gods were carried by the
conqueror to Ninive. Still, Cedar may possible be used as synonymous
with Arabs, in which case the prophecy may refer to the severe
punishment inflicted by Sargon on some Arabian tribes.</p>
<p id="c-p2341" shownumber="no">However this may be, the Cedarenes met with disastrous reverses at
the hands of Assurbanipal. When Samas-sum-ukin rebelled against his
brother, Ya'uta' or Uaite', the son of Hazael, sided with him and sent
a force to his aid under the Cedarene generals Abiyate' and Aimu, while
he and Ammuladi, King of Cedar, invaded and plundered Syria. After the
taking of Babylon and the death of Samas-sum-ukin, Assurbanipal turned
his attention to the Arabs. Uaite' and Ammuladi were defeated in a
series of engagements. Uaite' fled to the Nabataeans for refuge, but
was given up to the Assyrians; Ammuladi was captured in Moab. Both were
carried to Ninive and chained with dogs near the principal gate. In the
place of Uaite' Assurbanipal appointed Abiyate' who had led the Arab
contingent sent to help Samas-sum-ukin but who, after being defeated,
had surrendered and obtained pardon. Abiyate' however, in conjunction
with another Uaite', for whom he seems to have resigned, soon organized
a new revolt, in which the Nabataeans now also joined. Assurbanipal,
hastening to the scene of rebellion by the most direct but most
difficult road across the Syrian desert, crushed and almost annihilated
the rebel tribes. He carried with him to Ninive a multitude of
prisoners, among them Abiyate', Aimu, and Uaite', and an immense number
of camels, oxen, and other cattle. The Cedarenes met with further
reverses under Nabuchodonosor (Jer., xlix, 28). They never fully
recovered from these heavy blows and henceforth history is silent
concerning them, though their name is mentioned till the fifth century
A.D. While there is no doubt that the Cedarenes dwelt in the
Syro-Arabian desert, known to the ancients as 
<i>Arabia Deserta</i>, there is some diversity of opinion about their
exact location. As both in the Bible and in the inscriptions of
Assurbanipal they are mentioned in connection with the Nabataeans [Heb.

<i>Nebaioth</i>; Assyr. 
<i>Nabaite</i>], they most probably lived in close proximity to these.
Pliny, in fact, states (Hist. Nat., v, 12) that the Cedrei, who
doubtless are the Cedarenes, were neighbours of the Nabataeans. Now
before the Persian period the Nabataeans were settled south-east of
Idumaea, on the northern limits of the Hidjaj, with Egra as their
capital. We may therefore conclude that the Cedarenes were located in
the south-western part of the Arabia Desert, or of the modern Hamad,
extending perhaps into Arabia proper. They would thus have been
sufficiently remote for a residence among them to convey the idea of
distant exile (Ps. cxix, 5), and yet near enough to be well known to
the Hebrews. Theodoret mentions (Patr. Lat., LXXX, 1878) that in his
time (fifth century A.D.) They dwelt near Babylon. The religion of the
Cedarenes, like that of all pre-Islamitic Arabs, was Sabianism, or
worship of the heavenly bodies. Their chief divinity was Atarsamaim,
i.e. "Atar [Athar-Astarte] of the heavens". In Judith, i, 8, instead of
"Cedar" we must probably read "Galaad" with the Septuagint.</p>
<p id="c-p2342" shownumber="no">SMITH, Hist. Of Assurbanipal (London, 1871); 256 sq., 283 sq.;
cuneif. Inscript. Of West Asia, III, pl. 24 -28; Records of the Past
(ser. I), I, 93 sq., III, 115; VIGOUROUX, La Bible et les dÈcouv.
Mod. (Paris, 1889), IV, 293 sq.; DELITZSCH, Wo lag das Paraies, 296
sq., GLASER, Sizze der Gesch. Arabiens (Berlin, 1901); II, 267 sq.;
MARGOLIOUTH in HAST., Dict. Bib., II, 832; HALEVY in Dict. De la Bible,
I, 862; LEGENDRE, IBID., ii, 357.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2343" shownumber="no">F. BECHTEL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2343.1" title="Cedd (Cedda), St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Cedd (Cedda)</term>
<def id="c-p2343.2">
<h1 id="c-p2343.3">St. Cedd</h1>
<p id="c-p2344" shownumber="no">(Or Cedda).</p>
<p id="c-p2345" shownumber="no">Bishop of the East Saxons, the brother of St. Ceadda; died 26 Oct.
664. There were two other brothers also priests, Cynibill and Caelin,
all born of an Angle family settled in Northumbria. With his younger
brother Ceadda, he was brought up at Lindisfarne under St. Aidan. In
653 he was one of four priests sent by Oswiu, King of Northumbria, to
evangelize the Middle Angles at the request of their ealdorman, Peada.
Shortly after, however, he was recalled and sent on the same missionary
errand to Essex to help Sigeberht, King of the East Saxons, to convert
his people to Christ. Here he was consecrated bishop and was very
active in founding churches, and established monasteries at Tilbury and
Ithancester. Occasionally he revisited his native Northumbria, and
there, at the request of Aethelwald, founded the monastery of
Laestingaeu, now Lastingham, in Yorkshire. Of this house he became the
first abbot, notwithstanding his episcopal responsibilities. At the
Synod of Whitby, like St. Cuthbert, he, though Celtic in his
upbringing, adopted the Roman Easter. Immediately after the synod he
paid a visit to Laestingaeu, where he fell a victim to the prevalent
plague. Florence of Worcester and William of Malmesbury in later times
counted him as the second Bishop of London, but St. Bede, almost a
contemporary, never gives him that title. His festival was kept on 7
January.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2346" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2346.1" title="Cedes" type="Encyclopedia">Cedes</term>
<def id="c-p2346.2">
<h1 id="c-p2346.3">Cedes</h1>
<p id="c-p2347" shownumber="no">(Or 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2347.1">Cades</span>; Heb., 
<i>QÈdÈsh</i>, sanctuary; Gr., 
<i>Kades</i> or 
<i>Kedes</i>), two cities of Palestine.</p>
<p id="c-p2348" shownumber="no">(1) A Levitical city and place of refuge in Nephtali (Jos., xix, 37;
xx, 7; xxi, 32; 1 Par., vi, 76) hence called "Cedes in Nephtali"
(Judges, iv, 6), or "Cedes in Galilee" (Jos., xx, 7, etc.), to
distinguish it from Cedes in Issachar and Cades (Heb. QÈdÈsh)
in the Nageb. The form Cades occurs in the Vulg. Only in Jos., xii, 22,
and I Mach., xi, 63, 73. The name would indicate that it was a sacred
city before the Hebrew occupation. Cedes was the home of Barac, and
here he and Deobbora gathered their army, consisting mainly of men of
Nephtali, Zabulon and Issachar, before giving battle to Sisara, near
Mt. Thabor (Judges, iv, 6, 10 sq.; v, 15). In the reign of Phacee, King
of Israel, it was taken by Theglathphalasar and its inhabitants were
carried captives to Assyria (IV K., xv, 29). During the Machabean wars
Jonathan defeated the generals of Demetrius II, Nicanor, in its
neighbourhood (I mach., xi, 63-74). At the time of the great Jewish
rebellion it was in the hands of the Tyrians, and Titus camped under
its walls before taking Gishala (Joseph., Bell. Jud., II, xviii, 1; IV,
ii, 3). In Josephus it appears variously as 
<i>Kedese, Kedasa, Kadasa</i>, and 
<i>Kydasa</i>. Eusebius calls it 
<i>Kydissos</i>, St. Jerome, Cidissus (in de Lagarde, "Onomastica,"
271, 53; 110, 8). Cedes was a city of Upper Galilee, close to and north
of Asor (Jos. Xix, 37; IV K., xv 29; I Par., vi, l76; I Mach., xi, 63
67-73; Joseph., Ant., V, i, 18, 24; IX, xi, 1; XIII, v, 6, 7). As the
latter lay in the neighbourhood of Hûleh, the Biblical "Waters of
Merom", or Lake of Semechonitis of Josephus (Jos., xi, 1-10; Joseph.,
Ant., V, v, 1), Cedes cannot have been far distant from its shores.
There can be no doubt, then, that it is to be identified with the
Village of Qades or Qedes, situated on a hill north-west of the lake.
Here are found the foundations of an ancient wall, ruins of a temple
and of a large mausoleum, a number of fine specimens of sarcophagi,
some of which are double, besides pieces of broken columns, bases and
capitals, scattered over the hill or imbedded in the walls of the
houses. These remains show that in the Greek or Roman period, to which
they are due, Cedes was an important city. Such it must always have ben
by reason of its strong position on one of the trade routes from Tyre
to the regions across the Jordan, though after the time of the Judges
it hardly figures in Hebrew history.</p>
<p id="c-p2349" shownumber="no">Exception has recently been taken by Conder, Hummelauer, Zanecchia,
etc., to the common opinion which connects this Cedes with the events
of Judges, iv. They would place the home of Barac at another Cedes, in
the south of Nephtali, which they identify with Kirbet Qadîsh on
the Lake of Genesareth, south of Tiberias. A city of Cedes existing at
this point would throw light on some of the details of the narrative.
It would help to explain how Barac managed to assemble a large force
without interference on the part of Jabin, King of Asor, which is hard
to understand if the rendezvous was the Cedes of Upper Galilee. Its
nearness to Mt. Thabor would also explain why the battle with Sisara
came to be fought near that mountain. Lastly, the arrival of the flying
Sisara at the tent of Jahel, apparently on the day of the battle
itself, would be more readily understood. The only direct argument,
however, for the existence of this second Cedes is the similarity of
the name Qadîsh. The identification of Sennim (Heb. 
<i>Ca ánánnîm</i> or 
<i>Beçá ánánnîm</i>), where the tents of Haber
the Cinite were pitched, with Sinn-en-Nabrah (Hjummelauer) or the
Khirbet Bessûm (Conder) is too uncertain to base any conclusions
upon it.</p>
<p id="c-p2350" shownumber="no">(2) A Levitical city of Issachar assigned to the family of Gersom (I
Par., vi, 72-Heb. 57). In the parallel list of Jos., xxi, 28 it is
called Cesion. The Cades of Jos., xii, 22, commonly held to be Cedes in
Galilee, is by some identified with the Cedes of Issachar.</p>
<p id="c-p2351" shownumber="no">ROBINSON, Bibl. Research. (London, 1856) III, 367; Survey W. Pal.,
Mem., I, 204, 226 sq.; GUERIN, GalilÈe (Paris, 1874-75), II, 355
sq.; ZANECCHIA, La Pal. D'auj., II, 715; BUHL, Geog. Des alt. Pal., 235
sq.; HUMMELAUER, Comm. In Jos., 437, 442; LEGENDRE in Vig., Dict. De la
Bible, II, 360.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2352" shownumber="no">F. BECHTEL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2352.1" title="Cedron, Brook of" type="Encyclopedia">Brook of Cedron</term>
<def id="c-p2352.2">
<h1 id="c-p2352.3">Brook of Cedron</h1>
<p id="c-p2353" shownumber="no">[Heb. 
<i>Náhál Qidhrôn</i>, "Wâdi Qidron"; only once
"fields of Qidron"; John, xviii, 1, 
<i>ho cheimarros ho Kedron</i>; in R.V., Kidron]. The name designates
in Holy Writ the ravine on the east of Jerusalem, between the Holy City
and the Mount of Olives. The word 
<i>Cedron</i> is usually connected with the root 
<i>Qadár</i>, "to be dark", and taken to refer to the colour of
the stream or ravine; but its exact origin and precise meaning are
really unknown. The Valley of Cedron begins with a slight depression
near the Tombs of the Judges, a mile and a quarter north-west of
Jerusalem. It runs first south towards the Holy city, and then turns
nearly east, passing to the north of the tombs of the Kings. Next, it
bends to the right towards the south, deepening as it follows this
general direction between Jerusalem and the Mount of Olives. Opposite
St. Stephen's gate, it is fully 100 feet deep and about 400 feet broad;
its bed is shaded by venerable olive-trees and crossed by an old
bridge. Below the bridge, the valley presents the first traces of a
torrent bed. It narrows gradually and sinks more rapidly leaving to the
east the church of the tomb of Blessed Virgin, and next, Gethsemani. A
thousand feet from the old bridge, the valley is merely a deep gulley
across which another bridge is thrown, and on the banks of which are,
to the right, Mohammedan tombs, and to the left, the sepulchres of
Josaphat, Absalom, St. James, and the Jewish cemetery. About a thousand
feet farther, there is in a cave, on the right bank, the Fountain of
the Virgin, and higher up, on the left, the village of Siloe. Somewhat
farther down, the Tyropoeon valley falls from the right into the
Cedron, which now expands down to the Valley of Hinnom. Here, the
Cedron is about 200 yards wide, and has on its left the Mount of
Offence. Shortly after the junction of the Valley of Hinom with the
Cedron, there is Job's well, to the south of which Sir C. Warren found,
in 1868-69, the shaft of a great rock-cut aqueduct.</p>
<p id="c-p2354" shownumber="no">On leaving the Holy City, the Valley of the Cedron runs its winding
and gradually precipitous course through the Wilderness of Judea to the
north-western shore of the Dead Sea. The Cedron is perfectly dry during
the summer and most of the winter. North of Jerusalem, it bears the
name of 
<i>Wâdi al-Jos</i> (Valley of Nuts); between the city and the
Mount of Olives, it is known as 
<i>Wâdi Sitti Mariam</i> (Valley of St. Mary), or again as the
Valley of Josaphat (cf. Joel, iii, 2, 12); after leaving Jerusalem, it
is called 
<i>Wâdi en-Nâr</i> (Valley of Fire), and also 
<i>Wâdi er-Rahib</i> (Valley of the Monks). Its whole length is
some 20 miles in a straight line, and its descent nearly 4000 feet. Its
bed east of Jerusalem is now about40 feet higher than in ancient times.
The Cedron is first mentioned in Holy Scripture in connection with
David's flight from Absalom, during which he crossed it [II K. (A. V.
II Samuel) xv, 23]; and next, in connection with the prohibition to
Semei against his ever crossing it [III K. (A. V. I K.) ii, 37]. It was
at the torrent Cedron that King Asa burnt the filthy idol of his mother
[III K., xv, 13; II Par. (A. V. II Chron.) xv, 16]. It was into it that
Ezechias and Josias cast all the impurities which had polluted the
House of the Lord (cf. II Par., xxix, 16; xxx, 14; IV K., xxiii, 4, 6,
12). The torrent Cedron is last mentioned in the O. T. in Jer., xxxi,
40, apparently as part of the common cemetery of Jerusalem. In the N.
T. it is spoken of only once, in connection with Christ's going forth
over it to Gethsemani (John, xviii, 1). In the present day it is the
desired resting-place of both Jews and Mussulmans, and the supposed
scene of Last Judgment.</p>
<p id="c-p2355" shownumber="no">ROBINSON, Biblical Researches in Palestine (1856), I; MISLIN, Les
Saints Livres (3d ed., 1876), II; Palestine Exploration Fund,
Jerusalem; BUHL, Geog. Des alten Palästina.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2356" shownumber="no">FRANCIS E. GIGOT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2356.1" title="Cefalu" type="Encyclopedia">Cefalu</term>
<def id="c-p2356.2">
<h1 id="c-p2356.3">Cefalù</h1>
<p id="c-p2357" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CEFALÙ (CEPHALUDENSIS); CEPHALOEDIUM.</p>
<p id="c-p2358" shownumber="no">The city of the same name in the province of Palermo, in Sicily
(Italy), is situated nearly in the centre of the northern coast of the
island. Destroyed by the inhabitants of Messina, it was reconstructed
about 1130 by King Roger I of Sicily. Its first bishop was Nicetas who,
in 869, assisted at the Eighth General council held at Constantinople
for the trial of Photius. When Roger I rebuilt the city, Tocelmo was
bishop. Among its bishops were: Arduino II, suffered exile twice on
account of his opposition to Frederic II; Nicolò (1352) died in
the prison of Castel Grassario, and Fra Francesco of the ducal house of
Gonzaga (d. 1587), founder of the first seminary opened in Sicily. The
cathedral was built by Roger I, and, though often restored, is a fine
monument of Norman architecture. The adjoining cloister, still kept in
its primitive state, is remarkable for graceful columns adorned with
sculptures and arabesques. The diocese is a suffragan of Palermo, it
has 22 parishes, 300 secular clergy, 265 churches, chapels, and
oratories, 160,320 inhabitants, and 24 houses of religious (women).</p>
<p id="c-p2359" shownumber="no">CAPPELLETTI, Le chiese d'Italia (venice, 1844), XXI, 540; Annuario
ecclesiastico (1907), 386-87.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2360" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2360.1" title="Ceillier, Remi" type="Encyclopedia">Remi Ceillier</term>
<def id="c-p2360.2">
<h1 id="c-p2360.3">Rémi Ceillier</h1>
<p id="c-p2361" shownumber="no">Patrologist, b. at Bar-le-Duc, 14 May, 1688; d. at Flavigny, 26 May,
1763. He received his early education if the Jesuit College at
Bar-le-Duc. After completing the course of humanities and rhetoric, he
entered (1705) the monastery of Moyen-Moutier in the Vosges, belonging
to the Benedictine congregation of St-Vannes and St-Hydulphe. Later he
was appointed professor in the same monastery, a position which he held
for six years. In 1716 he was made dean of Moyen-Moutier, in 1718 prior
of the monastery of Saint Jacques de Neufchâteau, in 1724
assistant to Dom Charles de Vassimont at the priory of
Flavigny-sur-Moselle, and on the latter's death in 1733 prior of that
monastery. Under his wise administration this monastery flourished
materially, spiritually, and intellectually. His first great work,
prepared while he was professor at Moyen-Moutier, was an "Apologie de
la morale des Pères, contre les injustes accusations du sieur Jean
Barbeyrac, professeur en droit et en histoire à Lausanne" (Paris,
1718). In this work a long dissertation of 40 pages is devoted to
establishing the authority of the Fathers of the Church; afterwards the
author follows step by step the arguments of Barbeyrac, and defends
individually those Fathers whom he had attacked — Athenagoras,
Clement of Alexandria, Augustine, and others. The success of this work
led Ceillier to undertake another, similar in character, but wider in
scope, and dealing with all the sacred and ecclesiastical writings. The
nature of the work can best be judged from its title, "Histoire
générale des auteurs sacrés et ecclésiastiques qui
contient leur vie, le catalogue, la critique, le jugemen, la
chronologie, l'analyse et le dénombrement des différentes
éditions de leurs ouvrages; ce qu'ils renferment de plus
intéressant sur le dogme, sur la morale, et sur la discipline de
l'Eglise; l'histoire des conciles tant généraux que
particuliers et les actes choisis des martyrs". The first volume
appeared in 1729, the others at various intervals, the 23d and last
being published after the death of the author. The work contains an
historical account of the sacred and ecclesiastical authors, lists,
analyses, and critical appreciations of their writings, together with
selected quotations; it was incomplete when the author died. It ends
with the writings of William of Auvergne in the middle of the
thirteenth century. It has passed through several editions; the latest
is that of Abbé Bauzon, 17 vols. in 4to with two volumes of
indexes (Paris, 1860-1869). The preparation of a work so comprehensive
in character was made possible by the assistance which Ceillier
received from his confreres. The most valuable portion of the work is
that dealing with the Fathers of the first six centuries. Here the
author was able to draw upon the writings of Tillemont, and to use the
scholarly Benedictine editions of the Fathers. Charges of Jansenism
made against Ceillier in his lifetime and afterwards find no
substantiation in his writings, and the treatment accorded to the
author and his works by Benedict XIV shows that the pope had no doubts
as to his orthodoxy.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2362" shownumber="no">PATRICK J. HEALY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2362.1" title="Celebret" type="Encyclopedia">Celebret</term>
<def id="c-p2362.2">
<h1 id="c-p2362.3">Celebret</h1>
<p id="c-p2363" shownumber="no">A letter which a bishop gives to a priest, that he may obtain
permission in another diocese to say Mass, and for this purpose bears
testimony that he is free from canonical censures. The Council of Trent
(Sess. XXIII, chap. xvi on Reform) lays down the rule that "no cleric
who is a stranger shall without letters commendatory (q.v.) from his
own ordinary be admitted by any bishop to celebrate the divine
mysteries". Ordinarily permission is not to be given to a priest from
another diocese to say Mass without this certificate signed and duly
sealed. The seal is obviously the more important requisite, as it is
the safer guarantee against forgery. The celebret should be officially
recognized by the diocesan authority of the place where a priest may
wish to say Mass. One who has his celebret in due form, or who is
certainly known to be in good standing in his own diocese, may be
allowed to celebrate till he has had a sufficient time to comply with
this rule. A priest with proper credentials cannot reasonably be
prevented from saying Mass, though he will be expected to comply with
reasonable restrictions which may be imposed.</p>
<p id="c-p2364" shownumber="no">The Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, as a regulation against
collectors of funds for other dioceses or countries, enacted a decree
(No. 295) that priests on such a mission should not be allowed to
celebrate Mass even once till they had received permission from the
ordinary. This rule has generally been enforced in diocesan synods. The
absence of the celebret does not suffice for the refusal of permission
to say Mass, if persons worthy of belief bear positive testimony to the
good standing of the priest. If the permission were unreasonably
refused, the priest may say Mass privately, if no scandal is given. Yet
the rectors of churches are not obliged to incur any expenses the
celebration may involve. (S.C.C., 15 Dec., 1703).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2365" shownumber="no">R.L. BURTSELL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2365.1" title="Celenderis" type="Encyclopedia">Celenderis</term>
<def id="c-p2365.2">
<h1 id="c-p2365.3">Celenderis</h1>
<p id="c-p2366" shownumber="no">A titular see of Asia Minor.</p>
<p id="c-p2367" shownumber="no">Celenderis was a port and fortress in Isauria, founded by the
Phoenicians or, according to legend, by Sandacos, son of Astynoös
and grandson of Phaethon. It figures in Parthey's "Notitiae
episcopatuum" as late as the twelfth or thirteenth century, as a
suffragan of Seleuceia. Lequien (II, 1015) gives four titulars:
Musonius in 381, Julianus, or Julius, in 451 and 458, Peter at the
Trullan Council in 692, and Eustathius at Nicaea in 787. Another, whose
name is unknown, was amongst the friends of Photius in 878. We must add
two names: Asterius, a correspondent of Severus in 508 and 511, and
Pelagius in 518 (E. W. Brooks, "The Sixth Book of the Select Letters of
Severus", II, 4; "Vita Severi", 28; "Chronique de Michel le Syrien",
ed. Chabot, 267). Celenderis is to-day a little village, commonly
called Kilindria, the chief centre of the caza of Gulnar in the vilayet
of Adana, with 210 inhabitants, mostly Greeks. It has a pretty
roadstead, but of difficult approach. There are Roman and medieval
ruins, among them those of an aqueduct, a castle, beautiful sarcophagi,
etc.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2368" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2368.1" title="Celestine I, Pope St." type="Encyclopedia">Pope St. Celestine I</term>
<def id="c-p2368.2">
<h1 id="c-p2368.3">Pope St. Celestine I</h1>
<p id="c-p2369" shownumber="no">Nothing is known of his early history except that he was a Roman and
that his father's name was Priscus. He is said to have lived for a time
at Milan with St. Ambrose; the first notice, however, concerning him
that is known is in a document of St. Innocent I, in the year 416,
where he is spoken of as Celestine the Deacon. In 418 St. Augustine
wrote to him (Epist., lxii) in very reverential language. He succeeded
St. Boniface I as pope, 10 Sept., 422 (according to Tillemont, though
the Bollandists say 3 Nov.), and died 26 July, 432, having reigned nine
years, ten months, and sixteen days. In spite of the troublous times at
Rome, he was elected without any opposition, as is learned from a
letter of St. Augustine (Epist., cclxi), written to him shortly after
his elevation, in which the great doctor begs his assistance in
composing his difficulties with Antonius, Bishop of Fessula in Africa.
A strong friendship seems to have existed between Celestine and
Augustine, and after the death of the latter in 430, Celestine wrote a
long letter to the bishops of Gaul on the sanctity, learning and zeal
of the holy doctor, and forbade all attacks upon his memory on the part
of the Semipelagians, who under the leadership of the famous ascetic,
John Cassian, were then beginning to gain influence. Though his lot was
cast in stormy times, for the Manichaeans, Donatists, Noviatians, and
Pelagians were troubling the peace of the Church, while the barbarian
hordes were beginning their inroads into the heart of the empire,
Celestine's firm but gentle character enabled him to meet successfully
all the exigencies of his position. We see him everywhere upholding the
rights of the Church and the dignity of his office. In this he was
aided by Placidia, who, in the name of her youthful son, Valentinian
III, banished from Rome the Manichaeans and other heretics who were
disturbing the peace. Celestine not only excluded Coelestius, the
companion and chief disciple of Pelagius, from Italy, but procured the
further condemnation of the sect from the Council of Ephesus, while
through his instrumentality St. Germanus of Auxerre and St. Lupus of
Troyes, who had been sent to Britain in 429, the native land of
Pelagius, by the Gallic bishops, succeeded in extirpating the error
from its native soil.</p>
<p id="c-p2370" shownumber="no">A firm upholder of the ancient canons, we find Celestine writing to
the bishops of Illyria, bidding them observe the canons and their old
allegiance to the Bishop of Thessalonica, the papal vicar, without whom
they are not to consecrate any bishop or hold any council. He also
writes to the Bishops of Vienne and Narbonne, whom he warns to keep the
ancient canons, and, in accordance with the warning of his predecessor,
to resist the pretensions of the See of Arles. Moreover they must not
refuse to admit to penance those who desire it at the moment of death;
bishops, too, must not dress as monks, and severe action is to be taken
against a certain Daniel, a monk from the Orient who had been the cause
of serious disorders in the Church of Gaul. To the Bishops of Apulia
and Calabria he writes that the clergy must not remain ignorant of the
canons, neither are the laity to be advanced to the episcopate over the
heads of the clergy, nor is the popular will, no matter how strong, to
be humoured in this matter -- 
<i>populus docendus non sequendus</i>. Moreover he threatens severe
penalties for future transgressors. In upholding the rights of the
Roman Church to hear and decide appeals from all quarters, he came for
a time into conflict with the great Church of Africa (see Apiarius).
The African bishops, however, through manifesting some warmth, never
called into question the Divine supremacy of the Holy See, their very
language and actions expressed its fullest recognition; their
complaints were directed rather against the sometimes indiscreet use of
the papal prerogative. The last years of the pontificate of Celestine
were taken up with the struggle in the East over the heresy of
Nestorius (see Nestorius; Cyril of Alexandria; Ephesus, Council of).
Nestorius who had become Bishop of Constantinople in 428 at first gave
great satisfaction, as we learn from a letter addressed to him by
Celestine. He soon aroused suspicions of his orthodoxy by receiving
kindly the Pelagians banished from Rome by the pope, and shortly after,
rumours of his heretical teaching concerning the twofold personality of
Christ reaching Rome, Celestine commissioned Cyril, Bishop of
Alexandria, to investigate and make a report. Cyril having found
Nestorius openly professing his heresy sent a full account to
Celestine, who in a Roman synod (430), having solemnly condemned the
errors of Nestorius, now ordered Cyril in his name to proceed against
Nestorius, who was to be excommunicated and deposed unless within ten
days he should have made in writing a solemn retractation of his
errors. In letters written the same day to Nestorius, to the clergy and
people of Constantinople, and to John of Antioch, Juvenal of Jerusalem,
Rufus of Thessalonica, and Flavian of Philippi, Celestine announces the
sentence passed upon Nestorius and the commission given to Cyril to
execute it. At the same time he restored all who had been
excommunicated or deprived by Nestorius. Cyril forwarded the papal
sentence and his own anathema to Nestorius. The emperor now summoned a
general council to meet at Ephesus. To this council Celestine sent as
legates, Arcadius, and Projectus, bishops, and Philippus, a priest, who
were to act in conjunction with Cyril. However, they were not to mix in
discussion but were to judge the opinions of the others. Celestine in
all his letters assumes his own decision as final, Cyril and the
council, "compelled by the sacred canons and the letters of Our Most
Holy Father, Celestine, Bishop of the Roman Church."</p>
<p id="c-p2371" shownumber="no">The last official act of Celestine, the sending of St. Patrick to
Ireland, perhaps surpasses all the rest in its far-reaching
consequences for good. He had already sent (431) Palladius as bishop to
the "Scots [i.e. Irish] believing in Christ." But Palladius son
abandoned Ireland and died the year following in Britain. St. Patrick,
who had previously been refused, now received the long-coveted
commission only a few days before the death of Celestine, who thus
becomes a sharer in the conversion of the race that in the next few
centuries was to accomplish such vast works by its countless
missionaries and scholars in the conversion and civilization of the
barbarian world. In the local affairs of the Roman Church, Celestine
manifested great zeal. He restored and embellished the church of Santa
Maria in Trastevere, which had suffered from the Gothic pillage of
Rome, also the church of St. Sabina, besides decorating the Cemetery of
St. Priscilla with paintings of the Council Ephesus. The precise date
of his death is uncertain. His feast is kept in the Latin Church on 6
April, the day on which his body was placed in the Catacombs of St.
Priscilla whence it was transferred in 820 by Pope St. Paschal I to the
church of Sta Prassede, though the cathedral of Mantua likewise claims
his relics. In the Greek Church where he is highly honoured for his
condemnation of Nestorius, his feast falls on 8 April.</p>
<p id="c-p2372" shownumber="no">The extant writings of St. Celestine consist of sixteen letters, the
contents of many of which have been indicated above, and a fragment of
a discourse on Nestorianism delivered in the Roman Synod of 430. The
"Capitula Coelestini", the ten decisions on the subject of grace which
have played such a part in the history of Augustinianism, are no longer
attributed to his authorship. For centuries they were affixed as an
integral part to his letter to the Bishops of Gaul, but at present are
considered as most probably the work of St. Prosper of Aquitaine.
Anastasius Bibliothecarius attributes to him several other
constitutions but with little authority. Doubtful also is the statement
of the "Liber Pontificalis" that Celestine added the Introit to the
Mass.</p>
<p id="c-p2373" shownumber="no">Sancti Celestini Epistolae et Decreta, P.L., L; Acta ss., X; Hefele,
History of the Councils, II, III; Duchesne, Liber Pontificalis, I;
Grisar, Geschichte Roms und der Papste im Mittelalter (Freiburg im Br.,
1898), I; Cardinal de Noris, Historia Pelagiana; Tillemont, Memoires
pour servir a l' histoire ecclesiastique, XIV; Natalis Alexander,
Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. Roncaglia-Mansi, IX; Mansi, Sacrorum
Conciliorum Amplissima Collectio, IV; Rivington, The Roman Primacy.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2374" shownumber="no">J.F.X. MURPHY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2374.1" title="Celestine II, Pope" type="Encyclopedia">Pope Celestine II</term>
<def id="c-p2374.2">
<h1 id="c-p2374.3">Pope Celestine II</h1>
<p id="c-p2375" shownumber="no">(GUIDO DEL CASTELLO, DE CASTELLIS)</p>
<p id="c-p2376" shownumber="no">A native of Roman Tuscany, date of birth unknown; d. 8 March, 1144.
He was a disciple of Abelard, and added to great learning the
reputation of a grave and upright priest. He was made cardinal in 1128,
and in 1140 legate to France where he incurred the displeasure of St.
Bernard for the protection he accorded Arnold of Brescia. He succeeded
Innocent II, 25 September, 1143, and at once lifted from France the
interdict that his predecessor had inflicted because of the act of
Louis VII in opposing his own candidate to the rightfully elected
Bishop of Bourges. On the eve of a serious conflict with Roger of
Sicily he died, after a short reign of about six months.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2377" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2377.1" title="Celestine III, Pope" type="Encyclopedia">Pope Celestine III</term>
<def id="c-p2377.2">
<h1 id="c-p2377.3">Pope Celestine III</h1>
<p id="c-p2378" shownumber="no">(GIACINTO BOBONE)</p>
<p id="c-p2379" shownumber="no">The first of the Roman Orsini to ascend the Chair of Peter, b. about
1106; d. at Rome, 8 January, 1198. He was forty-seven years a cardinal
when, in his eighty-fifth year, he was elected (30 March, 1191)
successor of Clement III; being only a deacon he was ordained priest
(13 April) and consecrated bishop the next day, respectively Holy
Saturday and Easter. The following day he anointed and crowned King
Henry VI of Germany as emperor, and as empress his queen Constantia.
The king was then on his way to Southern Italy to enforce against
Tancred the claims of Constantia to the crown of the two Sicilies. The
Roman people, however, did not permit the afore-mentioned solemnities
to take place until both pope and king had aided them to satisfy their
wrath against the neighbouring Tusculum. The town was levelled with the
ground and abandoned to the savage vengeance of the Romans. The aged
pope has been blamed for this act of cruelty, in this so unlike his
predecessor Innocent II who withstood (1142) a similar passionate
insistence of the Romans for the destruction of Tibur (Tivoli). The
responsibility, however, rests chiefly on the emperor, whose
blood-thirsty Italian career was thus becomingly inaugurated. In spite
of the pope the emperor proceeded southward to make good his claims to
Sicily, but was defeated and compelled to retire, leaving the empress a
prisoner of Tancred, who freed her at the papal petition. The aged
Celestine astonished many by his longanimity in dealing with the young
and violent Henry VI who in Germany surpassed his predecessors in
cruelty and oppression of the churches. The pope was also slow and
cautious in threatening Henry with excommunication for his imprisonment
of King Richard the Lion-Hearted whom Henry had caused to be seized
(1192) by Duke Leopold of Austria, and delivered to himself, as Richard
was on the way back to England, nor was the English king set free until
he had paid a great ransom (£100,000). It was a violation of the
law of nations that a younger and more vigorous pope would not have so
long tolerated. Only in 1193 were the duke and his associates
excommunicated and an attempt made to compel restitution of the ransom.
Shortly after, on the death of Tancred (1194) Henry VI again crossed
the Alps, resolved to finally compass the union of the German Crown
with that of the Two Sicilies. Amid incredible cruelties he
accomplished his purpose, defied the rights of the pope as overlord of
Sicily, deceived the pope with vain promises of a crusade, and would
probably have hastened by a generation the memorable conflict of Rome
with his son Frederick II had not death carried off the cruel and
lawless king, 28 Sept., 1197, in his thirty-sixth year, not, however,
before he had induced the pope to acknowledge the aforesaid infant
Frederick as King of the Two Sicilies. Celestine himself soon passed
away, in the ninety-second year of his age. He showed more resolution
in dealing with other princes of Europe, particularly in defence of the
ecclesiastical marriage laws. He induced King Alfonso IX of Leon to
abandon his project of an incestuous union with a Portuguese princess,
and defended with vigour the validity of the marriage of Queen Ingeburg
with Philip Augustus of France, to whom he refused a divorce, while he
declared invalid the divorce accorded to Philip by the bishops of his
kingdom. A serious crusade was the constant ideal of Pope Celestine; he
confirmed the new military Order of Teutonic Knights (1191), and
favoured greatly the Knights Templar and the Hospitallers. St. Malachy
of Armagh, St. Bernward of Hildesheim, St. John Gualbert, and St.
Ubaldus of Gubbio were canonized by him (See HENRY VI.).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2380" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2380.1" title="Celestine IV, Pope" type="Encyclopedia">Pope Celestine IV</term>
<def id="c-p2380.2">
<h1 id="c-p2380.3">Pope Celestine IV</h1>
<p id="c-p2381" shownumber="no">(GOFREDO CASTIGLIONI.)</p>
<p id="c-p2382" shownumber="no">A native of Milan, nephew of Urban III, and probably a Cistercian;
died 10 November, 1241. He was made cardinal by Gregory IX and
succeeded him, 25 October, 1241, at the height of the papal warfare
with Emperor Frederick II. He died after a reign of fifteen days.</p>
<p id="c-p2383" shownumber="no">LABBE AND COSSART, 
<i>Coll. Conc.</i>, XXIII, 1463; ARGELATI, 
<i>Biblioth. Mediolanensis</i> (1745), I, 1, 440; POTTHAST, 
<i>Reg. Rom. Pont.</i> (1874), I, 940.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2384" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2384.1" title="Celestine V, Pope" type="Encyclopedia">Pope Celestine V</term>
<def id="c-p2384.2">
<h1 id="c-p2384.3">Pope St. Celestine V</h1>
<p id="c-p2385" shownumber="no">(PIETRO DI MURRONE.)</p>
<p id="c-p2386" shownumber="no">Born 1215, in the Neapolitan province of Moline; elected at Perugia
5 July, 1294; consecrated and crowned at Aquila, 29 August; abdicated
at Naples, 13 Dec., 1294; died in the castle of Fumone, 19 May, 1296.
He was of humble parentage, became a Benedictine at the age of
seventeen, and was eventually ordained priest at Rome. His love of
solitude led him first into the wilderness of Monte Morone in the
Abruzzi, whence his surname, and later into the wilder recesses of Mt.
Majella. He took for his model the Baptist. His hair-cloth was
roughened with knots; a chain of iron encompassed his emaciated frame;
he fasted every day except Sunday; each year he kept four Lents,
passing three of them on bread and water; the entire day and a great
part of the night he consecrated to prayer and labour. As generally
happens in the case of saintly anchorites, Peter's desire for solitude
was not destined to be gratified. Many kindred spirits gathered about
him eager to imitate his rule of life, and before his death there were
thirty- six monasteries, numbering 600 religious, bearing his papal
name (Celestini). The order was approved, as a branch of the
Benedictines, by Urban IV, in 1264. This congregation of (Benedictine)
Celestines must not be confounded with other (Franciscan) Celestines,
extreme Spirituals whom Pope Celestine permitted (1294) to live as
hermits according to the Rule of St. Francis, but were pendent of the
Franciscan superiors. In gratitude they called themselves after the
pope 
(<i>Pauperes eremitæ Domini Celestine</i>), but were dissolved and
dispersed (1302) by Boniface VIII, whose legitimacy the Spirituals
contested [Heimbucher, Orden und Kongregationen (2nd ed. Paderborn,
1907); I, 280; II, 360]. In 1284, Pietro, weary of the cares of
government, appointed a certain Robert as his vicar and plunged again
into the depths of the wilderness. It would be well if some Catholic
scholar would devote some time to a thorough investigation of his
relations to the extreme spiritual party of that age; for though it is
certain that the pious hermit did not approve of the heretical tenets
held by the leaders, it is equally true that the fanatics, during his
life and after his death, made copious use of his name.</p>
<p id="c-p2387" shownumber="no">In July, 1294, his pious exercises were suddently interrupted by a
scene unparalleled in ecclesiastical history. Three eminent
dignitaries, accompanied by an immense multitude of monks and laymen,
ascended the mountain, announced that Pietro had been chosen pope by
unanimous vote of the Sacred College and humbly begged him to accept
the honour. Two years and three months had elapsed since the death of
Nicholas IV (4 Apr., 1292) without much prospect that the conclave at
Perugia would unite upon a candidate. Of the twelve Cardinals who
composed the Sacred College six were Romans, four Italians and two
French. The factious spirit of Guelph and Ghibelline, which was then
epidemic in Italy, divided the conclave, as well as the city of Rome,
into two hostile parties of the Orsini and the Colonna, neither of
which could outvote the other. A personal visit to Perugia, in the
spring of 1294, of Charles II of Naples, who needed the papal authority
in order to regain Sicily, only exasperated the affair, hot words being
exchanged betrween the Angevin monarch and Cardinal Gaetani, at that
time the intellectual leader of the Colonna, later, as Pope Boniface
VIII, their bitter enemy. When the situation seemed hopeless, Cardinal
Latino Orsini admonished the fathers that God had revealed to a saintly
hermit that if the cardinals did not perform their duty within four
months, He would visit the Church with severe chastisement. All knew
that he referred to Pietro di Murrone. The proposition was seized upon
by the exhausted conclave and the election was made unanimous. Pietro
heard of his elevation with tears; but, after a brief prayer, obeyed
what seemed the clear voice of God, commanding him to sacrifice his
personal inclination on the altar of the public welfare. Flight was
impossible, even if he contemplated it; for no sooner did the news of
this extraordinary event spread abroad than multitudes (numbered at
200,000) flocked about him. His elevation was particularly welcome to
the Spirituals, who saw in it the realization of current prophecies
that the reign of the Holy Spirit ruling through the monks was at hand;
and they proclaimed him the first legitimate pope since Constantine's
donation of wealth and worldly power to "the first rich father"
(Inferno, Canto XIX). King Charles of Naples, hearing of the election
of his subject, hastened with his son Charles Martel, titular King of
Hungary, ostensibly to present his homage to the new pope, in reality
to take the simple old man into honourable custody. Had Charles known
how to preserve moderation in exploiting his good luck, this windfall
might have brought him incalculable benefits; as it was, he ruined
everything by excessive greed.</p>
<p id="c-p2388" shownumber="no">In reply to the request of the cardinals, that he should come to
Perugia to be crowned, Pietro, at the instigation of Charles, summoned
the Sacred College to meet him at Aquila, a frontier town of the
Kingdom of Naples. Reluctantly they came, and one by one, Gaetani being
the last to appear. Seated on an humble ass, the rope held by two
monarchs, the new pontiff proceeded to Aquila, and, although only three
of the cardinals had arrived, the king ordered him to be crowned, a
ceremony which had to be repeated in traditional form some days later,
the only instance of a double papal coronation. Cardinal Latino was so
grief- stricken at the course which affairs were evidently taking that
he fell sick and died. Pietro took the name of Celestine V. Urged by
the cardinals to cross over into the States of the Church, Celestine,
again at the behest of the king, ordered the entire Curia to repair to
Naples. It is wonderful how many serious mistakes the simple old man
crowded into five short months. We have no full register of them,
because his official acts were annulled by his successor. On the 18th
of September he created twelve new cardinals, seven of whom were
French, and the rest, with one possible exception, Neapolitans, thus
paving the road to Avignon and the Great Schism. Ten days later he
embittered the cardinals by renewing the rigorous law of Gregory X,
regulating the conclave, which Adrian V had suspended. He is said to
have appointed a young son of Charles to the important See of Lyons,
but no trace of such appointment appears in Gams or Eubel. At Monte
Cassino on his way to Naples, he strove to force the Celestine
hermit-rule on the monks; they humoured him while he was with them. At
Benevento he created the bishop of the city a cardinal, without
observing any of the traditional forms. Meanwhile he scattered
privileges and offices with a lavish hand. Refusing no one, he was
found to have granted the same place or benefice to three or four rival
suitors; he also granted favours in blank. In consequence, the affairs
of the Curia fell into extreme disorder. Arrived in Naples, he took up
his abode in a single apartment of the Castel Nuovo, and on the
approach of Advent had a little cell built on the model of his beloved
hut in the Abruzzi. But he was ill at ease. Affairs of State took up
time that ought to be devoted to exercises of piety. He feared that his
soul was in danger. The thought of abdication seems to have occurred
simultaneously to the pope and to his discontented cardinals, whom he
rarely consulted.</p>
<p id="c-p2389" shownumber="no">That the idea originated with Cardinal Gaetani the latter vigorously
denied, and maintained that he originally opposed it. But the serious
canonical doubt arose: Can a pope resign? As he has no superior on
earth, who is authorized to accept his resignation? The solution of the
question was reserved to the trained canonist, Cardinal Gaetani, who,
basing his conclusion on common sense and the Church's right to
self-preservation, decided affirmatively.</p>
<p id="c-p2390" shownumber="no">It is interesting to notice how curtly, when he became Boniface
VIII, he dispatches the delicate subject on which the validity of his
claim to the papacy depended. In the "Liber Sextus" I, vii, 1, he
issued the following decree: "Whereas some curious persons, arguing on
things of no great expediency, and rashly seeking, against the teaching
of the Apostle, to know more than it is meet to know, have seemed, with
little forethought, to raise an anxious doubt, whether the Roman
Pontiff, especially when he recognizes himself incapable of ruling the
Universal Church and of bearing the burden of the Supreme Pontificate,
can validly renounce the papacy, and its burden and honour: Pope
Celestine V, Our predecessor, whilst still presiding over the
government of the aforesaid Church, wishing to cut off all the matter
for hesitation on the subject, having deliberated with his brethren,
the Cardinals of the Roman Church, of whom We were one, with the
concordant counsel and assent of Us and of them all, by Apostolic
authority established and decreed, that the Roman Pontiff may freely
resign. We, therefore, lest it should happen that in course of time
this enactment should fall into oblivion, and the aforesaid doubt
should revive the discussion, have placed it among other constitutions 
<i>ad perpetuam rei memoriam</i> by the advice of our brethren."</p>
<p id="c-p2391" shownumber="no">When the report spread that Celestine contemplated resigning, the
excitement in Naples was intense. King Charles, whose arbitrary course
had brought things to this crisis, organized a determined opposition. A
huge procession of the clergy and monks surrounded the castle, and with
tears and prayers implored the pope to continue his rule. Celestine,
whose mind was not yet clear on the subject, returned an evasive
answer, whereupon the multitude chanted the Te Deum and withdrew. A
week later (13 December) Celestine's resolution was irrevocably fixed;
summoning the cardinals on that day, he read the constitution mentioned
by Boniface in the "Liber Sextus", announced his resignation, and
proclaimed the cardinals free to proceed to a new election. After the
lapse of the nine days enjoined by the legislation of Gregory X, the
cardinals entered the conclave, and the next day Benedetto Gaetani was
proclaimed Pope as Boniface VIII. After revoking many of the provisions
made by Celestine, Boniface brought his predecessor, now in the dress
of a humble hermit, with him on the road to Rome. He was forced to
retain him in custody, lest an inimical use should be made of the
simple old man. Celestine yearned for his cell in the Abruzzi, managed
to effect his escape at San Germano, and to the great joy of his monks
reappeared among them at Majella. Boniface ordered his arrest; but
Celestine evaded his pursuers for several months by wandering through
the woods and mountains. Finally, he attempted to cross the Adriatic to
Greece; but, driven back by a tempest, and captured at the foot of Mt.
Gargano, he was delivered into the hands of Boniface, who confined him
closely in a narrow room in the tower of the castle of Fumone near
Anagni (Analecta Bollandiana, 1897, XVI, 429-30). Here, after nine
months passed in fasting and prayer, closely watched but attended by
two of his own religious, though rudely treated by the guards, he ended
his extraordinary career in his ninety-first year. That Boniface
treated him harshly, and finally cruelly murdered him, is a calumny.
Some years after his canonization by Clement V in 1313, his remains
were transferred from Ferentino to the church of his order at Aquila,
where they are still the object of great veneration. His feast is
celebrated on 19 May.</p>
<p id="c-p2392" shownumber="no">
<i>Acta SS.</i> May, IV, 419; 
<i>Bibl. hagiogr. Latina,</i> 979 seq.; 
<i>Analecta Bollandiana</i> (1897), XVI, 365-82 (the oldest life of 
<i>Celestine</i>); CELIDONIO, 
<i>Vita di S. Pietro del Morrone, Celestino papa quinta, scritta su'
documenti coevi</i> (Sulmona, 1896); IDEM, 
<i>La non-autenticita degli Opuscula Coelestina</i> (ibid., 1896; these

<i>opuscula</i> edited by TELERA, Naples, 1640, may have been dictated,
but not composed by Celestine); ROVIGLIO, 
<i>La rinuncia de Celestino V</i> (Verona, 1894); AUTINORI, 
<i>Celestino V ed il sesto anniversario della sua coronazione</i>
(Aquila, 1894); RAYNALDUS, 
<i>Ann. eccl. ad ann. 1294-96;</i> HEFELE, 
<i>Conciliengeschichte, V</i>; also the histories of the City of Rome
by VON REUMONT and by GREGOROVIUS.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2393" shownumber="no">JAMES F. LOUGHLIN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2393.1" title="Celibacy of the Clergy" type="Encyclopedia">Celibacy of the Clergy</term>
<def id="c-p2393.2">
<h1 id="c-p2393.3">Celibacy of the Clergy</h1>
<p id="c-p2394" shownumber="no">Celibacy is the renunciation of marriage implicitly or explicitly
made, for the more perfect observance of chastity, by all those who
receive the Sacrament of Orders in any of the higher grades. The
character of this renunciation, as we shall see, is differently
understood in the Eastern and in the Western Church. Speaking, for the
moment, only of Western Christendom, the candidates for orders are
solemnly warned by the bishop at the beginning of the ceremony
regarding the gravity of the obligation which they are incurring. He
tells them:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p2394.1">
<p id="c-p2395" shownumber="no">You ought anxiously to consider again and again what sort of a
burden this is which you are taking upon you of your own accord. Up to
this you are free. You may still, if you choose, turn to the aims and
desires of the world (<i>licet vobis pro artitrio ad caecularia vota 
transire</i>). But if you receive this order (of the subdiaconate) it 
will no longer be lawful to turn back from your purpose. You will be 
required to continue in the service of God, and with His assistance 
to observe chastity and to be bound for ever in the ministrations of 
the Altar, to serve who is to reign.</p>
</blockquote>

<p id="c-p2396" shownumber="no">By stepping forward despite this warning, when invited to do so, and
by co-operating in the rest of the ordination service, the candidate is
understood to bind himself equivalently by a vow of chastity. He is
henceforth unable to contract a valid marriage, and any serious
transgression in the matter of this vow is not only a grievous sin in
itself but incurs the additional guilt of sacrilege.</p>
<p id="c-p2397" shownumber="no">Before turning to the history of this observance it will be
convenient to deal in the first place with certain general principles
involved. The law of celibacy has repeatedly been made the object of
attack, especially of recent years, and it is important at the outset
to correct certain prejudices thus created. Although we do not find in
the New Testament any indication of celibacy being made compulsory
either upon the Apostles or those whom they ordained, we have ample
warrant in the language of Our Saviour, and of St. Paul for looking
upon virginity as the higher call, and by inference, as the condition
befitting those who are set apart for the work of the ministry. In
Matt., xix, 12, Christ clearly commends those who, "for the sake of the
kingdom of God", have held aloof from the married state, though He
adds: "he who can accept it, let him accept it". St. Paul is even more
explicit:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p2397.1">
<p id="c-p2398" shownumber="no">I would that all men were even as myself; but every one hath his
proper gift from God .... But I say to the unmarried and to the widows,
it is good for them if they so continue, even as I.</p>
</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2399" shownumber="no">And further on:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p2399.1">
<p id="c-p2400" shownumber="no">But I would have you to be without solicitude. He that is without a
wife is solicitous for the things that belong to the Lord, how he may
please God. But he that is with a wife, is solicitous for the things of
the world, how he may please his wife: and he is divided. And the
unmarried woman and the virgin thinketh on the things of the Lord, that
she may be holy both in body and spirit. But she that is married
thinketh on the things of this world how she may please her husband.
And this I speak for your profit, not to cast a snare upon you, but for
that which is decent and which may give you power to attend upon the
Lord without impediment. (I Cor., vii, 7-8 and 32-35.)</p>
</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2401" shownumber="no">Further, although we grant that the motive here 
appealed to is in
some measure utilitarian, we shall probably be justified in saying that
the principle which underlies the Church's action in enforcing celibacy
is not limited to this utilitarian aspect but goes even deeper. From
the earliest period the Church was personified and conceived of by her
disciples as the Virgin Bride and as the pure Body of Christ, or again
as the Virgin Mother 
(<i>parthenos meter</i>), and it was plainly fitting that this virgin
Church should be served by a virgin priesthood. Among Jews and pagans
the priesthood was hereditary. Its functions and powers were
transmitted by natural generation. But in the Church of Christ, as an
antithesis to this, the priestly character was imparted by the Holy
Ghost in the Divinely-instituted Sacrament of Orders. Virginity is
consequently the special prerogative of the Christian priesthood.
Virginity and marriage both holy, but in different ways. The conviction
that virginity possesses a higher sanctity and clearer spiritual
intuitions, seems to be an instinct planted deep in the heart of man.
Even in the Jewish Dispensation where the priest begot children to whom
his functions descended, it was nevertheless enjoyed that he should
observe continence during the period in which he served in the Temple.
No doubt a mystical reason of this kind does not appeal to all, but
such considerations have always held a prominent place in the thought
of the Fathers of the Church; as is seen, for example, in the
admonition very commonly addressed to subdeacons of the Middle Ages at
the time of their ordination. "With regard to them it has pleased our
fathers that they who handle the sacred mysteries should observe the
law of continence, as it is written 'be clean ye who handle the vessels
of the Lord' "(Maskell, Monumenta Ritualia, II, 242).</p>
<p id="c-p2402" shownumber="no">On the other hand, such motives as are dwelt upon in the passage
just quoted from the Epistle to the Corinthians are of a kind which
must appeal to the intelligence of all. The more holy and exalted we
represent the state of marriage to be, the more we justify the married
priest in giving the first place in his thoughts to his wife and family
and only the second to his work. It would be hard to find more
unexceptionable testimony to this point of view than that of Dr.
Döllinger. No scholar of this generation was more intimately
acquainted with the by-ways of medieval history. No one could have
supplied so much material for a 
<i>chronique scandaleuse</i> like that which Dr. Lea has compiled in
his history of celibacy. Moreover, when Dr. Döllinger served his
connection with the Church after the Vatican Council, he had absolutely
no motive to influence his judgment in favour of Rome's traditional
discipline, if it were not that he believed that the lesson both of the
past and the present was clear. Nevertheless, when the Old Catholics
abolished compulsory celibacy for the priesthood, Dr. Döllinger,
as we are told by the intimate friend of his, an Anglican, was "sorely
grieved" by the step, and this seems to have been one of the principal
things which kept him from any formal participation in the Old Catholic
communion. In reference to this matter he wrote to the same Anglican
friend:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p2402.1">
<p id="c-p2403" shownumber="no">You in England cannot understand how completely engrained it is into
our people that a priest is a man who sacrifices himself for the sake
of his parishioners. He has no children of his own, in order that all
the children in the parish may be his children. His people know that
his small wants are supplied, and that he can devote all his time and
thought to them. They know that it is quite otherwise with the married
pastors of the Protestants. The pastor's income may be enough for
himself, but it is not enough for his wife and children also. In order
to maintain them he must take other work, literary or scholastic, only
a portion of his time can be given to his people; and they know that
when the interests of his family and those of his flock collide, his
family must come first and his flock second. In short, he has a
profession or trade, a 
<i>Gewerbe</i>, rather than a vocation; he has to earn a livelihood. In
almost all Catholic congregations, a priest who married would be
ruined; all his influence would be gone. The people are not at all
ready for so fundamental a change, and the circumstances of the clergy
do not admit of it. It is a fatal resolution. (A. Plummer in "The
Expositor", December, 1890, p. 470.)</p>
</blockquote>

<p id="c-p2404" shownumber="no">A testimony given under such circumstances carries more weight than
long explanations would do. Neither was it the only occasion on which
the historian so expressed himself. "When a priest", Döllinger
wrote in a letter to one of his Old Catholic friends in 1876, "can no
longer point to personal sacrifice which he makes for the good of his
people, then it is all over with him and the cause which he represents.
He sinks to the level of men who make a trade of their work [<i>Er rangiert dann mit den Gewerbetreibenden</i>]." (See Michael,
Ignaz von Döllinger, ed. 1894, p. 249.)</p>
<p id="c-p2405" shownumber="no">Supposing always that the vow of celibacy is faithfully kept, the
power which this practical lesson in disinterestedness must lend to the
priest's exhortations when addressing his people is too obvious to need
insisting upon. Numberless observers, Protestant and Agnostic as well
as Catholic, have borne the obstacles to really confidential relations
and more especially to confession in the case of the married clergy --
even if this difficulty is often quite unfairly exaggerated in the many
current stories of Anglican clergymen sharing the secrets of the
confessional with their wives -- are certainly real enough. When the
once famous Père Hyacinth (M. Loyson) left the Church and married,
this was the first point which once struck a free-thinker like George
Sand. "Will Père Hyacinthe still hear confessions?" she wrote.
"That is the question. Is the secrecy of the confessional compatible
with the mutual confidences of conjugal love? If I were a Catholic, I
would say to my children: 'Have no secrets which cost too much in the
telling and then you will no cause to fear the gossip of the vicar's
wife'."</p>
<p id="c-p2406" shownumber="no">Again, with regard to missionary work in barbarous countries, the
advantages which lies with a celibate clergy can hardly need insisting
upon and are freely admitted both by indifferent observers and by the
non-Catholic missionaries themselves. The testimonies which have been
gathered in such a work as Marshall's "Children Missions" are
calculated perhaps, from their juxtaposition, to give an exaggerated
impression, while the editor's bantering tone will sometimes wound and
repel: but the indictment is substantially accurate, and the materials
for a continuation of this standard work, which have been collected
from recent sources by the Rev. B. Solferstan, S.J., in every respect
bear out Marshall's main contention. Over and over again the admission
is made by well-qualified observers, who are themselves either
indifferent or opposed to the Catholic Faith, that whatever genuine
work of conversion is done, is effected by the Catholic missionaries
whose celibate condition permits them to live among the natives as one
of themselves. See, for example, to speak only of China, Stoddard,
"Life of Isabella Bird", (1906), pp. 319-320; Arnot Reid, "Peking to
Petersburgh" (1897), p. 73; Professor E.H. Parker, "China Past and
Present" (1903), pp. 95-96.</p>
<p id="c-p2407" shownumber="no">The comparatively slight cost of the Catholic missions with their
unmarried clergy need not be dwelt upon. To take a single example, the
late Anglican Bishop Bickersteth, the much-respected Bishop of South
Tokio, Japan, describes in one of his published letters how he had "a
good deal of talk" with a Catholic vicar Apostolic, who was on his way
to China. Whereupon Bickersteth remarks that "Roman Catholics certainly
can teach us much by their readiness to bear hardships. This man and
his priests are at times subject to the most serious privations I
should fear. In Japan a Roman priest gets one-seventh of what the
Church Missionary Society and the Society of the Gospel allow to an
unmarried deacon. Of course they can only live on the food of the
country." (See "The Life and Letters of Edward Bickersteth", 2nd ed.,
London, 1905), p. 214) With regard again to the effect upon a priest's
work the following candid testimony from a distinguished married
clergyman and professor of Trinity College, Dublin, is very striking.
"But from the point of view of preaching", writes Professor Mahaffy,
"there can be little doubt that married life creates great difficulties
and hindrances. The distractions caused by sickness and other human
misfortunes increase necessarily in proportion to the number of the
household; and as the clergy in all countries are likely to have large
families the time which might be spent in meditation on their
discourses is stolen from them by other duties and other cares. The
Catholic priest when his daily round of outdoor duties is over, comes
home to a quiet study, where there is nothing to disturb his thoughts.
The family man is met at the door by troops of children welcoming his
return and claiming his interest in all their little affairs. Or else
the disagreements of the household demand him as an umpire and his mind
is disturbed by no mere speculative contemplation of the faults and
follies of mankind but by their actual invasion of his home." (Mahaffy,
The Decay of Modern Preaching, London, 1882, p. 42.)</p>
<p id="c-p2408" shownumber="no">To these general considerations various replies are urged. In the
first place, it is asserted that celibacy is a mere specious device
invented to ensure the subjection of the clergy to the central
authority of the Roman See. Such writers as Heigl (Das Cölibat,
Berlin, 1902) contend that the deprivation of home and family ties
tends to rob the priest of all national feeling and of standing in the
country, and consequently to render him a willing tool in the hands of
the spiritual autocracy of the popes. The historical summary which
follows will help to do justice to this objection. But for the moment,
we may note that St. Dunstan, who more than any other character in
early English history is identified with the cause of a celibate
clergy, was Archbishop of Canterbury from 960 to 988, a period during
which the papacy was subjected to oppression and disorder of the worst
kind. In fact the practice of celibacy was almost universally enjoined
long before the resolute energy of Gregory VII (Hildebrand) built up
what it has of late years been the fashion to call the papal monarchy.
Again, the consistently nationalist tone of such a chronicler as
Matthew Pris, not to speak of countless others, lets us see how
mistaken it would be to suppose that celibates are devoid of patriotism
or inclined to lay aside their racial sympathies in deference to the
commands of the pope. And a similar lesson might be drawn from the
Gallicanism of the French clergy in the seventeenth century, which
seemingly was not inconsistent with at least ordinary fidelity to their
vows of continence.</p>
<p id="c-p2409" shownumber="no">Another objection which has been urged against sacerdotal celibacy
is that the reproduction of the species is a primary function and law
of man's nature, and therefore constitutes an inalienable right of
which no man can deprive himself by any vow. In view of the fact that
social conditions of every sort, as well as the moral law, necessitate
celibacy on the part of millions of the race, no one takes this
objection seriously. So far as any justification of this position has
been attempted, it has been found in the analogy of the animal or
vegetable kingdom, in which the reproduction of its own kind has been
represented as the main object of created existence. But such a
comparison applied to an intellectual being like man is hardly more
than puerile, and if the argument is pressed we might answer that, as
horticulturists are well aware, some of the most beautiful and
highly-developed of the natural products of our flower-gardens are only
to be obtained at the sacrifice of their fertility. The argument if
anything tells the other way. The one serious objection against the law
of clerical celibacy is the difficulty which its observance presents
for all but men of exceptionally strong character and high
principle.</p>
<p id="c-p2410" shownumber="no">Such writers as Dr. H.C. Lea and M. Chavard have set themselves to
gather up all the scandalous excesses which have been charged against a
celibate priesthood since the beginning of the Middle Ages. It has been
their aim to show that the observance of continence in a much-exposed
life is beyond the strength of the average man, and that consequently
to bind the rank and file of the clergy by such a law is only to open
the door to irregularities and abuses far more derogatory to the
priestly character than the toleration of honourable marriage could
possible be. They urge that, in point of fact, the law during long
periods of time has become a dead letter throughout the greater part of
Christendom, and that its only result has been to force the priest into
courses of licence and hypocrisy which have robbed him of all power to
influence men for good. As to the historical evidence upon which such
charges are based, there will probably always be much difference of
opinion. The anti-clerical animus which prompts a certain type of mind
to rake these scandals together, and to revel in and exaggerate their
prurient details, is at least as marked as the tendency on the part of
the Church's apologists to ignore these uncomfortable pages of history
altogether. In any case, it may be said in reply, that the observance
of continence with substantial fidelity by a numerous clergy, even for
centuries together, is assuredly not beyond the strength of human
nature when elevated by prayer and strengthened by Divine grace. Not to
speak of such countries as Ireland and Germany, where, it might be
contended, the admixture with other creeds tends to put the Catholic
clergy unduly upon their mettle, we might turn to the example of France
or Belgium during the last century. No candid student of history who
reviews this period will hesitate to admit that the immense majority of
many thousands of secular priests in these two countries have led lives
which are clean and upright, in accordance with their professions. We
prove it not only by the good report which they have enjoyed with all
moderate men, by the tone of respectable novelists who have portrayed
them in fiction, by the testimony of foreign residents, and by the
comparatively rare occurrence of scandals, but, what is most striking
of all, we argue from the tributes paid to their integrity by former
associates who have themselves severed their connection with the
Catholic Church, men, for example, like M. Loyson (Père Hyacinthe)
or M. Ernest Renan. Speaking of the wholesale charges of incontinence
often levelled against a celibate priesthood, M. Renan remarks: "The
fact is that what is commonly said about the morality of the clergy is,
so far as my experience goes, absolutely devoid of foundation. I spent
thirteen years of my life under the charge of priests, and I never saw
the shadow of a scandal [<i>je n'ai pas vu l'ombre d'un scandale</i>]; I have known no priests
but good priests. The confessional may possibly be productive of evil
in some countries, but I saw no trace of it in my life as an
ecclesiastic" (Renan, Souvenirs 'Enfance et de Jeunesse, p. 139).</p>
<p id="c-p2411" shownumber="no">Similarly M. Loyson, when seeking to justify his own marriage, does
not attempt to suggest that the obligation of celibacy was beyond the
strength of the average man, or that the Catholic clergy lived
otherwise than chastely. On the contrary, he writes: "I am well aware
of the true state of our clergy. I know of the self-sacrifice and
virtues within its ranks." His line of argument is that the priest
needs to be reconciled with the interests, the affections, and the
duties of human nature; which seems to mean that he ought to be made
less spiritual and more earthly. "It is only", he says, "by tearing
himself away from the traditions of a blind asceticism, and of a
theocracy still more political than religious, that the priest will
become once more a man and a citizen. He will find himself at the same
time more truly a priest." We are not contending that the high moral
standard conspicuous in the clergy of France and Belgium is to be found
in an equally-marked degree all over the world. Our argument is that
the observance of celibacy is not only possible for the few called to
be monks and enjoying the safeguards of the monastic life, but that it
is not beyond the strength of a great body of men numbered by tens of
thousands, and recruited, as the French and Belgian clergy mostly are,
from the ranks of the industrious peasantry. We have no wish to deny or
to palliate the very low level of morality to which at different
periods of the world's history, and in different periods of the world's
history, and in different countries calling themselves Christian, but
Catholic priesthood has occasionally sunk, but such scandals are no
more the effect of compulsory celibacy than the prostitution, which is
everywhere rampant in our great cities, is the effect of our marriage
laws. We do not abolish Christian marriage because so large a
proportion of mankind are not faithful to the restraints which it
imposes on human concupiscence. No one in his heart believes that
civilized nations would be cleaner or purer if polygamy were
substituted for monogamy. Neither is there any reason to suppose that
scandals would be fewer and the clergy more respected if Catholic
priests were permitted to marry.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2411.1">HISTORY OF CLERICAL CELIBACY</h3>
<h4 id="c-p2411.2">First Period</h4>
<p id="c-p2412" shownumber="no">Turning now to the historical development of the present law of
celibacy, we must necessarily begin with St. Paul's direction (I Tim.,
iii, 2, 12, and Titus, i, 6) that a bishop or a deacon should be "the
husband of one wife". These passages seem fatal to any contention that
celibacy was made obligatory upon the clergy from the beginning, but on
the other hand, the Apostle's desire that other men might be as himself
(I Cor., vii, 7-8), already quoted) precludes the inference that he
wished all ministers of the Gospel to be married. The words beyond
doubt mean that the fitting candidate was a man, who, amongst other
qualities which St. Paul enunciates as likely to make his authority
respected, possessed also such stability of divorce, by remaining
faithful to one wife. The direction is therefore restrictive, no
injunctive; it excludes men who have married more than once, but it
does not impose marriage as a necessary condition. This freedom of
choice seems to have lasted during the whole of what we may call, with
Vacandard, the first period of the Church's legislation, i.e. down to
about the time of Constantine and the Council of Nicaea.</p>
<p id="c-p2413" shownumber="no">A strenuous attempt has indeed been made by some writers, of whom
the late Professor Bickell was the most distinguished, to prove that
even at this early date the Church exacted celibacy of all her
ministers of the higher grades. But the contrary view, represented by
such scholars as Funk and Kraus, seems much better founded and has won
general acceptance of recent years. It is not, of course, disputed that
all times virginity was held in honour, and that in particular large
numbers of the clergy practised it or separated from their wives if
they were already married. Tertullian comments with admiration upon the
number of those in sacred orders who have embraced continence (De
exhortatione castitatis, cap. xiii), while Origen seems to contrast the
spiritual offspring of the priests of the New Law with the natural
offspring begotten in wedlock by the priests of the Old (In Levit. Hom.
vi, no. 6). Clearly, however, there is nothing in this or similar
language which could be considered decisive, and Bickell, in support of
his thesis, found it needful to appeal mainly to the testimony of
writers of the fourth and fifth century. Thus Eusebius declares that it
is befitting that priests and those occupied in the ministry should
observe continence (Demonst. Evangel., I, C. ix), and St. Cyril of
Jerusalem urges that the minister of the altar who serves God properly
holds himself aloof from women (Cat. xii, 25). St. Jerome further seems
to speak of a custom generally observed when he declares that clerics,
"even though they may have wives, cease to be husbands".</p>
<p id="c-p2414" shownumber="no">But the passage most confidently appealed to is one of St.
Epiphanius where the holy doctor first of all speaks of the accepted
ecclesiastical rule of the priesthood 
(<i>kanona tes ierosynes</i>) as something established by the Apostles
(Haer., xlviii, 9), and then in a later passage seems to describe this
rule or canon in some detail. "Holy Church", he says, "respects the
dignity of the priesthood to such a point that she does not admit to
the diaconate, the priesthood, or the episcopate, no nor even to the
subdiaconate, anyone still living in marriage and begetting children.
She accepts only him who if married gives up his wife or has lost her
by death, especially in those places where the ecclesiastical cannons
are strictly attended to" (Haer., lix, 4). Epiphanius goes on, however,
to explain that there are localities in which priests and deacons
continue to have children, but he argues against the practice as most
unbecoming and urges that the Church under the guidance of the Holy
Ghost has always in the past shown her disapproval of such procedure.
But we need hardly insist that all this is very inadequate evidence
(even when supplemented by some few citations from St. Ephraem and
other Orientals) to support the contention that a general rule of
celibacy existed from Apostolic times. Writers in the fourth century
were prone to describe many practices (e.g. the Lenten fast of forty
days) as of Apostolic institution which certainly had no claim to be so
regarded. On the other hand, there are facts which tell the other way.
The statement of Clement of Alexandria at an earlier date is open to no
ambiguity. After commenting on the texts of St. Paul noted above, and
expressing his veneration for a life of chastity, Clement adds: "All
the same, the Church fully receives the husband of one wife whether he
be priest or deacon or layman, supposing always that he uses his
marriage blamelessly, and such a one shall be saved in the begetting of
children" (Stromateiae, III, xiii).</p>
<p id="c-p2415" shownumber="no">Not less explicit is the testimony given by the church historian,
Socrates. He declares that in the Eastern Churches neither priests nor
even bishops were bound to separate from their wives, though he
recognized that a different custom obtained in Thessaly and in Greece
(H.E., Bk. I, cap. xi) Socrates tells the story of Paphnutius rising in
the assembly and objecting to an enactment which he considered to
rigorous in behalf of celibacy. It would be sufficient, he thought,
that such as had previously entered on their sacred calling should
abjure matrimony according to the ancient tradition of the Church, but
that none should be separated from her to whom, while yet unordained,
he had been united. And these sentiments he expressed although himself
without experience of marriage. Some attempt has been made to discredit
this story, but nearly all modern scholars (notably Bishop von Hefele,
with his most recent editor, Dom H. Leclercq) accept it without
reserve. The fact that the attitude of Bishop Paphnutius differs but
little from the existing practice of the Eastern Churches is alone a
strong point in its favour. These testimonies, it will be observed, are
from Eastern sources and indicate, no doubt, the prevailing Oriental
discipline. Wernz expressed the opinion that from the earliest days of
the Church the custom, if not the law, was for bishops, priests, and
all in major orders, to observe celibacy.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2415.1">Second Period</h4>
<p id="c-p2416" shownumber="no">In the history of clerical celibacy conciliar legislation marks the
second period during which the law took definite shape both in the East
and in the West. The earliest enactment on the subject is that of the
Spanish Council of Elvira (between 295 and 302) in canon xxxiii. It
imposes celibacy upon the three higher orders of the clergy, bishops,
priests, and deacons. If they continue to live with their wives and
beget children after their ordination they are to be deposed. This
would seem to have been the beginning of the divergence in this matter
between East and West. If we may trust the account of Socrates, just
quoted, an attempt was made at the Council of Nicaea, (perhaps by
Bishop Osius who had also sat at Elvira) to impose a law similar to
that passed in the Spanish council. But Paphnutius, as we have seen,
argued against it, and the Fathers of Nicaea were content with the
prohibition expressed in the third canon which forbade 
<i>mulieres subintroductas.</i> No bishop, priest, or deacon was to
have any woman living in the house with him, unless it were his mother,
sister, or aunt, or at any rate persons against whom no suspicion could
lodge. But the account of Socrates at the same time shows that marriage
on the part of those who were already bishops or priests was not
contemplated; in fact, that it was assumed to be contrary to the
tradition of the Church. This is again what we learn from the Council
of Ancyra in Galatia, in 314 (canon x), and of Neo-Caesarea in
Cappadocia, in 315 (canon i). The latter canon absolutely forbids a
priest to contract a new marriage under the pain of deposition; the
former forbids even a deacon to contract marriage, if at the moment of
his ordination he made no reservation as to celibacy. Supposing,
however, that he protested at the time that a celibate life was above
his strength, the decrees of Ancyra allow him to marry subsequently, as
having tacictly received the permission of the ordaining bishop. There
is nothing here which of itself forbids even a bishop to retain his
wife, if he were married before ordination. In this respect the law, as
observed in the Eastern Churches, was drawn gradually tighter.
Justinian's Code of Civil Law would not allow anyone who had children
or even nephews to be consecrated bishop, for fear that natural
affection should warp his judgment. The Apostolic Constitutions (c.
400), which formed the principal factor of the church law of the East,
are not particularly rigid on the point of celibacy, but whether
through imperial influence or not the Council of Trullo, in 692,
finally adopted a somewhat stricter view. Celibacy in a bishop became a
matter of precept. If he were previously married, he had at once to
separate from his wife upon his consecration. On the other hand, this
council, while forbidding priests, deacons, and subdeacons to take a
wife 
<i>after</i> ordination, asserts in emphatic terms their right and duty
to continue in conjugal relations with the wife to whom they had been
wedded previously. This canon (xiii of Trullo) still makes the law for
the great majority of the Churches of the East, though some of the
Eastern Catholic communions have adopted the Western discipline.</p>
<p id="c-p2417" shownumber="no">In Latin Christendom, however, everything was ripe for a stricter
law. We have already spoken of the Council of Elvira, and this does not
seem to have been an isolated expression of opinion. "As a rule",
remarks Bishop Wordsworth from his anti-celibate standpoint, "the great
writers of the fourth and fifth century pressed celibacy as the more
excellent way with an unfair and misleading emphasis which led to the
gravest and moral mischief and loss of power in the Church." (The
Ministry of Grace, 1902, p. 223). This, one would think, must be held
to relieve the papacy of some of the onus which modern critics would
thrust upon it in this matter. Such writers as St. Augustine, St.
Ambrose, St. Jerome, St. Hilary, etc., could hardly be described as
acting in collusion with the supposed ambitious projects of the Holy
See to enslave and denationalize the local clergy. Although it is true
that at the close of the fourth century, as we may learn from St.
Ambrose (De Officiis, I, l), some married clergy were still to be
found, especially in the outlying country districts, many laws then
enacted were strong in favour of celibacy. At a Roman council held by
Pope Siricius in 386 an edict was passed forbidding priests and deacons
to have conjugal intercourse with their wives (Jaffe-Löwenfeld,
Regesta, I, 41), and the pope took steps to have the decree enforced in
Spain and in other parts of Christendom (Migne, P.L., LVI, 558 and
728). Africa and Gaul, as we learn from the canons of various synods,
seem to have been earnest in the same movement, and though we hear of
some mitigation of the severity of the ordinance of Elvira, was
enforced against transgressors than that if they took back their wives
they were declared incapable of promotion to any higher grade, it may
fairly be said that by the time of St. Leo the Great the law of
celibacy was generally recognized in the West. With regard to
subdeacons, indeed, the case was not clear. Pope Ciricius (385-398)
seems to rank them with acolytes and not to require separation from
their wives until after the age of thirty when they might be ordained
deacons if they had previously, during some short period of trial,
given proof of their ability to lead a life of stricter continence.
Writers like and Wernz regard them as bound to celibacy in the time of
Pope Leo the Great (446). The Council of Agde in Gaul, in 506, forbade
subdeacons to marry, and such synods as those of Orléans in 538
and Tours in 567 prohibited even those already married from continuing
to live with their wives. As other councils took an opposite line, the
uncertainty continued until King Pepin, in 747, addressed a question
upon the subject to Pope Zachary. Even then the pope left each locality
in some measure to its own traditions, but he decided clearly that once
a man had received the subdiaconate he was no longer free to contract a
new marriage. The doubtful point was the lawfulness of his continuing
to live with his wife as her husband. During this Merovingian period
the actual separation of the clergy from the wives which they had
previously married was not insisted on. A law of the Emperor Honorius,
in 420, forbids that these wives should be left unprovided for, and it
even lays stress upon the fact that by their upright behaviour they had
helped their husbands to earn that good repute which had made them
worthy of ordination. However, this living together in the relation of
brother and sister cannot have proved entirely satisfactory, even
though it had in its favour such illustrious examples as those of St.
Paulinus of Noa, and of Salvinianus of Marseilles.</p>
<p id="c-p2418" shownumber="no">At any rate the synods of the sixth and seventh centuries, while
fully recognizing the position of these former wives and according them
even the formal designation of bishopess, priestess, deaconess, and
subdeaconess 
(<i>episcopissa, presbytera, diaconissa, subdiaconissa</i>), laid down
some very strict rules to guide their relations with their former
husbands. The bishopess, as a rule, did not live in the same house with
the bishop (see the Council of Tours in 567, can. xiv). For the lower
grades actual separation does not seem to have been required, although
the Council of Orléans in 541, can. xvii, ordained: "ut sacerdotes
sive diacom cum conjugibus suis non habeant commune lectum et
cellulam"; while curious regulations were enforced requiring the
presence of subordinate clergy in the sleeping apartment of the bishop,
archpriest, etc., to prevent all suspicion of scandal (see, e.g., the
Council of Tours, in 567), canons xiii and xx). A good deal seems to
have been done at the beginning of the Carolingian epoch to set things
upon a more satisfactory footing. To this St. Chrodegang (q.v.,
formerly the chancellor of Charles Martel, and after 742 Bishop of
Metz), contributed greatly by his institution of canons. Those were
clergy leading a life in common 
(<i>vita canonica</i>), according to the rule composed for them by St.
Chrodegang himself, but at the same time not precluded by their hours
of study and prayer from giving themselves like ordinary secular
priests to the pastoral duties of the ministry. This institution
developed radiply and met with much encouragement. In a slightly
modified from the Rule of St. Chrodegang was approved by the Council of
Aachen, in 816, and it formed the basis of the cathedral chapters in
most of the diocese throughout the dominions of Charlemagne.</p>
<p id="c-p2419" shownumber="no">The influence both of these canons who devoted themselves
principally to the public recitation of the Office, as also of those
who lived with the bishop in the 
<i>episcopium</i> and were busied with parochial work, seems to have
had an excellent effect upon the general standard of clerical duty.
Unfortunately, "the Iron Age", that terrible period of war, barbarism,
and corruption in high places which marked the break-up of the
Carolingian Empire, followed almost immediately upon this revival.
"Impurity, adultery, sacrilege and murder have overwhelmed the world",
cried the Council of Trosly in 909. The episcopal sees, as we learn
from such an authority as Bishop Egbert of Trier, were given as fiefs
to rude soldiers, and were treated as property which descended by
hereditary right from father to son. A terrible picture of the decay
both of clerical morality and of all sense of anything like vocation is
drawn in the writings of St. Peter Damian, particularly in his "Liber
Gomorrhianus". The style, no doubt, is rhetorical and exaggerated, and
his authority as an eyewitness does not extend beyond that district of
Northern Italy, in which he lived, but we have evidence from other
sources that the corruption was widespread and that few parts of the
world failed to feel the effect of the licence and venality of the
times. How could it beotherwise when there were intruded into
bishoprics on every side men of brutal nature and unbridled passions,
who gave the very worst example to the clergy over whom they ruled?
Undoubtedly during this period the traditions of sacerdotal celibacy in
Western Christendom suffered severely but even though a large number of
the clergy, not only priests but bishops, openly took wives and begot
children to whom they transmitted their benefices, the principle of
celibacy was never completely surrendered in the official enactments of
the Church.</p>
<p id="c-p2420" shownumber="no">With Pope St. Leo IX, St. Gregory VII (Hildebrand), and their
successors, a determined and successful stand was made against the
further spread of corruption. For a while in certain districts where
effective interference appeared hopeless, it would seem that various
synodal enactments allowed the rural clergy to retain the wives to whom
they had previously been married. See, for example, the Councils of
Lisieux of 1064, Rouen in 1063 and 1072, and Winchester, this last
presided over by Lanfranc, in 1076. In all these we may possibly trace
the personal influence of William the Conqueror. But despite these
concessions, the attitude of Gregory VII remained firm, and the reform
which he consolidated has never subsequently been set aside. His
determined attitude brought forth a whole literature of protests,
amongst others the letter "De Continentiâ" which is widely
attributed to St. Ulric of Augsburg, though every modern scholar admits
it to be a forgery, fabricated more than one hundred years after St.
Ulric's death. The point is of importance because the evidence seems to
show that in this long struggle the whole of the more high-principled
and more learned section of the clergy was enlisted in the cause of
celibacy. The incidents of the long final campaign, which began indeed
even before the time of Pope St. Leo IX and lasted down to the First
Council of Lateran in 1123, are too complicated to be detailed here. We
may note, however that the attack was conducted along two distinct
lines of action. In the first place, disabilities of all kinds were
enacted and as far as possible enforced against the wives and children
of ecclesiastics. Their offspring were declared to be of servile
condition, debarred from sacred orders, and, in particular, incapable
of succeeding to their fathers' benefices. The earliest decree in which
the children were declared to be slaves, the property of the Church,
and never to be enfranchised, seems to have been a canon of the Synod
of Pavia in 1018. Similar penalties were promulgated later on against
the wives and concubines (see the Synod of Melfi, 1189, can. xii), who
by the very fact of their unlawful connection with a subdeacon or clerk
of higher rank became liable to be seized as slaves by the over-lord.
Hefele (Concilienge-schichte, V, 195) sees in this first trace of the
principle that the marriages of the clerics are 
<i>ipso facto</i> invalid.</p>
<p id="c-p2421" shownumber="no">As regards to the offenders themselves, the strongest step seems to
have been that taken by Nicholas II in 1059, and more vigorously by
Gregory VII in 1075, who interdicted such priests from saying Mass and
from all ecclesiastical functions, while the people were forbidden to
hear the Mass which they celebrated or to admit their ministrations so
long as they remain contumacious. In the controversies of this time the
Masses said by these incontinent priests were sometimes described as
"idolatrous"; but this word must not be pressed, as if it meant to
insinuate that such priests were incapable of consecrating validly. The
term was only loosely used, just as if it was also sometimes applied at
the same period to any sort of homage rendered to an antipope. Moreover
the wording of a letter of Urban II (Ep. cclxxiii) enforcing the decree
takes an exception for cases of urgent necessity, as, for example, when
Communion has to be given to the dying. Clearly, therefore, the
validity of the sacraments when consecrated or administered by a
married priest was not in question. Finally, in 1123, at the First
Lateran Council, an enactment was passed (confirmed more explicitly in
the Second Lateran Council, can. vii) which, while not in itself very
plainly worded, was held to pronounce the marriages contracted by
subdeacons or ecclesiastics of any of the higher orders to be invalid
(contracta quoque matrimonia ab hujusmodi personis disjungi ...
judicamus -- can. xxi). This may be said to mark the victory of the
cause of celibacy. Henceforth all conjugal relations on the part of the
clergy in sacred orders were reduced in the eyes of canon law to mere
concubinage. Neither can it be pretended that this legislation, backed,
as it were, by the firm and clear pronouncements of the Fourth Council
of Lateran in 1215, and later by those of the Council of Trent,
remained any longer a dead letter. Laxity among the clergy at certain
periods and in certain localities must undoubtedly be admitted, but the
principles of the canon law remained unshaken, and despite all
assertions to the contrary made by unscrupulous assailants of the Roman
system the call to a life of self-denying continence has, as a rule,
been respected by the clergy of Western Christendom.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2421.1">In England</h4>
<p id="c-p2422" shownumber="no">A few words may here be added in particular about the history of
clerical celibacy upon English soil. Very extreme views have been put
forward by various Anglican writers. Passing over Dr. Lea as quite
untrustworthy, the following statement of a more sober writer, the
Bishop of Salisbury (John Wordsworth) may be taken as a specimen. After
declaring that during the Anglo-Saxon period the English clergy were
undisguisedly married, he adds: "It would be easy to multiply evidence
for the continuance of a practically married clergy in this country up
to the time of the Reformation. Sometimes I believe that they were
privately but still legally married so that their wives and children
might have the benefit of their property after their death. For all
marriages properly performed in England were valid according to the
civil law, unless they were voided by action in the Bishop's Court,
down to the passing of Lord Lynhurst's Act in 1835, however much they
might be contrary to law" (Ministry of Grace, p. 236). It can only be
said that this is a quite gratuitous assertion, unsupported by any
evidence yet produced, and founded in the main upon that strange
misconception, so well exposed in Professor Maitland's "Roman Canon Law
in the Church of England", that ecclesiastical law in England differed
from, and was independent of, the 
<i>jus commune</i> (i.e. the canon law) of the Catholic Church.
Objectors may safely be challenged to produce a single case during the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in which a clerk in sacred orders
went through the marriage ceremony with any woman, or in which is wife
or the children born after his ordination claimed to inherit his
property upon his death. On the other hand, the denunciations of all
such unions as mere concubinage are innumerable, and the evidence for
any great prevalence of these irregular connections, despite the
rhetorical exaggerations of such writers as Gower or Langland, is
relatively slight. Unfortunately, nearly all the best-known popular
histories (Trevelyan's "Age of Wicliffe" might be cited as a specimen)
are written with a strong anti-Roman or anti-sacerdotal bias,
particularly disastrous in matters in which there can be no question of
comparative statistics, but only of general impressions.</p>
<p id="c-p2423" shownumber="no">With regard to the Saxon and Angevin period again, careful study of
the evidence has convinced the present writer that a very exaggerated
estimate has been formed of the prevalence of marriage or concubinage
among the secular clergy. Two points deserve especially to be
remembered. First, that the Anglo-Saxon word 
<i>preost</i> does not necessarily mean a priest but simply a cleric.
The ordinary word for priest in the sense of 
<i>sacerdos</i>, was 
<i>maesse-preost.</i> This is continually ignored, but the evidence for
it is quite unmistakable and is fully admitted in Bosworth-Toller's
"Dictionary" and in the important monograph, "The Influence of
Christianity upon the Vocabulary of Old English" (1902) by the American
scholar Dr. H. MacGillivray. To take one illustration, Abbot Xlfric
writes: "Gemaenes hades preostum is alyfed ... thaet hi syferlice
sincipes brucon" -- i.e. "To clerics [<i>preostum</i>] of the common order [i.e. to clerks in minor orders]
it is permitted that they enjoy marriage soberly"; and then he
continues: "but in sooth to the others that minister at God's altar,
that is to say mass-priests and deacons 
(<i>maessepreostum</i> and 
<i>diaconum</i>), all conjugal relations are forbidden" (Aelfric,
Homilies). Similarly, where Bede speaks of St. Wilfrid receiving the
tonsure, the Anglo-Saxon translation, as in many similar cases, renders
it, "he waes to preost gesceoren", i.e. he was shorn into a cleric 
(<i>preost</i>). Wilfrid's ordination as priest did not take place until
several years later. Now the importance of this will be appreciated
when we find a well-known historian writing thus: "Celibacy was
avowedly not practised by the northern clergy [in Anglo-Saxon England].
The law of the Northumbrian Priests declares 'if a priest forsake a
woman and take another let him be excommunicate'. A priest might
therefore take a wife and cleave to her without rebuke". (Hunt, The
English Church to the Norman Conquest, 1899, p 383). Now this piece of
evidence is quite inconclusive; the word 
<i>preost</i> which is here used, may or may not assume that it refers
to any other class of 
<i>preost</i>, i.e. cleric, than those in minor orders who were always
entirely free to marry. The second point which it is equally important
to remember is that clerics in minor orders were a very numerous class
in Saxon, Norman and Angevin times. With us there are, practically
preparing for ordination to the priesthood, while such candidates now
from their earliest years lead a life apart from the world in the
seclusion of colleges and seminaries. In the medieval Church things
were very different. Almost all young men with any little education
preferred to enroll themselves in the ranks of the clergy to receiving
the tonsure, hoping that some chance of employment or of a benefice
might come their way. They were still free to marry and sometimes they
married openly. But often, it seems, they entangled themselves in
rather ambiguous relations which in the then state of marriage law
might easily be legitimized afterwards, but which also might be
repudiated and broken off if they desired to receive ordination.</p>
<p id="c-p2424" shownumber="no">All this, which up to a certain point was not inconsistent with good
faith, unfortunately prepared the way for easy relapses into
incontinence, and generated a public opinion in which it was not
accounted a reproach to be known as the son of a priest. Undoubtedly
the sons of priests formed a large class. There was a natural tendency
to bring them up also as clerics, and there was no doubt an immense
amount of scheming, not unfrequently successful, to secure their
promotion to the benefices held by their fathers. But promotion to the
benefices held by their fathers. But it would be a great mistake to
regard these sons of priests as all necessarily born in flagrant
violation of the canons. The situation was a very complicated one, and
it is impossible to pronounce any sober opinion upon its moral aspects
without a careful study, on the other hand, of the conditions of
social, and particularly of student, life, which an appreciation of the
ambiguities of the marriage law, as regards which the difficulties
raised by the 
<i>sponsalia de praesenti</i> have long been the despair of canonists.
One of the Constitutions of the Legate Otho, issued in 1237, is
particularly instructive in this connection. He has learnt, he
declares, on good authority that "many clerics [not yet priests, be it
noted] forgetful of the salvation of their souls, after contracting a
clandestine marriage, do not fear to retain the churches (to which they
may previously have been appointed) without putting away their wives,
and to acquire fresh ecclesiastical benefices and to be promoted to
sacred orders contrary to the provisions of the sacred canons, and
finally in due course of time after children have been reared from this
union, to prove at the proper moment, by means of witnesses and
documents, whether they themselves be still living or have passed away,
that a marriage had really be contracted between the parties".
(Wilkins, I, 653.) To meet this, Otho decrees that any married clerk in
possession of a benefice, loses all title to it 
<i>ipso jure</i>, and secondly, that all property in possession of such
clerks or priests who have been clandestinely married before their
promotion to Holy orders, is to go to the Church and none of it to
their children. But the whole legal aspect of the celibacy question in
England can best be studied in the pages of Lyndewode's "Provinciale".
(See particularly pp. 16 sqq. and 126-130, of the standard edition of
1679. The only thing which Lyndewode makes clear, quoted above, is that
the English Church in the fifteenth century refused to recognize the
existence of any such entity as the priest's "wife". It knew of nothing
but 
<i>concubinae</i> and denied to these any legal right whatever or any
claim upon the property of the partner of their guilt.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2424.1">Present Position</h4>
<p id="c-p2425" shownumber="no">With regard to the law of celibacy and its canonical effects in the
Western Church at the present day, only one or two points can be
briefly touched upon. For the details the reader must be referred to
such a work as that of Wernz "Jus Decretalium", II, 295-321. Clerk in
minor orders, as already stated, as free to marry, and by such
marriages they forfeit the 
<i>privilegia canonis</i> and the 
<i>privilegia fori</i> only in part, provided they observe the required
conditions (cf. Decreta Conc. Trid., Sess XIII, cap. vi); though in our
day such observance is practically impossible; but they are incapable
of being promoted to sacred orders unless they separate from their
wives, and make a vow of perpetual continence. Further, if as clerks
they held any benefice or ecclesiastical pension, these are at once
forfeited by marriage, and the become incapable of acquiring any new
benefice. Historically there has been some little variation of practice
with regard to married clerks, and the severe measures enacted in their
regard by Pope Alexander III were subsequently mitigated by Boniface
VIII and the Council of Trent. As regards ecclesiastics in sacred
orders (i.e. the subdiaconate and those that follow), the teaching of
both theologians and canonists alike, for many centuries past, has been
unanimous as regards the facts, though some little divergence has
existed regarding the manner of explaining them. All are agreed that
the subdeacon in presenting himself of his own free will for ordination
binds himself by a tacit vow of chastity (Wernz, IV, n. 393), and that
this even constitutes a diriment impediment in view of any subsequent
marriage. The idea of this votum annexum seems to be traceable in one
form or another as far back as the time of Gregory the Great. Although
the opposition to the law of celibacy frequently took the form of open
agitation, both in the earlier Middle Ages and again at the Reformation
period, only one such movement calls for notice in modern times. This
was an association formed principally in Würtemberg and Baden in
the early part of the nineteenth century to advocate the mitigation or
repeal of the law of celibacy. The agitation was condemned by an
Encyclical of Pope Gregory XVI, on 15 August, 1832, and no more
permanent harm seems to have resulted than the publication of a certain
amount of disaffected literature, such as the pretentious but extremely
biased and inaccurate work on compulsory celibacy by the brothers
Theiner, a book which at once prohibited by authority and repudiated by
Aug. Theiner before he was reconciled to the Church.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2425.1">Law of Celibacy in Oriental Churches</h4>
<p id="c-p2426" shownumber="no">Upon this head something has already been said above, and the
general principle has been stated that in the Oriental Churches deacons
and priests are free to retain the wives to whom they have been wedded
before ordination, but are not allowed to contract any new marriage
when once they are ordained. A few details may here be added about the
practice of the different Churches, taking first the schismatical
communions and then those united to the Holy See.</p>
<p id="c-p2427" shownumber="no">In the Greek Churches acknowledging the jurisdiction of the
schismatic Patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, etc., lectors and
cantors, who are clerics in minor orders, are still free to marry, but
if they contract a second marriage they can be promoted to no higher
grade, and if they are guilty of continence with any other person or
marry a third time, they are no longer allowed to exercise their
functions. Subdeacons seem to be able to marry a second time without
being deposed, but in that case they cannot be promoted to the
priesthood. Again, a priest who before his ordination has contracted an
unlawful marriage, even unwittingly, is no longer permitted to exercise
his priestly functions when the fact is discovered. Priests and deacons
are bidden to practise continence during the time of their service of
the altar. In 1897 there seem to have been 4025 parish churches in
Greece, and these were served by 5423 married and 242 unmarried
priests.</p>
<p id="c-p2428" shownumber="no">In the Russian Church, though a previous marriage seems to be,
practically speaking, a 
<i>conditio sine quâ non</i> for ordination in the case of the
secular clergy, still their canonists deny that this is a strict
obligation. The candidate for orders must either be already married or
must formally declare his intention of remaining celibate. Any marriage
attempted after the reception of the subdiaconate is invalid and the
ecclesiastic so offending renders himself liable to severe penalties.
Further, to have been already married, or to have married a widow, or
to have contracted any other marriage which offends against the canons
-- e.g. with a near relative, an unbeliever, or person or notoriously
loose character, e.g. an actress -- constitutes a disqualification for
ordination. Formerly the priest who lost his wife was required to
retire into a monastery. He is still free to do so and in this way may
qualify for higher functions, e.g. for the episcopate, etc., the
bishops in the Greek and Russian Church being selected exclusively from
the monastic clergy. Since the beginning of the eighteenth century,
widower priests are no longer compelled to retire into monasteries, but
they need the permission of the Synod to continue to discharge their
parochial functions.</p>
<p id="c-p2429" shownumber="no">In the Armenian Church, again, clerics in minor orders are still
free to contract marriage, and such marriage is required as a condition
for ordination to the simple secular priesthood. Besides monks and the
ordinary clergy, the Armenian Church recognizes a class of 
<i>Vartapeds</i>, or preachers, who are celibate priests of higher
education. From their ranks the bishops and higher clergy are as a rule
selected. It is only by exception that a monk is chosen to the
episcopate.</p>
<p id="c-p2430" shownumber="no">Amongst the Nestorians celibacy is not so much honoured as amongst
most of the Oriental Churches. Priests and deacons may marry even after
ordination, and if their wife should die they marry a second or even a
third time. Still, bishops are required to live as celibates, though
formerly this does not seem to have been the case.</p>
<p id="c-p2431" shownumber="no">The Copts and also the Abyssinian Monophysites resemble the Greek
Church in their laws regarding clerical marriage. A marriage contracted
after the reception of Holy orders, or any second marriage, involves
deposition. All the Coptic bishops are chosen from the monastic clergy.
Among the Syrian Jacobites similar rules prevail. Bishops, as a rule,
are chosen from the monks and a second marriage is forbidden to a
priest who is left a widower. If, however, he marries, the marriage is
regarded as valid although he is deprived of his clerical
functions.</p>
<p id="c-p2432" shownumber="no">Turning now to the Oriental Churches in communion with the Holy See,
we may note that as a general principle married clerics are not
ineligible for the subdiaconate, diaconate, and priesthood. As in the
Russian Church they must either be married in accordance with the
canons (i.e. not to a widow, etc.), or else as a preliminary to
ordination they are asked whether they will promise to observe
chastity. The full recognition of the right of the Oriental clergy to
retain their wives will be found in the Constitution of Benedict XIV,
"Etsi pastoralis", 26 May, 1742. There has, however, been a strong
movement of recent years among the Eastern Catholic Churches favouring
conformity with Western Christendom in this matter of celibacy. For
example, the Armenian Church dependent upon the Patriarch of Cilicia
even as far back as July, 1869, passed a resolution that celibacy
should be required of all the higher orders of the clergy. Again the
Synod of Scharfa in Syria, in 1888, decreed that "the celibate life
which is already observed by the great majority of the priests of our
Church should henceforth be common to all", although the deacons and
priests who were already married were allowed to continue as before,
and though a certain power of dispensation in cases of necessity was
left with the patriarch. Similarly in 1898 a synod of the Catholic
Copts at Alexandria decreed that henceforth all candidates for any of
the higher orders must be celibate "according to the ancient discipline
of the Church of Alexandria and the other Churches of God".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2433" shownumber="no">HERBERT THURSTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2433.1" title="Cella" type="Encyclopedia">Cella</term>
<def id="c-p2433.2">
<h1 id="c-p2433.3">Cella</h1>
<p id="c-p2434" shownumber="no">One of the names by which the small memorial chapels sometimes
erected in the Christian cemeteries of the first age were known; these
edifices are also referred to as 
<i>memoriae martyrum, confessiones</i>, etc. The term 
<i>cella</i> in this sense occurs in a very interesting inscription of
Caeasarea in Mauretania quoted by De Rossi (Bullet., April,
1864):—</p>
<p id="c-p2435" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">AREAM AT [AD] SEPULCHRA CULTOR VERBI CONTULIT,
<br />ET CELLAM STRUXIT SUIS CUNCTIS SUMPTIBUS.</p>
<p id="c-p2436" shownumber="no">[This cemetery 
(<i>area</i>) was given by a worshiper of the Word,
<br />who also erected a chapel 
(<i>cella</i>) at his own expense.]</p>
<p id="c-p2437" shownumber="no">It is the general opinion of archaeologists that the edifices
erected in the Roman cemeteries by Pope Fabian (236-250) [<i>Multas fabricas per cymeteria fieri praecepit</i> (Lib. Pont., I,
148)] were memorial cellae constructed primarily as places for the
celebration of the funeral 
<i>agapae</i> or anniversaries by friends of the deceased, when the 
<i>oblatio pro dormitione</i>, or Mass for the dead, was offered. Two
such 
<i>cellae</i>, or cemeterial basilicas, dedicated respectively to Sts.
Sixtus and Cecilia and St. Soter, may still be seen in the cemetery of
St. Callistus. In form they belong to the class of edifices known as 
<i>cellae trichorae</i>, each consisting of a rectangular nave
terminating in three semicircular apses, the chords of which form three
sides of a square. In other instances cellae terminate in a single
apse. Originally each of these cellae consisted of three apses alone
which probably served as a choir or sanctuary for the clergy during the
celebration of the liturgy, while the congregation assisted at the
services from the adjacent lawn. Owing to the great respect of the
Roman civil authorities for places of interment, it is conjectured
that, except in the more rigorous persecutions, the Christians may have
sometimes held their regular Sunday liturgical services in the manner
described, under the pretext of memorial services for the dead.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2438" shownumber="no">MAURICE M. HASSETT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2438.1" title="Cellier, Elizabeth" type="Encyclopedia">Elizabeth Cellier</term>
<def id="c-p2438.2">
<h1 id="c-p2438.3">Elizabeth Cellier</h1>
<p id="c-p2439" shownumber="no">A noted London midwife, who came into prominence through the
pretended "Meal-Tub Plot" of 1680. Nothing seems known of her life till
her marriage with Peter Cellier, a Frenchman, and her conversion from
Anglicanism. In 1678 the prisons were filled with Catholics in
consequence of the national alarm caused by the fabricated plots of
Titus Oates. Mrs. Cellier's charity led her to visit and relieve these
prisoners, and as her profession procured for her the acquaintance of
many leading Catholic ladies, she often became the channel of their
charity towards the prisoners. Among these ladies was the Countess of
Powis, whose kindness was shown to, among others, a clever imposter,
Thomas Dangerfield. Becoming aware of this man's true character, Lady
Powis ceased to assist him further, and he, in revenge, decided to
denounce her to the Government as concerned in a new popish plot. His
story was that he had been released from prison through the good
offices of Lady Powis and Mrs. Cellier, on condition that he would
assassinate the king, Lord Shaftesbury, and others. He further
pretended that he was to be engaged in manufacturing false plots to be
foisted on those who were known to be unfavourable to the Catholic
cause. One of these shams was to be based on a document which, he
alleged, was hidden in a meal-tub in Mrs. Cellier's house. Search was
made, and in a meal-tub the paper in question was found. It charged
with treason most of the leading Protestants, including the king's
natural son, the Duke of Monmouth, the Earl of Shaftesbury, and Sir
Thomas Waller, who was the very official charged with the search. In
consequence of Dangerfield's accusation founded on this document, Lady
Powis and Mrs. Cellier were arrested, as well as some other Catholics,
among them the Earl of Castlemain. Mrs. Cellier's trial took place on
11 June, 1680. She was charged with high treason, but practically the
only evidence against her was that of Dangerfield himself, and she had
little difficulty in proving him a witness entirely unworthy of
credence. She was found not guilty, and Dangerfield himself was
arrested on account of a felony, for which he had been previously
outlawed. After her acquittal she published a brief relation of the
whole affair, under the title of "Malice Defeated". This led not only
to a long series of pamphlets for and against her, but also to her
second prosecution. The charge this time was that of libel against the
king and ministry, because she alleged that two witnesses in the
Edmundbury Godfrey case had been tortured. But the real object of this
prosecution, according to Roger North, was to prevent her from giving
evidence in favour of the imprisoned Catholic peers. For this she was
sentenced to pay a fine of £1,000 and to stand three times in the
pillory. During the reign of James II she planned the foundation of a
corporation of skilled midwives and a foundling hospital. It is stated
that she is buried in Great Missenden Church, Buckinghamshire. She
wrote: (1) "Malice Defeated; or a brief relation of the Accusation and
Deliverance of Elizabeth Cellier" (London, 1680); (2) "A scheme for the
Foundation of a Royal Hospital and raising a revenue of £5000 or
£6000 a year by and for the maintenance of a Corporation of
skilful midwives" (London, 1687), printed in the "Harleian Miscellany"
(IV, 142) and in the "Somers Tracts" (II, 243); (3) "To Dr. ______, An
answer to his Queries concerning the College of Midwives" (London,
1687-88).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2440" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2440.1" title="Celsus the Platonist" type="Encyclopedia">Celsus the Platonist</term>
<def id="c-p2440.2">
<h1 id="c-p2440.3">Celsus the Platonist</h1>
<p id="c-p2441" shownumber="no">An eclectic Platonist and polemical writer against Christianity, who
flourished towards the end of the second century. Very little is known
about his personal history except that he lived during the reign of
Marcus Aurelius, that his literary activity falls between the years 175
and 180, and that he wrote a work entitled 
<i>’alethès lógos</i> ("The True Word", or "The True
Discourse"), against the Christian religion. He is one of several
writers named Celsus who appeared as opponents of Christianity in the
second century; he is probably the Celsus who was known as a friend of
Lucian, although some doubt this, because Lucian's friend was an
Epicurean, and the author of the "True Discourse" shows himself a
Platonist. It is generally supposed that Celsus was a Roman. His
intimate acquaintance, however, with the Jewish religion and his
knowledge, such as it was, of Egyptian ideas and customs incline some
historians to think he belonged to the Eastern portion of the empire.
Those who believe him to have been a Roman explain his knowledge of
Jewish and Egyptian matters by assuming that he acquired that knowledge
either by travelling, or by mingling with the foreign population of
Rome.</p>
<p id="c-p2442" shownumber="no">Celsus owes his prominence in the history of Christian polemics not
so much to the pre-eminent character of his work, as to the
circumstance that about the year 240 a copy of the work was sent to
Origen by his friend Ambrosius, with a request to write a refutation of
it. This Origen, after some hgesitation, consented to do, and embodied
his answer in the treatise "Against Celsus" 
(<i>katà Kélsou</i>). So careful is Origen to cite the very
words of his opponent that it is possible to reconstruct the text of
Celsus from Origen's answer, a task which was accomplished by Jachmann
in 1846, and more successfully by Keim in 1873. The original of
Celsus's treatise having perished, the text reconstructed from Origen
(about nine-tenths of the original has in this way been recovered) is
our only primary source.</p>
<p id="c-p2443" shownumber="no">Celsus's work may be divided as follows: a preface, an attack on
Christianity from the point of view of Judaism, an attack on
Christianity from the point of view of philosophy, a refutation of
Christian teachings in detail, and an appeal to Christians to adopt
paganism. In the preface Celsus forecasts the general plan of his
attack by describing in the first place the general character of
Christianity and then proceeding to accuse both Christian and Jew of
"separatism", that is to say, of arrogating to themselves a superior
wisdom, while in reality their ideas concerning the origin of the
universe, etc., are common to all peoples and to the wise men of
antiquity. In the second portion, Celsus argues that Christ did not
fulfil the Messianic expectations of the Hebrew people. Christ, he
says, claimed to be of virgin birth; in reality, He was the son of a
Jewish village woman, the wife of a carpenter. The flight into Egypt,
the absence of any divine intervention in favour of the Mother of
Jesus, who was driven forth with her husband, and other arguments are
used to show that Christ was not the Messias. During the course of His
public ministry Christ could not convince His countrymen that His
mission was divine. As followers He had ten or twelve "infamous
publicans and fishermen". Such is not the company that befits a god.
(This is one out of many instances in which Celsus suddenly passes from
the Jewish to the pagan point of view.) As to the miracles ascribed to
Christ, some, said Celsus, were merely fictitious narratives, the
others, if they did really take place, are not more wonderful than the
deeds of the Egyptians and other adepts in the magic arts. He next
proceeds (cf. Orig., "Contra Celsum", II) to upbraid those Jews who,
"abandoning the law of their fathers", allowed themselves to be
deceived by one whom their nation had condemned, and changed their name
from Hebrew to Christian. Jesus did not fulfil His promises to the
Jews; instead of succeeding as they should have expected the Messias to
succeed, He failed even to keep the confidence and loyalty of His
chosen followers. His alleged prediction of His death is an invention
of His Disciples, and the fable of His Resurrection is nothing new to
those who remember the similar stories related of Zamolxis, Pythagoras,
and Rhampsinit. If Christ rose from the dead, why did He appear to His
Disciples only, and not to His persecutors and to those who mocked
Him?</p>
<p id="c-p2444" shownumber="no">In the third portion (cf. Origen, op. cit., III) Celsus inaugurates
a general attack on Christianity from the point of view of philosophy.
He upbraids both Jews and Christians with their ridiculous disagreement
in matters of religion, whereas, in fact, both religions rest on the
same principles: the Jews revolted from the Egyptians and the
Christians from the Jews; sedition was in both cases the true cause of
separation. Next, he upbraids the Christians with lack of unity among
themselves; so many sects are there, and so different, that they have
nothing common save the name Christian. Like almost all the pagan
opponents of Christianity he finds fault with Christians because they
exclude from their fellowship the "wise and good", and consort only
with the ignorant and sinful. He misunderstands the Christian teaching
regarding the Incarnation, "as if", he says, "God could not by His own
power accomplish the work which He sent Christ on earth to accomplish".
With this misunderstanding is connected Celsus's false view of the
Christian teaching on the subject of Divine Providence and God's
special care of mankind as compared with the plants and animals. The
world, he says, was not "made for man's use and benefit", but for the
perfection and completion of God's plan of the universe. In the fourth
part of his "True Discourse" (cf. Origen, op. cit., V) Celsus takes up
the teachings of the Christians in detail and refutes them from the
point of view of the history of philosophy. Whatever is true in the
doctrines of the Christians was borrowed, he contends, from the Greeks,
the Christians having added nothing except their own perverse
misunderstanding of the tenets of Plato, Heraclitus, Socrates, and
other Greek thinkers. "The Greeks", he says, "tell us plainly what is
wisdom and what is mere appearance, the Christians ask us at the outset
to believe what we do not understand, and invoke the authority of one
who was discredited even among his own followers." In like manner the
Christian teaching concerning the Kingdom of God is merely a corruption
of Plato's doctrine; when the Christians tell us that God is a spirit,
they are merely repeating the saying of the Stoics that God is "a
spirit penetrating all and encompassing all". Finally, the Christian
idea of a future life is borrowed from the Greek poets and
philosophers; the doctrine of the resurrection of the body is simply a
corruption of the world-old idea of transmigration of souls. In the
fifth, and last portion of his work (cf. Origen, op. cit., VII, lxii
sqq.; VIII) Celsus invites the Christians to abandon their "cult" and
join the religion of the majority. He defends the worship of idols, the
invocation of demons 
(<i>daímones</i>), the celebration of popular feasts, urging among
other considerations, that the Christian who enjoys the bounties of
nature ought, in common gratitude, to render thanks to the powers of
nature. He concludes his treatise by an appeal to Christians to abandon
their "vain hope" of establishing the rule of Christianity over all the
earth; he invites them to give up their "life apart", and take their
place among those who by word and deed and active service contribute to
the welfare of the empire. In an epilogue he promises another work
(whether it was ever written we do not know) in which he is to explain
in detail how those who would and could follow his philosophy of life
should live.</p>
<p id="c-p2445" shownumber="no">The aim of Celsus's work is different from that of the other
opponents of Christianity in the early centuries. He exhibits
comparatively little of the bitterness which characterized their
attacks. He does not descend to the lower level of pagan polemics. For
instance, he omits the customary accusation of atheism, immorality,
"Thyestian feasts and Œdipodean gatherings", accusations which
were very commonly urged against the Christians for the purpose of
rousing popular indignation. His aim was, perhaps, eirenic. His appeal
to his Christian contemporaries to abandon their separatism and make
common cause with the pagan subjects of the empire may have been more
than a rhetorical device. It may have been inspired by a sincere wish
to "convert" the Christians to an appreciation and adoption of the
pagan philosophy of life. Indeed, Origen acknowledges that his opponent
is not blind to the unfavourable side of pagan religion, especially to
the abuses of particular cults and the absurdities of popular
mythology. It is only just to Celsus, therefore, to ascribe to him all
possible sincerity in his wish to "help all men", and to bring all men
to the ideal of "one religion". On the other hand, Celsus's attitude
towards the Christian religion was, it hardly need be said, that of a
pagan not well informed on all points and devoid of that sympathy which
alone would enable him to understand the meaning of the most essential
tenets of Christianity. He was remarkably well read in pagan
literature, and, besides, was acquainted with the religious ideas of
the "barbarous" peoples.</p>
<p id="c-p2446" shownumber="no">His knowledge of Judaism and Christianity was such as could not have
been obtained from books alone. He must have consorted with Jewish and
Christian teachers, and with the representatives of the Gnostic sects.
Hence arose the danger of confounding with the official doctrine of
Christianity the tenets of a particular school of Gnostic
interpretations, a danger which Celsus did not succeed in escaping, as
is evident in many passages of his work, and as Origen was very careful
to point out. He was acquainted with the Old Testament only in part. He
used the "books of the Christians", the Gospels and, possibly, some of
the Pauline Epistles, but on the latter point there is room for doubt.
Celsus may have obtained his knowledge of St. Paul's teaching by
conversation with Christians. There can be no doubt, however, that he
used the Gospels, not merely some proto-evangelical documents, but the
four narratives substantially as we have them to-day. Celsus took pains
to make himself acquainted with the beliefs of his Christian
contemporaries, and he is unquestionably conscious of his knowledge of
Christianity. Yet, he has no suspicion of the distinction between the
universally accepted teachings of the "great Church" of the Christians
and the doctrines peculiar to Ophites, Marcionites, and other heretical
sects. Moreover, he is, if indeed well-intentioned, yet a partisan; he
adopts the current Roman notion that Christianity is merely an offshoot
of Judaism; in regard to the person of Christ he exhibits none of that
respect which the later Platonists manifested towards the founder of
Christianity; towards the miracles ascribed to Christ he shows a
sceptical spirit, at one time describing them as fables invented by the
Disciples, at another paralleling them with the wonders wrought by
Egyptian sorcerers; he looks upon the Resurrection of Christ as either
a silly story invented by the followers of Jesus, or a ghost-apparition
such as is narrated of many of the heroes of antiquity. Above all, he
fails to attain a correct understanding of the doctrine of Incarnation
and atonement. When he comes to speak of the manner of life of his
Christian neighbours, he, in common with all his pagan fellow-writers,
cannot see the reasonableness of Christian humility, nor can he
reconcile with the Christian hope of conquering the world to Christ,
the fact that Christian proselytizers shun encounters with the learned
and powerful and seek out the poor and the sinful, women, children, and
slaves, and preach the Gospel to them. His manner too, in spite of the
probable eirenic scope of his work, is that of a special pleader for
paganism who uses all the resources of dialectic and rhetoric, all the
artifices of wit and sarcasm to make his opponents seem ridiculous.
Perhaps the secret of his efforts to render Christianity ridiculous is
betrayed in his open disapproval of the attitude of aloofness which
Christians adopted towards the interest and welfare of the empire. "You
refuse to serve the state," he says, "in peace or in war; you wish its
downfall; you use all the force of your magic arts to acomplish the
ruin of mankind".</p>
<p id="c-p2447" shownumber="no">Celsus anticipated in his criticism of the New Testament the
objections which have in our own time become identified with the names
of Strauss and Renan. Similarly, in the objections which he urged from
the point of view of philosophy he anticipated in a striking manner the
arguments used by modern rationalists and evolutionists. Too much
stress has, perhaps, been laid on the last point. Nevertheless, it is
interesting, to say the least, to find a second-century opponent of
Christianity off-setting the Christian idea of a direct divine origin
of man by the theory that men and animals have a common natural origin,
and that the human soul is sprung from the animal soul.</p>
<p id="c-p2448" shownumber="no">Celsus is generally described as a Platonist in philosophy. This is
correct, if not understood in a too exclusive sense. Although he
antedates Plotinus, the first great neo-Platonist, by almost half a
century, he belongs to the age of syncretism in which Greek philosophy,
realizing the inadequacy of its own resources, developed an eclectic
spiritualism which welcomed and strove to assimilate the religious
teachings of the various Oriental peoples. This syncretic tendency was
resorted to as a remedy against the materialism and scepticism in which
philosophy had, as it were, run to seed. Thus Celsus draws his
philosophy not only from the genuine works of Plato, but also from the
pseudo-Platonic writings, especially the so-called letters of Plato,
from Heraclitus, Empedocles, the Stoics, the Epicureans, and from the
religious systems of the Egyptians, Assyrians, Persians, Hindus, etc.
The fundamental principles, however, on which he builds this syncretic
system, are Platonic. God, he teaches, is the ineffable, unknowable
One, the Source of all things, Himself without source, the
All-pervading Logos, the World-Soul. God is a spirit, and whatever has
come directly from His hands is spirit. Material things He made through
the agency of created gods. The substance of material things is eternal
matter; all force is spirit (angel or demon) indwelling in matter. The
human soul is divine in its origin; it was placed in the body on
account of some primordial sin. All change, all growth and decay in the
universe, is not the result of chance or violence but part of a plan of
development in which spirits minister to the design of an all-seeing,
infinitely beneficent spirit. Even the vicissitudes of the idea of God,
the various religions of ancient and modern times, are, says Celsus,
part of the divinely appointed scheme of things. For no matter how the
religions of the world may differ among themselves, they all hold that
there is one God who is supreme. Moreover, the various mythological
concepts must be understood to mean the same powers 
(<i>dunámeis</i>) which are worshipped in different countries under
different names. Those are the beneficent powers which give increase
and fruit to the tiller of the soil. Christians are, therefore,
ungrateful for the gifts of nature when the refuse to worship the
deities who symbolize the forces of nature. Finally these powers,
spirits, or demons, mediate between God and man, and are the immediate
source of prophecy and wonder-working. This last point is important. To
understand Celsus's criticism of the Gospel narrative it is necessary
to remember that he was a firm believer in the possibility of cures by
magic.</p>
<p id="c-p2449" shownumber="no">Celtus's treatise is contained in Origen's work; for the Greek text
cf. 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.1">Koetschau,</span> 
<i>Origenes Werke</i> (Leipzig, 1899), also 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.2">Migne,</span> P. G., XI. A German translation of the
treatise is published by 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.3">Keim,</span> 
<i>Celsus' wahres Wort</i> (Zurich, 1873); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.4">Patrick,</span> 
<i>The Apology of Origen in reply to Celsus</i> (Edinburgh, 1897); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.5">Bigg,</span> 
<i>Neoplatonism</i> (London, 1895); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.6">Gem,</span> 
<i>Christian Platonists of Alexandria</i> (Oxford, 1886); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.7">Lightfoot,</span> 
<i>Apostolic Fathers,</i> Part II, II (London, 1885); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.8">Fairweather,</span> 
<i>Origen</i> (New York, 1901); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.9">Crutwell,</span> 
<i>Library History of Early Christianity</i> (London, 1893), II, 498
sqq.; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.10">Kayser,</span> 
<i>Le philosophie de Celse</i> (Strasburg, 1843); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.11">PÉlagaud,</span> 
<i>Etude sur Celse</i> (Paris, 1878); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.12">Buhl,</span> 
<i>La polémique de Celse</i> (Strasburg, 1844); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.13">Ehrhard,</span> 
<i>Altchristliche Litteratur,</i> Part I (Freiburg, 1900), 335 sqq.; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.14">Harnack,</span> 
<i>Gesch. der altchristlichen Litteratur</i> (Berlin, 1897), II, pt. I,
314-5; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.15">Bardenhewer,</span> 
<i>Gesch. der altkirchlichen Litteratur</i> (Freiburg, 1892), I, 158
sqq.; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2449.16">Funk,</span> 
<i>Kirchengeschichtl. Abhandl. u. Untersuch.</i> (Paderborn, 1899), II,
152 sqq.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2450" shownumber="no">William Turner.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2450.1" title="Celtes, Conrad" type="Encyclopedia">Conrad Celtes</term>
<def id="c-p2450.2">
<h1 id="c-p2450.3">Conrad Celtes</h1>
<p id="c-p2451" shownumber="no">(Properly 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2451.1">Conrad Pickel,</span> or 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2451.2">Meisel</span>; called also in Lat. 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2451.3">Protusius</span>).</p>
<p id="c-p2452" shownumber="no">A German Humanist, b. at Wipfeld in Lower Franconia, 1 February,
1459; d. at Vienna, 4 February, 1508. He pursued his studies at Cologne
(1477) and Heidelberg (1484), and at the latter university received the
stimulating instruction of such men as Dalberg and Agricola. After this
he wandered about for a time as a "travelling scholar", delivering
humanistic lectures at Erfurt, Rostock, and Leipzig. While at Leipzig
he issued his first work, "Ars versificandi et carminum" (1486), as
well as an edition of Seneca. In 1486 he went to Rome, where he had
friendly relations with Pomponius Lætus; travelling through Italy
he became acquainted at Florence with Marsilio Ficino, at Bologna with
Beroaldus, and at Venice with Sabellicus and the celebrated printer,
Aldus Manutius.</p>
<p id="c-p2453" shownumber="no">On the return of Celtes to Germany Frederick III, at the instance of
the Elector Frederick of Saxony, crowned him Poet Laureate. This
ceremony took place with much pomp at Nuremberg, and he received, at
the same time, a doctor's degree. Soon after this Celtes made a
wandering tour throughout the whole of Germany. In the course of his
travels he went to Cracow (c. 1488), where he busied himself with
mathematics and the natural sciences, and formed friendships with a
number of able Humanists, such as Lorenzo Rab and Bonacursius. In
imitation of the Roman Academy (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2453.1">Academies, Roman</span>) he founded at Cracow a
learned society called the 
<i>Sodalitas Litterarum Vistulana,</i> and another, entitled the 
<i>Sodalitas Litterarum Hungarorum</i> in Hungary, to which country he
proceeded by way of Prague and Olmütz. The name of this latter
association was afterwards changed to 
<i>Sodalitas Litterarum Danubiana,</i> and its seat was transferred to
Vienna (1494). On the return journey Celtes stopped at Passau,
Ratisbon, and Nuremberg, and went as far as Mainz and Heidelberg, where
the 
<i>Sodalitas Litterarum Rhenana</i> was founded. On a second tour, in
1491, he reached Lübeck, where his efforts to form an association
of scholars proved unsuccessful. In 1494 he became professor at
Ingolstadt; this position, however, put no check on his propensity for
wandering, and when the pest raged at Ingolstadt he was at Heidelberg
as tutor to the Palatine princes. In 1497 the emperor called him to
Vienna, where he gave humanistic and historical lectures, some of which
were on the works of classic writers, as Apuleius, Cicero, Tacitus,
etc.</p>
<p id="c-p2454" shownumber="no">The lectures of Celtus were as permanent in their effects on the
advancement and spread of the spirit of humanistic learning as was the
founding of his various learned associations. Especially was he of
great importance for the science of history, in that he was the first
to treat the history of the world as a whole, and to bring the history
of the empire into connexion with that of other nations. His greatest
labour, however, the "Germania Illustrata", a work in which he desired
to preserve the results both of his long journeys and of his researches
in the history of the empire, remained a fragment. He gained a name for
himself in the literary world by the discovery and publication of the
writings of the nun Roswitha (Hroswitha). although Eschbach's
assumption that Celtes had forged these works excited for a time
serious discussion, yet Köpke and others succeeded in clearing him
of this charge (Ottonische Studien, II). Still further literary credit
is due Celtes for his publication of the "Ligurinus" of Günther,
and for the discovery of the "Tabula Peutingeriana" (a map of the
military roads of the Roman Empire). No less creditable to his literary
sagacity is the collection of Greek and Latin manuscripts which he made
as librarian of the imperial library founded by Maximilian I at Vienna.
He also won fame as a poet, and was the guiding spirit of the Poets'
Academy at Vienna, the first institution of this kind to be
established. Nevertheless his "IV Libri Amorum", "IV Libri Odarum", and
"V Libri Epigrammatum" are works of no great merit; their contents are
in part very free, if not erotic. Celtes was an Epicurean, and, like
many of the more free-thinking Humanists, in his concept of the
standards of life he placed a higher value on the ancient heathen, than
on the Christian, ideal. On this point he was obliged to bear much
blunt reproof from his friend, Charitas Pirkheimer.</p>
<p id="c-p2455" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p2455.1">KlÜpfel,</span> 
<i>De vitâ et scriptis C. Celtis</i> (Freiburg, 1827), 2 vols.,
contains an exhaustive list of his writings; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2455.2">Ruith,</span> 
<i>C. Celtes</i> (1852); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2455.3">Aschbach,</span> 
<i>Die früheren Wanderjahre des C. Celtes</i> in 
<i>Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akad. philos.-hist. Klasse</i> (1868),
LX, 75-150, and in 
<i>Gesch. der Universität Wien,</i> II, 189-270; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2455.4">Hartfelder,</span> 
<i>Celtes als Lehrer</i> in 
<i>Neue Jahrb. f. Phil. u. Päd.,</i> 128, 299, and in 
<i>Zeitschr. f. vergleichende Literaturgesch.</i> (1890), new series,
3, 331 sqq.; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2455.5">Geiger,</span> 
<i>C. Celtes in seinen Beziehungen zur Geographie</i> (Munich,
1896).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2456" shownumber="no">Joseph Sauer.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2456.1" title="Celtic Rite, The" type="Encyclopedia">The Celtic Rite</term>
<def id="c-p2456.2">
<h1 id="c-p2456.3">The Celtic Rite</h1>
<p id="c-p2457" shownumber="no">This subject will be treated under the following seven heads:</p>
<p id="c-p2458" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">I. History and Origin;
<br />II. Manuscript Sources;
<br />III. The Divine Office;
<br />IV. The Mass;
<br />V. the Baptismal Service;
<br />VI. The Visitation, Unction, and Communion of the Sick;
<br />VII. The Consecration of Churches;
<br />VIII. Hymns.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2458.8">I. HISTORY AND ORIGIN</h3>
<p id="c-p2459" shownumber="no">The term "Celtic Rite" is generally, but rather indefinitely,
applied to the various rites in use in Great Britain, Ireland, perhaps
in Brittany, and sporadically in Northern Spain, and in the monasteries
which resulted from the Irish missions of St. Columbanus in France,
Germany, Switzerland, and Italy, at a time when rites other than the
then existing rite of Rome were used, wholly or partially, in those
places. The term must not be taken to imply any necessary homogeneity,
for the evidence such as it is, is in favour of considerable diversity.
This evidence is very scanty and fragmentary, and much of what has been
written about it has been largely the result of conjectures based upon
very insecure foundations, and has been influenced by controversial
motives.</p>
<p id="c-p2460" shownumber="no">The beginning of the period is vague. There is no evidence before
the fifth century and very little even then. The extreme end of it may
be taken as 1172, when the Synod of Cashel finally adopted the
Anglo-Roman Rite. The existence of a different rite in Britain and
Ireland has been used to prove that the Christianity of these islands
had an origin independent of Rome, though, even if it were true, it is
not easy to see how that should prove anything more than the fact
itself. In reality the existence of a Celtic Rite has no bearings, one
way or the other, on the Anglo-Roman controversy. In the period before
the eighth century diversity of rites was the rule rather than the
exception. Rome, though when its advice was asked it might naturally
recommend its own way of doing things, did not then make the smallest
attempt to force uniformity on any local church. With a very complete
unity of faith, and at times a considerable amount of intercourse
between different parts of the Western Church, there existed great
diversity of practice in things in which diversity, as St. Gregory's
answer to St. Augustine seems to imply, was not considered to matter
very much. Gradually, no doubt, the influence of important centres,
such as Rome itself on one side, and Toledo on another, tended to
lessen the diversity and to draw divergent Churches together into
larger liturgical districts, so that by the time of the final fusion,
which happened in the Charlemagne period, the Roman Rite with its
Ambrosian variant, the Romanized Celtic Rite, and the Hispano-Gallican
Rite, now represented by the Mozarabic survival, were practically all
that were left, but we must beware of antedating this classification.
The essential unity of the Roman Empire was such that whether
Christianity came to Britain from Rome, from Gaul, or from the East in
the first instance, the fact would have no bearings on the origin and
spread of the liturgical customs, which certainly developed at a later
period than its first introduction. In the fourth century we find an
apparently organized British Church, with bishops who represent it at
the Council of Arles in 314, and certainly at Rimini in 359. This
Church was evidently in close communication with the Church in Gaul, as
may be inferred from the dedication to St. Martin of the two churches
at Withern and at Canterbury, and from the mission of Victridius of
Rouen in 396, and those of Sts. Germanus and Lupus in 429, and Sts.
Germanus and Severus in 447, directed against that heresy of Pelagius
which had its origin in Britain. It is not unreasonable to suppose that
at the period when liturgies were beginning to be differentiated more
or less by districts and provinces the liturgy of the Church of Britain
should resemble that of the neighbouring Church of Gaul, and it is
possible to infer from St. Augustine's question to St. Gregory,
concerning the different customs of Masses observed in Rome and in
Gaul, that he found Gallican customs prevailing in Britain. But St.
Augustine may only be referring to the use of Queen Bertha's Frankish
chaplain, Bishop Luidhard, at Canterbury, and there is no evidence one
way or the other as to what liturgy was in use among the Romanized
Britons themselves.</p>
<p id="c-p2461" shownumber="no">The passage attributed to Gidas (Haddan and Stubbs, I, 112),
"Britones toti mundo contrarii, moribus Romanis inimici, non solum in
misa sed in tonsura etiam", is probably of the seventh century. Yet
upon this frail foundation of conjecture an elaborate theory has been
built and still remains almost an article of faith with so large and
important a school of Anglican controversialists that it is impossible
to ignore its existence, though it has been given up by all serious
liturgiologists. This theory (for which see also AMBROSIAN LITURGY AND
RITE) is to the effect that St. Irenaeus, the disciple of St. Polycarp,
who was the disciple of St. John the Divine, brought the Rite of
Ephesus to Provence, whence it spread through Gaul and to Britain. This
so-called "Ephesine" Rite (a term often used as synonymous with
"Hispano-Gallican"), say the supporters of the theory, was the
foundation of the Sarum Rite, and from this it derived a belief that
the Church of England had an origin independent of Rome. It is hardly
necessary to assert here that the Sarum Rite is merely a local variety
of the Roman, and that the influence of the Gallican Rite upon it is no
greater than upon any other Roman variety, so that the deductions,
which have recently been reasserted with great certainty by the Bishop
of Chichester in his "Story of the English Prayerbook", are quite
unwarranted by the facts. But on examination it will be seen that the
Ephesine origin of the Gallican Rite rests only upon the assertion of
an eighth-century Irish writer (in Cott. MS. Nero A. II in the British
Museum), who, by the way, derives the Celtic Rite, as far as the Divine
Office is concerned, from Alexandria, and on a statement by Colman at
the Synod of Whitby, in 664, respecting the origin of the Celtic
Easter, which, as St. Wilfrid pointed out at the time, was certainly
incorrect. The theory seems to have been first put forward in modern
times by Sir William Palmer in his "Origines Liturgicae", on the
authority of the said Irish writer, and has found its way into many
Anglican textbooks. Yet the only points of difference between the
British Church of St. Augustine's time and the Roman of which we can be
certain are: (1) The rule of keeping Easter; (2) the tonsure; (3) some
differences in the manner of baptizing.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2461.1">(1) The Easter Question</h4>
<p id="c-p2462" shownumber="no">The Britons adhered to the old Roman cycle of 84 years instead of
the newer cycle of 19 years. They counted the third week of the moon,
on the Sunday of which Easter must fall, from the 14th to the 20th
instead of from the 15th to the 21st as the vernal equinox. Until 457,
when the 532-year cycle of Victorius of Aquitaine was adopted at Rome,
Britain agreed with Rome in its differing from Alexandria and the East.
In 525 Rome altered its rule again to the 19-years cycle of Dionysius
Exiguus, to conform to the Eastern usage, and from that time until the
change of style in 1582 Rome and the East agreed in their rule of
Easter, and even now calculate by the same rule, though the fact that
the Greek 21st of March is only an imaginary vernal equinox, thirteen
days later than the real one, makes the actual Greek Easter generally
fall on a different day from the Roman. Yet it is still argued (e.g. in
Archbishop Nuttall's Catechism; s.p.c.k., 1907) that the Easter
difference proves the Eastern origin of the British Church. If it
proves anything it is the exact opposite. Colman at the Synod of Whitby
evidently had some vague memory of the long extinct Quartodeciman
controversy in his mind when he claimed an Ephesian origin for his
Easter, and St. Wilfrid rightly pointed out that the essence of the
Quartodeciman rule was that Easter might be kept on any day of the
week, whereas the Celts kept theirs on Sunday only. St. Aldhelm, in his
letter to King Geruntius of Cornwall, seems to charge the Cornish with
Quartodecimanism, but he also mistook the point of that controversy.
The Easter question was eventually settled at various times in
different parts of the Celtic Church. The following dates are derived
from Haddan and Stubbs: South Ireland, 626-8; North Ireland, 692;
Northumbria (converted by Celtic missions), 664; East Devon and
Somerset, the Celts under Wessex, 705; the Picts, 710; Iona, 716-8;
Straathclyde, 721; North Wales, 768; South Wales, 777. Cornwall held
out the longest of any, perhaps even, in parts, to the time of Bishop
Aedwulf of Crediton (909).</p>
<h4 id="c-p2462.1">(2) The form of the tonsure</h4>
<p id="c-p2463" shownumber="no">The Britons were accustomed to shave the whole head in front of a
line drawn from ear to ear, instead of using the coronal tonsure of the
Romans. This, though there is no real evidence that it was the practice
of the Druids, was nicknamed 
<i>tonsura magorum</i>. 
(<i>Magus</i> was accepted as equivalent to 
<i>druid</i>, and to this day the 
<i>Magoi</i> of <scripRef id="c-p2463.1" osisRef="Bible:Matt.2" parsed="|Matt|2|0|0|0" passage="Matthew 2">Matthew 2</scripRef>, are 
<i>druidhean</i> in the Scottish Gaelic Bible.) Later, the Roman party
jeered at it as the 
<i>tonsura Simonis Magi</i>, in contradistinction to their "tonsure of
St. Peter". This is mentioned in the passage attributed wrongly, to
Gildas (Haddan and Stubbs, I, 113).</p>
<h4 id="c-p2463.2">(3) Some unspecified difference in the manner of baptizing</h4>
<p id="c-p2464" shownumber="no">It has been conjectured, on no real evidence, that the British
Church resembled the Spanish in baptizing with a single immersion. But
this form had been allowed by Rome in the case of Spain. It would seem
however, from a letter from Pope Zacharias to St. Boniface (1 May, 748,
Haddan and Stubbs, III, 51), that an unnamed English synod had
forbidden any bapism except in the name of the Trinity, and had
declared that whoever omits the Name of any Person of the Trinity does
not truly baptize. Spelman and Wilkins put this synod at London in the
time of St. Augustine, 603. Mansi makes its date the first year of
Theodore of Tarsus, 668. It would seem by this that it was the formula
that was at fault, and certainly in the time of Theodore the
possibility of priests, presumably Celtic, having been invalidly
baptized was considered. "Si quis presbiter ordinatus deprehendit se
non esse baptizatus, baptizetur et ordinetur iterum et omnes quos prius
baptizavit baptizentur", says the "Poenitentiale Theodori" (Lib. II,
cap. iii, 13), and in cap ix of the same book, after ordering the
reordination of those ordained by Scottish and British bishops, "qui in
Pascha et tonsua catholici non sunt", and the asperging of churches
consecrated by them, Theodore adds: "Et qui ex horum similiter gente
vel quicunque de baptismo suo dubitaverit, baptizetur".</p>
<p id="c-p2465" shownumber="no">Thus it may be seen that, with these exceptions, and excepting also
one statement by Gildas (to the effect that certain lessons, differing
from those of any known rite, were read at ordinations), and a possible
allusion by him to the anointing of hands at ordination, we have no
information about the rites of the British Church. They may have been
Gallican but they may just as well have been Roman in type, or if the
Christianity of Britain preceded the construction of definite
liturgies, they may have been indigenous, with or without foreign
influences. The Britons were quite capable of composing their own
liturgy on that nucleus which was common to all Christendom; but we do
not know whether they did so or not.</p>
<p id="c-p2466" shownumber="no">One part of Britain, indeed, derived a great part of its
Christianity from post-Patrician Irish missions. St. Ia and her
companions, and St. Piran, St. Sennen, St. Petrock, and the rest of the
Irish saints who came to Cornwall in the late fifth and early sixth
centuries found there, at any rate in the West, a population which had
perhaps relapsed into Paganism under the Pagan King Teudar. When these
saints introduced, or reintroduced, Christianity, they probably brought
with them whatever rites they were accustomed to, and Cornwall
certainly had its own separate ecclesiastical quarrel with Wessex in
the days of St. Aldhelm, which, as appears by a statement in Leofric's
Missal, was still going on in the early tenth century, though the
details of it are not specified.</p>
<p id="c-p2467" shownumber="no">The rites of the Irish Church stand on firmer ground, though even
there the information is scanty. There were Christians in Ireland
before St. Patrick, but we have no information as to how they
worshipped, and their existence is ignored by the "Catalogus Sanctorum
Hiberniae", attributed to the seventy-century Tirechan. This
interesting document, which, though its dates need not be accepted too
exactly, is worthy of general credit, divides the saints of Ireland
into three orders, each of which orders is stated to have lasted during
the reigns of four kings, the three orders covering, between them, a
period of about 225 years, from the coming of St. Patrick in 440, in
the reign of Laoghaire MacNeil, to the reign of Blathmac and Diarmait,
sons of Aodh Slane, in 665. Symmetry is attained by omitting about six
intervening reigns, but the outside dates of each period are clear
enough, and the liturgiological value of the document consists in the
statements, very probably true in the main, respecting the customs of
the saints of these orders as to the Masses and 
<i>celebrationes</i>, i.e. the Divine Office, and the Easter and
tonsure questions. 
(<i>Celebratio</i> -- "Divine Office"; Irish, 
<i>Celebrad</i>. Dr. MacCarthy in his edition of the Stowe Missal gives
several instances of this use of the word.) the first order was in the
time of St. Patrick. They were all bishops, 350 in number, founders of
churches. They had one Head, Christ; one leader, Patrick; one Mass, and
one tonsure from ear to ear, and they celebrated one Easter "quarta
decima luna post aequinoctium vernale". All these bishops were sprung
from the Romans, the French (i.e. the Gauls), the Britons, and the
Scots. Their period is given from the reign of Laoghaire to that of
Tuathal Moelgarbh (c. 440-544). The second order were a few bishops and
many priests, 300 in number. They had one head, Christ, they celebrated
different Masses and "diversas regulas", they had one Easter, the
fourteenth of the moon after the equinox, and one tonsure from ear to
ear. The received a Mass from the Britons, David, Gilla (Gildas), and
Docus (Cadoc). It may be noted that the "Vita Gildae" tells how King
Ainmerech sent for Gildas to restore ecclesiastical order in his
kingdom "quia paene catholicam fidem inipsa insula omnes reliquerant".
The second order lasted from the end of the reign of Tuathal to that of
Aodh MacAinmerech (c. 544-99). The third order were priests and a few
bishops, 100 in number, "qui in locis desertis habitabant et oleribus
et aqua et eleemosynis vivebant, propria devitabant", evidently hermits
and monks. They had different Masses, different rules, and different
tonsures, "alii enim habebant coronam, alii caesariem", and celebrated
different Easters, some on the fourteenth, some on the sixteenth, of
the moon, "cum duris intentionibus" -- which perhaps means
"obstinately". These lasted from the reign of Aeda Allain (Aodh Slaine)
to that of his two sons (Blathmac and Diarmait, c. 599-665). The
meaning seems to be that the first order celebrated a form of Mass
introduced by St. Patrick, the second and third orders used partly that
Mass and partly one of British origin, and in the case of the third
order Roman modifications were also introduced. Though we have no
direct evidence one way or the other, it would seem probable that St.
Patrick, who was the pupil of St. Germanus of Auxerre and St. Honoratus
of Lerins, brought with him a Mass of the Gallican type, and it is
clear that the British Mass introduced by Sts. David, Gildas, and Cadoc
differed from it, though to what extent we have no means of knowing.
The "unam celebrationem" of the first order and the "diversas regulas"
of the second and third probably both refer to the Divine Office, and
we may take the authority of the eighth-century tract in Cott. MS. Nero
A. II for what it is worth in its not improbable statement that St.
Germanus taught the "Cursus Scottorum" to St. Patrick, who certainly
was under his instruction for some time. The working of the "Catalogus"
seems to imply that the first and second orders were Quartodecimans,
but this is clearly not the meaning, or on the same argument the third
order must have been partly 
<i>Sextodecimans</i> -- if there were such things -- and moreover we
have the already mentioned statement of St. Wilfred, the opponent of
the Celtic Easter, at the Synod of Whitby, that such was not the case.
Tirechan can only mean what we know from other sources: that the
fourteenth day of the moon was the earliest day on which Easter could
fall, not that it was kept on that day, Sunday or weekday. It was the
same ambiguity of expression which misled Colman in 664 and St. Aldhelm
in 704. The first and second orders used the Celtic tonsure, and it
seems that the Roman coronal tonsure came partly into use during the
period of the third order. After that we have an obscure period, during
which the Roman Easter which had been accepted in South Ireland in
626-28, became universal, being accepted by North Ireland in 692, and
it seems probable that a Mass on the model of the Carlsruhe and
Piacenza fragments and the Stowe and Bobbio Missals, that is to say a
Roman Canon with some features of a non-Roman type came into general
use. But it was not until the twelfth century that the separate Irish
Rite, which, according to Gilbert, Bishop of Limerick (1106-390), was
in use in nearly all Ireland, was abolished. St. Malachy, bishop of
Armagh (1134-48), began the campaign against it, and at the Synod of
Cashel, in 1127, a Roman Rite "juxta quod Anglicana observat Ecclesia"
was finally substituted.</p>
<p id="c-p2468" shownumber="no">In Scotland there is very little information. The intercourse with
Ireland was considerable, and the few details that can be gathered from
such sources as Adamnan's Life of St. Columba and the various relics of
the Scoto-Northumbrian Church point to a general similarity with
Ireland in the earlier period. Of the rite of the monastic order of the
Culdees 
(<i>Céli Dé</i> or 
<i>Goillidhe-Dé</i>, servants of God, or possibly 
<i>Cultores Dei</i>) very little is known, but they certainly had a
rite of their own, which may have been similar to the Irish. The Roman
Easter and tonsure were adopted by the Picts in 710, and at Iona in
716-18, and much later, in about 1080, St. Margaret of Scotland, wife
of King Malcolm III, wishing to reform the Scottish church in a Roman
direction, discovered and abolished certain peculiar customs of which
Theodoric, her chaplain and biographer, tells us less than we could
wish. It seems that the Scots did not begin Lent on Ash Wednesday, but
on the Monday following. This is still the Ambrosian practice. They
refused to communicate on Easter Day, and the arguments on the subject
make it seem as if the laity never communicated at all. In some places
they celebrated Mass "contra totius Ecclesiae consuetudinem, nescio quo
ritu barbaro". The last statement may be read in connection with that
in the Register of St. Andrew's (drawn up 1144-53), "Keledei in angulo
quodam ecclesiae, quae modica nimis est, suum officum more suo
celebrant". How much difference there may have been cannot be judged
from these expressions. Scotland may have retained a primitive Celtic
Rite, or it may have used the greatly Romanized Stowe or Bobbio Mass.
The one fragment of a Scottish Rite, the Office of the Communion of the
Sick, in the Book of Deer, probably eleventh century, is certainly
non-Roman in type, and agrees with those in the extant Irish books.</p>
<p id="c-p2469" shownumber="no">In 590 St. Columbanus and his companions invaded the Continent and
established monasteries throughout France, South Germany, Switzerland,
and North Italy, of which the best known were Luxeuil, Bobbio, St.
Galen, and Ratisbon. It is from the Rule of St. Columbanus that we know
something of a Celtic Divine Office. These Irish missionaries, with
their very strict rule, were not altogether popular among the lax
Gallican clergy, who tried to get them discouraged. At a council at
Macon, in 623, certain charges brought by one Agrestius were
considered. Among them is the following: "In summâ quod a
caeterorum ritu ac norma desciscerent et sacra mysteria sollemnia
orationum et collectarum multiplici varietate celebrarent". There has
been more than one interpretation of this phrase, some holding, with
Pope Benedict XIV, that it refers to the use of many collects before
the Epistle, instead of the one collect of the then Roman Missal,
others that it implies a multiplicity of variables in the whole Mass,
analogous to that existing in the Hispano-Gallican Rite. The
Columbanian monasteries gradually drifted into the Benedictine
Order.</p>
<p id="c-p2470" shownumber="no">The ultimate origin of the various prayers, etc., found in the
fragments of the Celtic Rite in the books of private devotion, such as
the Book of Cerne, Harl. MS. 7635, and MS. Reg. 2. A. xx, which are
either Irish or have been composed under Irish influence, is still
under discussion. The Turin Fragment and the Bangor Antiphoner (See
BANGOR, ANTIPHONARY OF) contain for the most part pieces that are
either not found elsewhere or are only found in other Irish books. The
Book of Cerne is very eclectic, and pieces therein can also be traced
the Gelasian, Gregorian, Gallican, and Spanish origins, and the Stowe
Missal has pieces which are found not only in the Bobbio Missal, but
also in the Gelasian, Gregorian, Gallican, Spanish, and even Ambrosian
books. The general conclusion seems to be that, while the Irish were
not above borrowing from other Western nations, they originated a good
deal themselves, much of which eventually passed into that composite
rite which is now known as Roman. This seems to be a rough statement of
the opinion of Mr. Edmund Bishop, who is the soundest English authority
on the subject, which involves the much larger question of the origin
and development of all the Western rites.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2470.1">II. MANUSCRIPT SOURCES</h3>
<p id="c-p2471" shownumber="no">The following manuscripts contain fragments of the Celtic Rite:</p>
<h4 id="c-p2471.1">British (i.e. Welsh, Cornish, or Breton)</h4>
<p id="c-p2472" shownumber="no">
<i>None.</i> There is a Mass in Bodl. MS. 572 (at Oxford), in honour of
St. Germanus, which appears to be Cornish and relates to "Ecclesia
Lanaledensis", which has been considered to be the monastery of St.
Germanus, in Cornwall, a few miles on the western side of the Tamar.
There is no other evidence of the name, which was also the Breton name
of Aleth, now part of Saint-Malo. The manuscript, which contains also
certain glosses, possibly Cornish or Breton-it would be impossible to
distinguish between them at that date-but held by Professor Loth to be
Welsh, is probably of the ninth century, and the Mass is quite Roman in
type, being probably written after that part of Cornwall had come under
Saxon influence. There is a very interesting Proper Preface.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2472.1">Irish (whether insular or continental)</h4>
<p id="c-p2473" shownumber="no">
<i>(1) The Turin Fragment.</i> A manuscript Of the seventh century in
the Turin Library. It was published by W. Mayer, with a dissertation
comparing it with the Bangor Antiphoner, in the Gottingen "Nachrichen"
of 1903. Mayer considers the fragment to have been written at Bobbio.
It consists of six leaves and contains the canticles, "Cantemus
Domino", "Benedicite", and "Te Deum", with collects to follow those and
the Laudate psalms (cxlvii-cl) and the "Benedictus", the text of which
is not given, two hymns with collects to follow them, and two other
prayers. There is a facsimile of one page and a description in
"Collezione paleografica Bobbiese", Vol. I.</p>
<p id="c-p2474" shownumber="no">
<i>(2) The Bangor Antiphoner.</i> A manuscript from the monastery of
Bangor, in Down, written or copied from a manuscript written during the
time of Abbot Cronan (680-91). It is now in the Ambrosian Library at
Milan. It has been edited, in facsimile, for the Henry Bradshaw Society
(1895-96) by F.E. Warren, having been already printed in Muratori's
"Anecdota Bibl. Ambros.", IV, pp. 121-59, in Migne's "Patrologia Lat.",
LXXII, 579, and in the "Ulster Journal of Archaeology", 1853. It
contains a large collection of canticles, hymns, collects, and
antiphons, all, with very few exceptions, relating to the Divine
Office. All but two of the twenty-one pieces in the Turin fragment are
found in this manuscript also. (See BANGOR, ANTIPHONARY OF.)</p>
<p id="c-p2475" shownumber="no">
<i>(3) The Bobbio Missal.</i> A manuscript Of the seventh century found
by Mabillon at Bobbio in North Italy now in the Biblotheque Nationale
at Paris (Lat. 13,246). Published by Mabillon (Lit. Rom. Vet., II) and
by Neale and Forbes (Ancient Liturgies of the Gallican Church). There
is an analysis of it by Dom Cagin in "Paeographie musicale", V. By
Neale and Forbes it is entitled "Missale Vesontionense seu
Sacramentarium Gallicanum", its attribution to Besancon being due to
the presence of a Mass in honour of St. Sigismund. Monseigneur Duchesne
appears to consider it to be more or less Ambrosian, but Mr. Edmund
Bishop (liturgical note to Kuypers' "Book of Cerne") considers it to be
"an example of the kind of book in vogue in the second age of the Irish
Saints", and connects it with the undoubtedly Irish Stowe Missal. It
contains a "Missa Romensis cottidiana" and Masses for various days and
intentions, with the Order of Baptism and the "Benedictio Cerei".</p>
<p id="c-p2476" shownumber="no">
<i>(4) The Stowe Missal.</i> A manuscript of the late eighth or early
ninth century, with alterations in later hands, most of them written by
one Moelcaich, who signs his name at the end of the Canon, and whom Dr.
MacCarthy identifies, not very convincingly, with Moelcaich MacFlann,
c. 750. It was discovered abroad, in the eighteenth century, by John
Grace of Nenah, from whom it passed to the Duke of Buckingham's library
at Stowe. It was bought by the late Earl of Ashburnham in 1849, and
from his collection it went to the Royal Irish Academy. It contains
part of the Gospel of St. John, probably quite unconnected with what
follows, bound up with the Ordinary and Canon of the Mass, three
Masses, the Order of Baptism and of the Visitation, Unction, and
Communion of the Sick, and a treatise in Irish on the Mass, of which a
variant is found in the "Leabhar Breac". The liturgical parts are in
Warren's "Celtic Church". It was edited for the Royal Irish Academy in
1885 by Dr. B. MacCarthy, and is now being re-edited (a facsimile
having been already issued) for the Henry Bradshaw Society, by Mr. G.F.
Warner, to whose work the present writer is indebted for much help. A
translation, by J. Charleston, of the Ordinary and Canon of the Mass
appeared in the "Transactions" of the Glasgow Ecclesiological Society,
in 1898.</p>
<p id="c-p2477" shownumber="no">
<i>(5) The Carlsruhe Fragment</i> A.--Four pages in an Irish hand of
the late eighth or early ninth century in the Library of Carlsruhe. It
contains parts of three Masses, one of which is "pro captivis". The
arrangement resembles that of the Bobbio Missal, in that the Epistles
and Gospels seem to have preceded the other variables under the title
of "lectiones ad misam".</p>
<p id="c-p2478" shownumber="no">
<i>(6) The Carlsruhe Fragment.</i> B.--Four pages in an Irish hand
probably of the ninth century. It contains fragments of Masses, and
includes a variant of the intercessions inserted in the Intercession
for the Living in the Stowe Missal and in Witzel's extracts from the
Fulda Manuscript. There are also some fragments of Irish in it.</p>
<p id="c-p2479" shownumber="no">
<i>(7) The Piacenza Fragment.</i> Four pages (of which the two outer
are illegible) in an Irish hand, possibly of the tenth century. The two
inner pages contain parts of three Masses, one of which is headed "ordo
missae sanctae mariae". In the others are contained the Prefaces of two
of the Sunday Masses in the Bobbio Missal, one of which is used on the
eighth Sunday after the Epiphany in the Mozarabic. [The text of these
three fragments (5-7), with a dissertation on them by the Rev. H. M.
Bannister, is given in the "Journal of Theological Studies", October,
1903.]</p>
<p id="c-p2480" shownumber="no">
<i>(8) The Book of Dimma.</i> A manuscript probably of the eighth
century now at Trinity College, Dublin. It contains the Four Gospels
and has an order for the Unction and Communion of the Sick written
between the Gospels of St. Luke and St. John. This last is printed in
Warren's "Celtic Church".</p>
<p id="c-p2481" shownumber="no">
<i>(9) The Book of Mulling.</i> A manuscript, probably of the eighth
century, in Trinity College, Dublin. It contains the Four Gospels, an
Office for the Unction and Communion of the Sick, and a fragmentary
directory or plan of a service. These have been printed, with a
dissertation, in Lawlor's "Chapters on the Book of Mulling", and the
Unction and Communion Office in Warren's "Celtic Church".</p>
<p id="c-p2482" shownumber="no">
<i>(10) The St. Gall Fragments.</i> These are eighth- and ninth-century
fragments in Manuscripts 1394 and 1395 in the Library of St. Gallen.
The first book (1394) contains part of an ordinary of the Mass, which
as far as it goes resembles that in the Stowe Missal. The second (1395)
contains the confession and litany, which also begin the Stowe Missal,
a fragment of a Mass of the Dead, a prayer at the Visitation of the
Sick, and three forms for the blessing of salt and water. All these are
given in Warren's "Celtic Church".</p>
<p id="c-p2483" shownumber="no">
<i>(11) The Basle Fragment.</i> (A. vii. 3 in the Basle Library). This
is a ninth-century Greek Psalter with a Latin interlinear translation.
On a fly-leaf at the beginning are two hymns in honour of Our Lady and
of St. Bridget, a prayer to Our Lady and to the Angels and Saints, and
a long prayer "De conscientiae reatu ante altare". The last is printed
in Warren's "The Celtic Church".</p>
<p id="c-p2484" shownumber="no">
<i>(12) The Zurich Fragment</i> (Public Library, Zurich). This is a
tenth-century leaf containing part of an office for the profession of a
nun. It is printed in Warren's "The Celtic Church".</p>
<p id="c-p2485" shownumber="no">
<i>(13) The Liber Hymnorum.</i> This is not exactly a liturgical book,
but a collection of forty hymns in Latin and Irish, almost all of Irish
origin, with canticles and "ccclxv orationes quas beatus Gregorius de
toto psalterio congregavit". There are explanatory prefaces in Irish or
Latin to each hymn. Some of the hymns are found in the Bangor
Antiphoner, the "Leabhar Breac", and the Book of Cerne. There are two
manuscripts of this collection, not agreeing exactly, one in trinity
College, Dublin, of the eleventh century, an done in the Franciscan
Convent at Dublin, of somewhat later date. A combination of both
manuscripts has been edited for the Henry Bradshaw Society (1897-98) by
Dr. J. H. Bernard and Dr. R. Atkinson.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2485.1">Scottish</h4>
<p id="c-p2486" shownumber="no">
<i>The Book of the Deer.</i> A Book of the Gospels of the tenth century
formerly belonging to the Monastery of the Deer in Buchan, and now in
the Cambridge University Library. It contains part of an order for the
communion of the Sick, with a Gaelic rubric, written in a hand of
perhaps the end of the eleventh century. This is printed in Warren's
"The Celtic Church". The whole manuscript was edited by Dr. Stuart for
the Spalding Club in 1869.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2486.1">Other manuscripts</h4>
<p id="c-p2487" shownumber="no">Besides these manuscripts there are certain others bearing on the
subject which are not liturgical, and some of which are not Celtic,
though they show signs of Celtic influences. Among these are:</p>
<p id="c-p2488" shownumber="no">
<i>(1) The Book of Cerne.</i> A large collection of prayers, etc., for
private use, associated with the name of Aethelwald the Bishop,
possibly a Bishop of Lindisfarne (712-40), but perhaps a later Bishop
of Lichfield (818-30). This late eighth- or early ninth-century
manuscript, which once belonged to the Abbey of Cerne in Dorset, but is
now in the University Library at Cambridge, though actually
Northumbrian or Mercian in origin, is full of Irish, Gelasian, and
Hispano-Gallican matter. It has been edited (with a most valuable
"Liturgical Note" by Mr. E. Bishop) by Dom A.B. Kuypers (Cambridge,
1902).</p>
<p id="c-p2489" shownumber="no">
<i>(2) Harl. MS. 7653, British Museum.</i> A fragment of seven leaves
of an Irish manuscript of the ninth century, containing a litany, the
Te Deum, and a number of private devotions. It has been edited by Mr.
W. de G. Birch, with The Book of Nunnaminster, for the Hampshire Record
Society (1889), and by Mr. Warren in his monograph on the Bangor
Antiphoner (Vol. II, p 83).</p>
<p id="c-p2490" shownumber="no">
<i>(3) Reg. 2. A. xx, British Museum.</i> An eighth-century manuscript
of probably Northumbrian origin, containing selections from the
Gospels, collects, hymns, canticles, private devotions, etc. It has
been fully described in Mr. Warren's "Bangor Antiphoner" (Vol. II, p.
97).</p>
<p id="c-p2491" shownumber="no">
<i>(4) The Leabhar Breac, or Speckled Book.</i> An Irish manuscript of
the fourteenth century, belonging to the Royal Irish Academy, and
containing a very large collection of ecclesiastical and religious
pieces in Irish. The contents are not as a rule of a liturgical
character, but the book contains a variant of the Irish tract of the
Mass which is also in the Stowe Missal. This has been printed, with a
translation, in Dr. MacCarthy's edition of the Stowe Missal, and in
"Transactions of the Aberdeen Ecclesiological Society", with
translation and notes by Mr. D. Macgregor (1898). The whole book has
been published in facsimile, but without transliteration or
translation, though with a detailed table of contents, by the Royal
Irish Academy (1876), and the Passions and Homilies contained in it
have been edited with a translation and glossary by Dr. R. Atkinson in
the Todd Lecture series of the same Academy (1887).</p>
<h3 id="c-p2491.1">III. THE DIVINE OFFICE</h3>
<p id="c-p2492" shownumber="no">The chief evidences as to the nature and origin of the Celtic Divine
Office are found in the Rule of St. Columbanus, in the Turin fragment
and the Bangor Antiphoner, in the eighth-century tract in Cott. MS.
Nero A. II., and in allusions in the "Catalogus Sanctorum Hiberniae".
The Rule of St. Columbanus give directions as to the number of psalms
to be recited at each hour, the Turin fragment, and the Bangor
Antiphoner give the text of canticles, hymns, collects, and antiphons,
and the Cottonian tract gives what was held in the eighth century to be
the origin of the "Cursus Scottorum". 
(<i>Cursus psalmorum</i> and 
<i>Synaxis</i> are terms used for the Divine Office in the Rule of St.
Colmubanus.) the last differentiates between the "Cursus Gallorum",
which it derives imaginatively from Ephesus and St. John, through St.
Polycarp and St. Irenaeus, and this "Cursus Scottorum", which,
according to this writer, probably an Irish monk in France, originated
with St. Mark at Alexandria. With St. Mark it came to Italy. St.
Gregory of Nazianzus, St. Basil, and the hermits St. Anthony, St. Paul,
St. Macarius, St. John, and St. Malchus used it. St. Cassian, St.
Honoratus, and St. Porcarius of Lerins, St. Caesarius of Arles, St.
Germanus, and St. Lupus also used it, and St. Germanus taught it to St.
Patrick, who brought it to Ireland. There "Wandilochus Senex" and
"Gomorillus" (Comgall) used it, and St. Wandilochus and Columbanus
brought it to Luxeuil. The part of the story from St. Germanus onwards
may possibly be founded in fact. The other part is not so probable. The
statements of the "Catalogus" concerning "unam celebrationem" in the
first, and "diversas regulas" during the second and third, ages of the
saints probably refer to the original 
<i>cursus</i> of St. Patrick and to the introduction of other 
<i>cursus</i>, partly (perhaps with the Mass of Sts. David, Gildas and
Cadoc) from Britain; and it does not quite follow that what St.
Columbanus carried to Gaul was the same as that which St. Patrick had
brought from Gaul in an earlier age. The Rule of St. Columbanus and the
Bangor book distinguish eight Hours, "ad duodecimam" [Vespers, called
"ad Vespertinam" and "ad Vesperam" in the Bangor book] Adamnan's Life
of St. Columba calls it once (iii,23) "Vespertinalis missa"], "ad
initium noctis (answering to Complin), "ad nocturnam", or "ad medium
noctis", "ad matutinam" (Lauds), "ad secundam" (answering to Prime),
"ad tertiam", "ad sextam", and "ad nonam". At the four lesser Hours St.
Columanus orders three psalms each; at Vespers, "ad initium noctis",
and "ad medium noctis" twelve each, and "ad matutinam", a very curious
and intricate arrangement of psalmody varying in length with the longer
and shorter nights. On Saturdays and Sundays from 1 November to 25
March, seventy-five psalms were recited on each day, under one antiphon
for every three psalms. From 25 March to 24 June these were diminished
by three psalms weekly to a minimum of thirty-six psalms. It would
seem, though it does not say so, that the minimum was used for about
five weeks, for a gradual increase of the same amount arrives at the
maximum by 1 November. On other days of the week there was a maximum of
thirty-six and a minimum of twenty-four. The Rule does not say how the
Psalter was distributed, but from the Bangor book it seems that the
"Laudate" psalms (cxlvii-cl) were said together, doubtless, as in all
other rites, Eastern or Western, except certain eighteenth-century
French uses, at Lauds and that "Domine, Refugium" (Ps. lxxxix) was said
"ad secundam". Adamnan mentions that St. Columba sang Ps. xliv,
"Eructavit cor meum", at Vespers on one occasion. The psalms at the
lesser Hours were to be accompanied by a number of intercessory
versicles. In the Bangor book these, somewhat expanded from the list in
the Rule, but certainly to be identified with them, are given in the
form of one, two, or three antiphons and a collect for each
intercession. There are six canticles given in the Bangor
Antiphoner:</p>
<ol id="c-p2492.1">
<li id="c-p2492.2">"Audite, coeli", headed "Canticum Moysi". This has no antiphons,
but a repetition of the first verse at intervals, after the manner of
the Invitatory to the "Venite" in the Roman Rite.</li>
<li id="c-p2492.3">"Cantemus Domino", also headed "Canticum Moysi".</li>
<li id="c-p2492.4">"Benedictus, also called "Benedictio trium Puerorum".</li>
<li id="c-p2492.5">"Te Deum, preceded by Ps. cxii, 1, "Laudate, pueri".</li>
<li id="c-p2492.6">"Benedicitus", also called "Evangelium".</li>
<li id="c-p2492.7">"Gloria in excelsis", followed by psalm and other verses similar to
those which, with it, make up the 
<i>Doxologia megale</i> of the Greek Rite. It is ordered to be used "ad
vesperum et matutinam", resembling the Greek Rite use of it at Complin

(<i>Apodeipnon</i>) and Lauds 
(<i>Orthros</i>). When the Stowe Missal was written the Irish used this
canticle at Mass also, in its Roman position.</li>
</ol>
<p class="continue" id="c-p2493" shownumber="no">The Bangor Antiphoner gives sets of collects to be used at each
hour. One set is in verse (cf. the Mass in hexameters in the Reichenau
Gallican fragment). It also gives several sets of collects, not always
complete, but always in the same order. It may be conjectured that
these sets show some sort of skeleton of the Bangor Lauds. The order
always is: (1) "Post canticum" (evidently from the subjects, which,
like those of the first ode of a Greek canon, refer to the Crossing of
the Red Sea, Cantemus Domino"); (2) "Post Benedictionem trium
Puerorum"; (3) "Post tres Psalmos", or "Post Laudate Dominum de coelis"
(Ps. cxlvii-cl); (4) "Post Evangelium" (clearly meaning "benedictus",
which is the only gospel canticle in the book and the only one not
otherwise provided for. The same term is often applied -- e.g. in the
York Breviary -- to "Benedictus", "Magnificat", and "Nunc Dimittis");
(5) "Super hymnum"; (6) "De Martyribus".-The last may perhaps be
compared with the commemorations which come at the end of Lauds in, for
instance, the present Roman Divine Office. There are also sets of
antiphons, "super Cantemus Domino et Benedicite", "super Laudate
Dominum de coelis", and "De Martyribus". In the Bangor book there are
collects to go with the "Te Deum", given apart from the preceding, as
though they formed part of another Hour; but in the Turin fragment
they, with the text of the "Te Deum", follow the "Benedicite" and its
collects, and precede the "Laudate Dominum de coelis". In the Book of
Mulling there is a fragment of a directory, or plan, of some service.
Dr. Lawlor seems to think it to be a plan of a daily Office used
morning and evening, but the editors of the "Liber Hymnorum" take it to
be a special penitential service and compare it with the penitential
office sketched out in the "Second Vision of Adamnan" in the 
<i>Leabhar Breac</i>, which, as interpreted by them, it certainly
resembles. The plan in the Book of Mulling is: (1) illegible; (2)
"Magnificat"; (3) stanzas 4, 5, 6 of St. Columba's hymn "Noli pater";
(4) a lesson from St. Matt., v; (5) the last three stanzas of the hymn
of St. Secundus, "Audite omnes"; (6) two supplementary stanzas; (7) the
last three stanzas of the hymn of Cumma in Fota, "Celebra Juda"; (8)
antiphon "Exaudi nos Deus", appended to this hymn; (9) last three
stanzas of St. Hillary's hymn, Hymnum dicat"; (10) either the antiphon
"Unitas in Trinitate" or (as sketch of Adamnan seems to show) the hymn
of St. Colman MacMurchon in honour of St. Michael, "In Trinitate spes
mea"; (11) the Creed; (12) the Paternoster; (13) illegible, but
possibly the collect "Ascendat oratio".</p>

<h3 id="c-p2493.1">IV. THE MASS</h3>
<p id="c-p2494" shownumber="no">Two books, the Bobbio and the Stowe Missals, contain the Irish
Ordinary of a daily Mass in its late Romanized form. Many of the
variables are in the Bobbio book, and portions of some Masses are in
the Carlsruhe and Piacenza fragments. A little, also, may be gleaned
from the St. Gall fragments, the Bangor Antiphoner, and the order for
the Communion of the Sick in the Books of Dimma, Mulling, and Deer. The
tract in Irish at the end of the Stowe Missal and its variant in the 
<i>Leabhar Breac</i> add something more to our knowledge. The Stowe
Missal gives us three somewhat differing forms, the original of the
ninth century, in so far as it has not been erased, the correction by
Moelcaich, and, as far as it goes, the Mass described in the Irish
tract. From its size and contents it would seem to be a sort of 
<i>Missale Itinerantium</i>, with an Ordinary that might serve for most
any occasion, a general Common of Saints and two Masses for special
intentions (for penitents and for the dead). The addition of the Order
of Baptism, not, as in the Bobbio book or in the "Missale Gothicum" ad
"Missale Gallicanum", as part of the Easter Eve services, but as a
separate thing, and the Visitation of the Sick, points to its being
intended to be a convenient portable minimum for a priest. The pieces
said by the people are in several cases only indicated by beginnings
and endings. The Bobbio book, on the other hand, is a complete Missal,
also for a priest only, of larger size with Masses for the Holy Days
through the year</p>
<p id="c-p2495" shownumber="no">The original Stowe Mass approaches nearer to that of Bobbio than the
revised form does. The result of Moelcaich's version is to produce
something more than a Gelasian Canon inserted into a non-Roman Mass. It
has become a mixed Mass, Gelasian, Roman, or Romano-Ambrosian for the
most part, with much of a Hispano-Gallican type underlying it, and
perhaps with some indigenous details. It may be taken to represent the
latest type of Irish Mass of which we have any information. The title
of the Bobbio daily Mass is "Missa Romensis cottidiana", and the same
title occurs before the Collect "Deus qui culpa offenderis" at the very
end of the "Missale Gothicum". This collect, which is in the Gregorian
Sacramentary, occurs in both the Bobbio and the Stowe, and in the
latter has before it the title, "Orationes et preces missae aecclesiae
romane", so that it is evident that the Roman additions or
substitutions were recognized as such.</p>
<p id="c-p2496" shownumber="no">The Order of the daily Mass, founded on that in the Stowe Missal
is:</p>
<p class="c5" id="c-p2497" shownumber="no">Praeparatio Sacerdotis.</p>
<ol id="c-p2497.1">
<li id="c-p2497.2">Confession of sins, beginning "Peccavimus, Domine, peccavimus".
This and the Litany which follows are found also in the St. Gall
fragments, but not in the Bobbio book.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.3">Litany of the Saints. In the original hand there are only thirteen
invocations (Our Lady, ten Apostles, St. Mark, and St. Luke). Moelcaich
added thirty-one more, of which twenty-four are Irish. The manuscript
is wrongly bound, so that these additions look as if they were
associated with the dyptychs in the Canon.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.4">"Oratio Augustini": "Rogo te Deus Sabaoth". This is found in
various ninth- and tenth-century French books (see Warren's "Celtic
Church").</li>
<li id="c-p2497.5">"Oratio Ambrosi": "Ante conspectum divinae majestatis". Inserted by
Moelcaich. Found in several French books.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.6">Collect: "Ascendat oratio nostra". This occurs after the Creed and
Paternoster in the "Liber Hymnorum".</li>
</ol>
<i>The Mass itself</i>
<ol id="c-p2497.7">
<li id="c-p2497.8">From the Irish tracts it seems that the chalice was prepared before
the Introit, a very usual practice in both East and West in early
times. It is still the Eastern practice, and is retained to this day by
the Dominicans at low Mass, and in the Mozarabic Rite (see Dr. Legg's
Ecclesiological Essays, pp. 91-178). Water was poured in first with the
words "Peto 
(<i>Leabhar Breac</i>, Quaeso) te, Pater, deprecor te, Fili, obsecro te,
Spiritus Sancte". The 
<i>Leabhar Breac</i> directs that a drop shall be poured at naming each
Person. The wine was similarly poured on the water, with the words,
"Redittit pater, indulget Filius, miseretur Spiritus Sanctus.".</li>
<li id="c-p2497.9">The Introit. Mentioned in the Irish tracts, but not given in the
Ordinary or elsewhere in either Missal. Probably it was sung from a
Psalter.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.10">Collect. That in the Stowe and Bobbio Ordinaries is "Deus qui de
beato Petro", the collect for St. Peter's Day, "iii Kal Julias" in the
Gelasian Sacramentary. In the Stowe a corrector, not Moelcaich, has
prefixed "in solemnitatibus Petri et Christi [<i>sic</i>]".</li>
<li id="c-p2497.11">"Imnus angelicus", i.e. "Gloria in excelsis". Begun in the original
hand, continued by Moelcaich on an inserted slip. This comes after the
conclusion of the "Missa Romensis cottidiana" in the Bobbio book and is
preceded by a prayer "post Alos", which probably means the Trisagion 
(<i>Hagios o Theos, k.t.l.</i>), or the Greek of the Sanctus, as used
elsewhere in the Mozarabic, one or other of which may have come at this
point, as it did (according to St. Germanus of Paris) in the Gallican
Rite. This in the last was followed by Kyrie eleison and "Benedictus",
the latter being called "Prophetia". There are collects styled "post
Prophetiam" in the Bobbio Missal at the beginnings of several Masses.
After the Gloria in the Bobbio there is a collect "post Benedictionem",
which means after the "Benedicite". This was said in the Gallican, as
part is still said in the Mozarabic, after the Epistle. The collects
"post Precem", according to Mabillon, mean the same, but that seems
improbable, and this name may possibly refer to the prayers after the
Bidding Prayer Litany, which has been known as "Prex".</li>
<li id="c-p2497.12">Collect, "Deus qui diligentibus te", given as a Sunday collect in
the Gelasian. It is written by Moelcaich over erased matter (probably
the original continuation of "Gloria in excelsis"), and another hand
has prefixed a direction for its use. "in cotidianis diebus", instead
of that which follows.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.13">Collect "Deus qui culpa offenderis". In the original hand with
inserted heading already mentioned, and "haec oratio prima Petri". It
follows the St. Peter collect in the Bobbio Ordinary.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.14">"Hic augmentum". Inserted by Moelcaich. This, whatever it may mean,
is mentioned in the Irish tract as "tormach" (increase, expansion)
coming before the "Lesson of the Apostle". Later, at the Offertory, one
finds "secudna pars augmenti hic super oblata". Probably it means
additional proper collects. St. Columbanus uses the word, in the sense
of "addition", with reference to the petitions added to the psalms at
the day hours, "cum versiculorum augmento intervenientium".</li>
<li id="c-p2497.15">The Epistle. In the Stowe daily Mass, I Cor., xi, 26-52. On certain
days the Bobbio had a lesson from the Old Testament or Apocalypse
before the Epistle.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.16">The Gradual. The tract calls it "salm digrad". If everything
between the Epistle and Gospel may be included under that name, the
construction is (a) Prayer, "Deus qui nos regendo conservas", added,
but not by Moelcaich. Found in the later Gelasian manuscripts. (b)
Prayer, "Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, qui populum tuum". An Easter
collect in the Bobbio Missal, given also by Gerbert as Ambrosian. (c)
Psalm civ, vv. 4, 1-3, 4. (d) Prayer, "Grata sint tibi Domine". The 
<i>secreta</i> of an Advent Mass in the Gelasian. (e) Alleluia. Ps.
cxvii, 14. (f) Prayer, "Sacrificiis praesentibus, Domine". The "secreta
of another Advent Mass in the Gelasian. (g) "Deprecatio Sancti Martini
pro populo", (The title added by Moelcaich.) This is a Bidding Prayer
Litany or 
<i>Prex</i> resembling very closely the Great Synapte of the Greek Rite
and the litany used on the first four Sundays of Lent instead of
"Gloria in excelsis" in the Ambrosian. (h) Prayer, "Sacrificium tibi,
Domine". The 
<i>secreta</i> of an other Advent Mass in the Gelasian. Perhaps it is
here an "Oratio post Precem" of the Gallican type. (i) Prayer, "Ante
oculos tuos, Domine". It occurs in the same place in the Mass published
by M. Flaccus Illyricus (Martène, I, 182). (k) 
<i>Lethdirech sund</i> [a half uncovering (of the chalice and paten)
here]. This is referred to in the tract as 
<i>indinochtad corrici leth inna oblae agus incailich</i> (the
uncovering as far as half the oblation and chalice), and is associated
there with the singing of the Gospel and 
<i>Allóir</i>. Earlier it is mentioned as following the Gradual.
(l) Psalm cxl, 2, sung thrice. (m) "Hic elivatur lintiamen calicis".
Dr. Legg (Ecclesiological Essays, p. 133) mentions that this lifting of
the veil was the practice in England just before the Reformation, and
in the Dioceses of Coutances and St.-Pol-de-Leon much later. (n)
Prayer, "Veni Domine sanctificator". Nearly the {"Veni sanctificator"
of the present Roman Offertory.
<br />[Of these (a) to (h) are in the original hand, part of (i) is
inserted by Moelcaich, possibly over erasures, the rest of (i) and (k)
to (n) are written by Moelcaich on added leaves. The psalm verses are
only indicated by their beginnings and endings. It may be that the
prayers were said, and the ceremonies with the chalice veil were gone
through by the priest while the congregation sang the psalms and
Alleluia. Nothing of all this is in the Bobbio. Possibly, judging from
the collect "Post Benedictionem", which is the collect which follows
the "Benedictus es" (Dan., iii) on ember Saturdays in the Roman Missal,
either the "Benedicite" or this "Benedictus" came between the Epistle
and Gospel, as in the Gallican of St. Germain's description.]</li>
<li id="c-p2497.18">The Gospel. In the Stowe Mass, St. John vi, 51-57. This begins in
Moelcaich's hand on an inserted sheet and ends in the original hand.
The tracts say that the Gospel was followed by the "Alloir", which Dr.
Stokes translates "Alleluia", but Mr. Macgregor takes to mean
"Blessing" and compares with the "Per evangelica dicta", etc., of the
Roman Rite.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.19">"Oratio Gregorii super evangelium". On an inserted slip in
Moelcaich's hand. In the Gregorian Sacramentary on the second Saturday
and third Sunday of Lent, but not in connection with the Gospel.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.20">The Creed. In the original hand, with the "Filioque" inserted
between the lines, possibly by Moelcaich.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.21">The Offertory. The order in the Stowe Missal is (a) 
<i>Landirech sund</i> (a full uncovering here). In Moelcaich's hand.
(b) "Ostende nobis, Domine, misericordiam", etc. thrice. (c) "Oblata,
Domine, munera sanctifica, nosque a peccatorum nostrorum maculis
emunda." This is in the Bobbio Missal (where it is called "post
nomina") and in the Gelasian and Gregorian. It is the 
<i>secreta</i> of the third Mass of Christmas Day in the present Roman
Missal. According to the tract, the chalice was elevated while this was
sung, after the full uncovering. The 
<i>Leabhar Breac</i> says that it was elevated "quando cantitur Imola
Deo sacrificum laudis". (d) Prayer, "Hostias quaesumus, Dominie". This
occurs in one set of "Orationes et preces divinae" in the Leonine
Sacramentary. It is written here by Moelcaich over an erasure which
begins with "G", probably, as Mr. Warner conjectures, the prayer "Grata
sit tibi", which follows "Oblata, Domine" in the Bobbio Missal. In
Moelcaich's correction this in an amplified form occurs later. (e)
Prayer, "Has oblationes et sincera labamina". In Moelcaich's hand. This
prayer, which includes an intercession "pro animabus carorum nostrorum
N. et cararum nostrarum quorum nomina recitamus", is evidently a relic
of the former reading of the dyptychs at this point, as in the
Hispano-Gallican liturgies. It and the next prayer in its Stowe form,
as Mr. Warren points out, resemble Gallican or Mozarabic "Orationes
post nomina". (f) "Secunda pars augmenti hic super oblata". Probably
refers to additional proper prayers, analogous to the Roman 
<i>secreta</i> (see 7, 
<i>supra</i>). (g) Prayer, "Grata sit tibi haec oblatio". An expanded
form of the prayer which followed "Oblata" in the original writing. A
long passage referring to the diptychs is inserted. Most of this prayer
is on the first page of an inserted quire of four leaves in Moelcaich's
hand. In the Bobbio, only "Oblata" and "Grata sit tibi" are given at
the Offertory, one being called "Post nomina', the other "Ad Pacem".
Perhaps the Pax came here in the seventh century, as in the Gallican
and Mozarabic.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.22">The "Sursum Corda", not preceded by "Dominus vobiscum".</li>
<li id="c-p2497.23">The Preface. Unlike the Bobbio daily Preface, which, like that of
the Roman Missal, goes straight from "per Christum Dominum nostrum" to
"Per quem", this inserts a long passage, reminding one, at the
beginning and near the end, of the Trinity and Sunday Preface of the
Roman Missal, but otherwise being peculiar to itself. At the end of
this passage is a direction in Irish to the effect that here the 
<i>dignum</i> of the addition 
(<i>dignum in tormaig</i>), i.e. the Proper Preface, comes in, if it
ends with "Per quem". After the "Per quem" clause there is a similar
direction if the "addition ends with "Sanctus".</li>
<li id="c-p2497.24">The Sanctus, with a Post-Sanctus, resembling somewhat that in the
Mozarabic Missal for Christmas Day, and that for Christmas Eve in the
"Missale Gothicum". There is a Post-Sanctus also in the first of the
three Masses given in the Stowe. It is followed by "Qui pridie", as
though the Gelasian Canon were not used in that case.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.25">"Canon dominicus papae Gilasi". This is the Gelasian Canon (as
given in Mr. H.A. Wilson's edition) with certain variations, the most
noticeable of which are: (a) "Te igitur" adds, after "papa nostro",
"episcopo sedis apostolicae", and after "fidei cultoribus", "et abbate
nostro n. episcopl". Sedis apostolicae" is added also in the Bobbio.
(b) A direction follows, "Hic recitantur nomina vivorum". (c) "Mement
etiam domine", contains a long list of intercessions for various
classes of persons. This is also found in Carlsruhe Fragment B, but not
in the Bobbio. (d) "Communicantes". Variants for Christmas,
Circumcision (called 
<i>Kalendis</i>), "Stellae" (i.e. Epiphany-cf. Welsh, 
<i>Dydd Gwyl Ystwyll</i>; Cornish, 
<i>Degl Stul</i>; and "in stilla domini" in the St Cuthbert Gospels.
The actual variant here is 
<i>natalis calicis</i>, i.e. Maundy Thursday, the end of one and the
beginning of the other have been dropped out in copying), Easter, 
<i>Clausula pasca</i> (i.e. Low Sunday), Ascension, and Pentecost. The
inserted quire ends with the second of these, and the others are on a
whole palimpsest page and part of another. The original hand, now
partly erased, begins with part of the first clause of the Canon, "tuum
dominum nostrum supplices te rogamus", and contained all but the first
line of the "Te igitur" and "Memento" clauses, without the long
intercessory passage, the "nomina vivorum" direction, or the variants.
(e) the original hand begins, "Et memoriam venerantes", continuing as
in the present Roman Canon without variation until the next clause. The
Bobbio Canon includes Sts Hilary, Martin, Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory,
Jerome, and Benedict. (f) "Hanc igitur oblationem" contains an
interpolation referring to a church "quam famulus tuus. .
.aedificavit", and praying that the founder may be converted from
idols. There are many variables of the 'Hanc igitur" in the Gelasian.
In the daily Mass the Bobbio inserts "quam tibi offerimus in honorem
nominis tui Deus" after "cunctae familiae tuae", but otherwise is the
ordinary Gelasian and Gregorian. (g) In "Quam oblationem" and "Qui
pridie" there are only a few variations, 
<i>egit</i> for 
<i>agens</i>, 
<i>acepit</i> [<i>calicem</i>] for 
<i>accipiens</i> (as also in the Bobbio book), and "calix sancti
sanguinis mei" 
(<i>sancti</i> is erased in the Bobbio), until the end, when Moelaich
has added the Ambrosian phrase "passionem meam predicabitis,
resurrectionem meam adnuntiabitis, adventum meum sperabitis, donec
iterum veniam ad vos de coelis". Similar endings occur also in the
Liturgies of St. Mark and St. James and in several Syrian liturgies.
The tracts direct the priest to bow thrice at "accipit Jesus panem" and
after offering the chalice to God to chant "Miserere mei Deus" 
(<i>Leabhar Breac</i>) and the people to kneel in silence during this,
the "perilous prayer". Then the priest takes three steps backwards and
forwards. (h) "Unde et memores" has a few evident mistakes, and is
Gelasianin adding 
<i>sumus</i> after 
<i>memores</i>. (i) "Supplices te rogamus" adds 
<i>et petimus</i> and omits 
<i>caelesti</i>. (k) "Memento etiam Domine et eorum nomina qui nos
praecessereunt com signo fidei et dormiunt in somno pacis." This
clause, omitted in the Gelasian, agrees with the Bobbio. In the latter
the words "commemoratio defunctorum" follow. In the Stowe there is an
intercessory interpolation with a long list of names of Old Testament
saints, Apostles, and others, many of whom are Irish. The list
concludes with the phrase, used also in the Mozarabic, "et omnium
pausantium". Moelcaich's addition to the "Praeparatio" Litany is
wrongly inserted before these names. (l) "Nobis quoque" differs from
the Gelasian in the order of the names of the female saints, agreeing
with the Bobbio, except that it does not add 
<i>Eugenia</i>. (m) After "Per quem haec omnia" Moelcaich has added
"ter canitur" and an Irish direction to elevate the principal Host over
the chalice and to dip half of It therein. Then follows in the original
hand., "Fiat Domine misericordia tua", etc. (Ps. xxxii, 22), to which
"ter cantitur" probably refers.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.26">The Fraction. Moelcaich adds an Irish direction, "It is here that
the Bread is broken". The original hand has "Cogno[v]erunt Dominum in
fractione panis. Panis quem frangimus corpus est D. N. J. C. Calix quem
benedicimus sanguis est D. N. J. C. in remissionem peccatorum
nostrorum", interspersed with six Alleluias. Then over an erasure,
Moelcaich inserts "Fiat Domine misericordia, etc. Cognoverunt Dominum
Alleluia", and a prayer or confession of faith, "Credimus, Domine,
credimus in hac confractione". This responsory answers to the Ambrosian

<i>Confractorium</i> and the Mozarabic 
<i>Antiphona ad Confractionem panis</i>. "Fiat misericordia", etc., is
the actual Lenten Mozarabic antiphon. The prayer "Credimus", etc., has
a slight likeness to the recitation of the Creed at this point in the
Mozarabic. The tract directs an elaborate fraction, varying according
to the day, and resembling that of the Mozarabic Rite and the
arrangement (before Consecration) in the Eastern Office of the
Prothesis, and like these having mystical meanings. The common division
is into five, for ordinary days; for saints and virgins, seven; for
martyrs, eight; for "the oblation of Sunday as a figure of the nine
households of heaven and nine grades of the Church", nine; for the
Apostles, eleven; on the circumcision and Maundy Thursday twelve; on
Low Sunday 
(<i>minchasc</i>) and Ascension, thirteen; and on Easter, Christmas, and
Whitsunday, the sum of all the preceding, sixty-five. Directions are
given to arrange the particles in the form of a cross within a circle,
and different parts are apportioned to different classes of people. The

<i>Leabhar Breac</i> omits all this and only speaks (as does the Stowe
tract earlier) of a fraction in two halves, a reuniting and a
commixture, the last of which in the Stowe Canon comes after the Pater
Noster. There is nothing about any fraction or commixture in the
Bobbio, which, like the Gelasian, goes on from the "Per quem haec
omnia" clause to the introduction of the Pater Noster. In the Ambrosian
Rite both the fraction and Commixture occur at this point, instead of
after the Pater Noster, as in the Roman. [In the St. Gall fragment
there are three collects (found in the Gelasian, Leonine, and Gregorian
books), and a "Collectio ante Orationem Dominicam", which ends with the
same introduction to the Pater Noster as in Stowe and Bobbio. These are
all that come between the Preface and Pater Noster.] the rest onward to
the end of the Communion is in Moelcaich's hand.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.27">The Pater Noster, preceded by the introduction: "Divino magisterio
edocti [instead of the Roman "Praecptis salutaribus moniti"] et divina
institutione formati audemus dicere". This is the same in the Bobbio
and the St. Gall fragment. There is nothing to show that this and the
Embolism which follows were variable, as in the Gallican (cf. Missale
Gothicum and others) and the present Mozarabic. The Embolism in the
Stowe is nearly exactly the Gelasian, except that it omits the name of
Our Lady and has "Patricio" for "Andrea". The Bobbio Embolism does not
omit Our Lady, but has neither St. Andrew nor St. Patrick. The Pater
Noster in the Books of Deer, Dimma, and Mulling has a different
introduction and Embollism and in the Communion of the Sick in the
Stowe there is yet another.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.28">The Pax. "Pax et caritas D. N. J. C. et communicatio sanctorum
omnium sit semper nobiscum. Et cum spiritu tuo." This is in the St.
Gall fragment, in the same place. Prayer, "Pacem mandasti, pacem
dedisti, etc.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.29">The Commixture. "Commixtio corporis et sanguinis D.N.J.C. sit nobis
salus in vitam perpetuam." These words are not in the Bobbio or the St.
Gall fragment, but in the latter the commixture is ordered to be made
here 
(<i>mittit sacerdos sancta in calicem</i>), and then the Pax to be
given. In St. Germanus's description a form very like the Pax formula
of the Stowe was said here by a priest, instead of a longer (and
variable) benediction by a bishop. These were not in any way associated
with the Pax, which in the Gallican, as now in the Mozarabic, came just
before "Sursum corda". The two ideas are mixed up here, as in the Roman
and Ambrosian.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.30">The Communion. "Ecce Agnus Dei, ecce qui tollis [<i>sic</i>] pecata mundi." These words are not in the Bobbio or the St.
Gall. They are nearly the words said before the communion of the people
in the Roman Rite of today. In the St. Gall the rubric directs the
Communion of the people after the Pax. Probably these words had the
same association in the Stowe as at present. Then follows in the Stowe,
"Pacem meam do vobis, Pacem relinquo vobis [John, xiv, 27]. Pax multa
diligentibus legem tuam Domine, Et non est in illis scandalum. Regem
coeli cum pace, Plenum odorem vitae, Novum carmen cantate, Omnes sancti
venite. Venite comedite panem meorum, Et bibite vinum quod miscui
vobis. Dominus regit me" [Ps. xxii, 1], with 
<i>Alleluia</i> after each clause. (The St. Gall has only the quotation
from St. John, xiv, 27, before Ps. xxii, but "Venite comedite" comes
later. In the Bangor Antiphoner is a hymn of eleven four-lined stanzas,
"Sancti venite, Christi corpus sumite", entitled "Ymnus quando
comonicarent sacerdotes".) Then follow in the Stowe, the St. Gall, and
in the Communion of the Sick in the Stowe, and in the Books of Deer,
Dimma, and Mulling, a number of communion antiphons. The Bangor
Antiphoner also gives a set. No two sets are alike, but some antiphons
are common to nearly all. There is a resemblance to the Communion
responsory, called "Ad accedentes", of the Mozarabic Rite, and similar
forms are found in Eastern liturgies, sometimes with the same words.
Possibly the 
<i>Tricanum</i> of St. Germanus was something of the same sort. At the
end of these in the Stowe is the colophon "Moelcaich scripsit", with
which Moelcaich's corrections and additions to the Mass end.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.31">The Post Communion, "Quos coelisti dono stasti". This is a Sunday
post-communion in the Gelasian, for the Sixth Sunday after Pentecost in
the Gregorian and for the Sixth Sunday after Trinity in the Sarum. It
is given in the daily Mass in the Bobbio, with the title "Post
communionem", and in the St. Gall. There are post-communions to the
three Masses which follow later. Two are Gelasian, and the third is a
form of a Gallican "Praefatio" or Bidding Prayer.</li>
<li id="c-p2497.32">"Consummatio missae". This is the title in the Bobbio to the
prayer, "Gratias tibi agimus. . . . . . . . .qui nos corporis et
sanguinis Christi filii tui communione satiasti", which ends the Mass
there, in the Stowe and in the St. Gall. It seems to be compounded of
two prayers in the Leonine (Jul. xxiv, and Sept. iii.) In the Gallican
books it is a variable prayer. The dismissal formula in the Stowe is
"Missa acta est in pace".</li>
</ol>
<p class="continue" id="c-p2498" shownumber="no">The non-Roman elements in the Stowe Missal are: (1) The Bidding
Litany between the Epistle and Gospel, which, however, came after the
Gospel in the Gallican. (2) The Post-Sanctus. (3) the Responsory of the
Fraction. (4) The position of the Fraction before the Pater Noster. (5)
the elaborate Fraction. (6) the Communion Antiphons, and Responsory. In
the "missa apostolorum et martirum et sanctorum et sanctarum virginum",
in the Stowe, the Preface and Sanctus are followed by a Post-Sanctus of
regular Hispano-Gallican form, "Vere sanctus, vere benedictus"" etc.,
which modulates directly into the "Qui pridie"" with no place for the
intervention of "Te igitur""and the rest of the first part of the
Gelasian Canon. This may represent an Irish Mass as it was before the
Gelasian interpolation. In the other two Masses this is not shown.</p>
<p id="c-p2499" shownumber="no">In the Bobbio the Masses throughout the year seem to be Gallican in
arrangement up to the Preface, and Gelasian Roman afterwards. They
contain at their fullest, besides Epistle, Gospel, and sometimes a
lesson from the Old Testament or the Apocalypse (the 
<i>Prophetia</i> of the Ambrosian Rite), the following variables: (1)
Collects, sometimes called "Post Prophetiam", sometimes not named. (2)
bidding Prayer, sometimes called by its Gallican name, 
<i>"Praefatio"</i>. This is followed by one or more collects. (3)
Collect "post nomina". (4) Collect "Ad Pacem". (5) Sometimes "secreta",
but whenever this title is used the Mass is wholly Roman and has no 
<i>"Praefatio"</i>, "Post nomina", nor "Ad Pacem", but only one collect
preceding it. (6) "Contestatio", in one case called "immolatio missae".
This is the 
<i>Praefatio</i> in the Roman sense. Here the Mass ends, with
apparently no variable post-communion, though these are given in the
three Masses in the Stowe. The Masses are: three for Advent; Christmas
Eve and Day; St. Stephen; Holy Innocents; Sts. James and John;
Circumcision; Epiphany; St. Peter's Chair; St. Mary; the Assumption
(this and St. Peter's Chair are given in the Martyrology of Oengus on
18 Jan., evidently its place here); five for Lent; "In symboli
traditione"; Maundy Thursday; Easter Eve and Day; two Paschal Masses;
Invention of the Cross; Litany days; Ascension; Pentecost (called "in
Quinquaginsimo"); St. John Baptist; "in S. Johannis passione"; Sts.
Peter and Paul; St. Sigismund; Martyrs; one Martyr; one Confessor; St.
Martin; one Virgin; for the Sick; Dedication; St. Michael; for
travellers; for the priest himself; "Missa omnimoda"; four votive
masses; for the Living and the Dead; "in domo cujuslibet"; seven Sunday
Masses; for the king; two daily Masses; for a dead priest; for the Dead
-- sixty-one in all. The Mass "in symboli traditione" includes the 
<i>traditio</i> and 
<i>expositio symboli</i>, that for Maundy Thursday is followed by the
Good Friday 
<i>Lectio Passionis</i>, and the Easter Eve Mass is preceded by 
<i>preces</i> and intercessory 
<i>orationes</i> similar to those now used on Good Friday, by the
"benedictio cerei" (for which a hymn and a prayer occur in the Bangor
Antiphoner), here only represented by "Exultet", and by the order of
Baptism.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2499.1">V. THE BAPTISMAL SERVICE</h3>
<p id="c-p2500" shownumber="no">There are two Celtic orders of baptism extant: one in the
seventh-century Bobbio Missal and one in the ninth-century part of the
Stowe Missal. They differ considerably from one another in the order of
the ceremonies, though they have a good deal of their actual wording in
common. The Stowe is the longest of any early form, and on the whole
has most in common with the Gelasian and Gregorian. In some of its
details it has the appearance of a rather unskilful combination of two
orders, for the Exorcism, the Renunciation, and the Confession of Faith
come twice over, and the long Blessing of the Font and Baptismal Water
is a combination of the Gelasian and Gregorian forms. The actual
formula of baptism is not given in the Stowe, but in the Bobbio it
reads: "Baptizo te in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti unam
habentem [sic] substantiam ut habeas vitam aeternam partem cum
sanctis." This form resembles those in the "Missale Gothicum", the
"Vetus Gallicanum", and the eleventh-century Mozarabic "Liber Ordinum",
in adding "ut habeas vitam aeternam", though all differ in other
additions. Both the Stowe and the Bobbio have the Gallican washing of
the feet after Baptism, with words very similar to those in the
"Gothicum" and "Vetus Gallicanum".</p>
<p class="c5" id="c-p2501" shownumber="no">Bobbio form:</p>
<ol id="c-p2501.1">
<li id="c-p2501.2">"Ad Christianum faciendum". (a)First Exorcism. (b) 
<i>Signum Crucis</i>. (c) Insufflation.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.3">Blessing of Font. (a) Exorcism of water. (b) Two collects. (c)
"Sursum Corda" and Preface. (d) Chrismation at Font.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.4">Second Exorcism: "Exorcidio te spiritus imunde".</li>
<li id="c-p2501.5">"Ephpheta". The form is "Effeta, effecta est hostia in odorem
suavitatis". Cf., later, the Stowe form.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.6">Unction with oil of catechumens on nose, ears, and breast. The form
is "Ungo te oleo sanctificato sicut unxit Samuel David in regem et
prophetam".</li>
<li id="c-p2501.7">Renunciation. The three renunciations of the Stowe (and general
Roman) form, combined under one answer.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.8">Confession of Faith, with full Creed.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.9">Baptism.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.10">Chrismation, with which is said the form "Deus D. N. J. C. qui te
regeneravit", etc.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.11">Vesting with white robe.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.12">Washing the Feet.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.13">"Post Baptism", two collects.</li>
</ol>
<i>Stowe form:</i>
<ol id="c-p2501.14">
<li id="c-p2501.15">Exorcism and 
<i>Signum Crucis</i>. Three prayers. The first is in Moelcaich's hand
and includes the signing, the second occurs also in the Bangor
Antiphoner as "Collectio super hominem qui habet diabolum", and the
third "Deus qui ad salutem" is repeated before the Blessing of the
Font.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.16">
<i>Consecratio salis</i>, with an exorcism from the Gelasian.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.17">Renunciation. Three separate answers.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.18">Confession of Faith. The Creed in its shortest possible form, a
simple profession of faith in each Person of the Trinity.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.19">Insufflation, without words.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.20">First Unction on breast and back with oil and chrism, saying, "Ungo
te oleo sanctificatio in nomine", etc.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.21">Second Renunciation, in the same words as before.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.22">Four prayers of exorcism, two of which are Gelasian and two
Gregorian.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.23">Irish Rubric. "It is here that salt is put into the mouth of the
child."</li>
<li id="c-p2501.24">"Ephpheta". The form is: "Effeta quot est apertio effeta est hostia
in honorem [sic] suavitatis in nomine" etc. The Gelasian and Gregorian
(like the modern Roman" have, "Effeta quod est adaperire in odorem
suavitatis, tu autem effugare Diabole, appropinquabit enim judicium
Dei". The play upon the words 
<i>effeta</i> and 
<i>effecta</i> is peculiar to the Bobbio and Stowe. In other books
"Ephpheta" is not associated with the giving of the salt, as it appears
to be here, but with the touching of the nose and ears with
spittle.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.25">Prayer, "Domine sancte Pater omnipotens aeterne Deus, qui es et qui
eras et qui venturus es". This occurs in the Gelasian as "Ad
catechumenum ex Pagano faciendum", and is said in the present Roman
Baptism of Adults before the giving of the salt in the case of converts
from Paganism.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.26">Prayer, "Deus qui ad salutem humani generis". This, which forms
part of the "Benedictio Aquae" in the Gelasian, Gregorian, and modern
Roman, is repeated here for the second time, having been said already
with the first exorcism.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.27">Prayer, "Exaudi nos Domine. . . . . .et mittere dignare". The
prayer used at the "Asperges" in the modern Roman Rite.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.28">The Second Unction. "Huc usque catechumenus. Incipit oleari oleo et
crismate in pectus et item scapulas antequam baptizaretur."</li>
<li id="c-p2501.29">The Litany. "Circa fontem canitur." The text is not given. In the
Ambrosian rite the Litany is said after the Baptism, and in the modern
Roman on Easter Eve after the Blessing of the Font.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.30">Two psalms (or rather verses of two psalms): "Sitvit anima mea
usque vivum, quemadmodum. Vox Domini super aquas multas. Adferte." This
is an inverted way of expressing Ps. xli, 2 and Ps. xxviii, 3. The
whole of Ps. xli is said in the Ambrosian, and Ps. xxviii in the Roman
(Baptism of Adults).</li>
<li id="c-p2501.31">The Blessing of the Font. The first part consists of exorcisms
which, though they occur in various parts of the existing Gelasian
books, are always connected with the Blessings of the Font, or of water
therein. The last part consists, with a few verbal variations, of the
prayer "Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, adesto magnae pietatis tuae
mysteriis", and the Preface and prayers that follow in the Gelasian,
Gregorian, and modern Roman Easter Eve ceremonies, down to the pouring
of chrism into the Font. The direction which follows orders the chrism
to be poured "in modum crucis"-"et quique voluerit implet vasculum aqua
benedictionis ad domos consecrandas et populus praesens aspergitur aqua
benedicta".</li>
<li id="c-p2501.32">The Confession of Faith repeated, but with a slightly amplified
form.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.33">The Baptism. A triple immersion or aspersion is ordered, but no
formula is given.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.34">The Chrismation. The anointing is 
<i>in cerebrum in fronte.</i> The prayer is "Deus omnipotens Pater
D.N.J.C. qui te regeneravit", etc. This is found in the Gelasian,
Gregorian, modern Roman and Ambrosian, and in the Bobbio and "Vetus
Gallicanum". The formula is "Ungo te de oleo et de Chrismate salutis et
sanctificationis in nomine. . . .nunc et per omnia in saecula
saeculorum", and "operare creatura olei operare in nomine", etc.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.35">The Vesting with the White Robe by the deacon, with the usual words
(said by the priest), "Accipe vestem candidam", etc.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.36">The Signing of the Hands. The priest says, "Aperiatur manus pueri",
and "Signum crucis Christi accipe in manum tuam dexteram et conservet
te in vitam aeternam." Mr. Warren finds an instance of this ceremony in
the eleventh-century Jumièges Ritual, but otherwise it does not
seem to be known.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.37">The Washing of the Feet. This ceremony is peculiarly Gallican and
Celtic, and is not found in Roman books. An order was made in Spain by
the Council of Elvira, in 305, that it should be performed by clerks,
not by priests. The Stowe form begins with verses from the Psalms,
"Lucerna pedibus" and others, with Alleluias. Then follow a formula and
a prayer, both referring to Christ washing the feet of His
Disciples.</li>
<li id="c-p2501.38">The Communion. "Corpus et sanguinis [sic] D.N.J.C. sit tibi in
vitam aeternam, followed by thanksgivings for both Communion and
Baptism. At the end are a Blessing of Water (found also in the
Gregorian) and an Exorcism (found also in Gallican and Ambrosian books,
and in a slightly varied form, in the eleventh-century Mozarabic "Liber
Ordinum"). These, if they belong to the Baptism, are clearly out of
place, rendered unnecessary, as Mr. Warren suggests, by the
introduction of the larger Roman "Benedictio Fontis". It is possible,
however, that they belong to the Visitation of the Sick, which follows
immediately without any break in the manuscript. That service in the
Book of Mulling has a "benedictio Aquae" at the beginning.</li>
</ol>
<h3 id="c-p2501.39">VI. THE VISITATION, UNCTION, AND COMMUNION OF THE SICK</h3>
<p id="c-p2502" shownumber="no">There are four extant specimens of these services: in the Stowe
Missal and the Books of Dimma, Mulling and Deer. The Stowe and Dimma
are the longest and most complete, and agree very closely. The Mulling
differs in the preliminary bidding prayers and in adding at the
beginning a "Benedictio aquae" and "Benedictio hominis", the latter of
which comes, in the Stowe and Dimma, at the end, though in a different
form, and it agrees with the Dimma in inserting a recitation of the
Creed, which is not in the Stowe. The Deer form has only the communion,
which agrees substantially with the other three. The order in the Stowe
is:</p>
<ol id="c-p2502.1">
<li id="c-p2502.2">"Benedictio Aquae." "Benedic, Domine, hanc creaturam aquae"
(Gregorian) and "Exorcizo te spiritus immunde" (found in the Bobbio
Baptismal Order before the "Ephpheta" and in an Ambrisian Order quoted
by Martène, but in both as an "exorcismus hominis"). These two are
considered by Warren to belong to the Baptismal Order, but cf. the
position of the "Benedictio super aquam" and "Benedictio hominis" in
the Book of Mulling.</li>
<li id="c-p2502.3">
<i>Praefatio</i>, in the Gallican sense, "Oremus fratres, Dominum Deum
nostrum pro fratre nostro", followed by six collects, all but one of
which, as well as the 
<i>Praefatio</i> are in the Dimma.</li>
<li id="c-p2502.4">Two Gospels. Matt., xxii, 23, 29-33, and xxiv, 29-31. The first is
in the Dimma, where there is also an Epistle, I Cor., xv, 19-22.</li>
<li id="c-p2502.5">The Unction. In the Dimma this is preceded by a declaration of
faith in the Trinity, in eternal life, and in the Resurrection. In the
Mulling the Credo follows the Unction. The form of the Unction here is
"ungo te de oleo sanctificato ut salveris in nomine. . . . . .in
saecula", etc. The Dimma is "Ungo te de oleo sanctificato in nomine
Trinitatis ut salveris in saecula saeculorum", and the Mulling "Ungo te
de oleo sanctificationis in nomine Dei Patris et Filii et Spiritus
Sancti ut salveris in nomine Sancti Trinitatis". The forms in the old
Ambrosian Rituals and in the pre-Tridentine Rite of the Venetian
Patriarchate began with "Ungo te oleo sanctificato". A very similar
form is given by Martene from a twelfth-century Monte Cassino Breviary
(Vol. IV, 241), and another is in the tenth-century Asti Ritual
described by Gastoue (Rassegna Gregoriana, 1903). The Roman and modern
Ambrosian forms begin with "Per istam unctionem". Nothing is said in
the Celtic books about the parts of the body to be anointed.</li>
<li id="c-p2502.6">The "Pater Noster", with introduction, "Concede Domine nobis
famulis tuis", and Embolism "Libera nos Domine". The Dimma has the same
introduction, but after the Pater Noster the 
<i>Infirmus</i> is directed to recite "Agnosce, Domine, verba quae
precepisti". As another (or it may be as an alternative) introduction
to a Pater Noster. The Mulling and Deer have an introduction, "Creator
naturarum omnium". In each case the Pater Noster and its accompaniments
are preliminary to the Communion.</li>
<li id="c-p2502.7">Three prayers for the sick man, referring to his Communion. These
are not in the Dimma, Mulling, or Deer. One, "Domine sancte Pater te
fideliter", is in the present Roman Ritual.</li>
<li id="c-p2502.8">The Pax. "Pax et caritas D.N.J.C.", etc. as in the Mass.</li>
<li id="c-p2502.9">The Communion. The words of administration as given in the Stowe
are "Corpus et sanguis D.N.J.C. fili Dei vivi altissimi, et reliqua".
The Dimma omits 
<i>altissimi</i> and gives the ending in full, "conservat animam tuam
in vitam aeternam. The Mulling has "Corpus cum sanguine D. N. J. C.
sanitas sit tibi in vitam aeternam". The Deer has the same, except that
it ends "in vitam perpetuam et salutem". Then follow Communion anthems
similar to those in the Mass. These differ in order and selection in
the Stowe Mass, the Stowe, Dimma, Mulling, and Deer Communions of the
Sick, and in the Bangor Antiphoner, though several are common to them
all.</li>
<li id="c-p2502.10">The Thanksgiving. "Deus tibi gratias agimus". This is found in the
Dimma, Mulling, and Deer forms, where it ends the service. In the Dimma
it is preceded by the Blessing.</li>
<li id="c-p2502.11">The Blessing, "Benedicat tibi Dominus et custodiat te", followed by
the signing of the Cross and "Pax tibi in vitam aeternam".</li>
</ol>
<h3 id="c-p2502.12">VII. THE CONSECRATION OF CHURCHES</h3>
<p id="c-p2503" shownumber="no">In the 
<i>Leabhar Breac</i> there is a tract describing the consecration of a
church. The ceremony is divided into five parts, the consecration of
the floor, and of the altar with its furniture, the consecration out of
doors, the aspersion inside, and the aspersion outside. The
consecration of the floor includes the writing of two alphabets
thereon. There are directed to be seven crosses cut on the altar, and
nothing is said about relics. On the whole the service appears to be of
the same type as the Roman, though differing in details, and if the
order of the component parts as given in the tract may be taken as
correct, in order also. The tract, edited with a translation by the
Rev. T. Olden, D.D., has been printed by the St. Paul's Ecclesiological
Society (Vol. IV., 1900).</p>
<h3 id="c-p2503.1">VIII. HYMNS</h3>
<p id="c-p2504" shownumber="no">There are many native Irish hymns both in Latin and Irish. Of these,
most no doubt were not intended for liturgical use, but rather for
private reading, but a certain number were undoubtedly used in the
services of the Celtic Church. In the "Liber Hymnorum" there are hymns
by Patrick, Columba, Gildas, Sechnall, Ultan, Cummaim of Clonfert,
Muging, Coleman mac UiClussaigh, Colman Mac Murchan, Cuchuimne, Oengus,
Fiach, Broccan, Sanctam, Scandalan Mor, Mael-Isu ua Brolchain, and
Ninine, besides a few by non-Irish poets. The Bangor Antiphoner adds
the names of Comgall and Camelac to the list. Of the twelve hymns given
in the latter, eight are not found elsewhere, and ten are certainly
intended for liturgical use.</p>
<p id="c-p2505" shownumber="no">MARTENE, De Antiquis Ecclesiae ritibus" (Bassano, 1788); MURATORI,
"Liturgia Romana vetus" (Venice, 1748); MABILLON, "Musaeum Italicum"
(Paris, 1637); ID., "De Liturgia Gallicana" (Paris, 1685); GERBERT,
"Monumenta veteris Liturgiae Allemaniae" (St. Blaise, 1777); NEALE AND
FORBES, "Ancient Liturgies of the Gallican Church" (Burntisland,
1855-67); FELTOE (ed.), "Sacramentarium Leonanum" (Cambridge, 1896);
WILSON (ed.), "The Gelasian Sacramentary" (Oxford, 1894); Id.,
"Classified Index to the Leonine, Gelasian and Gregorian
Sacramentaries" (Cambridge, 1892); DELISLE, "Memoires sur d'anciens
sacramentaires" (Paris, 1886); HADDAN AND STUBBS, "Councils and
Ecclesiastical Documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland"
(Oxford, 1869-78); PROBST, "Die abendlandische Messe vom funften bis
zum achten Jahrhundert" (Munster, 1896); DUCHESNE, "Les origines du
culte chretien" (Paris, 1902; tr. London, 1904); WORDSWORTH, "The
Ministry of Grace" (London, 1901); FRERE, "New History of the Book of
Common Prayer" (London, 1878); G. Stokes, "Ireland and the Celtic
Church (London, 1907); WARREN (ed.), "Bangor Antiphoner (1893-95);
BERNARD AND ATKINSON (eds.), "Liber Hymnorum" (1898); WHITLEY STOKES
(ed.), "Martyrology of Oengus the Culdee; WARNER, (ed.), "Stowe
Missal", pt. I-the last four works issued by Henry Bradshaw
Society;--MACCARTHY, "On the Stowe Missal in Royal Irish Acad."
(Dublin, 1877-86); KUYPERS, "The Prayer Book of Aethelwald the Bishop
[Book of Cerne]" (Cambridge, 1902); LAWLOR, "Chapters on the Book of
Mulling (Edinburgh, 1897); MEYER, "Das Turiner Bruchstuck der altesten
irischen Liturgie", in "Nachrichten von der Konigl. Gesellschaft der
Wissenschaften zu Gottingen" (Gottingen, 1904); BANNISTER, "Some
recently discovered fragments of Irish Sacramentaries", in "Jour. Of
Theol Stud." For Oct., 1903; CAGIN, "Description of the Bobbio Missal",
in "Paleographic musicale" (Solesmes, 1896), V; BAUMER, "Das
Stowe-Missale" in "Zeitschrift fur kathol. Theologie (July and Jan.,
1893-94); "Leabhar Breac, The Speckled Book"-facsimile with
introduction, etc., in R. I. Acad. (Dublin, 1876); MACGREGOR, "An
Ancient Gaelic treatise on the Symbolism of the Eucharist", in
"Transactions of Aberdeen Ecclesiological Soc., No. XI, 1898); WARREN,
"The Irish Missal belonging to Corpus Christi College, Oxford" (London,
1879); Id., "The Leofric Missal" (Oxford, 1883); FORBES, "Missale
Drummondiense" (Burntisland, 1882); E. BISHOP, "Liturgical note in
Kuypers' Prayerbook of Aethelwald [Book of Cerne} (Cambridge, 1902);
Id., "The Earliest Roman Mass Book" in "Dub. Rev." for Oct., 1894; Id.,
"The Litany of Saints in the Stowe Missal"L, in "Journal of Theol.
Studies" for Oct., 1905; Id., "Spanish Symptoms (in Gallican, Irish and
Roman Service Books)", in same Journal for Jan., 1907); MERCATI, "More
Spanish Symptoms" in same "Journal" for April, 1907; LEJAY, "Articles
in Rev. d'hist. Et de litt. rel." (1897), II, 91, 189; (1903), VIII,
556; (1904), IX, 556; FEROTIN, "Le Liber Ordinum en usage dans l'eglise
wisigothique et mozarabe", in CABROL, "Mon. Eccl. Lit." (Paris, 1904),
V; LEGG, "Ecclesiological Essays" (London, 1905); "Sti Columbani
Regula", in FLEMINGIUS, "Collectanea Sacra" (Louvain, 1667); REEVES,
"On the Celi-De, commonly called Culdees", in "R.I. Acad." (Dublin),
18740; xxiv; BURY, "Life of St. Patrick", (London, 1905); DOTTIN,
"Notes bibliographiques sur l'ancienne litterature d'Irlande", in 'Rev.
d'hist. Et de lit. rel." (Paris, 1900), V, 161,--It should be added
that there is also a considerable mass of quasi-historical literature
on both sides, Anglican and Roman, from which a certain amount of
information may be gleaned, but it requires to be used with great
discrimination, owing to its controversial character.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2506" shownumber="no">HENRY JENNER</p></def>

<term id="c-p2506.1" title="Cemeteries" type="Encyclopedia">Cemeteries</term>
<def id="c-p2506.2">
<h1 id="c-p2506.3">Cemetery</h1>
<h4 id="c-p2506.4">Name</h4>
<p id="c-p2507" shownumber="no">The word 
<i>coemeterium</i> or 
<i>cimiterium</i> (in Gr. 
<i>koimeterion</i>) may be said in early literature to be used
exclusively of the burial places of Jews and Christians. A single
doubtful example (Corp. Inscript. Lat., VIII, n. 7543), where it seems
to be applied to a pagan sepulture, can safely be disregarded, and
though the word, according to its etymology, means sleeping place (from

<i>koimasthai</i>, to sleep), its occurrence in this literal sense is
rare. Moreover, the phrase "their so-called cemeteries" 
(<i>ta kaloumena koimeteria</i>), used in an imperial edict of 259,
shows that it was even then recognized as a distinctive name. The word
occurs in Tertullian (De anima, c. li) and is probably older. Let us
add that though what we now understand by a cemetery is a separate,
park-like enclosure not being the "yard" of any church, the word was
originally of much more general application. It was applied either to
any single tomb or to a whole graveyard, and was the usual term
employed to designate those subterranean burial places now commonly
known as the catacombs.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2507.1">Early History</h4>
<p id="c-p2508" shownumber="no">There can be little doubt that in the beginning of the preaching of
Christianity the converts to the Gospel were content to be interred
without distinction in the graves of their Jewish brethren (Acts, v, 6,
viii, 2, and ix, 37). But it is also plain from the nature of things
that this arrangement could not have been of long duration. To the Jew
the dead body and all connected with it was an uncleanness. To the
Christian it involved no contamination, but was full of the hope of
immortality. (I Cor., xv, 43). The practice of separate interment must,
therefore, have begun early both in Rome and in other places where
there were large Christian colonies. It would seem that the earliest
Christian burial places were family vaults (to use a rather misleading
word) erected upon private property. But the desire to rest near those
of their own faith who had passed away before must have been especially
strong in Rome, where even artisans practising the same trade sought to
be buried side by side with their fellow-craftsmen and formed
associations for the purpose. Wealthy Christians accordingly enlarged
their family burial places and admitted their poorer brethren to share
them. "For himself, for his freedmen, and for charity" 
(<i>sibi et libertis et misericordiæ</i>) is an inscription found
in a construction of this class. Partly owing to the nature of the
soil, partly, no doubt, to the desire of imitating the burial places in
the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, and in particular the sepulchre of
Christ, the practice was largely followed of excavating a subterranean
chamber or series of chambers in the recesses of which bodies could be
laid and walled in with bricks or marble slabs. The need of interring a
disproportionately large number of persons upon one small property
probably led to the early development of a system of narrow galleries
tunnelled through the tufa, with horizontal niches (loculi) scooped out
in the walls on both sides. At the same time it would be a mistake to
suppose that Christians throughout the Roman Empire were compelled to
resort to great secrecy regarding their interments. On the contrary,
the well-understood principle of law that a burial place was a 
<i>locus religiosus</i> and consequently inviolable seems at normal
times to have guaranteed to the Christians a large measure of immunity
from interference. The jurisdiction which the pagan College of Pontiffs
possessed over all places of sepulture no doubt caused difficulties,
especially at those epochs when active persecution broke out, but the
general tendency of the Roman magistrates was to be tolerant in
religious matters. Moreover it is probable that for many years after
the Gospel was first preached in Rome the Christians were looked upon
merely as a particular sect of Jews, and the Jews, as we may learn from
Horace and other pre-Christian writers, had long held a recognized and
assured position which excited no alarm.</p>
<p id="c-p2509" shownumber="no">Hence from Apostolic times down to the persecution of Domitian, the
faithful were interred upon private burial allotments, situated like
the pagan tombs along the border of the great roads and of course
outside the walls of the city. Moreover, as Lanciani says, "these early
tombs whether above or below ground, display a sense of perfect
security and an absence of all fear or solicitude" (Lanciani, Pagan and
Christian Rome, 309). The vestibule and crypt of the Flavians, members
of Domitian's own family, afford a conspicuous example of this. The
ground, bordering on the Via Ardeatina, belonged to Flavia Domitilla,
the niece of Domitian. Here a catacomb was excavated, a portion of
which seems to have been set aside for the interment of the family. The
entrance can plainly be seen from the road, and the vestibule and
adjoining chambers still remain in which, according to Roman custom,
anniversary feasts took place in honour of the dead. In this case the
feasts would have been the 
<i>agapæ</i>, or love feasts of the Christians, probably preceded
or followed by the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass; but the custom of
honouring the third, ninth (afterwards seventh), thirtieth, and
anniversary day of the decease seems to have been borrowed from the
religious observances of Greece and Rome and to date from the earliest
times. In contrast to these original private tombs the portion of the
catacomb excavated for the use of the Christian community at large
consisted of a vast network of galleries dug at more than one level.
For a while, like many other underground Christian cemeteries, this
catacomb seems to have been known by the name of the donor, Domitilla,
but later it was called after the holy martyrs Nereus and Achilleus,
who were subsequently buried there. Further, towards the close of the
fourth century a basilica in honour of these two martyrs was erected
upon the spot. Their tomb was near the entrance and consequently it was
not disturbed, but the ground was dug away and the church built
immediately over the tomb, much below the level of the surrounding
soil. On the other hand, through devotion to these saints interments
multiplied and numerous fresh galleries for the purpose were excavated
in the immediate vicinity of the church. All this is typical of what
took place in many other instances. The early burial places, which were
certainly in private ownership and confined to isolated plots of ground

(<i>areæ</i>), seem in the third century to have often become
property held by the Christian community in common, other adjoining
allotments being bought up and the whole area honeycombed with
galleries at many different levels. We learn from the "Philosophumena"
that Pope Zephyrinus appointed Callistus (c. 198) superintendent of the
cemeteries. So again we have distinct record of the restoration of the
cemeteries to the Christians in 259 after the Valerian persecution.
(Euseb., Hist. Eccles., VII, xiii.) According to De Rossi the freedom
which the Church at normal times enjoyed in their possession was due to
the fact that the Christians banded themselves together to form a 
<i>collegium funeraticium</i>, or burial society, such associations, of
which the members paid a certain annual contribution, being expressly
recognized by law. (See Roma Sotterranea, I, 101 sq.) For this view
there is very good evidence, and though objections have been raised by
such authorities as Monseigneur Duchesne and Victor Schultze, the
theory has by no means been abandoned by later scholars. (See Duchesne,
Histoire ancienne de l'eglise, I, 384; Marucchi, Eléments
d'archéologie, I, 117-124.)</p>
<p id="c-p2510" shownumber="no">When martyrs were thus buried, crowds of their fellow-Christians
desired to be buried near them; moreover, some sort of open space
forming a small chamber or chapel was generally opened out where Mass
could be celebrated upon or beside the tomb. Still, this was only an
occasional use. The catacombs, owing to difficulties of light and
ventilation, were not ordinarily used as places of Christian worship
except at times of fierce persecution. After Constantine's edict of
toleration (312), when peace was restored to the Church, basilicas were
sometimes built over portions of the catacombs, especially over the
known burial place of some favourite martyrs. At the same time, during
the fourth century the eagerness to be interred in these subterranean
galleries gradually waned, though the zeal of Pope Damasus in honouring
the tombs of the martyrs seems to have revived the fashion for a few
years at a later date. After 410, when Rome was sacked by Alaric, no
more burials took place in the Roman catacombs, but the earlier spread
of Christianity is well illustrated by the excavations made. Any
accurate estimate is of course impossible, but Michael de Rossi
calculated that in the zone of territory lying within three miles of
the walls, more than five hundred miles of subterranean galleries had
been tunnelled and that the number of Christians buried therein must
have exceeded 1,700,000. The use of open-air cemeteries in place of
catacombs had probably begun in Rome before Constatine. Many have been
identified in modern times (De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea, vol. III, bk.
III), though it is not always easy to determine exactly the period at
which they started. In other parts of the world it is quite certain
that innumerable open-air Christian cemeteries were in existence long
before the close of the period of persecutions. We may cite as
characteristic the discoveries of Dr. W. M. Ramsay in Phrygia, where
many Christian graves clearly belong to the second century, as also
those of Northern Africa, of which we hear already in Tertullian, and
in particular those of Salona in Dalmatia (second to sixth century; see
Leclercq, Manuel d' archéologie, I, 327-329). This last is
particularly interesting because the surviving remains illustrate so
clearly the extreme antiquity of the practice of interring the dead in
the near neighbourhood of the oratories in which the Christians
assembled to offer the Holy Sacrifice. It is probably to this custom
that we may trace the origin of the lateral chapels which have become
so notable a feature of all our greater churches No doubt the tendency
to surround the church with graves was long kept in check by the Roman
law forbidding the dead to be interred within the walls of cities; but
this law at an early date began to be disregarded, and after the
pontificate of John III (560-575) it would seem that burials at Rome
generally took place within the walls.</p>
<p id="c-p2511" shownumber="no">As a rule the Christians, though their cemeteries were separate,
accommodated themselves in things permissible to the burial usages of
the peoples among whom they lived. Thus in Egypt the early Coptic
Christians converted their dead into mummies with the use of asphalt
and natron. Again, though catacombs existed far away from Rome in many
places where the soil favoured such excavations, e.g. in Naples and
Sicily, still, in certain tracts of country otherwise suitable, e.g. in
Umbria, the early Christians abstained from this method of interment,
apparently because it was not used by the pagan inhabitants (see N.
Müller in Realencyklopadie f. prot. Theol., X, 817).</p>
<h4 id="c-p2511.1">Burial in Churches</h4>
<p id="c-p2512" shownumber="no">The fact that the tombs of the martyrs were probably the earliest
altars (cf. Apoc., vi, 9), together with the eager desire to be buried
near God's holy ones, gradually led up to the custom of permitting
certain favoured individuals to be interred not only near but within
the church. It may be said that the Roman emperors led the way.
Constantine and Theodosius were buried under the portico of the church
of the Apostles in Constantinople. At Rome, when the restrictions
against burial within the city began to be set aside, the entrance of
St. Peter's became the usual place of interment for the popes and other
distinguished persons. It was no doubt in imitation of this practice
that King Ethelbert of Canterbury was persuaded by St. Augustine to
dedicate a church to Sts. Peter and Paul outside the town, with the
intent "that both his own body and the bodies of his episcopal
successors and at the same time of the kings of Kent might be laid to
rest there". They were in point of fact buried in the vestibule.
Probably a varying phase of the same tendency may be recognized in the
practice of erecting little shelters or oratories, 
<i>basilicæ</i>, over certain favoured graves in the open. The
Salic law prohibited outrages upon such basilicas under heavy
penalties: "Si quis basilicam super hominem mortuum exspoliaverit 1200
denarios culpabilis iudicetur", i.e. "If any one shall plunder a
basilica erected over the dead he shall be fined 1200 denarii" (cf.
Lindenschmidt, Handbuch d. deutsch. Alterthumskunde, I, 96). But
interment within the church itself had been known from an early date in
isolated cases. St. Ambrose allowed his brother Satyrus, although he
was a layman, to be buried within the church beside the tomb of the
martyr. As for himself, he wished to be buried under the altar of his
own basilica. "Hunc ego locum (sc. sub altari) praedestinaveram mihi.
Dignum est enim ut ibi requiescat sacerdos ubi offerre consuevit", i.e.
"This place (beneath the altar) I had chosen for myself. For it is
fitting that where the priest has been wont to sacrifice, there should
he rest (Migne, P. L., XVI, 1023). In the earlier periods, however,
when we hear of burial in churches we may as a rule presume that the
cemetery basilicas are meant (cf. De Rossi, Roma Sotterranea, III, 548
sq.), and for a long time the resistance made to the growing practice
of burial in churches was very determined. Of the numerous conciliar
decrees upon the subject that of Vaison in 442 may be taken as a
specimen. "According to the tradition of our ancestors", it says,
"measures must be taken that on no account should anyone be buried
within the churches, but only in the yard or in the vestibule or in the
annexes [<i>exedris</i>]. But within the church itself and near the altar the
dead must on no account be buried." This decree with others of similar
purport was afterwards incorporated in the canon law. As may be learned
from St. Gregory of Tours it was frequently disregarded in the case of
bishops and royal personages, but on the other hand we have record of
many other bishops, abbots, and other distinguished men both in the
sixth century and later who were buried 
<i>juxta urbem</i>, or 
<i>in campis</i>, or 
<i>in communi coemeterio</i>. St. Acca (q.v.) might be mentioned as an
English example in point. None the less in the first half of the ninth
century the serious abuses attendant upon the neglect of this
prohibition were constantly complained of. The passage in the
capitularies of Theodulfus (c. 790) is particularly interesting because
it was afterwards translated into Anglo-Saxon (c. 1110) in the
following form:</p>
<p id="c-p2513" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">It was an old custom in these lands often to bury departed
men within the church and to convert into cemeteries [<i>lictunum</i>] the places that were hallowed to God's worship and
blessed for offering to Him. Now it is our will that henceforth no man
be buried within a church unless it be some man of the priesthood [<i>sacerdhades</i>] or at least a layman of such piety that it is known
that he by his meritorious deeds earned when living such a place for
his dead body to rest in. It is not our intention however that the
bodies which have been previously buried in the church should be cast
out but that the graves which are seen therein be either dug deeper
into the earth or else be levelled up and the church floor be evenly
and decently laid so that no grave [ 
<i>nan byrgen</i>] be any longer apparent. But if in any place there be
so many graves that it is impossible to effect this, then let the place
be left as a cemetery [ 
<i>Thonne læte man tha stowe to lictune</i>] and the altar be
taken from thence and set in a clean [i.e. new] place and a church be
there raised where people may offer to God reverently and decently.
(Thorpe, Eccles. Institutes and Laws, 472)</p>

<p id="c-p2514" shownumber="no">This decree
plainly shows both that the law against burying within the churches had
often been disregarded in the past and also that any attempt to enforce
it rigidly was looked upon as impracticable. No one could determine the
precise degree of piety which merited a relaxation, and in most
countries those whose dignity, wealth, or benefactions enabled them to
press their claims with vigour had little difficulty in securing this
coveted privilege for themselves or for their friends. The English
liturgist, John Beleth, seems to admit that any 
<i>patronus ecclesiæ</i>, i.e., the patron of a living, could
claim to be buried in the church as a right, and his words are adopted
by Durandus, though possibly without a full appreciation of their
meaning. Still, such lay interments within the sacred building and
especially in the chancel always stood in contradiction to the canon
law, and some show of resistance was generally made. In particular, it
was insisted on that tombs should not project above the pavement or
should at least be confined to the side chapels. The ecclesiastical
legislation of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries continued to
recognize the right of the clergy to be buried within the sacred
building, but it need hardly be remarked that the intervention of state
legislation in almost all modern countries has deprived these decrees
of much of their practical importance.</p>

<h4 id="c-p2514.1">Medieval Cemeteries</h4>
<p id="c-p2515" shownumber="no">When the tribes of the North were first converted to Christianity an
effort was generally made to restrain the converts from being buried in
the barrows used by the pagans. This does not seem to have been the
case to the same extent when the Gospel was preached to the Romanized
Gauls. There, says Boulanger (Le mobilier funeraire gallo-romain et
franc, 27), the pagan and the Christian Roman will often be seen
resting side by side. "Glass with biblical subjects or pottery bearing
Christian inscriptions may be found next door to a grave which contains
the obol intended for Charon." In the Frank and Saxon interments there
is not usually this confusion of pagan and Christian. At the same time,
the national burial custom, which required the warrior to be buried
with his arms and the girl with her ornaments and the implements of her
daily occupation, was long observed even by Christians. The temptation
which this custom offered for the rifling of graves was viewed with
much disfavour by the Church, and under Charlemagne an ecclesiastical
council passed a decree which seems to have been effective in putting
an end to this burial with accoutrements (Boulanger, op. cit., 41).
Still Hincmar, Archbishop of Reims, in 857, found it necessary to issue
a whole series of instructions 
<i>De sepulcris non violandis.</i> In all these early Christian
cemeteries the orientation of the tombs was carefully attended to. Each
corpse was laid with its feet to the east, though it has been remarked
as a curious fact that pagan Frankish sepultures also commonly exhibit
the same peculiarity (Boulanger, op. cit., 32). With regard to England
it may probably be assumed, though clear evidence is lacking, that
separate Christian graveyards were formed almost from the beginning in
all those places where the faithful were numerous. It would seem that
even before a church was built it was the practice of our Saxon
forefathers to set up a cross, which served as a rendezvous for the
Christians of the district. An instance may be quoted from the almost
contemporary life of St. Willibald, born in 699, who when he was three
years old was consecrated to God at the foot of such a cross in a
remote part of Hampshire. The suggestion has been recently made with
much plausibility that round such a cross the Christian converts loved
to be laid to rest, and that these primitive crosses marked a site upon
which church and churchyard were established at a later time (see
Baldwin Brown, Arts in Early England, I, 254-266). Certain it is that
the churchyard cross was always a conspicuous feature of the
consecrated enclosure and that the churchyard usually afforded
sanctuary as secure as that of the church itself for those who were
fleeing from justice or private vengeance. Numerous ecclesiastical
ordinances enjoin that the churchyard was to be surrounded by a wall or
other boundary sufficient to keep out straying cattle and to secure the
area from profanation. As a specimen we may take the following
ordinance of the Bishop of Lincoln in 1229: "Regarding the arrangements
of a church-yard [ 
<i>coemeterium</i>] let the ground be properly enclosed with a wall or
a ditch, and let no part of it be taken up with buildings of any kind,
unless during time of war. There should be a good and well-built cross
erected in the church-yard to which the procession is made on Palm
Sunday, unless custom prescribes that the procession should be made
elsewhere" (Wilkins, Concilia, I, 623). This churchyard procession on
Palm Sunday, in which, as early as the time of Lanfranc, the Blessed
Sacrament was often carried in a portable shrine, as well as all the
relics of the church, was a very imposing ceremony. Many descriptions
of it have been left us, and traces still survive even in Protestant
countries, where, as for example, in Wales, the country people to this
day often visit the churchyard on Palm Sunday and scatter flowers on
the graves (see Thurston, Lent and Holy Week, 213-230; The Month,
April, 1896, 378). Less admirable was the use of the churchyard in
medieval times as a sort of recreation ground or market-place. Numerous
decrees were directed against abuses, but it was difficult to draw a
clear line between what was legitimate and permissible and what was
distinctly a profanation of the sacred precincts. The very fact that
people congregated in the churchyard on the way to and from service on
Sundays and holidays made it a convenient place of assembly. Down to
modern times the day of the village feast or fair is often found to
coincide with the sometimes forgotten original dedication of the church
or with the festival of its patron saint. Moreover, there was a
tendency to regard the church and its precincts as a sort of neutral
ground or place of security for valuables. Hence ancient contracts
often include a clause that such and such a sum of money is to be paid
on a certain date in a particular church or churchyard. In any case it
cannot be denied that the erection of stalls and booths for fairs in
the churchyard persisted in spite of all prohibitions (Baldwin Brown,
op. cit., 274-364).</p>
<p id="c-p2516" shownumber="no">A curious feature found in many churchyards from the twelfth to the
fourteenth century, especially in France, is the so-called 
<i>lanterne des morts</i>, a stone erection sometimes twenty or thirty
feet high, surmounted by a lantern and presenting a general resemblance
to a small lighthouse. The lantern seems to have been lighted only on
certain feasts or vigils and in particular on All Souls' Day. An altar
is commonly found at the foot of the column. Various theories have been
suggested to explain these remarkable objects, but no one of them can
be considered satisfactory. Besides the churchyard cross and the 
<i>lanterne des morts</i>, cemeteries, especially when not attached to
the parish church, frequently contained a mortuary chapel similar to
those with which modern usage is still familiar. Here, no doubt, Mass
was offered for the souls of the departed, and the dead were on
occasion deposited, when for some reason the service at the graveside
was delayed. These mortuary chapels seem usually to have been dedicated
to St. Michael, probably from the function attributed to him of
escorting the dead to and from the judgment seat (cf. the Offertory in
the requiem Mass: "Signifer sanctus Michael repraesentet eas in lucem
sanctam". In other graveyards a "lych-gate", i.e., a roofed gateway to
the cemetery, served to afford shelter to the coffin and mourners when
waiting to proceed to the graveside. Provision was also generally made,
and some such arrangement is recommended by the decrees of more modern
times, for the bestowal of bones which might be dug up in making new
graves. Most churchyards possessed something in the nature of a charnel
house or ossuary, and in many parts of the world, where for various
reasons space had to be economized, a principle was recognized that
after a certain term of years graves might be emptied to make room for
new occupants, the remains thus removed being consigned to the charnel
house. This was and is particularly the case in regions where, owing to
the unsuitable nature of the soil, e.g. in the City of Mexico, the dead
are built into oven-like chambers of solid masonry. When these chambers
are cleared at intervals to receive another occupant, it is not unusual
to find here and there a body which instead of falling to dust has
become naturally desiccated or mummified. Such gruesome specimens have
not unfrequently been sold and without a particle of foundation
exhibited as "walled up nuns" or "victims of the Inquisition". (See The
Month, Jan., 1894, pp. 14, 323, 574, and April, 1904, p. 334.) Among
the Capuchns and some other orders in Southern Europe charnel houses
are often constructed with the most fantastic elaboration, the bodies,
dried to the consistency of parchment, being arranged around the
chamber in niches and robed in their religious habits. Moreover, even
here, secular persons, following medieval precedents, have been
admitted in some cases to share the sepulture of the religious. The
curious practices observed in many ancient cemeteries, for instance in
the arcade known as the 
<i>Charnier</i> of the Cemetery of the Innocents at Paris, would afford
much matter for discussion, but lie outside the limits of the present
article. A very favourite decoration for such erections or for cemetery
walls was the Dance of Death, otherwise known as the 
<i>Danse Macabre.</i> The frescoes of this character, however, seem
none of them to be older than the fourteenth century.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2516.1">Monastic Cemeteries</h4>
<p id="c-p2517" shownumber="no">From an early date every religious house possessed a cemetery of its
own. An interesting discovery of such a graveyard belonging to
Anglo-Saxon nuns of the eighth century was made a few years ago near
Hull. It is possible that these monastic cemeteries in early missionary
days often formed the nucleus of a churchyard intended for all the
faithful. In any case it became the ardent desire of many pious persons
to be laid to rest among the religious of monastic institutions, and
they often sought to purchase the privilege by benefactions of various
kinds. Formal compacts dealing with this matter are to be met with
among early charters, e.g. those of Anglo-Saxon England; and the
question, as will easily be understood, led to much friction at a
somewhat later date, between the religious orders and secular clergy,
resulting in a great deal of ecclesiastical legislation upon the right
of choosing a sepulture and the claims of the parish priest.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2517.1">Consecration of Cemeteries</h4>
<p id="c-p2518" shownumber="no">The practice of blessing the grave or the vault in which any
Christian was laid to rest is extremely ancient, and it may be traced
back to the time of St. Gregory of Tours (De Gloria Conf., c. civ). In
many early pontificals, e.g. those of Egbert of York and Robert of
Jumièges, a special service is provided with the title 
<i>Consecratio Cymiterii</i>, and this, with certain developments and
additions, is still prescribed for the blessing of cemeteries at the
present day. According to this rite five wooden crosses are planted in
the cemetery, one in the centre and the others at the four points of
the compass. After the chanting of the Litany of the Saints with
special invocations, holy water is blessed and the bishop makes the
circuit of the enclosure sprinkling it everywhere with this water. Then
he comes to each of the crosses in turn and recites before it a prayer
of some length, these five prayers being identical with those appointed
for the same purpose in the Anglo-Saxon pontificals of the eighth
century. Candles are also lighted before the crosses and placed upon
them, and this feature, though not so ancient as the prayers, is also
of venerable antiquity. On each of these occasions incense is used, and
finally a consecratory preface is sung at the central cross, after
which the procession returns to the church., where solemn Mass is
celebrated. A cemetery which has thus been consecrated may be profaned,
and it is in a measure regarded as losing its sacred character when any
deed of blood or certain other outrages are committed within its
enclosure. For example, as the ground has been blessed for those who
are in communion with the Church, the forcible intrusion of someone who
had died under the Church's ban is looked upon as a violation which
unfits it for the purpose for which it was designed. Innocent III
decided that in such a case, if for any reason it was impossible to
exhume the remains and cast them out of the enclosure, the cemetery
must be reconciled by a form of service specially provided for the
purpose. In a celebrated instance, known as the Guibord Case, which
occurred in Montreal, Canada, in 1875, the bishop, seeing the civil law
uphold the intrusion, laid the portion of the cemetery so profaned
under an interdict. Finally we may note the quasi-consecraton imparted
to the famous Campo Santo of Pisa, as well as to one or two other
Italian cemeteries, by the alleged transference thither of soil from
Mount Calvary.</p>
<p id="c-p2519" shownumber="no">For other points not touched upon here, see the article BURIAL.</p>
<p id="c-p2520" shownumber="no">For general works see Permandeder, in Kirchenlex., VII, 718; Ruland,
Gesch. der kirchlichen Leichenfeier (Ratisbon, 1901); Lek, Das
kirchliche Begrabnissrecht (Ratisbon, 1904); Bertrand, De la
législation de la Sepulture (Paris, 1904); Archiv für k.
Kirchenrecht, I, 25 sq., LXXVIII, 171 sq; Moulart, De Sepultura et
Coemeteriis (Louvain, 1862), and in L'Eglise et L'Etat (Louvain, 1896),
512-29.
<br />For the Catacombs and early Middle Ages see Leclercq, Manuel
d'archéol. chrét. (Paris, 1907), I, 217-234, a very
satisfactory discussion of the subject; Müller in Realencyklopadie
f. prot. Théol., X, 814 sqq., also an extraordinarily full and
elaborate article; Lanciani, Christian and Pagan Rome (London, 1892),
305-361; Brown, From Schola to Cathedral (London, 1893); Marucchi,
Elements d'archéol. (Rome, 1901), especially I; Lindenschmidt,
Handbuch der deutschen Alterthumskunde, I, 64-146; Cochet, La Normandie
Souterraine (Paris, 1860); Brown, The Arts in Early England (London,
1902), I, 253-270; Kraus, Real-Encyklopadie, I, 307 sq.; Boulanger, Le
mobilier funéraire gallo-romain et franc (Paris, 1905); Murcier,
La Sépulture Chret. (Paris, 1855).
<br />On the Canon Law see Wernz, Jus Decretalium (Rome, 1902), III,
464-71; Zema, Quoestiones Canonico-Liturgicoe (Rome, 1903); Cavagnis,
Institut. Jur. Pub. Eccles. (Rome, 1889), II, 289 sq; Ferraris,
Bibliotheca, s. v. Sepultura.
<br />For the Liturgy see Martene, De Antiquis Ecclesioe Ritubus
(Bassano, 1788); Cabrol, Le livre de la priere antique (Paris, 1900),
326-32.
<br />For the ecclesiastical discipline of the Province of Quebec see
Gignac, Compend. Jur. eccl., etc. (Quebec, 1903), De rebus, etc., Nos.
773, 774, 778, 783; also Discipline Eccl. du Diocese de Quebec, s.v.
Sepulture; and for the Civil Law, Weir, The Civil Code of Lower Canada
(Montreal, 1888).
<br />For the cemetery legislation of the Province of Quebec, see
Mignault, Le Droit Paroissial, etc. (Montreal, 1893), in Index s.v.
Cimetieres; Dorais, Code Civil de la Province de Quebec (2nd ed.,
Montreal, 1905), nos. 53 b. and 66 sqq.; Tyler, American Eccl. Law, Ch.
71-85; American and English Encycl. of Law, V, 781-98; Desmond, The
Church and the Law (Chicago, 1898), c. xvi.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2521" shownumber="no">J.J. CURRAN</p></def>

<term id="c-p2521.1" title="Cemeteries in Law" type="Encyclopedia">Cemeteries in Law</term>
<def id="c-p2521.2">
<h1 id="c-p2521.3">Cemeteries in Law</h1>
<h4 id="c-p2521.4">Cemeteries in Civil Law</h4>
<p id="c-p2522" shownumber="no">It would be impossible here to deal in detail with the various
legislative enactments which now almost everywhere prevent the Church's
burial requirements from being carried into effect. (See BURIAL.) "From
the principles which now obtain in German law", writes Dr. Peter Lex in
his recent work, "Das kirchliche Begrabnissrecht", "the idea of a
Catholic churchyard from the point of view of Catholic teaching and
practice, has been completely suppressed and the cemetery has been
degraded into a mere burial-ground belonging to the civil corporation."
In such matters as the burial of Protestants or non-Christians in
ground formerly blessed for the faithful only, the Church when opposed
by the civil power allows her ministers to give way rather than provoke
a conflict. In England, according to the Burials Act of 1852, the
"Burial Boards" in different parts of the country are empowered to
provide adequate graveyards out of the rates. In these a certain
portion is consecrated according to the rites of the Church of England
and the remainder is left unconsecrated. Of this last such a proportion
as may be necessary is assigned for the use of Catholics, who are free
to consecrate it for themselves. Moreover, when a chapel is erected
upon the Church of England portion of the cemetery, a similar building
must as a rule be provided in the other sections. The act assigns to
the "Burial Board", at least indirectly, the control of the
inscriptions to be set up upon the tombstones in the cemetery, but
these powers are generally administered without hardship to Catholics.
When Catholics are buried in ground which is not specially consecrated
for their use the priest conducting the funeral is directed by the
"Rituale Romanum" to bless the grave, and if the priest himself cannot
conduct the funeral further, to put blessed earth into the coffin.
Children who have died before baptism, we may notice, should be
interred apart in ground which has not been consecrated; and it is
usual even in the consecrated portion to assign a separate place for
infants that have been baptized.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2522.1">Cemetery Laws in the United States</h4>
<p id="c-p2523" shownumber="no">The several States of the Union have upon their statute books
legislation, in its broader outlines identical, providing for the
incorporation of cemetery associations, the safe and sanitary location
and regulation thereof, and the protection of sepulture therein. In
some States this statutory protection is more or less restricted to
incorporated cemetery associations and is not directly applicable to
church cemeteries. As a rule cemeteries throughout the United States
are exempt from taxation and monuments therein from execution. The law
is adverse to the disturbance of the dead in their last resting-place.
In Alabama cemetery authorities removed the body of a child from a
cemetery, which had been discontinued, to another cemetery that had
been founded in place thereof, without giving the child's parents
notice. The parents recovered damages to the amount of $1700 from the
cemetery authorities. (18 So. R., 565) In many of the States there are
statutes making it a criminal offence to remove or deface tombstones,
fences, or trees in a cemetery.</p>
<p id="c-p2524" shownumber="no">The bodies of the dead belong to their surviving relatives to be
disposed of as they see fit, subject, of course, to public sanitary
regulations. (Bogert vs. Indianapolis, 13 Ind. R., 434.) The title of
the lot-holder in a cemetery is rarely a title in fee simple. The right
of burial conveyed by written instrument in a churchyard cemetery is
either an easement or a licence, and never a title to the fee-holder.
(McGuire vs. St. Patrick's Cathedral, 54 Hun. N.Y., 207.) Where, for
instance, the certificate of purchase reads, "to have and to hold the
lots for the use and purpose and subject to the conditions and
regulations mentioned in the deed of trust to the trustees of the
church", this was construed as a mere licence; and, as such, revocable.
The regulations of the Church may, and usually do, limit the right of
interment in the cemetery to those who die in communion with the
Church; and the courts have held that the Church is the judge in this
matter. (Dwenger vs. Geary, 113 Ind. 114, 54 Hun. N. Y., 210.) One
C___, a Catholic, received from the proper officer of a Catholic
cemetery a receipt for seventy-five dollars, being the purchase money
for a plot of ground in the cemetery. C___ died a Freemason, and the
cemetery authorities would not allow his body to be buried in the lot
which he had bought. The case went to the highest courts in New York,
and the cemetery authorities were upheld, it satisfactorily appearing
that the rules of the Catholic Church forbid the burial, in consecrated
ground, of one who is not a Catholic or who is a member of the Masonic
fraternity. (People vs. St. Patrick's Cathedral, 21 Hun. N. Y., 184.)
The Guibord Case at Montreal (1875) may be recalled in this connection.
Guibord, an excommunicated man, was interred in the Catholic cemetery
by a decree of a civil court. Bishop Bourget laid the portion of the
cemetery thus desecrated under interdict. Bishop Dwenger, of the Fort
Wayne Diocese, secured an injunction against one Geary, who desired to
bury the body of his suicide son in a lot owned by him (Geary) in the
Catholic cemetery. The Supreme Court of Indiana upheld the bishop. (113
Ind., 106.)</p>
<p id="c-p2525" shownumber="no">While the right of eminent domain may be invoked to condemn lands
for cemetery purposes, the same right may be employed to take the
cemetery lands for such public purposes as extending a highway.
However, in some States there are statues prohibiting the opening of
streets through cemeteries. The State exercising its police power, or a
municipality, when authority is delegated to it by the legislature, may
forbid the further use of a cemetery for interments, or declare it a
nuisance and a danger to public health, and authorize the removal of
the dead therefrom; and this may be done by such authorities without
recourse to eminent domain proceedings. Various questions have arisen
as to the right of a cemetery lot-owner to erect a monument thereon and
as to his right to compel the cemetery authorities to keep the cemetery
walks and grounds in good order and repair. In the absence of special
regulations reserving such matters to the discretion of the cemetery
authorities, the right of the lot-owner has been affirmed in these
particulars. (61 N.W. Rep., 842; 36 S.W. R., 802.) Trusts for the
purpose of keeping the graves in repair are held to be charitable to
the extent of excepting them from the statue against perpetuities. (Am.
and English Encycl. of Law, V, 790.) The heir-at-law has a right of
property to the monuments of his ancestors in the graveyard, and may
sue any person defacing them. (3 Edw. Ch., Rh., 155.)</p>
<h4 id="c-p2525.1">Canadian Legislation Concerning Cemeteries</h4>
<p id="c-p2526" shownumber="no">In the Dominion of Canada, cemeteries are under the authority of the
legislatures of the different provinces. Outside of the Province of
Quebec, in the English-speaking provinces, the laws regarding them are,
with slight variations, the same. In all the provinces, cemeteries are
exempt from taxation. Cemetery companies are authorized by general
statutes. In the Province of Ontario provision is made for the amount
of capital to be subscribed, and a certain percentage to be paid
thereon, before an act of incorporation shall be granted, and "no such
cemeteries shall be established within the limits of any city". In the
case of incorporated villages or towns, a cemetery may be established
when the lieutenant-governor, in council, considers that there is no
danger for the public safety, and that in the opinion of the Provincial
Board of Health the proposed cemetery may, under all the circumstances,
be safely permitted. It is enjoined that "no body shall be buried in a
vault or otherwise, in any chapel or other building in the cemetery,
nor within fifteen feet of the outer wall of such chapel or building.
No grave may be re-opened for the removal of a body, without permission
of the corporation authorities, or the order of a judge of the County
Court, excepting cases where the Crown may order the removal of a body
for the purpose of legal inquiry". The company must furnish a grave for
strangers and for the poor of all denominations free of charge, on a
certificate, in the latter case, of a minister or a clergyman of the
denomination to which the deceased belonged, that the representatives
of the deceased are poor and cannot afford to buy a lot in the
cemetery. The shareholders in such cemetery, cannot receive more that
eight per cent on their investments. All excess must be applied to the
preservation, improvement, and embellishment of the land of
burial-grounds, and to no other purpose. Penalties are imposed upon any
one destroying or defacing any tomb, injuring trees or plants, or
committing any nuisance in the cemetery (see ch. cccvii, of the Revised
Statutes of Ontario, 1897, an "Act respecting the Property of Religious
Institutions").</p>
<p id="c-p2527" shownumber="no">The Criminal Code of Canada enacts penalties for not burying the
dead, for indignity to dead bodies, for forging, mutilating,
destroying, or concealing registers of burials. The body of every
offender executed, shall be buried within the walls of the prison,
within which judgment of death is executed on him, unless the
lieutenant-governor in council orders otherwise.</p>
<p id="c-p2528" shownumber="no">Any religious society or congregation of Christians may, among other
things, acquire land for a cemetery. These are subject to the general
rules, as the precautions for health, etc. The provisions of this law
have been extended to the Church of England, and "all rights and
privileges conferred upon any society or congregation of Christians, in
virtue of this statute, shall extend in every respect to the Roman
Catholic Church, to be exercised according to the government of said
Church". Since 7 April, 1891, the same privileges have been extended to
those professing the Jewish religion. In the Province of Quebec,
provisions are also made for the incorporation of cemetery companies.
The lieutenant-governor may at any time, by order in council, confirm
any deed of sale or grant, executed with prescribed formalities, of any
one piece of land not exceeding twenty-five arpents in extent, to any
persons not less than five in number named in such deed, such persons
not being trustees for a religious congregation or society, or Roman
Catholics. These associations are subject to the general laws as
regards health regulations, and are further obliged to keep registers
of all interments or disinterments, as well as a record of all
proceedings and transactions of the corporations. Any parish mission,
congregation or society of Christians not being a parish recognized by
law, may, in the mode indicated by the statute, acquire lands for
cemeteries, and, subject to the approval of the lieutenant-governor,
may exchange such lands for others for a like purpose. Each parish must
have its cemetery, the exception being in favour of large cities, where
many parishes use the same place for interments. This cemetery belongs
to the parish represented by the parish priest, or Protestant rector or
pastor, and churchwardens. No cemetery can be acquired, exchanged, or
enlarged without the authorization of the bishop. Lands may be
expropriated for cemetery purposes. No body may be buried until at
least twenty-four hours after death. Special laws exist in all the
provinces with reference to burials in time of epidemic. In the
Province of Quebec, interments in churches are permitted, but the
coffin must be covered by at least four feet of earth, or encased in
masonry, of at least eighteen inches in thickness if in stone, or of at
least twenty inches if in brick, both brick and stone having been well
covered with cement. The same regulations apply to burials in private
vaults. Interments in churches or cemeteries may be prohibited in the
interest of public health by the superior or diocesan ecclesiastical
authority. In the Province of Quebec the civil and religious
authorities are interwoven, thus the pastor of every parish is bound to
keep in duplicate registers of births, marriages, and deaths. At the
end of each year he deposits one of the copies at the court-house of
the district, and the other is retained in the parish record.</p>
<p id="c-p2529" shownumber="no">As regards burials in consecrated ground, no question can now be
raised affecting the powers of the Catholic Church authorities. By Art.
3460, Revised Statutes, P.Q., 1888, it is enacted: "it belongs to the
Roman Catholic ecclesiastical authority to designate the place in the
cemetery, in which each individual of such faith shall be buried, and
if the deceased, according to the canon rules and laws, in the judgment
of the ordinary, cannot be interred in ground consecrated by the
liturgical prayers of such religion, he shall receive civil burial in
ground reserved for that purpose and adjacent to the cemetery."
Virtually the same law is in force in the Province of Ontario as that
shown above. This legislation in the Province of Quebec arose from a
celebrated action at law, commonly known as the "Guibord Case". Joseph
Guibord was a member of the "Institut Canadien", an organization which
had been condemned by the bishop, and whose members were excommunicated
as a body. Guibord died, 18 November, 1869. His widow applied to the
religious authorities for the burial of his body in the cemetery. The
parish priest of the church of Notre-Dame, under instructions from
diocesan authorities, refused to accede to this demand, offering
however to bury the deceased in an adjoining lot, where children who
die without having been baptized, public sinners, etc., are interred.
This the widow refused, and she applied for a writ to force the church
authorities to grant a Christian burial. This petition was granted by
the Superior Court. The Court of Review, reversing the judgment, held
that the civil courts had no jurisdiction to inquire into the reasons
for the refusal of the parish priest to grant Christian burial, and
that he and his wardens had the right to subdivide the burial grounds
into such lots as they might think fit, and to regulate as to where and
how the mode of burial should be carried out. Many other questions were
raised, but these were the principal grounds. The Court of Appeal for
the Province of Quebec unanimously confirmed the Court of Review. The
case was carried before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in
England, where the judgment of the Quebec Court of Appeal was reversed.
It was held that a Catholic parishioner, who had not been
excommunicated 
<i>nominatim</i> (i.e. by name), and who had not been proved to have
been a public sinner, was not, according to the diocesan regulations,
which had been invoked by both parties, under any valid ecclesiastical
censure which would deprive his remains of Christian burial. The report
of the case may be found in "Lower Canada Jurist", Vol. XX, and covers
all the relations of Church and State since the cession of Canada by
France to England.</p>
<p id="c-p2530" shownumber="no">Strict regulations exist as to the disinterment of bodies, which
cannot be effected without authority from the Superior Court, as well
as from the diocesan authorities. These apply equally to cemeteries,
and to churches and chapels where burials have been made. Registers of
all such disinterments have to be kept. In 1907 a petition was
presented by the Franciscan Order to the Superior Court at Three
Rivers, against the rector of the Anglican parish church. It set forth
that, prior to the cession of Canada to England, the Franciscans were
known as the "Recollets", and had established a missionary post at
Three Rivers, in the earliest days of the colony, where they built a
church, wherein they buried the members of their order, and some
Catholic laymen as well. When the cession took place, their properties
were confiscated. They urged that for many years they had no
representatives in the country, and that their church had passed into,
and then was in the possession of the minister of the Church of
England. The latter body, they said, had never used their church for
burial purposes, as was established by the register of burials. They
further set forth that recently the Franciscan Order had built a new
church, where they desired to have the remains of their brethren who
had been buried during the French regime interred according to the
discipline of the Catholic Church, and they prayed for an order from
the court, to be permitted to make such disinterments, undertaking to
pay all damages. On 3 December, 1907, a judgment was rendered
dismissing the petition because, prior to making their application, the
Franciscans had not obtained permission from the authorities of the
Church of England, in whose possession and under whose control the
church was when the order for the disinterment was sought to be
obtained.</p>
<p id="c-p2531" shownumber="no">For other points not touched upon here, see the article BURIAL.
<br />For the cemetery legislation of the Province of Quebec, see
Mignault, Le Droit Paroissial, etc. (Montreal, 1893), in Index s.v.
Cimetieres; Dorais, Code Civil de la Province de Quebec (2nd ed.,
Montreal, 1905), nos. 53 b. and 66 sqq.; Tyler, American Eccl. Law, Ch.
71-85; American and English Encycl. of Law, V, 781-98; Desmond, The
Church and the Law (Chicago, 1898), c. xvi.
<br />For Canadian law in general: Stewart, Index to Dominion and
Provincial Statutes (Montreal, 1902); Mignault, Droit Paroissial
(Montreal, 1893); Pagnuelo, Liberte religieuse en Canada (Montreal,
1872); Beauchamp, Privy Council Reports in Lower Canada Jurist, XX,
228; Municipal Code, Province of Quebec; Law Reports: Cases in Privy
Council (English), ed. Robert Cowell; Brown, Les Cures et Marguilliers
de l'Oeuvre et Fabrique de Notre-Dame de Montreal, VII, 157.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2532" shownumber="no">HERBERT THURSTON HUMPHREY J. DESMOND</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2532.1" title="Cemeteries, Early Roman Christian" type="Encyclopedia">Early Roman Christian Cemeteries</term>
<def id="c-p2532.2">
<h1 id="c-p2532.3">Early Roman Christian Cemeteries</h1>
<p id="c-p2533" shownumber="no">This article treats briefly of the individual catacomb cemeteries in
the vicinity of Rome. For general information on the Roman catacombs,
see ROMAN CATACOMBS. This summary account of the individual catacombs
will follow the order of the great Roman roads, along which were
usually located the Christian cemeteries.</p>
<h4 id="c-p2533.1">Sources of the History of the Catacombs</h4>
<p id="c-p2534" shownumber="no">There is but the faintest hope that any new documents will ever turn
up to illustrate the pre-Constantinian period of the ancient cemeteries
of Rome. Their place is taken necessarily by late martyrologies,
calendars, Acts of the martyrs, writings of popes, historico-liturgical
books of the Roman Church, and by old topographies and itineraries come
down to us from the Carlovingian epoch. Among the old martyrologies the
most famous is that known as the Martyrology of St. Jerome 
(<i>Martyrologium Hieronymianum</i>). Its present (ninth-century) form
is that essentially of Auxerre in France, where it underwent
considerable remodelling in the sixth century. But it is older than the
sixth century, and is surely an Italian compilation of the fifth
century, out of rare and reliable documents furnished by the churches
of Rome, Africa, Palestine, Egypt, and the Orient. No martyrology
contains so many names and indications of saints and martyrs of a very
early period, and it is of especial value for the study of the
catacombs, because it very frequently gives the roads and the
cemeteries where they were buried and venerated in the fifth century,
while the cemeteries were yet intact. By dint of transcription,
however, and through the neglect or ignorance of copyists, the text has
become in many places hopelessly corrupt, and the restitution of its
dates and local and personal indications has been one of the hardest
crosses of ancient and modern ecclesiastical archaeologists. Besides
its very ancient notices of the cemeteries, this martyology is of great
value as embodying a catalogue of martyrs and basilicas of Rome that
surely goes back to the early part of the fifth century, and perhaps a
third-century catalogue of the Roman pontiffs. Several other
martyrologies of the eighth and ninth centuries contain valuable
references to the martyrs and the cemeteries, especially that know as
the Little Roman 
(<i>Parvum Romanum</i>) Martyrology, and which served as a basis for the
well-known compilation of Ado. Next in importance comes an ancient
Roman Calendar, published between the years 334 and 356, written out
and illustrated by a certain Furius Dionysius Philocalus. This calendar
contains a list of the popes, known formerly as the "Bucherian
Catalogue", from the name of its first editor, and the Liberian, from
the pope (Liberius, 352-56) with whom it ends. The whole book is now
usually known as the "Chronographer of A.D. 354". Besides this ancient
papal catalogue, the book contains an official calendar, civil and
astronomical, lunar cycles, and a Paschal table calculated to 412, a
list of the prefects of Rome from 253 to 354 (the only continuous one
known), a chronicle of Roman history, the "Natalitia Caesarum", and
other useful contents, which have caused it to be styled "the oldest
Christian Almanac". It contains numerous traces of having been drawn up
for the use of the Roman Church, and hence the value of two of its
documents for the cemeteries. They are, respectively, a list of the
entombments of Roman bishops from Lucius to Sylvester (253-335), with
the place of their burial, and a 
<i>Depositio Martyrum</i>, or list of the more solemn fixed feasts of
the Roman Church, with indications of several famous martyrs and their
cemeteries. The importance of all this for the original topography of
the catacombs is too clear to need comment. We will only add that
closer examination of the ecclesiastical documents of the
"Chronographer of 354" leaves us persuaded that they date from the
third century and represent the location of the cemeteries at that time
and the martyrs whose cult was then most popular.</p>
<p id="c-p2535" shownumber="no">In the latter half of the fourth century Pope St. Damasus (366-84)
did much to beautify the ancient Roman cemeteries and to decorate the
tombs of the most illustrious martyrs. As he possessed a fine poetic
talent, he composed many elegant inscriptions, which were engraved on
large marble slabs by his "friend and admirer", Furius Dionysius
Philocalus, already known to us as the calligrapher of the preceding
document. The lettering used by this remarkable man was very
ornamental, and as its exact like is not found before or after, it has
been styled the hieratic writing of the catacombs. In time these
inscriptions were copied by strangers and inserted in various
anthologies and in travellers' scrapbooks or portfolios. Many of the
original stones perished from various causes, but were piously renewed
in situ during the sixth century. To these Damasan inscriptions De
Rossi owed much, since any fragment of them in a cemetery indicates an
"historic crypt", and their copies in the manuscripts are links for the
construction of the chain of history that connects each great cemetery
with the modern investigator.</p>
<p id="c-p2536" shownumber="no">To the above 
<i>fontes</i>, or sources of information and control, must be added the
historic-liturgical literature of the Roman Church from the fourth to
the eighth centuries -- the period in which the bodies of the most
celebrated martyrs began to be removed 
<i>en masse</i> from the catacombs, through fear of the marauding
Lombards. Such are the Liber Pontificalis in its several recensions,
the Acts of the martyrs, chiefly the Roman ones, the calendars of the
Roman Church constructed out of the missals or sacramentaries, the
antiphonaries, capitularies of the Gospels, and the like, in which not
infrequently there are hints and directions concerning the cemeteries
and the martyrs of renown who were yet buried there. Finally, there has
been extracted almost endless information from the old Roman
topographies of travellers and the itineraries of pilgrims. Of the
former we possess yet two curious remnants, entitled "Notitiae regionum
Urbis Romae" and "Curiosum Urbis Romae", also a list of oils collected
at the shrines of the Roman martyrs by Abbot Johannes for Queen
Theodolinda, and known as the Papyrus of Monza. An Old Syriac text of
the sixth century and a note of the 
<i>innumeræ cellulæ martyrum consecratæ</i> in the
almanac of Polemius Silvius (499) complete the list of strictly
topographical authorities. Certain itineraries of pilgrims from the
seventh to the ninth century are not less useful as indicating the
names and sites of the cemeteries, whether above or below ground, and
what bodies were yet entombed therein, as well as the distance between
the cemeteries and their position relative to the great monuments of
the city.</p>
<p id="c-p2537" shownumber="no">After the middle of the ninth century the historic crypts had been
emptied, and the bodies brought to Roman churches. Naturally, the
written references to the catacombs ceased with the visitors, and a
stray chapter in the "Mirabilia Urbis Romae" or an odd indication in
the "Libri Indulgentiarum" kept alive the memory of those holy places
which once attracted a world of pilgrims. It is not easy to explain how
one of the best of the old itineraries, referable to the seventh
century, should have fallen into the hands of William of Malmesbury,
and been by him copied into his account of the visit of the crusaders
to Rome under Urban II (1099). Neither is it easy to explain why the
old itineraries of Einsiedeln, Wurzburg, and Salzburg make no mention
of the tombs of such celebrated Roman martyrs as St. Clement the
consul, St. Justin the philosopher, Apollonius the Roman senator, Moses
a famous priest of the time of St. Cornelius, and many other
celebrities of the early Roman Church, who were, in all likelihood,
buried in some of the many Roman cemeteries. What the old pilgrims saw
they related honestly and faithfully; more they compiled from guides
now lost. They were not learned men, but pious travellers, anxious to
benefit their successors and unconsciously enabling us to form some
exact idea of the solemn scenes that they once assisted at. (Shahan,
The Beginnings of Christianity, New York, 1905, 410-16).</p>
<h3 id="c-p2537.1">THE VATICAN CEMETERY</h3>
<p id="c-p2538" shownumber="no">The first popes were buried near the body of St. Peter, "in
Vaticano" "juxta corpus beati Petri". St. Anacletus, the second
successor of St. Peter raised over the body of the Apostle a 
<i>memoria</i>, or small chapel (Lib. Pontif., ed. Duchesne, I, 125).
This narrow site was the burial-place of the popes to Zephyrinus (d.
217), with whom began the series of papal burials in the cemetery of
St. Callistus (Barnes, The Tomb of St. Peter, London, 1900). Among the
epitaphs discovered near the tomb of St. Peter are two celebrated ones,
dogmatic in content, that of Livia Primitiva, now in the Louvre, and
that known as the 
<i>Ichthys Zonton</i> (Fish of the Living), symbolic of the Eucharist.
In the sixteenth century a marble fragment showing the word 
<i>Linus</i> was found on this site, not improbably from the epitaph of
the first successor of St. Peter. The building of two basilicas, the
Old St. Peter's in the fourth and the New St. Peter's in the sixteenth
century, easily explains the disappearance of the early papal monuments
"in Vaticano". The cemetery was probably above ground. From 258 to 260
(de Waal, Marucchi) the bodies of the Apostles reposed in the catacomb
of St. Sebastian on the Via Appia, in a cubiculum or chapel (the
Platonia), yet extant, whither they were taken from their original
resting-places for some not sufficiently clear reason. In the fifth
century members of the imperial family found a resting-place in the
vicinity of the Apostle's tomb. It was long a favourite burial-place;
in 689 the Saxon king, Cedwalla, was laid to rest there, "ad cujus [sc.
apostolorum principis] sacratissimum corpus a finibus tenae pio ductus
amore venerat', says Bede (H.E., v, 7), who has preserved the valuable
metrical epitaph put up by order of Pope Sergius ending with: "Hic
depositus est Caedual, qui et Petrus, rex Saxonum," etc. The "Grotte
Vecchie" and the "Grotte Nuove", or subterraneous chapels and galleries
in the vicinity of the tomb of St. Peter, cover the site of this
ancient Christian cemetery; in them lie buried also a number of popes;
St. Gregory I, Boniface VIII, Nicholas V, Alexander VI. The rich
sarcophagus of Junius Bassus, important for early Christian symbolism,
is in the "Grotte Nuove" [de Waal, Der Sarkophag des Junius Bassus in
den Grotten von St. Petrus, Rome, 1900; Dufresne, Les Cryptes
vaticanes, Rome, 1900; Dionisis (edd. Sarti and Settele), Sacrar.
Vaticanae basilicae cryptarum monumenta, Rome, 1828-40]</p>
<h3 id="c-p2538.1">I. VIA AURELIA
<br />Beyond the Porta Cavallegieri</h3>
<p id="c-p2539" shownumber="no">1. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Pancratius.</i> A very youthful martyr, probably of
the persecution of Diocletian. His body was never removed to a city
church as were so many others, hence the cemetery remained open in the
Middle Ages. Its galleries have suffered a complete devastation, last
of all during the French Revolution, when the relics of the martyrs
were dispersed.</p>
<p id="c-p2540" shownumber="no">2. 
<i>Cemetery of Sts. Processus and Martinianus</i>, the jailers of St.
Peter in the Mamertine Prison, converted by him, and soon after his
death beheaded on the Aurelian Way. The pious matron Lucina buried
their bodies on her own property. The cemetery, it is believed, extends
beneath the Villa Pamfili, and perhaps beyond under the Vigna
Pellegrini. The accessible galleries exhibit a complete devastation,
also very large 
<i>loculi</i>, an indication of remote Christian antiquity. In the
fourth-century overground basilica St. Gregory preached his sermon "Ad.
SS. martyrum corpora consistimus, fratres" etc. (P.L. LXXVI, 1237).
Paschal I transported the bodies of the two saints to a chapel in the
Vatican. After the twelfth century the cemetery was totally
forgotten.</p>
<p id="c-p2541" shownumber="no">3. 
<i>Cemetery of the "Duo Felices".</i> The origin of the name is
obscure, though connected somehow with Felix II (355-58) and Felix I
(269-74); the latter, however, was certainly buried in the papal crypt
in St. Callistus.</p>
<p id="c-p2542" shownumber="no">4. 
<i>Cemetery of Calepodius</i>, a very ruinous catacomb under the Vigna
Lamperini, opposite the "Casale, di S. Pio V", or about the third
milestone. Calepodius was a priest martyred in a popular outbreak, and
buried here by Pope St. Callistus. Later the pope's own body was
interred in the same cemetery, not in the one that bears his name. St.
Julius I (337-52) was buried there, and a little oratory long preserved
the memory of St. Callistus. His body was eventually transferred to
Santa Maria in Trastevere, where it now lies.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2542.1">II. VIA PORTUENSIS
<br />The road leading to "Portus" or Porto, the new "Havre" of
Rome</h3>
<p id="c-p2543" shownumber="no">5. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Pontianus</i>, to the right beneath Monte Verde. It
is so called, not from Pope Pontianus (230-35) but from a wealthy
Christian of the same name mentioned in the Acts of Callistus, and
whose house seems to have been the original nucleus of the present Sta
Maria in Trastevere, the site once claimed by the 
<i>cauponarii</i> under Alexander Severus, but adjudged by that emperor
to the Christians. It was discovered by Bosio in 1618. Many famous
martyrs were buried there, among them Sts. Abdon and Sennen, noble
Persians who suffered martyrdom at Rome, it is thought in 257. In an
overground fourth-century basilica were deposited the bodies of two
popes, Anastasius I (d. 405) and Innocent I (d. 417). Byzantine
frescoes of the sixth century attract attention, also the "historic
chapel" of Sts. Abdon and Sennen, whose bodies were removed to the 
<i>basilica magna</i> above ground about 640, finally in 820 to the
city basilica of St. Mark, when the cemetery was abandoned.</p>
<p id="c-p2544" shownumber="no">6. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Felix</i>, indicated in several "Itineraria" as
located on the Via Portuensis, not far from the cemetery of Pontianus,
but not yet found; also known as "ad insalsatos" probably a corruption
(Marucche) of "ad infulatos", in reference to the Persian tiara of Sts.
Abdon and Sennan.</p>
<p id="c-p2545" shownumber="no">7. 
<i>Cemetery of Generosa.</i> Generosa was a Roman lady who buried on
her property the bodies of the martyrs Simplicius, Faustinus, and
Beatrix, transferred later (683) to St. Bibiana, in the city. The
cemetery, a poor rural one, is now famous for important inscriptions of
the "Fratres Arvales" found there between 1858 and 1874. (Henzen, Acta
fratrum Arvalium quae supersunt, Berlin, 1874.) The cemetery probably
grew up (Marucchi) from a neighbouring quarry whence later it took in
the sacred wood of the ancient pagan brotherhood of "Arvales", who seem
to have died off or removed elsewhere about the middle of the third
century. An ancient basilica, built by St. Damasus, was also unearthed
when the aforesaid inscriptions were discovered. As in most catacombs
an overground cemetery grew up, which was used until the eighth
century.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2545.1">III. VIA OSTIENSIS</h3>
<p id="c-p2546" shownumber="no">8. 
<i>Tomb of St. Paul</i>. The body of St. Paul was buried on the Ostian
Way, near the place of his martyrdom 
(<i>ad Aquas Salvias</i>) on the property 
(<i>in proedio</i>) of Lucina, a Christian matron. St. Anacletus, second
successor of St. Peter, built a small 
<i>memoria</i> or chapel on the site, and about 200 the Roman priest
Caius refers to it (Euseb., H.E., ii, 25) as still standing. From 258
to 260 the body of St. Paul with that of St. Peter lay in the
"Platonia" of St. Sebastian; in the latter year, probably, it was
returned to its original resting-place. In the meantime a cemetery had
been growing in the aforesaid 
<i>proedium</i> of Lucina. Constantine replaced the little oratory of
Anacletus with a great basilica. Under Gregory XVI, the sarcophagus of
St. Paul was discovered, but not opened. Its fourth-century inscription
bears the words PAULO APOST MART (Paul, Apostle and Martyr). The museum
of the modern basilica contains some very ancient epitaphs from the
aforesaid cemetery of Lucina, antedating the basilica; two of them bear
dates of 107 and 111. After these we must come down to 217, before
finding any consular date on a Christian epitaph. Dom Cornelio Villani
proposed (1905) to publish all the ancient Christian epitaphs found
here.</p>
<p id="c-p2547" shownumber="no">9. 
<i>Cemetery of Commodilla</i>, at a little distance from that of
Lucina. Commodilla is an unknown Christian matron, on whose property
were buried Felix and Adauctus, martyrs of the persecution of
Diocletian. This cemetery, once extensive, is now difficult of access,
and its frescoes and inscriptions have disappeared almost entirely. The
open 
<i>loculi</i> are an evidence of the pillage to which such cemeteries
were once subject.</p>
<p id="c-p2548" shownumber="no">10. 
<i>Tomb of St. Timothy.</i> Timothy was possibly a priest of Antioch,
martyred at Rome under Diocletian, and buried by the pious matron
Theona in her garden, not far from the body of St. Paul, "ut Paulo
apostolo ut quondam Timotheus adhaereret", says the martyrology (22
May). De Rossi identifies with this tomb a small cemetery discovered by
him (1872) in the Vigna Salviucci to the left of the Ostian Way, and
opposite the apse of St. Paul.</p>
<p id="c-p2549" shownumber="no">11. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Thecla</i>, discovered by Armellini in 1870, named
from some unknown Roman Thecla, and certainly anterior to Constantine;
an epitaph of Aurelia Agape has an early Christian savour and is cut on
the back of a pagan epitaph of the time of Claudius Gothicus
(268-70).</p>
<p id="c-p2550" shownumber="no">12. 
<i>Cemetery of Aquæ Salviæ</i>. There was certainly a
cemetery in early Christian times on or near the site of the
decapitation of St. Paul (now Tre Fontane); it probably bore the name
of St. Zeno. Farther on was the cemetery of St. Cyriacus, mentioned in
the "Mirabilia Urbis Romae" and seen by Bosio at the end of the
sixteenth century. Its exact site is no longer known. Ostia itself, at
the end of the road, had a remarkable Christian cemetery.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2550.1">IV. VIA ARDEATINA
<br />To the right of the Appian Way; the ancient Porta Ardeatina
between the churches of St. Sabas and St. Balbina was destroyed in the
sixteenth century to make way for the fortifications of Sangallo.</h3>
<p id="c-p2551" shownumber="no">13. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Domitilla</i> (Tor Marancia), the largest of all the
Roman catacombs known to Bosio, who thought it a part of Saint
Callistus, and nearly perished (1593) in its depths. It is the
ancestral burial-place of Flavia Domitilla, wife of the consul Flavius
Clemens (95). She was exiled by Domitian for her Christian Faith to the
island of Pontia; her faithful servants Nereus and Achilleus, said to
have been baptized by St. Peter, followed her into exile, were beheaded
at Terracina, and their bodies brought back to the family sepulchre of
their mistress. In 1873 De Rossi discovered the important ruins of the
large three-nave basilica erected here between 390 and 395 in honour of
these saints and of St. Petronilla, whose body was transferred thence
to St. Peter's in the eighth century. At an earlier date (1865) he had
the good fortune to discover, close to the highway, the primitive
entrance to the cemetery, one of the most ancient Christian monuments.
It is a spacious room or gallery, with four or five separate niches for
as many sarcophagi, the walls finished in fine stucco, with classical
decorations. On either side are similar edifices, a little later in
date, but evidently used by the guardian of the monument and for the
celebration of the Christian agapae or love-feasts. The sarcophagi,
whole or fragmentary, the brick tiles, and the names on the epitaphs
(Claudii, Flavii, Ulpii, Aurelii) show that the 
<i>hypogoeum</i> or "vestibule of the Flavians", as it is called,
belongs to the early part of the second century. De Rossi believed it
the tomb of the martyred consul, Flavius Clemens (95). The site has
suffered from the vandalism and greed of earlier visitors, but the
frescoes yet extant exhibit great beauty of execution and a rich
variety of Christian symbolism. "We are quite sure", say Northcote and
Brownlow (I, 126-7), "that we have been here brought face to face with
one of the earliest specimens of Christian subterranean burial in Rome;
and it shows us the sense of liberty and security under which it was
executed." Not far away was discovered in 1875 the famous epitaph of
"Flavius Sabinus and his sister Titiana", possibly the children of
Flavius Sabinus, brother of the Emperor Vespasian, mentioned by Tacitus
(Hist., III, 65) as a mild, but indolent and austere man, terms that to
some seem to make him out a Christian and therefore the origin of the
new religion among the Flavii. Quite near also are the touching
third-century inscriptions of M. Antonius Restutus "sibi it suis
fidentibus in Domino", i.e. for himself and his own who trust in God;
likewise the very ancient and fine crypt of Ampliatus, whom De Rossi
identifies with the Ampliatus of Romans, xvi, 8. Not to speak of
numerous dogmatic epitaphs, the cemetery of Domitilla is famous for a
beautiful third-century Adoration of the Magi, here four in number, and
for the venerable second-century medallion of Sts. Peter and Paul, the
oldest known monument of Christian portraiture, and a signal proof of
their simultaneous presence at Rome and their religious authority. It
was also, according to De Rossi, the burial-place of Sts. Marcus and
Marcellianus, and the family sepulchre of St. Damasus, whose Mother
(Laurentia) and sister (Irene) were buried there, likewise himself. The
site was discovered by Wilpert, in 1902.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2551.1">V. VIA APPIA</h3>
<p id="c-p2552" shownumber="no">14. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Callistus</i>, one of the oldest underground
burial-places of the Roman Christians. As a public Christian cemetery
it dates from the beginning of the third century. The original nucleus
from which it developed was the famous crypt of Lucina, a private
Christian burial-place from the end of the first century, very probably
the family sepulchre of the Caecilii and other closely related Roman
families. From there grew, during the third century, the vast system of
galleries and 
<i>cubicula</i> that then took and has since kept the name of
Coemeterium Callisti; early in the third century it was known as The
Cemetery 
(<i>to koimeterion</i>) 
<i>par excellence</i>, and owed its new name, not to the burial there
of Pope Callistus (for he was buried in the cemetery of Calepodius),
but to his zeal in developing and perfecting the original 
<i>areoe</i>, or private Roman sepulchral plots, that in his time had
come to be the first landed property ever possessed by the Catholic
Church. The chief interest of this cemetery lies in the so-called Papal
Crypt, in whose large 
<i>loculi</i> were buried the popes from St. Zephyrinus (d. 218) to St.
Eutychianus (d. 283). Of the fourteen epitaphs it once contained there
remain but five, more or less fragmentary: Anterus, Fabian, Lucius,
Eutychianus, Urban? (Marucchi, II, 138-144). In the fourth century Pope
St. Damasus ornamented richly this venerable chapel, and put up there
two epitaphs in honour of the numerous martyrs buried in St. Callistus,
among them several of his predecessors. One of these epitaphs was found
<i>in situ</i>, but broken in minute fragments. Its restoration by De
Rossi is a masterly specimen of his ingenious epigraphic erudition; the
closing lines are now celebrated:</p>

<verse id="c-p2552.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p2552.2">Hic fateor Damasus volui mea condere membra</l>
<l id="c-p2552.3">Sed cineres timui sanctos vexare piorum.</l>
</verse>

<verse id="c-p2552.4" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p2552.5">(I, Damasus, wished to be buried here,</l>
<l id="c-p2552.6">but I feared to offend the sacred remains of these pious ones).</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2553" shownumber="no">For a view of the (near-by) countless 
<i>graffiti</i> or pious scratchings of medieval pilgrims (names,
ejaculations) see Marucchi, "Eléments d'archéol.
chrét.", II, 140-4. Popes St. Marcellinus and St. Marcellus (d.
304); d. 309) were buried in the cemetery of Priscilla (see below); on
the other hand Popes St. Eusebius (d. 309) and St. Melchiades (d. 314)
were buried in the cemetery of Callistus, but elsewhere (see below).
The neighbouring very ancient crypt of St. Cecilia offers an
interesting Byzantine (sixth-century) fresco of the saint, and in the
niche whence her body was transferred (817) to the church of St.
Cecilia in Trastevere, a recent copy of Stefano Maderna's famous statue
of the saint as she was found when her tomb was opened in 1599. In the
same cemetery, and close by, separated only by a short gallery, is a
series of six chambers known as the "Sacramental Chapels" because of
the valuable frescoes that exhibit the belief of the early Roman
Christians in the Sacraments of Baptism and the Holy Eucharist, and are
at the same time precious jewels of early Christian art. Pope St.
Eusebius, as said, was buried in this cemetery, in the gallery called
after him the crypt of St. Eusebius, and in which once reposed quite
close to him another martyr pope, St. Caius (d. 296). In the sepulchral
chapel of the former may still be seen the epitaph put up by Damasus,
and from which monument alone we learn of an unhappy schism that then
devastated the Roman Church. On either side are sculptured
perpendicularly the words: "Furius Dionysius Philocalus, Damasis
pappæ cultor atque amator", i.e. the name of the pope's famous
calligrapher, also his friend and admirer. At some distance lies the
crypt of Lucina, in which was once buried Pope St. Cornelius. Lucina is
identified by De Rossi with the famous Pomponia Graecina of Tacitus
(Annales, XIII, 32); the crypt, therefore, is of Apostolic origin, an
opinion confirmed by the classical character of its symbolic frescoes
and the simplicity of its epitaphs; its Eucharistic frescoes are very
ancient and quite important from a doctrinal standpoint. The body of
St. Cornelius, martyred at Centumcellae (Civitavecchia) was brought
hither and long remained an object of pious veneration, until in the
ninth century it was transferred to Santa Maria in Trastevere. His
epitaph (the only Latin papal epitaph of the third century) is still in
place: "Cornelius Martyr Ep [iscopus]", i.e. Cornelius, martyr and
bishop.</p>

<p id="c-p2554" shownumber="no">15.  <i>Cemetery of St. Sebastian</i>. This cemetery, from two to three
miles out of Rome, was known through the Middle Ages as Coemeterium ad
Catacumbas, whence the term 
<i>catacomb</i>, a word seemingly of uncertain origin (Northcote and
Brownlow, I, 262-63). The chief importance of this cemetery now lies in
the fact that here were deposited (258) for a time the bodies of St.
Peter and St. Paul, taken respectively from their Vatican and Ostian
repositories under somewhat obscure circumstances; they were restored
in 260. The chapel in which they were thus temporarily placed (see
Liber Pontif., ed. Duchesne, Introd., I, civ-cvii, and i, 212) beneath
the church of St. Sebastian, is still accessible. Close by arose in
time the cemetery known as "ad Catacumbas" or "in Catacumbas", a local
indication that was eventually extended to all similar Christian
cemeteries. St. Philip Neri loved to visit the crypts of St. Sebastian;
an inscription in one of them recalls his veneration of these holy
places. From the fourth century on, an overground cemetery was formed
around the Basilica Apostolorum that was then built and which included
the Platonia or aforesaid mortuary chapel of the Apostles. The rich
mausolea of this cemetery added to the dignity of the underground
burial-place that was, like the others of its kind, no longer used for
burials after 410. The body of St. Sebastian, buried there "apud
vestigia apostolorum", is still in the church, but in a modern chapel.
It was only after the eighth century that the original fourth-century
name of Basilica Apostolorum gave way to that of St. Sebastian.</p>
<p id="c-p2555" shownumber="no">16. 
<i>Cemetery of Prætextatus</i>, dates from the second century,
when the body of St. Januarius, eldest son of St. Felicitas, was buried
there (c. 162). The chapel of that saint exhibits a fine Damasan
epitaph and elegant symbolical frescoes representing the seasons, with
birds, genii, etc. Among the famous martyrs buried in this cemetery
were Felicissimus and Agapitus, deacons of Pope Sixtus II and
colleagues of St. Laurence, put to death under Valerian in 258, also
St. Urbanus, a bishop and confessor mentioned in the Acts of St.
Cecilia. Certain portions of this cemetery, hitherto inaccessible by
reason of the proprietor's unwillingness, are said to offer traces of
great antiquity, and perhaps contain historic chapels or tombs of much
importance.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2555.1">VI. VIA LATINA</h3>
<p id="c-p2556" shownumber="no">The cemeteries on this road, like those on the Aurelian Way, have
never been regularly explored, and their galleries are at present quite
choked or dilapidated. Marucchi (II, 229) distinguishes three groups of
ancient Christian monuments that appear in the afore-mentioned
"Itineraria"; the church of Sts. Gordian and Epimachus; the basilica of
Tertullinus, and the church of St. Eugenia with the cemetery of
Apronianus, also a large basilica dedicated by St. Leo I to St. Stephen
Protomartyr, discovered in 1857, in the heart of an ancient Roman
villa, near the remarkable pagan tombs of the Valerii and
Pancratii.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2556.1">VII. VIA LABICANA
<br />Outside the Porta Maggiore</h3>
<p id="c-p2557" shownumber="no">17. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Castulus</i>, a martyr under Diocletian, and
according to the Acts of St. Sebastian the husband of Irene, the pious
matron to whose house was brought the body of the soldier-martyr. The
cemetery was discovered by Fabretti in 1672 and reopened in 1864, when
the railway to Civitavecchia was building, but was again closed because
of the ruinous state of the corridors and crypts.</p>
<p id="c-p2558" shownumber="no">18. 
<i>Cemetery of Sts. Peter and Marcellinus</i>, known also as 
<i>ad duas lauros, ad Helenam</i> from the neighbouring (ruined)
mausoleum of St. Helena (Tor Pignattara), and 
<i>sub Augusta, in comitatu</i>, from a neighbouring villa of Emperor
Constantine. St. Peter and St. Marcellinus suffered under Diocletian.
They were honoured with a fine Damasan epitaph known to us from the
early medieval epigraphic collections. Here also were buried St.
Tiburtius, son of the city prefect, Chromatius, and the obscurely known
group called the "Quattuor Coronati", four marble-cutters from the
Danubian region. The splendid porphyry sarcophagus at the Vatican came
from the mausoleum of St. Helena. In 826 the bodies of Peter and
Marcellinus were stolen from the crypt and taken to Germany, where they
now rest at Seligenstadt; the story is graphically told by Einhard
(Mon. Germ. Hist., Script., XV, 39). Since 1896 excavations have been
resumed here, and have yielded important results, among them the
historic crypt of Sts. Peter and Marcellinus and a small chapel of St.
Tiburtius. Wilpert discovered here and illustrated a number of
important frescoes: Our Lord amid four saints, the Annunciation, the
Adoration of the Magi, the Good Shepherd, Oranti, and some miracles of
Christ (Wilpert, Di un ciclo di rappresentanze cristologiche nel
cimitero dei SS. Pietro e Marcellino, Rome, 1892). Elsewhere are scenes
that represent the agape, or love-feast, of the primitive Christians,
symbolic of paradise or of the Eucharist. There is also a noteworthy
fresco of the Blessed Virgin with the Infant Jesus between two adoring
Magi. This cemetery is said to have been more richly decorated with
frescoes than any other except that of Domitilla.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2558.1">VIII. VIA TIBURTINA</h3>
<p id="c-p2559" shownumber="no">19. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Cyriaca.</i> According to ancient tradition,
represented by the pilgrim-guides 
(<i>itineraria</i>), she was the widow who buried St. Laurence (martyred
6 Aug., 258) on her property "in agro Verano". In 1616 Bosio saw in
this cemetery an altar, a chair, and an inscription, with a dedication
to St. Laurence. The enlargement of the modern cemetery of San Lorenzo
damaged considerably this venerable catacomb. Many important or
interesting epitaphs have been found in this cemetery, among them those
of a group of Christian virgins of the fourth and fifth centuries (De
Rossi, Bullettino, 1863). In the fourth century Constantine built here
a basilica over the tomb 
(<i>ad corpus</i>) of St. Laurence; here were buried Pope Zosimus (418),
Sixtus III (440), and Hilary (468); in one of these three niches, later
vacant, lie buried the remains of Pius IX. In 432 Sixtus III added
another church 
(<i>basilica major</i>) facing the Via Tiburtina; it was not until 1218
that Honorius III united these churches and made the basilica of
Constantine the 
<i>Confessio</i> of the earlier Sixtine basilica, on which occasion the

<i>presbyterium</i>, or sanctuary, had to be elevated.</p>
<p id="c-p2560" shownumber="no">20. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Hippolytus.</i> On the left of the Via Tiburtina
under the Vigna Gori (now Caetani). Considerable uncertainty reigns as
to the identity of this Hippolytus, both in his Acts and in the
relative verses of Prudentius; possibly, as Marucchi remarks, this
confusion is as old as the time of St. Damasus and is reflected in his
metrical epitaph, discovered by De Rossi in a St. Petersburg
manuscript. According to this document Hippolytus was at first a
follower of Novatian, about the middle of the third century, but
returned to the Catholic Faith and died a martyr. The famous statue of
Hippolytus, the Christian writer of the third century, made in 222, and
now in the Lateran Museum, was found in the Vigna Gori in the sixteenth
century; our martyr and the Christian scholar are doubtless identical.
In 1882-83 a small subterranean basilica was discovered here with three
naves and lighted by an air-shaft. According to the "Itinerary of
Salzburg" this cemetery contained the body of the actor-martyr Genesius
and the bodies of the martyrs Triphonia and Cyrilla, the (alleged)
Christian wife and daughter of Emperor Decius, of whom nothing more is
known.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2560.1">IX. VIA NOMENTANA</h3>
<p id="c-p2561" shownumber="no">21. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Nicomedes</i>, near the Porta Pia, in the Villa
Patrizi, known to Bosio but rediscovered only in 1864. Nicomedes is
said to have suffered martyrdom under Domitian and to have been buried
by one of his disciples "in horto juxta muros". Very ancient masonry,
Greek epitaphs, and other signs, indicate the great age of this small
cemetery, that may reach back to Apostolic times.</p>
<p id="c-p2562" shownumber="no">22. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Agnes.</i> The body of St. Agnes, who suffered
martyrdom probably under Valerian (253-60), was buried by her parents
"in praediolo suo", i.e. on a small property they owned along the
Nomentan Way. There was already in this place a private cemetery, which
grew rapidly in size after the interment of the youthful martyr. The
excavations carried on since 1901, at the expense of Cardinal Kopp,
have revealed a great many fourth-to-sixth-century graves 
(<i>formae</i>) beneath the sanctuary of the basilica. The cemetery
(three stories deep) is divided by archaeologists into three regions,
the aforesaid primitive nucleus (third century), a neighbouring
third-century 
<i>area</i>, and two fourth-century groups of corridors that connect
the basilica of St. Agnes with the ancient round basilica of St.
Constantia. It is not certain that the actual basilica of St. Agnes,
built on a level with a second story of the catacomb, is identical with
that built by Constantine; there is reason to suspect a reconstruction
of the edifice towards the end of the fifth century. St. Damasus
composed for the tomb of Agnes one of his finest epitaphs. Symmachus
(498-514), and Honorius I (625-38), restored the basilica, if the
former did not reconstruct it; to the latter we owe the fresco of St.
Agnes between these two popes. In the sixteenth century, and also in
the nineteenth (Pius IX, 1855), it was again restored; in 1901 (25
Nov.) new excavations laid bare the heavy silver sarcophagus in which
St. Pius V had deposited the bodies of St. Agnes and St. Emerentiana.
In the neighbouring 
<i>Coemeteium majus</i> (accessible from the cemetery of St. Agnes
through an 
<i>arenaria</i>, or sand-pit) is the famous crypt or chapel of St.
Emerentiana, opened up in 1875, at the expense of Monsignore
Crostarosa, and identified by De Rossi with the Coemeterium Ostrianum,
the site of very archaic Roman memories of St. Peter, a position now
strongly disputed by his disciple Marucchi (see below, 
<i>Cemetery of Priscilla</i>). In the vicinity of the crypt of St.
Emérentiana is an important arcosolium-fresco representing the
Blessed Virgin as an Orante, with the Infant Jesus before her. It
belongs to the first half of the fourth century, and is said by
Marucchi (II, 343) to be almost the latest catacomb fresco of Our Lady,
a kind of hyphen between the primitive frescoes and the early Byzantine
Madonnas; it seems at the same time a very early evidence of the
adorational use of paintings in public worship (Le Bourgeios, Sainte
Emerentienne, vierge et martyre, Paris, 1895).</p>
<p id="c-p2563" shownumber="no">23. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Alexander</i>, between four and five miles from
Rome, and within the limits of an early Diocese of Ficulea. It is the
burial-place of two martyrs, known as Alexander and Eventius. Whether
this Alexander is the second-century pope and martyr (c. 105-15), as
his legendary Acts indicate, is quite doubtful; possibly he is a local
martyr of Ficulea. The matron Severina buried here the bodies of the
two saints in one tomb, and near to them the body of Saint Theodulus;
early in the ninth century they were all transferred to the city, after
which the cemetery fell into ruins. As in the cemetery of St. Laurence
and in that of St. Symphorosa, there arose here two basilicas, one
built by Constantine 
(<i>ad corpus</i>), rediscovered in 1855, another in the fifth century;
there remain yet some important relics of the former, an altar with its
marble 
<i>cancellus</i>, or front, in which was opened a fenestella
confessionis through which could be seen the bodies of the martyrs, the
site of the 
<i>schola cantorum</i> in front of the altar, and in the apse the
episcopal chair.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2563.1">X. VIA SALARIA NOVA</h3>
<p id="c-p2564" shownumber="no">24. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Felicitas.</i> This famous Roman matron and her
seven sons were put to death for the Christian Faith, under Marcus
Aurelius. The very ancient Acts of their martyrdom are extant in a
Latin translation from the Greek, and are probably based on the
original court records. The place of burial of the mother and Silanus,
her youngest son, not given in the Acts, is learned from the
fourth-century Liberian Catalogue and from sixth -- and seventh --
century itineraries, as the cemetery of Maximus (otherwise unknown) on
the Via Salaria. A basilica, built there in the fourth century, was
ornamented with a fine epitaph by St. Damasus (Verdun manuscript).
Early in the fifth century it served Boniface I (418) as a place of
refuge from the adherents of the antipope Eulalinus; Boniface was also
buried there, according to the "Martyrologium Hieronymianum". Gregory
the Great preached there one of his homilies "Ad martyres". The two
bodies were transferred to the city in the ninth century, and the
cemetery was lost sight of until De Rossi discovered it in 1858, almost
simultaneously with his discovery of the crypt of St. Januarius in the
cemetery of Praetextatus. In 1884 the "historic crypt" was discovered,
beneath a basilica of the fourth century; it is surmised that this must
have been the site of the house of Felicitas, or at least of the
trial.</p>
<p id="c-p2565" shownumber="no">25. 
<i>Cemetery of Thraso, Coemeterium Jordanorum.</i> The cemetery of
Thraso, a rich and aged martyr in the persecution of Diocletian, was
discovered in 1578 by Bosio. It once contained a fine Damasan epitaph;
its chief oratory or crypt was restored in 326 and was open until the
end of the thirteenth century. The body of St. Thraso was at some
unknown time taken to Sts. John and Paul in the city. In this cemetery
excellent third -- or fourth -- century frescoes are still visible,
among them an interesting one symbolic of the Eucharist. A little
farther on, to the right of the road, is the 
<i>Coemeterium Jordanorum</i>, possibly, says Marucchi (II, 369), the
deepest of the Roman catacombs; it has four stories, but the groups of
galleries are separated by sand-pits 
(<i>arenariæ</i>). The name, says the aforesaid writer, may be a
corruption of 
<i>Germanorum</i>, i.e. the other sons of St. Felicitas. Here, too, it
seems, ought some day to be found the 
<i>arenaria</i>, or sand-pit, in which Sts. Chrysanthus and Daria were
buried during the persecution of Valerian (257), and in which (their
Acts tell us) some Christians who came there to pray were stoned to
death and walled up by the heathen (Via Salaria in arenaria illic
viventes terrâ et lapidibus obrui). In the sixth century this
venerable sanctuary was still visited, and through its 
<i>fenestella</i> the bones of the martyrs scattered on the ground
within could still be seen (Marucchi, op. cit., II, 371). Many
important and interesting epitaphs have been found here.</p>
<p id="c-p2566" shownumber="no">26. 
<i>Cemetery of Priscilla.</i> This is the oldest general cemetery of
Early Christian Rome (Kaufmann) and in several respects the most
important. It takes its name from Priscilla, the mother of the Senator
Pudens in whose house St. Peter, according to ancient tradition, found
refuge. The sepulchral plot 
(<i>area</i>) of Pudens on the New Salarian Way became the burial-place
of Qquila and Prisca (Rom., xvi, 3), and of Sts. Pudentiana and
Praxedes, daughters of Pudens. In this manner the history of the very
ancient Roman churches of Santa Pudentiana and Santa Prassede, also
that of Santa Prisca on the Aventine, being originally the
meeting-places 
(<i>domesticæ ecclesiæ</i>, Rom., xvi, 5), of the little
Christian community, became intimately connected with the burial-site
of the family to which they originally belonged. In this catacomb were
buried Sts. Felix and Philip (two of the seven martyr sons of St.
Felicitas), also Popes St. Marcellinus (d. 304) and St. Marcellus (d.
309), both victims of the persecution of Diocletian. In the basilica
(see below) that was soon raised on this site were buried several
popes, St. Sylvester (d. 335), St. Liberius (d. 366), St. Siricius (d.
399), St. Celestine (d. 432), and Vigilius (d. 555). Their "fine group
of sarcophagi remained intact", says Marucchi (II, 385) until the ninth
century, when the transfer of their bodies to various city churches
brought about the usual neglect and final decay of the cemetery, above
and below ground. Marucchi maintains that here and not at St. Agnes' is
the true 
<i>Coemeterium Ostrianum</i> mentioned in Ancient Roman Acts of martyrs
as containing a reservoir where St. Peter was wont to baptize, also the
chair in which he first sat (ad nymphas ubi Petrus baptizaverat, sedes
ubi prius sedit Sanctus Petrus, etc.) when he began his Roman ministry.
With much erudition and acumen he develops this thesis in his oft
quoted work (Elements d'archéologie chrétienne, II, 432
sqq.), his principal arguments being based on a detailed study of two
ancient reservoirs in this cemetery, according to him the original
Petrine baptisteries, through deep veneration for which holy places
came about the later development of the cemetery of Priscilla, the
burial there of several fourth -- and fifth-century popes, the
overground basilica of St. Sylvester, etc. It was only in 1863 that
earnest and continuous efforts were made to explore in a scientific way
this vast necropolic; in 1887 the finding of the burial-crypts of the
Acilii Glabriones amply repaid the efforts of the Sacred Commission of
Archaeology. The corridors and 
<i>cubicula</i> of this portion of the cemetery of Priscilla offer
numerous evidences of Apostolic antiquity, and there is sufficient
reason to believe</p>
<ul id="c-p2566.1">
<li id="c-p2566.2">that the aforesaid Acilii Glabriones were closely related to the
family of Senator Pudens, and</li>
<li id="c-p2566.3">that their Christian family epitaphs of the second century began
with the (not yet found) epitaph of Manius Acilius Glabrio, consul in
91, and put to death by Domitian for charges (Suetonius, Domit., 15;
Dio Cassius, LXVII, 13) now recognized as equivalent to the profession
of the Christian religion.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2567" shownumber="no">Not far from the modern entrance to the cemetery is the elegant
subterranean chapel or crypt known as the Capella Greca, from two Greek
epitaphs found there; this crypt is ornamented with very ancient
symbolic frescoes, the most important of which is the celebrated
Eucharistic painting in the apse, known as the 
<i>Fractio Panis</i>, because in it a figure (the priest) is breaking
bread and giving it to persons seated at the same table (Wilpert,
Fractio Panis, la plus ancienne représentation du sacrifice
eucharistique, Paris, 1896). In the vicinity was found in 1820 the
epitaph of St. Philomena (facsimile in Christian Museum of the
Lateran); according to Marucchi the current legend of St. Philomena is
a nineteenth-century invention. The three tiles of this epitaph were
removed at some early date from their original place and used to close
another grave, so that the body found in 1820 was not that of
Philomena, nor are the tracings on the epitaph those of instruments of
martyrdom but anchors, palms, etc. (op. cit., II, 409-10; cf. de Waal,
"Die Grabschrift der heiligen Philumena", in "Röm.
Quartalschrift", 1898). There is also here a very ancient fresco of the
Blessed Virgin holding to her breast the Infant Jesus, while a prophet
(Isaias ?; cf. Is., ix, 2; xlii, 6) points to a star above her head. It
is a clear evidence of the sentiments of Christian veneration for the
Mother of God in the second century, to which period the best
archaeologists refer this fresco (see Mary). Elsewhere in Saint
Priscilla is the oldest known liturgical fresco of the early Christian
Church, the 
<i>virgo sacra</i> or 
<i>Deo dicata</i>, i.e. a Christian virgin whose solemn consecration to
the service of God is quite dramatically set forth by the artist (cf.
Marucchi, II, 417-18, and Wilpert, "Gottgeweihten Jungfrauen", in
bibliography). From a theological point of view not the least important
discovery in Saint Priscilla was the fresco in which Our Lord is
represented as giving the Christian law to St. Peter with the
inscription "Dominus legem dat" (the Lord gives the law); De Rossi
considered it as confirmatory of the primacy of Peter; Monsignor
Duchesne saw in it a reference to the 
<i>traditio symboli</i> or Apostles' Creed communicated to the
neophytes at the moment of baptism. It belonged to the fourth century
and was discovered in 1887, but has since almost entirely perished
(reproduced in De Rossi's "Bullettino", 1887, 23 sqq.). The once rich
and imposing basilica built by St. Sylvester over the scene of so many
early and valuable Christian memories has long since perished. De Rossi
published ("Bullettino", 1890, plates VI-VII) a plan of its probable
outlines; Marucchi suggests (ingeniously and with veri-similitude) that
in the apse of this basilica stood the ancient Chair of Peter, the
"sedes ubi prius sedit" when he baptized in the suburban villa of
Senator Pudens, the true Coemeterium Ostrianum in whose venerable
precincts Pope Liberius took refuge about the middle of the fourth
century, and confirmed the faith of the Romans by baptizing regularly
amid the Apostolic memories yet fresh and influential at that place.
Some of the papal epitaphs in this basilica have reached us by way of
the various medieval epigraphic collections, among them ["Sylloge
Corbeiensis", in De Rossi, "Inscript. Christ.", II (1) 83, 85] an
epitaph that the latter, with Marucchi (II, 469-70) and others,
believes to be the epitaph of Pope St. Liberius; if so it offers
indisputable evidence of the constant orthodoxy of that much maligned
pope.</p>

<h3 id="c-p2567.1">XI. VIA SALARIA VETUS
<br />Beyond the present Porta Pinciana</h3>
<p id="c-p2568" shownumber="no">27. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Pamphilus</i>, an unknown martyr. It was discovered
by De Rossi in 1865. Among some rude charcoal sketches in one of its 
<i>cubicula</i> is one representing the demolition of a pagan idol, an
index of the end of the fourth century.</p>
<p id="c-p2569" shownumber="no">28. 
<i>Cemetery of St. Hermes</i> (or Basilla), a little farther on, in a
vineyard of the German College. Hermes seems to have been a martyr of
the early part of the second century (c. 119). The fourth-century
Liberian Catalogue mentions him as buried in the cemetery of St.
Basilla; Padre Marchi and De Rossi had the good fortune to discover the
ancient fourth-century basilica raised above the martyr's tomb; it
proves to be the largest of the subterranean churches of Rome, and was
probably built on the site of an older edifice It was constructed in
the tufa rock, lined with masonry, and had quite a high vault. This
basilica was a favourite burial-place, for its floor was found covered
with sepulchres. The body of St. Hermes was removed to the city by
Adrian I (772-95). This cemetery also held the bodies of Sts. Protus
and Hyacinthus, martyrs in the persecution of Valerian (257), and
mentioned in the Liberian Catalogue. Their mistress, Saint Basilla,
suffered at the same time; the Martyrologium Hieronymianum calls them
"doctores sanctæ legis". The body of St. Basilla has not been
found, but that of St. Hyacinthus now reposes in the church of the
Propaganda at Rome whither it was transferred in 1845 after its
discovery by Padre Marchi; that of St. Protus, though once buried in
the neighbouring 
<i>loculus</i>, seems to have been removed in the ninth century by Leo
IV. Since 1894 excavations have been renewed in this cemetery, in
consequence of which the crypt and stairs built by St. Damasus, or
about his time, have been found. The cemetery of Hermes has already
yielded a number of valuable dogmatic epitaphs now kept in the
Kircherian Museum at Rome.</p>
<p id="c-p2570" shownumber="no">29. 
<i>Cemetery ad clivum cucumeris.</i> It was located in the vicinity of
Aqua Acetosa, and was the burial-place of several martyrs, among them
the Consul Liberalis, whose fine metrical epitaph has come down to us
through the "Itineraries".</p>

<verse id="c-p2570.1" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p2570.2">Martyris hic sancti Liberalis membra quiescunt</l>
<l id="c-p2570.3">Qui quondam in terris consul honore fuit</l>
</verse>

<verse id="c-p2570.4" type="stanza">
<l id="c-p2570.5">(Here reposes the body of Saint Liberalis,</l>
<l id="c-p2570.6">who in life was honoured as a Consul).</l>
</verse>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2571" shownumber="no">The exact site of this cemetery is unknown, 
though De Rossi believed for a while (1892) that he had discovered it.
</p>

<h3 id="c-p2571.1">XII. VIA FLAMINIA</h3>
<p class="Centered" id="c-p2572" shownumber="no">Outside of Porta del Popolo, the great northern 
highway, as the Via Appia was the great southern highway, of Rome.</p>

<p id="c-p2573" shownumber="no">30.  <i>Cemetery of St. Valentinus.</i> This martyr, according to 
his (late) Acts a priest and a physician, seems to have suffered 
under Claudius Gothicus (268-70). He was buried on the site of his 
martyrdom by the pious matron Sabinilla at the first milestone on the 
Flaminian Way. In time a small cemetery grew up about the tomb of the 
martyr which in the Middle Ages was in charge of the Augustinians; 
one of them, the historian Onofrio Panvinio, wrote a description of 
it. Eventually, however, the cemetery became a wine-cellar. In 1877 
Marucchi discovered the "historical crypt" of St. Valentinus, with 
its interesting Byzantine frescoes of the seventh century, among them 
a Crucifixion,
the only one found in the catacombs, and one of the oldest artistic
representations of this scene. As in the ancient Crucifixion in santa
Maria Antiqua (Roman Forum), the figure of Christ is clothed in a 
<i>colobium</i>, or long mantle. An overground cemetery on the site is
said to have been the most extensive of its kind. The epitaphs
collected there yield only to the epigraphic collection in the Lateran
Museum for number and importance; many are dated, from 318 to 523, i.e.
to the final period of the consular dignity. A fourth-century basilica
built on this site has recently been discovered (1888), showing, like
so many others, the 
<i>fenestella confessionis</i> through which the tomb of the martyr
could be seen. The cemetery was open and respected as late as the
middle of the eleventh century. With the transfer of the martyr's body
(fourteenth century) to Santa Prassede in the city began the decay of
the catacomb; the basilica had fallen by the time of Bosio (1594),
whose "Villa Bosia" was over the cemetery, and yet exists as Villa
Trezza.</p>
<p id="c-p2574" shownumber="no">The best English introduction to the study of the catacombs is the
work of Northcote and Brownlow (see below). The latest and best
literature is found in the works, quoted below, of Kaufmann, Marucchi,
and Leclercq, particularly in the exhaustive study of Nicholas Muller,
art. Koimeterien, in Realencyclopadie f. prot. Theol. und Kirche, X,
794-877. The chief collections of materials are those of Giovanni
Batista De Rossi, and in them are also seen on the largest scale the
methods of investigation that have rendered such excellent results for
theology and church history, also the history of the arts, social life,
etc. of Christian antiquity. For the life of De Rossi, see that
article. The titles of his writings number over 200, but the
epoch-making works are the following: 1. Roma sotterranea cristiana (3
vol., Rome, 1864-77), large quarto with maps and illustrations,
dealing, however, only with the cemetery of Saint Callistus. The
introduction is a monumental piece of work. As these works are rare,
even in public libraries, Dr. Kaufmann gives (pp. 24-27) full tables of
their contents. De Rossi planned a complete collection of the
inscriptions (epitaphs) of the catacombs but only partially finished
it. 2. Inscriptiones christianoe urbis Romoe septimo soeculo antiquires
(folio I, Rome, 1861; II, ibid., 1888). 3. In a special periodical (now
very rare) conducted by him he consigned many results of his studies
and investigations Bullettino di archeologia cristiana (Rome,
1863-1894), in five series, continued as its official record by the
Commission of Sacred Archaeology under the title of Nuovo Bullettino,
etc. (Rome, 1895 sqq.). Among his numerous special studies we may
mention his account of the earliest pictures of the Blessed Virgin in
the catacoms, Imagines selectoe Deiparoe virginis in coemeteriis
subterraneis udo depictoe (Rome, 1863; to be read now in connection
with the magisterial Malereien of Wilpert), and his account of the
inscriptions of the Christian museum of the Lateran, Il museo
epigrafico Pio Lateranense (Rome, 1877); cf. Marucchi, Guida del museo
cristiano-Lateranense (Rome, 1898). Two fundamental studies of De
Rossi, made at the beginning of his career and yet of value for
catacomb researches, are his De Christianis monumentis 
<i>ichthyn exhibentibus</i>, in Spicileg. Solesm. (Paris, 1855), III,
544-77; De Christianis titulis Carthaginen. (ibid.), 505-538.</p>
<p id="c-p2575" shownumber="no">The Jesuit writer, Raffaele Garrucci, deserves an honourable mention
for his voluminous (6 large folios) and learned work that deals largely
with the catacombs, Storia dell'arte cristiana nei primi otto secoli
della Chiesa (Prato. 1873-80), with numerous illustrations. The
writings of De Rossi, especially his Roma sotteranea, soon gave rise to
a number of adaptations in various European languages; one of the most
useful and reliable is that of Northcote and Brownlow, Roma
Sotterranea, or an Account of the Roman Catacombs, especially of the
Cemetery of St. Callistus (London, 1869; 2d ed. 1878-79), published
also in briefer form. Quite similar are the German work (same title) of
Kraus (Freiburg, 1873; 2nd ed. 1879), and the French manual of Reusens,
Elements d'archeologie chretienne (Louvain, 1871-75; 2nd ed.,
1885).</p>
<p id="c-p2576" shownumber="no">The constant activity of excavation, literary research, and
criticism, creates as constant a demand for newer manuals of the
science which has thus grown up; among the later works of this kind we
may mention with praise: Armellini,, Lezioni di archeologia sacra
(Rome, 1898); Idem, Gli antichi cimiteri cristiani di Roma e d'Italia
(Rome, 1893); Marucchi, Les elements d'archeologie chretienne (Paris,
1902-05, 3 vols.); Kaufmann, Handbuch der christlichen Archaologie
(Paderborn, 1905; an Italian tr., Manuale di archeologia cristiana
(Rome, 1907); Leclercq, Manuel d'archeologie chretienne depuis les
origines jusqu'au VIII siecle (3 vols., Paris, 1907), the latter being
a resume of the rich materials of the new Benedictine dictionary of
Christian archaeology quoted below. Among later English works similar
in intention, if not equal in execution, are: Cheetham, History of
Early Christian Art (New York, 1895), and the praiseworthy summary of
Lowrie, Christian Art and Archoeology (London, 1901).</p>
<p id="c-p2577" shownumber="no">The natural desire to obtain some easy control over the enormous
mass of facts and opinions that all these labours developed led soon to
the creation of illustrated encyclopedias of Christian antiquities, all
of which are useful beyond expression for the study of the catacombs.
The first of these, based on De Rossi's work, was Martigny, Dict. des
antiquites chretiennes (Paris, 1865; 3d ed., 1889). It was followed by
a good English (non-Catholic) compilation of the same nature, Smith and
Cheetham, A dictionary of Christian Antiquities (London, 1876-80), and
shortly by the German (Catholic) work edited by Kraus, Realenzyklopadie
d. christl. Alterhumer (Freiburg, 1882-86), now out of print and rare.
In the mean time the French Benedictines of Farnborough, England
(Cabrol chief editor) have begun a very exhaustive encyclopedia of both
Christian archaeology and liturgy under the title of Dict. d'archeol.
chret. et de liturgie (Paris, 1903 sqq.). Among the French disciples of
De Rossi who contributed most to spread the principles and methods of
the new catacomb excavations may be mentioned Le Blant, Inscriptions
chretiennes de la Gaule (Paris, 1856-65), and Nouveau recueil des
inscriptions, etc. (ibid., 1892); Idem, Etudes sur les sarcophages
chretiens antiques de la ville d'Arles (Paris, 1878), Les sarcophages
chretiens de la Gaule (ibid., 1886), and other important works. Easily
foremost, however, among the scientific students of the Roman catacombs
is Monsignore Joseph Wilpert, whose accurate reproduction of the
originals of the catacomb frescoes has placed before all scholars
reliable copies of these famous relics of ancient Christian life, and
enables everyone to study them scientifically and at his ease: Wilpert,
Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms (Freiburg, 1903, 2 folio volumes, 596
pages of text, 267 plates and 54 figures, published also in Italian as
Pitture delle Catacombe romane, same place and date). He had previously
published a number of valuable researches, both patristic and
archaeological in content; among them: Prinzipienfragen der
christlichen Archaologie (Freiburg, 1889, with supplement, ibid.,
1890); Die gottgeweihten Jungfrauen in den ersten Jahrhunderten der
Kirche (ibid., 1892); Ein Cyklus christologischer Gemalde, etc. (ibid.,
1891); Fractio Panis, die alteste Darstellung des eucharistischen
Opfers (ibid., 1895); Die Malereien in der Sakramentskapelle i. d.
Katak. des hl. Callistus (ibid., 1897). Among the scholarly Protestant
writers on the catacombs the following deserve credit: Piper,
Einleitung in die monumentale Theologie (Gotha, 1867); Muller,
Archaologische Studien, etc. (Leipzig, 1895-1901), and since 1902, as
Studien uber christliche Denkmaler, particularly his articles in the
Realenzyklopadie f. prot. Theologie u. Kirche, on Koimeterien,
Christusbilder, and Inschriften; Schultze, Die Katakomben (Leipzig,
1882), Der theologische Ertrag der Katakombenforschung (ibid., 1882),
Die altchristlichen Bildwerke, etc. (ibid., 1889); and Archaologie der
altchristlichen Kunst (Munich, 1895).</p>
<p id="c-p2578" shownumber="no">Important for the study of the catacombs, their excavations,
history, problems, sources, literature, etc, are the above-mentioned
official Nuovo Bullettino, the Christian archaeological bulletin of the
Civilta Cattolica by Grisar, the Comptes rendus of Kirsch in the
Romische Quartalschrift fur christliche Alterthumskunde (Freiburg and
Rome), conducted, for the archaeological content, by Mgr. DeWaal to
which may be added the Oriens Christianus, conducted by A. Baumstark
(Campo Santo Tedesco, or German College, Rome), a useful repository of
archaeological information from the Christian Orient. Here it may not
be out of place to mention the merits of the Roman association known as
the "Collegium Cultorum martyrum", especially devoted to the veneration
of the holy martyrs and the sites of their sepulchres, and the
Christian Archaeological Congresses of 1894 and 1900. The American
Journal of Archoeology (Baltimore, 1885 sqq.) also devotes attention to
the results of catacomb studies and researches. It is easily
under[s]tood that the researches in every field of early Christian
antiquities throw light on the catacombs and in turn are helped by the
special researches in these cemeteries; hence the importance of the
remarkable discoveries of Pere Delattre of the Peres Blancs on the site
of ancient Carthage (for a bibliography of his writings see Le Musee
Lavigerie de Saint-Louis de Carthage (Tunis, 1900); cf. Dalton,
Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities, etc., in the British Museum
(London, 1901).</p>
<p id="c-p2579" shownumber="no">Similarly it is of interest to know the sources of the early
art-impulses among the Roman Christians, attributed mostly to the
Orient (Egypt, Syria, Palestine), by Strzygowski, Orient oder Tom
(Leipzig, 1901), Kleinasien (ibid., 1903). Finally it may be useful to
add that any serious study of the catacombs demands some acquaintance
with the excellent introductory pages of the above-mentioned manuals of
Kaufmann, Marucchi, or Leclercq, also with the earlier volumes of the
histories of the City of Rome by the Catholic writers Von Reumont
(Berlin, 1867), and Grisar (Rome, 1900, I, unfinished): and the
non-Catholic Gregorovius (Eng. tr.), to which must be added the
excellent introduction and notes of the critical edition of the Liber
Pontificalis (2 vols., 4x, Paris, 1886, 1892), by Mgr. Louis
Duchesne.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2580" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p></def>

<term id="c-p2580.1" title="Cenacle, Religious of the" type="Encyclopedia">Religious of the Cenacle</term>
<def id="c-p2580.2">
<h1 id="c-p2580.3">Religious of the Cenacle</h1>
<p id="c-p2581" shownumber="no">The Society of Our Lady of the Cenacle was founded in 1826, at La
Louvesc in France, near the tomb of St. John Francis Regis, the Jesuit
apostle of the poor, by Jean-Pierre-Etienne Terme, a holy and zealous
missionary priest of the Diocese of Viviers, and Marie-Victoire-Therese
Couderc, a woman twenty years of age, but already mature, in courage,
energy, and the living resources of faith. Desirous to attract pilgrims
to the tomb of St. John Francis Regis, and induce them to there
recollect themselves in solitude, prayer, and meditation, they resolved
to open houses where women might follow the exercises of a retreat; the
first of these houses was opened at La Louvesc. Father Terme was not to
see the full development of his work; he died in 1834, leaving his
religious family to the direction of the Jesuit Fathers. Encouraged by
episcopal authority, and then by Popes Gregory XVI, Pius IX, and Leo
XIII, the last of whom definitely approved its constitutions, the new
institute grew rapidly and soon counted houses in France, Italy,
Belgium, Switzerland, and Holland. In England, the first house was
opened at Manchester, in 1888. The year 1892 saw the first foundation
in America, at New York.</p>
<p id="c-p2582" shownumber="no">The Society of Our Lady of the Cenacle honours particularly, and
proposes to itself for its model, the retirement of the Blessed Virgin
in the Cenacle, after the Ascension of our Lord, while the whole
Church, expecting the Holy Ghost, "were persevering with one mind in
prayer with the women, and Mary the mother of Jesus" (Acts, i, 14). The
religious of this society aim, first, at their own personal
sanctification; secondly, at procuring the salvation and perfection of
their neighbour. It is this twofold end that they endeavour to attain
by the invisible apostolate of perpetual prayer, the recitation of the
Divine Office, and the daily Exposition of the Blessed Sacrament, as
well as by the exercise of exterior forms of apostolate, principally in
providing for spiritual retreats and the teaching of Christian
doctrine.</p>
<p id="c-p2583" shownumber="no">The houses of the society are open at any time to women of all
classes wishing to make the Spiritual Exercises, that is, apply
themselves for a few days to the consideration of the truths of faith,
to recollection and prayer, either in order to make a choice for the
disposition of their future life, or because they feel it necessary to
regulate their lives in a more Christian manner. From its origin, the
society has taken up the teaching of Christian doctrine as a powerful
means of apostolate, and receives all persons who are desirous to learn
the truths of faith, so as to dispose themselves for the reception of
the sacraments, also all who are preparing to enter the Catholic
Church, or who, after their return to God, seek to strengthen
themselves in faith and piety. Other means used are the day's retreat,
associations, etc.; in fact, all offices of spiritual charity proper to
extend the kingdom of God in souls, according to the spirit of the
Cenacle, are employed by the Society of Our Lady of the Cenacle, for
the love of Christ and the Blessed Virgin.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2584" shownumber="no">B. ZIMMERMAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2584.1" title="Cenalis, Robert" type="Encyclopedia">Robert Cenalis</term>
<def id="c-p2584.2">
<h1 id="c-p2584.3">Robert Cenalis</h1>
<p id="c-p2585" shownumber="no">(Sometimes written CÉNEAU and COENALIS, whence the nickname, 
<i>le Soupier</i>)</p>
<p id="c-p2586" shownumber="no">Bishop, historian, and controversialist, b. in Paris, 1483; d.
there, 1560. In 1513 he became doctor of the Faculty of Theology in the
Sorbonne, and in 1515 was made Bishop of Vence. From here he was
transferred in 1530 to the See of Riez, and in 1532 to that of
Avranches. He took an active part in the religious and polemical
discussions that attended the Reformation, and wrote several
controversial works, the most important of which are: "Pro tuendo sacro
coelibatu" (Paris, 1545); "Tractatus de utriusque gladii facultate,
usuque legitimo" (Paris, 1546, and Leyden, 1558); "Axioma de divortio
matrimonii mosaici per legem evangelicam refutato" (Paris, 1549);
"Traductatis Calviniacae" (Paris, 1556); "Methodus de compescendâ
haereticorum ferociâ" (Paris, 1557). In the same year and place in
which the last-named work was published, there appeared his "Historia
Galliae", dedicated to King Henry II. This was a folio volume, treating
of the name, origin, and achievements of the Gauls, Franks, and
Burgundians. It has but little critical value. Not long afterward he
produced "L'histoire ecclésiastique de Normandie". While Bishop of
Riez he issued synodal statutes of that diocese, and wrote an erudite
treatise on weights and measures under the title: "De liquidorum
leguminumque mensuris, seu verâ mensurarum ponderumque ratione"
(Paris, 1532, 1535, 1547).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2587" shownumber="no">JOHN A. RYAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2587.1" title="Ceneda" type="Encyclopedia">Ceneda</term>
<def id="c-p2587.2">
<h1 id="c-p2587.3">Ceneda</h1>
<p id="c-p2588" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CENEDA (CENETENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p2589" shownumber="no">The city of Ceneda is situated in the province of Treviso, in former
Venetian territory, on a declivity of the Rhaetian Alps, in a
picturesque region. In ancient times it was known as 
<i>Ceneta or Acedum</i>. It was pillaged by Attila in 452, and a
century later by Totila. During the domination of the Lombards it was
governed by a duke, and afterwards became part of the marquisate of
Treviso. Later (994) the bishop of that city was also its temporal
lord, even after it was incorporated with Venice, since in 1447 and in
1514 Bishops Francesco and Oliviero gave the republic civil investiture
of the territory of Ceneda, reserving for themselves and their
successors (until about 1768) authority over the city and a few villas.
The Gospel, it is said, was preached in this region in the first
century by St. Fortunatus, deacon of St. Hermagoras of Aquileia. The
earliest known bishop is Vindemius, present in 579 at the Synod of
Grado, held to continue the Schism of the Three Chapters. In 680
Ursinus, bishop of Ceneda, was present at the Council of Rome convened
against the Monothelites. Other bishops were: Azzo (1140); Sigifredo
(1170), during whose time there were many conflicts between Ceneda and
the neighbouring towns; Antonion Correr (1409); Lorenzo da Ponte
(1739), the last bishop to exercise temporal power. Since 1818 Ceneda
has been a suffragan of Venice; previously it was under the
jurisdiction of Udine. The diocese has a population of 183,000, with
118 parishes, 500 churches and chapels, 216 secular and 25 regular
priests, 5 religious houses of men and 3 of women.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2590" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2590.1" title="Censer" type="Encyclopedia">Censer</term>
<def id="c-p2590.2">
<h1 id="c-p2590.3">Censer</h1>
<p id="c-p2591" shownumber="no">A vessel suspended by chains, and used for burning incense at solemn
Mass, Vespers, Benediction, processions, and other important offices of
the Church. It is now commonly called a thurible. In its prevailing
shape the censer consists of a cup, or bowl, which rests on a firm base
and is provided with a hollow movable pan for holding ignited charcoal,
a lid or covering, and four chains about three feet in length, three of
which unite the bowl to a circular disc, while the fourth is used for
raising the lid, to which one end is attached, the other passing
through a hole in the disc and terminating in a small ring. To carry
the censer the chains are grasped in the hand just under the disc, care
being taken to keep the base elevated to a height of six or eight
inches from the ground and to swing it gently to and fro in order that
the current of air thus created may cause the fire to burn the fragrant
gums or incense which is placed on it whenever the censer is being
used. The censer played an important part in the ancient religious
worship both of the Jews and Pagans. It is no wonder, then, that its
employment in Christian ceremonies goes back to the very earliest
times. Its primitive form, however, was quite different from what it is
now, being something like a vase with a perforated cover to emit the
perfumed odours. Later on chains were added for greater convenience in
manipulation. These vessels in the Middle Ages were often made of gold
and silver and enriched with numerous details of most elaborate
ornamentation. In the archives or inventories of many Continental and
English cathedrals (such as St. John Lateran, Trier, Louvain, Lincoln,
and York Minster) minute descriptions are given of some ancient
specimens in the possession of these churches.</p>
<p id="c-p2592" shownumber="no">BONA, 
<i>De Rebus Liturgicis</i> (Turin, 1747), I, xxv; DUGDALE, 
<i>Monasticum Anglicanum</i> (London, 1682), passim; PUGIN, 
<i>Glossary of Ecclesiastical Ornament</i> (London, 1868), s.v. 
<i>Censer</i>; O'LOAN, 
<i>Ceremonies of Ecclesiastical Functions</i> (Dublin, 1893), 27;
LEVASSEUR, 
<i>Manuel Liturgique</i> (Paris, 1890), I, 275; VAN DER STAPPEN, 
<i>De Celebratione Missæ</i> (Mechlin, 1892), X, 92.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2593" shownumber="no">PATRICK MORRISROE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2593.1" title="Censorship of Books" type="Encyclopedia">Censorship of Books</term>
<def id="c-p2593.2">
<h1 id="c-p2593.3">Censorship of Books</h1>
<p id="c-p2594" shownumber="no">
(<i>Censura Librorum</i>.)</p>
<h3 id="c-p2594.1">DEFINITION AND DIVISION</h3>
<p id="c-p2595" shownumber="no">In general, censorship of books is a supervision of the press in
order to prevent any abuse of it. In this sense, every lawful
authority, whose duty it is to protect its subjects from the ravages of
a pernicious press, has the right of exercising censorship of books.
This censorship is either 
<i>ecclesiastical</i> or 
<i>civil</i>, according as it is practiced by the spiritual or secular
authority, and it may be exercised in two ways, viz.: before the
printing or publishing of a work, by examining it 
(<i>censura prævia</i>); and after the printing or publishing, by
repressing or prohibiting it 
(<i>censura repressiva</i>). This is the double meaning of the classical
word 
<i>censura</i>, especially as used in the legislation of the Roman
Church. Later on, however, particularly in civil law, 
<i>censura</i> denoted almost exclusively 
<i>censura prævia</i>. Wherever the abolition of censorship in
past centuries is referred to, only the latter is meant.</p>
<p id="c-p2596" shownumber="no">The reverse of censorship is freedom of the press. In all civilized
countries, however, that have abrogated the 
<i>censura prævia</i>, freedom of the press is by no means
unlimited. It abuse may, in the worst cases, be condemned and punished
according to common law, and the old censorship has nearly everywhere
been replaced by more severe press-laws. Although the censorship of
books (in the wider sense) did not begin precisely with the invention
and spread of the art of printing, yet in our definition of it, only
productions of the press are spoken of. In the first place, censorship
now, as well as in centuries past, is concerned exclusively with
printed works; secondly, in the narrower sense 
(<i>censura prævia</i>), it has taken that definite form, which is
expressed by "censorship of books," only after the invention of the
printing press. When explaining, however, the historical development of
censorship, we must begin with an earlier period, because we are here
dealing with it as exercised by the Universal Church of Rome. From the
beginning and at all times in principle, the Church adhered to the
censorship, although in the course of time the application was modified
according to conditions and circumstances. The censorship of books, as
well as the press-law of states or of church-communities other than
Catholic, can be mentioned here for the sake of comparison only.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2596.1">HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT</h3>
<p id="c-p2597" shownumber="no">As soon as there were books or writing of any kind the spreading or
reading of which was highly detrimental to the public, competent
authorities were obliged to take measures against them. Long before the
Christian era, therefore, we find that heathens as well as Jews had
fixed regulations for the suppression of dangerous books and the
prevention of corruptive reading. From numerous illustrations quoted by
Zaccaria (pp. 248-256) it is evident that most of the writings
condemned or destroyed offended against religion and morals. Everywhere
the books declared dangerous were cast into the fire--the simplest and
most natural execution of censorship. When at Ephesus, in consequence
of St. Paul's preaching, the heathens were converted, they raised
before the eyes of the Apostle of the Gentiles a pile in order to burn
their numerous superstition books (Acts, xix, 19). No doubt, the new
Christians moved by grace and the Apostolic word did so of their own
accord; but all the more was their action approved by St. Paul himself,
and it is recorded as an example worthy of imitation by the author of
the Acts of the Apostles. From this burning of the books at Ephesus, as
well as from the Second Epistle of St. Peter and the Epistles of St.
Paul to Timothy and Titus, it clearly appears how the Apostles judged
of pernicious books and how they wished them to be treated. In concert
with the Apostle of the Gentiles (Tit., iii, 10). St. John most
emphatically exhorted the first Christians to shun heretical teachers.
To the disciples of the Apostles it was a matter of course to connect
this warning not only with the persons of such teachers, but first and
foremost with their doctrine and their writings. Thus, in the first
Christian centuries, the so-called apocrypha (q.v.) above all other
books appeared to the faithful as 
<i>libri non recipiendi</i>, books which were on no account to be used.
The establishment of the Canon of Holy Writ was, therefore, at once an
elimination and a censuring of the apocrypha. The two documents
referring to this, both from the latter half of the second century, are
the Muratorian Canon (q.v.) and the Apostolic Constitutions (see
Hauler, Didascaliæ Apostolorum fragments, Leipzig, 1900, p.
4).</p>
<p id="c-p2598" shownumber="no">When the Church, after the era of persecution, was given greater
liberty, a censorship of books appears more plainly. The First
Ecumenical Council of Nicæa (325) condemned not only Arius
personally, but also his book entitled "Thalia"; Constantine commanded
that the writings of Arius and his friends should everywhere be
delivered up to be burned; concealment of them was forbidden under pain
of death. In the following centuries, when and wherever heresies sprung
up, the popes of Rome and the oecumenical councils, as well as the
particular synods of Africa, Asia, and Europe, condemned, conjointly
with the false doctrines, the books and writings containing them. (Cf.
Hilgers, Die Bücherverbote in Papstbriefen.) The latter were
ordered to be destroyed by fire, and illegal preservation of them was
treated as a heinous criminal offense. The authorities intended to make
the reading of such writings simply impossible. Pope St. Innocent I,
enumerating in a letter of 405 a number of apocryphal writings, rejects
them as 
<i>non solum repudianda sed etiam damnanda</i>. It is the first attempt
at a catalog of forbidden books. The so-called "Decretum Gelasianum"
contains many more, not only apocryphal, but also heretical, or
otherwise objectionable writings. It is not without reason that this
catalog has been called the first "Roman Index" of forbidden books. The
books in question were not unfrequently examined in the public sessions
of councils. There are also cases in which the popes themselves (e.g.,
Innocent I and Gregory the Great) read and examined a book sent to them
and finally condemned it. As regards the kinds and content of writings
forbidden in ancient times, we find among them, besides apocryphal and
heretical books, forged acts of martyrs, spurious penitentials, and
superstitious writings. In ancient times, information about
objectionable books was sent from both East and West to Rome, that they
might be examined, and, if necessary, forbidden by the Apostolic See.
Thus at the beginning of the Middle Ages, there existed, in all its
essentials, though without specified clauses, a prohibition and
censorship of books throughout the Catholic Church. Popes as well as
councils, bishops no less than synods, considered it then, as always,
their most sacred duty to safeguard the purity of faith and to protect
the souls of the faithful by condemning and forbidding any dangerous
book.</p>
<p id="c-p2599" shownumber="no">During the Middle Ages prohibitions of books were far more numerous
than in ancient times. Their history is chiefly connected with the
names of medieval heretics like Berengarius of Tours, Abelard, John
Wyclif, and John Hus. However, especially in the thirteenth and
fourteen century, there were also issued prohibitions against various
kinds of superstition writings, among them the Talmud and other Jewish
books. In this period also, the first decrees about the reading of
various translations of the Bible were called forth by the abuses of
the Waldenses and Albigensians. What these decrees (e.g., of the synod
of Toulouse in 1129, Tarragona in 1234, Oxford in 1408) aimed at was
the restriction of Bible-reading in the vernacular. A general
prohibition was never in existence. During the earlier Christian
centuries, and until late in the Middle Ages, there existed, as
compared with our times, but few books. As they were multiplied by
handwriting only, the number of copies to be met with was very small;
moreover none but the learned could make use of them. For these
reasons, preventive censorship was not necessary until, after the
invention of the printing press and the subsequent large circulation of
printed works, the harm done by pernicious books increased in a manner
hitherto unknown. Nevertheless, a previous examination of books was not
altogether unknown in more remote times, and in the Middle Ages it was
even prescribed in some places. St. Ambrose sent several of his
writings to Sabinus, bishop of Piacenza, that he might pass his opinion
on them and correct them before they were published (P.L., XVI, 1151).
In the fifth century, Gennadius sent his work, "De Scriptoribus
Ecclesiaticus" to Pope Gelasius for the same purpose. The chronicler,
Godfrey of Vietrbo, applied expressly to Urban III (1186) for
examination and approbation of his "Pantheon" which he dedicated to the
pope. These are, of course, examples of a merely private, preventive
censorship. Yet in the most flourishing period of the Middle Ages we
find censorship of that kind established by law in the very centres of
scientific life. According to the papal statutes of the University of
Paris (1342), the professors were not allowed to hand any lecture over
to the booksellers before it had been examined by the chancellors and
the professors of theology. (In the previous century the booksellers
were bound by oath to offer for sale only genuine and "corrected"
copies.) A similar censorship occurs in the fourteenth century at all
universities.</p>
<p id="c-p2600" shownumber="no">Down to more recent times, forbidden books were got out of the way
in the simplest manner, by destroying or confiscating them. It is
worthy of note that when the Roman synod of 745 ordered the burning of
the superstitious writings sent by St. Boniface to the Apostolic See,
Pope Zachary ordered them to be preserved in the pontifical archives
(Mansi, XII, 380). Again, while the provincial synod of Paris (121)
strictly forbade certain works of Aristotle as found in the erroneous
Arabic edition, Pope Gregory IX (1231) merely suspended the use of
these writings until they had been minutely examined and cleared of all
suspicion (Du Plessis d'Argentré, Collectio judiciorum, I, 1, 133;
Denifle, Charularium Universitatis Parisiensis, I, 70, 138). The Roman
expurgation of suspected books, so often unjustly held in ill repute,
had therefore, no inglorious beginnings under this last-named great
ecclesiastical legislator. In general, it may be said that in the
examination and prohibition of books, Rome displayed wise moderation
and true justice, since it intended only to keep faith and morals
unpolluted. With the invention an spread of typography begins a new
period in the censorship of books. It was in the nature of things that
the discoveries and tendencies at the end of the fifteenth, and
commencement of the sixteenth, century should very soon abuse the
"divine art" of printing for the purpose of multiplying and
disseminating all kinds of pernicious books. The religious disruption
of Germany had not yet begun when Rome took precautionary measures by
insisting on a preventive censorship of all printed works. The
beginnings of the censorship just mentioned are not to be traced to the
Curia of Rome, but to Cologne, where we find it established in the
university in the reign of Sixtus IV. In a Brief of 18 March, 1479,
this pope granted the fullest powers of censorship to the university,
and praised it for having hitherto checked with such zeal the printing
and selling of irreligious books. In 1482 the Bishop of Würzburg
enacted a law of censorship for his diocese; in 1485 and 1486 the
Archbishop of Mainz did the same for his ecclesiastical province. Thus
the way was paved for the Bull of Innocent VIII (17 Nov., 1487), which
universally prescribed the censorship of books, and entrusted the
bishops with its execution. Nevertheless, this first universal binding
papal edict of censorship remained unheeded. We only hear of its being
promulgated by Herman IV, Archbishop of Cologne. Consequently, in
Venice, the papal legate, Nicolò Franco, issued in 1491 an order
of censorship for this republic. As early, however, as 1480 we find
books published with the approbation of the Patriarch of Venice. The
decree of 1491 ordered the censorship of theological and religious
books only.</p>
<p id="c-p2601" shownumber="no">On 1 June 1501, followed the Bull of Alexander VI, an exact copy of
Innocent VIII's, but issued only for the ecclesiastical provinces of
Cologne, Mainz, Trier, and Magdeburg. Finally, during the Lateran
Council, Leo X promulgated, 3 May, 1515, the Bull "Inter
sollicitudines." This is the first papal censorial decrees given for
the entire Church which was universally accepted. All writings without
exception were subjected to censorship. The examination was entrusted
to the bishops or to the censors appointed by them and to the
inquisitor; in Rome, it appertained to the cardinal-vicar (q.v.) and
the 
<i>Magister Sacri Palatii</i>. Printers offending against the law
incurred the punishment of excommunication; moreover they were liable
to a fine and had their books destroyed by fire. After examination,
approbation was to be given free of charge and without delay and this
under pain of excommunication. Meanwhile, the prohibition of books had
been maintained by the pope and bishops as usual. In 1482 the bishops
of Würzburg and Basil forbade certain printed works in their
diocese, and by a Bull of 4 August, 1487, Innocent VII prohibited
Giovanni Pico della Mirandola's nine hundred theses, printed at Rome in
December, 1486. This prohibition was ratified by Alexander VI in 1493.
In Germany great excitement prevailed, it being the eve of the
Reformation. A book containing the tenets of humanism, the
"Epistolæ obscurorum virorum," was suppressed by a brief of Leo X,
15 March, 1517. The case of Reuchlin's "Augenspiegel" was a long time
pending in Rome; the book was ultimately prohibited, 23 June, 1520.
Some days previous (15 June, 1520) Leo X issued the Bull "Exsurge
Domine," by which all writings of Luther, even future ones, were
forbidden under pain of excommunication. Adrian VI again set forth this
prohibition in divers Letters of the year 1522, and in 1524, Clement
VII inserted in the Bull "Consueverunt" 
(<i>in coena domini</i>) a clause proscribing under pain of
excommunication all heretical writings, notably those of Luther.</p>
<p id="c-p2602" shownumber="no">After being reorganized by Paul III (Bull of 21 July, 1542) the
General Inquisition took charge of the supervision of books, chiefly in
Rome and Italy. Subsequent to a proclamation of 12 July, 1543,
enjoining with special emphasis the suppression and censorship of
books, this tribunal composed a catalogue of forbidden books, which,
together with a rather too rigorous decree (30 Dec., 1558) and another
that mitigated it, was promulgated in the reign of Paul IV, some days
after the date just mentioned. Similar catalogues have been published
since the twenties of the sixteenth century, by political as well as
ecclesiastical authorities, particularly in England, the Low Countries,
France, Germany, and Italy (Venice, Milan, Lucca). But the catalogue of
the Inquisition of 1559 was the first Roman list that was meant for the
whole world; it was also the very first that bore the title "Index."
This Roman catalogue, like all others published up to that time,
contained almost exclusively works distinctly heretical or suspected of
heresy; and since these were considered as already condemned and
forbidden, especially by the Bull "In Coena Domini," the catalogue
seemed to be merely the detailed list or register, in short the "Index"
of the prohibited books. This Index of Paul IV, however, contained one
particularly rigorous enactment, viz. : that all books -- published as
well as to be published -- of the writers mentioned in the catalogue
(of the so-called first class); all books of the second and third
class; and even books thereafter published by printers of heretical
works, were declared forbidden under the same most severe pains and
penalties. No other entirely new enactments or regulations of
censorship were contained in this edition. Later editions of the Index
imitated this first one only in name. The typical Index for Roman
decrees of this kind appeared soon after and abolished the too rigorous
one of Paul IV.</p>
<p id="c-p2603" shownumber="no">During the fourth session (1546) of the Council of Trent the
assembled Fathers, discussing the canon of Holy Scripture, insisted
expressly on the censorship of books, such as had been universally
proscribed by the Lateran Council, and on the sanctions therein
decreed, especially in regard to books and writings treating of
religious things, or in their words, 
<i>de rebus sacris</i>. For members of religious orders wishing to
publish works of this sort, examination and approbation of their
writings on the part of their superiors was prescribed, in addition to
the approbation of the ordinary. Towards the end of the council the
reorganization of the censorship and prohibition of books was more
particularly debated. The result was the so-called "Index Tridentinus,"
which, however, was not published until 1564, by order of the council,
along with the brief of Pius IV; wherefore it is also called "Index of
Pius IV." Besides a revised catalogue of forbidden books, this index
contained, as a most important modification, ten general rules composed
by the council, since known as the "Tridentine Rules."</p>
<p id="c-p2604" shownumber="no">
<i>First</i>, these ten rules contain prohibitions</p>
<ul id="c-p2604.1">
<li id="c-p2604.2">of all heretical and superstitious writings;</li>
<li id="c-p2604.3">of all immoral (obscene) books, the old classics alone excepted,
which, however, are not to be used in teaching the young;</li>
<li id="c-p2604.4">of all Latin translations of the New Testament coming from
heretics.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2605" shownumber="no">A particular statement is made with regard to 
heresiarchs, or
heads of sects sprung up since 1515, whose names are mentioned in the
so-called first class of the index. All their books, even those free
from objection, i.e., not treating of religious questions, as well as
future publications, are to be considered forbidden.</p>
<p id="c-p2606" shownumber="no">
<i>Second</i>, the rules contain conditional prohibitions, i.e., books
published by heretics, or even by Catholics, that are in the main good
and useful, but not altogether free from dangerous passages, are
forbidden until corrected by the lawful authorities. To these writings
belong chiefly those mentioned in the Index itself as needing
correction.</p>
<p id="c-p2607" shownumber="no">
<i>Third</i>, on certain conditions, and after asking special
permission, leave is granted for the reading of Latin translations of
the Old Testament edited by heretics, and for the use of Bible-versions
in the vernacular written by Catholics.</p>
<p id="c-p2608" shownumber="no">
<i>Fourth</i>, preventive censorship and approbation, as prescribed by
the Bull of Leo X (1515), are insisted on. The punishment of
excommunication is extended also to the author who has his book printed
without the necessary approbation. A copy of the examined and approved
manuscript is to remain with the censor. Moreover, printers and
booksellers are forbidden both to offer for sale prohibited books and
to sell conditionally interdicted works to anyone not producing a
permit; they are ordered to keep ready an exact list of all writings
they have in stock. At the same time bishops and inquisitors are urged
to supervise printing and book-shops and to have them inspected.</p>
<p id="c-p2609" shownumber="no">
<i>Finally</i>, the rules inflict the punishment of excommunication on
such as read and possess forbidden heretical works, or those suspected
of heresy. Any person reading or keeping a book prohibited for other
reasons commits a grievous sin and is to be punished according to the
bishop's discretion. The ten rules remained in force until Leo XIV
abrogated them by the Constitution "Officiorum ac Munerum" (25 Jan.,
1897) and replaced them by new general decrees. In the course of time,
however, the rules not only received some few additions, especially
when a new index was published, but in consequence of contrary custom
also gradually lost their binding force with regard to certain
regulations.</p>
<p id="c-p2610" shownumber="no">The most important event regarding the administration of the
censorship after the Council of Trent was the institution of a special
congregation, the S. Congregatio Indicis Librorum Prohibitorum. (See
Roman Congregations.) The first task of this body of cardinals was to
be the promulgation of new indexes as well as the expurgation of books
needing correction. It also soon took in hand the examination and
prohibition of dangerous new writings, together with the supervision
and management of all that pertained to the production and distribution
of books. The Congregation of the Index was called into existence by
Pius V, in March, 1571, formally and solemnly confirmed by the Bull of
Gregory XIII, "Ut pestiferarum" (13 September, 1572), and its rights
eventually defined by Sixtus V in the bull "Immensa Æterni Patris"
(22 Jan., 1588), with those of the other congregations of cardinals.
Sixtus V intended to replace, in his new index (printed 1590) the ten
Tridentine rules by twenty-two new ones. This index, however, never
passed into law; Sixtus died and its publication was stopped by the
succeeding popes. In the next Roman Index the ten rules were
re-instated instead of the twenty-two rules of Sixtus V. The new index,
published at length by Clement VIII (1596), contained, besides
additions to the catalogue of forbidden books, not only the ten rules
but, directly after them, an instruction on the prohibition,
expurgation, and printing of books, some remarks on the fourth and
ninth rules, and on several of the forbidden books. The instruction
reminds bishops and inquisitors both of their duties and rights
regarding the prohibition of books. Outside Italy, they, as well as the
universities, are ordered to draw up and promulgate indexes of
forbidden books for their respective districts, copies of which are to
be sent to Rome. As regard the expurgation of books, the instruction
sets forth in detail who is authorized for this purpose, how it is to
be practiced in different cases, and what is to be cancelled. After
completing the corrections, bishop and inquisitor are to publish a
"Codex expurgatorius," according to which the books in question are to
be expurgated. Practically, neither of the first two parts of this
instruction was of much consequence. Outside of Italy, apart from Spain
and Portugal, Poland and Bohemia, particular indexes were almost
unknown. A short time after it was even forbidden to do this without
special leave of the Congregation of the Index. As to expurgation, it
was only in Rome itself, apart from Spain, Portugal, and Belgium that
an "Index expurgatorius" (one volume) was published in 1607, the author
of which was the then 
<i>Magister Sacri Palatii</i>. But this never became legally binding.
The third part of the instruction exactly states the rules to be
observed (1) when examining a book previous to the printing; (2) when
approving, and (3) when actually printing it. The whole is a more
detailed specification of the decree of the Lateran Council as well as
the regulations laid down in the tenth Tridentine rule. The
observations appended to the instructions refer chiefly, on the one
hand, to the permission of reading translations of the Bible; on the
other to the prohibition of astrological works, of the Talmud, and of
other Jewish books.</p>
<p id="c-p2611" shownumber="no">In the early part of the seventeenth century both the Congregation
of the Index and the 
<i>Magister Sacri Palatii</i> published in Rome, from time to time,
decrees containing new prohibitions of books. These decrees were
collected in smaller indexes considered as additions to the index of
Clement VIII, and in 1632 the then secretary of the Congregation of the
Index edited (in his private capacity only) a complete alphabetical
list of all books forbidden up to that time. But it was not until 1664,
under Alexander VII, that by order of the Congregation a new official
index was published which differed from all prior ones in form and
arrangement of the subject-matter; as to the contents, the only
difference was that all prohibitions from 1596 to 1664 were inserted.
The same is to be said of the abridged edition of the index of
Alexander VII, which was published the following year (1665). In the
introductory Brief, "Speculatores," this pope decreed that in the
prohibition of books none but the penalties fixed, both in the tenth
rule and the bull "In Coena Domini," should be in force. In the second
half of the seventeenth century and the first of the eighteenth, many
(chiefly Jansenistic) books were condemned by the congregation of the
Index, the Roman Inquisition, and papal Bulls or briefs. The works
interdicted by letters Apostolic were, as a rule, forbidden under pain
of excommunication. During this time it was not unusual that in
addition to single books whole classes of writings of a similar kind
were forbidden, just as had been done formerly, particularly in letters
Apostolic. Originally these classes of books were inserted in the
alphabetical list mostly under the word 
<i>libri</i> until the Index was reformed under Benedict XIV. This new
index (1758) far surpasses all former ones by reason of the correction
of the many typographical errors and inaccuracies to be found in the
earlier indexes, so that it is in every sense the best edition
published prior to 1900. It was also notable for the novel arrangement
by which the aforesaid classes of works were expressly registered, at
the commencement of the catalogue of forbidden books, in four
paragraphs headed "Decrees Concerning Forbidden books not Mentioned
Individually in the Index." Among the works enumerated, we find
especially writings on certain disputed questions such as the
Immaculate Conception, the theory of grace, the Malabar and Chinese
Rites.</p>
<p id="c-p2612" shownumber="no">The most important addition to this index was the Bull "Sollicita ac
Provida" (9 July, 1753), which, for the Congregations of both the
Inquisition and the Index, uniformly regulated and definitively settled
the whole method of conducting cases concerning literary productions.
Even now this bull furnishes the principal direction for all decisions
concerning the prohibition of books. Benedict XIV states as his motive
for publishing this constitution the many unjust complaints against the
prohibition of books as well as against the Index. All such complaints,
even in our own times, are best refuted by this Bull. In the following
century neither index nor censorship underwent substantial changes.
Quite spontaneously, however, the prescriptive law was formed to no
longer submit for ecclesiastical censorship all books and writings, but
only theological and religious ones. this right was assented to first
tacitly, then also indirectly by other ecclesiastical enactments. when
alter on, by the Bull "Apostolicæ Sedis" (12 Oct, 1869) Pius IX
reorganized the ecclesiastical censures (penal laws of the Church) he
abolished the punishment of excommunication which, both in the
Tridentine (1564) and Clementine (1596) indexes, was inflicted upon
printers as well as authors not submitting their works for
ecclesiastical censorship. Since the publication of that Bull only
three definite classes of books are still forbidden under pain of
excommunication (see below). During the Vatican Council, great
exertions were made, especially on the part of Germany and France, to
induce the assembled Fathers to mitigate the ecclesiastical laws
relating to censorship (cf. Coll. Lacens. Concil., VII, 1075), but
before this question could be discussed, the council was dissolved. Leo
XIII, therefore, took it upon himself to reorganize the ecclesiastical
legislation in this respect, which he accomplished by the Constitution,
"Officiorem ac Munerum" (25 Jan., 1897) and the reform of the Index,
published in 1900. Since that time, for all literary matters, for
censorship and prohibition of books, no other laws or rules are in
force than those contained in the new index of Leo XIII. Of former
enactments, the Bull "Sollicita ac Provida" alone has been retained;
together with the new Bull, "Officiorem ac Munerum" it forms the first
and general part of the Leonine Code, whereas the second and larger,
but not therefore more important, part comprises the special,
alphabetically arranged catalog of books forbidden by particular
decrees since 1600. Pius X issued in 1905 orders regarding the printing
and publication of liturgical chants and melodies, and in the
Encyclical Letter "Pascendi dominici gregis" (8 Sept., 1907), most
urgently enjoined on all the prohibition and censorship of books.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2612.1">ECCLESIASTICAL LAWS IN OPERATION SINCE 1900</h3>
<p id="c-p2613" shownumber="no">The end of the Church founded by Christ is the propagation and
promulgation of the teachings of Christ and a life after these
teachings. One of the most formidable dangers threatening purity of
morals among members of the Church arises from pernicious books and
writings. For this very reason the Church has from the beginning and at
all times taken such precautions against bad literature as were
appropriate for the different times and the peculiar character of the
dangers. If the Church had ever neglected doing this, she would have
failed in one of her most important and solemn duties. In our own days
the danger caused by bad books has risen to a degree never thought of
before. Unrestraint of intellect and will is the real cause of this
increase. The so-called freedom of the press, or the abolition of
public censorship, is largely responsible for this unrestraint. All the
more the Church is bound to put an end to evil by wise and just laws.
The highest ecclesiastical authority, Leo XIII himself, has done so in
the most solemn way by the aforesaid Bull "Officiorum ac Munerum" (23
Jan., 1897) which obliges very strictly all the faithful. This papal
constitution contains the general legal enactments 
(<i>decreta generalia</i>) arranged under two headings of ten and five
chapters respectively, in forty-nine paragraphs or articles. The
forty-nine paragraphs exhibit not only the prohibition of certain
classes of books, together with the injunction of preventive censorship
for other classes, but also detailed regulation concerning the
application and sanction of the whole law.</p>
<p id="c-p2614" shownumber="no">The first paragraph decrees that the books mentioned in former
indices and and forbidden previous to 1600, remain forbidden even
though not individually enumerated in the new index of Leo XIII--unless
they be allowed by the new general paragraphs. To this class, however,
belong almost exclusively heretical books and a few others forbidden
also by the following general decrees. Here it is to be remarked that
heretical works of ancient times, or even of the Middle Ages, are no
longer held to be forbidden, so that the words of the first paragraph
seem to refer exclusively to the sixteenth century. In accordance with
the main end of the law, paragraph 2 forbids books of apostates,
heretics, schismatics, and in general all writers defending heresy or
schism or undermining the very foundation of religion; paragraph 11
prohibits books falsifying the notion of "Inspiration of Holy
Scripture"; paragraph 14 condemns all writings defending dueling,
suicide, divorce, or representing as useful and innocuous for Church
and State Freemasonry and other secret societies or maintaining errors
specified by the Apostolic See [those mentioned, e.g., in the Syllabus
of Pius IX (1864) or Pius X (1907)]; paragraph 12 interdicts
superstitious writings in the following words: It is forbidden to
publish, read or keep books teaching or recommending sorcery,
soothsaying, magic, spiritism, or similar superstition things;
paragraph 9 reads as follows: Books systematically 
(<i>ex professo</i>) discussing, relating or teaching obscene and
immoral things are strictly prohibited; paragraph 21 says: Dailies,
newspapers and journals which aim at 
(<i>data opera</i>) destroying religion and morality are interdicted not
only by natural law but also by ecclesiastical prohibition. All works
forbidden in the above-mentioned paragraphs may be put together in one
group, viz.: irreligious, heretical, superstitious, and immoral
writings. It will readily be understood that these classes of books
constitute a serious danger to faith and morals and consequently must
needs be forbidden by the Church. Works, however, composed by heterodox
authors are, agreeable to paragraphs 3 and 4, not forbidden even if
treating of religion, provided that they contain nothing serious
against the Catholic Faith. Paragraph 10 grants leave for the use of
the classics, ancient as well as modern, though not free from
immortality, in consideration of the elegance and purity of their
style. This exception is made for the benefit of those whose official
or educational duties demand it; for teaching purposes, however, only
carefully expurgated editions are to be given to students. Concerning
newspapers and journals forbidden in paragraph 21, the bishops are
especially reminded to deter the faithful from such reading; and in
paragraph 22 it is warmly recommended to all Catholics and particularly
the clergy, to publish nothing in dailies, journals, and writings of
that sort, except for just and sensible reasons.</p>
<p id="c-p2615" shownumber="no">A second group of prohibited books comprises all insulting writings
directed against God and the Church. Regarding them paragraph 11 says:
All books are forbidden that insult God or the Blessed Virgin Mary or
the saints or the Catholic Church and her rites, the sacraments or the
Apostolic See. In like manner all books are forbidden that aim at the
defamation of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, the clergy or the
religious. It is hardly necessary to say that a fair historical work,
for example, on an individual member of the hierarchy, of a religious
order, or even on any particular order who have but disgraced their
calling or the Church, is not included in paragraph 11. With this
second group may also be reckoned, among the works forbidden by
paragraphs 15 and 16, all novel religious pictures that deviate from
the spirit and the decrees of the Church, also all works on indulgences
containing spurious or falsified statements.</p>
<p id="c-p2616" shownumber="no">The third and last group also comprehends several classes of
forbidden books. To these belong, in the first place, all editions and
versions of Holy Writ not approved by competent ecclesiastical
authorities. For by paragraphs 5, 6, and 8, leave to use editions and
versions published by non-Catholics, provided they do not attack
Catholic dogmas either in the preface or the annotations, is given only
to such as are occupied with theological or Biblical studies. And by
paragraph 7, all venacular versions, even those prepared by Catholic
authors, are prohibited if they are not, on the one hand, approved by
the Apostolic See, or, on the other, are not supplied with annotations
taken from the works of the Holy Fathers and learned Catholic writers
and accompanied by an episcopal approbation. Second, according to
paragraph 18, there belongs to the third group of prohibited works, all
liturgical books, such as missals, breviaries and the like, in case any
change is made in them without special sanction of the Apostolic See.
By a new decree of Pius X (1905), all editions of ecclesiastical
liturgical chant differing from the pontifical edition are now
forbidden. Third, by paragraph 20, are forbidden prayer or devotional
books or booklets, catechisms and books of religious instruction, books
and booklets of ethics, asceticism and mysticism, or any others of like
kind if they are published without permission of the competent
ecclesiastical authorities. Fourth, the works condemned by paragraph 13
must be mentioned, viz., books and writings containing novel
apparitions, revelations, visions, prophecies, miracles, or those
endeavouring to introduce novel devotions, private or public, in case
these works appear without legitimate ecclesiastical approbation. These
four classes of prohibited works are here put together in the third
group because all of them are but conditionally forbidden, i.e., only
in case the previous ecclesiastical approbation be wanting. It is just
these classes of books that may be very dangerous, particularly to
pious people, unless previous examination and approbation sufficiently
guarantee the absence of anything contrary to Christian Faith or the
Church. It was proper, therefore, to forbid them. Besides the three
groups just quoted, the Constitution "Officiorum ac Munerum" prohibits
no other class of books. For works individually mentioned in the Index
and held to be still forbidden, belong one way or the other to one of
these groups, and for this very reason they have been put on the
Index.</p>
<p id="c-p2617" shownumber="no">The Index of forbidden books is a general law strictly binding on
all, inclusive of the learned, and this even if in a particular case no
great risk would be incurred by the reader or owner of a forbidden
book. The obligation refers to the reading as well as to the possession
of the book in question. It is in itself a grave obligation by reason
of the importance of the matter, since the safeguarding and protection
of faith and morals are involved. This is also apparent both from the
existence of the constitution and from its wording. Nevertheless it is
self-sufficient that not only for subjective, but also for objective,
reasons lighter transgressions and venial sins may be committed when
offending against the prohibition of books. Only in the event of more
serious offenses, in two particular cases, the heaviest ecclesiastical
punishment is inflicted by the law. According to paragraph 47, the
penalty of excommunication specially 
(<i>speciali modo</i>) reserved to the pope is forthwith incurred by all
who, though conscious of law and penalty yet read or keep or print or
defend books of heretical teachers or apostates maintaining heresies.
Under the same penalty, and in like manner, books individually
condemned by letters Apostolic are indicted by paragraph 47, in case
the letters referred to are still in full force, and punish the reading
of the condemned book with excommunication reserved to the pope. The
penalty of the said paragraph applies solely to 
<i>books</i>, not to smaller pamphlets or manuscripts of any kind. The
paragraphs 23 to 26 deal with the permission to read and keep forbidden
books. Whosoever desires such permission may obtain it from the
competent ecclesiastical authorities. To these it appertains to judge
of the need for the permission requested. It is evident that the
permission granted by the church can exempt only from the
ecclesiastical law. In spite, therefore, of a special dispensation, the
licensee would not be at liberty to read such books as would for some
reason or other cause him grievous harm in faith and morals. For him
also, the obligation of the natural law remains intact, just as before
the license was granted.</p>
<p id="c-p2618" shownumber="no">Since the prohibition of books concerns all, anyone wishing to use
forbidden books is bound to get a dispensation either from the
Apostolic See or from some person specially authorized by the pope
(paragraph 23). By paragraph 24 full powers to that effect are given to
the Roman Congregation of the Index as well as to that of the Holy
Office; also to the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith with
regard to the countries under it and to the 
<i>Magister Sacri Palatii Apostolici</i> with reference to Rome.
Bishops as well as prelates with apostolic jurisdiction have the
aforesaid power, according to paragraph 25, by virtue of their office,
only in urgent cases for individual books; they are however, invested
with full power, either directly by the Apostolic See or through the
Congregation of the Index or the Propaganda. Dispensations are to be
granted with prudence, and on just and reasonable grounds. The general
authority given to bishops directly by the pope, in the so-called
quinquennial faculties, may be delegated by them to others since the
Decree of 14 December, 1898 (Acta S. Sedis, XXXI, 384). The bishops of
England have this power from the Congregation of the Propaganda, and
they make use of it by delegating it to their priests; thus, the latter
may, without further formalities, give permission (e.g., to their
penitents) to read forbidden books. Still a confessor, or even a
bishop, who foresees that the reading of prohibited writings would
expose the petitioner to great risk regarding faith or morals, would
not be free to grant the desired dispensation; and if the petitioner
nevertheless obtains it, he is not allowed to make use of it, since he
is at all times bound by the natural law. Whoever has permission to use
forbidden books may not read works distinctly forbidden by the bishop
for his own diocese unless the dispensation refers expressly to "all
books prohibited by whomsoever"; otherwise he must ask special leave of
his bishop. In addition to this paragraph 26 states that anyone having
obtained a dispensation is strictly bound to keep forbidden books in
such a way as to prevent them from falling into the hands of
others.</p>
<p id="c-p2619" shownumber="no">It is, of course, absolutely impossible for both the pope and the
Congregation of the Index to watch over the press of all counties in
order to suppress at once each and every pernicious writing. Nor is
this necessary after the definite aforenamed classes have been marked
out as pernicious and consequently forbidden. For with regard to the
worst and most dangerous works, even they who are unskilled in such
things will perceive that these are strictly prohibited by the Church
through the general decrees of the Index, though they have never been
individually condemned nor put on the Index. There happens, however, at
all times and in all nations cases in which the writings of celebrated
scholars, even of distinguished Catholic theologians, contain erroneous
doctrines. The better the author is known as an orthodox Catholic, the
greater his reputation as a writer, the more easily will his work
influence and mislead the unsuspecting. In these and similar cases,
though the savant may have acted in good faith and written his book in
the best of intentions, the Church as a Divinely appointed guardian
must protect the imperilled faithful. If such a book is circulated and
read only in small districts, it may be sufficient that the competent
bishop, after careful examination, forbid it for his diocese. If
however, the work in question constitutes a danger to the whole
country, it must as soon as possible be denounced to the Apostolic See,
above all by the bishops concerned, in order that the book may be
examined in Rome and forbidden, if necessary, to all Catholics. This is
a sacred obvious duty of all bishops; nevertheless the ecclesiastical
law specially reminds them of it by paragraph 29. In the different
countries and diocese the bishops are the appointed guardians of faith
and morals. Hence, the highest ecclesiastical authorities in Rome do
not, as a rule, take any steps until a book has been denounced by them.
It is for this reason that the law contains three paragraphs, 27 to 29,
on the obligation of giving information about bad books. The tenor of
paragraph 29 has been stated above; the two others read as follows:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p2619.1"><p id="c-p2620" shownumber="no">Although it is the concern of all Catholics and
particularly of the educated to give notice of pernicious books to the
bishops or the Apostolic See, still it is above all the official duty
of the nuncios, the Apostolic delegates, the ordinaries (bishops) and
the rectors of universities of high scientific repute.</p>
<p id="c-p2621" shownumber="no">It is desirable that anyone giving information against bad books
should mention not only the title of the book, but as far as possible,
the reason why he thinks the book deserving of condemnation. Those,
however, to whom information is given, have the sacred duty to keep
private the names of informers.</p></blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2622" shownumber="no">From these plain
regulations it will be readily seen that the much abused so-called
"denunciation" has nothing odious about it at all; that, on the
contrary, just as in the case of a public prosecutor, it is part and
parcel of the most indispensible official duties, e.g., of a
bishop.</p>
<p id="c-p2623" shownumber="no">So far the Constitution of Leo XIII with regard to the prohibition
of books. In addition, however, it contains exact regulations
concerning the preliminary examination, the so-called "preventive
censorship." Of this, the censorship of books in the proper sense, the
second title of the Bull "Officiorum ac Munerum" treats in five
chapters. From the notion and scope of censorship it is evident that it
appertains exclusively to the pope and the bishops, not, however, to
any community of scholars nor to any university. The pope, of course,
has the right of censorship for the entire Church. In the general
decrees here spoken of, he has (by paragraphs 7 and 30) reserved to
himself the examination and approbation of all vernacular editions of
Holy Scripture, if they are to appear without annotations. From
paragraph 18 it is likewise apparent that authentic editions of the
Missal, Breviary, Ritual, Cæremonial Episcoporum, Pontificale
Romanum, and other liturgical books (to which also belong works on
liturgical chant) require the approbation of the Apostolic See (see
above). A book forbidden for the entire Church may not, as a rule, be
reprinted. If, however, in a particular case this be necessary or
desirable, it is to be done only with permission of, and on the
conditions laid down by, the Congregation of the Index (paragraph 31).
The same holds good also for any work forbidden not absolutely but with
the clause 
<i>donec corrigatur</i> (i.e., until it be corrected). Paragraph 32
prescribes that writings on matters appertaining to a still pending
process of beautification or canonization require the approbation of
the Congregation of Rites. Generally speaking, collections of decrees
of the Roman Congregations may be published only with the express
permission of the Congregation concerned (paragraph 33). For censorship
and approbation of grants of indulgences see Indulgences. Since
Apostolic vicars and missionaries are immediately under the
Congregation of Propaganda, they must, according to paragraph 34,
observe the regulations of the said congregation regarding censorship
of books. Apart from the particular cases mentioned above, in which
censorship is reserved to the pope or to one of the Roman
Congregations, it appertains in general to the bishop of the place in
which a book appears (paragraph 35). This does not imply, however, that
the said bishop may not simply agree to the censorship of another
ordinary, e.g., the bishop of the author. Paragraph 36 warns the 
<i>regulares</i> i.e., members of religious orders with solemn vows,
that beyond an episcopal imprimatur, they shall also require, according
to the regulation of the Council of Trent--at least for books 
<i>de rebus sacris</i>--the approbation of their own superior. Finally,
paragraph 37 states that a writer living in Rome, even if he wish to
bring out his work elsewhere, need not have any other approbation than
that of the cardinal-vicar, and the 
<i>Magister Sacri Palatii Apostolici</i>.</p>
<p id="c-p2624" shownumber="no">After this first chapter (paragraphs 30 to 37) the second instructs
bishops (paragraph 38) to appoint as censors none but conscientious and
capable men. The next paragraph (39) recommends to the censors
themselves, warmly, and above all, the exercise of impartial justice.
When examining books they must have before their eyes solely the dogmas
of Holy Church and the universal Catholic doctrine as contained in the
decrees of oecumenical councils, the constitutions of Roman Pontiffs,
and the unanimous teaching of theologians. The last paragraph (40)
prescribes that the bishop, if after finishing the examination nothing
is to be said against the publication of the book, should grant the
author the required permission in writing and free of charge. The
imprimatur is to be printed at the beginning or the end of the book.
Pius X in the Encyclical "Pascendi Dominici gregis" of 8 September,
1907 (Acta S. Sedis, XL, 645), expressly orders all bishops to appoint
as censors qualified theologians, to whom the censorship of books
appertains ex officio. Like appointments are to be made also at Rome.
The official censor is to present to the bishops a written verdict on
every book he has examined. In case the decision is favorable to the
book, the bishop will give the approbation using the formula 
<i>Imprimatur</i>, which is to be preceded by 
<i>Nihil obstat</i>, together with the name of the censor. If after the
examination the bishop refuses the approbation, but thinks the book
capable of improvement, he must make known to the author the points to
be corrected.</p>
<p id="c-p2625" shownumber="no">In the third chapter paragraph 41 mentions more exactly which books
are to be submitted to previous censorship. All the faithful must
submit for previous censorship at least those books that deal with Holy
Scripture, theology, church history, canon law, natural theology,
ethics or other branches of religion or morals, and in general all
writings having special reference to religion and morality. To this
class also belong the more important journals treating of religious or
theological matters, as far as they are equivalent to books, not,
however, writings of lesser extent, booklets or papers discussing
similar topics. Publications of this sort need only be submitted for
censorship when, for special reasons, in consideration of circumstances
of matter or time, examination and approbation seem to be necessary. In
the first title (paragraph 19), episcopal approbation is expressly
prescribed for all novel litanies. The litanies of the saints, the
Blessed Virgin, the Holy Name, and the Sacred Heart of Jesus have been
explicitly approved by the Apostolic See or the Congregation of Rites,
Paragraph 42 demands of secular priests that in token of their
submissiveness, they should confer with their bishops, even for such
books as are exempted from censorship. They must also obtain permission
from their bishop if they wish to be editors of a paper or journal.
Supposing that the paper or journal in question is subject to
censorship, the bishop may, of course, appoint as its censor the editor
approved by him. In that case the censorship of a paper published even
frequently would have no special difficulties.</p>
<p id="c-p2626" shownumber="no">The fourth chapter, which consists of four paragraphs, is meant
chiefly for Catholic printers and publishers. Paragraph 43 provides
that No book subject to ecclesiastical censorship may be published
without stating at the beginning the name and surname of both author
and publisher; moreover, place and year of printing and publication
ought to be mentioned. If for good reasons it be advisable in special
cases to suppress the name of the author, the ordinary can give leave
to do so. Paragraph 44 reminds printers and publishers that for each
new edition, as well as for translations of a work already approved,
fresh approbation is required. Books condemned by the Apostolic See
are, according to paragraph 45, to be considered as forbidden
everywhere and in any translation whatsoever. The last paragraph (46)
prohibits booksellers from selling, lending out, or keeping in stock,
such books as explicitly treat of obscene matters. To put up for sale
other forbidden books, they require permission of their bishop. But
even then they must not sell them top any person unless they can
reasonably suppose him to be qualified for using such literature.</p>
<p id="c-p2627" shownumber="no">As regards the last (fifth) chapter which deals with penalties
incurred by trespassers against the general rule, the first paragraph
(47) has been mentioned previously, as it fixes the punishment for
reading, etc., special classes of forbidden books. The next paragraph
(48) inflicts excommunication (q.v.) "reserved to no one" on any person
printing or causing to be printed, without approbation of the ordinary,
books of Holy Scripture or annotations or commentary on them. The
closing paragraph (49) declares it to be the duty of the bishops to
watch over the observance of the law and to employ, at discretion,
monition or even punishment in case of contraventions not provided for
by paragraphs 47 and 48. The above-mentioned forty-nine paragraphs-- 
<i>Decreta generalia</i>, as they are called in the Bull--exhibit the
proper ecclesiastical law regulating the prohibition and censorship of
books. There remain now to be ascertained the full import and binding
force of these general decrees. This is best done by quoting the
pertinent words of the Constitution "Officiorum ac Munerum":</p>
<p id="c-p2628" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">On mature consideration of the matter, and after consulting
with the cardinals of the Congregation of the Index, we have decided to
issue the general decrees embodied in this constitution. The tribunal
of the aforementioned Congregation shall henceforth be guided solely by
these decrees, to which, by the sake of God, Catholics of the entire
world must submit. it is our will that the said decrees shall have
legal power, and we abrogate the rules published by order of the
Council of Trent together with the commentaries annexed to them, as
well as our predecessors' instructions, decrees, monita, and every
other order or enactment referring to this matter, with the sole
exception of the Constitution of Benedict XIV, "Solicita ac provida,"
which, as it has hitherto been in full force, shall remain so in
future.</p>

<p id="c-p2629" shownumber="no">The Encyclical of Pius X, "Pascendi Dominici
Gregis" (Acta S. Sedis, XL, 593 sqq.) not only confirms the general
decrees of Leo XIII, but also lays special stress on the paragraphs
concerning previous censorship. The pope demands of all bishops
strictest vigilance over all works about to appear in print; he
recommends warmly to them to take, if necessary, measures against
dangerous writings; he expressly commands them to institute in all
dioceses a council the members of which are, in a special manner, to
watch carefully the teachings of innovators (Modernists), in order to
assist the bishop in combatting their books and writings.</p>

<h3 id="c-p2629.1">MOTIVES OF ECCLESIASTICAL LAWS REGULATING CENSORSHIP</h3>
<p id="c-p2630" shownumber="no">Every law is in one way or another a restriction of human liberty.
In the domain of thought especially, mankind resents such an
interference on the part of any human authority. The precept of fasting
is more easily submitted to than an order relating to the prohibition
of books. Thus, apart from all slander against, and misconceptions of,
the ecclesiastical laws regulating censorship, apart also from all
deficiencies to be met with in these as in all other laws, it is easily
understood that proud human nature is from the first opposed to
everything these laws prescribe. This is all the truer the more
distinctly and unequivocally the commands and prohibitions are worded,
and the more strictly and universally they are applied, even to the
educated and the learned. There are, of course, books forbidden to man
by mere natural law. Still, in such cases, man fancies himself to be
guided by his own judgment, by the dictates of his own conscience;
whereas with regards to the ecclesiastical laws he sees himself
dependent upon, and restrained by, human authority. Moreover,
ecclesiastical legislation, since it is meant for all, contains not
only prohibitions but also positive orders, and even in its
prohibitions it goes, in places, beyond the limits of natural law. For
human law is universal in its provisions, and obliges even when, for
subjective reasons, natural law does not bind the individual. It must
be added that in past centuries particularly the censorship of the
State often made itself decidedly unpopular with the people, and that
their hatred was but too easily, but without reason, transferred to the
censorship of the Church. What has been said explains to some extent
why the ecclesiastical laws relating to books and the Index are so much
disliked. Nevertheless, these laws constitute a perfectly reasonable
guidance for the human will. They are, therefore, good laws, nay, for
the faithful taken as a whole they are morally necessary and extremely
useful even at the present time.</p>
<p id="c-p2631" shownumber="no">It is universally granted that especially in our days there exists
hardly a greater danger to faith and morals than that which we may call
the literary danger. From the greatness or rather indispensableness of
the good at stake, the opportuneness and even necessity of preventive
and strictly binding measures undoubtedly follow. In other words, the
object in view of the law, that of safeguarding and keeping pure
religion and morality, is absolutely necessary; now this object is at
the present time more than ever endangered by a bad press; consequently
those authorities whose principal office it is to protect the faith and
morals of their subjects, must needs make suitable provisions against
that press. Hence the moral necessity of such laws. Natural law
empowers the father to keep away from his child bad and corrupt
companions; the highest public authorities are bound to protect by
stern meaures, if necessary, their communities from epidemics and
infectious maladies; State and police rightly allow the selling of
poison and the like only under strict supervision. In the same way the
competent ecclesiastical authorities in their sphere justly claim the
right to protect the faithful by appropriate precautions from the
poison, the danger of infection, the corruption springing up from bad
books and writings. Faith and morals in a very special sense are the
domains of the Church; within their limits, she must have independent,
sovereign power and be able to discharge autonomously her most sacred
duties. It ought to be clear, also, without special proof, at least to
orthodox Catholics, that such morally necessary laws issued by the
Church of Christ cannot be other than substantially good and
reasonable. Considering, moreover, that the matter in question is a
legislation which is really as old as the Church herself, which was
applied according to circumstances by Leo the Great and Gregory the
Great just as by Benedict XIV and Leo XIII, and which in its present
form comes from such legislators as the last-named popes--everyone must
admit that the wisdom and suitableness of the regulations are fully
guaranteed. While with regard to these laws, as far as they are of a
disciplinary nature, there can be no question of real infallibility,
still they remain strictly guiding precepts of Christ's Church guided
by the Holy Spirit. As the origin and aim of the law, so likewise do
its provisions make known its reasonableness and suitableness. Allusion
to this has been made in the general history of censorship, and more
detailed references have been given in the summary of the recent
Leonine laws.</p>
<p id="c-p2632" shownumber="no">From the previously mentioned arrangement of all forbidden books in
three groups it clearly follows that the Church not only keeps within
the limits of her right, but also forbids only as much as she is bound
to forbid by reason of her office as teacher and guide of all the
faithful. She suppresses only those books that are in fact dangerous to
all, those writings which every man of common sense must call
destructive to faith and morality. Thus the only real dangers and the
unrestraint of free speech are checked. Neither do the paragraphs
stating penalties contain intolerable rigorousness, since
ecclesiastical punishment is inflicted solely for the most grievous
offenses. Besides, as to the sale of immoral, obscene books, the Church
is not more exacting towards booksellers than the natural law; and with
regards to the sale of other prohibited books she is more indulgent
than any well-ordered government towards sellers of poison or dangerous
explosives. There are cases, just as in all general laws, where an
individual is in need of a dispensation. But for these very cases the
law makes provision by exactly stating how and where the needed
permission is to be obtained. During late years especially, the Church
has most liberally granted such dispensations. Likewise in the matter
of previous censorship, the Church confines herself to what is
absolutely required, by subjecting to examination only theological and
religious writings, i.e., such as are most likely to imperil true
Christianity and religion. If it must be admitted that the Church of
Christ is the mistress of all the faithful, even of the profoundest
scholars, and Divinely endowed with power to reach all, then in truth
free research and scientific study are not hampered by previous
censorship--any more, at least, than profane learning is hindered by
its most qualified and renowned representatives at the universities. In
the laws of censorship itself, impartiality and true justice are most
strongly impressed upon censors and judges, who are aware from its
terms that it is their most solemn duty to exercise their functions
solely in conformity with the dogmas and the universal teachings of the
Catholic Church, but in no case whatever according to private
prejudices or the doctrine of any particular school.</p>
<p id="c-p2633" shownumber="no">This is why the censorship of the Catholic Church differs from every
other ecclesiastical or political censorship, and why it has been
guarded no less from biased injustice than from arbitrary rigour and
conflicting inconstancy. Just these defects, on the other hand,
characterized non-Catholic censorship, particularly that of all the
Protestant sects with their continual variations of doctrine in Great
Britain and Holland, the Northern Kingdoms, and Germany. The same
shortcomings disgraced the political censorship of past centuries and
rightly led in the end to the failure of Gallican, Josephinistic,
Napoleonic, and Prussian censorship. Thus, however, is no proof of the
objectionableness of censorship in itself, merely evidence of its
defective execution. It may be added that prohibition of books and
preventive measures against a bad press are indispensable, even where,
in appearance, and according to the letter of the law, absolute freedom
of the press prevails. The truth of this is established by the
political history of the last century no less than by the civil
legislation of more recent years. During the past decades, the freedom
of the press, sanctioned by the law, has degenerated in so many places
into absolute lawlessness, that on all sides and from all parties has
arisen a demand for legal protection. The Catholic Church was therefore
bound to adhere all the more firmly to her system, though in its
practical application she was able to introduce many opportune
mitigations. As to the censorship here dealt with, all factors of
importance concur to demonstrate its usefulness and even necessity as
practised in the Church of Christ, viz., the eminent importance for
time and eternity of the doctrines that are to be safeguarded; the
trustworthy foundation of revealed truth and universal Catholic
teaching on which the previous examination is based; the guarantee of
judicious and impartial censors. At the same time the historical
development of Catholic censorship on the one hand and Protestant and
political censorship on the other, furnishes the best illustration and
most lucid commentary on the subject. For the historical evidence, see
Hilgers, "Der Index der verboten Bücher," quoted below. 
(<i>See</i> INDEX OF PROHIBITED BOOKS; MODERNISM.)</p>
<p id="c-p2634" shownumber="no">Zaccaria, Storia polemica delle proibizioni de'libri (Rome, 1777);
Fessler, Sammlung vermischter Schriften (Freiburg, 1869), s.v. Censur
und Index, 125-214; Reusch (Old Catholic), Der Index der verboten
Bücher (Bonn, 1883-1885); Taunton, The Law of the Church (London,
1906), s.v. Censorship of Books; Vermeersch, De prohibitione et
censuræ librorum (Rome, 1906). For historical evidence, see
Hilgers, Der Index der verboten Bücher (Freiburg, 1904); Idem, Die
Bücherverbote in Papstbriefen (Freiburg, 1907).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2635" shownumber="no">JOSEPH HILGERS</p></def>

<term id="c-p2635.1" title="Censures, Ecclesiastical" type="Encyclopedia">Ecclesiastical Censures</term>
<def id="c-p2635.2">
<h1 id="c-p2635.3">Ecclesiastical Censures</h1>
<p id="c-p2636" shownumber="no">Medicinal and spiritual punishments imposed by the Church on a
baptized, delinquent, and contumacious person, by which he is deprived,
either wholly of in part, of the use of certain spiritual goods, until
he recover from his contumacy.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2636.1">HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT</h3>
<p id="c-p2637" shownumber="no">The name and general nature of this punishment date from the Roman
Republic. With the ancient Romans, in the year A.U.C. 311, we find
established the office of public censor 
(<i>censores</i>), whose functions were the keeping of a register 
(<i>census</i>) of all Roman citizens and their proper classification,
e.g., senators, knights, etc. Furthermore their functions were the
disciplinary control of manners and mores, in which their powers were
absolute, both in sumptuary matters and in the degradation of any
citizen from his proper class, for reasons affecting the moral or
material welfare of the State. This punishment was called censure 
(<i>censura</i>). As the Romans were jealous in preserving the dignity
of their citizenship, so also was the Church solicitous for the purity
and sanctity of her membership, i.e., the communion of the faithful. In
the early church the faithful in communion with her were inscribed in a
certain register; these names were read in public gatherings, and from
this list were excluded those who were excommunicated, i.e., put out of
the communion. these registers were called diptychs or canons, and
contained the names of the faithful, both living and dead. The Canon of
the Mass still preserves traces of this ancient discipline.</p>
<p id="c-p2638" shownumber="no">Excommunication was then the generic term for all coercive remedies
used against delinquent members of the Church, and there were as many
kinds of excommunication as there were grades of communion in the
Christian society, either for the laity, or for the clergy. Thus some
of the grades of the laity in the Church were the 
<i>expiatores</i> and 
<i>pænitentes</i>, again subdivided into 
<i>consistentes, substrati, audientes</i>, and 
<i>flentes</i> or 
<i>lugentes.</i> Then also, as now, some goods of the Church were
common to all its members e.g., prayer, the sacraments, presence at the
Holy Sacrifice, and Christian burial. Other goods again were proper to
the various grades of clerics. Whoever was deprived of one or all of
these rights, came under the general designation of excommunicated,
i.e., one placed outside the communion to which his grade in the Church
entitled him, either wholly or in part. (Bernardi, Com. in Jus Eccl.,
II, pt. II, diss. 3, cap. 5.) In earlier ecclesiastical documents
therefore, excommunication and similar terms did not always mean
censure, or a certain species of censure, but sometimes meant censure,
sometimes 
<i>poena</i>, as explained below, and very often penance. In the later
Roman legal terminology (Codex Theod. I tit.I, 7 de off. rector.
provinc.) we find the word censure used in the general sense of
punishment. Accordingly the Church, in the early ages, used this term
to designate all her punishments, whether these were public penances,
excommunications, or, in the case of clerics, suspension or
degradation. In her ancient penal legislation, the Church, like the
Roman State, looked on punishment as consisting, not so much as the
infliction of positive suffering, as in the mere deprivation of certain
goods, rights, or privileges; these in the Church were spiritual good
and graces, such as participation with the faithful in prayer, in the
Holy Sacrifice, in the sacraments, in the general communion of the
Church, or, as in the case of clerics, in the rights and honours of
their office.</p>
<p id="c-p2639" shownumber="no">Some centuries later, however, in the period of the Decretals, we
note a great advance in legal science. In the schools and in the
courts, a distinction was made between internal and external forum, the
former referring to matters of sin and conscience, the latter to the
external government and discipline of the Church. The different kinds
and the nature of punishments were also more clearly defined by
commentators, judges, and doctors of law. In this way, from the
beginning of the thirteenth century, although not expressly so stated
in the decretals, the term censure became the equivalent of a certain
class of ecclesiastical penalties, i.e., interdict, suspension, and
excommunication. Innocent III, who in 1200 (cap. 13 X De judicious, II,
1) had used the term for punishment in general, at a later date (1214),
answering a query as to the meaning of ecclesiastical censure in
pontifical documents, expressly distinguished (cap. 20, X De verb,
signif. V, 40) censure from any other ecclesiastical penalty
(respondemus quod per eam non solum interdicti, sed suspensionis et
excommunicationis sententia valet inteligi), thereby authentically
declaring that by ecclesiastical censure were meant the penalties of
interdict, suspension, and excommunication. Furthermore, in accordance
with the internal nature of these three penalties, glossators and
commentators, and in their wake later canonists introduced and
maintained the distinction, still universally recognized, between
medicinal or remedial punishments (censures) and vindictive
punishments. The primary scope of the former is the correction or
reformation of the delinquent; this being properly accomplished, they
cease. Vindictive punishments 
(<i>poenæ vindicativæ</i>), while not absolutely excluding the
correction of the delinquent, are primarily intended to repair violated
justice, or to restore the social order of justice by the infliction of
positive suffering. Such are corporal and pecuniary punishments,
imprisonment and seclusion for life in a monastery, deprivation of
Christian burial, also the deposition and degradation of clerics as
well as their suspension for a definite period of time. (Suspension 
<i>latæ sententiæ</i>, e.g., for one or for three years, is a
censure, according to St. Alphonsus, Th. Mor. VII, n. 314.) Confession
penances are vindictive punishments, their chief purpose being, not
reformation, but reparation, and satisfaction for sins. The
irregularity arising from a crime is not a censure, nor is it a
vindictive punishment; in fact, it is not a punishment at all, properly
speaking, but rather a canonical impediment, an inability to support
the honour of the sacred ministry, which forbids the reception of
orders, and the exercise of those received.</p>
<p id="c-p2640" shownumber="no">The matter of censures was seriously affected by the Constitution
"Ad vitanda" of Martin V in 1418. Prior to this constitution, all
censured persons, known to be such by the public, were to be avoided 
(<i>vitandi</i>) and could not be communicated with 
<i>in divinis</i> or 
<i>in humanis</i>, i.e., in religious or in civil intercourse. A
censure, being a penal withdraw of the right of participating in
certain spiritual goods of the Christian society, was of course
something relative, that is, it affected the person thus enjoined and
also the persons who participated with him in the use of these goods.
In this way the sacraments or other spiritual services could not be
accepted from a suspended cleric. But, by virtue of the Constitution of
Martin V, only those censured persons were in the future to be
considered and treated as 
<i>vitandi</i> who were expressly and specifically by name declared to
be such by a judicial sentence. The S. Cong. Inquis. (9 Jan. 1884)
declared this formality unnecessary in the case of notorious
excommunicates vitandi for the reason of sacrilegious violence to
clerics. Nor is the validity of the denunciation restricted to the
locality where it takes place (Lehmkuhl, II, n.884). On the other hand,
Martin V expressly declared that this relaxation was not in favor of
the censured party, so that the 
<i>tolerati</i> really gained no direct privilege, but was only in
favor of the rest of the faithful, who could henceforth communicate
with tolerated excommunicates, and, as far as the censure was in
question, could deal with them as non-censured persons--all this on
account of the grave changes in social conditions. (See
Excommunication.) In 1869 Pius X modified seriously the ecclesiastical
discipline in the matter of censures by his Constitution
"Apostolicæ Sedis Moderatoni" (q.v.) which abrogated many 
<i>latæ sententiæ</i> censures of the common law, changed
others (thus reducing their number), and made a new list of common law
censures 
<i>latæ sentiæ</i>.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2640.1">NATURE OF THE PENALTIES</h3>
<p id="c-p2641" shownumber="no">If every human society has the right to protect itself by laying
down conditions according to which men can be and remain members and
enjoy the benefits of such society, it is easily conceivable how
necessary such a right is for the Church, being a society founded on
moral principles, aiming at higher ends, and dispensing spiritual
benefits, in view of the eternal welfare of her members. The power to
enforce these conditions the Church receives from Christ. It is certain
that the Church has the right to make disciplinary laws to govern her
subjects. That right would be meaningless if she had no way of
enforcing the observance of her laws. Christ Himself gave her this
power when He gave to Peter the power to govern the whole Church (John
xxi, 15 sqq.). He meant as much when he said of the offending brother
that "if he will not hear the Church let him be to thee as the heathen
and publican" (Matt., xviii, 17). Moreover, from her very origin, the
Church has used this right to enforce her laws, as may be seen from the
action of St. Paul against the incestuous Corinthian (I Cor. v, i sqq.)
and against Hymeneus and Alexander (I Tim. i 20). The end for which the
Church is striving is the eternal salvation of the faithful. In dealing
with delinquent members therefore she seeks principally their
correction; she wishes the reformation of the sinner, his return to
God, and the salvation of his soul. This primary effect of her
penalties is often followed by other results, such as the example given
to the rest of the faithful, and, ultimately, the preservation of
Christian society. On the Divine principle, therefore, that God does
not desire the death of the sinner, but that he should be converted
from his ways and live (Ezechiel, xviii, 23), the Church has always
inclined to the infliction of censures, as medicinal or remedial in
their nature and effects, rather than to vindictive punishments, which
she uses only when there is little or no hope for the sinner
himself.</p>
<p id="c-p2642" shownumber="no">It follows, then, that the primary and proximate end of censures is
to overcome contumacy or willful stubbornness in order to bring back
the guilty person to a better sense of his spiritual condition; the
secondary and remote end is to furnish an example of punishment in
order that other evil-doers may be deterred. Contumacy is an act of
stubborn or abstinent disobedience to the laws; but it must imply
contempt of authority; i.e., it must not only be directed against the
law, but must also, generally express contempt for the punishment or
the censure attached to the law. (Lehmkuhl, Cas. Consc., Freiburg,
1903, no. 984.) Ignorance of the threatened punishment or grave fear
would, therefore, generally excuse a person from incurring censure;
under such circumstances there can be no question of real contumacy.
Since contumacy implies abstinent persistence in crime, in order to
become liable to these punishments a person must not only be guilty of
crime, but must also persist in his criminal course after having been
duly warned and admonished. This warning 
(<i>monitio canonica</i>), which must precede the punishment, can
emanate either from the law itself or from the ecclesiastical superior
or judge. Contumacy can therefore occur in one of two ways: first, when
the delinquent does not heed the warning of his ecclesiastical superior
or judge, addressed to him personally and individually; second, when he
violates a law of the Church with full knowledge of the law, and of the
censure attached, in the latter case the law itself being a standing
warning to all 
(<i>Lex interpellat pro homine</i>).</p>
<p id="c-p2643" shownumber="no">Censures, being a privation of grave spiritual benefit, are
inflicted on Christians only for a sin internally and externally grave,
and 
<i>in genere suo</i>, i.e., in its own kind, or that contemplated by
the censure, perfect and complete. There must be a just proportion
between the crime and the penalty. Being medicinal, the punishment of a
censure consists, not in depriving the delinquent of the spiritual
goods themselves, but only of the use of the spiritual goods, and this,
not perpetually, but for an indeterminant time, i.e., until he repents,
in other words, until the patient is convalescent from his spiritual
illness. Hence excommunication, being by far the gravest of censures,
is never inflicted for a certain definite time; on the other hand,
suspension and interdict, under certain conditions, may be inflicted
for a definite time. The real punishment of ecclesiastical censures
consists in the privation of the use of certain spiritual good or
benefits. These spiritual goods are those which are within the power of
the Church or those which depend on the Church, e.g., the sacraments,
public prayers, Indulgences, sacred functions, jurisdictions,
ecclesiastical benefices and offices. Censures, however, do not deprive
of grace, nor of the private prayers and good works of the faithful;
for, even if censured, the eternal communion of the saints still
remains by virtue of the indelible character imprinted by baptism.
Thus, to distinguish the various effects of the three censures:
Excommunication may be inflicted on clerics and laymen and excludes
from the communion of the faithful, prohibits also the use of all
spiritual goods in which the faithful participate as members of the
visible body whose visible head is the Roman Pontiff. Suspension is for
clerics only, leaves them participating in the communion of the
faithful, but directly prohibits them from the active use of sacred
things, i.e., as ministers 
(<i>qua ministri</i>), and deprives them of some or all of the rights of
the clerical state, e.g., jurisdiction, the hearing of confessions, the
holding of office, etc. Interdict prohibits the faithful, either
clerics or laymen, from the passive use of some ecclesiastical goods,
as far as these are scared things 
(<i>res sacræ</i>) or as far as the faithful are participants,
e.g., certain sacraments, Christian burial, etc.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2643.1">DIVISION</h3>
<p id="c-p2644" shownumber="no">Besides the particular division of censures into excommunication,
suspension, and interdict, there are several general divisions of
censures. First censures 
<i>a jure</i> and 
<i>ab homine.</i> Censures 
<i>a jure</i> (by the law) are those inflicted by a permanent edict of
the lawgiver, i.e., which the law itself attaches to a crime. We must
distinguish here between a law, i.e., an enactment having, of itself,
permanent and perpetual binding force, and a mere command or precept,
usually temporal in obligation and lapsing with the death of the
superior by whom it was given. Censures 
<i>a jure</i>, therefore, are annexed either to the common law of the
Church, such as decrees of popes and general councils, or are inflicted
by general law, e.g., by bishops for their particular diocese or
territory, usually in provincial or diocesan synods. Censures 
<i>ab homine</i> (by man) are those which are passed by the sentence,
command, or particular precept of the judge, e.g., by the bishop, as
contradistinguished from the law described above. They are usually
owing to particular and transient circumstances, and are intended to
last only as long as such circumstances exist. The censure 
<i>ab homine</i> may be in the form of a general order, command, or
precept, binding on all subjects 
(<i>per sententiam generalum</i>), or it may be only by a particular
command or precept for an individual case, e.g., in a trial where the
delinquent is found guilty and censured, or as a particular precept to
stop a particular delinquency.</p>
<p id="c-p2645" shownumber="no">Another division of censures is important and peculiar to the penal
legislation of the Church. A censure 
<i>a jure</i> or 
<i>ab homine</i> may be either (1) 
<i>latæ sententiæ</i> or (2) 
<i>ferendæ sententiæ</i>.</p>
<p id="c-p2646" shownumber="no">(1) Censures 
<i>latæ sententiæ</i> (of sentence pronounced) are incurred 
<i>ipso facto</i> by the commission of the crime; in other words, the
delinquent incurs the penalty in the very act of breaking the law, and
the censure binds the conscience of the delinquent immediately, without
the process of a trial, or the formality of a judicial sentence. The
law itself inflicts the penalty in the moment when the violation of the
law is complete. this kind of penalty is especially effective in the
Church, whose subjects are obliged in conscience to obey her laws. If
the crime be secret, the censure is also secret, but it is binding
before God and in conscience; if the crime be public the censure is
also public; but if the secret censure thus incurred is to be made
public, then a judicial examination of the crime is had, and the formal
declaration (declaratory sentence) is made that the delinquent has
incurred the censure.</p>
<p id="c-p2647" shownumber="no">(2) Censures 
<i>ferendæ sententiæ</i> (of sentence awaiting pronouncement)
are so attached to the law or to the precept that the delinquent does
not incur the penalty until, after a legal process, it is formally
imposed by a judicial or condemnatory sentence. Whether a censure be 
<i>latæ</i> or 
<i>ferendæ sententiæ</i> is ascertained from the terms in
which it is couched. the expressions most commonly used in the censure 
<i>latæ sententiæ</i> are: 
<i>ipso factor, ipsa jure, eo ipso sit excommunicatus</i>, etc. If
however, the expressions are of the future, and imply judicial
intervention, the censure is 
<i>ferendæ sententiæ</i> e.g., 
<i>excommunicetur, suspenditur</i>, etc. In doubtful cases, the
sentence is presumed to be 
<i>ferendæ sententiæ</i>, because in penal matters the more
benign interpretation is to be followed. Moreover, before the
infliction of the latter kind of censures, three warnings 
(<i>monitiones</i>) are necessary, or one peremptory warning, except
when both the crime and the contumacy of the delinquent are notorious
and therefore sufficiently proved.</p>
<p id="c-p2648" shownumber="no">Censures are again divided into reserved and non-reserved censures.
As sins may be reserved, so also may censures, reservation in this case
being limited to limitation or negation of an inferior's jurisdiction
to absolve from the censure, and the retention of this power by his
superior. (See Reservation).</p>
<h3 id="c-p2648.1">REQUIREMENTS FOR CENSURES</h3>
<p id="c-p2649" shownumber="no">For the infliction of censures, either 
<i>a jure</i> or 
<i>ab homine</i>, are required: (1) Jurisdiction in the legislature or
the judge; (2) sufficient cause; (3) correct method of procedure. As to
jurisdiction, since censures belong to the 
<i>forum externum</i> or external government of the Church, it
necessarily follows that for their infliction, either by law or by
judge, jurisdiction or power to act in this forum is required.
Sufficient cause moreover, must be had for the infliction of a censure.
A censure, as a sanction of the law, is an accessory to the law;
therefore a substantial defect in the law, e.g., injustice or
unreasonableness, modifying the law, nullifies also the censure
attached to the law. This sufficient cause for a censure may be lacking
in the law, either because in its formulation the legal order was not
observed, or because the fault considered in the law was not
sufficiently grave to justify the penalty of ecclesiastical censure.
The penalty must be in proportion to the crime. If in the legislative
act the legal order was observed, but the proportion of punishment to
crime was lacking, i.e., if the offense did not justify the extreme
penalty attached to the law, then as the law has two parts, it is
sustained in the first part, i.e., the precept, but not in the second,
i.e., the penalty or censure (Suarez Disp. IV, sect. VI, no. 10). In
doubt, however, both law and penalty are presumably valid. As to the
correct method of procedure, a sentence of censure may be void if any
substantial rule of procedure is not observed, e.g., the warnings in a
censure inflicted 
<i>ab homine.</i> The censure is valid, however, if there be any
objective proportion between the gravity of the penalty and the gravity
of the fault, even if the sentence have some accidental defect, e.g., a
censure inflicted through hatred for a person who, however, is a
transgressor, or if some other accidental rule of procedure has not
been observed. A question arises concerning censures invalid 
<i>in foro interno</i> or according to truth, but valid 
<i>in foro externo</i> or according to presumption of law. For
instance, a person is convicted of a crime 
<i>in foro externo</i> to which a censure is attached, but in his
conscience he knows himself to be innocent. What are the effects of a
censure thus inflicted? Having been found guilty 
<i>in foro externo</i>, the censure has valid effects in that forum and
must be observed externally, to avoid scandal and for good discipline.
All acts of jurisdiction 
<i>in foro externo</i> of such a censured party might be declared
invalid. But in foro interno he would possess jurisdiction, and, should
there be no danger of scandal, he could act as though uncensured
without incurring the penalty of violating the censure, e.g.,
irregularity. A censure may also be inflicted conditionally; if the
condition is fulfilled, the censure is valid.</p>
<p id="c-p2650" shownumber="no">Can censures be inflicted as vindictive penalties, i.e., not
primarily as remedial measures, but rather to avenge a crime? This is a
graver question, and canonists has sought to solve it by an
interpretation of certain texts of the law, chiefly from "Decretum" of
Gratian 
(<i>Eos qui rapiunt, Raptores.</i>-- Caus. XXXVI, Q. 2, c. 1, 2, 
<i>Si quis episcopus</i>, Caus. XXVII, Q. 1, c. 6. etc.). These laws,
however, contemplate the earlier discipline of censures, when the name
was applied to punishments in general, without any specific
signification. It is evident, therefore, that the solution must now be
sought in positive law. In the law of the Decretals, no express
decision of the question is to be found, although the species of
penalties are there more accurately distinguished. In later law, the
Council of Trent, (Sess. XXV, c. iii, De ref.) most wisely warns
bishops that the sword of censures is to be used only with sobriety and
with great circumspection. Censures, being essentially a deprivation of
the use of spiritual goods or benefits, are to be inflicted
medicinally, and should therefore be lifted as soon as the delinquent
recedes from his contumacy. We have seen above that St. Alphonsus and
other authors after him, hold that secondarily, a censure mat have
punitive and deterrent motive, and from that point of view, may be
inflicted for a given time. This is generally speaking, for while it is
certain that excommunication can never be thus inflicted as a
vindictive punishment, suspension and interdict can be inflicted,
rarely and for a short period, as vindictive penalties by positive law.
The reason of this is that suspension and interdict do not, like
excommunication, cast the delinquent out from the communion of the
faithful, neither do they deprive him absolutely of all spiritual
goods; they may, therefore, for grave reasons take on the nature of
vindictive penalties. This is especially true when their effect is the
privation of some temporal right, e.g., when a cleric is suspended from
his office or benefice; for whenever censures deprive primarily of the
use of temporal goods, they are rather punishments properly so called
than censures, whose primary character is the deprivation of the use of
spiritual goods (Suarez, op. cit., disp. IV, sect. V, 29-30).</p>
<h3 id="c-p2650.1">SUBJECT OF CENSURES, ACTIVE AND PASSIVE</h3>
<p id="c-p2651" shownumber="no">As regards the active subject of censures, i.e., who can inflict
them, it must be stated that censures belong to the external government
of the Church. They can therefore be inflicted only by those who have
proper jurisdiction in the external government of the church 
(<i>forum externum</i>). Censures 
<i>a jure</i>, i.e., incorporated into laws binding Christian society,
in whole or in part, can be passed by him who has the power to thus
legislate. Thus the pope or a general council can inflict such censures
on the whole world, the Roman congregations in their own spheres, the
bishop within his own diocese, the chapter or vicar capitular during
the vacancy of a see 
(<i>sede vacante</i>), regular prelates having external jurisdiction,
legates of the Holy See, also chapters of regulars over their own
subjects. Parish priests, abesses, and secular judges, however, have no
such power. Censures 
<i>ab homine</i>, or inflicted by an ecclesiastical judge, whether his
jurisdiction be ordinary or delegated, can be inflicted to enforce a
certain law, or to prevent certain evils. Vicars-general and delegated
judges not having legislative power cannot inflict censures 
<i>a jure</i>, but only 
<i>ab homine</i>, in order to assert and protect their power, e.g., to
enforce the execution of a judicial decree. In respect to the passive
subject of censures, i.e., who can be censured, it must be noted that
censures. being spiritual punishments, can only be inflicted on
Christians, i.e. baptized persons. Moreover, being punishments, they
can only be inflicted on the subjects of the superior inflicting the
censure; such subjection may arise from domicile, quasi-domicile, or by
reason of the crime committed 
(<i>ratione delicti</i>). Pilgrims violating a particular law are not
subject to censure, but if they transgress the common law with a
censure 
<i>ferendæ sentientiæ</i> attached, the latter can be
inflicted on them by the local bishop. Cardinals and bishops are not
subject to censures 
<i>a jure</i> (except excommunication) unless in the law express
mention be made of them. Kings and sovereigns cannot be censured by
bishops, nor can communities or chapters be excommunicated by them.
However, a community can suffer interdict and suspension, only in that
case, it would not be a censure, properly speaking, but rather a penal
privation; ceasing to be a member of the community, one would cease to
undergo the penalty.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2651.1">ABSOLUTION FROM CENSURES</h3>
<p id="c-p2652" shownumber="no">All canonists agree in this, that a censure once incurred can only
be taken away by absolution. Although censures are medicinal
punishments and are destined to overcome contumacy, they do not cease
at once upon repentance. As the sentence was a judicial act, so there
is required a judicial absolution, lawfully given when there is
amendment. Not even the death of the censured party, if excommunicated
or interdicted, would remove the censure, because even in this case
there would still remain some of the effects of the censure, e.g., the
privation of Christian burial. The only case in which formal absolution
would not be required is when a censure is inflicted with a 
<i>conditio resolutiva</i>, e.g., suspension pending the performance of
a certain act. When suspension or interdict are inflicted as vindictive
punishments, not being censures properly so called, they may cease, not
by absolution, but by lapse of the time for which they are inflicted.
Censures themselves, i.e., not yet incurred, cease by the abrogation of
the law to which they were annexed, by revocation, or (usually) by the
death of the superior, if issued 
<i>ab homine</i> as a particular precept.</p>
<p id="c-p2653" shownumber="no">Absolution, which is the loosing or relaxation of the penalty by
competent authority, is an act of justice, and a 
<i>res favorabilis</i> in censures, and hence cannot be denied to a
penitent censured person. It can be given in two ways: (1) In the 
<i>forum internum</i>, that is, for the sin and hidden censure. This
can be given by any priest having the necessary jurisdiction; can be
given in confession or outside of confession, in what is called the
forum of conscience 
(<i>forum conscientiæ</i>). In either case, however, the formula
used is that of the sacramental absolution referring to censures. (2)
In the 
<i>forum externum</i> absolution can only be given by those vested with
the necessary judicial power, i.e., by the one who inflicted the
censure, his successor, delegate, or his superior, e.g., the pope. The
formula used here is either the solemn one or the shorter formula, as
the occasion demands; both are found in the Roman Ritual. Absolution
can be given either absolutely or conditionally, i.e., depending on the
fulfillment of some condition for its validity. It is also given 
<i>ad cautelam</i> (for safety's sake) in all rescripts, Bulls, and
Apostolic privileges, lest the effects of the concession be impeded by
some hidden censure. Lastly, we have absolution 
<i>ad reincidentiam</i>; this takes effect immediately, but if the
penitent, within a certain time, does not do something prescribed, he
at once occurs, 
<i>ipso facto</i>, a censure of the same kind as that from which he had
just been absolved. He who takes away the censure can impose the 
<i>reincidentia.</i> Today there is only a 
<i>reincidentia ab homine</i>, i.e., although sometimes called for and
provided for in the law. it must be applied 
<i>ab homine</i>, i.e., by the absolving person (Lega, lib II, vol.
III, nos. 130-31).</p>
<p id="c-p2654" shownumber="no">In regard to the question of the minister of absolution, or who can
absolve from censures, we have the general principle: "only he can
loose who can bind" 
(<i>illius est solvere cujus est ligare</i>); in other words, only those
can absolve who have the necessary jurisdiction. This jurisdiction is
either ordinary or delegated. In case of censures 
<i>ab homine</i>, by particular sentence or by way of precept, also in
the case of reserved censure 
<i>a jure</i>, only he who inflicted the censure or his successor,
superior, or delegate can absolve. Hence a vicar capitular can absolve
from the censures passed by the ordinary power of the late bishop,
having succeeded to the power held by that late prelate. In regard to
the power of the superior, the pope as universal superior can always
remove the censures inflicted by his inferiors, bishops, etc. An
archbishop, not being the absolute superior of his suffragans, but only
in certain things, can remove censures imposed by his suffragans only
when on visitation or in case of appeal. When, however, the superior
absolves from the censure imposed by an inferior, he must in all cases
notify the inferior and must demand that the delinquent give him full
satisfaction. The extent of the power of a delegated judge to absolve
must be clearly stated in his letters.</p>
<p id="c-p2655" shownumber="no">When censures are passed 
<i>a jure communi</i> or 
<i>ab homine</i> by a general sentence, if these censures be not
reserved, any approved confessor having jurisdiction to absolve from
sin may absolve from them both in the external and the internal forum,
the absolution in the one forum being valid in the other, except when
the censure has been carried to the 
<i>forum contentiosum</i>, i.e., is already in litigation before a
court, in which case the absolution of the internal forum would not
hold for the external. A priest not approved or not having jurisdiction
to hear confessions cannot absolve from censures, even if not reserved,
except in danger of death. Lastly, when censures are reserved 
<i>a jure</i> no one can absolve except the one to whom to whom they
are reserved, or his superior, successor, or delegate. Censures which
are reserved to the pope are either simply reserved or reserved in a
special manner. In relation to the former, the Council of Trent (Sess.
XXIV, c. vi, De ref.) formulated the common law according to which a
bishop or one delegated by him can absolve, 
<i>in foro conscientiæ</i> and in his own diocese, his subjects
from these censures when the crime is occult and not notorious, or when
it has not been brought before a judicial tribunal. By bishops are here
meant also abbots having ecclesiastical territory, vicars capitular,
and others having episcopal jurisdiction; not, however, vicars general
in virtue of their general commission, nor regular prelates. The
subjects for whom these faculties may be used are those who live in the
bishop's diocese, or outsiders who come to confession in his diocese,
these being his subjects in view of the absolution to be imparted. Such
absolution, however, cannot be given 
<i>in foro externo</i>, but is limited to the 
<i>forum conscientiæ</i>, i.e., to the domain of conscience. If
censures are reserved to the Roman Pontiff in a special manner, a
bishop by his ordinary power cannot absolve, except in case of
necessity. Special concessions for these cases are, however, given to
the bishops by the Holy See for a certain time, or for the life of the
bishop, or for a certain number of cases. Censures which are reserved
by pontifical law to bishops or ordinaries can be absolved by all
bishops, abbots, vicars capitular and vicars-general, in any forum, and
even in notorious cases. At the point of death 
(<i>in articulo mortis</i>), any priest, even if not approved, can
absolve from all censures, but also all absolution from them as
governed by the provision of the aforesaid papal Constitution (Pius IX,
1869), "Apostolicæ Sedis Moderationi." For serious changes in the
method of absolution (in cases of necessity) from papal censures, owing
to the decree of S. Cong. Inquis. (23 June, 1886) and later
interpretations, see Tanquery, Synop. Th. Mor., III (II), 1907, pp.
321-24, and Gury-Ferrères, Th. Mor., II, nn. 575-76; also articles
Excommunication; Suspension.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2655.1">CONDITIONS FOR ABSOLUTION</h3>
<p id="c-p2656" shownumber="no">These conditions affect both the priest who absolves and the person
absolved. The absolution of a priest is invalid if obtained by force or
if extorted by grave, unjust fear. Furthermore the absolution would be
invalid if the principal, moving cause be false, e.g., if the judge
absolves precisely because alleges that he has already made
satisfaction, when in reality he has not done so. The conditions to be
absolved are generally expressed in the above-mentioned formula, 
<i>injunctis de more injungendis</i>, i.e., enjoining those things
which the law requires. These are: (1) satisfaction to the offended
party; (2) that the delinquent repair the scandal according to the
prudent judgment of the bishop or confessor and remove the occasion of
sin, if there be any; (3) that, in the case of one absolved from
censures specially reserved, he promise 
(<i>in foro externo</i>, on oath) to abide by the further direction of
the Church in the matter 
(<i>stare mandatis ecclesiæ</i>); (4) sometimes also, in graver
crimes, an oath is required not to perpetrate them again; (5) that
apart from the penance imposed in confession, the absolved person
receive and perform some other salutary penance as a satisfaction for
this fault.</p>
<p id="c-p2657" shownumber="no">Bucceroni, De Censuris, 4th ed. (Rome, 1896); Hollweck, Die
kirchlichen Strafgesetze (Mainz, 1899), p. 86 sqq.; Lehmkuhl, Theol.
Mor., 10th ed. (Freiburg, 1902), II, nn. 860-1030; Laurentius,
Institutiones Juris Eccl. (Freiburg, 1903), nn. 300-327; Lega, De
Judiciis Eccles., L. II, vol. III (Rome, 1899), nn. 80-197; Hilarius
&amp; Sexten., Tractatus de Censuris Eccles. (Mainz, 1898); Taunton,
The Law of the Church (London, 1906), s.v. Censure.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2658" shownumber="no">LEO GANZ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2658.1" title="Censures, Theological" type="Encyclopedia">Theological Censures</term>
<def id="c-p2658.2">
<h1 id="c-p2658.3">Theological Censures</h1>
<p id="c-p2659" shownumber="no">Doctrinal judgments by which the Church stigmatizes certain
teachings detrimental to faith or morals. They should not be confounded
with canonical censures, such as excommunication, suspension, and
interdict, which are spiritual punishments inflicted on
delinquents.</p>
<p id="c-p2660" shownumber="no">The right of censuring adverse doctrines has ever been asserted by
the church, from St. Paul, who declares anathema on them who should
pervert the Gospel of Christ unto another Gospel (Gal., i, 8), and
warns his disciples to avoid the profane novelties of words and the
oppositions of knowledge falsely so called (I Tim., vi, 20), down to
Pius X, who condemned the errors of "Modernism". It is an essential
part of her magisterium which, says Newman, "acts in two channels, in
direct statement of truth and in condemnation of error." See the letter
"Gravissimas inter" of Pius X and the constitution "de fide" (ch. iv)
of the Vatican Council (Denzinger, nos. 1524 and 1645). That right
belongs to the Church herself, but she may exercise it through popes,
councils, Roman congregations, universities, or special commissions.
Bishops, by virtue of their office, hold the power of censuring
doctrines, but their judgment is not final, and their prohibition binds
only within the limits of their respective dioceses. Private
theologians, either individually or collectively have no authority
officially to censure propositions, however they may, unless expressly
enjoined from so doing in special cases, judge and qualify them
according to existing doctrinal standards, and their initiative often
goes far towards preparing the official action of the Church. History
shows considerable variation in the exercise of the censuring power. In
early days, when the cardinal truths of Christianity were at stake, an
author, book, or tract was purely and simply announced heretical and
anathematized. In the Middle ages, which were the ages of theological
speculation and also of subtilty, a more minute notation had to be
resorted to, and even special organs were created for that purpose (see
Index of Prohibited Books). In recent times specific notes are often
discarded in favor of a more comprehensive mode of censuring; 
<i>damnandas et proscribendas esse</i>. The various documents embodied
in nearly all modern textbooks of moral theology and in Denzinger's
"Enchiridion" (to which we must now add the Holy Office Decree, 3 July,
"Lamentabili sane exitu" and the papal Encyclical, 8 Sept., 1907,
"Pascendi dominici gregis") shows a large number of theological
censures or notes. Those most in use will be found in the Bulls
"Unigenitus" and "Auctorem fidei" (Denzinger, CI and CXIV). We may
divide them into three groups according as they bear principally upon
(1) the import, or (2) the expression, or (3) the consequences, of
condemned propositions.</p>
<p id="c-p2661" shownumber="no">(1) 
<i>Hæretica</i> (heretical), 
<i>erronea</i> (erroneous), 
<i>hæresi proxima</i> (next to heresy), 
<i>errori proxima</i> (next to error), 
<i>temeratia</i> (rash), etc.</p>
<p id="c-p2662" shownumber="no">A proposition is branded heretical when it goes directly and
immediately against a revealed or defined dogma, or dogma 
<i>de fide</i>; erroneous when it contradicts only a certain 
(<i>certa</i>) theological conclusion or truth clearly deduced from two
premises, one an article of faith, the other naturally certain. Even
though a statement be not obviously a heresy or an error it may yet
come near to either. It is styled next, proximate to heresy when its
opposition to a revealed and defined dogma is not certain, or chiefly
when the truth it contradicts, though commonly accepted as revealed,
has yet never been the object of a definition 
(<i>proxima fidei</i>). The censure next, or proximate to error, whose
meaning may be determined by analogy to the foregoing, is of less
frequent use than that of rashness or temerity, which means opposition
to sound common opinion 
(<i>communis</i>), and this either for paltry reasons or no reasons at
all. A still finer shade of meaning attaches to such censures as 
<i>sapiens hæresim, errorem</i> (smacking of heresy or error), 
<i>suspecta de hæresi, errore</i> (suspected of heresy or error).
Propositions thus noted may be correct in themselves, but owing to
various circumstances of time, place, and persons, are prudently taken
to present a signification which is either heretical or erroneous. To
this group also belong some special stigmata with reference to
determined topics, e.g. the preambles of faith 
(<i>infidelis, aversiva a fide</i>), ethical principles 
(<i>improbabilis, non tuta</i>), history 
(<i>antiquata, nova</i>) and Holy Scripture 
(<i>verbo Dei contraria</i>), etc.</p>
<p id="c-p2663" shownumber="no">(2) 
<i>Ambigua</i> (ambiguous), 
<i>captiosa</i> (captious), 
<i>male sonans</i> (evil-sounding), 
<i>piarum aurium offensiva</i> (offensive to pious ears), etc.</p>
<p id="c-p2664" shownumber="no">A proposition is ambiguous when it is worded so as to present two or
more senses, one of which is objectionable; captious when acceptable
words are made to express objectionable thoughts; evil-sounding when
improper words are used to express otherwise acceptable truths;
offensive when verbal expression is such as rightly to shock the
Catholic sense and delicacy of faith.</p>
<p id="c-p2665" shownumber="no">(3) 
<i>Subsannativa religionis</i> (derisive of religion), 
<i>decolorativa canodris ecclesiæ</i> (defacing the beauty of the
Church), 
<i>subversiva hierarchiæ</i> (subversive of the hierarchy), 
<i>eversiva regnorum</i> (destructive of governments), 
<i>scandelosa, perniciosa, periculosa in moribus</i> (scandalous,
pernicious, dangerous to morals), 
<i>blasphema, idolatra, superstisiosa, magica</i> (blasphemous, leading
to idolatry, superstition, sorcery), 
<i>arrogans, acerba</i> (arrogant, harsh), etc.</p>
<p id="c-p2666" shownumber="no">This enumeration, though incomplete, sufficiently draws the aim of
the third group of censures; they are directed against such
propositions as would imperil religion in general, the Church's
sanctity, unity of government and hierarchy, civil society, morals in
general, or the virtue of religion, Christian meekness, and humility in
particular.</p>
<p id="c-p2667" shownumber="no">The authority of theological censures depends upon the source from
which they come and the intention with which they are issued.
Condemnations coming from the seat of infallibility, pope or council,
and vested with the usual conditions of an ex cathedra pronouncement
are themselves infallible, and consequently require both our external
obedience and internal assent. There is no reason for restricting the
infallibility of the censures to the sole note heretica as some
theologians would do. The difference between the note of heresy and
other inferior notes is not one of infallibility, but of different
matters covered by infallibility. The note of heresy attached to a
proposition makes it contradictory to an article of faith, which is not
the case with other notes, even if they are infallible. Condemnations
coming from another source which, however, is not infallible are to be
received with the external respect and implicit obedience due to
disciplinary measures, and moreover, with that degree of internal
assent which is justified by circumstances. In every case the extent of
outward compliance, or of interior submission, or both is determined by
a proper interpretation of the censures:</p>
<ul id="c-p2667.1">
<li id="c-p2667.2">Sometimes, as in the condemned propositions of Pistoia, there is
little room for doubt, the precise meaning of the condemnation being
explained in the very tenor of it.</li>
<li id="c-p2667.3">When categorical propositions are condemned in their import, and
not in their wording or consequences only, their contradictories
present themselves for our acceptance as 
<i>de fide, proximæ fidei, certæ,</i> or 
<i>communes</i> as the case may be.</li>
<li id="c-p2667.4">Condemnations issued on account of bad wording or evil consequences
should at least put us on our guard against the hidden falsehood or the
noxious tendency of the proposition.</li>
<li id="c-p2667.5">Modal propositions require special attention. The principal
modalities in use are 
<i>in individuo, in globo, prout iacent, in sensu ab auctore
intenta</i>. Propositions are not always, as was the case for the
errors of Pistoia, condemned one by one, the proper qualifications
being attached to each individually 
(<i>in individuo</i>). In the case of Wyclif, Hus, Luther, Baius,
Molinos, Quesnel, etc., to a whole series of propositions a whole
series of censures was attached generally 
(<i>in globo</i>). This mode of general censure is not ineffectual. To
each of the propositions thus condemned apply one, or several, or all
of the censures employed--the task of fitting each censure to each
propositions being left to theologians. Again, some propositions are
censured according to their obvious tenor and without reference to
their context or author 
(<i>prout iacent</i>); while others e.g. those of Baius, Jansen, etc.
are stigmatized in the sense intended by their author 
(<i>in sensu ab auctore intento</i>). Obviously the Church does not
claim to read into the mind of a writer. What she claims is an
operative doctrinal power including the double faculty of pointing out
to her children both the error of a doctrine and the fact that such an
erroneous doctrine is contained in such a book written by such an
author. In such cases, a Catholic is bound to accept the whole judgment
of the Church, although some theologians would make a difference
between the assent due to the condemnation of the error and the assent
due to the designation of the book or author.</li>
<li id="c-p2667.6">Vague censures of this kind, 
<i>Damnandas et proscribendas esse</i>, are more in the nature of
simple prohibitions than censures. They mean that a Catholic ought to
keep clear of such teachings absolutely, but they do not point out the
degree of falsehood or danger attached to them.</li>
<li id="c-p2667.7">In a general matter, censures are restrictive laws, and, as such,
to be interpreted strictly. A Catholic is not debarred from the right
of ascertaining, for his own guidance or the guidance of others, their
legitimate minimum; but the danger, not always unreal, of falling below
that minimum should itself be minimized by what Newman calls "a
generous loyalty toward ecclesiastical authority" and the 
<i>pietas fidei</i>.</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p2668" shownumber="no">Sessa, Scrutinium doctrinarum (Rome, 1709); D'Argentré,
Collectio iudiciorum (Paris 1728); Viva, Damnatarum thesium theologica
trustina (Padua, 1737); Montagne, De censuria seu notis theologicis,
ed. Migne (Paris, 1837); Di Bartolio, Les critères théol.,
Fr. tr. (Paris, 1889), on the Index; Didiot, Logigue surnaturelle
subjective (Paris 1891), No. 377; Manning, The Vatican Council in
Privilegium Petri (London, 1871); Newman, A letter to the Duke of
Norfolk in Certain Difficulties of Anglicans (London, 1892), II;
Choupin, Valeur des décisions doctrinales du Saint-Siège
(Paris, 1907); Ferraris, Propositiones damnatæ in Prompta
Bibliotheca; Quillet, Censures doctrinnales in Dict. de théol.
cath; Lagrange, Le décret "Lamentabili" in Rev. Bibl. (Oct.,
1907). See also treatises in moral theology, De fide, and in dogmatic
theology, De ecclesia, chiefly Scheeben, Wilhelm, and Scannell,
Hunter.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2669" shownumber="no">J.F. SOLLIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2669.1" title="Census" type="Encyclopedia">Census</term>
<def id="c-p2669.2">
<h1 id="c-p2669.3">Census</h1>
<p id="c-p2670" shownumber="no">A canonical term variously defined by different writers. Zitelli
(Appar. Jur. Eccl.) calls it a real obligation or annual tribute
imposed on a pious institute by the bishop and payable to himself or
others. Aicher (par. 79) says that it is an offering to be made by a
benefice in sign of subjection, or for some exemption or other right
conceded to it. Laurentius (III, p. 70) defines it as the obligation of
an annual payment in money or kind perpetually imposed upon a benefice.
Ferraris (s.v.) considers census as a right of receiving an annual
payment from something which is fruitful and on which it is founded. He
insists that the census is not the thing itself or the property which
affords the tribute, but the right of drawing the annual tribute from
it. Other authorities, however, as Von Scherer, seem to consider census
to be the property itself or its equivalent in money, viewed as giving
to some one a right to draw revenue from it.</p>
<p id="c-p2671" shownumber="no">Census canonically considered must be distinguished from 
<i>pensio.</i> The latter is the right which a superior concedes to a
person of receiving a portion of the revenues of a benefice in the
possession of a third party. Later canonists sometimes use the words 
<i>census</i> and 
<i>pensio</i> as practically synonymous. A census is called ancient of
it is imposed on its benefice at its very foundation and has been
approved by the bishop. It is called new if it is placed upon a
benefice already erected. According to a canon of the third Council of
the Lateran (1179) no one but the pope can impose on a benefice a new
census, or increase an ancient one. A census is said to be reservative
when a person transfers the property to another, keeping only the right
to an annual revenue for himself. It is named consignative when he
sells or consigns to another the right to an annual pension from
something of which he himself retains the dominion. Such consignative
census is reducible to a species of buying and selling, and is treated
as such in the decrees of Martin V and Callistus III embodied in the
Corpus Juris Canonici.</p>
<p id="c-p2672" shownumber="no">The imposing of a census upon a benefice is considered as equivalent
to dismemberment or division, inasmuch as it diminishes the revenues.
If the census be perpetual it is looked on as a species of alienation
of church property and as such falls under the ecclesiastical laws
governing such alienation. Generally the census is imposed by the
patron of a new benefice retaining the right to a part of its revenues,
or by a bishop requiring that a portion of the income of a church which
he incorporates with a monastery be paid to himself, or the census may
take the form of a tribute paid to a mother church by one of its
daughter establishments which has become independent. The "Liber
Censuum Romanæ Ecclesiæ," edited by Fabre and Duschesne
(Paris, 1889 sqq.), not only throws light on the subject at issue, but
also affords an explanation of many historical events of the Middle
Ages.</p>
<p id="c-p2673" shownumber="no">Laurentius, Institutione Jur. Eccl. (Freiburg, 1903); Ferraris,
Bibliotheca (Rome, 1886); Aichner, Compendium Jur. Eccl. (Brixen,
1895).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2674" shownumber="no">WILLIAM H.W. FANNING</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2674.1" title="Central Verein of North America, German Roman Catholic" type="Encyclopedia">German Roman Catholic Central Verein of North
America</term>
<def id="c-p2674.2">
<h1 id="c-p2674.3">German Roman Catholic Central Verein of North America</h1>
<h4 id="c-p2674.4">(Deutscher römisch-katholischer Centralverein von
Nordamerika)</h4>
<p id="c-p2675" shownumber="no">The origin of the Central Verein dates back to 1854, in which year
the presidents of three German Catholic benevolent societies of
Buffalo, new York, issued a call to various German Catholic societies
for the purpose for forming a central body. The movement was inspired
and advocated by zealous missionary priests, and approved by Bishop
Timon of Buffalo. The success of a similar organization among their
Catholic brethren in Germany (founded at Mainz, 1848), lent additional
force to the arguments for a union in the United States. The call was
responded to by seventeen societies, and on 15 April, 1855, the Central
Verein was duly organized in St. Alphonsus Hall, Baltimore, Maryland.
The main object at the outset was to unite the energies of the various
associations against freemasonry and secret societies in general. Hence
the efforts of the new organization were directed chiefly towards
defending the menaced rights of the Catholics in the United States, as
also "to promote a vigorous religious activity in the united societies
according to the spirit of the Roman Catholic Church and mutually to
aid and materially to benefit one another". Membership was restricted
to Catholic benevolent societies whose official language was German.
The growth by decades was as follows:</p>
<ul id="c-p2675.1">
<li id="c-p2675.2">1855 — 17 societies (1,500 members)</li>
<li id="c-p2675.3">1865 — 62 societies (8,340 members)</li>
<li id="c-p2675.4">1875 — 302 societies (31,672 members)</li>
<li id="c-p2675.5">1885 — 378 societies (32,783 members)</li>
<li id="c-p2675.6">1895 — 548 societies (48,989 members)</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p2676" shownumber="no">From the last named date, however, the growth became less marked,
and in 1901 a reorganization movement was inaugurated. Instead of
affiliating local societies as heretofore, the formation of state
organizations was encouraged, and these so-called "Staatsverbände"
were then incorporated as a whole, the various local societies losing
their direct affiliation to the Central Verein. This plan proved a
complete success. In 1907 the report of the secretary showed sixteen
state organizations and fifty-two local societies from states in which
no "Staatsverband" existed, with a total paid-up membership of 99,291.
The unreported membership would bring this total far beyond 100,000.
The Holy See approved the work of the Central Verein in a reply to a
letter of allegiance sent by the eleventh general convention held at
Buffalo, 1866, to Pope Pius IX. The reply praises the spirit of
Catholic unity prevailing among the members and wishes them success and
the ever copious assistance of Divine grace. It gratefully acknowledges
and appreciates the contributions the Central Verein had gathered for
the support of the Holy See. During fifty-two years the society
contributed about $12,000 to the Peter's-pence collection.</p>
<p id="c-p2677" shownumber="no">The care of the immigrants was made a prominent feature of the work
of the society, and special agents were appointed to look after their
interests in New York and Baltimore. Later on the Central Verein was
affiliated to the St. Raphael's Society. The result of their combined
efforts was the establishment in New York of the Leo House for the use
of Catholic immigrants. Aid was extended to a similar undertaking at
Galveston, Texas. The cause of Catholic education has a conspicuous
advocates in the Central Verein. The Teachers' Seminary at St. Francis,
Wisconsin, was founded mainly by contributions from the society. In his
address to the delegates assembled in Dubuque, Iowa, 1907, Archbishop
Falconio, the Apostolic Delegate, said: "What your society has done in
the interest of Christian education is truly admirable and an example
worthy of imitation for all Catholics". The annual conventions, under
the name of "Katholikentage", have assumed large proportions. Extending
over four or five days, they include solemn church festivities,
parades, addresses by prominent clergymen and laymen, business
meetings, and social gathering.</p>
<p id="c-p2678" shownumber="no">MATT, The German Roman Catholic Central Verein (St. Paul,
Minn.).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2679" shownumber="no">PETER J. BOURSCHEIDT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2679.1" title="Centuriators of Magdeburg" type="Encyclopedia">Centuriators of Magdeburg</term>
<def id="c-p2679.2">
<h1 id="c-p2679.3">Centuriators of Magdeburg</h1>
<p id="c-p2680" shownumber="no">In 1559 there appeared at Basle the first three folio volumes of a
work entitled "Ecclesiastica Historia . . . . . secundum singulas
centurias . . . . . per aliquot studiosos et pios viros in Urbe
Magdeburgicâ" (i.e. A History of the Church . . . . . according to
centuries, . . . . done at Magdeburg by some learned and pious men). It
was the work of a group of Lutheran scholars who had gathered at
Magdeburg, and who are now known to history as the "Centuriators of
Magdeburg" because of the way in which they divided their work (century
by century) and the place in which the first five volumes were written;
most of the others were written at Wismar or elsewhere, but the
sub-title "in Urbe Magdeburgicâ" was retained. The originator of
the idea and the moving spirit of the organization which produced the
work was Matthias Vlacich (latinized Flacius), also known as
Francovich, and, from the country of his birth (Istria), Illyricus.
Born in 1520, the influence of his uncle Baldo Lupertino, an apostate
friar, prevented him from becoming a monk and directed his steps in
1539 to Germany, where, at Augsburg, Basle, Tübingen, and
Wittenberg, he developed a fanatical anti-Roman temper. The Augsburg
Interim of 1547 led to the Adiaphoristic controversy, in the course of
which he poured forth a flood of calumnious abuse upon the Reformer
Philip Melanchthon; the bitter feeling generated gave rise to the
hostile parties of Philippists and Flacians. All attempts to restore
peace failed, and the University of Jena, where Flacius was appointed
professor of theology in 1557, became a centre of rigid Lutheranism in
strong opposition to Melachthon. His wanderings after 1562, and the
numerous domestic controversies between the Reformers, in which Flacius
took part until his death (11 March, 1575), did not prevent him from
becoming the most learned Lutheran theologian of his day, while, in
addition to numerous minor controversial works, his untiring energy led
him to devise the vast historical work known as "The Centuries".</p>
<p id="c-p2681" shownumber="no">After Luther's death (1546) anti-Catholic controversy tended to lose
its dogmatic character and to become historical. Flacius sought
historical weapons wherewith to destroy Catholicism, and in that spirit
wrote his once famous and influential catalogue of anti-papal
witnesses, "Catalogus testium veritatis qui ante nostram ætaem
Pontifici Romano eiusque eroribus reclamarunt" (Basle, 1556; enlarged
ed., Strasburg, 1562; ed. by Dietericus, Frankfort, 1672). Some four
hundred anti-papal witnesses to truth were cited, St. Gregory the Great
and St. Thomas Aquinas being included in the number of those who had
stood up for truth against "the Papal Antichrist". As early as 1553
Flacius was seeking patrons whose financial support should enable him
to carry out his comprehensive plan of a church history which was "to
reveal the beginnings, the development and the ruthless designs of the
Antichrist". The German princes, and the burghers particularly of
Augsburg and Nuremberg, helped him generously, but no support was
forthcoming from the followers of Melanchthon. He travelled through
Germany in search of material while his zealous fellow-worker, Marcus
Wagner (from Weimar near Gotha), searched the libraries of Austria,
Bavaria, Scotland, and Denmark for the same purpose. Into the vexed
question of the dishonourable means alleged to have been used by
Flacius in acquiring MSS., and his use of the knife to mutilate them,
thus giving rise to the proverbial 
<i>Manus Flaciana</i> and 
<i>culter Flacianus</i>, we cannot enter here. An examination of the
remains of his library, now at Wolfenbüttel, does not tend to
lessen the force of the accusation. Recent research emphasizes the
importance of the assistance given by the crypto-Protestant, Caspar von
Nydbruck, imperial councillor, and head of the Imperial Library of
Vienna, whose influence was exerted throughout Europe on behalf of the
work. The editorial board, 
<i>Gubernatores et Inspectores institut historiæ
Ecclesiasticæ</i>, was composed of Flacius, John Wigand (b. 1523,
d. 1587), superintendent at Magdebug, Mathew Judex (b. 1528, d.1576),
preacher at Magdeburg, Basil Faber (b.1525, d. 1576), humanist, who
collaborated in the first four "Centuries", Martin Copus, a physician
who acted as treasurer, and Eblinek Alman, a burgher of Magdeburg, each
of whom had his own assistants. Seven junior assistants were appointed
to compile extracts from early Christian writers and historians in
accordance with a fixed plan, two more mature scholars acted as
"Architects", grouped the material, and submitted it to the editors.
When approved of, the materials were worked up into chapters and again
submitted before the final form was fair-copied.</p>
<p id="c-p2682" shownumber="no">Even when at Jena, and during his subsequent wanderings, Flacius
retained the direction of the work. Each century was systematically
treated under sixteen headings bearing uniform titles in the various
volumes. An analysis of the "Quarta Centuria", which appeared in 1560,
will give an idea of the contents: Title page; dedication to Queen
Elizabeth (co. 3-12); (i) brief statement of the chief events of the
century (col.13); (ii) spread of the Church: where and how (13-35);
(iii) persecution and peace of the Church under Diocletian and Maximian
(35-159); (iv) the Church's teaching and its history (160-312); (v)
heresies (312-406); (vi) rites and ceremonies (406 -483); (vii) Church
discipline and government (483-582); (viii) schisms and controversies
(583-609); (ix) councils (609-880); (x) leading bishops and doctors
(880-1337); (xi) leading heretics (1338-1403); (xii) the martyrs
(1403-1432); (xiii) miracles and miraculous occurrences (1433-1456);
(xiv) political relations of the Jews (1456-1462); (xv) other
non-Christian religions (1462-1560); (xvi) political changes
(1560-1574); Scriptural index (8 cols.); general index (92 pages of
four columns). This method was applied only to the first thirteen
centuries, which were published separately in folio volumes at Basle;
I-III in 1559; IV in 1560; V and VI in 1562; VII and VIII in 1564; IX
in 1566; X and XI in 1567; XII in 1569; and XIII in 1574. The three
remaining centuries were completed in manuscript by Wigand (who was
largely responsible for all the work done between 1564-74), but never
published, and the various attempts made in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries to continue the work came to naught. In 1624 a
complete edition of the "Centuries" in six folio volumes was issued at
Basle by Louis Lucius, who omitted the authors' names and dedications,
and introduced various modifications of the text in a Calvinistic
sense. A third edition appeared at Nuremburg 1757-1765, but did not get
beyond the fifth "century".</p>
<p id="c-p2683" shownumber="no">The underlying idea of the work, and that which determined the
choice and use of materials, was to show that while "at the beginning
of the Church it was not popish anti-Christian doctrine, but
evangelical doctrine and religion, which had prevailed", from the death
of the last of the Apostles down to the restoration of the true
religion by Martin Luther, the Church had gone astray, misled by the
Roman Antichrist. Consequently as early as the second century errors
are discovered in the teachings of Clement, Justin martyr and
Irenæus on the fundamental doctrines of free will and
justification. On the other hand Catholic controversialists were not
slow to make use of the numerous and important admissions of the early
appearance of characteristic Catholic teaching. The plan of the book
was a noble one, and, as the work of the first among modern writers on
ecclesiastical history who profess to treat the subject critically, it
marks an epoch in church history; its method, with its return to
original sources, is quite sound, and the skill with which the vast
masses of material were marshalled is worthy of all praise, hampered
though it is by the chronological division of the work. Yet noble as
was the plan, the same cannot be said of its execution; virulent
anti-papal abuse is common to the whole work. The exercise of the
critical faculty is limited by the demands of anti-Roman controversy,
and no attempts is made to take a calm and impartial survey of the
Church's history. Its constant polemical tone, is grouping of facts
coloured by party spirit, its unjust treatment of the Church, its
uncritical accumulation of anti-papal story and legend, made the
"Centuries" for a long time the arsenal, of Protestant
controversialists. From its pages they learnt to look upon St. Boniface
as "the apostle of lies", who "shamelessly imposed the yoke of
Antichrist upon the necks of the Germans"; and upon Pope Gregory VII as
a man to whom every imaginable crime was ascribed, and whose iniquities
were the despair even of the vituperative vocabulary of Flacius. "The
marks of Antichrist" were to be found in Pope Alexander III, who is
said to have "worshipped strange gods, strengthened and confirmed the
teaching of the devil, and thought highly of Baalism". Through the ages
no crime is too monstrous, no story too incredible, provided it furnish
a means of blackening the memory of the occupants of Peter's Chair. It
was the work, stigmatized by Canisius as 
<i>opus pestilentissimum</i>, that led Caesar Baronius (q.v.) to write
his "Annales Ecclessiastici", in twelve folio volumes (Rome,
1588-1607), covering the period from the birth of Christ to the year
1198. Such was its success that it completely superseded the work of
the Centuriators, the principal value of which now is its use as a key
to the historical arguments of Protestant controversial writers in the
late sixteenth and the seventeenth century.</p>
<p id="c-p2684" shownumber="no">DOLLINGER, Die Reformation (Ratisbon, 1848), II, 224-62; JANSSEN,
Gesch. Des d. Volkes seit d. Ausgang d. M.A. (Freiburg, 1876-94), V,
312, VII, 299, tr. of I -V (London, 1896-1906); Historisches Jahrb,
(1896), XVII, 79-87; NIEMOLLER, Matthias Flacius und der flacianische
Geist in der alt. Prof. Kirchen-Hist. In Zeitschr. F. kath, Theol.
(1888), XII, 75-115; BAUR, Die Epochen der irch, Geschichtschreibung
(Tubingen, 1852), 39-71; CABROL, in Rev. bÈnÈdictine (1905),
XXII, 151 sq.; SCHULTE, Beitrage zur Entstehungsgesch, der Magdeburger
Centurien (1877); SCHAUMKELL, Beitrag zur Entstehungsgesch, d. Magd.
Cent. (Ludwigslust, 1898); KAWERAU, in Realencykl f. prof. Theol. Und
Kirche, s.v. Flacius (Leipzig, 1899), VI 82-92; PREGER, Mathias Flacius
Illyricus und seine Zeit(Erlangen, 1859-61). For the important eleventh
century liturgical MS. (episcopal ceremonial) known as the Missa
Illyrica or Flaciana, because it once belonged to Flacius (Co.
Helmstad, 1151. at Wolfenbuttel), see Braun in Stimmen aus Maria-Laach
(1905), LXIX,143 sq.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2685" shownumber="no">EDWARD MYERS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2685.1" title="Centurion" type="Encyclopedia">Centurion</term>
<def id="c-p2685.2">
<h1 id="c-p2685.3">Centurion</h1>
<p id="c-p2686" shownumber="no">(Lat. 
<i>Centurio</i>, Gr. 
<i>kentyrion, ekatontarkos, ekatontarkys</i>).</p>
<p id="c-p2687" shownumber="no">A Roman officer commanding a century or company, the strength of
which varied from fifty to one hundred men; But in the Vulgate and the
D.V. the term is also applied to an officer of the Hebrew army. In New
Testament times there were sixty centurions in a legion, two to the
maniple and six to the cohort. They were not all of equal rank. The
centurion who commanded the first of the two centuries composing the
maniple ranked above the commander of the second; the first centurion
of the first maniple 
(<i>triarii</i>) of the cohort was higher than the first centurion of
the second 
(<i>principes</i>), and he higher than the ranking centurion of the
third 
(<i>hastati</i>), etc. There was also precedence of rank according to
the number of the cohort. The chief centurion in the legion was the 
<i>primipulus</i> or first centurion of the 
<i>triarii</i> of the first cohort. He had charge of the legion's
eagle, assisted at the councils of war, and in the absence of a
superior officer took command of the legion. The auxiliary cohorts had
six or ten centurions according as they consisted of 500 
(<i>cohortes quingenariae</i>) or 1000 men 
(<i>cohortes milliariae</i>). These were inferior to the legionary
centurions. The centurions carried as insignia of their rank a staff
made of a vine-branch, with which, on occasion, they chastised their
men; whence 
<i>vitis</i> (vine) was used to designate their centurionship.
Ordinarily they could rise no higher than the rank of 
<i>primipulus</i> and at the expiration of their term of service they
retired into private life. With the grant of land they received and
with what they acquired during the wars they were usually well off. The

<i>primipili</i> often became wealthy enough to gain entrance into the
equestrian order. The post of centurion, it should be noted, was not,
as a rule, held by men of family, though occasionally a young man of
rank aspiring to a higher military career served first as centurion in
a legion.</p>
<p id="c-p2688" shownumber="no">Of the two centurions mentioned in the Gospels only one was a Roman
officer. He who asked Our Savior to cure his servant and whose faith
the Savior so highly commended (Matt., viii, 5 sq.; Luke, vii, 2 sq.),
though a gentile, belonged to the army of Herod Antipas, since
Capharnaum lay in this Prince's territory. The tetrarch's army was
probably organized after the manner of the Roman auxiliary troops. The
other, who commanded the detachment of soldiers at the Crucifixion
(Matt., xxvii, 54, Mark, xv, 39,44, Luke, xxiii, 47) was of course an
officer of the Imperial cohort stationed at Jerusalem (Acts, xxi, 31).
In the Acts two centurions are mentioned by name, Cornelius, centurion
of "the Italian band" or cohort, the first gentile admitted into the
Church (Acts, x, 1 sq.) and Julius, centurion of the "band Augusta",
who brought St. Paul to Rome (Acts, xxvii, 1, etc.). Others are spoken
of in connection with the Apostle's arrest and transfer to Caesarea
(Acts, xxi, 32, xxii, 25, xxiii, 23). Since no legion was stationed in
Palestine before the time of Vespasian, these centurions all belonged
to auxiliary cohorts. For this reason it was unlikely that either
Cornelius or Julius was a member of the patrician family whose name he
bore; both were probably the sons of freedmen. In a number of places in
the Old Testament 
<i>centuriones</i> stands in the Vulgate for 
<i>sare me'oth</i> ("captains of hundreds"), once [I Sam. (I K.), viii,
12] even for 
<i>sare hamishshim</i> ("captains of fifty"), though here the agreement
of the Septuagint with the Vulgate would seem to show that the Hebrew
text is defective. In several of these places the D.V. has
"centurions", but in the others "captains", "captains of" or "over
hundreds"; in two cases (Ex., xviii, 21, 25) "rulers of" or "over
hundreds". The 
<i>centuriones</i> of Ex., xviii, 21, 25, Num., xxxi, 14, etc., Deut.,
I, 15 were both civil and military officers.</p>
<p id="c-p2689" shownumber="no">Smith, Dict. Gr. and Rom. Antiq. (London, 1901), I, 787, 790;
Mommsen, Nomina et Gradus Centurionem, in Ephemer. Epigraph. (1879),
226-245; Mueller, Die Rangordnung und das Avancement d. Centurionem, in
Philologus (1879), 126-149; Desjardins, in Melanges Graux (1884),
676-679; Marquardt, Rom. Staatsverwaltung (2nd. ed.,) 430 sq.; Mommsen
and Marquardt, Manuel des Antiqu. Rom. (Paris, 1891), XI, 65, sq.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2690" shownumber="no">F. BECHTEL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2690.1" title="Ceolfrid, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Ceolfrid</term>
<def id="c-p2690.2">
<h1 id="c-p2690.3">St. Ceolfrid</h1>
<p id="c-p2691" shownumber="no">Benedictine monk, Abbot of Wearmouth and Jarrow, b. 642, place of
birth not known; d. 29 Sept., 716, at Langres on the frontier of
Burgundy. His family belonged to the highest rank of the Ango-Saxon
nobility. The name Ceolfrid is the Teutonic form of Geoffrey. At the
age of eighteen he became a monk in the monastery of Ripon, then ruled
over by St. Wilfrid. After ten years of study and preparation he was
ordained priest by St. Wilfrid. He soon afterwards visited Canterbury
and spent some time with Botulph, founder and Abbot of Icanhoe, now the
town of Boston (Botulph's town) in Lincolnshire. On his return to Ripon
he fulfilled the duties of novice-master, in which capacity he became
noted for his profound humility and love of menial work. His fame
reached the ears of St. Benedict Biscop, then in the midst of his great
monastic enterprise on the banks of the Wear. He begged him from St.
Wilfrid, and soon after reaching Wearmouth Ceolfrid was made prior of
the monastery and left in charge during the absence of Benedict on his
journeys to Rome. Meeting with difficulties as superior, he went back
to Ripon, but was afterwards persuaded to return. From this time he
became the constant companion of Benedict and accompanied him to Rome
on his fifth journey to the Holy City.</p>
<p id="c-p2692" shownumber="no">About 681 Benedict began the foundation of a second monastery at
Jarrow on the banks of the Tyne about six miles from Wearmouth.
Ceolfrid was appointed the first abbot to act as the deputy of
Benedict, who in reality was abbot of both houses. He took with him
seventeen monks from Wearmouth, and from an inscription formerly on the
wall of the church we learn that the monastery was completed about 684
or 685. Benedict died 12 January, 690, and directed the brethren to
elect Ceolfrid to be his successor. Ceolfrid proved himself a worthy
disciple of his master, carefully carrying out the ideals of Benedict.
His disciple, the Venerable Bede, has thus described his character and
work: "This last [Ceolfrid] was himself a man of most extraordinary
diligence and superior quickness of apprehension; prompt in carrying
into effect but prudent in forming designs and unrivalled in piety. . .
During his long administration Ceolfrid brought to a happy conclusion
all the admirable plans for promoting piety which his distinguished
predecessor had begun. Time also suggested and enabled him to carry
into execution numerous improvements of his own. Amongst a great
variety of these, we ought particularly to notice that he considerably
augmented the number of private oratories or chapels of ease; added
largely to the plate and sacred vestments of the Church, and with
ardour which equalled the past energy of Benedict in founding, he
nearly doubled the libraries of both his monasteries. Besides
innumerable other literary acquisitions he procured three pandects of
the new, added to one of the old translations of the bible which he had
brought from Rome. In his latter days, departing again for that city,
he took with him as a donative one of these three valued volumes,
leaving to his monasteries the other two" (Liber de Vitis Abbat. Wirim,
Wilcock tr.).</p>
<p id="c-p2693" shownumber="no">This volume, which Ceolfrid carried with him on his last journey to
Rome was the famous "Codex Amiatinus". Until recent years it was
thought to have been the work of Servandus, abbot of a monastery near
Alatri in Italy (sixth century). The name of Cassiodorus has also been
connected with this manuscript, owing to its striking resemblance to
his Bible; but Vigouroux concludes that it is absolutely independent of
Cassiodorus, though the prologue it contains on the divisions of the
Bible may possibly be of Cassiodorian origin. The famous Catholic
antiquarian, De Rossi (1888), discovered its true origin. He has
conclusively proved that it was written at Wearmouth or Jarrow between
the years 690 and 716; that it was one of the three copies of St.
Jerome's Vulgate which Bede refers to in the passage quoted above; and
that Ceolfrid presented the manuscript to the pope. For many years it
was preserved in the Abbey of Monte Amiato near Siena; it now rests in
the Laurentenian Library at Florence, where it was transferred at the
suppression of the abbey in 1786. This Codex gives the oldest text of
St. Jerome's Vulgate and has played a most important role in its
history; in the publication of the Sixtine and Clementine editions of
the Bible it was preferred to all other manuscripts. Samuel Berger says
of it: "It is from Northumberland that the correct texts of the Vulgate
were sent out not only throughout Italy, to which England was thus
paying a debt, but also throughout France. Alcuin was from York and had
been chosen by Charlemagne to correct the text of the bible." He was
instrumental in extinguishing the last remnants of Celtic particularism
in the celebration of Easter.</p>
<p id="c-p2694" shownumber="no">Ceolfrid obtained from Pope Sergius I letters of immunity for his
two monasteries, and had them presented before a synod of English
bishops in the presence of King Alefrid, thus obtaining both royal and
episcopal sanction. With the advance of years came sickness and
infirminty, and he resigned his office with the intention of journeying
to Rome, there to end his days. He also wished to give his brethren an
opportunity of "living under the direction of a younger abbot, that the
example of a more active leader might inspire them with greater ardour
in the pursuit of virtue". He died on his last journey at Langres, and
was buried in the church of the three martyrs, Sts. Speusippus,
Eleusippus, and Meleusippus. His relics were afterwards transferred to
Jarrow, and thence, in the time of the Danish invasions, to
Glastonbury.</p>
<p id="c-p2695" shownumber="no">BEDE, "Ecclesiastical History of England" (London, 1840); 229, 317,
318, 342; IDEM, "Liber de vitis Abbat. Wirim."; MONTALEMBERT, "Monks of
the West", IV, xiii; BUTLER, "Lives of the Saints", September 25th;
"Weremuth-Jarrow und Rom im 7. Jahrhundert" in "Der Katholik" for
September, 1901; CORNELY, "Introd. Gen. In S. Scripturas", I, 436;
BERGER "De l'histoire de la Vulgate en France", 4; WHITE, "The Codex
Amiatinus and its Birthplace" in 'Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica", II,
273-308.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2696" shownumber="no">G.E. HIND</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2696.1" title="Ceolwulf" type="Encyclopedia">Ceolwulf</term>
<def id="c-p2696.2">
<h1 id="c-p2696.3">Ceolwulf</h1>
<p id="c-p2697" shownumber="no">(CEOLWULPH or CEOLULPH)</p>
<p id="c-p2698" shownumber="no">Coelwulf, King of Northumbria and monk of Lindisfarne, date and
place of birth not known; died at Lindisfarne, 764. His ancestry is
thus given by the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle": "Ceolwulf was the son of
Cutha, Cutha of Cuthwin, Cuthwin of Leoldwald, Leoldwald of Egwald,
Egwald of Aldhelm, Aldhelm of Ocga, Ocga of Ida, Ida of Eoppa."
Harpsfeld says that he succeeded Osred on the throne, but most
authorities say that he was adopted as heir by Osric in 729. Learned
and pious, he lacked the vigour and authority necessary for a ruler.
Bede bears witness to his learning and piety in the introductory
chapter of his "Ecclesiastical History". He dedicated this work "to the
most glorious King Ceolwulph", sent it to him for his approval, and
addresses him thus: "I cannot but commend the sincerity and zeal, with
which you not only give ear to hear the words of Holy Scripture, but
also industriously take care to become acquainted with the actions and
sayings of former men of renown."</p>
<p id="c-p2699" shownumber="no">His unfitness for his duties as king prompted his subjects to seize
him and confine him in a monastery in the second year of his reign. He
escaped from this confinement and reascended the throne. During his
reign he appointed his cousin Egbert to be Bishop of York, and Bede
tells us that the ecclesiastical affairs of his kingdom were presided
over by the four bishops, Wilfrid, Ethelwald, Acca, and Pecthelm. After
a reign of eight years he wearied of "the splendid cares of royalty",
and voluntarily resigned to become a monk at Lindisfarne (738). His
cousin Eadbert succeeded him. Ranulphus Cestrensis speaks of his
retirement to St. Bede's monastery of Jarrow, but all others agree that
it was Lindisfarne. He brought to the monastery many treasures and much
land, and after his entrance the monks were first allowed to drink wine
and beer, contrary to the tradition handed down from St. Aidan, who
only allowed them milk or water. Henry of Huntingdon, when entering
into detail with regard to his retirement, says he was principally
urged to it by reading the writings of Bede on the lives of former
kings who had resigned their thrones to enter the monastic state. He
was buried in the cathedral of Lindisfarne next to the tomb of St.
Cuthbert, and, according to Malmesbury, many miracles were wrought at
his tomb. The body was afterwards transferred to the mainland of
Northumberland, probably along with St. Cuthbert's, in order to
preserve it from desecration at the time of the Danish invasion. His
feast day in the calendar is the 15th of January.</p>
<p id="c-p2700" shownumber="no">BEDE, 
<i>Eccles. History</i> (ed. (GILES), I, 334, 335, 34O; 
<i>Acta SS.,</i> Jan. 25,I; LINGARD, 
<i>Hist. of England</i> (London, 1854), I, 71, 72; DIXON AND RAINE'S 
<i>Fasti Eborac.,</i> 94; 
<i>Anglo-Saxon Chronicle</i> (ed. GILES), index; RAINE, 
<i>Hist. of North Durham,</i> 68.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2701" shownumber="no">G. E. HIND.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2701.1" title="Cepeda, Francisco" type="Encyclopedia">Francisco Cepeda</term>
<def id="c-p2701.2">
<h1 id="c-p2701.3">Francisco Cepeda</h1>
<p id="c-p2702" shownumber="no">(Also called ZEPEDA and ZEPEDAS)</p>
<p id="c-p2703" shownumber="no">Born in the province of La Mancha, 1532; died at Guatemala, 1602. He
became a Dominican at the convent of Ocaña, and was sent to
Chiapas in Mexico. He was a very active missionary among the Indians,
and when the differing modes of instructing them became an obstacle to
their conversion, Cepeda was sent to Mexico to simplify the Indian
grammars printed there, and obtain a standard for the guidance of the
missionaries. In consequence of that journey, the "Artes de los idiomas
Chiapanecos, Zoque, Tzendal y Chinanteco" (probably the work of several
authors) was published in 1560 under his name. The book has
disappeared, but its former existence is well established, by Remesal
at first, and by subsequent authors. It is the first book printed in
America in four languages (five with the Spanish). The title is given
variously, but the above is the correct one. Cepeda became Provincial
of the Dominicans in Guatemala, 1593, and Commissary of the
Inquisition.</p>
<p id="c-p2704" shownumber="no">REMESAL, 
<i>Historia general de las Indias occidentales &amp;ca.</i> (Madrid,
1619); LEON Y PINELO, 
<i>Epítome</i> (Madrid, 1737, &amp;ca.); ANTONIO, 
<i>Bibliotheca Hispana nova</i> (1737-1738); BERISTAIN, 
<i>Biblioteca &amp;ca.</i> (Amecameca, 1883); YCAZBALCETA, 
<i>Bibliografia</i> (1886); PIMENTEL, 
<i>Cuadro descriptivo &amp;ca.</i> (Mexico, 1862).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2705" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2705.1" title="Ceramus" type="Encyclopedia">Ceramus</term>
<def id="c-p2705.2">
<h1 id="c-p2705.3">Ceramus</h1>
<p id="c-p2706" shownumber="no">A titular see of Asia Minor. Ceramus (or Keramos) was a city of
Caria, subject at first to Stratonicea, afterwards autonomous, and one
of the chief cities of the Systema Chrysaorikon (Bulletin de corresp.
hellén., IX, 468). In Roman times it coined its own money. It is
mentioned in the "Notitiæ episcopatuum" until the twelfth or
thirteenth century as suffragan to Aphrodisias, or Stauropolis. We know
but three bishops: Spudasius, at Ephesus in 431; Maurianus, at
Nicæa in 787; and Symeon, at the council which reinstated Photius
in 879. Ceramus has preserved its old name, but is now only a small
village in the vilayet of Smyrna, on the north shore of Gueuk-Abaa bay
(the Keramic Gulf), not far from the sea.</p>
<p id="c-p2707" shownumber="no">SMITH, 
<i>Dict. of Greek and Roman Geog.</i> (London. 1878), s. v. 
<i>Cerameicus.</i></p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2708" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2708.1" title="Cerasus" type="Encyclopedia">Cerasus</term>
<def id="c-p2708.2">
<h1 id="c-p2708.3">Cerasus</h1>
<p id="c-p2709" shownumber="no">A titular see of Pontus Polemoniacus in Asia Minor. Cerasus is
remembered for the sojourn of Xenophon and his Ten Thousand on their
famous retreat. It seems to have stood in the valley at a short
distance from the modern city. The latter was founded by Pharnaces,
after whom it was called Pharnacia; but owing to the abundance of
cherry-trees in the country, it was soon named Cerasus like the old
town, and this appellation has remained. It was from Cerasus that
Pompey imported the first cherry-trees to Rome, whence they afterwards
spread through all Europe. The city is mentioned by Pliny and Greek
geographers, but does not appear to have been very important. It was a
suffragan of Neocæsarea (Niksar); in the eleventh century it
became a metropolis, and was still extant at the end of the fifteenth
century, but by the seventeenth the see was suppressed. From the fifth
to the twelfth century Lequien (II, 513) mentions nine titulars; his
list might be increased. The Turkish Kerassoun, or Ghiresson, is a port
on the Black Sea, and the chief town of a caza in the vilayet of
Trebizond; it has about 10,000 inhabitants (5000 Greeks, 1000
Armenians, and a few Catholics, visited from time to time by Capuchins
from Trebizond). The climate is mild. The town is surrounded by a large
forest of hazel- and cherry-trees, the latter being still very
numerous. There are ruins of ancient walls, of an amphitheatre, a
fortress, and of Byzantine churches.</p>
<p id="c-p2710" shownumber="no">CUINET, 
<i>Turquie d'Asie,</i> I. 64-78; PAPAMICHALOPOULOS, 
<i>A Tour in Pontus</i> (Greek; Athens, 1903), 256-282; SMITH, 
<i>Dict. of Greek and Roman Geogr.</i> (London, 1878), I, 590.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2711" shownumber="no">S. VAILHÉ.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2711.1" title="Ceremonial" type="Encyclopedia">Ceremonial</term>
<def id="c-p2711.2">
<h1 id="c-p2711.3">Ceremonial</h1>
<p id="c-p2712" shownumber="no">The book which contains in detail the order of religious ceremony
and solemn worship prescribed to be observed in ecclesiastical
functions. At present there are only two official liturgical books that
bear the titles, "Cæremoniale Romanum" and "Cæremoniale
Episcoporum". The Missal, Breviary, Ritual, and Pontifical likewise
contain directions for the celebration of Mass, the recitation of the
Office, the administration of the sacraments, and episcopal functions
respectively. They may, therefore, in a certain sense be considered
ceremonials; but since the primary purpose of these books is to serve
as texts of the liturgical prayers, the added directions being only
general, they are not looked upon as ceremonials in the accepted sense
of the term. The most ancient ceremonials and rituals of the Roman
Church are the so-called "Ordines Romani". Mabillon (Musæum
Italicum, Paris, 1687-89, II) enumerates fifteen of them. They treat of
the election of the Roman pontiff, the Sacrifice of the Mass, the
Sacraments of Baptism and Holy Orders, the functions for special days
of the year, etc. Authors do not agree as to the date at which they
were composed. Abbot Hilduinus, Walafridus Strabo, Sigebertus (in his
chronicle), and after them Leopoldus Bambergensis, record that the
Roman pontiff sent a copy of one of these "Ordines" to Pepin of
Heristal (died 714) or to Charles Martel (died 741). It was probably
composed by the pontifical master of ceremonies and contained, besides
the functions observed in the various churches at that time, many rites
and customs taken from a similar book which dates back to the time of
Gelasius I (died 496), and was corrected and augmented by Gregory the
Great (died 604).</p>
<p id="c-p2713" shownumber="no">The "Ordines Romani" were the ground-work of the "Cæremoniale
Romanum", compiled by Augustinus Patricius, surnamed Piccolomineus,
Bishop of Pienza (1483-1496), who had been formerly pontifical master
of ceremonies. The work, which was dedicated to Innocent VIII, 1 March,
1488, was not intended originally for publication, but in 1516 it was
printed by pontifical permission at Rome and Venice by Christophorus
Marcellus, Archbishop of Corcyra, under the title "Rituum
Ecclesiasticorum, sive Sacrarum Cæremoniarum S. Romanæ
Ecclesiæ libri tres non ante impressi". The pontifical master of
ceremonies at that time, Paris de Grassis, was incensed at its
publication, averring that it would lower the papal dignity in the
estimation of the masses, and asked Leo X to destroy the copies of it
and censure the editor. It was, however, not suppressed, but reissued
at Florence (1521); Cologne (1557); Rome (1560); Venice (1573, 1582,
1616); Leipzig (1733), and at Rome (1750), with a commentary by Joseph
Catalanus under the title "Sacrarum Cæremoniarum, sive Rituum
Ecclesiasticorum S. Romanæ Ecclesiæ libri tres, ab Augustino
Patricio ordinati et a Marcello Corcyrensi Archiepiscopo primum editi".
It consists of three books, the first of which contains
extra-liturgical functions, such as the election and consecration of
the Roman pontiff, the coronation of an emperor, the canonization of
saints, the creation of cardinals, etc.; the second describes the
liturgical functions at Mass, Vespers, and the other canonical Hours;
the third gives general rules and instructions. In 1587 Sixtus V
established the Congregation of Ceremonies for the purpose of watching
over the rites and ceremonies which are to be observed in the Papal
Court, to decide questions regarding pre-eminence among the persons who
assist at the papal functions, to arrange all the details for the
presentation of princes and their envoys to the Roman pontiff, and to
give directions to the ablegates who carry the insignia of the
cardinalate to newly-created cardinals residing outside of Rome. Many
dioceses and monastic orders have their proper ceremonials, and those
compiled by individual authors for giving assistance to the clergy in
the performance of their ecclesiastical functions are very
numerous.</p>
<p id="c-p2714" shownumber="no">ZACCARIA, 
<i>Bibliotheca Ritualis,</i> tom. I, lib. I, cap. vii, art. 1 (Rome,
1776).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2715" shownumber="no">A. J. SCHULTE.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2715.1" title="Ceremony" type="Encyclopedia">Ceremony</term>
<def id="c-p2715.2">
<h1 id="c-p2715.3">Ceremony</h1>
<p id="c-p2716" shownumber="no">(Skt., 
<i>karman</i>, action, work; from 
<i>kar</i> or 
<i>ker</i>, to make or create; Lat. 
<i>cœremonia</i>)</p>
<p id="c-p2717" shownumber="no">Ceremony in liturgy, an external action, gesture, or movement which
accompanies the prayers and public exercise of divine worship. To these
the Council of Trent (Sess. XXII, cap. v.) adds the things over which
or with which the prayers are pronounced, e.g. blessings, lights,
incense, vestments, etc. Ceremony is the necessary outcome of the
twofold nature of man, intellectual and sensible, on account of which,
as St. Thomas Aquinas says (Contra Gentiles, III, cxix), he must pay
God a twofold adoration, one spiritual, which consists in the interior
devotion of the soul, the other corporal, which manifests itself in the
outward form of worship, for there is no inward sentiment or feeling
which man is not wont to express outwardly by some suitable gesture or
action. Ceremonies are employed to embellish and adorn sacred
functions; to excite in the faithful sentiments of respect, devotion,
and religion, by which the honour of God is increased and the
sanctification of the soul is obtained, since these constitute the
principal object of all liturgical acts; to lead the illiterate more
easily to a knowledge of the mysteries of religion; to indicate the
dispositions necessary to receive the sacraments worthily; and to
induce the faithful to fulfil with greater docility the obligations
which the reception of the sacraments imposes on them.</p>
<p id="c-p2718" shownumber="no">Some ceremonies owe their institution to purely physical reasons or
necessity, e.g. the lights used in the catacombs, which were retained
by the Church for the mystical reason that they represent Christ, the
Light of the World; others are founded on mystical or symbolical
reasons, e.g. all the ceremonies at baptism which precede the pouring
of the water on the person to be baptized; many are founded on
historical, natural, and mystical reasons at the same time, e.g. the
mixing of wine and water at Mass recalls to our mind what Christ did at
the Last Supper, and represents the blood and water that flowed from
His side on the Cross as well as the union of the faithful with Christ.
Catholic ceremonies, therefore, are not superstitious practices,
meaningless observances or relics of heathen and Jewish customs, but
regulations of Divine, Apostolic, and ecclesiastical institution. They
may be grouped, according to Suarez (De Sacramentis, Disp. lxxxiv) into
three classes:</p>
<ul id="c-p2718.1">
<li id="c-p2718.2">(a) Some invest a function with decorum, dignity, and reverence,
e.g. washing the hands, striking the breast, approaching the altar with
downcast eyes.</li>
<li id="c-p2718.3">(b) Others serve as external acts of worship, e.g. bending the
knee, bowing the head.</li>
<li id="c-p2718.4">(c) Many are prescribed for a moral and mystical signification,
e.g. elevating the bread and wine at the Offertory of the Mass, raising
the hands and eyes, giving the kiss of peace, frequently making the
sign of the cross.</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p2719" shownumber="no">To these may be added another class which not only symbolize, but
produce, spiritual effects, and obtain Divine grace, e.g. the
imposition of the hands of the bishop together with the form of words
by which priestly power and inward grace are conferred on the recipient
of Holy orders. The sum total of the ceremonies of an individual
function is called a rite 
(<i>ritus</i>), e.g. the rite of Mass, baptism, extreme unction; the
totality of the rites of religion is called its cult 
(<i>cultus</i>). (See RITE).</p>
<p id="c-p2720" shownumber="no">MENGHINI, 
<i>Elementa juris liturgici</i> (Rome, 1906); COPPINSTIMART, 
<i>Sacrœ liturgiœ compendium</i> (Tournai, 1903). STELLA 
<i>Institutiones liturgicœ</i> (Rome, 1895); MAGAÑA 
<i>Sagrada liturgia</i> (Pamplona, 1905); VAN DEE STAPPEN, 
<i>Sacra Liturgia</i> (Mechlin, 1904), I.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2721" shownumber="no">A. J. SCHULTE.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2721.1" title="Cerinthus" type="Encyclopedia">Cerinthus</term>
<def id="c-p2721.2">
<h1 id="c-p2721.3">Cerinthus</h1>
<p id="c-p2722" shownumber="no">(Greek 
<i>Kerinthos</i>).</p>
<p id="c-p2723" shownumber="no">A Gnostic-Ebionite heretic, contemporary with St. John; against
whose errors on the divinity of Christ the Apostle is said to have
written the Fourth Gospel.</p>
<p id="c-p2724" shownumber="no">We possess no information concerning this early sectary which
reaches back to his own times. The first mention of his name and
description of his doctrines occur in St. Irenaeus (Adv. Haer., I, c.
xxvi; III, c. iii, c. xi), written about 170. Further information is
gathered from Presbyter Caius (c. 210) as quoted by Eusebius (Hist.
Eccl., III, xxviii, 2). Hippolytus, in "Philosophoumena", VII, 33 (c.
230), practically transcribes Irenaeus. Cerinthus is referred to by
Pseudo-Tertullian in "Adv. Omnes Haeres", written about 240. A fragment
of Dionysius of Alexandria, taken from "De Promissionibus", written
about 250, is given by Eusebius after his quotation from Caius. The
most detailed account is given by St. Epiphanius (Adv. Haeres", xxviii,
written about 390), which, however, on account of its date and
character must be used with some caution. A good summary is given by
Theodoret ("Haer. Fab.", II, 3, written about 450). Cerinthus was an
Egyptian, and if not by race a Jew, at least he was circumcised. The
exact date of his birth and his death are unknown. In Asia he founded a
school and gathered disciples. No writings of any kind have come down
to us. Cerinthus's doctrines were a strange mixture of Gnosticism,
Judaism, Chiliasm, and Ebionitism. He admitted one Supreme Being; but
the world was produced by a distinct and far inferior power. He does
not identify this Creator or Demiurgos with the Jehovah of the Old
Testament. Not Jehovah but the angels have both made the world and
given the law. These creator-angels were ignorant of the existence of
the Supreme God. The Jewish law was most sacred, and salvation to be
obtained by obedience to its precepts. Cerinthus distinguished between
Jesus and Christ. Jesus was mere man, though eminent in holiness. He
suffered and died and was raised from the dead, or, as some say
Cerinthus taught, He will be raised from the dear at the Last Day and
all men will rise with Him. At the moment of baptism, Christ or the
Holy Ghost was sent by the Highest God, and dwelt in Jesus teaching
Him, what not even the angels knew, the Unknown God. This union between
Jesus and Christ continues till the Passion, when Jesus suffers alone
and Christ returns to heaven. Cerinthus believed in a happy millenium
which would be realized here on earth previous to the resurrection and
the spiritual kingdom of God in heaven.</p>
<p id="c-p2725" shownumber="no">Scarcely anything is known of Cerinthus's disciples; they seem soon
to have fused with the Nazareans and Ebionites and exercised little
influence on the bulk of Christendom, except perhaps through the
Pseudo-Clementines, the product of Cerinthian and Ebionite circles.
They flourished most in Asia and Galatia.</p>
<p id="c-p2726" shownumber="no">Bareille, in Dict. de Theol. Cath., s.v.; Duchesne, Hist. ancienne
de L'Eglise (Paris, 1907); Dict. of Christ. Biogr.; Mansel, The Gnostic
Heresies of the First and Second Cent. (1875); Davidson, Introductions
to N. Test. (1894), I, 345; II, 245-6; Kunze, De Hist. Gnosticismi
Fontibus (Leipzig, 1894).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2727" shownumber="no">J.P. ARENDZEN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2727.1" title="Certitude" type="Encyclopedia">Certitude</term>
<def id="c-p2727.2">
<h1 id="c-p2727.3">Certitude</h1>
<p id="c-p2728" shownumber="no">The word 
<i>certitude</i> indicates both a state of mind and a quality of a
proposition, according as we say, "I am certain", or, "It is certain".
This distinction is expressed in the technical language of philosophy
by saying that there is 
<i>subjective</i> certitude and 
<i>objective</i> certitude. It is worthy of notice, as regards the use
of English terms, that Newman reserves the term 
<i>certitude</i> for the state of mind, and employs the word 
<i>certainty</i> to describe the condition of the evidence of a
proposition.</p>
<p id="c-p2729" shownumber="no">Certitude is correlative to truth, for truth is the object of the
intellect. Knowledge means knowledge of truth; and hence we are in the
habit of saying simply of a proposition that "it is certain", to
express that it is true, and that its truth is so evident as
legitimately to produce certitude. Certitude is contrasted with other
states of mind in reference to a proposition: the state of ignorance,
the state of doubt, and the state of opinion. The last-named signifies,
in the strict use of the term, the holding of a proposition as
probable, although in common parlance it is loosely used in a wider
sense, as in speaking of a man's religious opinions, meaning not his
speculations or theories about religious questions, but his dogmatic
convictions. Certitude is such assent to the truth of a proposition as
excludes all real doubt. Here it is proper to observe a distinction
between merely undoubting assent, i.e. the mere absence of doubt, and
an assent that positively excludes doubt, an assent with which doubt is
incompatible. Thus one may give to a statement in the morning newspaper
an undoubting assent and credence, yet readily withdraw that assent if
the statement be contradicted in the afternoon papers. Such assent,
though undoubting, is not certitude. But there is a kind of assent from
which doubt is not only in fact absent but absent of necessity, because
such assent and doubt are incompatible. Such is the assent which one
gives to the truth that he really exists, and that he feels well or
ill, or to the truth of the proposition that it is impossible for a
thing in the same respect both to be and not to be, or to the moral
law, the existence of God, and the immortality of the soul. Of these
truths we are 
<i>certain,</i> and such assent is properly called certitude. Certitude
differs from opinion in kind, not in degree only; for opinion, that is
assent to the probability of a proposition, regards the opposite
proposition as not more than improbable; and therefore opinion is
always accompanied by the consciousness that further evidence may cause
a change of mind in favour of the opposite opinion. Opinion, therefore,
does not exclude doubt; certitude does. It has been disputed among
philosophers whether certitude is susceptible of degrees, whether we
may rightly say that our certitude of one truth is greater than our
certitude of another truth. In Zigliara's judgment, this question may
easily be solved if a distinction is made between the exclusion of
doubt (in which our various certitudes of different truths are all
equal, and by which they are all equally marked off in kind from
opinion) and the positive firmness of assent, which may be more intense
in one case than in another, though in both it be equally true that we
are certain. And, in fact, if we examine experience on this point, it
is clear that our certitude of a self-evident truth, e.g. of the axioms
of geometry, is greater than our certitude of a proposition
demonstrated by a long and complex series of proofs, and that our
certitude of such a fact as our own existence or our own state of
feeling (gladness or health) is greater than our certitude of the
existence, for instance, of a republican form of government in this
country, though we are certain in both cases. We are more certain when
we assent to a truth as certain which falls in with our inclination
than when we are forced to a conviction. It should be noted, too, that
in the common opinion of theologians there is a greater certitude in
divine faith than in any human science.</p>
<p id="c-p2730" shownumber="no">There are several kinds of certitude. In the first place, it is
divided into metaphysical, physical, and moral certitude.</p>
<p id="c-p2731" shownumber="no">Metaphysical certitude is that with which self-evidently necessary
truth is known, or necessary truth demonstrated from self-evident
truth. The demonstrative sciences, such as geometry, possess
metaphysical certitude. The contingent fact of one's own existence, or
of one's present state of feeling, is known with metaphysical
certitude.</p>
<p id="c-p2732" shownumber="no">Physical certitude is that which rests upon the laws of nature.
These laws are not absolutely unchangeable, but subject to the will of
the Creator; they are not self-evident nor demonstrable from
self-evident truth; but they are constant, and discoverable as laws by
experience, so that the future may be inferred from the past, or the
distant from the present. It is with physical certitude that a man
knows that he shall die, that food will sustain life, that electricity
will furnish motive power. Astronomers know beforehand with physical
certitude the date of an eclipse or of a transit of Venus.</p>
<p id="c-p2733" shownumber="no">Moral certitude is that with which judgments are formed concerning
human character and conduct; for the laws of human nature are not quite
universal, but subject to occasional exceptions. It is moral certitude
which we generally attain in the conduct of life, concerning, for
example, the friendship of others, the fidelity of a wife or a husband,
the form of government under which we live, or the occurrence of
certain historical events, such as the Protestant Reformation or the
French Revolution. Though almost any detail in these events may be made
a subject of dispute, especially when we enter the region of motives
and try to trace cause and effect, and though almost any one of the
witnesses may be shown to have made some mistake or misrepresentation,
yet the occurrence of the events, taken in the mass, is certain.</p>
<p id="c-p2734" shownumber="no">Father John Rickaby 
(<i>First Principles of Knowledge</i>) observes that certitude is not
necessarily exclusive of all misgiving whatsoever (such as the thought
of the bare possibility that we may be mistaken, for we are not
infallible), but of all solid, reasonable misgivings. The term 
<i>moral certitude</i> is used by some philosophers in a wider sense,
to include an assent in matters of conduct, given not on purely
intellectual grounds of evidence, but through the virtue of prudence
and the influence of the will over the intellect, because we judge that
doubt would not be wise. In such a case, we know that an opinion or a
course of action would be right as a rule, let us say, in nine cases
out of ten, though we cannot shut our eyes to the possibility that the
particular case which we are considering may be the exceptional case in
which such a judgment would be wrong. Other philosophers say that in
such a case we are not certain, but only judge it wise to act as if we
were certain, and put doubts aside because useless. But it seems clear
that in such a case we are certain of something, whether that something
be described as the truth of a proposition or the wisdom of a course of
action. This certitude might perhaps better be called Practical
certitude, since it mainly concerns action. Hence, it is said that in
cases in which it is necessary to act, in which great issues are
involved, and yet the evidence, when logically set forth, would seem to
amount to no more than a higher probability for one course than for
another, the standard of judgment, or criterion, is the 
<i>judicium prudentis viri,</i> the judgment of a wise man, whose mind
is unclouded by passion or prejudice, and who has some knowledge
derived from experience of similar cases. Such a judgment is totally
different from the spirit of the gambler's throw, which is reckless not
only of certainty but even of probability.</p>
<p id="c-p2735" shownumber="no">Certitude is likewise divided into natural certitude (termed also
direct, or spontaneous) and philosophical. Natural certitude is that
which belongs to "common sense", or the spontaneous working of the
judgment, which is common to all men not idiots or insane. This
certitude belongs chiefly to self-evident truth and to the truths
necessary for the conduct of life, e.g. the existent of other beings
besides ourselves, the duties existing between husband and wife,
parents and children, the existence of a Supreme Being deserving of
reverence. To these and similar truths the mind comes with certitude,
without any special education, in the ordinary course of life in human
society. Philosophical (or scientific) certitude is that which results
from a process of reflection, upon an analysis of the evidence for and
against our convictions, a perception of the reasons which support them
and of the objections which may be urged against them, together with an
examination of the powers and the limits of the human intelligence. The
term natural certitude is sometimes used in another sense, in
contradistinction from the certitude of Divine faith, which is
supernatural certitude, and which, according to theologians generally,
is greater than any degree of certitude to be had in science, because
it rests not upon human reason, which is liable to be mistaken, but
upon the authority of God, who cannot err. (St. Thomas, Summa, I, Q. i,
a. 5.)</p>
<p id="c-p2736" shownumber="no">A great part of philosophy is taken up with the questions whether
certitude is possible, what is the extent of the sphere of certain
knowledge, and by what tests or criteria truth may be certainly
distinguished from falsehood, so that we may know when we have a right
to be certain. A few philosophers in ancient and modern times have,
seriously or not, denied the possibility of attaining certitude on any
subject whatsoever, and professed universal scepticism. Such are
Nicholas of Cusa, Montaigne, Charron, and Bayle, the last of whom aimed
at producing the impression that everything is disputable by showing
that everything is disputed. Literally universal scepticism is
impossible, for it is a profession of knowledge to assert that nothing
can be known, and to believe that there can be no belief. It is thus a
contradiction in terms. A sceptic should in consistency be sceptical as
to his own scepticism; but no attention would be given to such a
sceptic unless as one attends, for amusement, to a jester.
Nevertheless, universal scepticism may practically produce pernicious
consequences, because its universality is overlooked, and its arguments
are viewed as if they applied only to some particular sphere in which
the reader (if it so be) is tempted to doubt. Thus, sceptical
objections against the principle of causation may be employed against
the proofs for the existence of God, while the reader is not warned,
and does not remember, that they would equally avail against taking
food and sleep for the restoration of strength, or against the
anticipation that the sun will rise to-morrow. It should be added that
some Christian apologists, in endeavouring to prove the necessity of
Divine revelation, have used language differing but little from that of
scepticism, to the disparagement of human reason. A noted example is
Huet, "Traité de la faiblesse de l'esprit humain" (Paris,
1723).</p>
<p id="c-p2737" shownumber="no">What is more common than a profession of universal scepticism is a
scepticism as to the possibility of philosophic certitude. Many who
have no doubt as to natural certitude, or the certitude acquirable by
"common sense", the natural, spontaneous action of the unsophisticated
mind, regard philosophy as more apt to open questions than to settle
them, and to raise objections than to solve them. This seems to have
been the position of Pascal, who says: "Reason confounds dogmatists,
and nature confounds sceptics"; and, "The heart has reasons of its own
which the understanding does not know". This seems to have been the
position also of a very different man, David Hume, who says:
"Fortunately since reason is incapable of dispelling these clouds,
nature herself suffices for that purpose and cures me of this
philosophical delirium" (Treatise of Human Nature, I, 297). He said to
a friend who spoke to him concerning the future life and the existence
of God: "Though I throw out my speculations to entertain the learned
and metaphysical world, yet in other things I do not think so
differently from the rest of the world, as you imagine." And he gives
his idea of scepticism in a remark upon Berkeley's arguments against
the real externality of the sensible world: "That these arguments are
in reality merely sceptical appears from this, that they admit of no
answer, and produce no conviction; their only effect is to cause that
momentary amazement and irresolution and confusion, which is the result
of Skepticism." (Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding, ch. xii, note
4.) Kant's system, which denies that the speculative reason can attain
to real knowledge, and admits only Practical certitude, and
consequently denies the possibility of any system of metaphysical
philosophy, is virtually the same view. It is needless to say that, in
a philosopher, such a view is self-contradictory. Kant's "Critique of
Pure Reason", as well as his other works, was an exercise of the
speculative reason. If certitude of knowledge is not obtainable on any
subject by the speculative reason, how could he indulge in such
positive and dogmatic propositions? If we consider this view of
philosophy, as it is held by some men of sense and virtue, who point to
the disputations and wranglings of philosophers, the variety of
opinions, the number of infidel philosophers, and the general suspicion
felt by earnestly religious people, the answer to it is, that this view
has some measure of truth, but is a great exaggeration. It is quite
true that philosophical inquiries concerning morals and religion, if
not conducted with proper moral dispositions, are likely to terminate
in doubt. If there be any bias, whether conscious or unconscious,
against the obligations of morality and religion, there can of course
be only one issue. If the understanding seeks to know everything; if it
rejects facts, however well attested, because it does not see 
<i>how</i> they can be so; if it will accept no truth, however firmly
demonstrated, unless the harmony with every other part of a system can
be made clear; if the mind makes itself the measure of possibility; if
it claims to see through and through the universe, and its origin, and
its end; if it refuses to submit to mystery, or to acknowledge that it
is limited; and if, because it cannot know everything, it will proudly
not consent to know anything, of course with such a disposition
philosophizing cannot issue in philosophic certitude. But that is not
the fault of philosophy, nor of reason; and the abuse cannot take away
the use, but only be a warning against the misuse of philosophy.</p>
<p id="c-p2738" shownumber="no">"Methodic doubt", that is, provisional doubt of every truth, was put
forward by Descartes as the proper course for the discovery of truth.
This philosopher teaches that in order to be certain of the truth of
our convictions we should begin by doubting everything, except one
thing: "I think, and therefore I am." He professes to hold that every
other truth may be doubted and needs proof. He suggests that we may
doubt whether we can discover the truth on any other point whatsoever,
for it may appear possibly that we have been created by a malign or
mischievous beings who so constituted our mind that we must invariably
be mistaken. The Cartesian method is self-contradictory. To make the
supposition that possibly the human intellect cannot know the truth, on
any point whatsoever, is to assume that this supposition may be true,
and that there is such a thing as truth, and that it can be known. To
attempt to disprove the supposition, to undertake to show the veracity
of the cognitive faculties, presupposes their veracity or power of
knowing the truth on some points at least. In fact, Descartes proved
the veracity of the cognitive faculties from the veracity of God. The
veracity of God, however, is known as the result of a demonstration of
some length and complexity; and the undertaking of such demonstration
shows a previous belief in the power of the mind to discover the truth.
In fact, the very doubt on such a subject is a self-contradiction; for
doubt as well as certitude is correlated to truth. To doubt whether a
particular view may not be false is to suspect that the opposite may be
true. To doubt that the intellect can know any truth is to question
whether it may not be true that we are ignorant. But this implies that
there is such a thing as truth, and that the truth at least about our
own power of knowing, can be discovered. Without such a presupposition,
thought cannot be carried on at all. Nor is it a blind presupposition
or animal instinct. For in the perception of first principles, or
truths evident by their own light, there is implicit the perception
that there is such a thing as truth and knowledge. The error in
Descartes' method is its exaggeration. It is wise to be on our guard
against the prejudices, or opinions, peculiar to a particular time and
place, the place of birth or education, the class or party to which our
early associations have attached us; but the principles which are
self-evident, or which are accepted by the human race, should be
exempted from doubt. It must be remembered, too, that the Church
teaches that a Catholic cannot without sin entertain doubts against the
Faith; though, of course, he may lawfully doubt whether it is true that
a particular doctrine is taught by the Church, or whether he has
correctly apprehended what the Church intends to teach, and whether a
particular teacher expounds it correctly; or, again, he may investigate
the evidences of Christianity and of Catholicism, and may doubt whether
a particular argument is valid proof. But the method of doubt, taken as
a whole, has been condemned by the Church.</p>
<p id="c-p2739" shownumber="no">Since, then, some things can be known with certitude, some things
can be seen to be probable, and some things must remain forever a
matter of doubt; and since the human reason is liable to error, the
need has been felt for some criterion or criteria by which we may know
that we really know, and by which genuine certitude concerning the
truth may be distinguished from the spurious certitude of delusion.</p>
<p id="c-p2740" shownumber="no">The proper test of truth is evidence, whether the evidence of a
truth in itself or by participation in the evidence of some other truth
from which it is proved. Many truths, indeed, have to be accepted on
authority; but then it has to be made evident that such authority is
legitimate, is capable of knowing the truth, and is qualified to teach
in the particular department in which it is accepted. Many truths which
are at first accepted on authority may afterwards be made evident to
the reason of the disciple. Such in fact is the ordinary way in which
learning and science are acquired. The error of Bonald's system of
Traditionalism (which was condemned by the Church) consists in its
exaggeration, in its maintaining that the truths of natural religion
are known solely on authority, that each generation simply inherits
them from the preceding, and that unless they had been revealed to the
first parents of the race human reason never could have discovered
them.</p>
<p id="c-p2741" shownumber="no">If we take the cognitive faculties, one by one, the senses are not
in themselves deceived concerning their proportionate object, but owing
to circumstances they are so liable to deception that they need the
vigilant supervision of the reason. The nature of sensible phenomena is
not their object, but that of the reason. It should be remembered,
however, that the scientific theories concerning the nature of sound,
of colour and light, and of heat, have been thought out by the aid of
data furnished by the senses, and therefore confirm the trustworthiness
of the senses within certain limits. That men of science have no doubt
as to the reality of extension, figure, movement, and space, any more
than of force, is shown by their discussions concerning atoms,
electrons, and ions. Consciousness is infallible as to the fact of its
present states, e.g. that I am feeling warm, or well, or that I am
thinking. The memory often errs, but often is trusted with certitude.
Reason within a narrow sphere, is infallible, viz. in the perception of
self-evident truth, e.g. that whatever is 
<i>is,</i> that every movement or change must have a cause, that things
equal to the same are equal to each other. Truths which are clearly and
easily deducible from self-evident truth share in their certitude. Next
to such certitude, we may place the certainty of truths affirmed by the
whole human race, especially as regards practical principles. "That
which seems to all men, this we say 
<i>is;</i> and he who rejects this ground of belief will not easily
assign a more solid one" (Aristotle, Ethics, X, ii). Universal consent
is not, however, the sole criterion. To make it such was the error of
Lamennais. Besides the truths resting on self-evidence (or easy
deduction from it) and those resting on the authority of the human
race, there is a considerable body of truth which each man of average
intelligence comes to know with certitude in the course of his life.
Most of these truths are first learned upon authority and afterwards
verified by one's own reflection or experience. It may even be said
that a practical Christian in the course of his life has by
experiential verification an additional moral certitude of the truth of
revelation, since he has experience of the power of the Christian
religion to sustain the soul against temptation and to strengthen every
virtuous and noble aspiration.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2741.1">THE TEACHING OF THE CHURCH CONCERNING CERTITUDE</h3>
<p id="c-p2742" shownumber="no">The Church pronounces judgment concerning the sphere of certitude,
not so much for the sake of speculative knowledge, as in the interest
of religion and morality. The mind of the Church upon this subject is
manifested</p>
<p id="c-p2743" shownumber="no">(1) by placing books dealing with the question upon the Index, or by
obliging ecclesiastics, or teachers in Catholic institutions, or
editors of Catholic periodicals to subscribe some proposition;</p>
<p id="c-p2744" shownumber="no">(2) by "condemning" a proposition extracted from some work, in the
sense in which it is found in that work;</p>
<p id="c-p2745" shownumber="no">(3) dogmatically, by a solemn affirmation of some truth or the
anathematization of a falsehood. When a proposition is "condemned" or
anathematized, the contradictory (not the contrary) proposition is
asserted as true.</p>
<p id="c-p2746" shownumber="no">Concerning the sphere of certitude in religion, "Holy Mother Church
holds and teaches that God, the first cause 
<i>(principium)</i> and last end of all things, may be known with
certainty, by the natural light of the human reason, through the medium
of things created" (Vatican Council, Constitut. de Fide Cath., cap.
ii); and this affirmation is supported bar an anathema of the
contradictory proposition (ibid., can. I). The condemnation of the
Agnostic position concerning God may be studied in the Encyclical
"Pascendi gregis dominici", in which the subject is admirably
treated.</p>
<p id="c-p2747" shownumber="no">That "the freedom of the human will and the spirituality of the soul
may be known with certainty, by the natural light of the reason", is a
truth which the pope, approving of a decree of the Sacred Congregation
of the Index, obliged Bonnetty, editor of the "Annales de philosophie
chrétienne", in 1855, to subscribe (Denzinger, "Enchiridion", n.
1506). It would seem that these truths concerning the human soul are
also in some measure implied in the definition and anathema cited
above, concerning our knowledge of God; for the attributes of God are
known by the natural reason only, through the things that are made; and
therefore freedom and morality must be known to be attributes of some
creature before they can be attributed to God.</p>
<p id="c-p2748" shownumber="no">The limitation of natural knowledge and certitude has been
repeatedly asserted by the process of placing books upon the Index, by
the "condemnation" of propositions, by papal Briefs, and finally by a
dogmatic decree, which alone is sufficient, viz: that of the Vatican
Council (De Fide, cap. iv) which declares that</p>
<p id="c-p2749" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">there are two orders of knowledge, distinct both in their
source and their object; distinct in their source, for the truths of
one order are known by natural reason, and those of the other by faith
in divine revelation; and distinct in their object, because, over and
above the truths naturally attainable, there are proposed to our belief
mysteries hidden in God, which can be known through divine revelation
alone.</p>

<p id="c-p2750" shownumber="no">This solemn affirmation is supported by an anathema
against any one who shall deny that there is an order of knowledge
higher than the natural, or who shall say that man can naturally by
progress attain at length to the knowledge of all truth (De Revelat.,
can. iii). Moreover, even as regards the natural knowledge of God, the
Vatican Council teaches that</p>
<blockquote id="c-p2750.1"><p id="c-p2751" shownumber="no">truths not unattainable by the natural light of the human
reason have, by divine mercy, been revealed in order that they may be
known by all easily, and <i>with certainty</i> and without any 
admixture of error (De Fide, cap.  ii).</p></blockquote>

<p id="c-p2752" shownumber="no">As regards certitude concerning the fact of Divine
revelation, the Vatican Council teaches that the proofs are not,
indeed, such as to make assent intellectually necessary (De Fide, cap.
iii and can. v), but that they are sufficient to make the belief
"agreeable to reason" 
<i>(rationi consentaneum),</i> being "most certain and accommodated to
the intelligence of all" (De Fide, cap. iii). Anathema is pronounced
against any one who shall say that Divine revelation cannot be made
credible by "external signs" but only by "inner experience or personal
inspiration" (De Fide, can. iii), and against any one who shall say
that "miracles are not possible", or that "miracles can never in any
case be certainly known" to be such, or that "by miracles the divine
origin of the Christian religion cannot be properly proved" 
(<i>rite probari</i>; De Fide, can. iv). It is, then, moral certitude
that is attainable by the reason as to the fact of Divine revelation.
The certitude of faith is supernatural, being due to Divine grace, and
is superior not merely to moral certitude, but to the certitude of
physical science, and to that of the demonstrative sciences. When it is
a question whether any particular truth is contained within the deposit
of revelation, the certainty of faith can be obtained only from the
authority of the "teaching Church", but a human certitude may be
obtained by arguments drawn from the inferior and subordinate
authorities such as the Fathers and the "Schola Theologica".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2753" shownumber="no">M.J. RYAN</p></def>

<term id="c-p2753.1" title="Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de" type="Encyclopedia">Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra</term>
<def id="c-p2753.2">
<h1 id="c-p2753.3">Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra</h1>
<p id="c-p2754" shownumber="no">A Spanish author, born at Alcála de Henares, Spain, in 1547;
died at Madrid, 23 April, 1616. Of Cervantes it may be most truly said
that the narrative of his life is no less fraught with interest than
the most exciting novel of adventure. He received the best part of his
early training in a school at Madrid conducted by the cleric, Juan
Lopez de Hoyos. Despite sundry affirmations to the contrary effect by
this or that biographer he does not seem to have attended any of the
universities then flourishing in Spain. However, as was the case with
many of the leading Spanish spirits of the age, he had early an
opportunity to perfect his training by a sojourn in the land where the
movement of the Renaissance had begun, for when but twenty-one years of
age, he became attached to the suite of an Italian prelate who was on a
mission to the Spanish Courts. With this eccelesiastic, later Cardinal
Acquaviva, he went to Rome. Once in Italy he doubtless began
straightway to familiarize himself with Italian literature, a knowledge
of which is so readily discernible in his own productions. He did not
find the service of the cardinal to his liking, for in a short time he
was figuring as a simple volunteer among the Spanish troops that played
a part in the campaign against the Turks. He fought bravely on board a
vessel in the great battle of Lepanto in 1571, and was shot through the
left hand in such a way that he never after had the entire use of
it.</p>
<p id="c-p2755" shownumber="no">When his wound was healed he engaged in another campaign, one
directed against the Moslem in Northern Africa, and then after living a
while longer in Italy he finally determined to return home. But the
ship on which he was making the trip back to Spain was captured by
Corsairs, who took him, with his fellow captives, to Algiers. There he
spent five years, undergoing great sufferings, some of which seem to be
reflected in the episode of the "Captive" in "Don Quixote", and in
scenes of the play, "El trato de Argel". Unsuccessful in several
attempts at an escape, he was at last ransomed just when he was in
great danger of being sent to Constantinople. Had he really been taken
there the world would probably be now without its greatest novel, the
imperishable story of the Knight of La Mancha. Back once more in Spain
Cervantes is said but on no too certain evidence, to have spent a year
or two in military service. However that may be, he was certainly
engaged in literary pursuits from 1582 on; for about this time, a love
affair--his attachment to Catalina de Palacios whom he soon made his
wife--gave the impulse to the first literary work to bring him public
notice. This was the "Galatea" a pastoral romance after the manner
already established in the peninsula by the "Menina e moca" in
Portuguese of Bernardim Ribeiro and the "Diana enamorada" of Jorge de
Montemayor. It is inferior to the "Diana" and as artificial as most
works of its kind, still it exhibits a certain power of inventiveness
and some depth of real emotion on the part of its author.</p>
<p id="c-p2756" shownumber="no">Cervantes next turned his attention to the drama, hoping to derive
an income from that source, but the plays which he composed failed to
achieve their purpose. In the main they show that he was out of his
element in purveying for the stage, that he lacked dramatic instinct,
and had never mastered the details of the technic of dramatic art. He
is least infelicitous in two of his plays, the "Trato de Argel",
already mentioned, and impassioned tragedy, "Numancia". This latter is
the best of all his dramas and yet, correctly appreciated, it is rather
a powerful patriotic declamation than a piece of real scenic
excellence. It was not printed until 1784.</p>
<p id="c-p2757" shownumber="no">What he did in the years directly following the time when he
renounced the hope of becoming a great dramatic poet is hardly clear.
It is safe to assume that he was in sore straits, or he would not have
been content to earn his livelihood as a collector of taxes in the
province of Granada. An irregularity in his accounts, one due rather to
some subordinate than to himself, led to his incarceration for a while
during 1597 at Seville. If a remark which Cervantes himself makes in
the prologue of "Don Quixote" is to be taken literally, the idea of the
work, though hardly the writing of its "First Part", as some have
maintained, occurred to him in prison. At all events, during this
period of tribulation he must have been evolving in his mind the great
work of fiction soon to be published as "El ingenioso hidalgo Don
Quijote de La Mancha", whereof the first part was printed in 1605. (The
English spelling, "Quixote" transliterates an early Spanish spelling
with "x", current at a time when "x" and "j" were still frequently
interchanged. On etymological grounds the "x" represents the original
sound.)</p>
<p id="c-p2758" shownumber="no">The vogue obtained by Cervantes's story led to the publication of a
continuation of it by an unknown who masquerades under the name of
Fernandez Avellaneda. In self-defence Cervantes produced his own
continuation, or "Second Part", of "Don Quixote", which made its
appearance some ten years after the first part. Two years before this
event, that is, in 1613, he put forth a collection of tales, the
"Novelas ejemplares", some of which had been written earlier. Not
included in the original form of the "Exemplary Tales" is the
novelette, "La tía fingida" (The Fictitious Aunt), now often
printed with them. Some critics would deny it to Cervantes, and it
appears not to have been printed until 1814. On the whole, the "Novelas
ejemplares" are worthy of the fame of Cervantes; they bear the same
stamp of genius as the "Don Quixote". The picaroon strain, already made
familiar in Spain by the "Lazarillo de Tormes" and its successors,
appears in one or another of them especially in the "Rinconete y
Cortadillo", which is the best of all. The remaining works of our
author embrace his "Entremeses" (Interludes), little dramatic trifles
not wholly negligible; the "Viaje del Parnaso", a rhymed review of
contemporary poets written 
<i>terza rima</i>; and the "Persiles y Sigismunda", a novel of
adventurous travel completed just before his death.</p>
<p id="c-p2759" shownumber="no">For the world at large interest in Cervantes centres particularly in
"Don Quixote", and this has been regarded chiefly as a novel of
purpose. It is stated again and again that he wrote it in order to
ridicule the romances of chivalry and to destroy the popularity of a
form of literature which for much more than a century had engrossed the
attention of a large proportion of those who could read among his
countrymen and which had been communicated by them to the ignorant.
Byron has taken a very tragic view of the results wrought by the
Spanish romancer, according to him:</p>
<p id="c-p2760" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">Cervantes smiled Spain's chivalry away,
<br />And therefore have his volumes done such harm
<br />That all their glory, as a composition
<br />Was dearly purchased by his land's perdition. (Don Juan, XIII,
11.)</p>
<p id="c-p2761" shownumber="no">There is a grain of truth, and much exeggeration in
Byron's statement. It is true that the Spanish writer set out with the
purpose of assailing the books of chivalry; the friend whom he
introduces into the prologue of the work asserts that from the
beginning to end it is an attack upon them. Moreover, these works had
long called for attack. The countless novels of knightly daring which
had followed in the wake of the very worthy "Amadis de Gaula" had
obtained an unwonted vogue and had created an air of false idealism
which tended to leave Spain unduly in the rear of advancing
civilization, for, cherishing them, she clung too closely to the
medieval past. Serious historians had cried out against them, so had
scholars, theologians, preachers and mystics, and yet many, even the
greatest in the land, continued to be no less ardent admirers of them
than the innkeeper in the first part of "Don Quixote". For
administrative reasons, the Emperor Charles V felt compelled in 1553 to
forbid the introduction of the chivalrous romances into the American
Indies, and this law the Spanish Parliament would fain have extended to
Spain itself in 1558, in order to penalize the further publication of
works of the class. But, up to 1602, the novels of knight-errantry
continued to appear in constantly new although weaker forms, for this
was the date of the "Don Policisne de Beocia" of Juan de Silva. Three
years later, Cervantes's book was published, and it instantly
accomplished what all previous agitation had failed to achieve, for
after its appearance no new chivalresque romance was issued, and the
reprinting of the old ones practically ceased.</p>
<p id="c-p2762" shownumber="no">Now, granting that Cervantes gave the coup de grace to the books of
chivalry, we must not overlook the consideration that the lasting value
of "Don Quixote" is not to be sought in the fact that it killed the
taste for the medieval stories of chivalrous adventure, which parodied
with fatal efficiency, but rather in the fact that the author achieved
something immeasurably greater than what he had premeditated. He wrote
a novel which as a social document has never been surpassed in the
annals of narrative fiction, one in which the main interest is found in
the behaviour of the two contrasting yet mutually complementary,
figures of Don Quixote and his squire, Sancho Panza, thrown by their
creator into contact with a world of materialism, where but scanty
respect is entertained for the idealistic past. To say that the decline
of Spain is in any way attributable to the success of "Don Quixote" is
only Byronic hyperbole; independently of the existence of this
marvellous product of the fancy of the genius named Miguel de
Cervantes, Spain's loss of its former power is amply explained by
political, social, and moral phenomena of various kinds.</p>
<p id="c-p2763" shownumber="no">From time to time there come forward those who persist in believing
that "Don Quixote" was intended to satirize certain important noble
personages of the time. It was aimed at the Duke of Lerma, say some; at
the Duke of Medina Sidonia, say others. This latter idea was echoed in
England by Defoe in the Preface to his "Serious Reflections during the
Life, and Surprising Adventures of Robinson Crusoe" (1720). The sober
fact is that no foundation exists for any such interpretations of the
author's purpose. In the episodical by-plays, in one or another
intercalated tale such as that of Lucinda and Cardenio there may be
veiled references, satirical or not, to noted characters of the time
but we have no reason to suppose that underlying "Don Quixote" as
awhole there is any serious satirical purpose other than to attack the
pseudo-chivalry. The book was probably intended by Cervantes chiefly as
a work of entertainment; as such it succeeded in his time and as such
it still elicits the enthusiatic interest of constantly increasing
generations of readers. The many attempts that have been made to detect
didactic purposes of different kinds in this or that by-factor of the
novel may be regarded as futile. Those persons are far astray who
suppose that Cervantes meant to assail the Inquisition, to attack the
firmly rooted devotion to the Blessed Virgin, or to deride the clergy
as a class.</p>
<p id="c-p2764" shownumber="no">During its author's lifetime, the first part of the novel passed
through at least nine editions in Spanish. The edition of Brussels,
1607, went all over Northern Europe. By that date it was known in
England, and it was promptly placed under contribution by the English
playwrights. Thus Middleton utilized it, Ben Jonson and Fletcher drew
matter from it, and there is even a tradition that Shakespeare
collaborated with Fletcher in the composition of a play based on tale
of its episodes. That a stranger should, in view of the success
achieved by the book, conceive the idea of writing a sequel to it is
not surprising; Cervantes, in fact, invited a continuation of it in the
closing words of his first part. Notwithstanding this, he became
indignant when the so-called "Avellaneda" published his prolongation of
the adventures of Don Quixote and Sancho Panza, and he bestirred
himself to furnish his own rounding out of the story and to make all
other spurious sequels impossible by killing off his hero. As to the
personality back of the pseudonym "Avellaneda" many surmises have been
made Lope de Vega has been suggested, so have Tirso de Molina and Juan
Ruiz de Alarcon, but all proposed identifications have to be rejected.
Whoever in "Avellaneda" was, it must be said in simple justice to him
that his literary merits are not slight, and that those critics err who
seek to minimize them. He certainly reveals much narrative power,
considerable humour, a mastery of dialogue, and a forcible style. Of
the two parts written by Cervantes, the first has ever remained the
favourite. The second part is inferior to it in humorous effect; but,
nevertheless, the second part shows more constructive insight, better
delineation of character, an improved style, and more realism and
probability in its action. The influence exerted by the glorious work
has been enormous, for what modern man of genius has not read it? Among
the more immediately imitative writings may be mentioned: in French
Charles Sorel's "Berger extravagant" and Marivaux's "Phasimond"; in
English, Butler's "Hudibras", Mrs. Charlotte Lennox's "The Female
Quixote", and Smollett's "Sir Launcelot Greaves"; in German, Wieland's
"Don Silvio Rosala". English and French playwrights have borrowed
liberally also from the "Exemplary Tales", Hardy, Fletcher, Massinger,
and Rowley, to mention but a few, are much indebted to them.</p>
<p id="c-p2765" shownumber="no">As a story, the "Persiles y Sigismunda", just completed at the time
of Cervantes's death, and published posthumously, is less interesting
than his other narrative works. The element of adventurous travel by
sea and land, of which much is made in the late Greek romances, is
prominent here; it contains a bewildering entanglement of love
episodes, and the characters are always narrating interminable tales
which delay the progress of the action. As a result the work is too
prolix and becomes somewhat tedious despite the exuberance of fancy and
fertility of resource that characterize it. Its rhetoric is more
pompous, and in general there is in it greater elaboration of style
than Cervantes was wont to show in his compositions.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2766" shownumber="no">J.D.M. FORD</p></def>

<term id="c-p2766.1" title="Cervantes, Salazar Francisco" type="Encyclopedia">Salazar Francisco Cervantes</term>
<def id="c-p2766.2">
<h1 id="c-p2766.3">Salazar Francisco Cervantes</h1>
<p id="c-p2767" shownumber="no">Born at Toledo, Spain, probably in 1513 or 1514; went to Mexico in
1550; died there in 1575. He deserves mention, especially as one of the
first professors of the University of Mexico, established by order of
Charies V, and opened formally, 25 January,1553. Cervantes occupied the
chair of rhetoric. He wrote several important works on the history of
the city of Mexico and the province of New Spain in general. In Spain
he was a professor at the University of Osuna. He was a man of solid
learning and of considerable influence during his lifetime. Of his
numerous writings the "Dialogos Latinos" are best known. They give in
three parts a description of the young city of Mexico as it was about
1554, and notes valuable to the historian and archaeologist. Not less
interesting is the "Túmulo Imperial de la gran Ciudad de
México", printed 1560, and reprinted in 1886 by Yeazbalceta in his
"Bibliografia". It refers to the funeral honours celebrated at Mexico
on the occasion of the death of Charles V, and gives not only a minute
description of the ceremonies, but of the decorations and temporary
structures raised for the occasion, with one fairly executed plate. For
the customs of the times it is highly valuable. The "Dialogos" were
published at Mexico in 1554 in the original Latin, and in 1875
Yeazbalceta republished them in Latin, with an excellent Spanish
translation and valuable notes. Cervantes has left several other works,
mostly of a the theological nature, and it is known that he also wrote
"History of Mexico" which is lost, but was highly praised by those who
were able to consult the manuscript.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2768" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELlER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2768.1" title="Cervia" type="Encyclopedia">Cervia</term>
<def id="c-p2768.2">
<h1 id="c-p2768.3">Cervia</h1>
<p id="c-p2769" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CERVIA (CERVIENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p2770" shownumber="no">Suffragan of Ravenna. Cervia is a city in the province of Ravenna,
Italy, on the ancient Via Flaminia in a marshy district not far from
the sea. It was called anciently Phicoclæ, but took its present
name before 997, perhaps after the destruction of the city by fire in
708. Its political vicissitudes are more or less the same as those of
Ravenna. During the episcopate of Bishop Rustico (1219), Cervia was
placed under an interdict for its maltreatment of an envoy of the
Archbishop of Ravenna. The first known Bishop of Cervia is St.
Gerontius. He was returning with Viticanus, Bishop of Cagli, from the
Roman council held in 501 to treat accusations made against Pope
Symmachus, when he was assaulted and killed by bandits. (The legend
says "heretics", perhaps Goths, or more probably Heruli, of the army of
Odoacer.) His relics are venerated at Cagli. Other bishops worthy of
mention were: the Venetian Pietro Barbo (1440), later Pope Paul II;
Bonifacio Bevilacqua (1601), afterwards Cardinal, and an intimate
friend of Gregory XV, who made him Duke of Fornano. The diocese has a
population of 12,696, with 12 parishes, 26 churches and chapels, 43
secular priests, and 1 religious house of women.</p>
<p id="c-p2771" shownumber="no">CAPPELLETTI, Le chiese d'Italia (Venice, 1844), II, 557-78;
FORLIVESI, Cervia in Cenni Storici (Bologna, 1889); Ann. Eccl. (Rome,
1907), 389.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2772" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2772.1" title="Cesalpino, Andrea" type="Encyclopedia">Andrea Cesalpino</term>
<def id="c-p2772.2">
<h1 id="c-p2772.3">Andrea Cesalpino</h1>
<p id="c-p2773" shownumber="no">(Caesalpinus).</p>
<p id="c-p2774" shownumber="no">A physician, philosopher, and naturalist, distinguished above all as
a botanist; born at Arezzo in Tuscany, Italy, 6 June, 1519; died at
Rome, 23 February, 1603. For his studies at the University of Pisa his
instructor in medicine was R. Colombo (d. 1559), and in botany the
celebrated Luca Ghini (d. 1556). After completing his course he taught
philosophy, medicine, and botany for many years at the same university,
besides making botanical explorations in various parts of Italy. At
this time the first botanical gardens in Europe were laid out; the
earliest at Padua, in 1546; the next at Pisa in 1547 by Ghini, who was
its first director. Ghini was succeeded by Cesalpino, who had charge of
the Pisan garden 1554-1558. When far advanced in years Cesalpino
accepted a call to Rome as professor of medicine at the Sapienza and
physician to Pope Clement VIII. It is not positively certain whether he
also become the chief superintendent of the Roman botanical garden
which had been laid out about 1566 by one of his most celebrated
pupils, Michele Mercati (1541-1593). All of Cesalpino's writings show
the man of genius and the profound thinker. His style, it is true, is
often heavy, yet in spite of the scholastic form in which his works are
cast, passages of great beauty often occur. Modern botanists and
physiologists who are not acquainted with the writings of Aristotle
find Cesalpino's books obscure; their failure to comprehend them has
frequently misled them in their judgment of his achievement. No
comprehensive summing up of the results of Cesalpino's investigations,
founded on a critical study of all his works has appeared, neither has
there been a complete edition of his writings. Seven of these are
positively known, and most of the seven have been printed several
times, although none have appeared since the seventeenth century. In
the following list the date of publication given is that of the first
edition. His most important philosophical work is "Quaestionum
peripateticarum libri V" (Florence, 1569). Cesalpino proves himself in
this to be one of the most eminent and original students of Aristotle
in the sixteenth century. His writings, however, show traces of the
influence of Averroes, hence he is an Averroistic Aristotelean;
apparently he was also inclined to Pantheism, consequently he was
included, later, in the Spinozists before Spinoza. A Protestant
opponent of Aristotelean views, Nicholas Taurellus (d. 1606, at
Altdorf), who is called "the first German philosopher", wrote several
times against Cesalpino. The work of Taurellus entitled "Alpes caesae",
etc. (Frankfort, 1597), is entirely devoted to combating the opinions
of Cesalpino, as the play on the name Caesalpinus shows. Nearly one
hundred years later Cesalpino's views were again attacked, this time by
an Englishman, Samuel Parker (d.1688), in a work entitled:
"Disputationes de Deo et providentiâ divinâ" (London,
1678).</p>
<p id="c-p2775" shownumber="no">Cesalpino repeatedly asserted the steadfastness of his Catholic
principles and his readiness to acknowledge the falsity of any
philosophical opinions expounded by him as Aristotelean doctrine, which
should be contrary to revelation. In Italy he was in high favour both
with the secular and spiritual rulers. Cesalpino's physiological
investigations concerning the circulation of the blood are well known,
but even up to the present time they have been as often overestimated
as undervalued. An examination of the various passages in his writings
which bear upon the question shows that although it must be said that
Celsalpino had penetrated further into the secret of circulation of the
blood than any other physiologist before William Harvey, still he had
not attained to a thorough knowledge, founded on anatomical research,
of the entire course of the blood. Besides the work "Quæstionum
peripateticarum" already mentioned, reference should be made to
"Quaestionum medicarum libri duo" (Venice, 1593), and to his most
important publication "De plantis libri XVI" (Florence, 1583). This
last work has made Cesalpino immortal; the date of its publication,
1583, is one of the most important in the history of botany before
Linnaeus. The permission to print the book is dated 27 September, 1581.
The work is dedicated to the Grand Duke Francesco de Medici; including
dedication and the indexes, it contains some 670 quarto pages, of which
621 are taken up with the text proper. Unlike the "herbals" of that
period, it contains no illustrations. The first section, including
thirty pages of the work, is the part of most importance for botany in
general. From the beginning of the seventeenth century up to the
present day botanists have agreed in the opinion that Cesalpino in this
work, in which he took Aristotle for his guide, laid the foundation of
the morphology and physiology of plants and produced the first
scientific classification of flowering plants. Three things, above all,
give the book the stamp of individuality: the large number of original,
acute observations, especially on flowers, fruits, and seeds, made,
moreover, before the discovery of the microscope, the selection of the
organs of fructification for the foundation of his botanical system;
finally, the ingenious and at the same time strictly philosophical
handling of the rich material gathered by observation. Cesalpino issued
a publicatlon supplementary to this work, entitled: "Appendix ad libros
de plantis et quaestiones peripateticas" (Rome, 1603). Cesalpino is
also famous the history of botany as one of the first botanists to make
a herbarium; one of the oldest herbaria still in existence is that
which he arranged about 1550-60 for Bishop Alfonso Tornabono. After
many changes of fortune the herbarium is now in the museum of natural
history at Florence. It consists of 260 folio pages arranged in three
volumes bound in red leather, and contains 768 varieties of plants. A
work of some value for chemistry, mineralogy, and geology was issued by
him under the title: "De metallicis libri tres" (Rome, 1596). Some of
its matter recalls the discoveries made at the end of the eighteenth
century, as those of Lavoisier and Hauy, it also shows a correct
understanding of fossils. The Franciscan monk, Karl Plumier (d. 1704),
gave the name of Cesalpinia to a species of plants and Linnaeus
retained it in his system. At the present day this species includes not
over forty varieties and belongs to the sub-order Caesalpinioideae
(family Leguminosae), which contains a large number of useful plants.
Linnaeus in his writings often quotes his great predecessor in the
science of botany and praises Cesalpino in the following lines:</p>
<p id="c-p2776" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">Quisquis hic exstiterit primos concedat honores
<br />Casalpine Tibi primaque certa dabit.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2777" shownumber="no">JOSEPH ROMPEL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2777.1" title="Cesarini, Giuliano" type="Encyclopedia">Giuliano Cesarini</term>
<def id="c-p2777.2">
<h1 id="c-p2777.3">Giuliano Cesarini</h1>
<p id="c-p2778" shownumber="no">(Also known as CARDINAL JULIAN)</p>
<p id="c-p2779" shownumber="no">Born at Rome, 1398; died at Varna, in Bulgaria 10 November, 1444. He
was one of the group of brilliant cardinals created by Martin V on the
conclusion of the Western Schism, and is described by Bossuet as the
strongest bulwark that the Catholics could oppose to the Greeks in the
council of Florence. He was of good family and was educated at Perugia,
where he studied Roman law with such success as to be appointed
lecturer there, Domenico Capranica and Nicholas of Cusa being among his
pupils. When the schism was ended by the universal recognition of
Martin V as pope, Giuliano returned to Rome, where he attached himself
to Cardinal Branda. Suggestions of wide reform were rife, and the
principles of the outward unity of the Church and its reformation from
within became the ideals of his life. In 1419 he accompanied Branda on
his difficult mission to Germany and Bohemia, where the Hussites were
in open rebellion. The cardinal thought so highly of his services that
he used to say that, if the whole Church were to fall into ruin,
Giuliano would be equal to the task of rebuilding it. He had all the
gifts of a great ruler, commanding intellectual powers, and great
personal charm. He was a profound scholar and a devoted Humanist, while
his private life was marked by sanctity and austerity. In 1426 Martin V
created him cardinal and sent him to Germany to preach a crusade
against the reformers who were committing grievous excesses there.
After the failure of this appeal to arms Cesarini was made President of
the Council of Basle in which capacity he successfully resisted the
efforts of Eugene IV to dissolve the council, though later (1437) he
withdrew from the opposition, when he perceived that they were more
anxious to humiliate the pope than to accomplish reforms. When the
reunited council assembled at Ferrara he was made head of the
commission appointed to confer with the Hussites and succeeded at least
in winning their confidence. In 1439, owing to a plague, the council
was transferred from Ferrara to Florence, where Cesarini continued to
play a prominent part in the negotiations with the Greeks. After the
successful issue of the council, Cesarini was sent as papal legate to
Hungary (1443) to promote a national crusade against the Turks. He was
opposed to the peace with Ladislaus, King of Hungary and Poland, and
signed at Szegedin with Sultan Amurath III, and persuaded the former to
break it and renew the war. It was an unfortunate step and resulted in
the disastrous defeat of the Christian army at Varna in 1444, when
Cardinal Giuliano was slain in the flight. His two well-known letters
to Aeneas Sylvius about the pope's relations to the Council of Basle
are printed among the works of Pius II (Pii II Opera Omnia, Basle 1551,
p. 64).</p>
<p id="c-p2780" shownumber="no">VESPASIANO DA BISTICCI, Vite di Uomini illustri, first printed at
Rome, 1763; also printed in MAI, Spicilegium Romanum, I, 166-184; and
in the new ed. of VESPASIANO (Bologna, 1892), I. JENKINS, The Last
Crusader: The Life and Times of Cardinal Julian (London, 1861); PASTOR,
History of the Popes, tr. ANTROBUS (London, 1899), I; GREGOROVIUS,
History of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages, tr. HAMILTON (London,
1900), VII, Part I, Bk. XIII, i, ii; CHEVALIER, Rep.: Bio bibl. (Paris,
1905-1907) gives an extensive bibliography.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2781" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2781.1" title="Cesena" type="Encyclopedia">Cesena</term>
<def id="c-p2781.2">
<h1 id="c-p2781.3">Cesena</h1>
<p id="c-p2782" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CESENA (CAESENATENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p2783" shownumber="no">The ancient 
<i>Cæsena</i> is a city of Emilia, in the province of Forli
(Italy), in the former States of the Church. It is situated
picturesquely on a hill at the base of which flows the Savio. It was
probably of Gallic origin, and was taken by the Romans in the third
century B.C. It was destroyed during the civil wars between Marius and
Sylla. After the overthrow of the Ostrogoths it became a part of the
exarchate. By the Donation of Pepin (752) it became the fief of the
Holy See, which was confirmed in its possession by Rudolph of Hapsburg
(1278). In medieval times it was governed by various families, e.g. the
Ordelaffi di Forli and the Malatesta, the latter being remembered for
their justice and good government. After the death of Caesar Borgia,
Cesena, with the rest of Romagna, acknowledged the immediate authority
of the Holy See (1503). Among its many famous men we may mention two
popes: Pius VI (Gian Angelo Braschi) and Pius VII (Barnaba Charamonti).
The best known of its bishops were: St. Maurus (d. 946); Gian Battista
Acciaioli (1332), exiled by Francesco degli Ordelaffi; Gregorio
Malesardi (1408), who built the cathedral; Jacopo (1379), under whom
occurred the massacre ordered by the pseudo-pope, Clement VII; the
Dominican Vincenzo Maria Orsini, later Benddict XIII. Cesena is
suffragan of Ravenna and has 59 parishes, 66,700 inhabitants, and
possesses 5 convents for men and 8 for women.</p>
<p id="c-p2784" shownumber="no">CAPPELETTI, Le chiese d'Italia, II, 525-56; BRASCHI, Memoriae
Caesenates (Rome, 1738); Annales Caesen. In MURATORI, Rer. Ital.
Script., XIV, 1089-1186.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2785" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2785.1" title="Ceslaus, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Ceslaus</term>
<def id="c-p2785.2">
<h1 id="c-p2785.3">St. Ceslaus</h1>
<p id="c-p2786" shownumber="no">Born at Kamien in Silesia, Poland (now Prussia), about 1184; died at
Breslau about 1242. He was of the noble family of Odrowatz and a
relative, probably a brother, of St. Hyacinth. Having studied
philosophy at Prague, he pursued his theological and juridical studies
at the University of Bologna, after which he returned to Cracow, where
he held the office of canon and custodian of the church of Sandomir.
About 1218 he accompanied his uncle Ivo, Bishop of Cracow, to Rome.
Hearing of the great sanctity of St. Dominic, who had recently raised
to life the nephew of Cardinal Orsini, Ceslaus, together with St
Hyacinth, sought admission into the Order of Friars Preachers. They
received the religious habit from the hands of St. Dominic in the
convent of Sabina. Their novitiate completed, St. Dominic sent the two
young religious back as missionaries to their own country. Establishing
a monastery at Friesach in Austria, they proceeded to Cracow whence
Ceslaus was sent by St. Hyacinth to Prague, the metropolis of
Bohemia.</p>
<p id="c-p2787" shownumber="no">Labouring with much fruit throughout the Diocese of Prague, Ceslaus
went to Breslau, where he founded a large monastery, and then extended
his apostolic labours over a vast territory, embracing Bohemia, Poland,
Pomerania, and Saxony. Sometime after the death of St. Hyacinth he was
chosen provincial of Poland. Whilst he was superior of the convent of
Breslau all Poland was threatened by the Tatars. The city of Breslau
being besieged, the people sought the aid of St. Ceslaus, who by his
prayers miraculously averted the impending calamity. Four persons are
said to have been raised to life by him. Having always been venerated
as a saint, his cult was finally confirmed by Clement XI in 1713. His
feast is celebrated throughout the Dominican order on 16 July.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2788" shownumber="no">A. WALDRON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2788.1" title="Cestra" type="Encyclopedia">Cestra</term>
<def id="c-p2788.2">
<h1 id="c-p2788.3">Cestra</h1>
<p id="c-p2789" shownumber="no">A titular see of Asia Minor, Hierocles (709), Georgius Cyprius (ed.
Gelzer, p. 836), and Parthey (Notitiae episcopatuum), place this city
in Isauria, as a suffragan of Seleuccia. Bishop Epiphanius was present
at Chalcedon in 451, and subscribed the letter to Emperor Leo in 458
(Lequien, II, 1025). Another, Elpidius, was a partisan of Severus
(Chronique de Michael le Syrien, ed. Chalot, 267; Brooks, The Sixth
Book of the Select Letters of Severus, 159, 161). Lequen supposes that
the town was situated near the River Cestros, in Pamphylia, and took
its name from that stream. This inadmissible hypothesis caused an odd
mistake in the "Gerarchia cattolica" (Rome, 1895, 302), according to
which Cestra is Ak-Sou, this is the name of the River Cestros, not a
city. The site has not yet been identified.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2790" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2790.1" title="Ceylon" type="Encyclopedia">Ceylon</term>
<def id="c-p2790.2">
<h1 id="c-p2790.3">Ceylon</h1>
<p id="c-p2791" shownumber="no">An island (266 1/2 miles long and 140 1/2 miles broad), to the
south-east of India and separated from it only by a chain of reefs and
sand-banks called Adam's Bridge. The maritime districts, which are flat
and low, are distinguished from the central parts, which are
mountainous, by great difference in temperature. The mean temperature
has been calculated at 76.3 degrees, the lowest being 28.2 degrees at
Newera Eliya, and the highest 103.8 degrees at Anuradhapura, the
ancient sacred capital of the island. The climate of Ceylon influenced
by two monsoons: the south-west prevailing from May to September, and
the northeast from November to February. Pidurutalagala (8296 ft.) is
the highest mountain, and Adam's Peak (7353 ft.) is the best known, as
containing the legendary footprints of Buddha worshipped by Buddhists
and Mohammedans alike, and as yearly resort of a multitude of pilgrims.
The country is well watered by rivers of which the Kelani-ganga enters
the sea at Colombo, the capital of the island, and the Mahaviliganga at
Trincomalee. Ceylon is rich in vegetation and scenery, and as the
traveller proceeds from Colombo to Kandy (the seat of the ancient
kings) and thence to Newara Eliya, it presents a panorama of beauty.
The country abounds in tropical fruits, such as pineapples, plantains,
oranges, and mangoes and in such trees as ebony, satin, calamander, and
ironwood. The plantations produce, principally, cocoanuts and cinnamon,
tea, cinchona, cocoa, and, more recently, rubber. The most noted
upcountry product formerly was coffee. This has given place to tea,
Ceylon now being one of the chief tea-growing countries in the world.
The island has from very ancient times been famous for its gems, of
which the chief are sapphires, rubies, and cat's-eyes; the Gulf of
Manaar on the north-west coast is the scene of the famous pearl
fishery. Phumbago or graphite is the only mineral product of any
importance. The animal kingdom is well represented in Ceylon, which has
from olden times been renowned for its elephants.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2791.1">HISTORY AND PEOPLE</h3>
<p id="c-p2792" shownumber="no">Ceylon's history goes back to a remote past. Galle in the south of
the island is by some believed to be the seaport of ancient Tarshish
from which King Solomon drew his "ivory, apes, and peacocks". Under the
name of Taprobane it was known to the ancient Greeks and Romans. Hence
Milton's reference to Ceylon as "India's utmost isle, Taprobane". To
the people of India, however, it was "Lanka', the resplendent, a name
still in use. It is celebrated in the great epic, the "Ramayana" in
which is related the story of the abduction of the Indian princess Sita
by Ravena, King of Ceylon, and of the war which followed in
consequence. We pass from legend to actual history at about the year
543 B. C. when Wijeya, a prince of Northern India, invaded Ceylon and
conquered the natives known as 
<i>Yakkos</i> and, having married the native princess Kuveni, settled
in the country with his 700 followers. Wijeya was son of King Sihabahu,
"the slayer of the lion" 
(<i>siha</i> or 
<i>sinha</i>), hence the name "Sinhalese", given to the people of
Ceylon. The Sinhalese (Cingalese) being thus the descendants of the
Wijeyan settlers belong to the Aryan stock, and their language and
customs bear out this origin. The wild men of Ceylon, known as the
Veddas, "hunters", who inhabit a small area in the remote interior of
the island and live principally by the bow and arrow, are the
representatives of the aboriginal inhabitants whom Wijeya subdued. The
Wijeyan dynasty was not allowed undisputed sway in Ceylon, for from the
third century B.C. Tamil princes from Southern India made incursions
into Ceylon, while at times the tide of invasion was rolled back into
India by the much-harassed Sinhalese. The Sinhalese kings most famous
for success in their conflict with the Tamils, as well as for the
internal development of the country during their reigns, were
Dutugemunu (200 B.C.), Gajabahu (100 B.C.), and Prakramabahu (A.D.
1150). The ancient capital of the Sinhalese kings was Anuradhapura,
whose splendour is even now attested by its vast ruins. In the eighth
century it was transferred Polonnaruwa, which was soon abandoned to the
conquering Tamils. The seat of government was thence shifted to various
places, until in the fifteenth century it was finally fixed at Kandy,
now the second city of the island and famous for the Buddhist temple
known as the "Dalada Maligawa", the repository of the tooth-relic of
Buddha. During this period of trouble the trade of the country fell
principally into the hands of the Arabs. Many of these formidable
warriors settled in the maritime parts of the island their trading
instincts are inherited by their descendants, generally known as
"Moors"; with accretions from their co-religionists of the neighbouring
continent they form the Mohammedan community of Ceylon.</p>
<p id="c-p2793" shownumber="no">It was in the beginning of the sixteenth century that modern Europe
first came in contact with Ceylon. In 1505 a Portuguese fleet, while
operating in the Indian seas against Arab traders, touched accidentally
at Galle on the southern coast; in 1517 the Portuguese re-appeared and
with the consent of the Sinhalese king established a factory at
Colombo. The Portuguese having begun as traders soon made themselves
political masters of the entire sea-board, forts were established, and
European civilization was introduced. In 1658 the Portuguese were
driven out by their rivals the Dutch, who then added Ceylon to their
East Indian possessions. The descendants of the Dutch, being the
product of intermarriage with the Portuguese and the natives,
constitute the "Burgher" community of Ceylon. The English first cast
their eyes upon Ceylon in 1782 during the war with Holland, when a
British force reduced and took possession of Trincomalee, which was,
however, soon retaken by the French and restored to the Dutch. But in
1795 an appeal came to the British from the Sinhalese king was then
maintaining all unequal contest against Dutch aggression, and in 1796
the Dutch were overcome by the British forces and yielded Ceylon to
England; the cession was formally confirmed by the Treaty of Amiens in
1802. The English had thus succeeded the Portuguese and the Dutch in
the possession of the maritime districts of the island, but the central
provinces were still under the feeble rule of the Sinhalese king who
reigned at Kandy. The king was out of favour with his subjects on
account of his cruelty and misgovernment, and at the request of the
disaffected chiefs a British force was dispatched to Kandy in 1815.
King Sri Wickrama Sinha was taken prisoner and the Kandyan provinces
vere added to the British Crown which has since held the sovereignty of
the whole of Ceylon. What may be called the indigenous population of
Ceylon comprises various races; to which must be added the European
residents either in the employ of the Government or engaged in commerce
or industries, and the Indian immigrants, some of whom carry on a petty
trade, but who in their larger number constitute the labour-supply of
the island. The chief native races are: (1) the Sinhalese, consisting
of the low-country Sinhalese and the up-country or Kandyan Sinhalese;
(2) the Tamils, inhabiting chiefly the Northern and Eastern Provinces;
3) the Moors; (4) the Burghers. According to the decennial census of
1901 the total population of Ceylon was 3,565,954 distributed according
to nationality as follows: Sinbalese, 2,330,807; Tamils, 951,740;
Moors, 228,034; Burghers, 23,482; Europeans, 6,300; others, 25,591. The
last includes the Veddas of Ceylon (3971) who are gradually
disappearing.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2793.1">CIVIL GOVERNMENT</h3>
<p id="c-p2794" shownumber="no">Ceylon has the distinction of being the premier Crown Colony of
England. It is accordingly under the direct control of the Secretary of
State for the Colonies whose authority, subject to the will of the
Sovereign and the Imperial Parliament, is supreme. The local
administration is vested in a Governor assisted by an executive council
and a legislative council. The executive council is an advisory board
and consists of the colonial secretary, the officer commanding the
military forces, the attorney-general, the auditor-general, and the
treasurer. The legislative council whose president is the governor
comprises the members of the executive council and twelve other
members, of whom four are official and eight unofficial. The unofficial
members who are nominated by the governor, subject to the approval of
the secretary of state, represent (1) the low-country Sinhalese; (2)
the Kandyan Sinhalese; (3) the Tamils; (4) the Moors, (5) the Burghers;
(6) the European merchants; (7) the European planters, and (8) the
general European community. The unoffical members are supposed to be
selected in accordance with the wishes of the respective communities,
though this is not often the case, except in regard to the mercantile
and planter members whose selection is practically left to the Ceylon
Chamber of Commerce and the Ceylon Planter's Association respectively.
The members of the legislative council may speak and vote on all
questions brought forward; still not only are the official members in
the majority but they are bound to vote for the Government in matters
of policy, whatever their private opinions may be. For administrative
purposes Ceylon is divided into provinces, of which there are now nine
viz.: the Western, Central, Northern, Southern, Eastern, North-Western;
North Central, Uva, and Sabaragamuwa, each of which is presided over by
a superior officer called the Government agent. Other important
departments are those of the director of public works, the
surveyor-general, the principal collector of customs, the
registrar-general of lands, the principal civil medical officer, and
the director of public instruction. The civil service is recruited in
England by means of a competitive examination which is open to all
British subjects including Ceylonese; a limited number of Iocally-born
persons appointed by the governor form a subordinate service, while the
minor officers in the clerical service are partly selected by
competitive examination and partly nominated without examination.
Colombo, Kandy, and Galle have municipal councils the members of which
are partly elected by the rate-payers and partly nominated by the
governor, and local boards are established in many smaller towns. An
important part of the machinery of government in the country districts
is the system of native headmen of various grades, who perform both
revenue and police duties under the direction of the Government agents
or their assistants.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2794.1">LAW AND JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION</h3>
<p id="c-p2795" shownumber="no">The Dutch, during the existence of their rule, had applied to Ceylon
their admirable system of laws known as the Roman-Dutch Law, and after
the annexation of the country by England it was declared by
proclamation dated 23 September, 1799, that the administration should
thenceforth "be exercised according to the laws and institutions that
had subsisted under the ancient government of the United Provinces" of
HolIand, subject to such deviations and alterations as might thereafter
be enacted. Accordingly the Roman-Dutch Law became and has continued to
be what may be called the common law of Ceylon but by various
subsequent ordinances and other legislative enactments this law has
been either repealed or modified. In addition to the general laws
applicable to the whole island, there are certain special laws or
customs peculiar to certain communities in matters relating to
inheritance, marriage and other personal questions. Thus the Moors are
governed in such matters by their own customs, which conform more or
less to the general Mohammedan law as found in Koran and the
commentaries thereon. The Tamil inhabitants of the Jaffna peninsula, or
what is now the Northern Province, have their customary code of laws
known as the "Thesawalamai" (customs of the country), and similarly the
Kandyan Sinhalese observe their ancient customs, which they were
allowed to retain by the Kandyan Convention made between the British
and the chiefs on the annexation of the Kanyan provinces. These various
systems of laws are administered by a series of courts, viz: (1) the
Supreme Court of Judicature, consisting of a chief justice and three
puisne judges with unlimited criminal jurisdiction and an appellate
jurisdiction with an ultimate appeal to His Majesty the King in civil
cases above 5000 rupees in value; (2) District courts, with unlimited
original civil jurisdiction and limited criminal jurisdiction; (3)
Courts of Request, with limited civil jurisdiction, (4) Police courts,
which are courts both of trial and of preliminary investigation for
committal to the Supreme Court or District courts; (5) Gansabhawas, or
village tribunals, which have jurisdiction over natives in regard to
small civil claims and trivial offences, especially breaches of
communal rules and in which the proceedings are conducted in the native
language of the inhabitants.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2795.1">MARRIAGE</h3>
<p id="c-p2796" shownumber="no">In the eye of the law all marriages are civil contracts and may be
contracted freely between persons who are not within prohibited degrees
of kindred or within the prohibited ages. The law now applicable
generally in the island is the Ordinance No. 2 of 1895, under which a
marriage may be entered into before the registrar of marriages after
certain formalities as to previous notice of marriage and the issue of
a certificate thereof, while marriage by special license is also
provided for. But the ordinance so far recognizes the Christian views
of marriage that according to it the parties holding the
above-mentioned registrar's certificate as to notice may present
themselves to a Christian minister and have the ceremony performed in a
place of Christian worship. ln this case the minister is required to
register the marriage in a book and to transmit a duplicate of the
entry to the registrar of marriages, and the ordinance further provides
that no minister shall be compelled to solemnize a marriage between
persons either of whom shall not be a member of the church denomination
or body to which such minister belongs nor otherwise than according to
the rules, customs, rites, and ceremonies of such church domination or
body. An absolute divorce can be obtained only by decree of court after
full inquiry and upon tho ground either of adultery or malicious
desertion or incurab!e impotency at the time of marriage. The ordinance
above mentioned does not apply to the Moors, who, as already indicated,
are governed by the Mohammedan law both as to marriage and divorce, nor
to the Kandyan Sinhalese, with regard to whom there is a special
ordinance (No. 3, of 1873) which while abolishing their ancient custom
of "associated marriages" or polyandry and in other respects giving
effect to British public policy, makes provision for the contract of
marriage and its dissolution in a manner more or less in conformity
with ancient Kandyan sentiment, such as the liberty to dissolve
marriage by mutual consent without the intervention of a court of
justice. The main difference, however, between marriages generally and
Kandyan marriages is that, while in regard to the former, registration
is the best though not the only proof of marriage, thus admitting of
proof 
<i>aliunde</i> of an actual marriage or the presumption of a valid
marriage from cohabitation and repute, registration is essential in the
case of the latter. The system of caste prevails in Ceylon though not
in such a vigorous form as in India, and while the contact with Western
civilization has weakened social barriers in many respects,
intermariage between various castes does not take place to any
applicable extent among the pure native population.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2796.1">EDUCATION</h3>

<p id="c-p2797" shownumber="no">The educational system of Ceylon is as simple as it
is efficient, and is controlled by the Department of Public
Instruction. It comprises English, vernacular, and mixed schools, which
are either Government or (with the exception of private unregistered
schools) "Grant-in-Aid schools". The Government maintains an English
high school called the Royal College, having the standard of an English
grammar school. It maintains also a technical school mainly for the
purpose of supplying the Government departments, and a training school
for teachers. The Grant-in-Aid schools belong to the missionary and
other religious bodies, and receive yearly grants according to certain
scales on the result of examinations in secular subjects held by
Govemment inspectors. The system of payment by results has helped to
solve the religious difficulty so often experienced in many other
countries. The chief institutions belonging to religious communities
and having the same status as the Royal College are St. Thomas's
College (Anglican), Wesley College (Wesleyan), St. Joseph's College
(Catholic), and Ananda College (Buddhist). Ceylon forms a centre for
the Cambridge University local examinations, which are largely used as
educational tests. The Government also maintains a medical college
whose diploma is a qualification for practising medicine. Law studies
for the admission of advocates and proctors (solicitors) are under the
control of a Council of Legal Education consisting of the judges of the
Supreme Court and in number of members of the Bar. There is no special
organization for the systematic prosecution of the study of Oriental
languages and literature, but one at least of the temple schools
conducted by the Buddhist priesthood, in which Sanscrit and Pali are
taught, receives a subsidy from the Government. According to the
statistics published for 1905 the number of the Government and schools
and the scholars was 554 and 70,715; and of the Grant-in-Aid schools,
1582 and 156,040.</p>

<h3 id="c-p2797.1">RELIGION</h3>
<p id="c-p2798" shownumber="no">The chief religions in Ceylon are Buddhism, Hinduism, Mohammedanism,
and Christianity. Buddhism is professed by the great bulk of the
Sinhalese population. Being first propounded by Gautama Buddha in
Magadha in Northern India in the sixth century B.C., it was introduced
into Ceylon in the reign of the Sinhalese king became a zealous convert
and under his patronage the new religion spread rapidly among his
subjects. Ceylon thus became a stronghold of Buddhism, and it was here
that the Buddhist scriptures were first reduced to writing in 88. B.C.
The magnificent ruins of 
<i>dagobas</i> and 
<i>viharas</i> in the ancient kings and people of Ceylon. Buddhism
suffered much during the Tamil wars, with the further consequence that
by reason of the contact thus brought about with India popular Buddhism
received an admixture of Hinduism which is still traceable in the 
<i>devalas</i> in which Kali and other Hindu gods are worshipped by the
Buddhists. After the advent of Europeans to Ceylon and the consequent
introduction of Western civilization, Buddhism lost much of its
prestige just as it had previously lost much of its purity and
activity. But within the last twenty-five years there has been a great
Buddhist revival, mainly due to the efforts of the Theosophical Society
founded by Col. Olcott and Madame Blavatsky. Schools have sprung up,
pride in the ancient religion has revived, and under the leadership of
educated Buddhists the masses have learned to resist Christian
influences and have even shown a spirit of aggression. The large
majority of the Tamil population are Hindus, especially in the Northern
and Eastern Provinces, and the form of Hinduism most in favour is
Sivaism or the worship of Siva. Besides the Moors already mentioned a
comrnunity of Malays, said to be descendants of the natives of Java
imported into Ceylon during the Dutch period and recruited by later
immigrants from the Straits Settlements, profess Mohammedanism.</p>
<p id="c-p2799" shownumber="no">The first form of Christianity in Ceylon was of course Catholicism.
The conversion of heathens was part of the public policy of the
Portuguese, and accordingly we find that in 1518 a number of Franciscan
friars arrived in Ceylon and under the protection of the Portuguese
Government, preached the Faith, and converted many thousands. We read
of many churches built and many monasteries established within the
Portuguese territories, and of the conversion of many even of noble and
royal blood among the Sinhalese. Among the more notable converts was
Prince Dharmapala, grandson of a Sinhalese king, who was baptized and
crowned king in Lisbon in 1541 under the name of Don Juan and a reigned
a Christian monarch in Ceylon from 1542 to 1597. About this time also
took place the visit to Ceylon of St. Francis Xavier, the Apostle of
the East, by whom large numbers were converted to the Faith, especially
among the Tamils of the North. Catholicism progressed until it
encountered the antagonism of the Dutch who were all of the Dutch
Reformed Church and who made that form of Christianity the established
religion of the State. The Catholic religion was proscribed during the
Dutch rule, penal laws were enacted, and the Catholics suffered severe
persecution. Nevertheless the light of the Faith was not wholly
extinguished and the practice of religion was continued especially
through the exertions of missionaries from the Portuguese settlement of
Goa, who amidst persecution and hardship ministered to the Catholic
people and even converted many heathens. A new era, however, dawned
with the conquest of the island by the British Government which put in
practice the principles of religious liberty, though the Church of
England became in turn the established form of Christianity. The
greater part of the "Dutch Christians" among the natives were either
absorbed by the Anglican Church or relapsed into Buddihism, and at the
present day Dutch Prebyterianism is represented only by a few hundred
Dutch descendants who are served by the Presbyterian ministers from
Scotland. The Church of England in Ceylon is governed by a bishop who
is suffragan to the bishop of Calcutta. The clergy consist of members
of the Church Missionary Society and of the sister Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel. The Anglican Church continued to be
maintained by the Government till the year 1881 when by act of the
local legislature it was disestablished and provision was made for the
constitution of a synod, consisting of clergy and laity under the
presidency of the bishop, for the regulation of its affairs, for the
election of trustees to hold and administer its property and funds.
Other Protestant bodies are: Wesleyan Methodist mission, begun in 1814,
it holds many important stations and does much for education: Baptist
Missionary Society, first missionary landed in Ceylon in 1812; American
Mission (Congregationalists), under the American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions, whose work is confined to the Tamils of the
Northern Province. The decennial census of 1901 gave the following
religious statistics: Buddhists, 2,141,404; Hindus, 826,826;
Christians, 349,239; Mohammedans, 246,188; others, 2,367. The
Christians were: Catholics, 287,119; Anglicans, 32,514; Presbyterians,
3337; Wesleyan Methodists, 14,991; Baptists, 3309, Congregationalists,
2446. Authentic Catholic statistics gave a total of 293, 929 Catholics
in 1904 and this number has since probably reached 300,000.</p>
<p id="c-p2800" shownumber="no">The Catholic Church, as the above figures show, is the largest
Christian body in the island. As it was first in the field, so it has
been the most fruitful in results. At the date of the British
occupation (1796) the Catholic population was only 50,000. At first
Ceylon was under the jurisdiction of the Portuguese Diocese of Cochin
with a local vicar-general. In 1834 it was erected into a separate
vicariate Apostolic by Pope Gregory XVI, and in 1845, as the Catholic
were increasing in numbers, the island was divided into two vicariates
Apostolic, Colombo and Jaffna, the former being entrusted to the
Benedictine Congregation of the Silvestrines, and the latter to the
Oblates of Mary Immaculate. Again, in 1883, the central provinces of
the island were separated from Colombo and constituted as the vicariate
Apostolic of Kandy under the same Benedictines, while Colombo was
transferred to the Oblates. The year 1886 witnessed a notable
development of the Church in Ceylon, the Right Rev. C. Bonjean, O.M.I.,
being then the Vicar Apostolic of Colombo, the Right Rev. C. Pagnani,
O.S.B., the Vicar Apostolic of Kandy, and the Right Rev. A. Melizan,
O.M.I., the Vicar Apostolic of Jaffna. In that year the Holy See by
agreement with the Crown of Portugal abolished the royal patronage
which had been exercised in the East Indies from the time of the
Portuguese domination, as a consequence, and in accordance with the
needs of the time, the Catholic hierarchy was established in India and
Ceylon. Monsignor (afterwards cardinal) Agliardi was sent as delegate
Apostolic to put in force the new arrangements and on the 6th of
January, 1887, the hierarchy was formally established in Ceylon, Bishop
Bonjean being appointed Archbishop of Colombo, Dr. Pagnani, Bishop of
Kandy and Dr. Melizan, Bishop of Jaffna. Further changes took place in
1893, when two new dioceses, Galle and Trincomalee, were formed from
the Archdiocese of Jesuits of the Belgian province were placed in the
former and Jesuits of the French province in the latter with Fathers
Van Reith, S.J. and Lavigne, S.J. as the first bishops. These five
bishops have assisting them nearly 200 priests, both European and
native and the communities of Sisters of the Good Shephers, the Sisters
of the Holy Family, the Franciscan nuns, Missionaries of Mary, the
Little Sisters of the Poor, and the Sisters of Charity of Jesus and
Mary, in charge of various schools and institutions. Although Monsignor
Agliardi was sent especially to establish the hierarchy, the Apostolic
Delegation to the East Indies was intended to be permanent; accordingly
when he departed in 1887he was succeeded by Monsignor Aiuti, who in
turn was succeeded in 1892 by Monsignor Ladislaus M. Zaleski, who took
up his residence at Kandy. At the same time the Holy See took steps to
place the education and the supply of native priests in the East on a
solid and more secure basis, and accordingly in 1893 a general seminary
was established by Leo XIII, which is conducted by professors of the
Society of Jesus at Kandy, Ceylon, the students being of various
nationalities and races, recruited from all parts of the East. The
Catholic bishops are on excellent terms with the British Government and
are held in high esteem by the people of the island generally. Their
legal status, however, was not quite assured in respect of succession
to ecclesiastical property though no practical difficulty was
experienced; but the Supreme Court of Ceylon, having recently held that
the Catholic bishops had no legal corporate capacity and could not
therefore claim, merely by virtue of their office, title to property
held by their predecessors, the legislature, in consequence of
representations made to the Government on the subject, passed the
Ordinance No. 19 of 1906, whereby the Catholic archbishop and bishops,
and their respective successors, appointed according to the laws and
usages of the Catholic Church, are constituted corporations sole with
perpetual succession, and with full power to acquire and hold all
species of property, and to sue or be sued in respect of such property
in all courts of justice. While the ecclesiastical system of the Church
is thus complete, the Catholic laity are not backward in respect to
organization and public action, for in addition to various religious
and social institutions they have formed an association representative
of all Catholics under the name of "The Catholic Union of Ceylon",
having for its object the protection and advancement of Catholic
interests. The general statistics for 1905 are: churches and chapels,
592; schools, 570, with 45,549 pupils; seminaries, 5, with 174 students
(in the central or "Leonianum" Seminary at Kandy there are 88); orphan
asylums, 16, with 975 orphans; 133 European secular priests, 43 native
priests, and 288 religious (Oblates, Jesuits, Benedictines); and 430
sisters in the various educational and charitable institutions.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2801" shownumber="no">T.E. DE SAMPAYO</p></def>

<term id="c-p2801.1" title="Chabanel, Noel" type="Encyclopedia">Noel Chabanel</term>
<def id="c-p2801.2">
<h1 id="c-p2801.3">Noel Chabanel</h1>
<p id="c-p2802" shownumber="no">A Jesuit missionary among the Huron Indians, born in Southern
France, 2 February, 1613; slain by a renegade Huron, 8 December, 1649.
Chabanel entered the Jesuit novitiate at Toulouse at the age of
seventeen, and was professor of rhetoric in several colleges of the
society in the province of Toulouse. He was highly esteemed for virtue
and learning. In 1643, he was sent to Canada and, after studying the
Algonquin language for a time, was appointed to the mission of the
Hurons, among whom he remained till his death. In these apostolic
labours he was the companion of the intrepid missionary, Father Charles
Garnier. As he felt a strong repugnance to the life and habits of the
Indians, and feared it might result in his own withdrawal from the
work, he nobly bound himself by vow never to leave mission, and he kept
his vow to the end. In the "Relation" of 1649-50, Father Ragueneau
describes the martyr deaths of Chabanal and Garnier, with biographical
sketches of these two fathers.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2803" shownumber="no">EDWARD P. SPILLANE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2803.1" title="Chachapoyas" type="Encyclopedia">Chachapoyas</term>
<def id="c-p2803.2">
<h1 id="c-p2803.3">Chachapoyas</h1>
<p id="c-p2804" shownumber="no">Diocese of Peru created by Pius VII in 1803, under the name of
Chachapoyas and Maynas; made a suffragan to Lima by Gregory XVI in
1843, under the name of Chachapoyas. It has about 96,000 souls, divided
into 45 parishes. The population of the episcopal city is about 6,000;
it has a fine cathedral.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2805" shownumber="no">J. MONTES DE OCA Y OBREGÓN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2805.1" title="Chadwick, James" type="Encyclopedia">James Chadwick</term>
<def id="c-p2805.2">
<h1 id="c-p2805.3">James Chadwick</h1>
<p id="c-p2806" shownumber="no">Second Bishop of Hexham and Newcastle, born at Drogheda, Ireland, 24
April, 1813; died at Newcastle, 14 May, 1882, and buried at Ushaw. He
was the third son of a gentleman of an old Catholic Lancashire family,
John Chadwick, who had settled in Ireland, and an Irish lady, Frances
Dromgoole. He was educated at Ushaw College from May, 1825, until his
ordination as priest on 17 December, 1836. He then was general prefect
at the college for three years, after which he taught humanities until
he was appointed professor of philosophy a post he occupied for five
years. In 1849 he became Vice-president of the college and professor of
dogmatic theology. After a few months his health broke down, and he
found the change he needed among a little body of secular priests who
devoted themselves to preaching missions and retreats. In 1856 their
house at Wooler was burnt, and Father Chadwick returned once more to
Ushaw as professor of philosophy. From 1859 to 1863 he was chaplain to
Lord Stourton, but again returned to Ushaw as professor of pastoral
theology. He was fulfilling these duties when he was elected bishop of
the diocese in 1866; he was consecrated 28 Oct. in the college chapel
by Archbishop Manning. For sixteen years he ruled the diocese and for
one year during that time (1877) he also held the dignity of president
of Ushaw, being the eighth in that office. A man of great personal
dignity and charm, he is remembered for his meekness and sweetness of
manner. His works include: an edition of Leuthner's "Coelum
Christianum" (London, 1871); "St. Teresa's Own Words: Instructions on
the Prayer of Recollection" (Newcastle, 1878); "Instructions How to
Meditate" (published anonymously), and many pastoral letters.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2807" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2807.1" title="Chaignon, Pierre" type="Encyclopedia">Pierre Chaignon</term>
<def id="c-p2807.2">
<h1 id="c-p2807.3">Pierre Chaignon</h1>
<p id="c-p2808" shownumber="no">Born at Saint-Pierre-la-Cour, Mayenne, France, 8 October, 1791,
entered the Society of Jesus 14 August, 1819; died at Angers, 20 Sept.,
1883. He passed his whole life in the ministry, chiefly in the
spiritual direction of priests. In thirty years he gave three hundred
retreats to the clergy of the principal dioceses of France. His chief
literary work is his "Méditationes sacerdotales" which has
appeared in several Ianguages, Bohemian, Polish, Italian, and English.
Bishop De Goesbriand of Burbriand, Vermont, U. S. A., translated it
into English from the eleventh edition. Chaignon wrote also "Le salut
facilité aux pécheurs par la dévotion au très saint
et immaculé Coeur de Marie"; "Les six dimanches de St. Louis de
Gonzague"; "Le prêtre è l'autel"; "Paix de l'ame"; and also
several brochures on a good death, the jubilees of 1869 and 1875, etc.
He established a Union of Prayer for Deceased Priests which was
canonically erected into a confraternity in 1861.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2809" shownumber="no">T.J. CAMPBELL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2809.1" title="Chair of Peter" type="Encyclopedia">Chair of Peter</term>
<def id="c-p2809.2">
<h1 id="c-p2809.3">Chair of Peter</h1>
<p id="c-p2810" shownumber="no">Under this head will be treated:</p>
<p id="c-p2811" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">I. The annual Feast of the Chair of Peter 
(<i>Cathedra Petri</i>) at Rome
<br />II. The Chair itself</p>
<h3 id="c-p2811.2">I. THE ANNUAL FEAST OF CATHEDRA PETRI AT ROME</h3>
<p id="c-p2812" shownumber="no">
<img alt="03551eat.gif" id="c-p2812.1" src="/ccel/herbermann/cathen03/files/03551eat.gif" style="text-align:right" />
</p>
<p id="c-p2813" shownumber="no">From the earliest times the Church at Rome celebrated on 18 January
the memory of the day when the Apostle held his first service with the
faithful of the Eternal City. According to Duchesne and de Rossi, the
"Martyrologium Hieronymianum" (Weissenburg manuscript) reads as
follows: "XV KL. FEBO. Dedicatio cathedræ sci petri apostoli qua
primo Rome petrus apostolus sedit" (fifteenth day before the calends of
February, the dedication of the Chair of St. Peter the Apostle in which
Peter the Apostle first sat at Rome). The Epternach manuscript (Codex
Epternacensis) of the same work, says briefly: "cath. petri in roma"
(the Chair of Peter in Rome).</p>
<p id="c-p2814" shownumber="no">In its present (ninth-century) form the "Martyrologium
Hieronymianum" gives a second feast of the Chair of St. Peter for 22
February, but all the manuscripts assign it to Antioch, not to Rome.
Thus the oldest manuscript, that of Berne, says: "VIII kal. mar.
cathedræ sci petri apostoli 
<i>qua sedit apud antiochiam</i>". The Weissenburg manuscript says:
"Natl [natale] sci petri apostoli cathedræ qua sedit apud
antiocia." However, the words qua sedit apud antiochiam are seen at
once to be a later addition. Both feasts are Roman; indeed, that of 22
February was originally the more important. This is clear from the
Calendar of Philocalus drawn up in the year 354, and going back to the
year 311; it makes no mention of the January feast but speaks thus of
22 February: "VIII Kl. Martias: natale Petri de cathedra" (eighth day
before the Calends of March, the birthday [i. e. feast] of the Chair of
Peter). It was not until after the insertion of Antioch in the copies
of the "Martyrologium Hieronymianum" that the feast of February gave
way in importance to that of January. The Roman Church, therefore, at
an early date celebrated a first and a second assumption of the
episcopal office in Rome by St. Peter. This double celebration was also
held in two places, in the Vatican Basilica and in a cemetery 
(<i>coemeterium</i>) on the Via Salaria. At both places a chair 
(<i>cathedra</i>) was venerated which the Apostle had used as presiding
officer of the assembly of the faithful. The first of these chairs
stood in the Vatican Basilica, in the baptismal chapel built by Pope
Damasus; the neophytes 
<i>in albis</i> (white baptismal robes) were led from the baptistery to
the pope seated on this ancient cathedra, and received from him the 
<i>consignatio</i>, i. e. the Sacrament of Confirmation. Reference is
made to this custom in an inscription of Damasus which contains the
line: "una Petri sedes, unum verumque lavacrum" (one Chair of Peter,
one true font of baptism). St. Ennodius of Pavia (d. 521) speaks of it
thus ("Libellus pro Synodo", near the end): "Ecce nunc ad gestatoriam
sellam apostolicæ confessionis uda mittunt limina candidatos; et
uberibus gaudio exactore fletibus collata Dei beneficio dona
geminantur" (Behold now the neophytes go from the dripping threshold to
the portable chair of the Apostolic confession; amid abundant tears
called forth by joy the gifts of Divine grace are doubled). While
therefore in the apse of the Vatican Basilica there stood a cathedra on
which the pope sat amid the Roman clergy during the pontifical Mass,
there was also in the same building a second cathedra from which the
pope administered to the newly baptized the Sacrament of Confirmation.
The Chair of St. Peter in the apse was made of marble and was built
into the wall, that of the baptistery was movable and could be carried.
Ennodius calls the latter a 
<i>gestatoria sedes</i>; throughout the Middle Ages it was always
brought on 22 February from the above-mentioned 
<i>consignatorium</i> or place of confirmation to the high altar. That
day the pope did not use the marble cathedra at the back of the apse
but sat on this movable cathedra, which was, consequently, made of
wood. The importance of this feast was heightened by the fact that 22
February was considered the anniversary of the day when Peter bore
witness, by the Sea of Tiberias, to the Divinity of Christ and was
again appointed by Christ to be the Rock of His Church. According to
very ancient Western liturgies, 22 February was the day "quo electus
est 1. Petrus papa" (on which Peter was first chosen pope). The Mass of
this feast calls it at the beginning: "solemnitatis
prædicandæ dies præcipue nobilis in quo . . . . beatus
Bar-Jona voce Redemptoris fide devotâ prælatus est et per
hanc Petri petram basis ecclesiæ fixus est", i. e. this day is
called especially praiseworthy because on it the blessed Bar-Jona, by
reason of his devout faith, was raised to pre-eminence by the words of
the Redeemer, and through this rock of Peter was established the
foundation of the Church. And the 
<i>Oratio</i> (collect) says: "Deus, qui hodiernâ die beatum
Petrum post te dedisti caput ecclesiæ, cum te ille vere confessus
sit" (O God, who didst this day give us as head of the Church, after
Thyself, the Blessed Peter, etc.).</p>
<p id="c-p2815" shownumber="no">The second of the aforementioned chairs is referred to about 600 by
an Abbot Johannes. He had been commissioned by Pope Gregory the Great
to collect in special little phials oil from the lamps which burned at
the graves of the Roman martyrs (see CATACOMBS; MARTYR) for the Lombard
queen, Theodolinda. According to the manuscript list of these oils
preserved in the cathedral treasury of Monza, Italy, one of these
vessels had on it the statement: "oleo de sede ubi prius sedit sanctus
Petrus" (oils from the chair where St. Peter first sat). Other ancient
authorities describe the site as "ubi Petrus baptizabat" (where Peter
baptized), or "ad fontes sancti Petri; ad Nymphas sancti Petri" (at the
fountain of Saint Peter). Formerly this site was pointed out in the 
<i>coemeterium majus</i> (principal cemetery) on the Via Nomentana; it
is now certain that it was on the Via Salaria, and was connected with
the 
<i>coemeterium</i>, or cemetery, of Priscilla and the villa of the
Acilii (Acilii Glabriones), situated above this catacomb. The
foundation of this villa, showing masonry of a very early date 
(<i>opus reticulatum</i>), still exists. Both villa and cemetery, in one
of whose burial chambers are several epitaphs of members of the family,
or 
<i>gens</i>, of the Acilii, belong to the Apostolic Period. It is most
probable that Priscilla, who gave her name as foundress to the
catacomb, was the wife of Acilius Glabrio, executed under Domitian.
There is hardly any doubt that the site, "ubi prius sedit sanctus
Petrus, ubi Petrus baptizabat" (where Saint Peter first sat, where
Peter baptized), should be sought, not in an underground 
<i>cubiculum</i> (chamber) in the catacombs, but in an oratory above
ground. At least nothing has been found in the oldest part of the
cemetery of Priscilla now fully excavated, referring to a cathedra, or
chair.</p>
<p id="c-p2816" shownumber="no">The feast of the 
<i>Cathedra Petri</i> was therefore celebrated on the Via Salaria on 18
January; in the Vatican Basilica it was observed on 22 February. It is
easy to believe that after the triumph of Christianity the festival
could be celebrated with greater pomp in the magnificent basilica
erected by Constantine the Great over the 
<i>confessio</i>, or grave of Peter, than in a chapel far distant from
the city on the Via Salaria. Yet the latter could rightly boast in its
favour that it was there Saint Peter first exercised at Rome the
episcopal office ("ubi prius sedit sanctus Petrus", as Abbot Johannes
wrote, or "qua primo Rome petrus apostolus sedit", as we read in the
"Martyrologium Hieronymianum" at 18 January). This double festival of
the Chair of St. Peter is generally attributed to a long absence of the
Apostle from Rome. As, how ever, the spot, "ubi s. Petrus baptizabat,
ubi prius sedit" was distant from the city, it is natural to think that
the second feast of the cathedra is connected with the opening of a
chapel for Christian worship in the city itself.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2816.1">II. THE CHAIR ITSELF</h3>
<p id="c-p2817" shownumber="no">The Goths, who conquered and pillaged Rome in 410, advanced toward
the city by the Via Salaria and the Via Nomentana; the same roads were
traversed in the sixth and seventh centuries by later German invaders
of Roman territory. Not only the churches, therefore, but even the
cemeteries on these thoroughfares were easily given to plunder and
devastation. We have seen, moreover, that as late as 600 a lamp was
burning on the site "ubi prius sedit sanctus Petrus". If the original
chair of the Apostle had still been there at that time, would it have
been saved from destruction in the pillage that did not spare the
sarcophagi in the catacombs? The words of the Abbot Johannes, "oleo de
sede, ubi prius sedit sanctus Petrus", seem to leave scarcely a doubt
as to this. The fact, evidenced by the martyrologies (see above), that
by the ninth century one of the two feasts of the Roman cathedra had
drifted away to Antioch, shows that the cathedra of the Via Salaria
must have perished as early as the sixth or seventh century.</p>
<p id="c-p2818" shownumber="no">We come now to the question, where stood originally the chair shown
and venerated in the Vatican Basilica during the fourth century? On the
strength of ancient tradition it has been customary to designate the
church of Santa Pudenziana as the spot where, in the house of the
supposed Senator Pudens, the two great Apostles not only received
hospitable entertainment, but also held Christian services. But the
legends connected with Santa Pudenziana do not offer sufficient
guarantee for the theory that this church was the cathedral and
residence of the popes before Constantine. At the close of his Epistle
to the Romans (xvi, 5), St. Paul mentions a place where religious
services were held, the house of Aquila and Prisca 
(<i>ten kat oikon auton ekklesian</i> -- now Santa Prisca on the
Aventine). Aquila and Prisca are first among the many to whom the
Apostle sends salutations. Aquila's connexion with the Catacomb of
Priscilla is still shown by the epitaphs of that burial place. In 1776
there was excavated on the Aventine, near the present church of Santa
Prisca, a chapel with frescoes of the fourth century; in these frescoes
pictures of the two Apostles were still recognizable. Among the rubbish
was also found a gilded glass with the figures of Peter and Paul. The
feast of the dedication of this church (an important point) still falls
on the same day as the above-described cathedra feast of 22 February;
this church, therefore, continued to celebrate the traditional feast
even after the destruction of the object from which it sprang. In the
crypt of Santa Prisca is shown a hollowed capital, bearing in
thirteenth-century letters the inscription: BAPTISMUS SANCTI PETRI
(Baptism of Saint Peter), undoubtedly the echo of an ancient tradition
of the administration of baptism here by Peter. In this way we have
linked together a series of considerations which make it probable that
the spot "ubi secundo sedebat sanctus Petrus" (where Saint Peter sat
for the second time), must be sought in the present church of Santa
Prisca; in other words, that the chair referred to by St. Damasus was
kept there in the period before Constantine. It was there,
consequently, that was celebrated the "natale Petri de cathedrâ",
set for 22 February in the calendars beginning with the year 354. It
follows also that this is the cathedra referred to in the oldest 
<i>testimonia</i> which speak of the chair from which Peter taught at
Rome. The (third-century) poem, "Adversus Marcionem", says (P.L., II,
1099):</p>
<p id="c-p2819" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">Hâc cathedrâ, Petrus quâ sederat ipse,
locatum
<br />Maxima Roma Linum primum considere iussit.
<br />
<br />(On this chair, where Peter himself had sat,
<br />great Rome first placed Linus and bade him
sit.)</p>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2820" shownumber="no">Further, St. Cyprian, writing about 250, during the
vacancy of the chair after the death of Pope St. Fabian, describes it
as follows: "Cum locus Fabiani, id est locus Petri et gradus
cathedræ sacerdotalis vacaret" (when the place of Fabian, i. e.
the place of Peter and the step of the sacerdotal chair were vacant).
Still earlier, about 200, Tertullian writes, in his "De
præscriptione bæreticorum": "Percurre ecclesias apostolicas,
apud quas ipsæ adhuc cathedræ apostolorum suis locis
præsident. Si Italiæ adjaces habes Romam" (Visit the
Apostolic churches in (among) which the very chairs of the Apostles
still preside in their places. If you are near Italy, there is
Rome).</p>
<p id="c-p2821" shownumber="no">How Pope Damasus might be led to transfer the 
<i>cathedra Petri</i> from Santa Prisca to the Vatican, can be readily
understood from the circumstances of that time. From the reign of the
first Constantine the Lateran had been the residence of the popes, and
its magnificent basilica their cathedral, while the neighbouring
baptistery of Constantine served for the solemn administration of
baptism on the eve of Easter. In the half-century from 312 to 366 (date
of the accession of Damasus), the importance of Santa Prisca, its
baptistery, and its cathedra must naturally have declined. Damasus
could therefore be certain of the approval of all Rome when he
transferred the venerable Apostolic relic from the small chapel in
Santa Prisca to his own new baptistery in the Vatican, where it
certainly remained to the first quarter of the sixth century, after
which it was kept in different chapels of the Vatican Basilica. During
the Middle Ages it was customary to exhibit it yearly to the faithful;
the newly-elected pope was also solemnly enthroned on this venerable
chair, a custom that ceased at the transfer of the papal capital to
Avignon, in the early part of the fourteenth century. In order to
preserve for posterity this precious relic, Alexander VII (1655-67)
enclosed, after the designs of Bernini, the 
<i>Cathedra Petri</i> above the apsidal altar of St. Peter's in a
gigantic casing of bronze, supported by four Doctors of the Church
(Ambrose, Augustine, Athanasius, Chrysostom). Thenceforth, for 200
years, it was not exibited to the public. In 1867, however, on the
occasion of the eighteenth centenary of the martyrdom of the two great
Apostles, it was exposed for the veneraon of the faithful. At that time
the Alessandri brothers photographed the chair, and that photograph is
reproduced here. The seat is about one foot ten inches above the
ground, and two feet eleven and seven-eighths inches wide; the sides
are two feet one and one-half inches deep; the height of the back up to
the tympanum is three feet five and one-third inches; the entire height
of the chair is four feet seven and one-eighth inches. According to the
examination then made by Padre Garucci and Giovanni Battista de Rossi,
the oldest portion (see illustration) is a perfectly plain oaken
arm-chair with four legs connected by cross-bars. The wood is much
worm-eaten, and pieces have been cut from various spots at different
times, evidently for relies. To the right and left of the seat four
strong iron rings, intended for carrying-poles, are set into the legs.
At a later date, perhaps in the ninth century, this famous chair was
strengthened by the addition of pieces of acacia wood. The latter wood
has inlaid in it a rich ornamentation of ivory. For the adornment of
the front of the seat eighteen small panels of ivory have been used, on
which the labours of Hercules, also fabulous animals, have been
engraved; in like manner it was common at this period to ornament the
covers of books and reliquaries with ivory panels or carved stones
representing mythological scenes. The back is divided by small columns
and arches into four fields and finishes at the top in a tympanum which
has for ornamentation a large round opening between two smaller ones.
The tympanum is surrounded on all sides by strips of ivory engraved in
arabesques. At the centre of the horizontal strip a picture of an
emperor (not seen in the illustration) is carved in the ivory; it is
held to be a portrait of Charles the Bald. The arabesque of acanthus
leaves filled with fantastic representations of animals, and the rough
execution of the work, would make the period of this emperor (884) a
probable date. What still remains of the old cathedra scarcely permits
an opinion as to the original form. In any case it was a heavy chair
made of plain, straight pieces of wood, so that it cannot be considered
a 
<i>sella curulis</i> of Pudens, as earlier tradition held it to be. If
the four rings on the two sides belong to the original chair (Ennodius
of Pavia about the sixth century used the term 
<i>sedes gestatoria</i> as an expression universally understood in
reference to this chair), then it was probably an ordinary
carrying-chair, such as was commonly used in ancient Rome.</p>
<p id="c-p2822" shownumber="no">While the two chairs were the visible memorials of the earliest
origins of Peter's Apostolic work at Rome, the recollection of his
first arrival in the city is stil preserved in the 
<i>litanioe majores</i> (greater litanies) on 25 April. On this day is
also celebrated the feast of St. Mark, whom St. Peter had sent to
Alexandria in Egypt. Antioch and Alexandria, the two most important
patriarchates of the East, were, in common with Rome, founded by Peter.
Gregory the Great refers as follows to this spiritual relationship with
the Roman Patriarchate of the West, in a letter to the Patriarch
Eulogius (P.L., LXXVII, 899): "Quum multi sint Apostoli, pro ipso autem
principatu sola Apostolorum principis sedes in auctoritate convaluit,
quæ in tribus locis unius est. Ipse enim sublimavit sedem, in
quâ etiam quiescere et præsertim vitam finire dignatus est.
Ipse decoravit sedem, in quâ Evangelistam (Marcum) discipulum
misit. Ipse firmavit sedem, in quâ septem annis, quamvis
discessurus, sedit. Quuum ergo unius atque una sit sedes, cui ex
auctoritate divinâ tres nunc episcopi præsident, quidquid ego
de vobis boni audio, hoc mihi imputo" (Though there are many Apostles,
pre-eminence of authority belongs permanently to none other than the
Chair of the Prince of the Apostles, which Chair though established in
three places remains nevertheless that of one and the same [Apostle].
He lifted it to the highest dignity in the place [Rome] where he
deigned to fix his residence and end his life. He honoured it in the
city [Alexandria] to which he sent his disciple, the Evangelist Mark.
He strengthened it in the city [Antioch] where, though destined to
depart, he sat for seven years. Since therefore the Chair in which now
by divine authority three bishops preside is the identical chair of the
self-same [Peter], I take myself whatever good I hear concernmg
you).</p>
<p id="c-p2823" shownumber="no">We conclude, therefore, that there is no reason for doubting the
genuineness of the relic preserved at the Vatican, and known as the 
<i>Cathedra Petri</i>. According to Eusebius, Jerusalem preserved the
cathedra of St. James (Hist. Eccl., VII, xix), Alexandria that of St.
Mark (G. Secchi, La cattedra alessandrina di San Marco, Venice, 1853).
Tertullian, in the above quoted passage, refers to the value placed by
the Apostolic Churches on the possession of the chairs of their
founders (apud quas ipsæ adhuc cathedræ apostolorum suis
locis præsident), and in enumerating them he puts Rome first.
Moreover, the other writers above quoted, and whose testimony reaches
back to the second century, all postulate the presence in Rome of an
actual 
<i>Cathedra Petri</i>, See also PETER, SAINT; PRIMACY.</p>
<p id="c-p2824" shownumber="no">The most exhaustive study of these subjects is that of DE Rossi, in 
<i>Bullettino di archeologia christiana</i> (Rome, 1867), 33, sqq. --
Cf. STEVENSON, in KRAUS, 
<i>Realencyklopädie d. christlichen Alterthümer</i> (Freiburg
im Br., 1886), II, 156-61; SANGUINETTI, 
<i>De Sede romanâ beati Petri, etc., commentarius
historico-criticus</i> (Rome, 1867); RAMPOLLA, 
<i>De Cathedrâ romanâ beati Petri</i> (Rome, 1868);
NORTHCOTE-BROWNLOW, in 
<i>Roma Sotterranea</i>, I, 494; BARNES, 
<i>St. Peter in Rome and his Tomb on the Vatican Hill</i> (London,
1900), 35, 55, 79-82; SMITH AND CHEETHAM (non-Catholic), 
<i>Dictionary of Christian Antiquities</i> (Hartford, 1880), II,
1625-27. -- Among the older works consult, PHOEBEUS, 
<i>De identitate Cathedroe Petri Romanoe libri II</i> (Rome, 1666); ed.
PIERALISI (Rome, 1886); TORRIGIO, 
<i>Grotte Vaticane</i> (Rome, 1639); CANCELLIERI, 
<i>De Secretariis basilicoe Vaticanoe</i> (Rome, 1788); Acta SS., June,
V, 425-75; also FOGGINI, 
<i>De romano beati Petri itinere</i> (Florence, 1741; and MAMACHI'S
similar work, Rome, 1872). Cf. ZACCARIA, 
<i>De sancti Petri apost. princ. primatu</i> (Rome, 1776).</p>
<p id="c-p2825" shownumber="no">For the feast of the Chair see KELLNER, 
<i>Die Feste Cathedra Petri und des antiochenischen Episkopats dieses
Apostels, in Zeitschrift f. kath. Theologie</i> (1889), XIII, 566-76;
MARUCCHI, 
<i>Le memorie dei SS. Apostoli Pietro e Paolo nella città di
Roma</i> (ibid., 1894); MORIN, 
<i>Un sermon ancien pour la féte de la Chaire de St-Pierre, in
Revue bénéd</i>., 1896, XIII, 343-46. Cf. BENEDICT XIV, 
<i>Su le feste della Cattedra di San Pietro, due dissertazioni
inedite</i> (Rome, 1828).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2826" shownumber="no">ANTON DE WAAL</p></def>

<term id="c-p2826.1" title="Chalcedon" type="Encyclopedia">Chalcedon</term>
<def id="c-p2826.2">
<h1 id="c-p2826.3">Chalcedon</h1>
<p id="c-p2827" shownumber="no">A titular see of Asia Minor. The city was founded 676 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2827.1">b.c.</span> by the Megarians on the Bithynian coast,
opposite the place where a little later Byzantium rose. It was captured
by the Persian general Otanes after the expedition of Darius against
the Scythians. Allied alternately with Athens and Sparta, it became
eventually a part of Bithynia, and in 74 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2827.2">b.c.</span> passed over to the Romans, who lost it
temporarily to Mithradates. In the imperial period it was a free city,
but was dismantled by Valens (364-78). The Persians held it from 616 to
626. Chalcedon was the birthplace of the philosopher Xenocrates, a
disciple of Plato, and of the sculptor Beotes. The virgin St. Euphemia
and her companions suffered martyrdom there, probably under Galerius
(305-11). It is in her magnificent church that the Fourth General
Council against Eutyches, known as the Council of Chalcedon (451), was
held. This church was situated on the top of the hill at
Haïdar-Pasha (Haider Pasha); it was destroyed by Suleiman to build
his mosque in Constantinople. Among other martyrs who suffered at
Chalcedon mention may be made of the Persian St. Sabel and his
companions. Chalcedon was an episcopal see at an early date; after the
great council it became a metropolis, but without suffragans. There is
a list of its bishops in Lequien (I, 599), completed by Anthimus
Alexoudes in "Anatolikos Aster" (XXX, 108), revised for the early
period by Pargoire in "Echos d'Orient" (III, 85, 204; IV, 21, 104).
Among others are St. Adrian, a martyr; St. John, Sts. Cosmas and
Nicetas, during the Iconoclastic period; Maris, the Arian; Heraclianus,
who wrote against the Manichæans and the Monophysites; Leo,
persecuted by Alexius Comnenus. The titular Latin see is suffragan of
Nicomedia. Lequien (III, 1019) mentions eight Latin bishops, from 1345
to 1443; Eubel (I, 199; II, 141) has ten names, from 1293 to 1525. Five
other titular bishops of the sixteenth century are mentioned in the
"Revue bénédictine" (1904, 144-45, 155-56).</p>
<p id="c-p2828" shownumber="no">Chalcedon is to-day Kadi-Keui (Kadikoi). It has about 30,000
inhabitants: 15,000 Greeks, 5000 Armenians (500 Catholics), 2000
Latins, 6000 Mussulmans, 2000 Jews, 200 Protestants. The Latin parish
is conducted by the Assumptionists; they have also a seminary for
Catholic Greeks, with a Greek chapel, and a high school for Oriental
studies, which publishes a review, the "Echos d'Orient". The Christian
Brothers have there a large college with commercial and elementary
courses. The Dames de Sion have a school for girls; the Sisters of the
Immaculate Conception of Lourdes a convent; the Capuchins a
scholasticate. There are also public chapels belonging to the
Franciscans and the Catholic Armenians. The Armenian Sisters of the
Immaculate Conception have a house at Chalcedon, and the Armenian
Mechitarists a college. Two Greek churches, one Armenian, and one
English Protestant church complete the list of Christian institutions.
At Haïdar-Pasha, the port of Kadi-Keui and head station of the
Anatolian railway to Bagdad, the Assumptionists have a public chapel,
and there are schools conducted by the Christian Brothers, and the
Oblate Sisters of the Assumption, also a synagogue, German Protestant
and Jewish schools, and an English cemetery, with a monument to the
soldiers who died in the Crimean War. At Famaraki (ancient Hiereia) the
Assumptionists have a chapel, and the Oblate Sisters of the Assumption
a school. Near Kadi-Keui and within the limits of the Greek diocese are
places of interest. Scutari is the Turkish name of Chrysopolis, a city
which the Mussulmans consider sacred on account of its cemetery and its
beautiful mosques. It has a hospital for lepers and a Catholic church,
cared for by Georgian Benedictines, also schools in charge of the
Marists and of Sisters of Charity. It was there that Licinius was
defeated by Constantine (324); there also lived St. Maximus, the
Confessor (580-662), the hero of the Monothelite controversies.
Tchiboukli, on the Bosphorus, is the Byzantine Irenaion, where stood
the famous monastery of the Acœmetæ, founded by St.
Marcellus; at Kalamish (the port of Eutropius) lived the stylite, St.
Luke; Djadi-Bostan is the ancient Rufiniana, where the famous councils 
<i>Ad Quercum</i> were held in 397 and 403. In the vicinity were the
monasteries of St. Hypatius and St. John. On the Kaish-Dagh lived St.
Auxentius, St. Bendidianus, and St. Stephen, and at Touzla (Cape
Acritas) St. Athanasius of Paulopetrion and St. Gregory. Finally, in
full view of Kadi-Keui, are the celebrated Prince's Islands, with their
numberless political and ecclesiastical associations.</p>
<p id="c-p2829" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p2829.1">Lequien,</span> 
<i>Oriens Christianus</i> (1740), I; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p2829.2">Smith,</span> 
<i>Dict. of Greek and Roman Geog.</i> (London, 1878); 
<i>Echos d'Orient,</i> III, 85 sqq.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2830" shownumber="no">S. PÈtridÉs.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2830.1" title="Council of Chalcedon" type="Encyclopedia">Council of Chalcedon</term>
<def id="c-p2830.2">
<h1 id="c-p2830.3">Council of Chalcedon</h1>
<p id="c-p2831" shownumber="no">The Fourth Ecumenical Council, held in 451, from 8 October until 1
November inclusive, at Chalcedon, a city of Bithynia in Asia Minor. Its
principal purpose was to assert the orthodox Catholic doctrine against
the heresy of Eutyches and the Monophysites, although ecclesiastical
discipline and jurisdiction also occupied the council's attention.</p>
<p id="c-p2832" shownumber="no">Scarcely had the heresy of Nestorius concerning the two persons in
Christ been condemned by the Council of Ephesus, in 431, when the
opposite error of the Nestorian heresy arose. Since Nestorius so fully
divided the Divine and the human in Christ that he taught a double
personality or a twofold being in Christ, it became incumbent on his
opponents to emphasize the unity in Christ and to exhibit the God-man,
not as two beings but as one. Some of these opponents in their efforts
to maintain a physical unity in Christ held that the two natures in
Christ, the Divine and the human, were so intimately united that they
became physically one, inasmuch as the human nature was completely
absorbed by the Divine. Thus resulted one Christ not only with one
personality but also with one nature. After the Incarnation, they said,
no distinction could be made in Christ between the Divine and the
human. The principal representatives of this teaching were Dioscurus,
Patriarch of Alexandria, and Eutyches, an archimandrite or president of
a monastery outside Constantinople. The Monophysitic error, as the new
error was called (Gr. 
<i>mone physis</i>, one nature), claimed the authority of St. Cyril,
but only through a misinterpretation of some expressions of the great
Alexandrine teacher.</p>
<p id="c-p2833" shownumber="no">The error of Eutyches was first detected by Domnus, Patriarch of
Antioch. a formal accusation was preferred against the former by
Eusebius, Bishop of Dorylaeum (Phrygia), at a synod of Constantinople
in November of that year. This synod declared it a matter of faith that
after the Incarnation, Christ consisted of two natures (united) in one
hypostasis or person; hence there was one Christ, one Son, one Lord.
Eutyches, who appeared before this synod, protested, on the contrary,
that before the Incarnation there were two natures, but after the union
there was only one nature in Christ; and the humanity of Christ was not
of the same essence as ours. These statements were found contrary to
Christian orthodoxy; Eutyches was deposed, excommunicated, and deprived
of his station in the monastery. He protested, and appealed for redress
to Pope Leo I (440-61), to other distinguished bishops, and also to
Theodosius II. Bishop Flavian of Constantinople informed Pope Leo and
other bishops of what had occurred in his city. Eutyches won the
sympathy of the emperor; through the monk's representations and those
of Dioscurus, Patriarch of Alexandria, the emperor was induced to
invoke a new council, to be held at Ephesus. Pope Leo, Dioscurus, and a
number of bishops and monks were invited to attend and investigate anew
the orthodoxy of Eutyches. The pope was unable to go, but sent three
delegates as his representatives and bearers of letters to prominent
personages of the East and to the impending synod. Among these letters,
all of which bear the date of 13 June, 449, is one known as the
"Epistola Dogmatica", or dogmatic letter, of Leo I, in which the pope
explains the mystery of the Incarnation with special reference to the
questions raised by Eutyches. Thus, he declares that after the
Incarnation what was proper to each nature and substance in Christ
remained intact and both were united in one person, but so that each
nature acted according to its own qualities and characteristics. As to
Eutyches himself, the pope did not hesitate to condemn him. The council
was held at Ephesus, in August, 449. Only the friends and partisans of
Dioscurus and Eutyches were allowed to have a voice. The Alexandrine
patriarch presided; he ignored the papal delegates, would not permit
the letters of Pope Leo, including the "Epistola Dogmatica", to be read
in the assembly. Eutyches was declared orthodox and reinstated in his
priestly and monastic office. On the other hand, Flavian of
Constantinople and Eusebius of Dorylaeum were deposed. The former was
banished, and died shortly afterwards in consequence of ill-treatment;
he was succeeded by the deacon Anatolius, a partisan of Dioscurus.
Owing to the gross violence of Dioscurus and his partisans, this
assembly was called by Leo I the "Latrocinium", or Robber Council, of
Ephesus, a name that has since clung to it.</p>
<p id="c-p2834" shownumber="no">Theodosius II, who sympathized with Eutyches, approved these violent
deeds; Leo I, on the other hand, when fully informed of the occurrences
at Ephesus, condemned, in a Roman synod and in several letters, all the
Acts of the so-called council. He refused also to recognize Anatolius
as lawful Bishop of Constantinople, at least until the latter would
give satisfaction concerning his belief. At the same time he requested
the emperor to order the holding of a new council in Italy, to right
the wrongs committed at Ephesus. As a special reason for the
opportuneness, and even necessity, of the new council, he alleged the
appeal of the deposed Flavian of Constantinople. Theodosius, however,
positively declined to meet the wishes of the pope. At this stage the
sudden death of the emperor (28 July, 450) changed at once the
religious situation in the East. Theodosius was succeeded by his
sister, Pulcheria, who offered her hand, and with it the imperial
throne, to a brave general named Marcian (450-57). Both Marcian and
Pulcheria were opposed to the new teaching of Dioscurus and Eutyches;
and Marcian at once informed Leo I of his willingness to call a new
council according to the previous desire of the pope. In the meantime
conditions had changed. Anatolius of Constantinople, and with him many
other bishops, condemned the teaching of Eutyches and accepted the
dogmatic epistle of Pope Leo. Any new discussions concerning the
Christian Faith seemed therefore superfluous. Western Europe, moreover,
was in a state of turmoil owing to the invasion of the Huns under
Attila, for which reason most of the Western bishops could not attend a
council to be held in the East. Leo I therefore protested repeatedly
against a council and wrote in this sense to the Emperor Marcian, the
Empress Pulcheria, Anatolius of Constantinople, and Julian of Cos; all
these letters bear the date of 9 June, 451. Meanwhile, 17 May, 451, a
decree was issued by Marcian -- in the name also of the Western Emperor
Valentinian III (425-55) -- ordering all metropolitan bishops with a
number of their suffragan bishops to assemble the following September
at Nicaea in Bithynia, there to hold a general council for the purpose
of settling the questions of faith recently called in doubt.</p>
<p id="c-p2835" shownumber="no">Though displeased with this action, the pope nevertheless agreed to
send his representatives to Nicaea. He appointed as legates
Paschasinus, Bishop of Lilybaeum (Marsala) in Sicily, Lucentius, also a
bishop, Julian, Bishop of Cos, and two priests, Boniface and Basil;
Paschasinus was to preside over the coming council in the pope's place.
On 24 and 26 June, 451, Leo I wrote letters to the Emperor Marcian, to
his legate Paschasinus, to Anatolius of Constantinople, to Julian of
Cos, and to the synod itself, in which he expressed the desire that the
decrees of the synod should be in conformity with his teaching as
contained in the aforesaid dogmatic epistle. A detailed instruction was
also given to the papal legates, which contained directions for their
guidance in the council; this document, however, has perished, with the
exception of two fragments preserved in the Acts of the council. In
July the papal legates departed for their destination. Many bishops
arrived at Nicaea during the summer, but the opening of the council was
postponed owing to the emperor's inability to be present. Finally, at
the complaint of the bishops, who grew weary of waiting, Marcian
requested them to come to Chalcedon, in the near vicinity of
Constantinople. This was done, and the council opened at Chalcedon on 8
October.</p>
<p id="c-p2836" shownumber="no">In all likelihood an official record of the proceedings was made
either during the council itself or shortly afterwards. The assembled
bishops informed the pope that a copy of all the "Acta" would be
transmitted to him; in March, 453, Pope Leo commissioned Julian of Cos,
then at Constantinople, to make a collection of all the Acts and
translate them into Latin. Very ancient versions of the Acts, both in
Greek and Latin, are still extant. Most of the documents, chiefly the
minutes of the sessions, were written in Greek; others, e.g. the
imperial letters, were issued in both languages; others, again, e.g.
the papal letters, were written in Latin. Eventually nearly all of them
were translated into both languages. The Latin version, known as the
"versio antiqua", was probably made about 500, perhaps by Dionysius
Exiguus. About the middle of the sixth century the Roman deacon
Rusticus then in Constantinople with Pope Vigilius (537-55), made
numerous corrections in the "versio antiqua", after comparison with
Greek manuscripts of the Acts, chiefly with those of the "Acoemetae"
monastery either at Constantinople or at Chalcedon. As to the number of
sessions held by the Council of Chalcedon there is a great discrepancy
in the various texts of the Acts, also in the ancient historians of the
council. Either the respective manuscripts must have been incomplete;
or the historians passed over in silence several sessions held for
secondary purposes. According to the deacon Rusticus, there were in all
sixteen sessions; this division is commonly accepted by scholars,
including Bishop Hefele, the learned historian of the councils. If all
the separate meetings were counted, there would be twenty-one sessions;
several of these meetings, however, are considered as supplementary to
preceding sessions. all the sessions were held in the church of St.
Euphemia, Martyr, outside the city and directly opposite
Constantinople. The exact number of bishops present is not known. The
synod itself, in a letter to Pope Leo, speaks of 520, while Pope Leo
says there were 600; according to the general estimate there were 630,
including the representatives of absent bishops. No previous council
could boast of so large a gathering of bishops, while the attendance at
later councils seldom surpassed or even equalled that number. The
council, however, was not equally representative as to the countries
whence came so many bishops. Apart from the papal legates and two
African bishops, practically all the bishops belonged to the Eastern
Church. This, however, was well represented; the two great civil
divisions (prefectures), of the Orient and of Illyricum, comprising
Egypt, the Orient (including Palestine), Pontus, Asia, Thrace, Dacia,
and Macedonia, sent their contingents. The more prominent among the
Eastern bishops were Anatolius of Constantinople, Maximus of Antioch,
Dioscurus of Alexandria, Juvenal of Jerusalem, Thalassius of Caesarea
in Cappadocia, Stephen of Ephesus, Quintillus of Heraclea, and Peter of
Corinth. The honour of presiding over this venerable assembly was
reserved to Paschasinus, Bishop of Lilybaeum, the first of the papal
legates, according to the intention of Pope Leo I, expressed in his
letter to Emperor Marcian (24 June, 451). Shortly after the council,
writing to the bishops of Gaul, he mentions that his legates presided
in his stead over the Eastern synod. Moreover, Paschasinus proclaimed
openly in presence of the council that he was presiding over it in the
name and in the place of pope Leo. The members of the council
recognized this prerogative of the papal legates. When writing to the
pope they professed that, through his representatives, he presided over
them in the council. In the interest of order and a regular procedure
the Emperor Marcian appointed a number of commissioners, men of high
rank, who received the place of honour in the council. Their
jurisdiction, however, did not cover the ecclesiastical or religious
questions under discussion. The commissioners simply directed the order
of business during the sessions; they opened the meetings, laid before
the council the matters to be discussed, demanded the votes of the
bishops on the various subjects, and closed the sessions. Besides these
there were present several members of the Senate, who shared the place
of honour with the imperial commissioners.</p>
<p id="c-p2837" shownumber="no">At the very beginning of the first session, the papal legates,
Paschasinus at their head, protested against the presence of Dioscurus
of Alexandria. Formal accusations of heresy and of unjust actions
committed in the Robber Council of Ephesus were preferred against him
by Eusebius of Dorylaeum; and at the suggestion of the imperial
commissioners he was removed from his seat among the bishops and
deprived of his vote. In order to make a full investigation of his case
the Acts of the Robber Council, with those of the synod held in 448 by
Flavian of Constantinople, were read in full; this occupied the whole
first session. At the end the imperial commissioners declared that
since Flavian of Constantinople and other bishops had been unjustly
deposed by the Robber Council it would be just that Dioscurus and the
leaders in that synod should now suffer the same punishment. A number
of bishops agreed, but finally all declared themselves satisfied with
the deposition of Dioscurus alone.</p>
<p id="c-p2838" shownumber="no">The second session (10 October) was occupied with the reading of 
<i>testimonia</i> bearing on questions of faith, chiefly those under
discussion. Among them were the symbols or creeds of the Councils of
Nicaea (325) and of Constantinople (381); two letters of St. Cyril of
Alexandria, viz. his second letter to Nestorius and the letter written
to the Antiochene bishops in 433 after his reconciliation with them;
finally the dogmatic epistle of Pope Leo I. All these documents were
approved by the council. When the pope's famous epistle was read the
members of the council exclaimed that the faith contained therein was
the faith of the Fathers and of the Apostles; that through Leo, Peter
had spoken.</p>
<p id="c-p2839" shownumber="no">The third session was held 13 October; the imperial commissioners
and a number of bishops were absent. Eusebius of Dorylaeum presented a
new accusation against Dioscurus of Alexandria in which the charges of
heresy and of injustice committed in the Robber Council of Ephesus were
repeated. Three ecclesiastics and a layman from Alexandria likewise
presented accusations against their bishop; he was declared guilty of
many acts of injustice and of personal misconduct. At the end of the
session the papal legates declared that Dioscurus should be deprived of
his bishopric and of all ecclesiastical dignities for having supported
the heretic Eutyches, for having excommunicated Pope Leo, and for
having refused to answer the charges made against him. All the members
present agreed to this proposition; and the decree of deposition was
communicated to Dioscurus himself, to the Alexandrine ecclesiastics
with him at Chalcedon, to the Emperors Marcian and Valentinian III, and
to the Empress Pulcheria.</p>
<p id="c-p2840" shownumber="no">The fourth session, which comprised two meetings, was held on 17 and
20 October. At the request of the imperial commissioners the bishops
again approved the dogmatic epistle of Pope Leo I; Juvenal of
Jerusalem, Thalassius of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Eusebius of Ancyra,
Eustathius of Berytus, and Basil of Seleucia in Cicilia, former
partisans of Dioscurus in the Robber Council of Ephesus, were pardoned
and admitted to the sessions; an investigation was made into the
orthodoxy of a number of bishops from Egypt, and of a number of monks
and archimandrites suspected of Eutychianism; finally a dispute between
Photius of Tyre and Eustathius of Berytus concerning the territorial
extent of their respective jurisdiction was adjudicated.</p>
<p id="c-p2841" shownumber="no">The most important of all the sessions was the fifth, held 22
October; in this the bishops published a decree concerning the
Christian Faith, which must be considered as the specific dogmatic
decree of the Fourth General Council. A special commission, consisting
of the papal legates, of Anatolius of Constantinople, Maximus of
Antioch, Juvenal of Jerusalem, and several others, was appointed to
draw up this creed or symbol. After again approving the decrees and
symbols of the Councils of Nicaea (325), Constantinople (381), and
Ephesus (431), as well as the teaching of St. Cyril against Nestorius
and the dogmatic epistle of Pope Leo I, the document in question
declares:</p>
<p id="c-p2842" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">We teach . . . one and the same Christ, Son, Lord,
Only-begotten, known in two natures, without confusion, without change,
without division, without separation.</p>
<p id="c-p2843" shownumber="no">After the recitation of the decree all the bishops exclaimed that
such was the true faith, and that all should at once sign their names
to it. The imperial commissioners announced that they would communicate
to the emperor the decree as approved by all the bishops.</p>
<p id="c-p2844" shownumber="no">The sixth session (25 October) was celebrated with special
solemnities; Marcian and Pulcheria were present with a great
attendance, with all the imperial commissioners and the Senate. The
emperor made an appropriate address; the decree of faith made in the
preceding session was read again and approved by the emperor; and with
joyful acclamations to the emperor and to the empress, in which they
were compared to Constantine and Helena, the proceedings were
closed.</p>
<p id="c-p2845" shownumber="no">The object of the council was attained in the sixth session, and
only secondary matters were transacted in the remaining sessions. the
seventh and eighth sessions were both held 26 October.</p>
<p id="c-p2846" shownumber="no">In the seventh an agreement between Maximus of Antioch and Juvenal
of Jerusalem was approved, according to which the territory of the
Patriarchate of Jerusalem was restricted to the three provinces of
Palestine.</p>
<p id="c-p2847" shownumber="no">In the eighth session Theodoret of Cyrus, a former partisan of
Nestorius, was compelled to condemn the name of his friend under
threats of expulsion from the council. He was then reinstated in his
bishopric.</p>
<p id="c-p2848" shownumber="no">The ninth and tenth sessions (27 and 28 October) dealt with the case
of Ibas, Bishop of Edessa, who had been deposed on charges made by some
of his ecclesiastics. The accusation proved to be unfounded and Ibas
was reinstated in his office. A decision was also given to the effect
that a pension should be paid by Maximus of Antioch to his deposed
predecessor Domnus.</p>
<p id="c-p2849" shownumber="no">The eleventh and twelfth sessions (29 and 30 October) dealt with a
conflict between Bassianus and Stephen, both raised successively but
irregularly to the See of Ephesus. The council declared that a new
bishop should be chosen for Ephesus, but the two aforesaid should
retain their episcopal dignity and receive a pension from the church
revenues of Ephesus.</p>
<p id="c-p2850" shownumber="no">The thirteenth session (30 October) decided a case of conflicting
jurisdiction. Eunomius of Nicomedia and Anastasius of Nicaea both
claimed metropolitan rights, at least for a part of Bithynia. The
council decreed that in a province there could be only one metropolitan
bishop, and in favour of the Bishop of Nicomedia.</p>
<p id="c-p2851" shownumber="no">The fourteenth session (31 October) decided the rival claims of
Sabinian and Athanasius to the See of Perrha in Syria. Sabinian had
been chosen in place of Athanasius deposed by an Antiochene synod in
445; later Athanasius was reinstated by the Robber Council of Ephesus.
The council decreed that further investigation should be made into the
charges against Athanasius, Sabinian meanwhile holding the see. If the
charges should prove untrue, Athanasius should be reinstated and
Sabinian receive a pension from the diocese. In the same session a
letter of Pope Leo was read, and the council approved the decisions in
regard to Maximus of Antioch in his conflict with Juvenal of Jerusalem,
and his obligation of providing for his predecessor Domnus.</p>
<p id="c-p2852" shownumber="no">In the fifteenth session (31 October) the council adopted and
approved twenty-eight disciplinary canons. The papal legates, however,
as well as the imperial commissioners departed at the beginning of the
session, probably foreseeing that the hierarchical status of the Bishop
of Constantinople would be defined, as really occurred in canon 28.</p>
<ul id="c-p2852.1">
<li id="c-p2852.2">The first canon approved the canons passed in previous synods.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.3">The second established severe penalties against those who conferred
ecclesiastical orders or positions for money, or received such orders
or positions for money, and acted as intermediaries in such
transactions.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.4">The third forbade secular traffic to all ecclesiastics, except in
the interest of minors, orphans, or other needy persons.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.5">The fourth forbade the erection of a monastery or an oratory
without the permission of the proper bishop; recommended to the monks a
life of retirement, mortification, and prayer; and forbade the
reception of a slave in a monastery without the permission of his
master.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.6">The fifth inculcated the canons of previous synods concerning the
transfer of bishops and clerics from one city to another.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.7">The sixth recommended that no one should be ordained except he were
assigned to some ecclesiastical office. Those ordained contrary to this
provision were not to exercise their order.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.8">The seventh forbade ecclesiastics to exercise the military art or
to hold a secular office.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.9">The eighth decreed that the clerics of charitable homes,
monasteries, or oratories of martyrs should be subject to the bishop of
the territory.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.10">The ninth ordained that ecclesiastics should conduct their lawsuits
only before the bishop, the synod of the province, the exarch, or the
Bishop of Constantinople.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.11">The tenth forbade ecclesiastics to be enrolled in the
church-registers of different cities.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.12">The eleventh ordained that the poor and needy, when travelling,
should be provided with letters of recommendation 
(<i>litterae pacificae</i>) from the churches.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.13">The twelfth forbade the bishops to obtain from the emperors the
title of metropolitans to the prejudice of the real metropolitan of
their province.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.14">The thirteenth forbade to strange clerics the exercise of their
office unless provided with letters of recommendation from their
bishop.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.15">The fourteenth forbade minor clerics to marry heretical women, or
to give their children in marriage to heretics.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.16">The fifteenth decreed that no deaconess should be ordained below
the age of forty; and no person once ordained a deaconess was allowed
to leave that state and marry.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.17">The sixteenth forbade the marriage of virgins or monks consecrated
to God.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.18">The seventeenth ordained that the parishes in rural districts
should remain under the jurisdiction of their respective bishops; but
if a new city were built by the emperor, its ecclesiastical
organization should be modelled on that of the State.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.19">The eighteenth forbade secret organizations in the Church, chiefly
among clerics and monks.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.20">The nineteenth ordained that the bishops of the province should
assemble twice a year for the regular synod.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.21">The twentieth forbade again the transfer of an ecclesiastic from
one city to another, except in the case of grave necessity.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.22">The twenty-first ordained that complaints against bishops or
clerics should not be heard except after an investigation into the
character of the accuser.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.23">The twenty-second forbade ecclesiastics to appropriate the goods of
their deceased bishop.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.24">The twenty-third forbade clerics or monks to sojourn in
Constantinople without the permission of their bishop.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.25">The twenty-fourth ordained that monasteries once established,
together with the property assigned to them, should not be converted to
other purposes.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.26">The twenty-fifth ordained that the metropolitan should ordain the
bishops of his province within three months (from election).</li>
<li id="c-p2852.27">The twenty-sixth ordained that ecclesiastical property should not
be administered by the bishop alone, but by a special procurator.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.28">The twenty-seventh decreed severe penalties against the abduction
of women.</li>
<li id="c-p2852.29">The twenty-eighth ratified the third canon of the Council of
Constantinople (381), and decreed that since the city of Constantinople
was honoured with the privilege of having the emperor and the Senate
within its walls, its bishop should also have special prerogatives and
be second in rank, after the Bishop of Rome. In consequence thereof he
should consecrate the metropolitan bishops of the three civil Dioceses
of Pontus, Asia, and Cappadocia.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2853" shownumber="no">This last canon provoked another session of the council, the
sixteenth, held on 1 November. The papal legates protested therein
against this canon, alleging that they had special instructions from
Pope Leo on that subject, that the canon violated the prerogatives of
the Patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, and was contrary
to the canons (vi, vii) of the Council of Nicaea. Their protests,
however, were not listened to; and the council persisted in retaining
this canon in its Acts. With this incident the Council of Chalcedon was
closed.</p>
<p id="c-p2854" shownumber="no">At the closing of the sessions the council wrote a letter to Pope
Leo I, in which the Fathers informed him of what had been done; thanked
him for the exposition of Christian Faith contained in his dogmatic
epistle; spoke of his legates as having presided over them in his name;
and asked for the ratification of the disciplinary matters enacted,
particularly canon 28. This letter was handed to the papal legates, who
departed for Rome soon after the last session of the council. Similar
letters were written to Pope Leo in December by Emperor Marcian and
Anatolius of Constantinople. In reply Pope Leo protested most
energetically against canon xxviii and declared it null and void as
being against the prerogatives of Bishops of Alexandria and Antioch,
and against the decrees of the Council of Nicaea. Like protests were
contained in the letters written 22 May, 452, to Emperor Marcian,
Empress Pulcheria, and Anatolius of Constantinople. Otherwise the pope
ratified the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, but only inasmuch as
they referred to matters of faith. This approval was contained in
letters written 21 March, 453, to the bishops who took part in the
council; hence the Council of Chalcedon, at least as to the first six
sessions, became an ecumenical synod, and was considered as such by all
Christians, both in the time of Poe Leo and after him. The Emperor
Marcian issued several edicts (7 February, 13 March, and 28 July, 452)
in which he approved the decrees of the Council of Chalcedon, forbade
all discussions on questions of faith, forbade the Eutychians to have
priests, to live in monasteries, to hold meetings, to inherit anything,
to bequeath anything to their partisans, or to join the army. The
clerics among the followers of Eutyches, hitherto orthodox, and the
monks of his monastery, were to be expelled from Roman territory, as
once the Manichaeans were. The writings of the Eutychians were to be
burned; their authors, or those who spread them, were to be punished
with confiscation and banishment. Finally Eutyches and Dioscurus were
both banished. The former died about that time, while the latter lived
to the year 454 in Gangra in Paphlagonia.</p>
<p id="c-p2855" shownumber="no">The Council of Chalcedon with its dogmatic definition did not put an
end to the controversy concerning the natures of Christ and their
relation to each other. Many people in the East disliked the term 
<i>person</i> used by the council to signify the union of, or the means
of uniting, the two natures in Christ. They believed that Nestorianism
was thereby renewed; or at least they thought the definition less
satisfactory than St. Cyril's concept of the union of the two natures
in Christ (Bardenhewer, Patrologie, 2nd ed., 321-22). In Palestine,
Syria, Armenia, Egypt, and other countries, many monks and
ecclesiastics refused to accept the definition of Chalcedon; and
Monophysites are found there to this day. 
(<i>See</i> DIOSCURUS; EUTYCHIANISM; MONOPHYSITISM.)</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2856" shownumber="no">FRANCIS J. SCHAEFER</p></def>

<term id="c-p2856.1" title="Chaldean Christians" type="Encyclopedia">Chaldean Christians</term>
<def id="c-p2856.2">
<h1 id="c-p2856.3">Chaldean Christians</h1>
<p id="c-p2857" shownumber="no">The name of former Nestorians now reunited with the Roman Church.
Ethnologically they are divided into two groups (Turco-Persian and
Indian), which must be treated apart, since in their vicissitudes one
group differs considerably from the other. The first group is usually
known as Chaldeans, the second as Christians of St. Thomas (also called
the Syro-Malabar Church).</p>
<h3 id="c-p2857.1">I. NAME AND TERRITORY OF CHALDEANS</h3>
<p id="c-p2858" shownumber="no">Strictly, the name of 
<i>Chaldeans</i> is no longer correct; in Chaldea proper, apart from
Baghdad, there are now very few adherents of this rite, most of the
Chaldean population being found in the cities of Kerkuk, Arbil, and
Mosul, in the heart of the Tigris valley, in the valley of the Zab, in
the mountains of Kurdistan. It is in the former ecclesiastical province
of Ator (Assyria) that are now found the most flourishing of the
Catholic Chaldean communities. The native population accepts the name
of Atoraya-Kaldaya (Assyro-Chaldeans) while in the neo-Syriac
vernacular Christians generally are known as Syrians. The territory now
occupied by these Chaldeans belonged once to the ancient Sassanid
Empire of Persia, later Omayyad and then the Abbassid caliphs of Islam.
Turkish and Mongol invasions, and later efforts to reconstruct the
former Kingdom of Persia shattered effectually the earlier political
unity of this region; since the end of the sixteenth century the
territory of the Chaldeans has been under Turkish or Persian rule. In
fact, however, a number of the mountain tribes are only nominally
subject to either.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2858.1">II. CHALDEANS IN TURKEY AND PERSIA</h3>
<p id="c-p2859" shownumber="no">From the fifth century, the Persian Church quietly, almost
unconsciously, adopted the Nestorian errors. Previous to that period,
its relations with Rome had been insignificant owing to distance,
language, racial temper, and a certain ardour of nationalism begotten
by the almost perpetual wars with the Roman Empire. Up to the end of
the Middle Ages, there also lay between Persia and Rome another, and
insuperable, obstacle: The Byzantine Church.</p>
<p id="c-p2860" shownumber="no">It is true that at the end of seventh century a Nestorian prelate,
Sahdona, accepted the Council of Chalcedon and returned to Christian
orthodoxy, but this implied only a renewal of union with the Melchite
(Orthodox Greek) Church of Antioch and the East, by no means a
recognition of the supremacy of the Pope of Old Rome. The present
Chaldeans do not therefore descend from Sahdona.</p>
<p id="c-p2861" shownumber="no">It was not until the thirteenth century that the political
revolutions of Central and Farther Asia permitted closer relations
between the Nestorian Christians and the Roman Church, whose
missionaries then reached the valley of the Tigris by way of the new
Latin principalities. Innocent IV, an earnest promoter of the Eastern
missions, had sent two Dominicans to Sabhrisho' ibn-al-Masih, the
Catholicos of the Nestorians. Through his vicar Ard (perhaps Addai) the
catholicos sent to Rome a profession of faith and a theological
treatise by the Archbishop of Nisibis, Iso'yahb bar Malkon (1247). The
result of this mission is unknown; certainly Makkika and Denha,
successors of the aforesaid catholicos, pursued the matter no further.
Yahbalaha III, however, elected in 1281, sent to the pope, in his own
name and in that of Argun, King of the Tatars, the Chinese monk,
Barsauma (1287). Nicholas IV welcomed the Nestorian envoy and sent him
home with many gifts for the catholicos, requesting kind treatment for
such Dominican missionaries as might traverse his province.</p>
<p id="c-p2862" shownumber="no">In 1304 the same Yahbalaha took advantage of the return to Rome of
the Dominican James to address to Benedict XI a profession of faith
dated from the city of Maraga. The frightful disturbances of the
fourteenth century interrupted these friendly relations. Towards the
middle of the fifteenth century the office of catholicos became
hereditary and passed from uncle to nephew in the same family.
Meanwhile the Nestorian communities, dispersed throughout the former
Arabian Empire, cut off from all communication with their natural
religious centre, dwindled to insignificant proportions or disappeared
altogether. In 1445 Andreas, Archbishop of Colossae, was sent by Eugene
IV to reconcile with Rome the Nestorian prelate Timothy, known as the
Archbishop of Tarsus, but then resident in Cyprus. After obtaining from
this prelate certain modifications of the Nestorian Liturgy, Andreas
forbade the Latin Christians of Cyprus to treat the Chaldeans as
heretics.</p>
<p id="c-p2863" shownumber="no">In 1551 the Catholicos Simeon bar Mama was succeeded by his nephew,
Simeon Denha. According to a custom then about a century old, the
latter was consecrated by Henanisho, the only remaining metropolitan. A
numerous anti-synod met at Mosul, convoked by the Bishops of Arbil,
Salamas, and Aderbaidjan. In agreement with the principal laymen they
chose for bishop a monk of the monastery of Rabban-Hormizd Se' ud bar
Daniel, known as Sulaga (Ascension). Probably at the suggestion of some
Latin missionary, they sent him to Rome, where he received episcopal
consecration from Julius III, with the title of Patriarch of the
Chaldeans. On his return to his country Sulaga consecrated two
metropolitans and three bishops. In the meantime, the aforesaid
Nestorian catholicos, Simeon Denha, won over the Pasha of Diarbekir;
John Sulaga was imprisoned and later on (1555) was put to death. The
united Chaldeans soon chose as his successor Abdisho', the Metropolitan
of Djeziret ibn-Omar (Beit-Zabdai'), who went to Rome (1562) during the
pontificate of Pius IV, received there the pallium, and was invited to
assist at the Council of Trent. He declined this honour but addressed
to the assembly a profession of faith that was read at the
twenty-second session. He returned to his people, and after a few years
died among them at Seert (1567). The patriarchal office remained vacant
for some time. Though very little as known of Aitalaha, the successor
of Abdisho', it is certain that he did not go to Rome for the pallium,
as did his predecessors. His energetic auxiliary, however,
Hormizd-Elias Amas Abid, who had been consecrated by Sulaka as
Archbishop of Amid and Jerusalem, was always in friendly communication
with the Latins. In the meantime a large body of Nestorians headed by
Denha Simeon, the Archbishop of Gelu, Salamas, and Seert, rejected the
authority of the successor of bar Mama and submitted to Aitalaha, on
whose death Simeon was chosen to succeed him. The Turco-Persian wars
obliged Simeon to reside in the mountains, near Salamas in Persia,
whereas his predecessors had resided at Amid (Amida). This change of
residence had important consequences: the successors of Simeon in the
end retained jurisdiction only over the provinces subject to the
Persians, and had no longer any intercourse with Rome except at long
intervals. In this way many Chaldeans returned to the Nestorian heresy
(if, indeed, they had ever abandoned it). Simeon died in 1593. In 1619
his successor, Simeon II, wrote that he should visit Rome, which
promise, however, he was unable to execute. In 1650 Simeon III
corresponded with Innocent X. In 1658 Simeon IV entered on relations
with the Congregation of Propaganda, for which attitude his subjects
tried to depose him. Alexander VII, however, defended him earnestly in
a letter to the King of Persia and urged that he might be permitted to
retain his patriarchal office. There is still extant a letter of Simeon
V (1670) to Clement X, also one of Simeon VI (1770) to Clement XIV.
Since the election of Simeon VII (1839) no further attempts have been
made by the Chaldeans of Persia to renew relations with Rome. The
establishment (1837) of a Protestant mission near Urmia probably
accounts for this regrettable attitude. Nevertheless, the present
Nestorian patriarch, resident at Kotchannes in the mountains of
Kurdistan, is a direct successor of John Sulaga, one of those who
initiated the aforesaid union with Rome.</p>
<p id="c-p2864" shownumber="no">Simeon bar Mama was succeeded in 1576 by Elias Simeon Venha who in
1586 sent a profession of faith to Sixtus V. It was, however, judged
heretical. Elias II (1591-1617) took up again the question of reunion
and in a letter to Rome (1610) complained that he and his people were
regarded as heretics by the Franciscans of the Holy Land. In 1616 he
assembled at Amid (Diarbekir) a general synod, attended by eight
metropolitans and in which Padre Tommaso da Novara, superior of the
Franciscan convent of Aleppo, took part. In preparation for this synod
an embassy had been sent to Rome (1612) headed by the archimandrite,
Addai. The union was consummated, but in appearance only. Two persons
appeared to have been sincere in their conversion: Addai, consecrated
at the aforesaid synod as Bishop of Amid and Jerusalem and (perhaps)
the patriarch. The latter, however, died the following year. His
successor, Elias (III) Simeon (1617-1660) also solicited from Rome the
pallium but his profession of faith was not found orthodox. The
negotiations soon ceased and were not resumed either by Elias (IV) John
(1600-1700), or by Elias (V) (1700-1723). It is said that Elias (VI)
Denha (1723-1778) corresponded with Rome. If so his successor, Elias
(VII) Ishotyahb, observed an attitude of independence. Finally, John
Hormizd -- the last descendant of the patriarchal family of bar Mama --
went over definitely to the Catholic Church (1830) and took with him
the See of Baghdad-Mosul and many Nestorians.</p>
<p id="c-p2865" shownumber="no">In 1672, Joseph, the Nestorian Archbishop of Diarbekir, following
the advice of the Capuchin missionaries, withdrew from communion with
the Patriarch Elias IV. The latter tried to have him assassinated and
roused against him the vigorous enmity of the Turkish authorities.
Joseph fled to Rome (1675), but after an understanding with the
Propaganda, and with the sanction of Clement X, returned to his own
country where he was active in organizing the union of his people with
Rome. Innocent XI granted him the pallium (1681) and the title of
patriarch. He resigned in 1693 and died at Rome. The learned Joseph
(II) Ma'aruf (1693-1713), received from Clement XI (1701) the title of
Patriarch of Babylon. His successor, Joseph (III) Moses Timothy
(1714-1756), had a very troubled career. In 1731 he went to
Constantinople to protest against the incessant annoyances of the
Nestorians. Thence he proceeded to Rome, where he promptly received an
intimation to return to his diocese. He was unable, however, to reach
it and appeared again in Rome (1735), where for six years he was kept
in seclusion. At the end of this period he was restored, at the prayers
of his flock, and returned to Amid (1741), where he died in 1756.
Joseph (IV) Timothy (1759-1779) followed him in the patriarchal office.
Joseph (V) Augustine Hindi succeeded (1779-1826) with the title of
Archbishop and Administrator of the Chaldean Patriarchate of the
Province of Diarbekir, for the Diocese of Mosul he had as auxiliary the
priest George of Alkosch. Owing to the scarcity of documents the
history of this period is little known. From letters edited by Giamil
(Genuinae relationes, 391-399) it would appear that properly speaking
Joseph IV had no successor, perhaps because of the aforementioned
conversion to Catholicism of John Hormizd, the last descendant of bar
Mama. John Hormizd had been excommunicated in 1818, but was reconciled
with Rome in 1830 and proclaimed Patriarch of Babylon by Pius VIII; he
owed this happy settlement to the kind efforts of Pierre Coupperie, the
Latin Bishop of Babylon. In 1838 Nicholas Isaias Jacob, Bishop of
Aderbaidjan, and a former pupil of the College of Propaganda at Rome,
was appointed his coadjutor with right of succession. The same year
John Hormizd died, and in 1847 Isaias Jacob resigned. His successor,
Joseph (VI) Audo (1848-1878), entered on a serious conflict with Pius
IX. Though the Bull "Reversurus" had provoked (1867) a schism in
Armenia, it was imposed upon the Chaldeans in 1869. Joseph Audo
maintained his prerogative in the matter of episcopal ordinations and
was threatened with excommunication by the papal Encyclical of
September, 1876. Audo died in 1878, but had previously been reconciled
with Pius IX. Leo XIII appointed as his successor Elias (XII) Abolionan
(1878-1894), who was followed by the learned George 'Abdisho' (V)
Khayyath (1894-1899) and Joseph Emmanuel (II) Thomas.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2865.1">III. PRESENT STATUS</h3>
<p id="c-p2866" shownumber="no">The latest and most complete Statistics of the Catholic Chaldeans
were furnished in 1896 by Mgr. George 'Abdisho' Khayyath to the Abbe
Chabot (Revue de l'Orient Chrétien, I, no. 4). The patriarch
considers Baghdad as the principal city of his see. His title of
Patriarch of Babylon results from the erroneous identification (in the
seventeenth century) of modern Baghdad with ancient Babylon. As a
matter of fact the Chaldean patriarch resides habitually at Mosul and
reserves for himself the direct administration of this diocese and that
of Baghdad. There are five archbishops (resident respectively at
Bassora, Diarbekir, Kerkuk, Salamas, and Urmia) and seven bishops.
Eight patriarchal vicars govern the small Chaldean communities
dispersed throughout Turkey and Persia. The Chaldean clergy, especially
the monks of Rabban-Hormizd, have established some missionary stations
in the mountain districts inhabited by Nestorians. Three dioceses are
in Persia, the others in Turkey. There are in all 233 parishes and 177
churches or chapels. The Catholic Chaldean Clergy number 248 priests;
they are assisted by the religious of the Congregation of St. Hormizd
(Rabban-Hormizd) who number about one hundred. There are about
fifty-two Chaldean schools (not counting those conducted by Latin nuns
and missionaries). At Mosul there is a patriarchal seminary, distinct
from the Syro-Chaldean seminary directed by the Dominicans. The total
number of the Chaldeans according to the above-mentioned authority is
nearly 78,000, 24,000 of whom are in the Diocese of Mosul. This number
is perhaps a little exaggerated. The figure of about 66,000 given by
Dr. Oussani (see ASIA) as against 140,000 Nestorians is more correct.
The liturgical language of the Chaldean Church is Syriac. Arabic,
Turkish, Persian, Kurd are variously spoken by the people; in some
districts the vernacular is neo-Syriac. The liturgical books are those
of the ancient Nestorian Church, corrected in the sense of Catholic
orthodoxy. Unfortunately, without doctrinal necessity, they have in
some places been made to conform with Latin usage.</p>
<p id="c-p2867" shownumber="no">Religiously and morally the Chaldeans are on a level with the other
Catholic communities of the Oriental Rite. They are becoming daily
better instructed, owing in part to the zeal and devotion of Latin
missionaries and religious (Dominicans at Mosul, Carmelites at Baghdad,
Lazarists in Persia). Their clergy counts among its members such
learned men, as Mgr. Giamil, Mgr. Addai Scher, and Mgr. Manna, authors
of numerous publications interesting to Orientalists. This literary
revival is mostly due to the Lazarist, Pere Bedjan, a Persian Chaldean.
He devoted much industry and learning to popularizing among his people,
both Catholics and Nestorians, their ancient chronicles, the lives of
Chaldean saints and martyrs, even works of the ancient Nestorian
doctors.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2867.1">IV. MALABAR CHRISTIANS</h3>
<p id="c-p2868" shownumber="no">The west coast of India exhibits since the sixth century a number of
flourishing Christian communities subject to the Nestorian Catholicos
of Persia. In the sixteenth century Portuguese invaders of India found
on the aforesaid coast over 200,000 of these ancient Persian or Syriac
Christians, who called themselves Christians of St. Thomas. They
acknowledged their dependence on the Nestorian Church for a long time,
however, on account of the dangers of travel and continual wars, their
intercourse with it was only intermittent. Most of the time, therefore,
they were without bishops. The clergy of Goa tried to annex them by a
process of latinization, and the Jesuits, successors of St. Francis
Xavier, followed a similar policy, but with much moderation and
practical sense.</p>
<p id="c-p2869" shownumber="no">After the above described renewal of relations between Rome and the
Chaldean Catholics, their procurator, Bishop Hormizd Elias, was sent to
India (1562) by the pope and the Patriarch 'Abdisho', with two
Dominican missionaries, one of whom was a bishop. 'Abdisho' ordained as
Bishop of Malabar a certain Joseph whom the Portuguese detained at Goa
so that he was able to reach his mission only after two years. In the
meantime, because of urgency, a successor had been named, Bishop
Abraham of Angamale. This was the cause of misunderstandings and
disputes to which Pius IV put an end (1565) by dividing the Malabar
territory. This step did not greatly relieve the anxieties of the
United Chaldeans of Malabar. Bishop Abraham complained to the pope
"that the Fathers of the Society [of Jesus] and the Latin Portuguese
tried to withdraw him from obedience to the Chaldean patriarch and to
persuade him to demand the pallium directly from the pope. In this way
they sought to compel him to "conform to the Latin Rite and to turn
over gradually to the Holy See the administration of this province".
The King of Cochin himself asked from the pope (1576) for Bishop
Abraham a safe-conduct to attend at Goa the Provincial Council of the
Indies, without fear of imprisonment. In 1599, Alexis Menezes,
Archbishop of Goa, convoked at Diamper a celebrated synod, in which it
was decided to unify the hierarchy and to correct the rituals, missals,
and other liturgical books of the Malabar Christians in the sense of
the Roman Liturgy. Portuguese authority enforced these decisions on the
Malabar Coast, but the policy eventually failed. Many Catholics left
the Latin Church and joined the Nestorians. A little later (1603) the
Jacobite (Monophysite) patriarch sent a bishop to India, whereupon more
than a hundred thousand Malabar Christians accepted him with a view to
the preservation of their liturgical (Syriac) tongue, heedless of his
Monophysitism, which was, no doubt quite unintelligible to them. Owing
to the Carmelite missionaries, who succeeded the Jesuits, nearly
250,000 persevered in Catholic unity, and have remained to the present,
loyal to the Holy See and submissive to the Latin hierarchy though they
have never ceased their petition to be restored to the obedience of the
Chaldean patriarch. This re-affiliation has not been accorded them,
even after the Encyclical of Leo XIII "Orientalium Dignitas". The pope,
however, has withdrawn them from the jurisdiction of the Latin bishops
and has given them three vicars Apostolic of their nation and rite.
These native bishops administer the Dioceses of Trichur, Ernakulam and
Changanachery, and are directly subject to Propaganda (1897). This is
only a provisional solution. The Catholic Chaldeans of Malabar look
always towards the (Catholic) Chaldean patriarchs, who never tire of
urging the extension of their jurisdiction over the distant Malabar
churches, historically united with the Church of Persia and its
legitimate representatives.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2870" shownumber="no">J. LABOURT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2870.1" title="Chalice" type="Encyclopedia">Chalice</term>
<def id="c-p2870.2">
<h1 id="c-p2870.3">Chalice</h1>
<h3 id="c-p2870.4">HISTORY</h3>
<p id="c-p2871" shownumber="no">
<img alt="03561act.jpg" id="c-p2871.1" src="/ccel/herbermann/cathen03/files/03561act.jpg" style="text-align:right" />
</p>
<p id="c-p2872" shownumber="no">The chalice occupies the first place among sacred vessels, and by a
figure of speech the material cup is often used as if it were
synonymous with the Precious Blood itself. "The chalice of benediction,
which we bless", writes St. Paul, "is it not the communion of the blood
of Christ?" (I Cor., x, 16). No reliable tradition has been preserved
to us regarding the vessel used by Christ at the Last Supper. In the
sixth and seventh centuries pilgrims to Jerusalem were led to believe
that the actual chalice was still venerated in the church of the Holy
Sepulchre, having within it the sponge which was presented to Our
Saviour on Calvary. Curiously enough, while Antoninus of Piacenza
refers to it as made of onyx, Adamnan, less than a century later,
describes it as a "silver cup holding the measure of a Gallic sextarius
and with two opposite handles" (see Geyer, Itinera, Hierosolimitana,
pp. 154, 173, 234, 305). At a much later period two other vessels have
been venerated as the chalice of the Last Supper. One, the 
<i>sacro catino</i> of Genoa, is rather a dish than a cup and is made
of green glass, though long supposed to be an emerald, fourteen and a
half inches in diameter and of priceless value. The other, at Valencia
in Spain, is a cup of agate. The fact is that the whole tradition is
untrustworthy and of late date. It will be referred to further under
the article GRAIL, and meanwhile we may be content to quote the words
of St. Chrysostom (Hom. l in Matt.): in Matt.): "The table was not of
silver, the chalice was not of gold in which Christ gave His blood to
His disciples to drink, and yet everything there was precious and truly
fit to inspire awe." So far as it is possible to collect any scraps of
information regarding the chalices in use among early Christians, the
evidence seems to favour the prevalence of glass, though cups of the
precious and of baser metals, of ivory, wood, and even clay were also
in use. (See Hefele, Beiträge, II, 323-5.) A passage of St.
Irenæus (Hær., I, c. xiii) describing a pretended miracle
wrought by Mark the Gnostic who poured white wine into his chalice and
then after prayer showed the contents to be red, almost necessarily
supposes a vessel of glass, and the glass patens 
(<i>patenas vitreas</i>) mentioned in the "Liber Pontificalis" under
Zephyrinus (202-19) as well as certain passages in Tertullian and St.
Jerome, entirely favour the same conclusion. But the tendency to use by
preference the precious metals developed early. St. Augustine speaks of
two golden and six silver chalices dug up at Cirta in Africa, (Contra
Crescon., III, c. xxix), and St. Chrysostom of a golden chalice set
with gems (Hom. 1 in Matt.). As regards shape, our principal
information at this early period is derived from certain
representations, said to be meant for Eucharistic chalices, which are
found in early mosaics, sarcophagi, and other monuments of Christian
art. The general prevalence of an almost stemless, vase-shaped type
with two handles, inclines us to believe that a glass vessel of this
nature discovered in the Ostrian catacomb on the Via Nomentana, and now
preserved in the Lateran Museum, may really have been a chalice. At an
early date it became common to inscribe the donor's name upon costly
vessels presented to churchcs. Thus it is known that Galla Placidia (d.
450) offered a chalice with such an inscription to the church of
Zacharias at Ravenna, and the Emperor Valentinian III sent another to
the church at Brive. Such goblets were sometimes known as 
<i>calices literati.</i> The earliest specimen of a chalice of whose
original purpose we can feel reasonably confident is the chalice of
Chelles, preserved until the French Revolution and believed to have
been wrought by, or at least to date from the time of, the famous
artificer St. Eligius of Noyon, who died in 659. The material was gold,
richly decorated with enamels and precious stones. In shape it was
without handles and like a celery glass, with a very deep cup and no
stem, but the cup was joined to the base by a knop, which under the
name of 
<i>nodus</i> or 
<i>pomellum</i> became a very characteristic feature in the chalices of
the Middle Ages. In many of the specimens described or preserved from
the Merovingian, Carlovingian, and Romanesque periods, it is possible
to make a distinction between the ordinary sacrificial chalice used by
bishops and priests in the Mass and the 
<i>calices ministeriales</i> intended for the Communion of the faithful
at Easter and other seasons when many received. These latter chalices
are of considerable size, and they are often, though not always, fitted
with handles, which, it is easy to understand, would have afforded
additional security against accidents when the sacred vessel was put to
the lips of each communicant in turn. In a rude and barbarous age the
practical difficulties of Communion under species of wine must have
been considerable, and it is not wonderful that from the Carolingian
period onwards the device was frequently adopted of using a pipe or
reed (known by a variety of names, 
<i>fistula, tuellus, canna, arundo, pipa, calamus, siphon,</i> etc.)
for the Communion of both clergy and people. To this day at the solemn
papal high Mass, the chalice is brought from the altar to the pope at
his throne, and the pontiff absorbs its contents through a golden pipe.
This practice also lasted down to the reformation among the
Cistercians.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2872.1">THE CHALICES OF THE MIDDLE AGES</h3>
<p id="c-p2873" shownumber="no">
<img alt="03561aat.jpg" id="c-p2873.1" src="/ccel/herbermann/cathen03/files/03561aat.jpg" style="text-align:left" />
</p>
<p id="c-p2874" shownumber="no">Of chalices earlier than the time of Charlemagne the existing
specimens are so few and so doubtful that generalization of any kind is
almost impossible. Besides the already mentioned chalice of Chelles,
now destroyed, only two of those still preserved can be referred
confidently to a date earlier than the year 800. The most remarkable of
these is that of Tassilo, which bears the inscription TASSILO DUX
FORTIS + LUITPIRG VIRGA 
(<i>sic</i>) REGALIS. This beautiful piece of metal work exhibits an
egg-shaped cup joined to a small conical base by a knop. The character
of the ornamentation shows clearly the predominance of Irish
influences, even if it be not actually the work of an Irish craftsman.
Plainer in design, but very similar in form, is the chalice said to
have belonged to St. Ledger. Its Eucharistic character is proved beyond
doubt by the inscription which it bears: HIC CALIX SANGVINIS DNI IHV
XTI. If, as is possible, these words are intended to form a chronogram,
they yield the date 788. Of the succeeding period, by far the most
remarkable example preserved is the magnificent relic of Irish art
known as the Chalice of Ardagh (see picture), from the place near which
it was accidentally discovered in 1868. This is a "ministerial" chalice
and it has two handles. It is seven inches in height but as much as
nine and a half inches in diameter, and the bowl is capable of
containing nearly three pints of liquid. The material is silver alloyed
with copper, but gold and other metals have been used in its wonderful
ornamentation, consisting largely of interlacing patterns and rich
enamels. An inscription in very interesting ancient characters gives
simply the names of the Twelve Apostles, a list of course highly
suggestive of the Last Supper. The date conjecturally assigned to this
masterpiece from the letters of the inscription is the ninth or tenth
century. But in any case the broadening of the cup and the firm and
wide base indicate a development which is noticeable in nearly all the
chalices of the Romanesque period. The chalice known as that of St.
Gozlin, Bishop of Toul (922-962), is still preserved in the cathedral
of Nancy. In its broad, low, circular form it much resembles the
last-named chalice. Another very beautiful ministerial chalice with
handles, but of later date (twelfth century?), is that of the Abbey of
Wilten in the Tyrol. It may be added that although these double-handled
cups of precious metal were no doubt primarily intended for the
Communion of the people, they were also on great occasions used by the
celebrant in the Holy Sacrifice. The fresco in the under-church of San
Clemente in Rome (eleventh century?), representing the Mass of St.
Clement, shows a two-handled chalice upon the altar, and the same may
be seen in the famous liturgical ivory panel of the Spitza collection
(Kraus, Christliche Kunst, II, 18)</p>
<p id="c-p2875" shownumber="no">It is certain, however, that the chalices commonly used for the
private Masses of parish priests and monks were of a simpler character,
and in the eighth, ninth and following centuries much legislation was
devoted to securing that chalices should be made of becoming material.
From are mark attributed to St. Boniface (c. 740) that in the early
ages of the Church the priests were of gold and the chalices of wood,
but that now the chalices were of gold and the priests of wood, it
might be inferred that he would have favoured simplicity in the
furniture of the altar, but the synodal decrees of this period only
aimed at promoting suitable reverence for the Mass. England seems to
have taken the lead in this matter, and in any case the English canons
may be quoted as typical of those which soon afterwards were enforced
everywhere. Thus the Council of Celchyth (Chelsea) forbade the use of
chalices or patens of horn 
<i>quod de sanguine sunt</i>, and the canons passed in the reign of
Edgar, under St. Dunstan, enjoined that all chalices in which the
"housel is hallowed" should be of molten work (calic gegoten) and that
none should be hallowed in a wooden vessel. The laws of the
Northumbrian priests imposed a fine upon all who should "hallow housel"
in a wooden chalice and the so-called canons of Ælfric repeated
the injunction that chalices of molten material, gold, silver, glass 
(<i>glaesen</i>) or tin should be used, not horn, and especially not
wood. Horn was rejected because blood had entered into its composition.
Probably, however, the most famous decree was that included in the
"Corpus Juris" (cap. xlv, dist. i, de consecratione) "that the chalice
of the Lord, together with the paten, if not gold, must be entirely
made of silver. If, however, anyone is so poor, let him at least have a
chalice of pewter. The chalice must not be made of brass or copper,
because it generates rust (i. e. verdigris) which causes nausea. And
let no one presume to say Mass with a chalice of wood or glass. This
decree is traditionally attributed to a certain council of Reims, but
Hefele is unable to identify it.</p>
<p id="c-p2876" shownumber="no">From the eleventh century onwards sufficient chalices and
representations of chalices survive to enable us to draw conclusions
regarding their evolution of form. A round knop, short stem, broad firm
base, and wide, rather shallow cup are characteristic of the earlier
period. One of the richest surviving examples is the chalice known as
that of St. Remi. It is remarkable for the maledictory inscription
engraved on its base: QUICUNQUE HUNC CALICEM INVADIAVERIT VEL AB HAC
ECCLESIA REMENSI ALIQUO MODO ALIENAVERIT ANATHEMA SIT. FIAT AMEN. In
the thirteenth century, while the cup of the ordinary chalice still
remains broad and rather low, and base and knop are circular, we find a
certain development of the stem. On the other hand the cup, in a large
number of examples of the fourteenth century, tends to assume a conical
or funnel shape, while the stem and knop become angular, or prismatic
in section, generally hexagonal. The base is often divided into six
lobes to match the stem, and the knop itself is sometimes resolved into
a group of studs or bosses, which in certain fifteenth-century
specimens give place to a mass of areading and architectural ornament
set with figures. The stem is at the same time elongated and becomes
much taller. Under Renaissance influences, on the other hand, the
ornamentation in the more sumptuous specimens of chalices is often
excessive, spending itself in the form of figured repoussé work
upon the base and stem. The cup almost invariably assumes a tulip
shape, which continues during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,
while the chalice greatly increases in height. With this, in the
seventeenth century, often went a very thin stem, or again a quite
inadequate base, so that many chalices of this period leave the
well-founded impression of bring either fragile or top heavy. The
question of the restriction of Communion under both kinds and the
consequent withdrawal of the chalice from the laity is a matter of some
obscurity and does not belong to the present article. In many places
where the Precious Blood was no longer given to the people, it seems
that to reconcile them more easily to the change, a cup containing
simple wine was presented to each communicant as he left the sanctuary
after receiving the Sacred Host. Parish priests were enjoined to
explain very carefully to the people that this was only ordinary wine
intended to enable them to swallow the Host more readily. This
practice, called 
<i>purificatio</i>, is still prescribed as part of the rite of the
General Communion on Easter Day in the "Cæremonial Episcoporum"
(II, cap. xxix). Probably a special chalice of large capacity was
reserved for this purpose. As it was very probably a chalice of large
capacity, with handles, it seems impossible to distinguish such a
goblet from the 
<i>calix ministerialis</i> of earlier times. Another kind of chalice
referred to by archæologists is that said to have been used after
baptism to give milk and honey to the neophytes, but no definite
surviving example of such a vessel seems to be known.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2876.1">PRESENT LEGISLATION</h3>
<p id="c-p2877" shownumber="no">According to the existing law of the Church the chalice, or at least
the cup of it, must be made either of gold or of silver, and in the
latter case the bowl must be gilt on the inside. In circumstances of
great poverty or in time of persecution a 
<i>calix stanneus</i> (pewter) may be permitted, but the bowl of this
also, like the upper surface of the paten, must be gilt. Before the
chalice and paten are used in the Sacrifice of the Mass they require
consecration. This rite is carried out according to a form specially
provided in the "Pontificale" and involving the use of holy chrism. The
consecration must be performed by a bishop (or in the case of chalices
intended for monastic use, by an abbot possessing the privilege), and a
bishop cannot in an ordinary way delegate any priest to perform this
function in his place. Further, if the chalice lose its consecration --
which happens for example if it be broken or the cup perforated, or
even if it has had to be sent to have the bowl regilded-it is neccesary
that it should be reconsecrated by the bishop before it can again be
used. Strictly speaking, only priests and deacons are permitted to
touch the chalice or paten, but leave is usually granted to sacristans
and those officially appointed to take charge of the vestments and
sacred vessels.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2877.1">ADJUNCTS OF THE CHALICE</h3>
<p id="c-p2878" shownumber="no">These are the corporal, the purificator, the pall, the burse, and
the chalice veil.</p>
<p id="c-p2879" shownumber="no">The corporal (q.v.) will be considered separately.</p>
<p id="c-p2880" shownumber="no">The purificator 
(<i>purificatorium</i> or more anciently 
<i>emunctorium</i>) now consists of a rectangular piece of linen
usually folded twice lengthwise and laid across the top of the chalice.
It is used for wiping and drying the chalice, or the paten, or the
priest's lips, e.g. after the ablutions. Unlike the corporal and the
pall, it requires no special blessing. In the Middles Age it was not
customary, as it is nowadays, for each priest to have a purificator of
his own, frequently renewed, but it seems that a cloth of this kind was
kept at the altar which was used in common by all.</p>
<p id="c-p2881" shownumber="no">The pall is a small square of stiffened linen ornamented with a
cross, which is laid upon the orifice of the chalice to protect its
contents from flies or dust. The word 
<i>pallium</i>, or 
<i>palla</i>, was originally used of all kinds of coverings, notably of
what we now call the altar-cloths, and also of the corporal. Even in
St. Gregory of Tours (Hist. Franc., VII, xxii) we read of the sacred
gifts being veiled by a pallium, which was probably some sort of
corporal. But about the time of St. Anselm (c. 1100) the custom seems
to have grown up in some places of using two corporals at the altar.
One was spread out, and upon it the chalice and host were laid. The
other, folded into smaller compass, served only to cover the chalice
(sce Giorgi, Liturgia Rom. Pont., II, 220, III, 79-81). This folded
corporal is now represented by the little disk of linen which we call
the pall. At one time it was forbidden to cover the pall with silk or
rich embroidery; now the upper surface may be of silk and embroidered,
but the under-side, which is in contact with the chalice, must still be
linen. The original identity of the pall and the corporal is further
illustrated by the fact that both alike require to be specially blessed
before use.</p>
<p id="c-p2882" shownumber="no">The chalice veil and the burse (q.v.) are of comparatively recent
introduction. Even Burchard, the compiler of the "Ordo Missae" (1502),
now represented by the 
<i>rubricae generales</i> of the Roman Missal, supposes that the
chalice and paten were brought by the priest to the altar in a sacculum
or lintheum, which seems to have been the ancestor of the present veil.
The burse, which is simply a cover used to keep the corporal from being
soiled, and which for that reason was known in Old English as a
"corporas-case", is somewhat older. Several medieval burses are still
preserved in the collection at Danzig. Nowadays both burse and veil are
usually made of the same material as that of the set of vestments to
which they belong, and they are similarly ornamented.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2882.1">THE CHALICE IN ART</h3>
<p id="c-p2883" shownumber="no">
<img alt="03561abt.jpg" id="c-p2883.1" src="/ccel/herbermann/cathen03/files/03561abt.jpg" style="text-align:left" />
</p>
<p id="c-p2884" shownumber="no">From what has already been said it will be clear that the chalice,
as the most important of all the vessels in church use, must have
exercised an incalculable influence upon the early developments of the
goldsmith's craft. Such monuments as the Ardagh chalice and the Tassilo
chalice, both of Irish origin, stand almost alone in the information
they afford of an otherwise unsuspected mechanical skill and richness
of ornament, particularly in the matter of enamels, in a remote and
barbarous age. The earliest, documents connected with the life of St.
Patrick reveal the fact that the artificers of chalices and bells had a
certain status which in that rude age won respect for the arts of
peace. The chalice in a particular way was identified with the
priesthood. This sacred vessel, which now stands upon the priest's
coffin during his obsequies, recalls the time when a small chalice of
metal or of wax was buried with him in his tomb; and the chalice which
is the recognized emblem of so many saints -- e.g., St. John the
Evangelist -- suggests in many instances the promise made by Christ to
His followers, "if ye shall drink any deadly thing it shall not hurt
you". To attempt to illustrate the characteristics of the artistic
silver work in the different countries of Europe would take us too far.
But it is much to be desired that by the favour shown to good material,
skilful workmanship, and a pure type of art, the chalices constructed
for the liturgical use of the Church may still serve as an
encouragement of all that is best in the craft of the worker in
precious metals.</p>
<p id="c-p2885" shownumber="no">HISTORY AND ARCHÆLOGY-HEFELE, Beiträge zur
Kirchengeschichte (Tübingen, 1864), II, 322-30; ROHAULT DE FLEURY,
La Messe (Paris, 1886), Vol. IV, a work which contains by far the best
collection of illustrations of medieval chalices; BÄUMER, in
Kirchenlex. s.v. KELCH; THALHOFER, Litugik (Freiburg, 1890), I; BOCK in
the Jahrbuch of the Vienna Central Commission, IV; WEISS, in the
Mittheilungen of the Vienna Central Commission, IV; REUSENS,
Eléments d'archéologie chrét. (Aachen, 1885), I, 232,
460, II, 320; OTTE, Handbuch der Kunst-Archeologie (1886), I; LINAS,
Orfèvrerie Mérovingienne (Paris, 1864); CORBLET, Histoire de
l'Eucharistie (Paris, 1886), II, 241-273; BERGNER, Handbuch der
kirchlichen Kunstalterhümer (Leipsig, 1905), 320-27; WILLIAMS, The
Arts and Crafts of Spain (3 vols., London, 1907)</p>
<p id="c-p2886" shownumber="no">ECCLESIASTICAL LAW.-BARBIER DE MONTAULT, Le mobilier
ecclésiastique (2 vols., Paris, 1887); VAN DER STAPPEN, Sacra
Liturgia (Mechlin, 1903), III, 96-110; WERNZ, Jus Decretalium (Rome,
1903), III.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2887" shownumber="no">HERBERT THURSTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2887.1" title="Challoner, Richard" type="Encyclopedia">Richard Challoner</term>
<def id="c-p2887.2">
<h1 id="c-p2887.3">Richard Challoner</h1>
<p id="c-p2888" shownumber="no">Bishop of Debra, Vicar Apostolic of the London District, author of
spiritual and controversial works, b. 29 Sept., 1691; d. 12 Jan.,
1781.</p>
<p id="c-p2889" shownumber="no">This prelate, who, during the greater part of the eighteenth
century, was to be the leading figure of English Catholicism, was not
born of Catholic parents, but was the son of a Presbyterian winecooper
of Lewes, Sussex, England. After his father's death his mother became
housekeeper to the Catholic family of Gage, at Firle in Sussex. It is
not known whether she was already a Catholic, or whether she was
converted as a consequence of her new surroundings, but her boy was not
received into the Church till he was about thirteen years old. This was
at Warkworth, in Northamptonshire, the seat of another well-known
Catholic family, that of Holman. Lady Anastasia Holman, wife of George
Holman, Esq., was a daughter of the martyred Viscount Stafford, and
their chaplain, the well-known controversial writer, John Gother,
instructed Richard Challoner in Catholic doctrine, and procured for him
a nomination to a foundation at Douai College. The boy entered college
on 29 July, 1705 (Dicconson's Diary), and spent the next twenty-five
years there, first as student, then as professor, and as
vice-president. His abilities enabled him to complete the usual twelve
years' course in eight years, and in 1708 he took the college oath,
binding himself to return to England, when required, to labour on the
mission. At the age of twenty-one he was chosen to teach the classes of
rhetoric and poetry, which were the two senior classes in "humanities";
and a year later his success as a teacher justified his appointment as
professor of philosophy, a post which he held for eight years. Ordained
priest 28 March, 1716, he graduated Bachelor in Divinity of the
University of Douai in 1719, and in the following year was chosen by
the president, Dr. Witham, to be his vice-president, an office which
involved the supervision of both professors and students. At the same
time he was appointed professor of theology and prefect of studies, so
that he had the direction of the whole course of studies.</p>
<p id="c-p2890" shownumber="no">His success as a teacher was probably due rather to his untiring
industry and devotion to this work than to any extraordinary mental
power, for he was never an original thinker, but his gift lay in
enforcing the spiritual reality of the doctrines he was expounding. His
fervent piety was his chief characteristic, and this appears even in
his controversial works. In 1727 he defended his public thesis and
obtained the degree of Doctor in Divinity. In 1728 he published his
first work, the little book of meditations so well known under the
quaint title of "Think Well on't". He had long desired, however, to
leave the college and to take up the harder work of the mission, and in
1730 he was at last allowed to return to London, where he threw himself
with zeal into the laborious work of the ministry. Though the penal
laws were no longer enforced with extreme severity, the life of the
Catholic priest was still a hard one. Disguised as a layman, Dr.
Challoner ministered to the small number of Catholics, celebrating Mass
secretly in obscure ale-houses, cockpits, and wherever small gatherings
could assemble without exciting remark. He was an untiring worker, and
in the poorest quarters of the town, in the prisons and the
sponging-houses, he sought out souls to save. In his spare time he gave
himself to study and writing, and was thus able to produce several
works of instruction and controversy. One of these, "The Catholic
Christian instructed in the Sacraments, Sacrifice and Ceremonies of the
Church", led to trouble, for in the preface he assailed a recent work
of Dr. Conyers Middleton, an Anglican divine, who had attacked the
Church. This gentleman so resented Dr. Challoner's reply that he set
the law in motion against him, and it was thought prudent for him to
leave England for a time and retire again to Douai. This was in 1738,
the year in which the able president of Douai, Dr. Witham, died, and
strenuous efforts were made by the superiors of the college to have Dr.
Challoner appointed president. But Dr. Petre, the Vicar Apostolic of
the London District, opposed this on the ground that he desired to have
him as his own coadjutor bishop. Propaganda had apparently already
arranged Challoner's appointment as president of Douai, but the
representations of Dr. Petre were so strong that he prevailed, and
Briefs were issued on 12 Sept., 1739, appointing Challoner to the See
of Debra 
<i>in partibus</i>.</p>
<p id="c-p2891" shownumber="no">These Briefs, however, were not carried into effect, for the
bishop-elect, endeavouring to escape the responsibility of the
episocpate, raised the point that he had been born and brought up a
Protestant. The delay so caused lasted a whole year, and it was not
till 24 Nov., 1740, that the new Briefs were issued. The consecration
took place on 29 Jan., 1741, in the private chapel at Hammersmith. The
new bishop's first work was a visitation of the district, the first
methodical visitation of which there is any record since the creation
of the vicariate in 1688. The district included ten counties, besides
the Channel Islands and the British possessions in America--chiefly
Maryland and Pennsylvania and some West Indian islands. The missions
beyond the seas could not be visited at all, and even the home counties
took nearly three years. In the intervals of his travels the bishop was
engaged in writing. In 1740 he brought out a new prayer book for the
laity, the "Garden of the Soul", which has ever since remained the
favourite work of devotion, though the many editions that have since
appeared have been so altered that little of the original work remains.
Next, finding that the sufferings of the English martyrs were in danger
of being forgotten, he published in two volumes, "Memoirs of Missionary
Priests", in which he gives an account of the martyrs form 1577 to
1681. This work, laboriously compiled from original records, had been
the chief means of perpetuating the tradition of the English martyrs
and remains the standard work on the subject. In 1745 he produced his
longest and most learned book, "Britannia Sancta", containing the lives
of the British, English, Scottish, and Irish saints. Another work to
which he devoted much energy and time was the preparation of a revised
edition of the Douay Bible and Reims New Testament. The chief points to
note in his edition are the elimination of the obscure and literal
translations from the Latin in which the original version abounds, the
alteration of obsolete words, a closer approximation in some respects
to the Anglican version, as, for instance, in the substitution of "The
Lord" for "Our Lord", and finally the printing of the verses
separately. The first edition of the New Testament appeared in 1749,
the second, together with the first edition of the Old Testament, in
1750. Between these two editions there are but few differences, but the
third edition, published in 1752, had important changes both in text
and notes, the variations numbering over two thousand. Dr. Challoner's
Bible has been the groundwork of nearly all subsequent English
versions. An American edition was published in Philadelphia in
1805.</p>
<p id="c-p2892" shownumber="no">In 1753 Dr. Challoner brought out another of his best-known works,
the popular "Meditations for every Day of the Year", a book which has
passed through numerous editions and been translated into French and
Italian. In the same year Pope Benedict XIV put an end to the long
disputes that had been carried on between the secular clergy and the
regulars, in the last stages of which Dr. Challoner took a leading
part. There were several points at issue, but the matter was brought to
a head over the contention put forward by the regulars, that they did
not need the approbation of the vicars Apostolic to hear confessions.
The bishops opposed this and, after a struggle lasting for several
years, obtained a final settlement of this and other questions, a
settlement, in the main, satisfactory to the bishops. In 1758 Dr.
Petre, Vicar Apostolic of the London District, died, and Dr. Challoner,
as his coadjutor, succeeded him at once. He was, however, nearly
seventy years old, and was so ill that he was forced immediately to
apply for a coadjutor. The Holy See appointed the Hon. and Rev. James
Talbot to this office, and with the help of the younger prelate, whose
assistance considerably lessened his labour, his health somewhat
recovered. But from this time he lived almost entirely in London, the
visitations being carried out by Dr. Talbot. He continued to write, and
almost every year published a new book, but they were more usually
translations or abstracts, such as "The Historical Part of the Old and
New Testament". One more work of original value remained, and that was
his little "British Martyrology" published in 1761.</p>
<p id="c-p2893" shownumber="no">As an administrator he was always unfailing in supplying
deficiencies in the face of extraordinary difficulties. He had already
provided for his people a suitable prayer book and meditation book, as
well as convenient editions of the Holy Scriptures, the "Imitation of
Christ", and the catechism of Christian Doctrine. But, besides this
literary work, he caused two schools for boys to be opened, one at
Standon Lordship, now represented by St. Edmund's College, Old Hall,
and the other at Sedgley Park, in Staffordshire. He also founded a
school for poor girls at Brook Green, Hammersmith, besides assisting
the already existing convent school there. he also instituted
conferences among the London clergy, and he was instrumental in
founding the still-existing "Benevolent Society for the Relief of the
Aged and Infirm Poor". His manifold activity is the more remarkable
because his life was spent in hiding, owing to the state of the law,
and often he had hurriedly to change his lodgings to escape the
Protestant informers, who were anxious to earn the government reward of
£100 for the conviction of a priest. One of these, John Payne,
known as "The Protestant Carpenter", indicted Dr. Challoner, but was
compelled to drop the proceedings, owing to some documents, which he
had forged, falling into the hands of the bishop's lawyers. For some
years he and the London priests were continually harassed in this way.
Finally the evil was remedied by the Catholic Relief Act of 1778, by
which priests were no longer liable to imprisonment for life. This
concession, slight as it was, speedily kindled a fierce blaze of
bigotry, and two years later the Gordon Riots broke out. The chapels
and houses of Catholics were wrecked and plundered by frenzied mobs.
From his hiding-place the bishop, now nearly ninety years of age, could
hear the howls of the mob, who were searching for him with the
intention of dragging him through the streets. They failed to find his
refuge, and on the following day he escaped to Finchley, where he
remained till the riots came to an end. But he never fully recovered
from the shock. Six months later he was seized with paralysis, and died
after two days' illness. He was buried in the vault of his friend Bryan
Barrett, at Milton in Berkshire.</p>
<p id="c-p2894" shownumber="no">His private life was marked by extraordinary mortification, while
large charity passed through his hands. He had the gift of prayer in a
marked degree, and on two occasions at least he spoke prophetic words,
which later events verified. For these reasons, as much as for the
office he held so long, his name has ever been held in singular
veneration by English Catholics. The portrait which formerly hung in
his own house is now preserved, with his cassock and other relics, at
St. Edmund's College, Old Hall, England. Besides the works mentioned
above, Dr. Challoner's other writings were: "Grounds of Catholic
Doctrine" 91732); "Unerring Authority of the Catholic Church" (1732);
"Short History of the Protestant Religion" (1733); "A Roman Catholick's
Reasons why He cannot Conform" (1734); "The Touchstone of the New
Religion" (1734); "The Young Gentleman Instructed in the Grounds of the
Christian Religion" (1735); "A Specimen of the Spirit of the Dissenting
Teachers" (1736); "The Catholic Christian Instructed" (1737); "Rheims
Testament", ed. with F. Blyth (1738); translation of St. Augustine's
"Confessions" (1740?); "The Ground of the Old Religion" (1742); "A
Letter to a Friend concerning the Infallibility of the Church" (1743);
"A Papist Misrepresented and Represented", abridged from Gother;
"Remarks on Two Letters against Popery" (1751); "Instructions for the
Jubilee" (1751); "The Wonders of God in the Wilderness: Lives of the
Fathers of the Deserts" (1755); "The Life of St. Teresa", abridged from
Woodhead (1757); "Manual of Prayers" (1758); "A Caveat against the
Methodists" (1760); "The City of God of the New Testament" (1760); "The
Morality of the Bible" (1762); "Devotion of Catholics to the Blessed
Virgin" (1764); "Rules of Life for a Christian" (1766). He also issued
some minor works in the nature of tracts and pastoral letters. A
complete life of Bishop Challoner is nearing completion (1907).</p>
<p id="c-p2895" shownumber="no">MILNER, 
<i>A Funeral Discourse on the Death of the Ven. and Rt. Rev. Richard
Challoner</i> (1782); BARNARD, 
<i>Life of Venerable and Rt. Rev. Richard Challoner</i> (London, 1784);
MILNER, 
<i>Brief Account of the Life of the Rt. Rev. Richard Challoner</i>
(London, 1798); BUTLER, 
<i>Biographical Account of Rt. Rev. Dr. Challoner</i>, published
anonymously in 
<i>Catholic Spectator</i> (1824) and reprinted in 
<i>Catholic Magazine</i> (1831); BRADY, 
<i>Annals of the Catholic Hierarchy</i> (London, 1877), III, 164;
GILLOW, 
<i>Bibl. Dict. Eng. Cath.</i> (London, 1885), I: COOPER in 
<i>Dict. Nat. Biog.</i> (London, 1887), IX, 440; BURTON, 
<i>Bishop Challoner</i> in 
<i>Penny Biographical Series</i> (Catholic Truth Society, London,
1897).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2896" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2896.1" title="Chalons-Sur-Marne" type="Encyclopedia">Chalons-Sur-Marne</term>
<def id="c-p2896.2">
<h1 id="c-p2896.3">Châlons-sur-Marne</h1>
<p id="c-p2897" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CHÂLONS-SUR-MARNE (CATALAUNENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p2898" shownumber="no">The Diocese comprises the department of Marne, exclusive of the
arrondissement of Reims. United in 1802 with the Diocese of Meaux and
in 1821 with that of Reims, the diocese of Châlons was
re-established in 1822, and is suffragan to Reims. Local legends
maintain that the evangelization of Châlons by St. Memmius, sent
thither by St. Peter and assisted by his sister Poma, also by Sts.
Donatian and Domitian, took place in the first century, but in the
revised list of the diocesan saints in the Breviary these legends have
been suppressed. Abbe Duchesne assigns the founding of the See of
Châlons to the fourth century, Amandinus, who attended the Council
of Tours in 461, being its ninth bishop. St. Lumier (Leudomerus),
Bishop of Châlons about 580, was noted for his miraculous power
over animals. The bishops of this see played an important part in early
French history, and at the coronation of the Capetian kings the Bishop
of Châlons always carried the royal ring. The cathedral was
consecrated in 1147 by Eugene III, assisted by St. Bernard and eighteen
cardinals. Among its celebrated abbeys the diocese counted those of St.
Memmius, founded in the fifth century by Alpinus; Toussaints, founded
in the eleventh century; Montier-en-Der, founded in the seventh century
by St. Bereharius, a monk from Luxeuil; Saint-Pierre au Mont, founded
during the same period. Notre-Dame de l'Epine, near Châlons, was a
place of pilgrimage as early as the beginning of the fifteenth
century.</p>
<p id="c-p2899" shownumber="no">Prior to the law of 1901 there were Jesuits and Lazarists in the
Diocese of Châlons, which has many schools in charge of the local
congregation of Notre-Dame, founded in 1613 by the Venerable Mère
Alix Leclerc. In 1900 there were in the diocese the following religious
institutions: 16 infant schools, 3 boys' orphanages, 9 girls'
orphanages, 7 dispensaries, 15 hospitals and asylums, 11 houses for
religious nurses, 1 house of retreat, and 1 insane asylum. At the close
of 1905 (the end of the period under the Concordat) statistics showed
that the diocese had a population of 231,411, with 25 parishes (cures),
312 succursal parishes (mission churches), and 6 vicariates supported
by the State.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2900" shownumber="no">GEORGES GOYAU</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2900.1" title="Cham, Chamites (Ham, Hamites)" type="Encyclopedia">Cham, Chamites (Ham, Hamites)</term>
<def id="c-p2900.2">
<h1 id="c-p2900.3">Cham, Chamites</h1>
<h3 id="c-p2900.4">I. CHAM</h3>
<p id="c-p2901" shownumber="no">(A.V. Ham). Son of Noe and progenitor of one of the three great
races of men whose ethnographical table is given by <scripRef id="c-p2901.1" osisRef="Bible:Gen.10" parsed="|Gen|10|0|0|0" passage="Genesis 10">Genesis 10</scripRef>.
Wherever the three sons of Noe are enumerated in the Bible, Cham is
placed between Sem and Japhet. We may gather, however, from <scripRef id="c-p2901.2" osisRef="Bible:Gen.9.24" parsed="|Gen|9|24|0|0" passage="Genesis 9:24">Genesis
9:24</scripRef> that this enumeration is not based on their age, since Cham is
there spoken of as the "younger son" of Noe, as compared, apparently,
with both his brothers. The only incident of the life of Cham after the
deluge, which is recorded in the Bible, is that related in <scripRef id="c-p2901.3" osisRef="Bible:Gen.9.21-Gen.9.24" parsed="|Gen|9|21|9|24" passage="Genesis 9:21-24">Genesis
9:21-24</scripRef>. Cham sees his father under the influence of wine lying naked
in his tent. He tells his brothers, who respectfully cover the
patriarch. The sequel makes it plain that Cham was, on this occasion,
guilty of great irreverence. For when Noe hears of the conduct of his
sons he blesses Shem and Japhet, with their posterity, and he
pronounces a curse, not on Cham, but on his son Chanaan and his
descendants, predicting that they will be the servants of their
bretheren. (For a fuller treatment of this point see Chanaan,
Chanaanites.)</p>
<h3 id="c-p2901.4">II. THE CHAMITES</h3>
<p id="c-p2902" shownumber="no">The natives and tribes which descent from Cham are enumerated in
<scripRef id="c-p2902.1" osisRef="Bible:Gen.10.6-Gen.10.20" parsed="|Gen|10|6|10|20" passage="Genesis 10:6-20">Genesis 10:6-20</scripRef>. They are divided into four great families: Chus,
Mesram, Phuth, and Chanaan. The Cushites are found in the valleys of
the Euphrates and Tigris, in Arabia, and also in Africa. Mesram is
Egypt. Phuth, less known, seems to have occupied regions west of Egypt,
particularly Libya. Chanaan comprised the numerous tribes whose country
was subsequently occupied by Israel. The Chamites were, consequently,
spread over an immense extent of territory. They founded the greatest
empires of antiquity, Assyria, Babylonia, Egypt, Phoenicia. In Asia
they were early replaced or subjugated by Semites. In Africa they have
been likewise overcome, in the course of time, by the races of Sem and
Japhet. This subjection has meant, in general, the triumph of a higher
civilization, purer morals, and a more spirtual religion. (See
Lenormant, "Hist. ancienne de l'Orient", I, 96 sq.)</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2903" shownumber="no">W.S. REILLY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2903.1" title="Chambery" type="Encyclopedia">Chambery</term>
<def id="c-p2903.2">
<h1 id="c-p2903.3">Chambéry (Camberium)</h1>
<p id="c-p2904" shownumber="no">ARCHDIOCESE OF CHAMBÉRY (CAMBERIENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p2905" shownumber="no">The Archdiocese of Chambéry comprises the entire arrondissement
of Chambéry in Savoy (with the exception of 8 communes), 10
communes in the arrondissement of Annecy (Haute-Savoie), and 8 communes
in the arrondissement of Albertville (Savoie). In 1467, in the ducal
chapel built for the Holy Winding-Sheet 
(<i>Santo Sudario</i>) by Amadeus IX, duke of Savoy, and the Duchess
Yolande of France, Paul II erected a chapter directly subject to the
Holy See, and his successor Sixtus IV, united this chapter with the
deanery of Savoy. In 1515 Leo X published a Bull making the deanery an
archbishopric, but Francis I objected, and it was only in 1775 that
this deanery was separated from the Diocese of Grenoble by Pius VI,
who, in 1779, created it a bishopric with the see at Chambéry. The
Duchy of Savoy, politically subject to the King of Sardinia, had
thenceforth 4 bishoprics: Chambéry, Saint-Jean de Maurienne,
Tarentaise, and Geneva (with residence at Annecy). In October, 1792,
the commissaries to the Convention formed the constitutional Diocese of
Mont-Blanc, with Annecy as the see and Lyons as the metropolitan. The
Concordat of 1802 created a Diocese of Chambéry and Geneva,
suffragan of Lyons. A Bull dated 17 July, 1817, made Chambéry,
once more a city of the Sardinian States, the seat of an archdiocese,
with Aosta for suffragan; the Dioceses of Annecy (re-established in
1822), Saint-Jean-Maurienne, and Tarentaise (in 1825), soon also became
suffragans of Chambéry. After the annexation of Savoy to France,
in 1860, this condition continued, except that the Diocese of Aosta was
made a suffragan of Turin.</p>
<p id="c-p2906" shownumber="no">The Cistercian Abbey of Hautecombe, founded in 1135, is one of the
burial places of the House of Savoy. The relic known as the Holy
Winding-Sheet of Christ was kept at Chambéry until 1598, in which
year the Duke of Savoy had it transported to Turin, where St. Charles
Borromeo wished to venerate it. Notre-Dame de Myans (antedating the
twelfth century), where St. Francis de Sales officiated, and where
diocesan missionaries now reside, and Notre-Dame de l'Aumone at Romilly
(thirteenth century), whither Francis I of France went as a pilgrim,
are still places of pilgrimage. Before the execution of the law of 1901
there were in the archdiocese Capuchins, Cistercians of the Immaculate
Conception, and Trappists; the last are there yet. The Sisters of St.
Joseph, an order founded at Chambéry in 1812 and devoted to
teaching and charitable work, are now widespread, having 12
establishments in Brazil, 9 in North America, 1 in Iceland, 2 in
Sweden, 5 in Russia, 10 in Denmark, and 8 in Norway. In 1900 the
archdiocese had the following religious institutions: 1 foundling
asylum, 2 maternity hospitals, 1 orphanage for boys, 5 for girls, 1
insane asylum, 1 house of retreat, 3 houses for nursing sisters, 8
hospitals and asylums, and 5 industrial schools. At the close of 1905
(end of the period under the Concordat), statistics showed a population
of 164,424, with 18 parishes, 153 succursal parishes (mission
churches), and 49 vicariates supported by the State.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2907" shownumber="no">GEORGES GOYAU</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2907.1" title="Champlain, Samuel de" type="Encyclopedia">Samuel de Champlain</term>
<def id="c-p2907.2">
<h1 id="c-p2907.3">Samuel de Champlain</h1>
<p id="c-p2908" shownumber="no">Founder of Quebec and Father of New France, born at Brouage, a
village in the province of Saintonge, France, 1570, or according to the
"Bibliographie Saintongeoise", 1567; died at Quebec, 25 December, 1635.
He was the son of Antoine Champlain, a mariner, and Marguerite Le Roy,
and his early education was entrusted to the parish priest. While still
a youth Champlain accompanied his father on several voyages, and thus
became familiar with the life of a mariner. When about twenty years of
age he tendered his services to the the Maréchal d'Aumont, one of
the chief commanders of the Catholic army in the expeditions against
the Huguenots. The career of a soldier did not appeal to the youth,
whose ambition was to become a navigator. "Navigation", he wrote,</p>
<p id="c-p2909" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">has always seemed to me to occupy the first place. By this
art we obtain a knowledge of different countries, regions, and realms.
By this we attract and bring to our own land all kinds of riches; by it
the idolatry of paganism is overthrown, and christianity proclaimed
throughout all the regions of the earth. This is the art . . . which
led me to explore the coasts of a portion of America, especially those
of New France, where I have always desired to see the lily flourish,
together with the only religion catholic, Apostolic and Roman. (Les
voyages du Sieur de Champlain, Paris, 1613, Pt. V).</p>

<p id="c-p2910" shownumber="no">In 1598
Champlain returned to Brouage and made preparations for a voyage to
Spain in the interest of his fellow-countrymen. While at Seville he was
offered the command of the Saint Julien, one of the vessels fitted out
by Spain to oppose the attack made on Porto Rico by the English. It was
during his cruise in the Saint Julien that Champlain first suggested
the possibility of uniting the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans by
cutting through the Isthmus of Panama. Champlain kept a journal of his
explorations in the Gulf of Mexico, and after his return to France, in
1601 or 1602, he received a pension and the appointment of geographer
to the king. It was in the year 1603 that Champlain first visited the
shores of Canada, as the lieutenant of Aymar de Chastes, viceroy under
Henry 1V. Pierre de Chauvin had proposed to make a permanent settlement
at Tadoussac, but Champlain was not in favour of this place, and,
having cast anchor at the foot of Cape Diamond, he considered that the
point of Quebec would be the most advantageous site for the future
colony. He then proceeded with Pont-Gravé to explore the St.
Lawrence as far as Sault Saint Louis, and gathered from the natives
such information as he could concerning Lake Erie, Lake Ontario, the
Detroit river, Niagara Falls, and the rapids of the St. Lawrence, and
returned to France in August, 1603. The next year he followed the
fortunes of de Monts' expedition in Acadia, as geographer and
historian. The party wintered on the island of Sainte-Croix, and in the
spring Champlain explored the country between the island and Port
Royal, continuing this work until the fall of 1607. As the lieutenant
of de Monts Champlain laid the foundation of the 
<i>Abitation de Québec</i> on the 3d of July, 1608, and around
this modest dwelling arose the little village of Quebec. A year later
the founder joined the Hurons in an expedition against the Iroquois
whom they defeated. Criticism has been directed against Champlain for
having become involved in Indian warfare; but with a knowledge of the
conditions of trade, and the situation of the few Frenchmen at this
time, his action seems to have been in the best interests of the
settlement. It was during this expedition that Champlain discovered the
lake which still bears his name. On his visit to France in 1610 he
married Hélène Boullé, then a girl only twelve years of
age. According to the marriage settlement the young wife remained with
her parents for two years. In 1620 she arrived at Quebec, and remained
in the fort until 1624. Madame Champlain was beloved in New France and
after her husband's death she founded the Ursuline Convent at Meaux. In
the year 1611 Champlain continued his exploration of the St. Lawrence.
Within a short distance of Mount Royal, discovered by Jacques Cartier
seventy-five years before, he found a place suitable for a future
settlement, and ordered the ground to be cleared and prepared for
building. 
<i>La Place Royale</i>, the name given to the site by Champlain, is now
in the heart of the commercial portion of the city of Montreal. The
island opposite, now a popular summer resort, he named
Sainte-Hélène, in honour of his wife. After his return from
France in 1613 he set out from Sainte-Hélène with four
Frenchmen and an Indian, to explore the region above Sault Saint Louis.
In the month of June he came in sight of the River Gatineau, the River
Rideau, and the Chaudière Falls, and went as far as Allumette
Island. Two years later, on the 14th of August, 1615, he set out from
Carhagouha at the head of a small band of Frenchmen to assist the
Hurons against the Iroquois. The place of rendezvous was Cahiagué.
On their journey they passed by Lake Ouantaron, now known as Lake
Simcoe, and proceeded by way of Sturgeon Lake. Following the River
Trent they reached the Bay of Quinté, where, says Champlain, "is
the entrance to the grand river St. Laurence." Crossing Lake Ontario
they penetrated the woods and passed over the River Chouagen or Oswego.
This journey had occupied five weeks, and the expedition had endured
many hardships before meeting the enemy. During the skirmishes
Champlain had been severely wounded in the knee by an arrow, but the
pain from the wound he says "was nothing in comparison with that which
I endured awhile I was carried, bound and pinioned on the back of one
of the savages." The Hurons were forced to retreat, and it was not
until the 23d of December that the party again arrived at Cahiague.
Champlain had now prepared the way for colonization in New France, but
for a time his efforts were fruitless. The merchants were not disposed
to assist him in developing the country, seeing that the fur trade held
out prospects of large gain. After crossing the ocean several times,
however, he induced a few hardy settlers of sterling merit to seek
their fortune on the banks of the St. Lawrence. These were the real
pioneers of New France. In 1629 the little settlement received a check,
when an English fleet under three brothers named Kirke appeared before
Quebec, and the fort was compelled to surrender. Under the Treaty of
Saint-Germain-en-Laye Quebec was restored to France, and Champlain
again took up his residence in the fort, where he died, after having
spent forty years of his life in the heroic endeavour to promote the
religious and commercial interests of the land of his fathers in the
New World.</p>
<p id="c-p2911" shownumber="no">Champlain published the following works: "Bref discours des choses
plus remarquables que Samuel Champlain de Brouage a reconnues aux Indes
Occidentales" (1598); "Des sauvages: ou voyage de Sieur de Champlain
faite en l'an 1603" (Paris, s.d.); "Les Voyages du Sieur du Champlain
Xainctongeois, 1604-1613" (Paris, 1613); "Voyages et Descouvertures
faites en la Nouvelle-France, depuis l'année 1615 jusques à
la fin de l'année 1618. Par le Sieur de Champlain" (Paris, 1619);
"Les Voyages de la Nouvelle France Occidentale, dicte Canada, faits par
le Sieur de Champlain Xainctongeois, depuis l'an 1603 jusques en
l'annee 1629" (Paris, 1632); "Traité de la marine et du devoir
d'un bon marinier. Par le Sieur de Champlain" (s.d.). In 1870 the
Abbé Laverdière edited the works of Champlain in six volumes
under the title of "Oeuvres de Champlain publiees sous le patronage de
l'Universite Laval, par l'Abbé C.H. Laverdière, M.A.,
professeur d'Histoire a la Faculte des arts et Bibliothécaire de
l'Université" (2d ed., Quebec, 1870). While the work was in the
press the plates were destroyed by fire and only the proof sheets were
saved. This edition does not contain the account of the visits to
Mexico and the West Indies. The first volume has an excellent
biographical sketch of Champlain by Abbé Laverdière. The
Voyages du Sieur de Champlain was published in two volumes (Paris,
1830), and another edition in the same year at the expense of the
French Government. The "Voyage to the West Indies and Mexico
(1599-1602)" appeared in 1859.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2912" shownumber="no">ARTHUR G. DOUGHTY</p></def>

<term id="c-p2912.1" title="Champney, Anthony" type="Encyclopedia">Anthony Champney</term>
<def id="c-p2912.2">
<h1 id="c-p2912.3">Anthony Champney</h1>
<p id="c-p2913" shownumber="no">A controversialist, born in England c. 1569; died there c. 1643. He
studied at Reims (1590) and Rome (1593). As priest he was imprisoned at
Wisbech, and was active against the Jesuits, acting later for the
Appellant Clergy in Rome (1602). Afterwards he was appointed president
of the English College of Arras near Paris, becoming doctor of theology
and Fellow of the Sorbonne. He was vice-president of Douai College,
from 1619 to 1625, and from 1628 till he returned to England, where he
died some time after 1643. He published: "An Answer to a Letter of a
Jesuited Gentleman" (1601); "A Manual of Controversies"(l614); "A
Treatise of the Vocation of Bishops" (1616); "Mr. Pilkington his
Parallela Disparalled" (1620); "An Answer to a Pamphlet (by D. Featley)
intitled 'The Fisher catched in his own Net'" (1623); "Defence of the
Appendix to the Antidote" (before 1624); "Legatum Fratribus suis Cleri
Anglicani Sacerdotibus Testamento relictum" (in Bishop Smith's
"Monita"). His "History of Queen Elizaheth" is still in manuscript.
Formerly, as stated by Gillow, Cooper. Knox, etc., it was preserved in
the archives of the Old Chapter, but since 1879 has been restored to
Westminster Archieves, to which it belonged; there are also some other
works in manuscript.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2914" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2914.1" title="Champollion, Jean-Francois" type="Encyclopedia">Jean-Francois Champollion</term>
<def id="c-p2914.2">
<h1 id="c-p2914.3">Jean-François Champollion</h1>
<p id="c-p2915" shownumber="no">(Called THE YOUNGER to distinguish him from his elder brother,
Champollion-Figeac).</p>
<p id="c-p2916" shownumber="no">A French Orientalist, born at Figeaci, Lot, 23 December, 1790; died
in Paris, 4 March, 1832. While still young, he studied Hebrew, Syriac,
Ethiopic and Arabic, to which he added later on, Persian, Sanskrit, and
in particular Coptic. His special field of activity was Egyptology, and
his great glory is to have recovered the key for the understanding of
the hieroglyphs. In 1807 he read before the Academy of Grenoble an
introduction to a complete description of Egypt under the Pharaohs. The
publication of the main work was begun in 1814 under the title
"L'Egypte sous les Pharaons"; only the first two volumes, bearing on
geography, were issued. His efforts to decipher the hieroglyphics began
in 1808. By means of the triple inscription of the Rosetta Stone, he
succeeded in ascertaining several of the signs, and on 17 September,
1822, he read before the Academy of Inscriptions his now famous "Lettre
a M. Dacier", in which he gave the fruits of his researches. The
mystery of the hieroglyphics had been solved. With the exception of a
brief controversy with Dr.Young, relative to the priority of the
discovery, his claims have never been disputed. In 1823 he outlined his
system more thoroughly in a series of memoirs read in the Institute.
These memoirs were put together and printed under the title "Precis du
systeme hieroglyphique des anciens Egyptiens" (Paris, 1824, 2nd ed., 2
vols., 1828). In 1824 he was sent to Italy by the King of France on a
scientific mission, and on his recommendation a rich collection of
Egyptian antiquities was secured by the Musée du Louvre. It was
during his sojourn in Italy that he catalogued the Egyptian monuments
of Naples, Florence, and Rome. Appointed curator of the Egyytian Museum
of the Louvre, he issued his "Notice descriptive des monuments
égyptiens du musée Charles X" (Paris, 1827). He then received
a commission to explore Egypt, in the company of Rosellini. The
enthusiastic letters which he wrote were published day by day; after
his death, they were reprinted in book form by his brother, in 1833,
and again by his daughter in 1868. In 1830 he was named member of the
Academy of Inscriptions and elected to the chair or Egyptian
archaeology, founded for him at the College de France. Soon, however,
he retired to Quercy, and devoted the last months of his life to the
completion and revision of his Egyptian grammar and dictionary. He was
a genius, but it is the testimony of all those who came in contact with
him that the man was even better than the scholar.</p>
<p id="c-p2917" shownumber="no">Among his other works were "Deux lettres a M. Ie duc de Blacas
d'Aulps, relatives au musée royal égyptien de Turin" (Paris,
1824-1826); "Catalogue des monuments égyptiens du musée du
Vatican" (Rome, 1826), "Panthéon égyptien", etc. (1823-1831),
published in parts, the whole work was to have formed two volumes, but
was not completed. His manuscripts were acquired by the French
Government and published by his brother. Among these posthumous works,
the most important are: "Monuments de l' Egypte et de la Nubie d'apres
les dessins exécutés sur les lieux", etc., 4 vols. (Paris,
1835-1845); "Monuments de l' Egypte et de la Nubie, notices
descriptives" (Paris, 1844-1874); "Grammaire égyptienne", 3 parts
(Paris, 1836-1841); "Dictionnaire égyptien en écriture
hieroglyphique", in 4 parts (Paris, 1841-1844)</p>
<p id="c-p2918" shownumber="no">Loret in La Grande Encyclopedie, s.v.; Jolowick, Bibliotheca
Aegyptiaca (2 vols, Leipzig, 1858- 1861); Steindorff in Hilprecht,
Explorations in Bible Lands (Philadelphia, 1903), 629 sqq.;
Ibraham-Hilmy, The Literature of Egypt and the Sudan (London,
1886-88).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2919" shownumber="no">R. BUTIN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2919.1" title="Champs, Etienne Agard de" type="Encyclopedia">Etienne Agard de Champs</term>
<def id="c-p2919.2">
<h1 id="c-p2919.3">Etienne Agard de Champs</h1>
<p id="c-p2920" shownumber="no">A distinguished theologian and author, born at Bourges, 2 September,
1613; died at Paris (according to De Backer, at La Fleche), 31 July,
1701. He entered the Jesuit noviciate in 1630, and later, in Paris, was
professor of rhetoric, philosophy, and theology; he was rector at
Rennes, thrice rector at Paris, head of the professed house, twice
provincial of France, and once provincial of Lyons. Jansenism, the one
topic of debate in the France of his day, is the theme of all his
books. Writing under the name of Richard Antonius, he composed:
"Defensio Censurae Sacrae Facultatis Parisiensis -- seu Disputatio
Theologica de libero arbitrio" (Paris, 1645). This solid treatise was
well received, and went through five editions in two years. It called
forth a reply from Vincent Lenis in his "Theriaca" (Paris, 1648), which
occasioned the "Antonii Ricardi Theologi Responsio ad objectiones
Vincentianas" (Paris, 1648). He defends the Sorbonne in his "De Haeresi
Janseniana" (1654). Among his other works the best known is "Le secret
du Jansenisme découvert et refute par un Docteur Catholique"
(Paris, 1651).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2921" shownumber="no">LEO F. O'NEIL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2921.1" title="Cana, Canaanites" type="Encyclopedia">Cana, Canaanites</term>
<def id="c-p2921.2">
<h1 id="c-p2921.3">Cana, Canaanites</h1>
<p id="c-p2922" shownumber="no">(Canaan, Canaanites).</p>
<p id="c-p2923" shownumber="no">The Hebrew word 
<i>Kenaan</i>, denoting a person, occurs:</p>
<ul id="c-p2923.1">
<li id="c-p2923.2">in the Old Testament as the name of one of Ham's sons;</li>
<li id="c-p2923.3">in a lengthened form, Kenaanah (D.V., Chanana, Canaana) as the name
of two other people (I Par., vii, 10; II Par., xviii, 10);</li>
<li id="c-p2923.4">denoting a country, as the name of the region of the Canaanites or
descendants of Canaan.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p2924" shownumber="no">In the days when the trading Phoenicians held a prominent place,
especially among the Canaanites, this word 
(<i>Kena'ani</i>), and even Canaan (e.g. Is., xxiii, 8), got the
signification of "merchant, trader." As the name of the country it
occurs under the forms 
<i>Kinahhi, Kinahni</i>, and 
<i>Kinahna</i>, as early as two centuries before Moses in the cuneiform
letters of Syrian and Palestinian princes to Egyptian Pharaos, found at
Tell el-Amarna; and earlier still in Egyptian inscriptions, in the form

<i>Ka-n-'-na.</i> The Phoenician town of Laodicea calls itself on coins
from the second century B.C. "a mother in 
<i>Kena'an</i>". In Grecian literature too, evidence remains that the
Phoenicians called one of their ancestors, as well as their country, 
<i>Chna</i>, and even at the time of St. Augustine the Punic country
people near Hippo called themselves 
<i>Chanani</i>, i.e. Canaanites. If the word be of Semitic origin, it
should be derived from the root 
<i>Kana</i>, and mean originally, low, or, in a figurative sense,
small, humble, despicable, subjected. Following this derivation in its
original sense, "the land of Canaan" has been explained by various
scholars as "the low land" -- whether the name may have originally
denoted only the flat seashore, or the mountainous country of Western
Palestine as well, in opposition to the still higher mountains of the
Lebanon and the Hermon. But Biblical tradition rather seems to derive
the name of the country from that of the person. It takes the "land of
Canaan" as "the border of the Canaanites" (A. V., Gen., x, 19) i.e. of
the race of Canaan, Ham's son, and it does not seem advisable to put
against this so uncertain a conjecture as the etymology given above.
The less so, as the figurative meaning of the word as a synonym of
slave or servant, fits in very well with the little we know of Noah's
grandson.</p>

<h3 id="c-p2924.1">CANAAN, THE SON OF HAM</h3>
<p id="c-p2925" shownumber="no">In <scripRef id="c-p2925.1" osisRef="Bible:Gen.9.18" parsed="|Gen|9|18|0|0" passage="Genesis 9:18">Genesis 9:18</scripRef> and 9:22, Ham appears as the father of Canaan and in
Noah's prediction (9:25-27) Canaan stands side by side with his
"brothers" (in the larger sense of the Hebrew word) Shem and
Japheth:</p>
<p id="c-p2926" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">"He said: Cursed be Canaan, a servant of servants shall he
be unto his brethren.
<br />"And he said: Blessed be the Lord God of Shem, be Canaan his
servant.
<br />"May God enlarge Japheth, and may he dwell in the tents of Shem,
and Canaan be his servant."</p>

<p id="c-p2927" shownumber="no">The curse called down on Canaan
is undoubtedly connected with the sin of his father, Ham (verse 22).
But it is rather hard to indicate the precise nature of this
connection. Had Canaan in some way a share in his father's sin, and is
it for this reason that what was said in verse 18 is repeated in the
story of the sin, viz.: that Ham was the father of Canaan? Or is the
latter struck by Noah's prophetic curse for the sins of his posterity,
who were to imitate Ham's wickedness? Certain it is, that this curse,
as well as the blessing invoked upon Shem and Japheth, was especially
fulfilled in their posterity. The descendants of Canaan were partly
rooted out, partly subjected by the Israelites and all the Canaanite
races, as such, disappeared from the scene of history. Others have
tried to solve the problem by critical methods. It was supposed that
Gen., x, 20-27 was derived from a source in which Canaan had taken the
place of his father, Ham, and so was passed off as Noah's third son. It
is as conceivable that in the original prophecy the name of Ham
occurred, and that the Israelites, seeing the prophecy fulfilled,
especially in the posterity of Canaan might have changed it to that of
the son. But none of these critical conjectures has any solid
foundation.</p>
<p id="c-p2928" shownumber="no">Quite uncertain, too, is the opinion which represents Canaan as the
youngest of Ham's four sons. It is based on Gen., x, 6: "And the sons
of Ham: Chus, and Mesram and Phuth, and Canaan". But this whole list of
the descendants of Noah's sons is, at least in substance,
ethnographical, and the order of succession geographical, hence an
enumeration of tribes beginning with the most distant and ending in
Palestine. In verses 16-20, therefore, there is question only of
Canaanite tribes, and they occupy the Iast place because they dwell in
or near, Palestine. Consequently it cannot be concluded from this that
Canaan was the youngest son of Ham.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2928.1">THE LAND OF CANAAN</h3>

<p id="c-p2929" shownumber="no">With a few exceptions the Biblical writers
seem to indicate by this name at the least, the whole of Western or
cis-Jordanic Palestine. It extends from the desert of Sin in the south
to near Rohob and the entrance to Emath in the north (Num., xiii, 3,
18; cf. 22). A more accurate demarcation of the land of Canaan is in
Num., xxxiv, 3-12, and Ezech., xlvii, 15-20. For though the name does
not occur in Ezechiel, the identity of the boundary lines is drawn
there is not to be doubted. In either text the western boundary is
formed by the Mediterranean, and the greater part of the eastern by the
Dead sea and the lower course of the Jordan.</p>
<p id="c-p2930" shownumber="no">The southern frontier coincides with that of the territory of Juda
(Jos., xv, 1-4), whilst Cadesbarne 
(<i>Ain Kedis</i>), 30°33' N. latitude, may be taken as the most
southern point. From this of St. Jerome time (In Ezech, Migne, XXV,
476-478) the northern frontier was placed in Middle or even Northern
Syria. From this passage of St. Jerome even a 
<i>fons Daphnis</i> (Daphne near Antioch) found its way into Vulgate
(Num., xxxiv, 11) instead of the town of Ain. But though some of the
border towns are not yet known with absolute certainty, we may take for
granted nowadays that this northern boundary-line of Canaan must be
drawn to the south of the Lebanon and Hermon, at about 33°18' N.
lat., and that it completely coincides with the northern frontier of
the country conquered and inhabited by the Israelites, which, according
to numerous quotations, stretched "from Dan to Bershabee" or "from the
entering in of Emath unto the brook of Egypt." The northern part of the
eastern boundary, however, seems to follow, not the upper course of the
Jordan but the course of the 
<i>Rukkad</i> from 
<i>Hasar-Enan</i> 
(<i>El-Hadr</i>) to 
<i>Ain</i> 
(<i>Ayun</i>), so that here the whole of Western Jaulan still seems to
be included in the land Canaan -- not, however, the land of Galaad or
the country in general beyond the Jordan to the south of the Jarmuk.
All the places quoted above agree with this conception, and only twice
does the name of the country Canaan occur in a more limited sense:
first for the Phoenician coast (Is., xxiii, 11), and secondly for the
low land of the Philistines (Soph., ii, 5) -- both in a time when only
these regions along the coast were still inhabited by Canaanites. We
have already seen how the name was honoured even later still in
Phoenicia itself. In Egypt name of the country seems to be used
especially for the sea-coast; at the same time the name Canaanites is
also applied to the inhabitants of the mountainous country behind it.
In the Tell el-Amarna letters the country of 
<i>Kinahhi</i> seems to include both the Phoenician coast and the
mountains of Upper Galilee, and probably, farther to the north, the
country of Amurri (Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon). cf. H. Clauss Zeitschrift
des Deutschell Palastinavereins (1907), XXX, 17, 29, 30, 35, 36, 64,
67.</p>
<p id="c-p2931" shownumber="no">Gen., x, 15-18 enumerates as the descendants of Canaan a series of
tribes, most of which, and originally perhaps all, were settled outside
Palestine proper and up to Northern Syria: "And Canaan begot Sidon, his
firstborn, the Hethite, and the Jebusite, and the Amorrhite, and the
Gergesite, the Hevite and the Aracite: the Sinite, and the Aradian, the
Samarite, and the Hamathite: and afterwards the families of the
Canaanites were spread abroad." These latter are the tribes peopling
Biblical Canaan or wastern Palestine: "And the limits of Canaan were
from Sidon as one comes to Gerara even Gaza, until thou enter Sodom and
Gomorrha, and Adama, and Seboim even to Lesa." If we may identify Lesa
(A.V. Lasha) with Lesem (Jos., xix, 47) or Lais (Judges, xviii, 14,
etc), the Dan of later days, the coast from Sidon to Gaza and Gerara is
here indicated as the western boundary of Canaan, and the valley of the
Jordan from the Pentapolis to Lais-Dan as the eastern boundary. But the
"Codex Samaritanus" has in verse 19 quite another statement: "And the
border of the Canaanite was from the river of Egypt to the great river,
the river Euphrates, and [from the Euphrates] to the hindmost [or
Western] Sea." Apparently by "the Canaanite" are here meant all the
descendants of Canaan, mentioned in verses 15-18, of whom the Hethites,
at least, lived close to the Euphrates. It is hard to decide which
reading is the original one. Both show the descendants of Canaan
settled in the Biblical "land of Canaan", i.e. the later "land of
Israel". As a rule it is the pre-Israelite inhabitants of this "land of
Canaan", taken collectively, who are indicated by this common name of
Canaanites. Thus in the Pentateuch, especially in parts attributed to a
Jahvistic source, as e.g. Gen., xii, 6, xxiv, 37, xxxviii, 2, 1, 11.
Elsewhere, however, chiefly in so-called Elohistic parts, the name of
Amorrhites is used in the same general sense. And very often as many as
six or seven or even eleven, different tribes or peoples are
distinguished, one of which in particular bears the name of Canaanites.
Thus e.g. Exod., iii, 8: "The Canaanite, and Hethite, and Amorrhite and
Pherezite, and Hevite, and Jebusite." Repeatedly (e.g. Jos., iii, 10),
the Gergesites, mentioned above (Gen, x, 16), are added; and in Gen.,
xv, 19-21, we find "the Cineans and Cenezites, Cedmonites . . . the
Raphaim also"; whilst in Num., xiv, 25, the Amelectite; in A.V. Deut,
ii, 23 and Jos., xiii, 3, the Avims; and in Jos., xi, 21 (and
elsewhere), the Enacims are named, leaving out other older, and
probably trans-Jordanic, tribes like the Zuzim, the Emim, and the
Chorreans (Gen., xiv, 5, 6).</p>
<p id="c-p2932" shownumber="no">Of most of these tribes little or nothing is known. For Amorrhites
see article under that title. The Hethites founded a mighty kingdom in
Northern Syria, but it is uncertain whether their namesakes in the
south of Palestine (Gen., xxiii. 3, xxvi, 34, etc.) had anything in
common with them besides the name. About the Canaanites in a more
limited sense we learn that they had their dwelling-place to the east
and west of the mountains, i.e. along the coast of the Mediterranean
and in the valley of the Jordan and the Araba to the south of the Dead
Sea (Num., xiii, 30, xiv, 25; Deut, i, 7, xi, 29 sq; Jos., v, 1, xi, 3,
xiii, 3). So it is by this name that the Phoenicians are still called
in Abd., 20; and the "Syrophenician" woman of Mark, vii, 26, is a
Canaanite woman in Matth., xv, 22. It is not likely that all the
various pre-Israelite tribes remained sharply distinguished from one
another. "There are good reasons for believing that at a very early
period the population of Palestine already presented a mixture of
races, and that through intermariage the dividing lines between these
races became fainter in the course of time, until all sharp
distinctions were obliterated. The problem of distinguishing between
these various groups whom the Hebrews encountered upon setting in
Palestine is at present incapable of solution." (Morris, Jastrow, Jr.
Encyclop. Bibl., I, 642.) Still it does not seem too great a venture to
distinguish (with Hughes Vincent, "Canaan", p. 455) two principal
groups of tribes: the Amorrhites in the mountains and the Canaanites
along the sea-coast and in the valley of the Jordan, and perhaps in the
plain of Esdrelon (Jos., xvii, 12-18). On the other hand, when the
Israelites under Josue penetrated into Canaan they found this mixed
"Canaanite" or "Amorrhite" population, not bound together politically
under one govenment but divided into more than thirty petty kingdoms
(Jos., xii, 7-14), a state of things which must have made the conquest
considerably easier for them. This same system of cutting up the
country into small parts obtained two or three centuries earlier, in
the time of the Tell el-Amarna letters, which were for the greater part
written by, or to a number of these city-kings -- and apparently even
earlier still in the days of Abraham (Gen., xiv, 2, 8, 18, xx, 2). In
this respect these letters contain a striking corroboration of the
Biblical story. After the campaigns of Tothmes III in the sixteenth
century B.C. all these small states acknowledged the supremacy of the
Egyptian Pharaos and paid them tribute. After a time, however, this
sovereignty must have gradually become more and more nominal, and in
spite of the later campaigns of Seti I and Rames II against Hethites,
it left no traces after the conquest by Josue.</p>
<p id="c-p2933" shownumber="no">The further particulars given by the Bible about the Canaanites are
rather scanty. We read occasionally of their cities "great and walled
up to the sky" (Deut., i, 28; cf. Num., xiii, 29); of their "chariots
of iron" (Jos., xvii, 16): and repeatedly of their gods Baal and Moloch
and their goddesses Astarte and Ashera; of their altars and their stone
pillars 
(<i>masseboth</i>) and wooden posts 
(<i>asherim</i>), in connection with these altars, of their sacrifices
of children and manifold forms of moral perversity; the abominations on
account of which "the land itself vomiteth out her inhabitants" (A.V.
Lev., xviii, 25), and which, in spite of the severe prohibition of the
Law and the admonitions of the Prophets, found but too much imitation
in Israel itself. Most of these particulars have of late received a
splendid corroboration and explanation in archaeological discoveries,
principally in consequence of the systematic excavations conducted in
Palestine by W.H. Flinders Petrie and F.J. Bliss at Tell el-Hesy; by
Bliss and M.R.A. Stewart Macalister at Tell Zakariya, Tell es-Safy, and
Tell Jedeide; by Macalister at Teil Jezer; by E. Sellin at Thenac; by
G. Schumacher at Tell el-Mutesallim -- to all of which Sellin added in
1907 his labours at old Jericho.</p>
<p id="c-p2934" shownumber="no">Even before the tribes who are introduced to us as Canaanites in the
Bible penetrated into Palestine (between 3000 and 2500 B.C.) there must
have lived for many centuries an older population, dwelling there
partly in caves, but also possessing their primitive "towns" surrounded
by earthen walls. This period is characterized especially by stone
instruments and very primitive earthenware. The Canaanite tribes who
gradually took their place came from the north and were for a long
time, if not under the supremacy, without a doubt under the manifold
influence of Babylon. which Sellin added in 1907 his labours at old
Jericho. In the fifteenth century B.C., when the country was already
politically subject to Egypt, the kings of the Canaanite towns used in
their correspondence, not only with the Pharaos but also between
themselves, the Babylonian cuneiform characters, and -- with the
addition of a number of Canaanite words -- the language of Babylon as
well. Macalister (Pal. Expl. fund Quart. Stat. 1905, 323 sq.) and,
quite lately, Sellin (Mitth.und Nach. des Deutschen Palastinavereins,
1907, 70) found some scanty evidence that the Old Hebrew or Phoenician
characters were also known in those days. Civilization meanwhile, had
made immense progress, as is evident from the rise of bronze and other
metals -- soon, too, of iron; from the building of dwelling-places,
city stalls, towers, and strongholds; from the increasing number and
value of objects of domestic and religious use; from the designs and
fitting up of sanctuaries and burial caves; and from the richer variety
of form, ornamentation, and painting in the products of the potter's
art -- though art does not appear to have enjoyed a continuous and even
development.</p>
<p id="c-p2935" shownumber="no">When the Israelites (Num, xiii, 29; Deut., i, 28) speak in awe of
"great cities", the hyperbole is nearly as great as in the expression
"walled up to the sky", those explored have covered, at most, seven or
eight hectares (about 19 acres), but the fortifications have been
excellent. The walls of Jericho, built of burnt bricks, had a width of
from three to twelve metres, i.e. from about 9 to 39 feet (Sellin. op.
cit., p. 69). If the ancient inhabitants offered their sacrifices in
dish-like cups cut in the surface of the rocky ground, the Canaanites
had their open-air temples, or Bamoth (high places), with altar,
sacrificial pit, and stone pillars from about seven to nine feet high.
At Gazer eight pillars were found, still standing, the smallest of
which (about 51/2 feet high) seems to the oldest, and is perhaps the
real emblem of the deity. Of the asherim, or wooden posts, only the
stone bases seem to be left. Two large grottos situated under the
sanctuary must also have played a part in this worship. But the most
disgusting traces of this idolatry are the skeletons of infants --
mostly new-born babes -- sacrificed to the deity, which at Gazer were
found buried in jars beneath the floor of the sanctuary, and elsewhere,
especially at Mageddo, in its immediate neighbourhood. Several times
the remains of these human victims, among which have been adults, were
found beneath or in the foundations of houses and other buildings; a
striking illustrations of the words of Jos., vi, 26: "Cursed be the man
before the Lord that shall raise up and build the city of Jericho. In
[or with] his firstborn may be lay the foundation thereof, and in [or
with] the last of his children set up its gates." The naturalistic
character of this religion becomes especially evident in the numerous
Astarte plaques, or statuettes, of divergent types, and likewise in the
often occurring phallic emblems. Among these latter some class part of
the baetylic stone pillars, and find in a few bulls' heads
representations of Baal or Moloch. Some representations of Babylonian
deities also occur, and, still more frequently, images from Egyptian
mythology. The Astarte plaques likewise show Egyptian inspiration. In
short, the Canaanite civilization seems continually to have felt the
influence of both these nations. In pottery, moreover,
Aegean-Phoenician art produced marked results from the beginning of the
fourteenth century B.C. On the other hand, the settlement of the
Israelites in Canaan, judging from the explorations made, opened no new
period in so far as archaeology is concerned, so that the "Canaanite"
period (i.e. the various "Semitic" periods of Macalister, Palestine
exploration Fund Quarterly Statements, 1907, p. 203) has been extended
to about the ninth or eighth century B.C.</p>
<p id="c-p2936" shownumber="no">Indeed, the submission of the Canaanite was not made effectual
nearby so soon as some chapters of the Book of Josue might lead us to
expect. Particularly the places that have become best known to us
through the excavations. Thenac, Mageddo, and Gazer, are among those
that submitted to Israel only after a lapse of time (Jos., xvii, 11-13; Judges, i, 27-29). Gazer even in the days of Solomon was still
inhabited by Canaanites (<scripRef id="c-p2936.1" passage="III Kings 9:16">III Kings 9:16</scripRef>). And in the same context
(verses 20-21) we learn that Solomon, through forced statute laborer,
subjugated "unto this day", the whole of the Canaanite population of
his realm. Thus Canaan had become once and for all the servant of Shem.
Afterwards Phoenicia with its colonies was subjugated by the Romans,
sons of Japheth, and soon vanished altogether from the roll of
nations.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2937" shownumber="no">JOHN P. VAN KASTEREN</p></def>

<term id="c-p2937.1" title="Chanca, Diego Alvarez" type="Encyclopedia">Diego Alvarez Chanca</term>
<def id="c-p2937.2">
<h1 id="c-p2937.3">Diego Alvarez Chanca</h1>
<p id="c-p2938" shownumber="no">A physician-in-ordinary to Ferdinand and Isabella of Castile and
Aragon; dates of birth and death uncertain. Owing to his professional
skill and learning, he was appointed by the Crown to accompany the
second expedition of Christopher Columbus to America in 1493. Shortly
after landing on the shores of the Island of Haiti, Dr. Chanca proved
his skill as a physician by successfully treating Columbus for an
attack of pernicious malarial fever, and saving the lives of other
prominent members of the expedition who were attacked by disease. On a
site selected by Chanca, whose professional advice had been sought, was
established the first Christian settlement in the New World, to which
Columbus gave the name of Isabella in honour of his illustrious
patroness. In this locality Chanca wrote his letter to the muncipal
council of his native city, which was the first document describing the
flora, the fauna, the ethnology, and the ethnography of America. A
remarkable circumstance in connection with this letter is the fact that
everything therein contained was the result of only three months of
observation and study. Upon his return to Spain, Chanca published in
1506 a medical treatise entitled "Para curar el mal de Costado" (The
Trentment of Pleurisy), and in 1514, he published a work in Latin
criticizing a book entitled "De conservanda juventute et retardanda
senectute", the work of Amaldo de Villanova, a brother-phycician.
Chanca's work was published under the title "Commentum novum in
Parabolas divi Arnaldi de Villanova."</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2939" shownumber="no">VENTURA FUENTES</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2939.1" title="Chancel" type="Encyclopedia">Chancel</term>
<def id="c-p2939.2">
<h1 id="c-p2939.3">Chancel</h1>
<p id="c-p2940" shownumber="no">The chancel is part of the choir near the altar of a church, where
the deacons or sub-deacons stand to assist the officiating priest. It
was originally railed off by 
<i>cancelli</i> or lattice work, from which the name is derived. The
term is now generally confined to parish churches, and such as have no
aisles or chapels round the choir. In some churches, in addition to the
principal chancel, there are others at the ends of the side-aisles. The
Latin word 
<i>cancellus</i> was commonly used for the low screen which marked the
separation of the 
<i>presbyterium</i> and choir from the rest of the church. In a later
time the name 
<i>chancel</i> came to be applied to the 
<i>presbyterium</i> itself. Very few chancels, however, of the early
period have been preserved in place. A clear idea of the normal
arrangement can be had in St. Clement's at Rome, where the
sixth-century screens of the choir and 
<i>presbyterium</i> were simply removed from the lower church and set
up in the twelfth-century church above. In St. Clement's the chancel
screen of the 
<i>presbyterium</i> coincided with the chord of the apse, and the altar
also stood upon this line; the approaches had therefore to be
constructed on either side of the altar. The chancels of the 
<i>presbyterium</i> are surmounted by a light colonnade for the support
of curtains. The term was used in England before the Reformation, and
the Anglicans still retain it. Among English Catholics it is now little
used, that portion of the church near the altar, separated by rails
from the nave, being designated the sanctuary. In cathedrals and
conventual churches, where space is required to accomodate the canons
or the religious, a portion of the church between the sanctuary and the
nave is taken for the purpose; it is not, however, called the chancel,
but the choir.</p>
<p id="c-p2941" shownumber="no">BOND, 
<i>Gothic Architecture in England</i> (London, 1906); FLETCHER, 
<i>A History of Architecture</i> (London, 1903); ATKINSON, 
<i>Glossary of English Architecture</i> (London, 1906).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2942" shownumber="no">THOMAS H. POOLE.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2942.1" title="Changanacherry" type="Encyclopedia">Changanacherry</term>
<def id="c-p2942.2">
<h1 id="c-p2942.3">Changanacherry</h1>
<p id="c-p2943" shownumber="no">VICARIATE APOSTOLIC OF CHANGANACHERRY (CHANGANACHERENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p2944" shownumber="no">Located in Travancore, British India; created 28 July, 1896. Its
first actual vicar Apostolic, Mathew Makil, titular Bishop of Tralles,
was consecrated 25 Oct., 1896. This vicariate was established to meet
the needs of Native Indian Christians of the Syro-Malabar Rite. It
includes five deaneries of Nordist Syrians (descendants of native
Malabar castes) and two Sudists (descendants of fourth century
immigrant Syrians), a social distinction originating long ago in their
residence at Cranganore. Its territory extends south as far as Purakad,
and is bounded on the north by Vicariate of Ernakulam, on the east by
the Ghats, and on the west by the Gulf of Arabia. The Catholic
population numbers 140,172 in a total of 900,000. There are 95 churches
and 57 chapels; the native clergy number 283 (253 secular, 30 regular);
besides these there are 20 brothers. There are four Carmelite
monasteries. The convents of religious women have 70 members (35
Carmelites, 20 Visitation nuns, and 15 Clarisses). The annual
conversions reach about 1000. There are 75 theological seminarists with
20 pupils in preparatory work. In 3 English (boarding) high schools
there are 650 boys, and in 4 middle schools 360 girls. In 418 native
parish schools there are 14,328 pupils. The Catholic press is
represented by one native Malayalam weekly paper and 2 monthly
periodicals. The Jacobite Syrians and the Protestants number 13,000;
the pagan population about 600,000.</p>
<p id="c-p2945" shownumber="no">Missiones Catholicæ (Rome, 1907), 824-25; Illustrated Catholic
Missions (London, March, June, 1903); La Ver aroma (30 May, 1903);
Messenger of the Sacred Heart (April, 1897); Census of India (1901),
XXVII, Travancore, part I, 109-110, and Cochin, part I, 44-45, 60.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2946" shownumber="no">MATHEW VATTAKALAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2946.1" title="Claude Chantelou" type="Encyclopedia">Claude Chantelou</term>
<def id="c-p2946.2">
<h1 id="c-p2946.3">Claude Chantelou</h1>
<p id="c-p2947" shownumber="no">Patristic scholar, born in 1617, at Vion, in the present Diocese of
Le Mans, France; died 28 November, 1664, at the Monastery of
Saint-Germain-des-Prés in Paris. Having spent some time in the
Order of Fontevrault, he left it to become a Benedictine in the
Congregation of Saint-Maur, in which he made his profession, 7
February, 1640, at Toulouse. When the General Chapter of 1651 ordained
that two religious be entrusted with the preparation of a history of
the congregation, Chantelou was one of the appointees, and from that
time until his death resided at Saint-Germain-des-Prés. He is the
author of the following works: "Bibliotheca Patrum ascetica" (Paris,
1661-64), a collection of extracts from the writings of the Fathers
regarding the spiritual life; "S. Benedicti abbatis Clarevallensis
Paræneticon" (Paris, 1662), an edition of sermons of St. Bernard
preceded by a life of the saint written by Alain, Bishop of Auxerre (a
life of St. Malachy, Archbishop of Armagh, concludes the work); "S.
Basilii Cæsareæ Cappadociæ archiepiscopi regularum
fusius disputatarum liber" (Paris, 1664), answers of St. Basil to
questions proposed by his monks respecting the monastic life; "Carte
géographique de la France bénédictine", published by Le
Chevalier in 1726. Marin de Caraurais edited and completed Chantelou's
manuscript, "History of the Abbey of Montmajour", near Arles
(Marseilles, 1878). Nobilleau published his "Analyses du cartulaire
tourangeau de Marmoutier" (Tours, 1879). Chantelou was also a
collaborator in the publication of important Benedictine historical
collections, e. g. the "Spicilegium" of D'Achéry.</p>
<p id="c-p2948" shownumber="no">LE CERF, 
<i>Bibliothèque hist. et crit. des auteurs de la congrégation
de St-Maur</i> (The Hague, 1726). 58-60; LAMA, 
<i>Biblioth. des écrivains de la congrégation de St-Maur</i>
(Munich and Paris, 1882), 43; HEURTEBIZE in 
<i>Dict. de théol. cath.</i> (Paris, 1905), II, 2215.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2949" shownumber="no">N. A. WEBER.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2949.1" title="Chantry" type="Encyclopedia">Chantry</term>
<def id="c-p2949.2">
<h1 id="c-p2949.3">Chantry</h1>
<p id="c-p2950" shownumber="no">(M.E. 
<i>chaunterie</i>; O. Fr. 
<i>chanterie</i>, Fr. 
<i>chanter</i>, to sing; M. Lat. 
<i>cantaria, cantuaria</i> whence 
<i>cantarie, cantuarie</i>).</p>
<p id="c-p2951" shownumber="no">The endowment of one or more priests to say or sing Mass for the
soul of the endower, or for the souls of persons named by him, and
also, in the greater number of cases, to perform certain other offices,
such as those of choir member in a collegiate church or cathedral, or
of curate in outlying districts, or of chaplain in hospitals and jails,
or of schoolmaster or librarian. It was thus essentially, though not
solely, a liturgical institution requiring as a 
<i>sine qua non</i> of its existence a place where the incumbent might
say Mass. As a rule this was provided for by screening off a space
between the great pillars of the nave or transept of some parish church
or cathedral, and erecting an altar there. but frequently an addition
was made to and opening into the choir, or a detached building was
erected for the purpose. These detached chantry chapels, built in a
churchyard, or in an outlying district, or at the entrance to bridges,
often consisted of two stories, the lower one being devoted to the
strictly religious uses of the foundation, while the incumbent used the
upper one as his home or as a schoolroom. To erect a chantry the
consent of the ordinary, which was given only when it was found that a
fund sufficiently large for its building and maintenance had been set
aside, had to be obtained; then the permission of the Crown to alienate
lands in mortmain had to be secured; and then, to provide against the
violation of the rights of the mother-church, the priest in whose
parish the chantry was to be erected had to be consulted; finally, to
give it a legal character, it had to be instituted by the civil
authorities of the locality. In the erection of some chantries, beyond
giving his permission, the bishop played no part. The donor or his
trustees, retained the funds as well as the right of appointing and
removing the incumbent. Chantries of this kind were called "mercenary",
and were erected usually only for a definite period of time. Two other
forms, called "collative" and "in private patronage", were
ecclesiastical; the only difference between them being that in the
latter the donor or his trustees named the incumbent, whereas in the
former the bishop alone had the right.</p>
<p id="c-p2952" shownumber="no">Traces of the chantry system are to be found in England as far back
as the Conquest, but these foundations were not numerous until the
middle of the fourteenth century. After that time, however, owing
largely, no doubt, to the tremendous revolution effected by the great
pestilences, and the subsequent growth in wealth and influence of the
middle classes, their number constantly increased until, at the time of
their suppression, there were, according to Heylin, 2374 of them. The
work of suppressing and despoiling the chantries, begun by Henry VIII,
was taken up and completed by his successor, Edward VI, in 1547. They
yielded to the harpies that swarmed about his court 180,000 pounds. But
the spirit which gave them birth could not be destroyed, and we see it
manifesting itself in our own time in the erection of the Vaughn
Chantry in the new cathedral of Westminster. Among the many evils
attendant upon the suppression of the chantry the most grievous,
perhaps, was the effect upon education. For the chantries were the
grammar schools of the period -- the incumbent "teaching gratis the
poor who asked it humbly for the love of God". Just how many of them
had taken on this character of grammar school it is difficult to say.
But that it was very large is seen from the fact that in 1562, nine
years after Edward, the long-heralded "Father" of grammar schools, was
dead, we find Williams, the Speaker of the House of Commons, in an
address to the queen, referring to "the want of schools; that at least
a hundred were wanting in England which before that time had been" --
an allusion which we may safely assume had reference to the chantry
schools. And Leach, who does not hesitate to call Edward "the Spoiler",
instead of "the Father" of schools, says that between 1547 and 1645 no
grammar school was founded in England which had not already existed as
a chantry. (See SCHOOLS.)</p>
<p id="c-p2953" shownumber="no">SHARPE, "Calendar of Wills Proved and Enrolled in the Court of
Husting, London, 1258-1688, ed. PAGE (2 vols., London 1889-1890);
"Yorkshire Chantry Surveys, Being the Certificates of the Commissioners
Appointed to Survey the Chantries, Guilds, Hospitals, etc., in the
County of York, ed. RAINES (2 vols., Surtees Society, London, 1898); A
History of the Chantries within the County Palatine of Lancaster, Being
the Reports of the Royal Commissioners of Henry VIII, Edward VI, and
Queen Mary"; LEACH ed., "Early Yorkshire Schools, York, Beverly, Ripon
(Yorkshire Archeological Society), I, in Record Series (London, 1899),
XXVII; STOW, "A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster and of
the Borough of Southwark (2 vols., London, 1754-5); MOYES in "Academy",
XXXVII, 223; Leach in "Contemporary Review" (18920; MILBURN in "Dublin
Review" (April, 1899); JESSOP in "Nineteenth Century" (March, 1898);
MOYES in "Dublin Review" (January and April, 1899); "Saturday Review",
LIX, 344; HOLLAND in "Catholic University Bulletin" (Jan., 1903).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2954" shownumber="no">CORNELIUS HOLLAND</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2954.1" title="Chapeauville, Jean" type="Encyclopedia">Jean Chapeauville</term>
<def id="c-p2954.2">
<h1 id="c-p2954.3">Jean Chapeauville</h1>
<p id="c-p2955" shownumber="no">A Belgian theologian and historian, b. at Liège, 5 January,
1551; d. there 11 May 1617. He made his philosophical studies at the
Universities of Cologne and Louvain, and at the latter received the
degree of Licentiate of Theology. He then entered the priesthood, and
in 1578 was appointed one of the synodal examiners for the Diocese of
Liège, and in 1579 parish priest of St. Michael's in the same
city. He performed the functions of the latter office for about ten
years. Having been a canon of the collegiate church of St. Peter's in
Liège since 1582, he was elevated in 1599 to the dignity of a
provost of the same church. In 1587, Pope Sixtus V appointed him the
first penitentiary canon of St. Lambert's Cathedral. On 12 June, 1600,
he was promoted to the archdeaconship of Famenne. Meanwhile, in 1582,
he had been nominated Inquisitor of the Faith, and in 1598, Ernest of
Bavaria, Bishop of Liège, appointed him vicar-general, in which
office he was retained, despite his protests, by Bishop Ernest's
successor, Ferdinand of Bavaria. Chapeauville was distinguished for his
great charity in attending the sick, especially during the pestilence
that visited Liège in 1581, and for his exemplary piety and his
zeal for the progress of sacred studies. He taught theology with great
success in several monasteries of Liège and published works on
theological subjects. He endeavoured to enforce in the diocese the
reforms decided upon by the Council of Trent, particularly the
establishment of a clerical seminary and the 
<i>concursus</i> for the nomination of parish priests. He also
published a valuable collection of the chief works on the history of
the bishops of Liège, and even wrote an account of the episcopate
of Liège, commencing with Erard de la Marck (1506) and ending with
the year 1613. His principal works are: "Tractatus de necessitate et
modo administrandi sacramenta tempore pestis" (Liège, 1586);
"Petit traite des vices et des vertus" (Liège, 1594); "Abbrege de
la somme des péchez M. J. Benedicti" (Liège, 1595); "De
casibus reservatis tractatus" (Liège, 1596); "Catechismi Romani
elucidatio scholastica" (Liège, 1600); "Historia admirandarum
curationum quae divinitus ope deprecationeque divi Perpetui Leodiensis
episcopi contigerunt. Adjecta est vita B. Perpetui" (Liège, 1601;
Fr. tr., 1601); "Summa catechismi Romani" (Liège, 1605); "Epistola
ad catechistas de taedio quod catechistis obrepere solet" (Liège,
1605); "Catechista, sive brevis tractatus de necessitate et modo
administrandi doctrinam christianam" (Liège, 1608); "Qui gesta
pontificum tungrensium, trajectensium et leodiensium scripserunt
auctores praecipui" (3 vols., Liège, 1612, 1613, 1616).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2956" shownumber="no">A. VAN HOVE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2956.1" title="Chapel" type="Encyclopedia">Chapel</term>
<def id="c-p2956.2">
<h1 id="c-p2956.3">Chapel</h1>
<p id="c-p2957" shownumber="no">(Lat. 
<i>capella;</i> Fr. 
<i>chapelle</i>).</p>
<p id="c-p2958" shownumber="no">When St. Martin divided his military cloak 
(<i>cappa</i>) and gave half to the beggar at the gate of Amiens, he
wrapped the other half round his shoulders, thus making of it a cape 
(<i>capella</i>). This cape, or its representative, was afterwards
preserved as a relic and accompanied the Frankish kings in their wars,
and the tent which sheltered it became known also as 
<i>cappella</i> or 
<i>capella</i>. In this tent Mass was celebrated by the military
chaplains 
(<i>capellani</i>). When at rest in the palace the relic likewise gave
its name to the oratory where it was kept, and subsequently any oratory
where Mass and Divine service were celebrated was called 
<i>capella</i>, 
<i>chapelle</i>, chapel. The word is first found used in this sense by
Marculfus (seventh century), who gives the above etymology, an
explanation which has been generally accepted ever since, though
Durandus ventures upon an alternative derivation, to wit, 
<i>capra</i>, because the tent above mentioned was made of goat-skins.
Another, but improbable, derivation is 
<i>cupella</i>, a domical or cup-shaped monument (see CUPOLA). The
canopy over an altar was also at one time called a 
<i>capella</i>. In ecclesiastical documents the main sanctuary of a
church is often termed the 
<i>capella major</i>, to distinguish it from the side-altars (cf. St.
Charles Borromeo's "Instructions"). In Spain the sanctuary containing
the high altar is to this day called the 
<i>capilla mayor</i>. The thing is, however, much more ancient than the
name, and Thomassin quotes numerous early references to 
<i>oratoria</i>, 
<i>sacella</i>, and 
<i>eukteria</i>. In dealing with the subject a large number of
different kinds of chapels are to be considered, which vary according
to their connexion with, or dependence upon, other buildings, or to the
specific uses to which they were put. Thus we have chapels which
structurally form part of a larger church, those which are included
within other buildings not churches, and those which are entirely
separate and detached. We have also papal, royal, episcopal, votive,
wayside and mortuary chapels. It seems best for the purposes of this
article, first to trace the origin and development of chapels in
general, and then to deal with the different kinds, according to their
special uses, and under their respective titles, in alphabetical
order.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2958.1">ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT</h3>
<p id="c-p2959" shownumber="no">The earliest places of Christian worship may be called chapels,
inasmuch as they were informal churches, i. e. a chamber in a house, or
the 
<i>atrium</i> and 
<i>tablinum</i> of the house adapted for the purpose; but the earliest
oratories or chapels, as distinct from the buildings where the bishop
and presbytery presided over the regular assemblies of Christians, were
probably martyrs' memorials. Thus, the Council of Gangra (350) censures
desecrators of the 
<i>sepulchra martyrum</i> and of the synaxes, sacrifices, and memorials
celebrated therein. The Fifth Council of Carthage (400) orders the
bishops to raze all unauthorized altars and martyrs' monuments erected
in the open fields or at the roadside unless authenticated. The first
instance on record of a private chapel is that of Constantine (the
prototype of the chapel royal, and of the 
<i>saintes chapelles</i> of France, viz.: at Paris, Vincennes, and
St-Germain-en-Laye); the emperor had a chapel in his palace at
Constantinople, and carried with him in his wars and progresses a
facsimile of it in the shape of a portable tent (Socrates, Hist. eccl.,
I, xiv). Another early example of a chapel within another building is
the small one now known as the 
<i>Sancta Sanctorum</i>, in the still remaining fragment of the ancient
Lateran palace. It was the private chapel of the popes and existed as
early as 583, when Pelagius II placed certain relics in it (Manuscripts
Bibl. Vat., in Baronius). The private chapel also of the archbishops of
Ravenna, in their palace there, is still to be seen; it was built, or
at least decorated, by Archbishop Peter Chrysologus about 430.
Instances are extant of the original meeting-places of Christians being
preserved under the level of the subsequent church, the soil having
risen in the course of ages. Thus, under the lower church of San
Clemente at Rome is a chamber, at present inaccessible, that may have
have been part of the house of Clemens. Under the existing church of
St-Gervais at Rouen is a third or early fourth-century chamber which is
now a crypt. Under the high altar of Chartres cathedral is the chapel
of St-Lubin, bounded on the west by a piece of the Gallo-Roman wall of
the fortress of the Carnutenses, and here, it is believed, the first
Christians of Chartres, who were allowed to erect a chapel against the
wall itself, worshipped. Other examples occur at Sens (St-Savinien),
Créteil, Etampes (Notre-Dame), Hexham and Ripon.</p>
<p id="c-p2960" shownumber="no">The spread of Christianity from the cities into the country must
have early occasioned the erection of oratories and chapels for the use
of believers living at a distance from the bishop's church. St.
Chrysostom (Hom. xviii in Act.) exhorts nobles and rich men to build
chapels in their country homes and to employ priests, deacons, and
other clerks to offer there, on Sundays, the Unbloody Sacrifice, on
weekdays, to celebrate the morning and evening Offices, and to bless
the table, and teach the children and servants on the estate. The
prohibition by the Council of Laodicea (c. 350) of the celebration of
the liturgy in private houses is considered by Thomassin to refer only
to the cities where regular churches already existed. This freedom in
the erection of chapels had soon to be restricted. There being as yet
no parochial system, as now understood, it became necessary to
safeguard the jurisdiction of the city-bishop throughout the
circumscription of influence and activity recognized as belonging to
the cathedral or mother-church. Justinian (Novel. lviii) made private
oratories illegal, save for simple prayer; if such chapels were
separate from the dwelling, the bishop might permit service to be held
there, but clerks were not to be ordained to these as "titles".
Apparently this edict was ignored, for the Quinisext Council of
Constantinople (692) decrees that clerks who in oratories within houses
celebrate Mass or baptize must submit to the judgment of the bishop in
each case (can. xxxi). The fifty-ninth canon of the same council
positively forbids baptism in such chapels. Ordination, since the close
of the age of persecutions, has never been given without a "title" or
definite sphere of work and corresponding maintenance having been first
secured to the ordained. In the Council of Chalcedon were read Acts of
the Constantinopolitan Council under Flavian, mentioning priests
attached to 
<i>martyria</i> or suburban churches at Constantinople, and the sixth
canon forbade the ordination of any save to some title, these 
<i>martyria</i> being in the list of those recognized. In the West the
same enactment was repeated by the seventh canon of the Fourth Council
of Aries (524).</p>
<p id="c-p2961" shownumber="no">The royal example was soon followed by the nobles, over whose
chapels the bishops were constantly asserting and enforcing their
jurisdiction and safeguarding the interests of the 
<i>parochia</i> or mother-church. The Council of Agde (506) conceded to
the nobles that the Mysteries might be celebrated in their oratories,
except on the principal feasts, on which days they and their households
must attend the parish church (cf. below, the present legislation);
otherwise the offerings of the faithful on those days would have been
made in the chapel, to the detriment of the mother-church and parochial
clergy. Charlemagne, as head of the revived Empire of the West,
followed his imperial predecessors in legislating for the Church, or
rather in giving imperial sanction to needful reforms in the Church.
"It hath pleased us", he says in his Capitularies (V, clxxxii), "that
neither in our palace nor elsewhere shall a chapel be set up without
permission of the bishop in whose diocese 
(<i>parochia</i>) it is"; and (V, ccxxx), "Those who have oratories in
their houses may pray there, but may not have Masses celebrated without
permission of the bishop". And Thomassin quotes, as proceeding from a
Gallican council of this time, a canon to the effect that on Sundays
and feasts all shall come to the church and none shall invite priests
to celebrate Mass in their houses. In course of time many chapels, both
those set up by nobles, and those furnished by the ecclesiastical
authority, became regular parish churches. In England particularly many
foundations, now parochial, were originally manorial chapels, and on
the other hand the parish church was often founded independently of the
manor-house, as at Deerhurst, on the Severn, where exist side by side
and of the same date, both the manorial chapel and the Saxon parish
church. Some of these manorial chapels, while still remaining private
property, with chaplains appointed and maintained by the lay
proprietor, were given semi-parochial privileges and came to be looked
upon as chapels-of-ease to the parish church, A notable example of a
noble man's chapel becoming a cathedral is found at Moulins-sur-Allier,
where the ancient chapel of the Dukes of Bourbon now forms the choir of
the cathedral, the nave having been added by Viollet-le-Duc. Other
buildings such as court-houses, hospitals, and of course all religious
houses and their granges, had chapels attached to them in medieval
times; but, from the very first, except in the case of exempt
monasteries and their dependencies, the appointment of priests to serve
such chapels was always subject to the control of the bishop, which
remains the law of the Church to this day.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2961.1">KINDS OF CHAPELS</h3>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2962" shownumber="no">Chapels within a larger Church</p>
<p id="c-p2963" shownumber="no">Under this head must be included Lady chapels, side-chapels,
ante-chapels, etc., attached to, or under the roof of a larger church.
Chantry chapels will be treated in a separate section. The earliest
form, perhaps, of the subsidiary chapel within a larger church, is to
be seen in the parallel apses which in some ancient churches flank the
great apse or main sanctuary. These originated in the East, where,
however, they served as sacristies or the like. The Oriental Rites,
unlike the Roman, have always had a preliminary offertory or 
<i>prothesis</i> at which the oblations are handled before Mass. This
ceremony, at first performed at the altar itself, was in some rites
(notably the Byzantine) elaborated into a preliminary offering at a
subsidiary altar or "table of prothesis", the prepared oblations being
solemnly conveyed to the main altar in the course of the actual
liturgy. The northern apse or chapel became the place of 
<i>prothesis</i>, and the other remained a sacristy or 
<i>diaconicon</i>. Although the architectural feature of parallel apses
was early introduced into the West, they had no effect upon the rite in
places where the Roman Liturgy was in use, but remained at first mere
sacristies. In France and Spain, where the Gallican Rite prevailed,
they would doubtless be used in the Oriental way. Paulinus of Nola, in
the fifth century (Ep., xxxii), speaks of two chambers, possibly apses,
flanking the altar of his church whereof the right-hand one was a
sacristy and the other a library or place of retirement for prayer. In
the ninth century the Roman church of Santa Maria in Cosmedin was
altered for the use of the Orientals by the addition of side apses, and
the well-known basilica of Torcello was similarly furnished at about
the same time. If the word chapel includes places set apart for prayer
as well as those for the celebration of the liturgy, these examples
must be considered as rightly coming under this division of the
subject. The same must be said also of the apartments opening out from
the naves of the churches of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme and Santa
Balbina, both at Rome and dating probably from the fifth century.
Similar chapels existed in the ninth-century churches of Santa
Christina at Pola de Lena and Santa Maria de Naranco, both near Oviedo
in Spain. All these examples and many others that might be enumerated
differed only from the side-chapels of later ages in having no altars.
The ancient discipline of "one altar in one church" has always been
preserved in the East, at least in theory, though an exception to its
corollary "one Mass at one altar" must be made in the case of
Jerusalem, where in the fourth-century Mass was offered twice on the
Calvary altar on Maundy Thursday, and twice in the Anastasis on Easter
Day. The Gallican Rite required this latter restriction; thus, in a
synod of Auxerre, it is decreed that two Masses must not be said at one
altar on the same day, and, moreover, that no presbyter may celebrate
at an altar which had that day been used by the bishop. Also, for many
centuries, the Ambrosian Rite preserved the same theory and it was for
one altar only that Milan cathedral was designed. But when the members
of the priesthood, instead of concelebrating with the bishop in the
basilica, began each to say his own Mass, a plurality of altars became
a necessity if the ancient rule of "one Mass at one altar" was to be
kept. In the East, where the matter was not of great urgency, as
individual Masses remained the exception, the subsidiary altar, if
required, was enclosed in a chapel forming a complete though miniature
church. The Blanskenoy church in Moscow, which contains eight complete
and enclosed chapels grouped round a central one, is probably an
extreme example. In churches subject to Celtic rule a group of separate
chapels was sometimes formed, e. g. the Seven Churches at Glendalough,
Ireland, the Ten Churches of Twineham, in England (remaining as late as
the eleventh century), and the marvellous group of sanctuaries at
Rocamadour, in France, a famous place of pilgrimage in the Middle Ages
and probably an isolated survival of the Celtic plan. In churches of
the Roman Rite altars were simply set up in any convenient part of the
church, although, in the Middle Ages, they were partly screened off. An
extreme example of this may be seen in the well-known plan, never
carried out, for the abbey church of St. Gall (ninth century), which is
so filled up with enclosed altars that congregational worship would
have been impossible. In existing churches the parallel apses at once
suggested a pair of chapels, and those which lacked this feature were
sometimes altered accordingly. In others, smaller apses were often
built out from the main apse; the church of the Holy Sepulchre at
Jerusalem seems to have been thus treated in the tenth century, if not
earlier, and other chapels were added to the original plan. The
sanctuary or "station" on the site of the Crucifixion, which stood
between the Holy Sepulchre and the basilica of the Holy Cross, may be
taken as an early example of a chapel within a church, for although it
was originally in the open air and not included under the roof of the
church, as at present, it was used daily in the fourth century after
the morning and evening Offices in the Sepulchre church (Anastasis) and
had an altar on which the Holy Oblation was offered on Maundy Thursday
and the True Cross exhibited on Good Friday (Peregrinatio ad Loca
Sancta, ed. Gamurrini, Rome, 1888).</p>
<p id="c-p2964" shownumber="no">As access to the chapels radiating from the main apse was
inconvenient, later builders devised the ambulatory, or passage behind
the apse proper and connecting all the apsidal chapels with the
"procession path". This was an important innovation destined to
revolutionize the plan of most large churches; it issued at length in
the 
<i>chevet</i>, or crown of chapels, a design which found favour in most
European countries, but was nowhere carried to the height of beauty and
elaboration that it realized in France. The basilica of St-Martin at
Tours is considered to have been the common source from which most
examples of this idea were copied, none of them being older than about
900. They were comparatively rare in England, owing to the prevalent
square east-end, but there are beautiful examples, as at Westminster,
Norwich, and Peterborough. The transept, eastern or western, also
invited the formation of chapels, and this position is almost universal
in the great Norman cross-churches. It was used in preference to the 
<i>chevet</i> plan in England, where the transept was a more frequent
and more developed feature than elsewhere; for while in continental
churches the need for increased chapel space was supplied by utilizing
the intervals between buttresses (first at Notre-Dame, Paris, in 1290),
the English preferred to form extra chapels along the east wall of the
transept, and even to lengthen or rebuild the transept for that
purpose, their buttresses being as a rule too shallow to afford the
space required. At Gloucester there are three stories of chapels, one
above the other, the crypt and the triforium containing altars exactly
corresponding with those of the ground level. Where the buttresses were
interior, as at Albi, the church was from the outset provided with a
series of chapels, sometimes in two stories, along its whole
perimeter.</p>
<p id="c-p2965" shownumber="no">The dedication of the 
<i>chevet</i> chapels to important saints led naturally to the
easternmost being assigned to Our Lady. In France this chapel is
frequently somewhat larger than the rest, as at Bayeux, Reims,
Séez, and Troyes; much larger at Amiens and Le Mans; and very much
larger at Rouen (both in the cathedral and in the abbey church of St.
Ouen) and Coutances. The number of the 
<i>chevet</i> chapels varies from three at St-Etienne of Nevers to the
magnificent sweep of thirteen which are the glory of Le Mans. Langres
is singular, for so large a church, in having but one such chapel, and
Sens seems to have had originally one circular chapel at the east end,
like "Becket's Crown" at Canterbury. It was in the Lady chapel towards
the close of the Middle Ages, that innovations in church music were
allowed, only the strict chant being heard in the choir. At Gloucester
the Lady chapel is furnished with two galleries (with chantry chapels
below) for the singing of "pricksong"; each is provided with a broad
stone desk for the necessary books, thus differing from the choir where
such accommodation was unusual and unnecessary, but few books being
used there except on the lectern.</p>
<p id="c-p2966" shownumber="no">Reference may here be made to Galilees and ante-chapels, which
sometimes contained altars and were used for liturgical purposes. They
usually take the form of an enlarged western entrance or narthex. Those
of St-Front (Périgueux), Romain-Moutier, and Jumièges are
early examples, while those at Vézelay and Cluny are conspicuous
for their size. The finest example in England is that at Durham (really
the Lady chapel), and there is a smaller one at Ely. At Lincoln there
is a Galilee on the western side of the south transept. Two parochial
Galilees exist in Norwich, at St. Peter Mancroft and St. John
Maddermarket, both being the ground story of the western tower. In most
of the medieval college chapels of Oxford and Cambridge, what is
usually called the ante-chapel is really only the space outside the
entrance to the choir, occupied nowadays at service time by those who
are not members of the college. Baptisteries were often built in the
form of chapels, and either contained altars or had chapels with altars
opening out of them, as in the Lateran basilica (fourth century).</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2967" shownumber="no">Ambassadors' Chapels</p>
<p id="c-p2968" shownumber="no">The use of a private chapel for the ambassadors of a Catholic
country at a Protestant Court, and vice versa, has frequently been
allowed as a matter of courtesy, though not of strict right according
to international law. In England, even at a time when the exercise of
the Catholic religion was proscribed by the penal laws, Catholic
ambassadors were permitted to have such chapels attached to their
embassies. The Sardinian, Neapolitan, Venetian, Bavarian, Portuguese,
and Spanish ambassadors were thus favoured, all having their private
chapels in London. The Sardinian (erected 1648), Bavarian (1747), and
Spanish (1742) chapels were even opened to the public and became
eventually ordinary parochial churches. The two former still exist,
while the latter was replaced (1890) by a handsome church.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2969" shownumber="no">Bishops' Chapels</p>
<p id="c-p2970" shownumber="no">The bishop's chapel was, at first, nothing less than the basilica or
cathedral where he was accustomed to preside with his presbytery, but
the feudalization of the bishop and the installation in cathedrals of
choirs of monks or canons, under an ordinary superior of their own,
made it necessary that the bishop should possess a separate private
chapel. Of these episcopal chapels there remain many beautiful
examples, of which that at Reims is one of the finest. Another
deserving of mention is that which was formerly attached to the London
residence of the bishops of Ely, dedicated to St. Etheldreda. It was
built in 1290; though dismantled at the Reformation, it was for a short
period during the Stuart times refitted and lent for the use of the
Spanish ambassador. Afterwards it passed into the hands of a Welsh
Protestant congregation, from whom it was bought by the Fathers of
Charity in 1876, and reopened by them for Catholic worship. In the
Middle Ages the chapel, whether of the bishop or of the noble, often
signified his whole 
<i>maison ecclésiastique</i> (see section, 
<i>Papal Chapel</i>), i. e. his chaplains, clerks, choristers and the
ecclesiastical furniture, which accompanied him from place to place.
All bishops have the right to a private chapel in their houses, and
they retain this right even when travelling.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2971" shownumber="no">Cemetery or Mortuary Chapels</p>
<p id="c-p2972" shownumber="no">These are of very early origin, whether special, as at the
burial-place of a martyr, or general, as in the common resting-places
of the faithful. The Roman catacombs furnish many examples of both
kinds. After the days of persecution, Christians were able to worship
at the resting-places of the dead without secrecy or fear of
profanation, and thus the cemetery and mortuary chapels of the Middle
Ages arose. Two of the most curious are: that at Sarlat, in the
Dordogne, which is a conical structure some forty feet high, containing
a circular mortuary chapel on the ground-floor and towards the top a 
<i>pharos</i> or lantern, and that at Avioth (Meuse), containing an
open sanctuary supported by columns and a glazed lantern above. The
former is of the twelfth and the latter of the fifteenth century.
Magnificent chapels were often built to serve as the burial-places of
kings and other great men. Becket's Crown, at Canterbury, and Henry the
Seventh's chapel at Westminster, are examples, as also is the circular
chapel containing the tomb of King Emmanuel of Portugal, in the Abbey
of Batalha. The most famous of all, perhaps, is the Cathedral of
Aachen, which enshrines the tomb of Charlemagne.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2973" shownumber="no">Chantry Chapels</p>
<p id="c-p2974" shownumber="no">These differ from other interior chapels only in being erected and
endowed for the celebration of Masses of requiem, in perpetuity, for
some individual soul, generally that of the founder himself. Special
priests were usually appointed to serve them, and were called "chantry
priests". It was not until the thirteenth century that such chapels
became common, and by that time, most of the available space in the
churches had been already occupied, hence we find chantry chapels
stowed away in corners and odd places. Being intended for private, not
public, Masses, they were frequently smaller than other chapels. Vacant
spaces in aisles and transepts, or, as in many larger churches, between
the pillars of the nave, lent themselves to their accommodation, though
sometimes they were distinct buildings annexed to the church. Whenever
possible they were placed near the tomb of their founder, and very
often such tombs were either enclosed within the chapel itself or
actually adjoined it. Like other chapels they were invariably screened
off from the rest of the church; wooden screen-work was perhaps the
more common, but some notable examples still exist in England of
chantry chapels, like miniature sanctuaries, screened and vaulted in
stone and of surpassing beauty. Such are Prince Arthur's chantry at
Worcester, the Founder's chapel at Tewkesbury, the chantries of William
of Wykeham and Cardinal Beaufort at Winchester, and those of Bishop
Bubwith and Dean Sugar at Wells. Sometimes the chapel was placed above
the tomb and reached by a winding staircase, as at Christ Church,
Oxford, in what is commonly but wrongly called "St. Frideswide's
Shrine". Chantries were also sometimes built and maintained by a local
guild, such as the Guild of the Holy Ghost at Beccles, and the Palmers'
Guild at Ludlow. Strictly speaking, the chantry is the endowment, and
in some cases it was attached to an existing chapel in which other
Masses were commonly celebrated. (See CHANTRY.)</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2975" shownumber="no">Charnel Chapels and Charnel-houses</p>
<p id="c-p2976" shownumber="no">These were in the same class as cemetery chapels and consisted
generally of a vault or chamber in which were deposited the bones
displaced in the digging of graves, with a chapel adjoining or, more
usually, above. Brittany abounds in such chapels, of which
Viollet-le-Duc gives two curious examples, at Fleurance and
Faouët. In England there were specimens at Worcester, Norwich, Old
St. Paul's (London), Bury St. Edmunds, Grantham, Stratford-on-Avon, and
many other places. That at Norwich, a detached building to the west of
the cathedral, now used as a grammar-school, is perhaps the most
perfect example still standing.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2977" shownumber="no">Chapels of Ease</p>
<p id="c-p2978" shownumber="no">These were separate buildings, churches in everything but name,
built in remote portions of large parishes and so called because they
were intended to ease the parish church and the parishioners living at
a distance from it. Clergy appointed for the purpose served them as
vicars of the parish priest. These chapels were not formerly allowed to
contain a font or have a cemetery adjoining them, but in later times
both these privileges were often conceded, and many such chapels have
since become independent of the mother-church.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2979" shownumber="no">Gate-house Chapels</p>
<p id="c-p2980" shownumber="no">The enclosure wall of most medieval monasteries was entered through
a gatehouse, many of which contained chapels. In England such chapels
existed at Furness, Evesham, Llanthony, Malling, Merivale, and Bury St.
Edmunds. Similar chapels were to be found also in the gate-houses of
many walled towns. The "flanging Chapel" of Langport, Somerset, is a
fine example.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2981" shownumber="no">Papal Chapels</p>
<p id="c-p2982" shownumber="no">Technically the 
<i>Capelta Papale</i> signifies the entire staff of dignitaries and
officials privileged to assist at one of the greater papal functions,
and includes the College of Cardinals, the patriarchs, assistants at
the pontifical throne, Apostolic prothonotaries, domestic prelates,
private chamberlains, chaplains, heads and procurators of religious
orders, papal choristers, and a host of other officials such as the
vice-chamberlain of the Roman Church, the majordomo, the prelates of
the Rota, etc., who rank as members of the pope's household. Regarded
in this sense, the papal chapel originated on the removal of the papal
court from Rome in 1305, when the traditional feasts and ceremonies
celebrated formerly in the different basilicas of Rome were transferred
to the Palatine chapel of Avignon. On the return to Rome in 1377, the
popes continued, for various reasons, to perform these ceremonies in a
private chapel instead of in the basilicas. Nicholas V built a chapel
in the Vatican for the purpose, which was demolished by Paul III to
make room for the Pauline chapel erected by him. The other chapel in
the Vatican, now used for most of the important papal functions, is the
Sistine, built by Sixtus IV in 1473. It is noted no less for its famous
choir than for the paintings of Raphael, Michelangelo and others which
adorn its walls and ceiling. Since 1870 the number of days on which the
full 
<i>capella</i> assists the pope has been greatly curtailed. Formerly
there were thirty-two such days in the course of the year; now they are
not more than half a dozen. These are the anniversary of the coronation
of the reigning pontiff, the requiem for his immediate predecessor, and
the public consistories. To them are occasionally added such special
ceremonies as jubilee Masses and the canonization of new saints, the
latter functions often taking place in St. Peter's instead of the
Sistine chapel. With regard to the term "papal chapel", taken in its
untechnical meaning, such chapels would seem to correspond more or less
with other private chapels, like those of bishops or reigning
sovereigns. One of the earliest of these existed in the Lateran palace
in the fourth century, and since that time the pope's place of
residence has always contained a private chapel for his own use. One is
that in the villa of Innocent VIII (now the Belvedere), which that pope
built in the Vatican gardens in the fifteenth century; that in the
Quirinal during the time that it was a papal residence; that in the
Castel Gandolfo, the former summer residence of the popes; and the
small chapel in the Vatican, adjoining the pope's private apartments,
where the Holy Father says his daily Mass. The last-named is the only
one that is now in regular use, and it differs in no way from any other
private chapel.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2983" shownumber="no">Chapels of Repose</p>
<p id="c-p2984" shownumber="no">According to the old English Rite it was the custom in medieval
times, on the afternoon of Good Friday, to deposit one of the Hosts
consecrated on Maundy Thursday, together with the cross that had been
used in the morning office (see CROSS), in what was called the Easter
sepulchre or chapel of repose, and to bring them forth again on Easter
morning with solemn chant and ceremony, thus symbolizing the burial of
Christ's Body in the sepulchre and its resurrection therefrom. The
usual position for the Easter sepulchre was in a niche on the north
side of the sanctuary, and the sepulchre itself was commonly a movable
wooden structure erected year by year for the purpose. Among the
entries in the old churchwarden's accounts still extant, none occurs
with more frequent regularity than that of the payment made for putting
up and taking down the Easter sepulchre. In some instances it was a
permanent stone structure, and among the few examples still existing
the best known is that in the church of Arnold (Nottinghamshire). In
the Roman Rite the term "chapel of repose" is applied to the altar or
chapel where the Blessed Sacrament is solemnly reserved between the
Mass of Maundy Thursday and the Mass of the Presanctified on Good
Friday. (See HOLY WEEK.)</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2985" shownumber="no">Royal Chapels</p>
<p id="c-p2986" shownumber="no">It has always been the privilege of royal palaces, in Protestant as
well as Catholic countries, to possess private chapels for the use of
the Court. That of Constantine has already been mentioned. Chapels
royal have often been merely apartments in the palace itself, but
sometimes separate buildings have been specially erected for the
purpose. St. George's, Windsor, and La Sainte-Chapelle, Paris, are
noteworthy examples of the latter class. The last-named beautiful
building is perhaps the most famous of all royal chapels. It was built
in 1248 by St. Louis of France to house the relic of the Crown of
Thorns which he had obtained from Constantinople, and it adjoined his
palace of La Cité. The architect was Pierre de Montereau, whose
wonderful creation is still one of the most admired and most imitated
buildings of its kind in the world. In the lower story was a chapel for
the palace servants and above was the royal chapel proper, with its
sumptuous shrine. It was, of course, desecrated at the Revolution, but
became once more a chapel royal for a short time under Louis Philippe.
Since then it has, until recently, been used only once a year, for a
"Red Mass" said at the opening of the law courts hard by. It is now
merely a national monument. Of English chapels royal, besides St.
George's, Windsor, already mentioned, those of St. James and the Savoy
date from Catholic times. The latter was rebuilt by Henry VII on the
site of the old Savoy Palace. From 1564 to 1717 it was used as a parish
church and only became a chapel royal in 1773. Besides this and the
chapel in St. James's Palace, there is also a Protestant chapel royal
in the palace of Hampton Court. In the seventeenth century the presence
in England of the Catholic consorts of three of the Stuart kings
brought about the existence of Catholic chapels royal in London during
a period of about eighty years, One was built at St. James's in 1625
for the use of Henrietta Maria, consort of Charles I, and her retinue,
which was used occasionally up to 1642. It was reopened in 1662 for
Queen Catherine of Braganza, Charles the Second's consort, but closed
again in 1671 when she removed her court to Somerset House. Under James
II it once more served for Catholic worship, from 1685 to 1688, since
which date it has been assigned to the use of the Lutheran members of
the Court and is now known as the "German chapel". At Somerset House a
new Catholic chapel was built for Queen Henrietta Maria in 1636, which
was in use until 1642, and again from 1662 until her death in 1669.
When Queen Catherine removed her court hither from St. James's in 1671,
it was reopened for Catholic worship and so continued until her death
in 1705, when it passed into the hands of the Protestant Government.
There was also a Catholic oratory at Whitehall, used occasionally up to
1642 when Queen Henrietta Maria was resident there, and in 1687 James
II opened a new chapel in the same palace, which was closed again the
following year. In Scotland the chapel royal was originally located in
Stirling Castle, but was transferred to Holyrood by Queen Mary in 1542.
At the Reformation it was used for a time as a Protestant parish
church, but again became a Catholic chapel royal in 1687 under James II
(James VII of Scotland). After his flight to France in 1688, it was
plundered and partially destroyed by fire. It was subsequently
re-roofed, but since 1768 it has been in a state of ruin.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2987" shownumber="no">Ship Chapels</p>
<p id="c-p2988" shownumber="no">Thomassin mentions a few examples, the best known being that of St.
Louis, who was allowed to carry the Blessed Sacrament on board ship and
to have Mass, without consecration, celebrated before It, the rolling
and tossing of the vessel being considered prohibitive of the full
ceremonial.</p>
<p class="c7" id="c-p2989" shownumber="no">Votive, Wayside, and Bridge Chapels</p>
<p id="c-p2990" shownumber="no">The Middle Ages furnish numerous examples of votive chapels, erected
by the devotion of private persons, often to commemorate some special
event or to enshrine some valued relic. Among these may be classed many
of the famous places of pilgrimage, both in England and elsewhere. Akin
to these are the wayside and bridge chapels which testify to the piety
of the times. Existing examples of the latter are to be seen at Pisa,
Avignon, Wakefield, Rotherham, Bradford-on-Avon, and St. Ives, while a
century ago the remains of such buildings still stood at Rochester,
York, Bath, and London. (See BRIDGE-BUILDING BROTHERHOOD.) Wayside
chapels, intended for the use of travellers, were often to be found on
the way leading to some pilgrimage shrine. The "Slipper Chapel", in
Norfolk, is a well-preserved example, formerly used by the pilgrims
going to the celebrated shrine of Our Lady of Walsingham. It has in
recent years been restored and once more placed in Catholic hands.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2990.1">ECCLESIASTICAL LAW AS TO CHAPELS</h3>
<p id="c-p2991" shownumber="no">The present-day law of the Church, while placing no restriction on
the erection of chapels that form part of a larger church, lays down
very definite regulations respecting any that belong to the category of
private chapels. This applies, however, only to those intended for the
celebration of Mass; there is no restriction whatever as regards the
setting apart of a particular chamber in a private house merely for
purposes of private prayer and devotion. But for a chapel in which Mass
is to be said, canon law legislates very strictly. Cardinals, bishops
(even titular), and regular prelates, are allowed the use of a private
chapel by right; for all others a special indult is required. The
ordinary of the diocese can give the necessary permission for the
chapel or oratory of an institution such as a religious house, an
orphanage, hospital, workhouse, or prison, such chapels being usually
public or semi-public. But for a strictly private chapel in a private
house, intended only for the convenience of the inmates of the house, a
papal indult must be obtained, and such indults are only granted for
sufficient reasons, e. g. distance from a church, permanent ill-health
of a member of the household, etc. With regard to the fulfilment of the
obligation of hearing Mass in such private oratories, the ancient law
of the Church was that the obligation could only be satisfied by
attendance at the parish church. The Council of Trent somewhat modified
this rule and since then theologians have differed as to what was the
exact law. To settle the matter, Leo XIII, in 1899 (S. R. C. no. 4007),
decided that;</p>
<ol id="c-p2991.1">
<li id="c-p2991.2">the obligation can be satisfied by any one in all public or
semi-public chapels to which the faithful have access; but</li>
<li id="c-p2991.3">it cannot ordinarily be satisfied in a strictly private chapel by
any persons other than those for whose convenience the chapel
exists.</li>
</ol>
<p class="continue" id="c-p2992" shownumber="no">This rule, in practice, is capable of a somewhat wide
interpretation, and the indult by which the permission for the chapel
is granted usually extends the privilege to various other persons, e.
g. relations, guests, servants, etc. All places of worship in England
belonging to Catholics, like those of other religious bodies outside
the Established Church, were formerly termed "chapels."</p>
<p id="c-p2993" shownumber="no">Rock, 
<i>Church of Our Fathers</i> (London, 1852); NORTHCOTE AND BROWNLOW, 
<i>Roma Sotteranea</i> (London, 1869); WALCOTT, 
<i>Church and Conventual Arrangement</i> (London, 1861); BLOXAM, 
<i>Principles of Gothic Ecclesiastical Architecture</i> (London, 1882);
GASQUET, 
<i>Parish Life in Medieval England</i> (London, 1896); BOND, 
<i>Gothic Architecture in England</i> (London, 1905); BARNES, 
<i>Catholic Chapels Royal in Downside Review</i> (1900-02); SMITH AND
CHEETHAM, 
<i>Dictionary of Christian Antiquities,</i> s. v. 
<i>Chapel</i> (London, 1875); 
<i>Transactions of the St. Paul's Ecclesiological Society</i> (London,
1881-84), I; THOMASSIN, 
<i>Vetus et Nova Ecclesiœ Disciplina</i> (Venice, 1766);
PELLICCIA, 
<i>The Polity of the Christian Church,</i> tr. BELLETT (London, 1883);
LENOIR, 
<i>Architecture monastique</i> (Paris, 1852); MARTIGNY, in 
<i>Dict. des antiq. chrét.</i> (Paris, 1865); VIOLLET-LE-DUC, 
<i>Dict. raisonné de l'architecture</i> (Paris, 1874);
BUSS-KREUTZWALD, in 
<i>Kirchenlexikon;</i> LE CLERCQ, 
<i>Manuel d'archéologie chrétienne</i> (Paris, 1907).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2994" shownumber="no">G. CYPRIAN ALSTON</p></def>

<term id="c-p2994.1" title="Chapelle, Placide-Louis" type="Encyclopedia">Placide-Louis Chapelle</term>
<def id="c-p2994.2">
<h1 id="c-p2994.3">Placide-Louis Chapelle</h1>
<p id="c-p2995" shownumber="no">Archbishop of New Orleans, U.S.A., b. at Runes Lozère, France,
28 August, 1842; d. at New Orleans, 9 August, 1905. He began his
classical studies at Mende, France, and concluded them at Enghien,
Belgium. After a brilliant course of philosophy and theology at St.
Mary's Seminary, Baltimore, he received the degree of S.T.D. Ordained
priest, 28 June, 1865, he was sent as pastor to St. John's Church,
Rockville, Maryland, and four years later was named pastor of St.
Joseph's, Baltimore. In 1882 he was appointed to St. Matthew's,
Washington, where he soon became the leading Catholic clergyman. Dr.
Chapelle was consecrated November, 1891, at Baltimore, titular bishop
of Arabissus and coadjutor to Archbishop Salpointe of Sante Fé,
New Mexico, with the right of succession; he succeeded to that see, 7
January, 1894. He was transferred to the Archbishopric of New Orleans,
7 December, 1897. The Holy See appointed him, 11 October 1898,
Apostolic Delegate to Cuba and Porto Rico and Envoy Extraordinary to
the Philippine Islands. He proved himself equal to this important and
delicate mission. He spoke with facility French, Spanish, and English,
was thoroughly acquainted with the laws of the Church and the spirit of
the American Constitution, and rendered valuable services to the Holy
See and to the United States. Being in Paris during the negotiations
for the treaty of peace between the United States and Spain, he
obtained the insertion therein of the clause which confirmed to the
Catholic Church the possession of all properties to which she had a
right under the Spanish Government. He was appointed by Leo XIII
Apostolic Delegate to the Philippines, 9 August, 1899, and arrived at
Manila, 24 January, 1900. His first act was to persuade General Otis to
liberate the priests and religious held prisoners by Aguinaldo. After
reorganizing the affairs of the Church, he helped greatly in the
general pacification of the country. Pope Leo XIII acknowledged and
highly praised in a pontifical Brief the work of Archbishop Chapelle.
His mission in the Philippines being at an end, Leo XIII retained him
as Apostolic Delegate to Cuba and Porto Rico and named him Assistant to
the Pontifical Throne and Count of the Holy Roman Empire. Pius X, in an
autograph letter of 8 October, 1904, said to Archbishop Chapelle: "You
have rendered most signal services to the Church in Cuba and Porto
Rico." Though having an auxiliary bishop, he wished to visit personally
all the parishes of Louisiana, and he returned from Havana, 30 May,
1905, to fulfil this pastoral duty. Yellow fever had just broken out in
New Orleans, and he started without delay for the city, to be with his
stricken people. He took the fever himself, and died, 9 August, 1905,
after having in a pastoral, written four days before his death, offered
to God his life for his people.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p2996" shownumber="no">A. ORBAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p2996.1" title="Chaplain" type="Encyclopedia">Chaplain</term>
<def id="c-p2996.2">
<h1 id="c-p2996.3">Chaplain</h1>
<p id="c-p2997" shownumber="no">(Latin 
<i>capellanus</i>, from 
<i>capella</i>, chapel).</p>
<p id="c-p2998" shownumber="no">The origin of 
<i>capella</i> has been a fruitful source of controversy. The opinion
most favoured is that which Du Cange (Gloss. Med. et Inf. Lat.) has
drawn from earlier writers, viz. that the word is derived from the 
<i>capa</i> or 
<i>capella</i> of St. Martin of Tours. This was a short cloak preserved
as a relic by the Kings of France. They carried it with them when they
went to war and on the field enshrined it under a tent. This tent
gradually received the name 
<i>capella</i>, and the custodians of the relic were thence called 
<i>capellani</i>. Others think that the word 
<i>capella</i> simply signifies a covering, and that the name arose
from the tent-like structure erected by the kings of France to canopy
the altar for soldiers in the field, and that the word has no relation
to the relic of St. Martin.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2998.1">COURT CHAPLAINS</h3>
<p id="c-p2999" shownumber="no">If the derivation of 
<i>capella</i> from the 
<i>capa Sancti Martini</i> be the correct one, we must look for the
origin of court chaplains in the clerics who were guardians of the
sacred relics in royal palaces. Gradually these clerics were empowered
to say Mass in the oratories committed to their care, and thence there
was but a step to endowing them with spiritual jurisdiction for the
benefit of those living in the palaces. They became the confessors and
instructors of all who frequented the court chapel. When such chaplains
had increased to a large number, in France, an arch-chaplain was
appointed as their superior. From the time of Charlemagne onwards, this
latter office was committed to abbots and bishops, and its holder
became an important personage in the realm. Not only had he spiritual
jurisdiction over the chaplains and members of the royal court, but he
was also entrusted with the expedition of such ecclesiastical concerns
as were brought to the cognizance of the sovereign from various parts
of his kingdom. Both in the Holy Roman Empire and in France, the
arch-chaplain or palatine chaplain long held the office of high
chancellor of the realm. In France, the arch-chaplain was also grand
almoner. The revolution of 1789 swept away the office, but it was
restored by Pope Pius IX in 1857 and lasted to the fall of the Second
Empire.</p>
<h3 id="c-p2999.1">BENEFICED CHAPLAINS</h3>
<p id="c-p3000" shownumber="no">There are a large number of clerics whose duty it is to say certain
prescribed Masses or to procure their celebration, or to take part in
various church services, such as choir service. Such persons received
their support from a pious foundation erected for the purpose. Such
chaplaincies are called either ecclesiastical or lay. They are
ecclesiastical if the property donated by a founder has been formally
erected into a benefice by the proper spiritual authority. If however,
the property designed for the purpose of procuring certain acts of
Divine service has not received ecclesiastical erection it is called a
lay chaplaincy. The latter is, strictly speaking, not a benefice in the
canonical sense of the term. When a founder erects a chaplaincy, he is
at liberty to define the duties of the person who is to enjoy the
benefit of his foundation. Thus he may prescribe that a certain number
of Masses be said by the chaplain; he may designate the intention for
which they are to be offered, the altar at which they are to be said,
and other like prescriptions. He can also determine whether the
chaplain is to say the Masses personally or only be responsible for
their celebration. The Church has always been most liberal in
confirming the conditions prescribed by such founders and insisting on
their due observance. If the testator has left his goods to a layman,
with the obligation of procuring the celebration of certain Masses by
any priest whom he shall choose, such chaplaincy is called mercenary,
and it does not partake of the nature of an ecclesiastical benefice, as
the latter requires generally that the holder should be appointed for
life. The controllers of such mercenary chaplaincies can of course be
laymen, or even women or children. At times the name of lay chaplains
is given to such persons. A chaplaincy is called collative if the
founder bestows his goods for spiritual purposes in such a way that the
bishop is to erect the foundation into a benefice, for no layman can
erect a sacred edifice or institute a spiritual office without the
episcopal authorization. Such benefices are called collative because
the bishop collates or confers the right to hold them upon the
acceptable candidate even if such candidate has been presented or
nominated by lay authority. To exclude the episcopal confirmation would
be to make it impossible for the chaplaincy to be held as an
ecclesiastical benefice. Hereditary or family chaplaincies are those to
which, by the will of the founder, the holder of the benefice is to be
nominated by the testator's heirs or assigns. In such cases also the
confirmation of the bishop is of absolute necessity. If the chaplaincy
be attached to a definite edifice or to an altar in that edifice, it
may not by common law be removed to another place. Instances, however,
are on record where the Holy See has sanctioned the removal of such
chaplaincies from one castle of noble family to another, where the
request has been made by the heirs of the founders.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3000.1">REGULATIONS CONCERNING BENEFICED CHAPLAINS</h3>
<p id="c-p3001" shownumber="no">When the founder of a chaplaincy has not expressly stipulated that
the beneficiary is to celebrate personally the prescribed Masses, it is
not requisite that the chaplain be in Sacred orders as he can procure
otherwise the celebration of the Masses. If it be an ecclesiastical
benefice, however, the incumbent must at least be a cleric. When the
founder explicitly stipulates that the chaplain is to be a priest, the
condition must be adhered to. If, however, he says merely that the
chaplain is personally to celebrate the stipulated Masses, then the
benefice can be given to a simple cleric, provided he is of such age
that he can receive the priesthood within a year. If the foundation
requires that the chaplain take part in the Divine Office in a
cathedral or collegiate church, then personal service is obligatory on
the beneficiary, nor can he employ a substitute, if by obtaining the
benefice he becomes a mansionary of that church. In cases where a daily
Mass is one of the conditions of the foundation, it is generally held
that the chaplain can occasionally intermit this duty for a proper
cause. He can also, if hindered by sickness, omit the application of
the daily Mass for a fortnight, without being obliged to secure the
fulfilment of the foundation requirement by another priest. If the
chaplain is obliged to offer his Mass for a definite intention
specified by the founder, he may not receive an alms for another
intention and satisfy both by the same Mass. As to residence the
chaplain's office depends on whether his chaplaincy be lay or clerical;
if lay, he may be arbitrarily removed by the one who has the right of
appointment, unless the will of the founder be expressly to the
contrary; if clerical, the chaplain, like all other holders of
beneficies, is presumably appointed for life, unless the laws of
foundation provide otherwise.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3001.1">PAROCHIAL OR AUXILIARY CHAPLAINS</h3>
<p id="c-p3002" shownumber="no">This name is given in Europe to those priests who render assistance
to a parish priest, who cannot care for his whole parish owing to the
large number of the faithful within its confines. The position and
duties of such parochial chaplains are in many ways analogous to those
of vicars and curates (see CURATE; VICAR). The Council of Trent allows
parish priests to appoint the chaplains necessary for their parish, but
in most dioceses custom has reserved their appointment to the ordinary.
In case the appointment be made by the parish priest himself, he may
delegate the chaplain to perform the necessary offices, with the
exception of the hearing of confessions. The latter authorization must
come from the bishop. Chaplains have no fixed powers. The bishop or the
parish priest can make the limitations they judge proper. Whenever they
exercise the care of souls, it must always be with dependence on the
parish priest as to time and method. They need a special delegation of
the pastor to assist validly at a marriage. The support of parochial
chaplains is to be derived from the parish funds, unless they possess a
benefice in the church having the annexed obligation of assisting the
parish priest. In the latter case, they are irremovable. When their
faculties have been conferred by the bishop, they do not lose them by
the death of the parish priest.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3002.1">DOMESTIC CHAPLAINS</h3>
<p id="c-p3003" shownumber="no">Benefices possessed by chaplains are often attached to the residence
of distinguished families. In many countries of Europe, noblemen or
their ancestors have provided for the sustenance of such private
chaplains. Often such a priest takes on himself the duty of instructing
the children of the house. If the position of the domestic chaplain be
really of the nature of a benefice, it follows the rules already given
for beneficed chaplains; otherwise the incumbent is considered as an
auxiliary chaplain of the parish or diocese where he resides.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3003.1">CHAPLAINS OF CONVENTS</h3>
<p id="c-p3004" shownumber="no">According to various decrees of Roman congregations, the chaplains
of nunneries must be men of mature age, if they can be procured. This
rule is so strict that if the bishop without necessity has appointed a
junior to the position, the superior may refuse to receive him. (S.C.
Ep., In Messan., 1602.) Chaplains unworthy of their charge are to be
immediately removed. As a rule, regulars are not to be appointed
chaplains in convents unless there be a dearth of secular priests. The
chaplain receives his faculties from the bishop, except in the case of
nuns who are subject to some order of regulars. Only in the case of
exempt nuns can the chaplain administer all the sacraments to them, to
the exclusion of the parish priest. As a rule, convent chaplains should
not be appointed for life. If a convent claims to have the right of
presenting an irremovable chaplain to the bishop, the latter should
forward the claim to Rome to obtain judgment upon it. If this is
favourable, a perpetual chaplain is to be approved.</p>
<p id="c-p3005" shownumber="no">Chaplains of public institutions, such as colleges, hospitals,
prisons, etc., receive their power from the intention of the bishop
when appointing them or from the laws of the foundation if there be
one. As a rule they are allowed to say Mass and preach in the community
chapel, and to exercise various quasiparochial functions for the
community.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3005.1">PONTIFICAL CHAPLAINS</h3>
<p id="c-p3006" shownumber="no">Attached to the pope's chapel are various grades of chaplains. The
private chaplains are those who assist the pontiff at the altar when he
celebrates Mass, and are assisted by the honorary private chaplains,
who minister directly to the pope only occasionally. There are also the
private clerics of the chapel, the common chaplains and the
supernumerary chaplains. Honorary chaplains "outside the city" are
those who assist the pope only when he is outside Rome. The honorary
private chaplains were instituted by Pope Clement XII; the common
chaplains by Pope Alexander VII. In 1907, Pope Pius X confirmed to the
common chaplains the title of 
<i>Monsignore</i> and their distinctive dress.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3006.1">MILITARY CHAPLAINS</h3>
<p id="c-p3007" shownumber="no">Priests appointed to minister to the needs of the army and the navy
are commonly called military chaplains. In Catholic countries where the
numbers of such chaplains have been large, the governments have usually
appointed a chaplain-major. Unless this appointment has been sanctioned
by the Holy See, such chaplains-major possess no spiritual jurisdiction
over the other chaplains. The common law of the church is that military
chaplains should be approved by the ordinary of the place, not by the
chaplain-major, otherwise confessions and marriages performed by them
are invalid. When there are exceptions to this rule, it can only be in
virtue of a special papal indult. Such indults have been granted for
various countries. In Spain the vicar-general of the army has
jurisdiction independent of the ordinary. In France military chaplains
have been abolished since the separation of Church and State. Chaplains
were formerly granted to the French soldiers only when their barracks
were far from the parish churches. In 1887, Pope Leo XIII concluded a
convention with the United States of Columbia in which various
privileges for military chaplains were confirmed. In some countries, as
Austria and Prussia, the chaplains are distinguished into parish
priests, curates, and assistants. They are subject to an army vicar
Apostolic, who generally receives episcopal consecration. The exemption
of military chaplains in Austria from the jurisdiction of the ordinary
dates from 1720. For the British Army and Navy, a decress was issued by
the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda, 15 May, 1906. It declares that
the 
<i>pro tempore</i> Archbishop of Westminster is the ecclesiastical
superior of all commissioned army and navy chaplains. As regards the
former, he is to treat with the Government concerning their nomination,
and take such measures as he shall deem expedient for their spiritual
well-being. They are to report to him semi-annually, or at least
annually, whatever concerns their state and occupation. Commissioned
chaplains (except in Ireland and India) are to receive exclusively from
the archbishop the faculties which he may grant them in virtue of his
ordinary or delegated jurisdiction. These faculties they may exercise
in the place determined by the archbishop, in favour only of the
soldiers, their wives, and families. When a chaplain is transferred,
his faculties endure until he has taken charge of his new station; but
as soon as he receives notice of his transfer, he must inform the
archbishop of it. As to their conduct as clerics these chaplains are
subject to the local ordinary, to whom their special faculties must be
shown, though his consent is not needed for their exercise so long as
it is not extended to civilians.</p>
<p id="c-p3008" shownumber="no">On retirement from a chaplaincy in the army, the priest must return
to his former diocse. In South Africa the local clergy are to supply
the place of chaplains as far as possible. The Archbishop of
Westminster alone is to treat with the Government for the appointment
of navy chaplains, and is to grant them faculties which may be used in
any part of the world, but only on shipboard. If, however, by the
arrangement of the commander of a ship, it be necessary for the
chaplain to exercise his faculties on land, he must if possible notify
the ordinary of the place, not to obtain authorization, but simply to
show proper deference, except in the case that the exercises his
functions for others than the members of the navy, for them he is
obliged to have recourse to the ordinary of the place where he is (Acta
S. Sedis, Vol. XL, fasc. 5). In Ireland the military chaplains are
subject to the local bishops. The Provincial Council of Dublin in 1853
requires that army chaplains report to the bishop at stated times the
religious condition of those under their charge. In the United States
Army probably the first chaplains commissioned by the Government were
those appointed during the Mexian War. At present the Government
appoints a limited numer of chaplains for the army and navy. To
administer the sacraments to soldiers in garrison, army chaplains need
the approbation of the ordinary; when the soldiers are mobilized,
chaplains may exercise their functions anywhere without such
authorization. Navy chaplains (cf. Smith, op. cit. infra.) seem to fall
under the general law that faculties must be obtained from the bishop
of the port whence the vessel sails. However by the general decree of 4
April, 1900, they would have faculties on shipboard from the mere fact
that they were approved by their own proper ordinaries.</p>
<p id="c-p3009" shownumber="no">FERRARIS, Prompta bibl. (Rome, 1886), III; BOUIX, De Parocho (Paris,
1880); SMITH, Elements of Eccles. Law (New York, 1895), I;
LAURENTIUS,Instit. jur. eccl. (Freiburg, 1903); HUMPHREY, Urbs et Orbis
(London, 1899).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3010" shownumber="no">WILLIAM H.W. FANNING</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3010.1" title="Chaptal, Jean-Antoine" type="Encyclopedia">Jean-Antoine Chaptal</term>
<def id="c-p3010.2">
<h1 id="c-p3010.3">Jean-Antoine Chaptal</h1>
<p id="c-p3011" shownumber="no">Comte de Chanteloup, technical chemist and statesman; b. Nogaret,
Lozère, France, 4 June, 1756; d. Paris, 30 July, 1832. He
graduated as doctor of medicine from the Montpellier University in
1777. In 1781, he filled the newly established chair of chemistry at
the same university, and established chemical works there, which
acquired a European celebrity. Refusing to yield to the solicitations
of the King of Spain or of President Washington, he prosecuted his work
in France through the stormy times of the Revolution, up to the days of
the Restoration. In 1793, he assumed charge of the Grenelle saltpetre
works, where he greatly improved the manufacture of gunpowder. In the
Polytechnic School of Paris he was given the chair of organic
(vegetable) chemistry. After the fall of Robespierre, he was placed in
charge of the reorganization of Montpellier University, again taking
his old chair of chemistry. Upon the foundation of the French
Institute, he was admitted as member. He returned to Paris, and
established other chemical works near the city. Under the Consulship of
Napoleon, he was called to the Council of State, and later became
Minister of the Interior. His work in this department was very
extensive, including the establishment of commercial exchanges, of
chambers of commerce, the reorganization of loan offices 
(<i>monts-de-piété</i>), the introduction of productive labour
in prisons, and many other advances in local Government. He introduced
the Sisters of Charity into the hospital service; regulated the mineral
water industry, of which the present French Government takes full
cognizance, and arranged for the exposition of industrial products for
five years. He established the study of viniculture at the Luxembourg.
Roads and canals received his attention; the roads over the Simplon and
Mont-Cenis Passes are largely his work. He was in the Ministry from
1800 to 1804. When Napoleon became emperor he made Chaptal senator,
Grand Officer of the Legion of Honour in 1806, and, soon after,
treasurer of the Senate and Count of the Empire. During the Hundred
Days, the general control of manufacture and commerce was entrusted to
him. During the Restoration, he was member of the Academy of Sciences
in the chemical section. In 1819, he entered the Chamber of Peers.</p>
<p id="c-p3012" shownumber="no">His technical activity covered a wide field, such as improvements in
the manufacture of sulphuric acid, saltpetre for gunpowder, beet-root
sugar, wine, dyeing, bleaching and other things. His principal printed
works, some eleven volumes, were published from 1790 to 1823. Chaptal
occupies a peculiarly interesting position in the long list of Catholic
scientists. His career covered the stormy period of the French
Revolution, and, more fortunate than the brilliant Lavoisier, he was
spared to prosecute his useful work. The seeking of his services by
Washington in the new republic, although he did not yield to the
solicitation, brings him the nearer to the Americans. He was a worker
on the technical side of chemistry, supplementing the theoretical
investigations of Lavoisier, and developing the field of chemical
manufacture, which today is its all-important division.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3013" shownumber="no">T. O'CONOR SLOANE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3013.1" title="Chapter" type="Encyclopedia">Chapter</term>
<def id="c-p3013.2">
<h1 id="c-p3013.3">Chapter</h1>
<p id="c-p3014" shownumber="no">The name 
<i>Chapter</i> (Lat. 
<i>capitulum</i>), designating certain corporate ecclesiastical bodies,
is said to be derived from the chapter of the rule book, which it was
the custom to read in the assemblies of monks. By degrees the meeting
itself was called the chapter and the place of meeting the chapter
house. From these conventual chapters or meetings of monks for the
transaction of business connected with their monasteries or orders, the
designation passed over to somewhat analogous assemblies of other
ecclesiastics. Hence we speak of collegiate chapters and of cathedral
chapters. In general a chapter may be defined as an association of
clerics of a certain church forming a moral body and instituted by
ecclesiastical authority for the purpose of promoting the divine
worship by means of choir service. If it be a cathedral chapter,
however, its principal object is to assist the bishop in the government
of his diocese, and the choir service is only secondary. Members of
chapters are called canons.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3014.1">ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT</h3>
<p id="c-p3015" shownumber="no">From the earliest times the priests and deacons of the cathedral
city aided the bishop in conducting ecclesiastical affairs. Considered
as a body, these clerics were called the 
<i>Presbyterium</i>. The custom often obtained of bishop and clergy
occupying a common dwelling, and this fact, joined with the example of
the monks, led to a uniform method of life. About the end of the fourth
century St. Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, reduced this common life to a
more perfect form, and when, later, many of his clerics themselves
became bishops, they introduced similar rules in their churches. In
Spain, Italy, and England (Bede, Hist. Eccl., I, xxvii) early traces
are found of this common life of the bishop and his priests. Among the
Franks, especially, St. Chrodegang, Bishop of Metz (d. 766), formed his
clergy into a community bound by a rule, which was, however, distinct
from that of regulars. From this rule or canon, the members of the body
derived their name of canons. Later on other larger churches, in
imitation of the cathedral, adopted a similar mode of life, and hence
arose the distinction between canons of cathedral and collegiate
churches, some of whom were secular and some regular. The main object
of the last-named capitular bodies is to promote the splendour of God's
worship by choir service. This article will treat particularly of
cathedral chapters.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3015.1">CONSTITUTION OF CATHEDRAL CHAPTERS</h3>
<p id="c-p3016" shownumber="no">A cathedral chapter constitutes a moral body or corporation.
Inasmuch as it is an ecclesiastical corporation it can be erected only
by the pope, according to the prevailing discipline. The chapter can be
considered as forming one body with the bishop, in as far as it
constitutes his senate and aids him in the government of his diocese;
or as forming a body distinct from the bishop, having its own
regulations and interests. Viewed under the first aspect the cathedral
chapter has the bishop for its head; under the last, it has its own
proper superior. Taking the chapter in the strict sense, however,
canonists generally declare that the bishop must always be
distinguished from it; nor can he be called a member of the chapter.
Anciently, the principal dignitary of the chapter was the archdeacon,
but from the eleventh century the dean, who was also archpriest, had
the internal government of the chapter. In some countries this
dignitary is called the provost. The collation to canonries, by common
law, pertains to the bishop and the chapter conjointly, unless in the
case of such canonships as are papal reservations. The nomination of
the head of the chapter belongs to the pope. In some countries, as
Austria, Bavaria, Spain and until recently France, the Government, in
virtue of concordats or ancient privileges, has the right of nomination
to some or all of the vacant canonries.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3016.1">OFFICIALS OF THE CHAPTER</h3>
<p id="c-p3017" shownumber="no">At the head of the chapter as a corporate body, is a president who,
as before said, is called in different countries by various names,
though the prevailing one is that of dean. The duty of this official is
to convoke the chapter and preside over it. He is also to see that the
canonical statutes are observed in all that relates to capitular
meetings and the choir service. The chapter appoints a treasurer, a
secretary, and a sacristan. The Council of Trent decreed (Sess. V, Cap.
i) that a canon theologian should be constituted in cathedral churches.
His office is to explain the Holy Scriptures and the dogmas of the
Faith, and also to treat questions pertaining to moral theology. A
canon penitentiary is likewise to be appointed (Sess. XXIV, cap. viii)
with power to hear confessions in the whole diocese. As to other
dignitaries or officials of the chapter, there is no uniformity among
the various capitular bodies. The Council of Trent approved of this
variety (Sess. XXV, cap. vi), and hence the peculiar statutes or
customs of each chapter or diocese or country must be examined to know
what dignitaries, in addition to those mentioned, form part of the
capitular body. Among such other officials may be named the custos,
primicerius, portarius, precentor, hospitalarius, eleemosynarius or
almoner, and camerarius or chamberlain. Punctator and hebdomadarius are
not distinct offices but special functions committed to certain
canons.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3017.1">OTHER MEMBERS OF THE CHAPTER</h3>
<p id="c-p3018" shownumber="no">These are called by the general name of capitulars or canons. The
division of such canons into seniors and juniors, residential and
forensic, prebendal and semi-prebendal, etc., belongs rather to
archæology. The number of simple canons is not fixed by a general
law of the Church, and the bishop can, with the consent of his chapter,
increase their number, except in cases where the pope has absolutely
determined how many canons shall compose a particular chapter. In the
latter case no new capitulars can be added except by Apostolic
authority. Honorary canons have neither a canonry nor a vote in the
chapter, but they are entitled to a stall in the choir. The number of
such honorary canons must not exceed that of the titular ones. Leo XIII
prescribed in 1894 that a bishop is not to nominate to an honorary
canonship a subject of another diocese, without the consent of the
chapter and the goodwill of the candidate's own ordinary. The honorary
canons who do not belong to the diocese must never be equal to the
third part of all the capitulars. In England and Scotland the number of
canons is usually ten, and the president is called provost. In Ireland
the chapter is presided over by a dean, and besides the canons
penitentiary and theologian, there are usually also a number of other
dignitaries.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3018.1">RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF CAPITULARS</h3>
<p id="c-p3019" shownumber="no">Cathedral canons (capitulars) have precedence, after the bishop or
vicar-general, over all the diocesan clergy when they go in procession
as a chapter. They have also a certain pre-eminence, so that they may
be made judges delegate of the Holy See in preference to the other
clergy and to canons of collegiate churches. They also wear certain
honorary insignia, as a ring, a cross, a violet soutane, etc., and
sometimes even the mitre. Leo XIII decreed in 1894 that canons of minor
basilicas in Rome can use such insignia only within their churches, and
that canons "outside the city" can employ them only within their
dioceses. A capitular has a right to receive his prebend or income from
the day of installation. He likewise has a place and vote in the
chapter and a stall in the choir. He is obliged to make a profession of
faith before the bishop or his vicar at a meeting of the chapter,
within two months of his installation. Residence near the cathedral
church is required, as his duties are to be performed personally and
not by substitutes, except in very rare cases. The conventual Mass is
to be assisted at daily by the canons according to their rotation. If
the Mass be offered for benefactors, all must be present. Choir service
is also of obligation, and the canons must not merely assist but also
chant the psalms. Absence is allowed only for a legitimate cause or
through dispensation of the proper ecclesiastical authority. They must
assit at the deliberations of the chapter and fulfil whatever duties
may be imposed upon them by it unless legitimately excused. When the
bishop celebrates Mass or takes part in other pontifical functions, the
capitulars must assist him according to the form prescribed in the
"Ceremonial of Bishops" and the "Roman Pontifical". They are also to
accompany the bishop when he goes in procession to the cathedral, and
after the service they must go with him to the church door in a
body.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3019.1">CAPITULAR MEETINGS</h3>
<p id="c-p3020" shownumber="no">Chapters, being true ecclesiastical colleges in the strict sense of
the word, have all the rights such bodies possess by their nature or by
the positive sanction of law. Consequently, they can hold sessions,
ordinary or extraordinary, to expedite matters concerning the chapter.
By common law, they need no previous approbation of the bishop for such
meetings, but the bishop can require that they give him notice of a
capitular congregation and of the resolutions approved by it. The
convocation of the chapter to consider its own affairs belongs to the
dean or provost, except where a particular statute intervenes. The
bishop convokes it when it is to treat of diocesan matters. All the
canons present in the city are to be called to meetings of the chapter.
At times even those absent are to be summoned, as for the election of a
prelate, the reception of new canons, etc. The meeting is to be held at
the prescribed time and place. Two-thirds of the capitulars form a
quorum, according to the regulations of some chapters; canon law
requires only a majority. Business is to be transacted by a general and
public deliberation, followed by a vote. This vote need not be
unanimous, unless the subject matter refers to the canons as
individuals. The chapter has authority to make laws for itself,
provided they be not contrary to the general canon law. These statutes,
according to the prevailing discipline, must be approved by the bishop.
In particular cases, where there is a tie vote, the dean or bishop has
the casting vote or a double suffrage. Like every other ecclesiastical
corporation, the chapter has the right of possessing and administering
the property over which it has the dominion. Consequently the chapter
can appoint its own officials to administer its possessions, even
without the ordinary's approbation. The supreme administrator of
capitular property, as the dean or other dignitary, is to be determined
by local statutes or customs.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3020.1">Chapters Sede Plenâ</h4>
<p id="c-p3021" shownumber="no">As the chapter constitutes the diocesan senate, the bishop is
obliged to ask its counsel or consent for various administrative acts.
Where consent is required, the bishop cannot validly proceed against
the will of the capitulars. Where only counsel is prescribed, the
ordinary fulfills his obligation by asking their advice, but he is not
constrained to follow it. In some cases defined by law, the acts of the
bishop are null, if the counsel of the chapter be not asked. The
consent of the chapter is requisite in general for all matters of grave
importance, especially such as place a perpetual obligation on the
diocese or on property, unless the bishop is allowed greater liberty
either by custom or Apostolic delegation. In particular, the consent of
the capitulars is necessary for buying, selling, or alienating
ecclesiastical property; for mortgaging church property, for uniting,
dividing, or suppressing spiritual benefices or parishes; for erecting
new canonries, even honorary ones; for collating to benefices, if the
right be held by the chapter conjointly with the bishop; for nominating
prosynodal examiners; for assuming a temporary coadjutor for the
bishop; for committing parish churches to regulars; for imposing new
taxes or contributions on the diocese; for measures that would be
prejudicial to the chapter or diocese, because the chapter is the
lawful defendant of diocesan rights. The counsel of the chapter is to
be asked for the making and promulgating of new diocesan laws, whether
composed in the synod or out of it; for correcting and punishing the
faults of clerics; for the building of new monasteries; for
administrative acts of some moment, as in appointments to parishes and
other diocesan business. For the matters cited, the consent or counsel
of the chapter is required by the bishop when he is exercising his
ordinary jurisdiction. In cases, however, where he acts as delegate of
the Holy See, no such counsel or consent need be asked. The chapter on
its side is obliged to show due obedience to the bishop in the
observance and execution of his lawful commands, in submitting to his
canonical visitation, and in obeying his just judgment in judicial
causes.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3021.1">Chapters Sede Impeditâ</h4>
<p id="c-p3022" shownumber="no">When on account of some physical or canonical impediment, the bishop
cannot govern his diocese, the episcopal administration does not pass
to the chapter, but it becomes its duty to notify the pope, who alone
appoints the administrator of a diocese, except in certain cases
determined by law, when the chapter can conduct diocesan affairs; as
when the bishop has been imprisoned by heretics or pagans; when he is
excommunicated or suspended; when the vicar-general dies and the bishop
is far away. In the above exceptional cases the chapter may administer
the diocese until the Holy See provides otherwise.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3022.1">Chapters Sede Vacante</h4>
<p id="c-p3023" shownumber="no">On the death of the bishop, the chapter succeeds to his ordinary and
customary jurisdiction in spirituals and temporals, except to those
which he had by virtue of Sacred orders, or by special privilege, or by
special delegation of the Holy See. The faculties delegated to bishops
as delegates of the Apostolic See by the Council of Trent also pass to
the chapter. Within eight days of the bishop's death, the chapter must
elect a vicar capitular to whom the whole administration of the diocese
must be committed (see 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3023.1">Vicar Capitular</span>), and the chapter can reserve
no jurisdiction to itself. Lastly, it nominates the new bishop.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3023.2">CATHEDRAL CHAPTERS IN MISSIONARY COUNTRIES</h3>
<p id="c-p3024" shownumber="no">In England, Ireland, Scotland, Holland, and some other countries,
cathedral chapters have been erected. As the circumstances of these
countries are different from those in lands where the Church is
canonically established, the Holy See has made some changes in the
common law governing cathedral chapters. The canons are dispensed from
residence near the cathedral church, and may be parish priests or
missionaries dispersed through the diocese. They are likewise dispensed
from the daily chanting of the Divine Office in choir. It is generally
prescribed, however, that when the capitulars come to the cathedral for
their monthly meetings, they must recite Terce together and assist at a
conventual Mass. As a general rule the rights and offices of canons in
missionary countries are the same as those already enumerated for
places where canonical law is in full force. The Bishop is therefore to
ask their counsel or consent, as the case may be, in matters referring
to diocesan administration and when the episcopal see is vacant, the
chapter succeeds to the deceased bishop and elects a vicar capitular.
In the United States, cathedral chapters have not as yet been
constituted. In 1883 Propaganda consulted the American bishops on the
advisability of erecting them, but the prelates judged that the time
was not yet opportune.</p>
<p id="c-p3025" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p3025.1">Wernz,</span> 
<i>Jus Decretalium</i> (Rome, 1899), II; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3025.2">Smith,</span> 
<i>Compendium Jur. Can.</i> (New York, 1890); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3025.3">Bouix,</span> 
<i>De Capitulis</i> (Paris, 1882); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3025.4">Ferraris,</span> 
<i>Prompta Bibl.</i> (Roman ed., 1886), II.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3026" shownumber="no">William H.W. Fanning</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3026.1" title="Chapter House" type="Encyclopedia">Chapter House</term>
<def id="c-p3026.2">
<h1 id="c-p3026.3">Chapter House</h1>
<p id="c-p3027" shownumber="no">A building attached to a monastery or cathedral in which the
meetings of the chapter are held. In monasteries the chapter house was
used daily after Prime (and sometimes after Terce), for the reading of
the "Martyrology" and the "Necrology", for the correction of faults,
the assigning of the tasks for the day, and for the exhortation of the
superior, and again for the evening Collation or reading before
Complin. Secular canons used the chapter house for similar purposes,
and for the formal transaction of public business of common interest to
the body corporate. The chapter house is not mentioned by St. Benedict
(d. 543), nor is it indicated in the ancient plan of the Abbey of St.
Gall, drawn up in 820; the monks then probably assembled for chapter in
a part of the cloister near the church. The need of a separate building
made itself felt, and the chapter house is mentioned in the statutes
approved by the Council of Aachen in 816. The shape of the chapter
houses varied: some were rectangular, others rectangular with an
apsidal termination, others again were circular or polygonal. The
rectangular room, with a wooden roof, and little architectural
distinction, is characteristic of the continent of Europe. In England
the chapter house was the object of very careful designing and
elaborate ornamentation; the polygonal-shaped chapter house is a
triumph of English thirteenth-century architecture, and no single
instance of it is found either in France or Germany. The earliest
example is probably that of Lincoln, decagonal in shape, which was
built from 1240-1260. Other instances are those of York, Lichfield,
Southwell, Salisbury, and Wells. English examples of the elongated form
will be found at Bristol, Canterbury, Chester, Durham, Gloucester, and
Oxford. The ingenious theory which seeks to identify the polygonal
shape with secular foundations, and the rectangular shape with monastic
foundations, breaks down in presence of the circular chapter house of
Worcester, and the octagonal chapter house of Westminster Abbey, both
Benedictine in origin.</p>
<p id="c-p3028" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p3028.1">MartÈne,</span> 
<i>De Antiquis Monachorum Ritibus</i> (Rouen, 1700); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3028.2">Rock,</span> 
<i>Church of our Fathers</i> (London, 1849), III, 79; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3028.3">Du Cange,</span> 
<i>Glossarium</i> (Paris, 1883), s. v. Capitulum; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3028.4">Gasquet,</span> 
<i>English Monastic Life</i> (London, 1904); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3028.5">Cabrol,</span> 
<i>Dictionnaire d'archéol. chrét.</i> (Paris, 1903), s. v. 
<i>Abbaye</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3028.6">Bumpus,</span> 
<i>The Cathedrals of England and Wales</i> (London, 1905-6); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3028.7">Bond,</span> 
<i>Gothic Architecture</i> (London, 1905).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3029" shownumber="no">Edward Myers</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3029.1" title="Character" type="Encyclopedia">Character</term>
<def id="c-p3029.2">
<h1 id="c-p3029.3">Character</h1>
<p id="c-p3030" shownumber="no">Quite distinct from the technical meaning which the term character
possesses in theological controversy is that attached to it in the
language of common life, as well as in the literature devoted to
psychology, ethics, and education. The interest surrounding the
conception of character in these latter branches of speculation has
been constantly increasing during the past hundred years.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3030.1">PSYCHOLOGY AND CHARACTER</h3>
<p id="c-p3031" shownumber="no">Different shades of meaning pertain to the term in different
contexts. In general we may say that character is the expression of the
personality of a human being, and that it reveals itself in his
conduct. In this sense every man has a character. At the same time only
human beings, not animals, have character: it implies rationality. But
in addition to this usage, the term is also employed in a narrower
sense, as when we speak of a man "of character". In this connotation
character implies a certain unity of qualities with a recognizable
degree of constancy or fixity in mode of action. It is the business of
psychology to analyze the constituent elements of character, to trace
the laws of its growth, to distinguish the chief agencies which
contribute to the formation of different types of character, and to
classify such types. If anything approaching a science of character is
ever to be built up, it must be a special psychology. French
psychologists during the last thirty years have given us a large
quantity of acute observations on the topic of character. Chief amongst
them have been: MM. Azam, Pérez, Ribot, Paulhan, Fouillée,
and Malapert. Still these contributions do not constitute a
science.</p>
<p id="c-p3032" shownumber="no">The behaviour of each human being at any stage of his existence is
the outcome of a complex collection of elements. The manner in which he
apperceives or takes in certain present impressions, the sort of
thoughts which they awaken, the particular feeling with which they are
associated in his mind, and the special volitions to which they give
rise are, in spite of the common nature in which he participates with
other men, in a certain measure peculiar to himself. Taken collectively
they are said to constitute or, more accurately perhaps, to reveal his
character. At any epoch in mature life a man's character is the
resultant of two distinct classes of factors: the original or inherited
elements of his being, and those which he has himself acquired. On the
one hand, every human being starts with a certain nature or
disposition--a native endowment of capacities for knowledge, and
feelings, and tendencies towards volitions and action--which varies
with each individual. This disposition is dependent in part on the
structure of the bodily organism and especially of the nervous system
which he has inherited; in part, perhaps, also on his soul which has
been created. It forms his individuality at the beginning of life; and
it includes susceptibilities for responding to external influences, and
potentialities for developing in various ways which differ with each
human being. A fundamental error in English psychology from Locke to
John Stuart Mill was the ignoring or under-estimating of this diversity
of native aptitude in different individuals. Much of the Associationist
treatment of the development of the human mind proceeded on the
assumption of an original equality or similarity of mental faculty, and
consequently tended to ascribe all subsequent differences to a
diversity of circumstances. It vastly exaggerated what has been called
the part played by nurture as compared with that of nature. It
overlooked the fact that the original capacity and disposition of the
individual mind largely determines how it shall appropriate the
experience presented to it by its environment. This error was
peculiarly unfavourable to the affording of an adequate account of
character. Since Darwin there has been a return to the older and truer
doctrine which recognized fully the importance of the original
endowment of each individual. For, although the author of the "Origin
of Species" himself exaggerated the influence of the environment in his
biological theory, he and his followers were driven to lay great stress
upon heredity and the transmission from parent to offspring of
individual variations and acquired habits.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3032.1">THE FOUR TEMPERAMENTS</h3>
<p id="c-p3033" shownumber="no">The original endowment or native element in character with which the
individual starts life is practically identical with what the Ancients
and the Schoolmen recognized under the term 
<i>temperament.</i> From the times of Hippocrates and Galen they
distinguished four main types of temperament: the sanguine, the
choleric, the phlegmatic, and the melancholic. Curiously enough modern
speculation from Kant to Wundt and Fouillée tends to accept the
same general classification, though sometimes under other names. These
different types of temperament the Ancients held to be due to the
predominance in the organism of different 
<i>humours.</i> Modern writers variously account for them by
differences of texture and varying solidity of the tissues of the body,
by varying development of different parts, by diverse rates of activity
in the processes of nutrition and waste, in the changes of
nerve-energy, or in circulation, and by differences of tonicity in the
nerves. Whatever be the true physiological explanation, the fourfold
classification seems fairly to represent certain markedly contrasted
types of disposition, though they leave room for subdivision and
intermediate forms. Moreover, though scientists are still far from
being agreed as to the precise elements in the organism on which
temperament depends, the fact that different forms of temperament have
an organic basis seems certain. The transmission from parent to
offspring of hereditary dispositions, therefore, involves no conflict
with the doctrine of the creation of each human soul.</p>
<p id="c-p3034" shownumber="no">Although our original temperament is thus given to us independently
of our will, we ourselves play an important part in the moulding of our
character, and we thus become responsible for certain ethical qualities
in it. Character has been defined as "a completely fashioned will". It
would be more accurate to say that character is "natural temperament
completely fashioned by the will". It is, in fact, a resultant of the
combination of our acquired habits with our original disposition. As
the quality, shape, and structure of the organism and of its different
parts may be variously modified in the process of growth--especially
during the plasticity of early life--by variations in nutrition,
exercise, and environment, so may the faculties of the soul be
variously developed by the manner in which it is exercised, and by the
nature of the objects on which its faculties are employed. Among the
acquired elements which go to the building up of character may be
distinguished those pertaining to cognition, whether sensuous or
intellectual, and those belonging to the emotional and volitional
activities of the soul. Exercise strengthens the power and widens the
range of each faculty, creating, not uncommonly, a craving for further
exercise in the same direction. The regular use of the intellect, the
controlled activity of the imagination, the practice of judgment and
reflection, all contribute so the formation of habits of mind more or
less thoughtful and refined. The frequent indulgence in particular
forms of emotion, such as anger, envy, sympathy, melancholy, fear, and
the like, fosters tendencies towards these sentiments which give a
subconscious bent to a large part of man's behaviour. But finally the
exercise of the will plays the predominant part in moulding the type of
character which is being formed. The manner and degree in which
currents of thought and waves of emotion are initiated, guided, and
controlled by the will, or allowed to follow the course of spontaneous
impulse, has not less effect in determining the resultant type of
character than the quality of the thoughts or emotions themselves. The
life of the lower animal is entirely ruled by instinct from within, and
by accidental circumstances from without. It is therefore incapable of
acquiring a character. Man, through the awakening of reason and the
growth of reflection, by the exercise of deliberate choice against the
movements of impulse, gradually develops self-control; and it is by the
exercise of this power that moral character is especially formed.
Character is in fact the outcome of a series of volitions, and it is
for this reason we are responsible for our characters, as we are for
the individual habits which go to constitute them.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3034.1">TYPES OF CHARACTER</h3>
<p id="c-p3035" shownumber="no">Starting from the basis of the four fundamental temperaments,
various classifications of types of character have been adopted by
different writers. The intellectual, the emotional, and the volitional
or energetic stand for the chief types with A. Bain. M. Pérez,
taking for his principle of division the phenomenon of movement,
distinguishes characters as lively, slow, ardent, and 
<i>équilibrés</i> or well-balanced. M. Ribot, proceeding from
a more subjective ground of division and excluding indefinite and
unstable types as strictly speaking characterless, recognizes as the
most general forms: the sensitive, subdivided into the humble
contemplative and emotional; the active, subdivided into the great and
the mediocre; and the apathetic, subdivided into the purely apathetic
or dull; and the 
<i>calculateurs</i> or intelligent. By combination these again afford
new types. M. Fouillée takes sensitive, intellectual, and
volitional for his scheme and by cross-combinations and subdivisions
works out an equally complex plan. MM. Paulhan, Queyrat, and
Fouillée and Malapert have each different divisions of their own,
thus establishing, at all events, the impossibility of attaining
agreement on the subject.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3035.1">ETHOLOGY</h3>
<p id="c-p3036" shownumber="no">These efforts naturally suggest the question: Is a science of
character possible? Mill devoted an important section in Book VI of his
"Logic" to answering this query. He argues that there may be a true
science of human nature, though not, as in the case of the physical
sciences, an exact science. The laws which it can formulate are only
approximate generalizations expressive of tendencies. It may not
attempt exact predictions, owing to the complexity and uncertainty of
the causes at work. Though mankind have not one universal character,
there exist universal laws of the formation of character. The
ascertainment of these laws constitutes the object of the science of
ethology. The phenomena being so complex the method of investigation
must be deductive. We have to draw inferences from general
psychological principles, and then to verify them by study of concrete
individual cases.</p>
<p id="c-p3037" shownumber="no">It is very unwise to lay down limits to the progress of knowledge;
but it may be affirmed that, at all events, we have at present nothing
approximating to a science of character. As we have said, there is
already in existence a considerable literature devoted to the
psychological analysis of the constituents of the different forms of
character, to the study of the general conditions of its growth, and to
the classification of types of character. But the results, as yet
reached, have little claim to the title of a science. There are
moreover two obstacles, which though not, perhaps, absolutely fatal to
the possibility of such a science are graver difficulties than Mill
realized. Firstly, there is the element of individuality lying at the
root of each character and variously determining its growths even in
like circumstances, as we see in two children of the same family. The
mistaken view as to the original equality and similarity of different
minds naturally involved an erroneous under-estimation of this
difficulty. Secondly, there is the fact of free-will, denied by Mill.
We do not maintain that free-will is irreconcilable with a science
whose laws are approximate generalizations as Mill conceived those of
ethology to be. All anti-determinists allow enough of uniformity in the
influence of motive upon action to satisfy this condition. Still the
admission of free-will in the building up of character does
indisputably increase the unpredictableness of future conduct and
consequently of a science of character.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3037.1">ETHICS AND CHARACTER</h3>
<p id="c-p3038" shownumber="no">Whilst psychology investigates the growth of different types of
character, ethics considers the relative value of such types and the
virtues which constitute them. The problem of the true moral ideal is,
in some ethical systems mainly, and in all systems partially, a
question of the relative value of different types of character. The
effect on the agent's character of a particular form of conduct is a
universally accepted test of its moral quality. Different systems of
ethics emphasize the importance of different virtues in the
constitution of the ideal moral character. With the Utilitarian, who
places the ethical end in the maximum of temporal happiness for the
whole community, benevolence will form the primary element in the ideal
character. For the Stoic, fortitude and self-control are the chief
excellences. The egoistic Hedonist would seem bound to praise
enlightened prudence as the highest virtue. For the Christian, Christ
is, of course, the true example of ideal character. The vast multitude
of varied types of moral perfection presented to us in the lives of the
saints who have striven to copy Him show the infinite many-sidedness
and rich fruitfulness of that ideal. In all conceptions of ideal
character strength forms an essential feature. Firmness of will,
fortitude, constancy in adhering to principle or in pursuit of a noble
aim hold so important a place that in common language to be a man of
character is frequently equivalent to being capable of adhering to a
fixed purpose. But strength of this kind may easily degenerate into
irrational obstinacy or narrow fanaticism. Another essential is the
virtue of justice, the constant, practical recognition of the rights
and claims of others-involving, of course, all our duties towards
Almighty God. In addition to these, habits of charity and magnanimity,
with temperance and self-restraint in the control of our lower
appetencies, will be included. Finally, the richer the culture of the
mind, the larger the intellectual horizon, the broader the sympathies,
and the more balanced the springs of action in the soul, the more will
the character approximate to the ideal of human perfection.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3038.1">EDUCATION AND CHARACTER</h3>
<p id="c-p3039" shownumber="no">The true aim of education is not merely the cultivation of the
intellect but also the formation of moral character. Increased
intelligence or physical skill may as easily be employed to the
detriment as to the benefit of the community, if not accompanied by
improved will. Both do not necessarily go together. As it is the
function of ethics to determine the ideal of human character, so it is
the business of the theory or science of education to study the
processes by which that end may be attained and to estimate the
relative efficiency of different educational systems and methods in the
prosecution of that end. Finally it is the duty of the art of education
to apply the conclusions thus reached to practice and to adapt the
available machinery to the realization of the true purpose of education
in the formation of the highest type of ideal human character.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3040" shownumber="no">MICHAEL MAHER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3040.1" title="Character" type="Encyclopedia">Character</term>
<def id="c-p3040.2">
<h1 id="c-p3040.3">Character (in Catholic Theology)</h1>
<p id="c-p3041" shownumber="no">
<i>Character</i> indicates a special effect produced by three of the
sacraments, viz. Baptism, Confirmation, and Holy orders. This special
effect is called the sacramental character. The term implies a relation
(as will be explained below) to a term used in the Epistle to the
Hebrews (1:3) concerning the Son of God, who is there described as the 
<i>Charaktèr tês hypostáseos autoû,</i> or "figure
[ 
<i>figura</i>] of the Father's substance". In Protestant theology, the
term character is used in another sense in treatises concerning the
Blessed Trinity; the phrase "hypostatic character" being employed to
signify the distinctive characteristic (or what Catholic theologians
call the 
<i>proprietas personalis)</i> of each of the Three Divine Persons,
Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Here we are concerned only with the sense
of the word in Catholic theology, that is, with sacramental
character.</p>
<p id="c-p3042" shownumber="no">Sacramental character means a special supernatural and ineffaceable
mark, or seal, or distinction, impressed upon the soul by each of the
Sacraments of Baptism, Confirmation, and Holy orders; and it is by
reason of this ineffaceable mark that none of these three sacraments
may be administered more than once to the same person. This is express
Catholic doctrine declared both in the Council of Florence (Sess. ult.,
Decret. Eugenii IV, §5) and in the Council of Trent (Sess. VII,
can. ix, and Sess. XXIII, cap. iv and can. iv). "If any one shall say
that in three sacraments, viz. Baptism, Confirmation, and Holy orders,
there is not a character impressed upon the soul, that is a certain
spiritual and ineffaceable mark [ 
<i>signum</i>] whence these sacraments cannot be iterated, let him be
anathema" (Concil. Trid. Sess. ult., can. vii). If, indeed, there be
grave doubt whether any one of these sacraments has really been
administered, or whether the maimer of its administration has been
valid, then it may be administered in a conditional form. But if they
really have been validly administered, they cannot again, without
sacrilege, be conferred upon the same person. The character imparted by
these sacraments is something distinct from the grace imparted by them.
In common with the other sacraments, they are channels of sanctifying
grace. But these three have the special prerogative of conferring both
grace and a character. In consequence of the distinction between the
sacramental grace and the sacramental character, it may even happen, in
the reception of these sacraments, that the character is imparted and
the grace withheld; the lack of proper dispositions which is sufficient
to prevent the reception of the grace may not prevent the reception of
the character. Thus, an adult who receives baptism without right faith
and repentance but with a real intention of receiving the sacrament,
obtains the character without the grace. The sacramental character,
then, is not in itself a sanctifying gift; it is of a legal and
official, rather than of a moral, nature. Nevertheless, normally, the
character has a connection with grace. It is only accidentally, by
reason of some faulty disposition in the recipient of the sacrament,
that the association between the character and the grace is broken. In
the Divine intention, and in the efficacy of the sacraments, the grace
and the character go together; and the grace is proportioned to the
special function which the character indicates. So that the character
is sometimes called a sign, or mark, of grace.</p>
<p id="c-p3043" shownumber="no">The sacramental character, as we have said, is ineffaceable from the
soul. This means, not that the effacement of this spiritual mark is an
absolute metaphysical impossibility, but that in the established order
of Divine Providence there is no cause which can destroy it in this
life--neither sin, nor degradation from the ecclesiastical state, nor
apostasy. This is of faith; and it is a theological opinion of great
probability that the character is not effaced from the souls of the
blessed in Heaven; while it is an opinion of some probability, that it
is not effaced from the souls of the lost. Theology further tells us
that character is a mark, sign, or badge by which the recipient is
devoted to the work of worshipping God according to the ordinances of
the Christian religion and Christian life; and that this is the reason
why a character should be impressed by the Sacraments of Baptism,
Confirmation, and Holy orders rather than by the others. Not all of the
sacraments are directly and immediately ordained for the work of Divine
worship; e.g. the Sacrament of Penance only absolves from sin,
restoring the sinner to his former state, but not conferring on him any
special privilege or faculty. Again, among the sacraments immediately
connected with the worship of God, we may distinguish between the
sacrament which constitutes the very act of worship (that is the
Eucharist), and those sacraments which qualify a person to take part,
as an agent or recipient, in the worship. Now these last are Baptism,
Confirmation, and Holy orders. The Sacrament of Orders consecrates a
man to the work of Divine worship as an agent, i.e. for the conferring
of the sacraments upon other persons; baptism dedicates a person to
Divine worship by qualifying him to receive the other sacraments; and
confirmation, which confers spiritual manhood (as distinguished from
the new birth of baptism), qualifies the recipient for the duty of
honouring God by professing the Christian Faith before its enemies. The
sacramental character is compared by theologians to a military badge,
or the insignia of an order of knighthood. Scotus illustrates it by an
argument drawn from the analogy of civil society, in which he names
three official ranks:</p>
<ul id="c-p3043.1">
<li id="c-p3043.2">the royal household, or that of the chief magistrate, by whatever
name he may be called;</li>
<li id="c-p3043.3">the public service, e.g. the army;</li>
<li id="c-p3043.4">the officers of the army.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3044" shownumber="no">By baptism, he says, we are enrolled in the household of Christ;
by confirmation, we are made soldiers of Christ; by Holy orders, we are
made officers. And as these ranks have their distinctive badges in
civil society, so in the spiritual society, or Church, the ranks are
distinguished in the sight of God and His angels by spiritual badges,
marks, or sacramental characters.</p>
<p id="c-p3045" shownumber="no">All theologians affirm that the sacramental character is not a mere
external denomination; and practically all are agreed that it is a sort
of quality or state made inherent in the soul. Those, such as Scotus,
who say that it is a relation (to Christ) mean that it is a relation
with a real 
<i>fundamentum,</i> or ground and whether we say that it is a relation
having a ground in the soul, or a state or quality involving a
relation, seems to signify quite the same thing, the difference being
only in the expression. The category of quality being divided by
Aristotelean and Scholastic philosophers into four kinds, theologians
for the most part classify the sacramental character as something akin
to the genus of quality called power. Theologians also tell us that the
character inheres not in the very substance of the soul but in one of
the rational faculties; but it is a question in dispute whether the
faculty in which the character inheres as its subject be the will or
the practical reason (the Scotists holding that it is the will; the
Thomists, that it is the practical reason). The sacramental character
or mark is the character or mark of Christ, not of the Holy Spirit, and
as the Redeemer has three prerogatives, as Prophet, Priest, and King,
this mark is the mark of Christ as Priest. It is a participation in His
priesthood and an assimilation to it. Now, every created perfection is
a shadow of some perfection of the Deity, and therefore assimilation to
Christ even in His human nature is assimilation to God. And as the Son
is described in the Epistle to the Hebrews as "the Character of the
Father's substance", hence the sacramental character has been defined
as "a distinction impressed by the Eternal Character [the Son] upon the
created trinity [i.e. the soul with the intellect and the will] sealing
it into a likeness 
<i>(secundum imaginem consignans)</i> unto the Trinity which creates
and anew-creates 
<i>(Trinitati creanti et recreanti)."</i> For theology distinguishes in
the soul</p>
<ul id="c-p3045.1">
<li id="c-p3045.2">the natural image and likeness of God;</li>
<li id="c-p3045.3">the likeness produced by sanctifying grace and faith, hope, and
charity;</li>
<li id="c-p3045.4">the likeness not moral, but, so to say, legal and official,
produced by the sacramental character.</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p3046" shownumber="no">The doctrine of the sacramental character is one of those which have
been developed, and its history is traceable with sufficient clearness.
It is to be observed, however, that the doctrine rests upon the
authority of the Council of Trent, and that the history is given as
history, not for the purpose of invoking the authority of the primitive
Church. Though first solemnly defined by the Council of Trent, it had
already been officially declared in the Council of Florence; and it was
the unanimous opinion of all theologians, long before the time of
Wyclif, who questioned it. It was set forth with the utmost
explicitness by St. Augustine in the controversies of the fifth
century. He points out that all who favoured rebaptism did so because
they failed to distinguish between two effects of the sacrament that is
between the sanctifying gift of grace and the Holy Spirit, on the one
hand, and the gift, on the other hand, which was not in itself
sanctifying but which was a mark dedicating the recipient (cf. Contra
Ep. Parm., II, n. 28, with Ep. xcviii ad. Bonifac.). In this
controversy the doctrine of the sacramental character was but asserting
itself with greater emphasis because it was (constructively) attacked.
The Church was but bringing out into distinctness a doctrine held all
along. For the Fathers of the fourth century habitually speak of
baptism as a permanent, an everlasting, or an ineffaceable, seal; and
what they say of baptism may be applied to confirmation, since the two
sacraments were usually associated. They compare the seal, or mark, of
baptism with the insignia of soldiers, with the mark placed by
shepherds upon sheep, with circumcision, with the marking of the
doorposts of the Israelites in Egypt. Such evidence as we have from the
earlier ages all tends to prove that the Fathers of the fourth and
fifth centuries were only thinking out more explicitly what they had
received from their predecessors. Thus Hippolytus contrasts the seal
(or mark) of baptism, the mark given by Christ to his believers, with
the mark of the beast (Hippolyt., De Christo et Antichristo, n. 6); the
writer of the Second Epistle to the Corinthians (see POPE ST. CLEMENT
I; CLEMENTINES) calls it (c. 7, 8) the "seal impressed"; the "Pastor"
of Hermas (lib. lII, Simil., IX, cc. 6, 16, 17, 31) speaks of baptism
as a seal. At the end of the second century we find in the work known
as "Excerpta Theodoti" (n. lxxvi), generally attributed to Clement of
Alexandria, historical evidence of the existence of the doctrine. As
the coin circulating in Judea in Christ's time bore the image and
superscription of Cæsar, so, the writer says, does the believer
obtain through Christ the name of God as an inscription, and the Holy
Spirit as an image, upon his soul; as even brute animals by a mark show
their owner and by a mark are distinguished, so the believing soul,
which has received the seal of truth, bears the marks 
<i>(stígmata)</i> of Christ.</p>
<p id="c-p3047" shownumber="no">In the light of this traditional teaching it is possible to see some
reference to this truth in the Apostolic writings. Thus St. Paul says:
"Now he that confirmeth us with you in Christ, and that hath anointed
us, is God: Who also hath sealed us, and given the Pledge of the Spirit
in our hearts" (II Cor., 1:21-22). Here there is a distinction made
between the "unction", i.e. grace, and the "sealing", or impressing of
a mark (character), and the gift of the Holy Spirit. Again he says: "In
whom [Christ] also believing you were signed with the holy Spirit of
promise" (Ephes., 1:13), and "grieve not the holy Spirit of God:
whereby you are sealed unto the day of redemption" (4:30). It is
obvious, therefore, that this doctrine has been taught from the
beginning, at first, indeed, without emphasis or clearness, in an
obscure and only half-conscious manner, but with growing clearness; and
though some theologians in the Middle Ages may have doubted whether it
could be proved to be contained in the deposit of revealed truth, they
did not at all doubt that it was true, or that it was a part of
Catholic teaching.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3048" shownumber="no">M.J. RYAN</p></def>

<term id="c-p3048.1" title="Charadrus" type="Encyclopedia">Charadrus</term>
<def id="c-p3048.2">
<h1 id="c-p3048.3">Charadrus</h1>
<p id="c-p3049" shownumber="no">A titular see of Asia Minor. According to Strabo (XIV, 669) and
Skylax, 102, it was a harbour and fortress in Cilicia Tracheia, between
Anemurium and Antioch, The Greek name is 
<i>Charadros</i> or 
<i>Charadrous</i>, still retained in the actual name Kalandran, a
little village in the vilayet of Adana, with 280 inhabitants.
Nounechios, Bishop of Charadrus, was present at Chalcedon in 451
(Lequien, II, 1017). The same prelate subscribed, in 458, the letter of
the bishops of Isauria to Emperor Leo, with the double title Lamos and
Charadrus (Mansi, Conc., VII, 563; see Lequien, loc. cit.). This means
that Charadrus was at an early date united with Lamos, a see in
Isauria, suffragan to Seleuceia.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3050" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3050.1" title="Chardon, Jean-Baptiste" type="Encyclopedia">Jean-Baptiste Chardon</term>
<def id="c-p3050.2">
<h1 id="c-p3050.3">Jean-Baptiste Chardon</h1>
<p id="c-p3051" shownumber="no">Indian missionary in Canada, and in the Louisiana territory, born at
Bordeaux, France, 27 April, 1672; died at Quebec, 11 April, 1743. He
entered the Society of Jesus at Bordeaux, 7 Sept. 1687, and arrived in
Canada in 1699. He was on the Ottawa mission in 1700. In the following
year he went to Green Bay, Wisconsin, to aid the venerable Henri
Nouvel, who had been nearly forty years on the mission there. In 1711
he was evangelizing the Illinois on the St. Joseph River. According to
Marest, he was a missionary full of zeal, with a rare talent for
learning languages. He remained at Green Bay until 1728, and was the
only priest on the old mission ground west of Lake Michigan for several
years. No further information regarding Chardon, except the date of his
death, is available.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3052" shownumber="no">EDWARD P. SPILLANE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3052.1" title="Chardon, Mathias" type="Encyclopedia">Mathias Chardon</term>
<def id="c-p3052.2">
<h1 id="c-p3052.3">Mathias Chardon</h1>
<p id="c-p3053" shownumber="no">(His name in religion was Charles.)</p>
<p id="c-p3054" shownumber="no">A learned French Benedictine of the Congregation of the
Saint-Vannes, b. at Yvoi-Varignan in the present department of
Ardennes, France, 22 September, 1695; d. at the monastery of St-Arnold
in Metz, 21 October, 1771. He took vows in the monastery of St-Vannes
(St-Viton) in Verdun in 1712, and soon became famous for his learning.
At the general chapter of the Congregation of St-Vannes, held at Toul,
in 1730, Chardon was forced to resign his office as a professor because
he opposed the Bull "Unigenitus". He is the author of the "Histoire des
Sacraments" (Paris, 1745, 6 vols.), an historical treatise refuting the
errors of the Sacramentarians by showing how the sacraments were
administered in the Church, and how they were used from the time of the
Apostles to the present. There is also an Italian translation (Verona,
1754; Brescia, 1758; Capolago, 1835), and it is reprinted in Migne,
"Cursus Theologiae" (Paris, 1840), XX, 1-1152.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3055" shownumber="no">MICHAEL OTT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3055.1" title="Chariopolis" type="Encyclopedia">Chariopolis</term>
<def id="c-p3055.2">
<h1 id="c-p3055.3">Chariopolis</h1>
<p id="c-p3056" shownumber="no">A titular see of Thrace. Nothing is known about this city during
antiquity. In 1087 it was plundered by Tselgou and Solomon, Kings of
the Patzinaces and of the Hungarians. In 1205 Villehardouin passed
through there, after the unsuccessful siege of Adrianople. It figures
only in later "Notitiae episcoptuum" of the twelfth or thirteenth
century as a suffragan of Heracleia in Thrace. An act of Isidorus,
Patriarch of Constantinople, dated 13 August, 1347, places it again
under the jurisdiction of Heracleia. Lequien (II, 1133) mentions but
four bishops, the first present at Nicaea in 787, the last in 1351. It
is not known when the see ceased to be a residential one for the
Greeks; they frequently use the name for titular bishops. Chariopolis
is now a little town with about 3000 inhabitants in the vilayet of
Adrianople, northwest of Rodosto; the Turks call it Khairebolou,
Aireboli, or Irebol.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3057" shownumber="no">S. PÉTRIDÈS</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3057.1" title="Charismata" type="Encyclopedia">Charismata</term>
<def id="c-p3057.2">
<h1 id="c-p3057.3">Charismata</h1>
<p id="c-p3058" shownumber="no">The Greek term 
<i>charisma</i> denotes any good gift that flows from God's benevolent
love 
(<i>charis</i>) unto man; any Divine grace or favour, ranging from
redemption and life eternal to comfort in communing with brethren in
the Faith (Rom., v, 15, 16; vi, 23; xi, 29). The term has, however, a
narrower meaning: the spiritual graces and qualifications granted to
every Christian to perform his task in the Church: "Every one hath his
proper gift [charisma] from God; one after this manner, and another
after that" (I Cor., vii, 7 etc.). Lastly, in its narrowest sense, 
<i>charisma</i> is the theological term for denoting extraordinary
graces given to individual Christians for the good of others. These, or
most of these, are enumerated by St. Paul (I Cor., xii, 4, 9, 28, 30,
31), and form the subject-matter of the present article. They are: "The
word of wisdom, the word of knowledge, faith, the grace of healing, the
working of miracles, prophecy, the discerning of spirits, diverse kinds
of tongues, interpretation of speeches" (I Cor., xii, 8-10). To these
are added the charismata of apostles, prophets, doctors, helps,
governments (ibid., 28).</p>
<p id="c-p3059" shownumber="no">These extraordinary gifts were foretold by the Prophet Joel (ii, 28)
and promised to believers by Christ: "And these signs shall follow them
that believe: In my name they shall cast out devils: they shall speak
with new tongues," etc. (Mark, xvi, 17, 18). The Lord's promise was
fulfilled on the day of Pentecost (Acts, ii, 4) at Jerusalem, and, as
the Church spread, in Samaria (Acts, viii, 18), in Caesarea (x, 46), in
Ephesus (xix, 6), in Rome (Rom., xii, 6), in Galatia (Gal., iii, 5),
and more markedly in Corinth (I Cor., xii, 14). The abuses of the
charismata, which had crept in at this latter place, induced St. Paul
to discuss them at length in his First Epistle to the Corinthians. The
Apostle teaches that these "spiritual things" emanate from the Spirit
who quickens the body of the Church; that their functions are as
diversified as the functions of the natural body; and that, though
given to individuals, they are intended for the edification of the
whole community (I Cor., xii).</p>
<p id="c-p3060" shownumber="no">Theologians distinguish the charismata from other graces which
operate personal sanctification: they call the former 
<i>gratiae gratis datae</i> in opposition to the 
<i>gratiae gratum facientes.</i> The "gifts and fruits of the Holy
Ghost", being given for personal sanctification, are not to be numbered
among the charismata. St. Thomas (Summa Theol., I-II, Q. cxi, a. 4)
argues that the Apostle (I Cor., xii, 8-10) "rightly divides
charismata; for some belong to the perfection of knowledge, as faith,
the word of wisdom, and the word of science; some belong to the
confirmation of doctrine, or the grace of healing, the working of
miracles, prophecy, the discerning of spirits; some belong to the
faculty of expression, as kinds of tongues and interpretation of
speeches." It must, however, be conceded that St. Paul did not intend
to give in these two verses a complete enumeration of charismata, for
at the end of the chapter he mentions several more; besides he makes no
attempt at a scientific division. Englmann (Die Charismen, Ratisbon,
1848) distinguishes two categories of charismata:</p>
<ul id="c-p3060.1">
<li id="c-p3060.2">charismata tending to further the inner growth of the Church;</li>
<li id="c-p3060.3">charismata tending to promote her outer development.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3061" shownumber="no">To the former belong the gifts which help the dignitaries of the
Church in performing their offices; to the latter the gift of
performing miracles. This division seems indicated in I Peter, iv, 10,
11: "As every man hath received grace [charisma], ministering the same
to one another. . . If any man speak, let him speak, as the words of
God. If any man minister, let him do it, as of the power, which God
administereth." Seven of the charismata enumerated by St. Paul fall
into the first category:</p>
<ol id="c-p3061.1">
<li id="c-p3061.2">the Apostolate;</li>
<li id="c-p3061.3">the cognate office of prophecy;</li>
<li id="c-p3061.4">the discerning of spirits;</li>
<li id="c-p3061.5">the office of teacher;</li>
<li id="c-p3061.6">the word of wisdom and science;</li>
<li id="c-p3061.7">helps;</li>
<li id="c-p3061.8">the gift of governing.</li>
</ol>
<p class="continue" id="c-p3062" shownumber="no">Five belong to the second category:</p>
<ol id="c-p3062.1">
<li id="c-p3062.2">increased faith;</li>
<li id="c-p3062.3">the power of miracles;</li>
<li id="c-p3062.4">
<i>in specie</i> the healing of the sick;</li>
<li id="c-p3062.5">the gift of tongues;</li>
<li id="c-p3062.6">the interpretation of tongues.</li>
</ol>
<h4 id="c-p3062.7">Charismata given for the inner life of the Church</h4>
<p id="c-p3063" shownumber="no">(1) 
<i>The Apostolate</i> deservedly heads the list of God's extraordinary
gifts to man for the building up of the Church. The Apostolic office
contains in itself a claim to all charismata, for the object of its
ordinary working is identical with the object of these special gifts:
the sanctification of souls by uniting them in Christ with God. The
Apostles received the first great effusion of charismata when the Holy
Ghost descended on them in the shape of fiery tongues, and they began
to speak in diverse tongues. Throughout their whole missionary activity
they are credited with supernatural powers by Scripture, history, and
legend alike. The legend, however fanciful in its facts, is built upon
the general sense of the Church. Through the Apostles the fullness of
Christ's gifts flowed on to their helpers in various measure, according
to the circumstances of persons and places.</p>
<p id="c-p3064" shownumber="no">(2) 
<i>Prophecy,</i> the gift of knowing and being able to manifest things
hidden from the ordinary knowledge of man. "There were in the church
which was at Antioch prophets and doctors, among whom was Barnabas, and
Simon who was called Niger, and Lucious of Cyrene, and Manahen . . .
and Saul" (Acts, xiii, 1). Agabus "signified by the Spirit, that there
would be a great famine over the whole world, which came to pass under
Claudius" (Acts, xi, 28). Philip the evangelist "had four daughters,
virgins, who did prophesy" (Acts, xxi, 8, 9). These prophets were at
times allowed to know and reveal the secrets of hearts (I Cor., xiv,
24, 25); they spoke "that all may learn, and all may be exhorted" (I
Cor., xiv, 31), which implies that they were enlightened in the Faith
above their fellows. Their gift was not a permanent one: for while one
prophet was speaking a sudden revelation might come "to another
sitting" and then the speaker must "hold his peace" (I Cor., xiv, 30).
The object of prophecy was to speak "to men unto edification, and
exhortation, and comfort" (ibid., 3, 4). Paul ranks this charisma above
all others: "be zealous for spiritual gifts; but rather that you may
prophesy" (I Cor., xiv, 1). "For greater is he that prophesieth, than
he that speaketh with tongues. . ." (ibid., 5). It appears to have been
so frequent in the early Church as to be considered a special, although
extraordinary, office. At Antioch "prophets and doctors" are linked
together (Acts, xiii, 1), and "God indeed hath set some in the church;
first apostles, secondly prophets, thirdly doctors . . ." (I Cor., xii,
28; cf. Eph., iv, 11). In the course of time prophecy became less
common, without, however, ever disappearing altogether.</p>
<p id="c-p3065" shownumber="no">(3) 
<i>The discerning of spirits</i> should be distinguished from natural
or acquired insight, or shrewdness of judgment; it is the supernatural
gift enabling its possessor to judge whether certain extraordinary
manifestations are caused by a good or an evil spirit, or by natural
agents. St. Paul associates it with prophecy: "Let the prophets speak,
two or three; and let the rest judge" (I Cor., xiv, 29). This judging
or discretion was necessary to prevent and correct abuses which might
easily come in the train of prophecy. The discerning of spirits was
possessed in a marked degree by many saints, and it is not uncommon now
among confessors and spiritual directors.</p>
<p id="c-p3066" shownumber="no">(4) 
<i>The Doctor's office</i> was to preach and teach the Faith
permanently in some community assigned to their care. The Apostles
themselves and the evangelists mentioned with apostles, prophets,
doctors, and pastors (Eph., iv, 11) went from place to place founding
new Churches; the Faith could only be maintained by permanent teachers
fitted for their work by special gifts. Thus St. Paul writes to
Timothy: "The things which thou hast heard of me by many witnesses, the
same commend to faithful men, who shall be fit to teach others also"
(II Tim., ii, 2). Such faithful men are the catechists in missionary
countries.</p>
<p id="c-p3067" shownumber="no">(5) 
<i>The word of wisdom and the word of knowledge</i> 
(<i>logos sophias, logos gnoseos</i>). Wisdom (sapientia) is in St. Paul
the knowledge of the great Christian mysteries: the Incarnation,
Passion, and Resurrection of Christ, and the indwelling in the believer
of the Spirit of God (I Cor., ii, passim; cf. Eph., i, 17). Knowledge 
(<i>gnosis, scientia</i>) likewise implies acquaintance with the
religion of Christ, though in a lesser degree (I Cor., i, 5). In I
Cor., viii, 1-7, "knowledge" denotes the special knowledge that all
heathen religion is vain, that "there is but one God, the Father, of
whom are all things, and we unto him; and one Lord Jesus Christ, by
whom are all things, and we by him". The word of wisdom and the word of
knowledge seem to be degrees of the same charisma, viz., the grace of
propounding the Faith effectively, of bringing home to the minds and
hearts of the listener with Divine persuasiveness, the hidden mysteries
and the moral precepts of Christianity. The charisma in question was
manifested in the speech of St. Peter to the multitude on the day of
Pentecost (Acts, ii) and on many occasions when the heralds of the
Faith being delivered up, took "no thought how or what to speak:, for
it was given them in that hour what to speak" (Matt., x, 19).</p>
<p id="c-p3068" shownumber="no">(6) 
<i>Helps</i> 
(<i>antilepseis, opitulationes</i>) is a charisma connected with the
service of the poor and the sick performed by the deacons and
deaconesses (Acts, vi, 1). The plural is used to mark the many forms
assumed by this ministry.</p>
<p id="c-p3069" shownumber="no">(7) 
<i>Government</i> 
(<i>kyberneseis, gubernationes</i>) is the special gifts bestowed on the
rulers of the church for the faithful exercise of their authority. This
charisma is connected with all the grades of the hierarchy, with the
Apostles and their successors, the bishops and priests, with doctors
and deacons and administrators. St. Gregory calls the government of
souls the art of arts; if it is so at all times, we must expect to find
it endued with more special Divine assistance when the nascent Church
was struggling against all the powers of Jew and Gentile.</p>
<p id="c-p3070" shownumber="no">The second series of charismata (those tending to promote the outer
development of the Church) is not connected with any special office.
These graces show the power of God at work in the members of the new
Church; they were intended to strengthen the faith of believers and to
dispel the incredulity of outsiders.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3070.1">Charismata given for the outer development of the Church</h4>
<p id="c-p3071" shownumber="no">(1) 
<i>Faith</i>, as a charisma, is that strong faith which removes
mountains, casts out devils (Matt., xvii, 19, 20), and faces the most
cruel martyrdom without flinching. Such faith, common at the beginning,
has been granted by God in all ages to saints and martyrs, and to many
holy men and women whose hidden lives offered no occasion for miracles
or martyrdom.</p>
<p id="c-p3072" shownumber="no">(2) The 
<i>working of miracles</i> 
(<i>energema dynameon, operatio virtutum</i>) is the God-given power to
perform deeds beyond the ordinary power of man. Under this charisma are
comprised the many signs mentions by Mark (xvi, 17, 18): "In my name
they shall cast out devils: they shall speak with new tongues. They
shall take up serpents; and if they shall drink any deadly thing, it
shall not hurt them: they shall lay their hands upon the sick, and they
shall recover". St. Peter heals the infirm and sick and such as were
troubled with unclean spirits (Acts, v, 15, 16); Philip works miracles
in Samaria (Acts, viii,); St. Paul suffers no harm from the viper that
hung on his hand (Acts, xxviii, 3-5); St. Peter raises Tabitha from the
dead (Acts, ix, 40).</p>
<p id="c-p3073" shownumber="no">(3) 
<i>Healing</i> 
(<i>charisma lamaton, gratia sanitatum</i>) is singled out by St. Paul
among other miracles because it was probably the most frequent and the
most striking. The plural is used to indicate the great number of
infirmities that were healed and the variety of means used in the
healing, e.g. by pronouncing the name of Jesus (Acts. iii, 6), by the
imposition of hands, by anointing with oil, by the sign of the
cross.</p>
<p id="c-p3074" shownumber="no">(4) The 
<i>gift of tongues</i> and (5) 
<i>the interpretation of tongues</i> (collectively known as 
<i>glossolalia</i>) are described at length in I Cor., xiv. In what did
glossolalia exactly consist?</p>
<ul id="c-p3074.1">
<li id="c-p3074.2">It was speaking, opposed to being silent (I Cor., xiv, 28),
yet</li>
<li id="c-p3074.3">not always in a foreign tongue. On the day of Pentecost the
Apostles did indeed speak the various languages of their hearers, but
the still unbaptized Gentiles in the house of Cornelius "speaking with
tongues, and magnifying God" (Acts, x, 46) and the twelve newly
baptized Ephesians speaking with tongues and prophesying (Acts, xix, 6)
had no reason for using any strange tongue. Again, instead of the
expression "speaking with tongues" Paul uses the alternative phrases,
"speaking in a tongue", "by a tongue", "with a tongue" (I Cor., xiv, 2,
4, 13, 14, 27). The object of the gift was not to convey ideas to
listeners, but to speak to God in prayer (ibid., 2, 4), an object for
which a foreign language is unnecessary. Lastly -- and this argument
seems conclusive -- Paul compares glossolalia, as regards its effect,
with talking in an unknown language; it is, therefore, not itself an
unknown language (ibid., 11).</li>
<li id="c-p3074.4">It was an articulate language, for the speaker prays, sings, gives
thanks (ibid., 14-17).</li>
<li id="c-p3074.5">The speaker was in a kind of trance -- "If I pray in a tongue, my
spirit [ 
<i>pneuma</i>] prayeth, but my understanding [ 
<i>nous, mens</i>] is without fruit" (ibid., 14).</li>
<li id="c-p3074.6">on unbelievers glossolalia made the impression of the marvellous;
perhaps it recalled to their mind the religious ravings of hierophants:
"Wherefore (i.e. because unintelligible) tongues are for a sign, not to
believers, but to unbelievers. If . . . all speak with tongues, and
there come in unlearned persons or infidels, will they not say that you
are mad?" (I Cor., xiv, 22, 23).</li>
<li id="c-p3074.7">The gift of tongues is inferior to that of prophecy: "Greater is he
that prophesieth, than he that speaketh with tongues: unless perhaps he
interpret, that the church may receive edification" (ibid., 5).</li>
<li id="c-p3074.8">The charisma of interpretation is, then, the necessary complement
of glossolalia; when interpretation is not forthcoming, the speaker
with tongues shall hold his peace (ibid., 13, 27, 28). Interpretation
is the work either of the speaker himself or of another (ibid., 27). It
takes the form of an intelligible address; the explanation was to
follow the speech with tongues as regularly as the discerning of
spirits succeeded prophecy (I Cor., xiv, 28, 29).</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3075" shownumber="no">Among the Fathers it is 
<i>sententia communissima</i> that the speaking with tongues was a
speaking in foreign languages. Their interpretation is based upon the
promise in Mark, xvi, 1, "They shall speak with new tongues", and on
its final fulfilment in the gift of tongues to the apostles (Acts, ii,
4). A new tongue, however, is not necessarily a foreign language, and a
gift which had a special use on the day of Pentecost appears
purposeless in meetings of people of one language. There are, besides,
textual objections to the common opinion, although, it must be owned,
not quite convincing [see the second point above]. Many explanations of
this obscure charisma are proposed, but not one of them is free from
objection. It may indeed be that there is some truth in all of them.
St. Paul speaks of "kinds of tongues", which may imply that glossolalia
manifested itself in many forms: e.g. in the form of foreign languages
when required by circumstances, as with the Apostles; as a new language
-- "a kind of speech distinctive of the spiritual life and
distinguished from common speech, which to the exuberant feeling of the
new faith appeared unsuitable for intercourse with God" (Weizsacker);
or as the manifestation of the unspeakable groanings of the Spirit,
asking for us, and causing us to cry, "
<i>Abba</i>, Father" (Rom., viii, 15, 26).</p>
<p id="c-p3076" shownumber="no">I Cor., xii-xiv, with commentaries; ST. THOMAS, II-II, QQ.
clxxvi-clxxviii; ENGLMANN, Die Charismen (Ratisbon, 1848 -- best book
on the subject); SCHRAM, Theol. mystica, 435; SEISENBERGER in
Kirchenlex., s. v.; ID. In BUCHBERGER, Kirchl. Handlexikon; WEIZSACKER,
Apost. Age, II, 254-75.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3077" shownumber="no">J. WILHELM</p></def>

<term id="c-p3077.1" title="Charitable Bequests" type="Encyclopedia">Charitable Bequests</term>
<def id="c-p3077.2">
<h1 id="c-p3077.3">Civil Law Concerning Charitable Bequests</h1>
<p id="c-p3078" shownumber="no">The word 
<i>charity</i>, as employed by the courts and used as descriptive of
uses and trusts which will he upheld as charitable, has been the
subject of a number of definitions. In the famous Girard will case
(Vidal v. Girard, 2 How. U. S. 127), Horace Binney defines a charitable
gift: "Whatever is given for the love of God or for the love of your
neighbor, in the catholic and universal sense — given from these
motives, and to these ends — free from the stain or taint of
every consideration that is personal, private, or selfish." And he
further says:" Uncertainty of individual object would seem to be a
characteristic of charity, for personal or individual certainty has
often been held fatal to it."</p>
<p id="c-p3079" shownumber="no">The following comprehensive definition is given by a leading
authority: "A charity, in the legal sense of the term, may be defined
as a gift to be applied consistently with existing laws, for the
benefit of an indefinite number of persons, either by bringing their
minds or hearts under the influence of education or religion, by
relieving their bodies from disease, suffering, or constraint, by
assisting them to establish themselves in life, or by erecting and
maintaining public buildings or works or otherwise lessening the
burdens of the government" (Amer. &amp; Engl. Ency. of Law, V,
894).</p>
<p id="c-p3080" shownumber="no">By a statute passed in the reign of Elizabeth (43 Eliz., c. 4)
certain uses were defined as charitable which would be upheld by the
court in contradistinction to those which were held to be superstitious
after the Reformation in England. The objects enumerated in the statute
were: "Relief of aged, impotent and poor people; maintenance of sick
and maimed soldiers and mariners, schools of learning, free schools and
scholars in universities; repairs of bridges, ports, havens, causeways,
churches, seabanks and highways; education and preferment of orphans;
relief, stock or maintenance for houses of correction; marriage of poor
maids; supportation, aid and help of young tradesmen, handicraftsmen
and persons decayed; relief or redemption of prisoners or captives; aid
or ease of any poor inhabitants concerning payments of fifteens,
setting out of soldiers, and other taxes.</p>
<p id="c-p3081" shownumber="no">Under this statute the Court of Chancery was authorized to appoint
commissioners to superintend the application and enforcement of
charities, and if from any cause the charity could not be applied
precisely as the testator had declared, the court had the power in some
cases to appropriate it according to the principles indicated in the
devise as nearly as possible to the purposes expressed therein. This
was called an application of 
<i>cy pres</i>, from the French words meaning "as near as", the words
of a will being interpreted so as to give effect to the testator's
general intention. The application of this doctrine depends chiefly
upon judicial expression in each particular case. In many of the United
States it has been repudiated, in others sustained. The statute of
Elizabeth did not create a new law upon the subject of charitable uses,
though it did create a new jurisdiction, and as it has not been enacted
in many of the American States, the better opinion seems to be that the
enumeration of charities in the statute had for its aim to show by
familiar examples what class or kind of uses were considered
charitable, rather than to enumerate all of the purposes which would
fall within the scope and intent of the statute.</p>
<p id="c-p3082" shownumber="no">The Supreme Court of the United States has held, following ancient
authority, that there is an inherent jurisdiction in equity in cases of
charity, and that they were valid in such courts independent of and
previous to the statute of Elizabeth. "The character of the object
sought to be attained — the purpose to which the gift is to be
applied — not the motive of the donor, is the best test of a
legal, public charity" (Pepper and Lewis, Dig. Pa., p. 2753). The
following have been held to be charities: the erection and repair of
churches, the support of ecclesiastical denominations; of missions; the
education of theological students, and kindred objects. In England,
bequests for Masses for the dead are void in law, as being for
superstitious uses; on the other hand, bequests for Masses have been
sustained as charitable bequests in Ireland and in Canada (cf. Lilly
and Wallis, "A Manual of the Law Specially Affecting Catholics",
London, 1893, p. 144, and Desmond, "The Church and the Law", Chicago,
1898, p. 49). In the United States, some jurisdictions have sustained
such trusts, while others have held them void (cf. Dillon, Bequests for
Masses, Chicago, 1897). The support of education in its various forms
is sustained, also the relief of the poor, the maintenance of hospitals
and institutions, works of public utility, the abolition of slavery,
and the benefit of freedmen. Trusts subversive of morality and religion
will not be sustained. Trusts for the encouragement of sport and trusts
for the care of private tombs or graveyards have not been sustained.
Technically speaking, a bequest is a gift of personal property by will;
a devise, a gift of real property by will; but these terms are
frequently used interchangeably in popular language, and wills are
always interpreted in accordance with the intention of the testator so
far as the same can be gathered from the language of the instrument;
therefore any language which will serve to express a desire to vest
either personal or real property in a charity will be effective.</p>
<p id="c-p3083" shownumber="no">According to Sir William Blackstone, the power of bequeathing "is
coeval with the first rudiments of the law", but this power was not
originally extended to all a man's personal estate. By the common law,
he tells us, one-third of the goods went to the heirs, one-third to the
wife, and the remaining one-third was at the testator's own disposal.
By imperceptible degrees the law was changed in different parts of
England, until, in order to favour the power of bequeathing and to
reduce the whole kingdom to the same standard, statutes were passed in
the reign of William and Mary, of William III, of Anne, and of George
II, giving the right to testators within certain parts of the Kingdom
of England to dispose of their entire personal estates, notwithstanding
existing customs restricting this power to one-third only, and the
claims of widows and children were utterly barred. By an act passed in
the first year of the reign of Victoria (1 Vict., c. 26), it was
enacted that all real and personal estate may be disposed of by will
executed as required by that act. The right of testamentary disposition
either of real or of personal estate exists, with certain limitations
in some of them, in all of the United States.</p>
<p id="c-p3084" shownumber="no">Lands were originally devisable, it would seem, to a qualified
extent with the Anglo-Saxons. The development of the feudal system,
after the Norman Conquest of England, laid upon the holders of land
certain obligations to their paramount lords, which made it necessary
that these lands should not pass into the hands of charitable
corporations and be thus withdrawn from the feudal obligation, because
such corporations were of necessity unable to render the services
usually due to the overlord, e. g. military duties, which are not
compatible with religious life. This was the moving cause of the
passage of certain statutes called Statutes of Mortmain, which it is
necessary to consider further in order to understand the law governing
gifts to charitable corporations.</p>
<p id="c-p3085" shownumber="no">"Upon the development of the feudal system at the Norman Conquest",
says Chancellor Kent (4 Kent, 504), "lands held in tenure ceased to be
divisible in consequence of the feudal doctrine of non-alienation
without the consent of the lord. . . . The restraint upon the power of
devising did not give way to the demands of the family and public
convenience, so early as the restraint upon alienation in the lifetime
of the owner. The power was covertly conferred by means of the
application of uses; for a devise of the use was not considered a
devise of the land. The mode of doing this was by a feoffment to the
use of the feoffor's last will, and the feoffee being considered as
seized of the use, not of the land, could devise it. The devise of the
use was supported by the courts of equity, as a disposition binding in
conscience; and that equitable jurisdiction continued until the use
became by statute the legal estate. The Statute of Uses of 27 Henry
VIII, like the introduction of feuds, again destroyed the privilege of
devising, but the disability was removed within five years thereafter
by the Statute of Wills of 32 Henry VIII."</p>
<p id="c-p3086" shownumber="no">In the beginning of the reign of Charles II, military tenures were
abolished so as to render the disposition of real property by will
absolute. While the power of disposition of real property, as well as
personal property either by the common law or by virtue of the statute
above referred to, has been made thus free, there still remain certain
restrictions upon individuals which must be considered.</p>
<p id="c-p3087" shownumber="no">All persons of sound mind are competent to bequeath and devise real
and personal estate, excepting infants and married women. In England a
married woman may now by statute make her will as freely as if
unmarried. In some of the United States, if not in most of them, the
power of married women over their separate estates, saving to the
husband certain proportions in case he should elect to take against the
will, is as great as that of unmarried women; that is, married women
are for the most part put on the same plane as men; they have certain
rights in a proportion of the real and personal estate of their
husbands, which he cannot void by will. There are, however, certain
restraints upon alienation either by deed or by will, the first of
which has already been mentioned, viz: alienation in "mortmain", a word
coined to represent the condition where land has come into the
possession of a dead hand, or in Latin 
<i>mortua manus</i>. An alienation of lands and tenements to any
corporation, sole or aggregate, ecclesiastical or temporal, is such an
alienation.</p>
<p id="c-p3088" shownumber="no">After the introduction of the feudal system it was always, and is
still, necessary in England to have a licence in mortmain from the
Crown to enable a corporation to purchase lands, because the king is
the ultimate lord of every fee, and save by his own consent he cannot
lose his privilege of escheats and other feudal profits by the vesting
of lands in tenants that can never be attainted or die. "In strictness,
however, the license to hold in mortmain was only a waiver of the right
of the Crown to enter on the lands alienated; for as no royal charter
can 
<i>per se</i> take away the property or prejudice the interest of the
subject, such license did not abrogate the right of the mesne lords to
enter, and therefore with respect to them, the corporation was not
secure until the lapse of the periods respectively limited for the
assertion of their rights" (Grant on Corp., 101, quoted in Farrington
v. Putnam, 90 M. 418).</p>
<p id="c-p3089" shownumber="no">Originally the prohibition extended only to religious houses,
bishops, and other sole corporations, excluding the parsons of
parishes, who were in effect sole corporations and not included
therein, but by the Statute "de Religiosis" (7 Edward I, c. 2) it was
provided that no person, whether religious or otherwise, should sell,
buy, or receive under pretence of a gift, or term of years or any other
title whatsoever, any lands or tenements in mortmain under penalty of a
forfeiture. Various attempts to evade this statute were met by
subsequent statutes. In the reign of George II (9 George II, c. 36) a
statute was passed that no lands or tenements or money to be laid out
thereon should be given or charged with any charitable uses whatsoever,
excepting by deed indented, executed in the presence of two witnesses,
twelve calendar months before the death of the donor and enrolled in
the Court of Chancery within six months after its execution. This act
and its amendments were repealed in 1888, but new legislation codified
the law on the subject, practically re-enacting the provisions of the
existing law.</p>
<p id="c-p3090" shownumber="no">As the object of the statutes of mortmain was solely political, they
were held not to apply to the alienation of land in the West India
colonies or in Scotland. These statutes were not re-enacted in the
United States, and therefore we must look to the special restrictions
contained in the Statutes of the several States, whether general or
special, whence corporations derive their existence, for the
limitations upon their power to purchase and hold real estate, and also
to the force to be given to the exception of corporations out of the
English Statute of Wills, which declares that all persons other than
bodies politic and corporations may be devisees of real estate.</p>
<p id="c-p3091" shownumber="no">At common law every corporation has the capacity to purchase and
alienate lands and chattels, but in England corporations, both
ecclesiastical and lay, under the statutes above referred to have lost
this capacity. In the United States, as has been said, the statutes of
mortmain are for the most part not recognized, but conveyances by deed
or will of lands and tenements made to bodies corporate are void unless
sanctioned by charter or act of legislature, and the inference from the
statutes creating corporations and allowing them to hold real estate to
a limited extent is that statutory corporations cannot hold real estate
for purposes foreign to their institution.</p>
<p id="c-p3092" shownumber="no">The object of the exception of corporations from the English Wills
Act was to prevent the locking up of property in perpetuity and also to
prevent the imposition upon dying persons, who might thus be persuaded
to give their estates from their families to charitable objects. The
English statute of charitable uses has not been re-enacted probably in
any of the United States, and it would seem that a devise not directly
to a charitable corporation but in trust for such corporation would be
good, on the principle that a court of equity has jurisdiction over
bequests and devises to charitable uses independent of the statute. It
is no valid objection to a grant or devise to a charitable use that it
creates a perpetuity or renders the estate granted or devised for the
purposes inalienable. (See TRUSTS AND BEQUESTS.)</p>
<p id="c-p3093" shownumber="no">LILLY AND WALLIS, 
<i>A Manual of the Law Specially Affecting Catholics</i> (London,
1893), under 
<i>Trusts and Bequests,</i> 135-67; DESMOND, 
<i>The Church and the Law</i> (Chicago, 1898), under 
<i>Bequests to Charity,</i> 44 to 56.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3094" shownumber="no">WALTER GEORGE SMITH.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3094.1" title="Charity and Charities" type="Encyclopedia">Charity and Charities</term>
<def id="c-p3094.2">
<h1 id="c-p3094.3">Charity and Charities</h1>
<p id="c-p3095" shownumber="no">In its widest and highest sense, charity includes love of God as
well as love of man. The latter kind of love is so closely connected
with, and dependent upon, the former, that neither it nor its fruits,
under the Christian dispensation, can be adequately set forth without a
brief preliminary glance at the relations existing between the two
kinds.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3095.1">INTRODUCTORY</h3>
<p id="c-p3096" shownumber="no">As a virtue, charity is that habit or power which disposes us to
love God above all creatures for Himself, and to love ourselves and our
neighbours for the sake of God. When this power or habit is directly
infused into the soul by God, the virtue is supernatural; when it is
acquired through repeated personal acts, it is natural. If, in the last
sentence but one, for the words, "power or habit which disposes us to"
we substitute the words, "act by which we", the definition will fit the

<i>act</i> of charity. Such an act will be supernatural if it proceeds
from the infused virtue of charity, and if its motive (God lovable
because of His infinite perfections) is apprehended through revelation;
if either of these conditions is wanting the act is only natural. Thus,
when a person with the virtue of charity in his soul assists a needy
neighbour on account of the words of Christ, "as long as you did it to
one of these my least brethren, you did it to me", or simply because
his Christian training tells him that the one in need is a child of
God, the act is one of supernatural charity. It is likewise meritorious
of eternal life. The same act performed by one who had never heard of
the Christian revelation, and from the same motive of love of God,
would be one of natural charity. When charity towards the neighbour is
based upon love of God, it belongs to the same virtue (natural or
supernatural according to circumstances) as charity towards God.
However, it is not necessary that acts of brotherly love should rest
upon this high motive in order to deserve a place under the head of
charity. It is enough that they be prompted by consideration of the
individual's dignity, qualities, or needs. Even when motivated by some
purely extrinsic end, as popular approval or the ultimate injury of the
recipient, they are in essence acts of charity. The definition given
above is at present scarcely ever used outside of Catholic religious
and ethical treatises. In current speech and literature the term is
restricted to love of neighbour. Accordingly, charity may be popularly
defined as the habit, desire, or act of relieving the physical, mental,
moral, or spiritual needs of one's fellows. (See ALMS AND
ALMSGIVING.)</p>
<p id="c-p3097" shownumber="no">The obligation to perform acts of charity is taught both by
revelation and by reason. Under the former head may be cited the words
of Christ: "thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself"; "as you would
that men should do to you, do you also to them in like manner"; and
particularly the description in St. Mathew (xxv) of the separation of
the good from the bad at the Final Judgment. Reason tells us that we
ought to love our neighbours, since they are children of God; since
they are our brothers, members of the same human family; and since they
have the same nature, dignity, destiny, and needs as ourselves. This
love, or charity, should be both internal and external. The former
wishes the neighbour well, and rejoices in his good fortune; the latter
comprises all those actions by which any of the needs are supplied.
Charity differs from justice, inasmuch as it conceives its object, i.e.
the neighbour, as a brother, and is based on the union existing between
man and man; whereas justice regards him as a separate individual, and
is based on his independent personal dignity and rights. The spirit of
the Gospel as regards charity is for superior to that of any of the
other great religions. Its excellence appears in the following points:
love of the neighbour is akin to love of God; the neighbour is to
beloved even as the self; men are brothers, members of the same family;
the law of charity extends to the whole human race, thus making all
persons equal; men are obliged to love even their enemies; the
neighbour is not merely a rational creature made in the image and
likeness of God, but also the supernaturally adopted son of the Father,
and the brother of the Father's Only-Begotten Son; finally, the Gospel
presents the supreme exemplification of brotherly love in the death of
Christ on the Cross. In no other religion are all these characteristics
found; in most they are totally wanting. The charity inculcated by
Judaism is of a very high order, but it falls considerably below that
of the New Testament. Although both love of the neighbour as one's self
(Lev., xix, 18) and care of the poor (Deut., xv, 4, 11) are strictly
commanded in the Pentateuch as duties to God, the neighbour meant only
the Jews and the strangers dwelling within their gates. It did not
embrace all mankind. The writes of the "imprecatory" Psalms, for
example xvi and liii, rejoice in their enemies misfortune. Indeed,
hatred of enemies was so generally regarded as lawful that Christ
proclaimed His injunction of love of enemies as something new and
unfamiliar. While the Jewish religion taught and still teaches the
Fatherhood of God, this doctrine is much less attractive than the
Christian conception of the same truth. Besides, it embraces only the
children of Israel. The Hebrew idea of the brotherhood of man is
correspondingly restricted. Among the other religions, Buddhism
probably has the highest form of caritative doctrine, but the motives
of its charity are cold, utilitarian, and selfish. It does not command
its followers to love their enemies, but merely to refrain from hating
them.</p>
<p id="c-p3098" shownumber="no">The charitable achievements of the non-Christian religions have
exhibited all the limitations of their defective first principles.
Among the Greeks and the romans the human person had no inherent worth.
He was of importance only as a citizen. The majority of the subjects of
these two great powers, being slaves, were without any legal rights.
The poor, whether slaves or freemen, were treated by even the noblest
and wisest of the Greeks and romans with contempt or at most with pity
which is akin to contempt. Owing to its doctrine that the emotions
should be suppressed and that pain should be borne with indifference,
Stoicism had the practical effect of discouraging sympathy with, or
charity towards, the unfortunate and the indigent. Human wretchedness
was regarded as a minor evil or as no evil at all. Gifts to beggars
were few, and usually from motives entirely selfish. Although the
assertion is sometimes made that Athens and Rome possessed hospitals,
the weight of evidence seems to show conclusively that no public
institution for the regular treatment of diseases existed anywhere
before the coming of Christ. The rich citizens of Rome annually
distributed large sums of money among their clients and dependents, and
the Government regularly provided for the needs of thousands upon
thousands, but neither of these practices was intended to benefit any
of the poor who were not citizens. The dominant motive of both was
political — to secure the goodwill and civic influence of the
crowd. In Athens the subventions of public money to the poorer artisans
were similarly restricted and directed to the same ends.</p>
<p id="c-p3099" shownumber="no">Hebrew charity was of a much higher order, being motivated by
obedience to God and genuine pity for the unfortunate. One of its
ideals was thus expressed in the words of Jehovah: "there shall be no
poor or beggar among you". Owners were warned that their possessions
were from God, and that they were but stewards. The widow, the orphan,
the blind, and the lame, were objects of special compassion and
assistance. The poor were permitted to gather up for themselves the
gleanings left in the field by the reapers, and to take possession of
everything that grew spontaneously in the year of the Sabbath. Those
who lent money were forbidden to take interest from their
fellow-Hebrews or from the strangers within their land. The fact that
labour was held in honour went far towards making the condition of the
lowly much less hard than among the heathen peoples. Nevertheless,
Jewish charity was essentially national, for it took no account of the
alien dwelling without. Interest, and frequently exorbitant interest,
was exacted from the latter. In the later centuries of their existence
as a nation, the Chosen People departed to a great extent from both the
letter and the spirit of their excellent legislation on behalf of the
poor. Hence Christ's frequent condemnation of their leaders as
hypocrites, self-seekers, oppressors of the poor, and givers of alms in
order to be seen of men. While the Koran strongly enjoins the duty of
almsgiving, and while the Mohammedans seem to be fairly charitable
towards their coreligionists, their treatment of non-believers has been
uniformly devoid of either charity or justice. The acts of oppression,
cruelty, and murder which they have perpetrated against other peoples,
show that Mohammedans have no conception of charity in the Christian
sense. It is true that Christian nations have frequently been cruel
towards one another and towards unbelieving races, but not in the
consistent, unmitigated, and unlimited fashion of the followers of
Islam.</p>
<p id="c-p3100" shownumber="no">Since the body of this article is to be occupied with a somewhat
detailed account of the charitable activity of the Church, only a word
need now be said concerning its general superiority over that of
Paganism, Judaism, and Mohammedanism. This word cannot be more
effectively uttered than in the following sentences of Lecky:
"Christianity for the first time made charity a rudimentary virtue,
giving it a leading place in the moral type, and in the exhortation of
its teachers. Besides its general influence in stimulating the
affections, it effected a complete revolution in this sphere, by
regarding the poor as the special representatives of the Christian
Founder, and thus making the love of Christ, rather than the love of
man the principle of charity . . . . . A vast organization of charity,
presided over by bishops, and actively directed by the deacons, soon
ramified over Christendom, till the bond of charity became the bond of
unity, and the most distant sections of the Christian Church
corresponded by the interchange of mercy" (History of European Morals,
II, 3rd ed., 79, 80).</p>
<h3 id="c-p3100.1">HISTORY OF CHARITY IN THE CHURCH</h3>
<h4 id="c-p3100.2">(1) The Apostolic Age</h4>
<p id="c-p3101" shownumber="no">The conception of love and of brotherhood which Christ brought into
the world obtained ample expression and development in the Acts of the
Apostles and in the Epistles, particularly those written by St. Paul.
There is no longer any distinction of Jew and Gentile, Barbarian and
Scythian, bond and free; but "Christ is all, and in all" (Col., iii,
11). Even those who are not of the household of the Faith are to be
loved and assisted (Rom., xii, 14-20; Gal., vi, 10). In the sight of
God the slave is the equal and the brother of his master (Phil., 16).
Labour is no longer dishonourable, but the normal condition of
livelihood (II Thess., iii, 10). "Religion clean and undefiled before
God . . . Is this: to visit the fatherless and widows in their
tribulation" (James, i, 27). While the church has especial solicitude
for widows and orphans, she is not to be burdened with those who can be
supported by their own relatives (I Tim., v, 8, 16). Persons who seek
to become rich are exposed to many snares and temptations, "for the
desire of money is the root of all evils" (I Tim., vi, 9, 10).
Fraternal charity done in the spirit of Christ effects an equality
among all the members of the Christian family, for the material gift of
the giver is balanced by the love and prayers of the receiver (II Cor.,
viii, 13, 14; ix, 11, 12). Even the poor can and should contribute
their mite (II Cor., viii, 11, 12). The rich should give to the poor in
the spirit of Christ who became poor for our sake (II Cor., viii, 9).
Hence charity is not to be performed as under the compulsion of law,
but freely and spontaneously. The gift should be from the heart, for
"God loveth a cheerful giver" (II Cor., ix, 7).</p>
<p id="c-p3102" shownumber="no">These doctrines were carried into the everyday life of the new
believers. In Jerusalem, "the multitude of believers had but one heart
and one soul; neither did any one say that aught of the things which he
possessed was his own; but all things were common unto them. . . . For
neither was there any one needy among them" (Acts, iv, 32, 34). As soon
as the Apostles realized that their spiritual mission was impeded by
personal attention to the material works of charity, they appointed as
their representatives the seven deacons to serve the tables and provide
for the widows (Acts, vi, 1 — 6). Thus the caritative function of
the Church became specialized. Both the spirit and the deeds of charity
were exemplified in the agapæ, or love feasts, where rich and poor
partook of a common meal to which all had contributed according to
their means. (See AGAPE.) When some rich Corinthians introduced the
practice of consuming their own contributions before the poor had
arrived at the place of the meal, they were reprimanded by St. Paul (I
cor., xi, 21, 31). Each congregation had a treasury for the relief of
its own poor, and many of them shared their stores with other
congregations in times of unusual distress. During a famine in
Jerusalem assistance came from the Church at Antioch, and from the
Gentile Churches (Acts, xi, 29; Gal., ii, 10).</p>
<h4 id="c-p3102.1">(2) The Age of the Persecutions</h4>
<p id="c-p3103" shownumber="no">As compared with their numbers and resources, the charity of the
Christians of this period seems to have surpassed anything that the
world has witnessed since. The explanation is to be found in four
principal causes: (a) the principles that were kept constantly before
the minds of the faithful; (b) the social and political conditions
surrounding them; (c) their excellent administration of charity; and
(d) the manifold sources from which it was provided.</p>
<p id="c-p3104" shownumber="no">(a) At the basis of all giving was a thorough grasp of the truth
that the human possessor of goods is only a distributor and steward for
the supreme owner, who is God. The rich believer recognized his
obligation to give to the needy all of his resources that were left
after his own wants had been supplied. And he was taught that his own
wants were to be interpreted rather strictly, that he was to forego
luxuries, and even unnecessary comforts and conveniences. Like other
believers, he was to be distinguished from his pagan neighbours by his
life of contentment, simplicity, and moderation. Clement, Cyprian, and
Tertullian describe minutely the complex and luxurious life of the
heathens, and denounce it was wholly unworthy of imitation by
Christians who really love their poor neighbours (Ratzinger,
"Armenflege", p. 85 sq.; Uhlhorn, "Christian Charity in the Ancient
Church", p. 129 sq.). And their interpretation of simple and proper
Christian life seems to have been adopted by substantially all the
believers. In this respect the latter were far in advance of the
Christians of modern times. This duty of distribution was discharged by
placing the gifts on the altar, whence they were received and dispensed
by the bishop. Through this practice the rich were impressed with the
truth that they were merely making a return to God, while the poor were
taught to look upon what their received as gift of God. Moreover, they
were enabled to accept it without injury to self-respect, and in a
spirit of gratitude both to God and to the human giver who was only
God's instrument. By praying for the latter they made an equitable
return, were in truth dispensers of charity themselves. Two important
consequences of this method and this view of charity were: first, the
faithful gave so freely and spontaneously that no specific definitions
of the duty or penalties for the neglect of almsgiving were formulated
by the Church during this period; and second, no contributions were
accepted from unbelievers, public sinners, extortioners, unjust
possessors, or persons engaged in sinful occupations.</p>
<p id="c-p3105" shownumber="no">(b) The second cause to which the superabundant charity of the early
Christians has been attributed was their social and political
environment. Refusing to accept the authority of the Roman State in
matters of morality, worship, and religion, they were brought under the
displeasure of the civil power. Refusing to offer sacrifice or to take
oaths in the name of false gods, they were shut out from the everyday
life of the field, the market-place, the social gatherings, the
theatre, and the forum, as well as from most of the gainful
occupations. Forced to live a life apart, they easily became objects of
misunderstanding, suspicion, and calumny. Then came that long and
frightful series of persecutions, which they met with a uniform policy
of non-resistance. The important consequence of all these conditions
was that the normal life of the Christian became one of sacrifice and
suffering, of prayer, fasting, and chastity. A very large proportion of
them looked forward complacently to martyrdom for themselves, and to
the near approach of the end of the world for all. In these
circumstances the possession and enjoyment of earthly goods could have
very little attraction and very little meaning. Almsgiving, and
almsgiving in abundance, became one of the ordinary activities of the
earnest Christian who had anything in excess of his own simple
needs.</p>
<p id="c-p3106" shownumber="no">(c) In the third place, the administration of charity was under the
immediate and exclusive direction of the bishop. The details of the
work, as investigating and registering those in distress, and
distributing the amount of relief which the bishop deemed proper in
each case, were attended to by the deacons, and in the case of needy
women by the deaconesses. The latter were either unmarried women or
widows of mature years. Assistance was given only to persons unable to
earn their living and in real need, and to these only in so far as was
strictly necessary. Centuries of subsequent experience, combined with
the latest theoretical knowledge, have neither produced a better system
nor achieved more satisfactory results than this primitive Christian
organization of charity. In the words of the Lutheran Uhlhorn, "never
has she [the Church] more highly reverenced the poor, more kindly and
lovingly treated them; never also has she been farther from fostering
beggary, and making life easy to idlers" (o. Cit., p. 180).</p>
<p id="c-p3107" shownumber="no">(d) Among the sources of the material relief dispensed by the Church
during the age of the persecutions, the most important seems to have
been the oblations of natural products placed upon the altar at the
time of the Eucharistic Sacrifice. All the faithful who could do so
participated in this offering, since it was regarded as an element of
the religious service. The names of the contributors were announced to
the congregation. Distinct from the oblations were the 
<i>collectæ</i>, which were likewise natural products, but which
were handed in on certain fast days immediately before the reading of
the epistle. Another source consisted of money contributions to the
church treasury, to the 
<i>corbona</i> or 
<i>arca</i>. These were usually given secretly. Extraordinary
collections were taken up from the richer members, and large sums were
obtained from those who on the occasion of their conversion sold all
their goods for the benefit of the poor. In their capacity as collegia,
or corporations, some of the churches may have taken dues from their
members which helped to swell their resources for works of charity.
Finally, the needy of all classes received a great deal of assistance
directly from individuals. Heads of families were obliged to care not
only for their children and other dependent relatives, but for all the
members of their household, both bond and free. So cheerfully and so
generously did the Christians give, so generally did they part with all
the superfluous revenues for the benefit of the distressed, that the
Church was not called upon to determine the duty of charitable
contributions by any precise ordinance or law. The imposition of tithes
did not begin until after the victory of Constantine in 312 (Ratzinger,
op. cit., pp. 71, 72).</p>
<p id="c-p3108" shownumber="no">The results produced by the four factors just described were
remarkable not only in the material order but also in the realm of
thought. Assistance was afforded to the clergy, to widows and orphans,
to the destitute, the aged, the sick, the persecuted, and imprisoned,
and the stranger; and decent burial was given to the neglected dead.
Although the clergy had the first claim upon the charity of the
faithful, only those were assisted who were unable to support
themselves from their own resources or by their own labour. Indeed, it
was through the latter means that the greater number obtained their
livelihood. The claims of the widows and orphans were recognized as
second only to those of the clergy. Children abandoned by the pagans
received support from the Church. In general all members of the
community who were wholly or partially incapable of self-maintenance
were given the measure of assistance that they needed. Owing to the
frequent pestilences, sickness was one of the very important forms of
distress, and it received from the charity of the Christians all the
care and comfort that the knowledge and resources of the time made
possible. Material and moral aid was extended to the victims of
persecution. Prisoners were visited and comforted, especially those
condemned to inhuman conditions of life and toil in the mines. Succour
was frequently brought to the latter from a distance of hundreds of
miles. Christians were compelled, through economic conditions or on
account of the persecutions, to seek shelter or a livelihood far from
home, obtained abundant hospitality from their fellow-Christians.
Another form of charity practised by the faithful at this time, and a
most necessary one in view of the indifference of the pagans, was the
burying of the dead. Although their charity was organized on
congregational lines, it was not confined to parochial needs. Aid was
given to other congregations, even to those at a great distance. Thus
Carthage came to the relief of Numidia, and Rome to the assistance of
Cæsarea. Even the Pagans and the Jews were not forgotten; witness
touching instances furnished by the Christians of Carthage and
Alexandria (Ratzinger, op. cit., p. 84).</p>
<p id="c-p3109" shownumber="no">Another beneficent work of Christian charity in the material order
consisted in transforming the attitude of men towards labour, and the
relations between masters and slaves. Freemen who had hitherto been
ashamed to work, and who had led a mendicant and parasitic life, became
self-supporting and self-respecting. In the Christian workshop master
and servant regarded each other as brothers instead of enemies, and the
worker performed his task freely instead of under compulsion of the
chain and the lash. In the pagan view and in Roman law, the slave had
no rights, neither to humane treatment nor to marriage nor to life. He
was nota person, but a thing. Christianity taught the master that the
slave was his brother in Crist, and his equal both in the Christian
assemblies and in the sight of God. It commanded the master to treat
his slaves with mildness and humanity, to grant then freedom from toil
on Sundays and holidays, to permit them to live a family life in the
same conditions of privacy, security, and indissolubility that ought to
mark his own marital relations. It enjoined upon the slave the duty of
respecting himself as a man and a brother of Christ, and bade him obey
his master not out of fear but out of regard for the social authority
of Christ. It permitted him to aspire to the highest honours in the
Church. While the church made no effort during this period towards the
emancipation of the slaves, her attitude in this respect was dictated
by motives of the greatest kindness and the truest charity. Socially
and economically the Christian slave was no worse off than his
persecuted fellow-Christians, whereas if he obtained his freedom he
would be unable to find an occupation compatible with a moral life. The
agapæ not only helped to feed the poor, but promoted the doctrine
of equality and brotherhood. Here the poor man and the slave sat down
with the rich man and the master to partake of a meal to which all had
contributed according to their means; and the wealthy and the powerful
were strikingly reminded that possessions and authority were relatively
insignificant in the eyes of the common Father of all. Abuses did,
indeed, gradually creep in; in many places the love-feast took on the
character of a sumptuous banquet, or was wholly provided by some rich
man as a meal for the poorer Christians only; but these changes were
largely due to the increase in the size of the congregations, and to
the dangers of meeting openly during the time of persecution.</p>
<p id="c-p3110" shownumber="no">The most notable achievement of Christian charity in the world of
ideas sprang from its teaching concerning ownership, and concerning the
intrinsic value of the individual. It was in large measure owing to the
thoroughness with which the Christians put into practice the truths
that God created the earth for all the children of men, and that the
human owner is merely the steward and distributor of his possessions,
that they were so soon able to triumph over a hostile civilization
which was built upon force and selfishness. In reproach of that
civilization Tertullian could proudly exclaim: "All things are common
among us except women". The Christian preaching and exemplification of
the truth that not merely the roman citizen, but every human being is
clothed with the dignity of personality, brought about at length the
end of slavery, and exerted a considerable influence upon legislation
even before the victory of Constantine. Trajan encouraged the
emancipation of slaves; Hadrian deprived the masters of the right to
put them to death; Plutarchy and Epictetus held far more humane views
concerning the claims of slaves than did Cicero and Cato. Nerva and
Trajan extended public assistance to the needy children throughout
Italy, instead of confining its benefits to the idlers in the city of
Rome, after the manner of all their predecessors. Uhlhorn maintains
that as soon as the Church had freed herself from the heresy of
Montanism, the Christians began to lose their grasp of the higher
motives of charity, and to lay stress upon the distinction between the
counsels and the Commandments (op. Cit., p. 205 sq.). For the majority,
who aimed only to comply with the Commandments, the duties of charity
became, like all other duties, less rigorous. The motives of their
charitable activity also degenerated into the desire to obtain personal
merit in the supernatural order, and release from their sins. According
to Uhlhorn, these doctrines first found definite statement in the works
of Hermas, Cyprian, and Origen; but they soon became the prevailing
views of the Church, and so continued until Reformation, when a return
was made to the primitive teaching (pp. 397, 398). These, however, are
the facts: whatever diminution of charitable work occurred is explained
by the change in the political and social conditions surrounding the
Christians; the distinction between counsel and precept was originated
by Christ Himself (Matt., xix, 11, 12); the meritorious character of
almsgiving was likewise taught by Him (Matt., xxv, 31 — 46, and
frequently elsewhere); and both these doctrines, together with that of
almsgiving was expiatory of the temporal punishment due to sin (not of
sin itself), are found in all the early writers, as well as in the
liturgy of that age (cf. Ratzinger, op. cit., pp. 89-92).</p>
<h4 id="c-p3110.1">(3) From Constantine to Gregory the Great</h4>
<p id="c-p3111" shownumber="no">As a result of the freedom and social importance which the Church
obtained through the victory of Constantine, she was called upon to
relieve the distress not merely of her own children, but of the whole
population. The universal corruption, cruelty, and extravagance of the
civil officials, the relentless and grinding usury of the money-lenders
and the almost continuous invasions of the barbarians, combined to
produce a greater amount of wretchedness than had ever before existed
in the empire. Over the three classes just mentioned the Church had
very little influence, since none of them became fully Christianized
until long after Christianity had become the established religion.
Among the means available to meet this distress there remained the
oblations at Mass, the collections on fast days, and the extraordinary
collections. But none of these was relatively as fruitful as in the age
of the persecutions. Hence exhortations to almsgiving become much more
frequent, and towards the end of the sixth century the law of tithes
makes its appearance. A new source of charitable relief was created by
the contributions of the emperors, and of the powerful and wealthy
generally. Many of the latter were converted on their death-beds, and
endeavoured to atone in their wills for previous neglect of the duty of
almsgiving. The bishops not only condemned this postponement of a grave
Christian obligation, but refused to accept money which was acquired
through dishonesty or extortion, even when it came from the hands of
kings. As in the preceding period, the relief of the poor was
recognized as a primary function of the Church, and all her revenues
even the sacred vessels, as subject to the demands of charity. Hence
arose the custom of referring to the possessions of the Church as "the
patrimony of the poor". In the interests of security and system, the
church revenues were divided into four parts, of which one went to the
bishop, another to the clergy, a third to the maintenance of worship,
and the fourth to the relief of distress. This practice became quite
general in Rome during the fifth century, whence it gradually extended
over the whole Christian world (cf. Ratzinger, op. cit., p. 116 sq.).
The administration of charity remained in the hands of the bishop,
assisted by the 
<i>oeconomus</i>, who was usually a priest. The latter was in turn
assisted by the deacons, subdeacons, and deaconesses. In every
episcopal city, and in other places of importance, were houses called 
<i>diaconiæ</i>, at which and from which assistance was given to
the poor, the sic, and the aged. A new institution of chrity appears in
the 
<i>xenodochia</i>, hospitals, which originated during the reign of
Constantine. They were primarily intended for the reception of
strangers, but soon undertook the care of the sick, the homeless poor,
widows, abandoned children, and other helpless classes. In brief, they
performed the tasks that are now divided among hospitals, hotels,
almshouses, and asylums. Towards the end of the fourth century they
increased very rapidly and by the time of Gregory the Great were to be
found in almost every city of the empire. They were all under the
control of the bishop, and were maintained by landed endowments, the
general revenues of the Church, and special contributions from the
faithful. A form of charity which in the latter half of the Middle Ages
became the dominant one, came into existence during the period now
under consideration. This was the monastic system of poor relief. The
precept of labour, which occupied a primary place in the rules both of
Basil and Benedict, was the means of providing a most striking and most
beneficent example to an age that had not yet learned the dignity and
value of work. And a large share of the product of the industry of the
monks was distributed among the poor. The monasteries supplied
physicians for all the sick of the neighbourhood, maintained hospitals
for all classes of the distressed, reared and educated the young, and
during the fifty century were about the only places of refuge for
persons whose homes lay in the path of the devastating barbarians. On
the other hand, the present period witnessed the decay of the once
important agapæ. More and more they became repasts for the poor
provided by the rich, until at length they degenerated into display of
the lavish generosity of their providers, and came under the
condemnation of the Church. Among the practices of charity by private
individuals were: alms given to those of the poor who had permission to
solicit aid at the doors of the churches; large donations of property
for the endowment of hospitals, such, for example, as those made by
Fabiola, Pammachius, Demetrias, Zoticus, Pulcheria, and Olympia; the
direct distribution of ll their goods to the poor by many of the
wealthy; and many other forms and practices which have necessarily been
overlooked by the historian.</p>
<p id="c-p3112" shownumber="no">In the preaching of the Church at this time the fundamental truths
of Christian charity were constantly applied to the different social
needs and institutions. The bishops protested strongly and frequently
against the excessive taxes and the harsh methods employed in
collecting them; against the landowner's oppression of his tenants, and
the extortion practised by the usurer; against the forcible enslavement
of freemen, the tyranny of civil officials, and the injustice of the
courts; against the inhuman treatment of slaves, and in favour of
emancipation. In opposition to the almost universal selfishness of the
age, they incessantly proclaimed the duty of almsgiving, the
stewardship of wealth, and the solidarity of mankind. To those
possessors who refused to distribute their superfluous goods among the
needy, some of the Fathers applied the terms "robber", "thief",
"extortioner". And they regarded as superfluous all that remained after
the reasonable needs of the owner had been supplied. They exacted a
restitution for the benefit of the poor of all the proceeds of
extortion and usury. Nevertheless they all defended the principle of
private ownership. Finally, they kept constantly before the faithful
the doctrine that almsgiving is an offering to God by the rich, and a
gift from God to the poor. The results of the Church's preaching and
practice of charity during this period were that widows, orphans,
abandoned children, friendless young women, prisoners, the sick, the
helpless poor, and the victims of the barbarian invasions, received all
the care and assistance which their condition and the available
resources permitted. In fact, the unrelieved poverty of that day seems
to have been less appalling than is the pauperism of our own time. The
vigilance of the deacons and deaconesses seems to have been fairly
successful in preventing a waste of charity upon beggars and idlers.
While the church was not able to bring about the abolition of the
manifold social abuses of the time, she was directly instrumental in
modifying them to a considerable degree. Thus, the bishops gave a
humane example by their treatment of the tenants of the lands owned by
the church, punished the murder of slaves by excommunication,
frequently emancipated their own bondmen, and demanded for the slave as
well for the freeman the privilege of Sunday rest. The civil
legislation of the time granted this demand, abolished the gladiatorial
sports and the right of life and death which the father had possessed
over his children, conceded the right of asylum to the Christian
churches, recognized the duty of the State towards all the poor,
prohibited indiscriminate begging, and made the bishop president of a
court for the trial of cases which concerned the poor, the widow, and
the orphan. The bishop's title, "father of the poor and protector of
widows and orphans", was recognized by the State as well as by the
Church. No doubt the more frequent stress now laid upon the
supernatural rewards of charity does indicate a decline from the
fervour of the preceding age, but there is no evidence that the change
in the generosity of the faithful was as great as many historians
assume. And it is sufficiently explained by the more heterogeneous
character of the Christian population after the danger of persecution
had passed. Failure to preach the meritorious character of almsgiving
would not only have been an injury to the poor, but would have shown
contempt for the teaching of Christ.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3112.1">(4) The Middle Ages</h4>
<p id="c-p3113" shownumber="no">The first important event in the world of charity after the reign of
Gregory the Great was the deterioration that it suffered in Gaul under
the Merovingians. Owing to the anarchic social and political conditions
of the time and the resulting demoralization of the clergy, the poor
were all but forgotten, and institutions of charity either disappeared
or were diverted to other uses. Although the monasteries discharged
their duties fairly well during the early part of the Merovingian
period, they became involved later on in the general disorder,
worldliness, and negligence which reached a climax under Charles
Martel. Then came the great law-giver, Charlemagne, who effected a
manifold and far-reaching reform. He recovered the church property that
had been misappropriated, and re-established the law of tithes, the
fourfold division of church revenues, the oblations during Divine
service, and other offerings to the priest for charity, and the custom
of regarding all the goods of the Church as primarily the patrimony of
the poor. According to his legislation, the bishop was to remain the
supreme director of charity administration, but in the beneficed
parishes the immediate control was in the hands of the person who
occupied the benefice. Every form of genuine distress was to be
relieved, but idlers, beggars, and vagabonds were to be turned away and
compelled to work. The feudal lord was charged with the duty of caring
for all the needy among his own vassals. This provision was merely an
application to feudal conditions of St. Paul's injunction that everyone
should maintain the dependents of his own household. It continued in
force, theoretically at least, throughout the whole of the Middle Ages.
The monasteries, too, were required to resume their former practices of
charity and their more important function as centres of industry,
religion, morality, and civilization for all the surrounding
populations. Thus it came about that the work of civilizing and
Christianizing the Germanic peoples was for the most part accomplished
by the monks of St. Benedict and the monks from Ireland (cf. Ratzinger,
op. cit., pp. 216-218).</p>
<p id="c-p3114" shownumber="no">A great impetus was given to charitable activity by the discipline
of penance, according to which fasting, prayer, and other forms of
penitential exercises were, to a considerable degree, replace by
almsgiving. The amount to be contributed was proportioned to the
offence; for some of the gravest sins the penalty was total
renunciation of one's possessions and entrance into a monastery.
Especially large donations to charity were required of those who had
neglected the corporal works of mercy. The bishops and other Christian
teachers of the time of Charlemagne frequently reminded the kings,
princes, and lords that all earthly power was from God, and that their
subjects were their equals before God and their brothers in Christ.
Through this teaching Germanic slavery (which, indeed, had never been
so general nor so deep-rooted as among the Greeks and the Romans) was
mitigated into serfdom. Through the Christian teaching and example
concerning the dignity of labour, there arose a class of artisans who
were not ashamed of their calling, and who were therefore able at
length to free themselves from subjection to the feudal lord. The
doctrine that all superfluous wealth ought to be employed for the
benefit of the poor, was as clearly proclaimed, at least by the great
Christian teachers, such as Bede and Alcuin, as it every had been; but
it was not preached so generally nor observed so faithfully. After the
death of Charlemagne his organization of charity fell rapidly into
decay. Feudalism, all-powerful, haughty, belligerent, unscrupulous,
acknowledging no claims but those of might, demoralized both
ecclesiastical and civil order. The spiritual leaders of the people
were to a very great extent incompetent, worldly, and avaricious.
Clerics as well as nobles exploited their serfs and neglected the poor.
From the middle of the ninth to the beginning of the twelfth century
these deplorable conditions were general throughout Europe. In England,
however, the demoralization did not reach its lowest depths until the
second half of the tenth century; in Ireland it did not come until the
eleventh. Nevertheless the doctrine of charity, as expressed in the
documents accompanying charitable foundations, and in the writings of
the great teachers like St. Bernard, was everywhere identical with that
of the Scripture and the Fathers. The old truths about property as a
trust, about the duty of distributing superfluous goods among the poor,
about the supernatural rewards of almsgiving, and its value as
expiatory of the temporal punishment due to sin — are all clearly
taught. Owing to the relatively lower average of Christian fervour, the
last two features assume a relatively greater prominence than they had
in the teaching of the age of persecutions.</p>
<p id="c-p3115" shownumber="no">During the three centuries following the death of Charlemagne, the
work of relieving the poor was steadily and rapidly transferred from
the diocesan clergy to the monasteries. The demoralization of the
diocesan clergy, the misappropriation of church property and revenues
by the clergy and the lords, the theory that the lords were to care for
all the poor within their domains, the deflexion to some of the
monasteries of tithes that formerly went to the parish clergy, the
practice of giving landed endowments to the monasteries instead of to
the parish churches, the humane treatment generally accorded to their
tenants by the monks, and the fact that Christian life became more and
more centred about the monasteries — combined to effect this
transformation. The new and dominant position of the monasteries is
thus described by Ratzinger: "The energy of Christian life had gone
over from the diocese to the monastery. The latter became the centre
for rich and poor, high and low, for innocent youth and repentant age.
It provided in some measure a substitute for the primitive episcopal
parish. In every district, alike on towering mountain and in lowly
valley, arose monasteries which formed the centres of the organized
religious life of the neighbourhood, maintained schools, provided
models for agriculture, industry, pisciculture, and forestry, sheltered
the traveller, relieved the poor, reared the orphans, cared for the
sick, and were havens of refuge for all who were weighed down by
spiritual or corporal misery. For centuries they were the centres of
all religious, charitable, and cultural activity" (op. Cit., pp. 287,
288) — that is, until the end of the fifteenth century. The
orders that took the most prominent part in the work of poor-relief
were the Benedictines, Cistercians, Premonstratensians, Dominicans, and
Franciscans. Through the 
<i>portarius</i> alms were daily distributed at monastery gate. The
needy who were unable to come for a portion of this received assistance
in their homes. Connected with the monasteries were hospitals for the
treatment and relief of all forms of distress. In addition to their
material works of charity, the monasteries did much for the improvement
of social conditions and ideals. They treated their tenants and
servants a great deal better than did the secular lords, and in their
schools maintained a genuine equality between the children of the rich
and the poor. The teaching and example of St. Francis and his followers
concerning the solid worth of holy poverty recalled millions of souls
from selfishness, luxury, and avarice to simpler and saner ideals of
life, and as a further result not merely gave an immense impetus to
charitable activity among all the people, but contributed not a little
towards the abolition of serfdom in Italy (cf. Dubois, Saint Francis of
Assisi, pp. 59 — 61). During the fourteenth and more frequently
in the fifteenth century, however, a many abuses got a foothold in the
richer monasteries. Avarice, luxurious living, lavish entertainment of
guests, favouritism towards relatives, and other forms of relaxation
rendered these institutions unable and unwilling to attend properly to
the relief of distress. Moreover, the mendicant orders withdrew in the
later Middle Ages to the towns, where they devoted themselves almost
exclusively to the contemplative life and to preaching.</p>
<p id="c-p3116" shownumber="no">Next in importance to the monasteries came the hospitals. As already
noted, these institutions discharged the functions of guest-house,
asylum, almshouse, and hospital in the modern sense. Many of them were
managed by secular brotherhoods whose members lived a common life and
wore a distinctive garb, but did not claim the privileges of a
religious order. The first of these hospitals were established at the
end of the ninth century, in Siena, by a certain Soror. Similar
institutions in charge of similar brotherhoods soon made their
appearance in many of the other cities of Italy. About the middle of
the twelfth century the Brotherhood of the Holy Spirit was founded by
one Guido in connection with the hospital at Montpellier. This
association grew very rapidly. In 1198 Pope Innocent III took it under
his special protection, and entrusted to it a large hospital which he
had endowed at Rome. This was but one of the many hospitals established
under the direction of that remarkable pontiff. By the end of the
thirteenth century there was hardly an important town in Germany that
did not possess one or more hospitals of Brotherhood of the Holy
Spirit. St. Elizabeth of Hungary founded three hospitals. The military
orders, such as the Knights of St. John and the Hospitallers in
Germany, whose existence is due to the spirit of service and
self-sacrifice created by the Crusades, established and maintained
hospitals in nearly every country of Europe. These orders did an
immense amount of good while they remained true to their original
spirit, but their usefulness had come to an end by the middle of the
fifteenth century. In the later Middle Ages numerous hospitals were
maintained by the free towns and cities. Every town in Italy and
Germany had at least one, while the larger cities possessed several.
They were superintended by a layman, but the attendants and nurses were
members of religious associations. Akin to the hospitals were the leper
houses and leper huts in which were sheltered the victims of that form
of leprosy which the Crusades brought back from the East. In the
thirteenth century these institutions numbered, according to Matthew
Paris, nineteen thousand (cf. Ratzinger, op. cit., p. 341). To meet the
plague there arose in the twelfth century the military order of St.
Lazarus. It spread rapidly over the whole of Europe, had charge of many
hospitals, and obtained extensive landed possessions. Having finished
its tasks and become somewhat demoralized, it was dissolved by Pope
Innocent VIII at the end of the fifteenth century.</p>
<p id="c-p3117" shownumber="no">Several other religious communities and pious associations having
for their chief object the relief of distress arose during the period
which we are now considering. A group of women belonging to the Third
Order of St. Francis, and under the patronage of St. Elizabeth of
Hungary (now known as Elisabetherinnen in Germany and Grey Nuns in
France), were formed into a community by Pope Martin V in 1428. Their
work on behalf of the poor, the sick and the distressed in Germany,
France, Austria, and Italy, has been noteworthy in amount and quality.
At the end of the twelfth century a lay sisterhood, called Beguine, was
organized to care for the sick in the homes of the latter. Later on
they gave instruction to poor girls, and shelter to poor girls and
widows. They became quite numerous in the Netherlands and Germany, but
failed to retain their early spirit, especially in the matter of
respect for ecclesiastical authority. By the end of the sixteenth
century their career had practically ceased. Among the other
communities worthy of mention are: that of St. Anthony of Vienne, which
arose in the second half of eleventh century to minister to those
afflicted with the disease known as St. Anthony's fire, and whose
period of usefulness lasted about two centuries; the Alexian Brothers,
originally a lay association whose chief work was to bury the dead, but
which soon undertook other charitable functions; they were formed into
a religious congregation in 1458, and still exist in charge of
hospitals; the Trinitarians, and the congregation founded by Raymund of
Pennafort and Peter Nolasco, both of which appeared about the beginning
of the thirteenth century, and in the course of the next five hundred
years relieved an immense amount of physical and mental wretchedness by
ransoming captives, particularly from the Mohammedans; finally, the
"Fratres Pontifices" (Bridge Builders), who during the last four
centuries of the Middle Ages made bridges and roads, erected inns for
poor and sick travellers, and protected merchants and other wayfarers
against the thievery and violence of highwaymen. Their diffusion was
rapid and general throughout Europe, and their services to the social
and commercial life of the period were incalculable. To the modern mind
an organization bound by a religious vow to the avocation of
bridge-building may seem fantastic, but it was merely a particular
illustration of the general fact that in the Ages of Faith the church
was able to create an institution for the relief of every social need.
(See BRIDGE-BUILDING BROTHERHOOD.)</p>
<p id="c-p3118" shownumber="no">A very important agency in the charitable activity of the later
Middle Ages was that of pious foundations or endowments. They consisted
of lands or other revenue-producing property, the income of which was
to be expended for the benefit of the poor. In return for this charity
the beneficiaries were expected to pray for the donor, or for the
repose of his soul. Here we see the same conception of charity as an
instrument of equality between rich and poor, which was enunciated by
St. Paul and exemplified in the primitive oblations. Many of the
foundations required that requiem Masses should be celebrated for the
benefactor. The greater number were connected with monasteries and
hospitals, although some were entrusted to the parish churches and, in
the cities, to the civil magistrates. Besides their hospitals, the free
cities gradually undertook their works of charity, until in the
fifteenth century they either directly or indirectly discharged the
greater part of the task of relieving the poor, the helpless, and the
stranger. The guilds, which played such an important and varied role in
the life of the cities, were not merely associations having charge of
trade and industry; they were often mutual benefit societies which
cared for all needy members and for the dependent families of needy and
deceased members. As a result of the charitable activity of Church,
municipality, guild, and other associations like the 
<i>Calenderii</i> in Germany and the 
<i>Humiliati</i> in Italy, there was practically no unrelieved poverty
in the cities during the later Middle Ages. The spectre of the modern
proletariat, wretched, debased, with no definite place in the social
organism, and no definitely recognized claims upon any social group or
institution, had no counterpart in the municipal life of that time.</p>
<p id="c-p3119" shownumber="no">From the fact that in the cities the care of the poor had for the
most part been taken over by municipal agencies in the fifteenth
century, and that the parish system of relief had ceased before the end
of the eleventh, it is not to be inferred that the charitable activity
and influence of the Church were restricted to the religious orders and
religious association. The whole structure of municipal charity was
built up under her inspiration, encouragement, and direction. All
through the Middle Ages the diocesan clergy continued to collect and
distribute the means of charitable relief. In the cities they supplied
the needs of those persons who had been overlooked by the monasteries,
hospitals, and guilds. In the country the theory of feudal
responsibility for all dependents caused the charity of the diocesan
clergy to be confined to travellers and strangers. Moreover, Ratzinger
maintains that in England the system of parish relief continued in full
vigour and efficiency up to the time of the Reformation (op. Cit., p.
421 sq.). Professor Ashley contends that it had disappeared before the
twelfth century, but his conclusion is based on the presumption of
similarity of conditions in England and on the Continent rather than
upon positive arguments (English Economic History, II, 309 sq.). Then
there was the beneficent influence of the Church upon social and
political institutions. Her prohibition of usury, which was also under
the ban of the civil law, was a great boon to the poor and all the
economically weak. For in those days money was nearly always borrowed
to meet temporary and personal needs, and not as now for use as
capital. While the theological proof that interest-taking was unlawful
may not have been any better understood by the mass of the medieval
population than by many of its modern critics, the doctrine itself,
reinforced by the ecclesiastical and civil legislation, effectively
taught men that gains ought to be the fruit of labour not of
exploitation, and on the whole protected the economically weak against
the economically strong (cf. Ashley, op. cit., II, 434 sq.). When the
increased need for loans threatened to place large numbers of the
people at the mercy of the Jewish usurers, the 
<i>Montes Pietatis</i> were established, mostly by the Franciscans,
from which money could be borrowed on payment of a sum sufficient to
cover risks and the cost of maintenance. Finally, the Church
successfully inculcated what Dr. Cunningham has called, "a keen sense
of personal responsibility in the employment of secular power of every
kind" (Western Civilization, II, 104). King, prince, and feudal lord
held their office from God, and were responsible to Him for the people
committed to their charge. The poor, the weak, and the helpless were,
in theory, and to a considerable degree in practice, objects of their
special care. While the cultivators of the land remained, until the
latter part of the Middle Ages, unfree, "bound to the soil", they
enjoyed security of tenure, and could claim the protection and support
of the lord. The mutual duties and rights of lord and serf were in a
high degree personal, and not reducible to any mere cash-nexus. The
principles of charity expounded during the last three centuries
remained the same as those found in the Scripture and in the Christian
teaching of every age from the beginning. Only they were presented more
precisely and systematically. Thus St. Thomas, whose treatment of the
matter may be taken as typical, declares that charity towards the
neighbour should have as its motive the love of God, and that
almsgiving may be made meritorious of eternal rewards and expiatory of
the temporal punishment due to sin. He insists that fraternal charity
ought to be free, spontaneous, from the heart. When he speaks of it as
a duty he has in mind moral duty, not the constraint of external law
(cf. Summa Theologica, II — II, all of Q. xxxii). While he
maintained that the contemplative life is in itself of higher moral and
supernatural worth than the active life, inasmuch as it is more
directly concerned with love of God, he also pointed out that a life of
activity and labour may become strictly obligatory, and hence more
meritorious than a life of contemplation — for example, in order
to gain a livelihood, escape the moral dangers of idleness, or give
alms to the needy (II-II, Q. clxxxii, aa. 1 and 2; Q. clxxxvii, a. 3).
In spite of some occasional exaggeration of the contemplative, and
disparagement of the active, life, the utility and dignity of labour
have never been more generally recognized than in the second half of
the Middle Ages. As to private property, St. Thomas taught that, while
it was useful and lawful, all superfluous goods should be used for
social purpose (II — II, Q. lxvi, a. 2). In no age has the
conception of ownership as a social trust been put into practice by so
large a proportion of the community as during this period. For proof we
need only point to its innumerable and magnificent institutions,
foundations, and expenditures for the glory of God and the service of
mankind (cf. Ratzinger, op. cit., p. 392).</p>
<p id="c-p3120" shownumber="no">There are certain serious and oft-repeat ed criticisms of Catholic
charity in general and of medieval charity in particular which may be
conveniently noticed at this point. They are all reducible to the
general assertion that the Church's teaching concerning the meritorious
character of almsgiving led to so much indiscriminate charity as to
raise the question whether Catholic work on behalf of poverty was not
productive of more harm than good. With regard to this contention, the
first observation to be made is that the Church did teach that
charitable actions from the proper motive promoted the spiritual
welfare of the giver, but that this was the teaching of Christ Himself,
as well as of the Christian authorities in every age (cf. Ratzinger,
op. cit., pp. 89, 160, 388). If the doctrine seems to have been more
frequently and more strongly inculcated in the Middle Ages than in the
first centuries of the Christian Era, the explanation is to be sought
not merely in a lesser spirit of self-sacrifice, but also in the more
developed and systematic presentation of the theory, as well as in the
fuller accounts which history has handed down to us concerning the
beliefs and deeds of the later time. In the second place, the
contention, or assumption, that the Church, or any of her authoritative
exponents, ever taught that almsgiving was meritorious regardless of
the need of the recipient — in other words, that it is a good
work to give the neighbour something which does him harm — is
simply false. How could any sane and intelligent Christian defend the
proposition that an act of injury to the neighbour would win the favour
of God? To Him the welfare of one man is as dear as that of another. If
this a priori consideration seem inconclusive, let us cite the
admissions of the economic historian, Professor Ashley: "It is not
difficult to adduce a long catena of passages from the Fathers and from
the canons of Councils, which declare in the most explicit fashion the
duty of investigation" (op. Cit., II, 315). In this way, he says "Ehrle
is able to make a very effective reply to the exaggerations of
Emminghaus" (p. 369). His conclusion is: "It must be allowed that so
far as the theory of almsgiving is concerned, the medieval Church was
free from the fault that has been imputed to it. . . ." (p. 316).</p>
<p id="c-p3121" shownumber="no">But the important question concerns neither the motives nor the
doctrine of medieval charity, but its effectiveness in the relief of
poverty. Here are three typical answers to this question: ". . .in the
sphere of simple poverty it fan hardly be doubted that the Catholic
church has created more misery than it has cured" (Lecky, History of
European Morals, II, 95, 3rd ed.). "For eighteen centuries the
charitable and legislative efforts of society have been pauperizing
instead of elevating men" (H. B. Adams, Johns Hopkins University
Historical Studies, fifty series, p. 319). "This [private charity],
like the charity of the Church, was wholly indiscriminating and,
therefore, evil in its consequences" (Charles A. Ellwood, in
Henderson's Modern Methods of Charity, p. 167). In all probability
these statements are a fairly adequate reflection of what is still the
prevailing view outside the Catholic Church. As a matter of simple
fact, this view has never been justified by evidence; all the available
evidence tends to show that it is a gross exaggeration. It seems to be
due partly to prejudice, partly to a priori inferences, and partly to
hasty generalizations from isolated and inadequate data. That a large
part has been played by the element of religious prejudice, becomes
clear when we reflect that most of the descriptions of monastic
corruption and incompetence which have formed the original basis of the
theory under discussion, were written by men who were bitter opponents
of the monks, their religion, and their institutions. In a considerable
proportion of cases (ve.g. the case of Fuller, who is quoted below, and
of the King's Commissioners of 1535, quoted by Froude, II, 434) their
object was not so much to write history as to discredit the old
religion and the old regime. Careful historians of to-day recognize
this, but popular writers on the history of charity have not yet given
it sufficient attention. The other two causes of the theory, illicit
use of the a priori method and hasty generalization, usually appear
together, though now one, now the other, predominates. A very common
misuse of the a priori method is seen in the contention that the amount
of begging, particularly unjustifiable begging, in the Middle Ages was
enormous. This charge is based not so much upon statistics —
which are almost entirely wanting — nor upon authentic general
descriptions, as upon two assumptions: first, that a good Catholic
would give indiscriminately to all beggars for the sake of the
supernatural merit attached to charitable actions; and second, that the
practice of begging was made honourable by the mendicant orders, who
employed it as their regular means of obtaining a livelihood. Again and
again we meet with this form of argument.</p>
<p id="c-p3122" shownumber="no">Of course Catholics have never believed that almsgiving which is not
beneficial to the receiver could be spiritually helpful to the giver.
Consequently belief in the meritorious character of works of charity no
more necessarily leads to indiscriminate giving than belief in the
virtue of mercy involves indiscriminate condoning of crime. Secondly,
the fact that certain religious orders got their living and performed
their charitable functions through begging, no more sanctified unworthy
begging (which was always under the ban of the Church) to the people of
the Middle Ages than the solicitations of clergymen and charity
organizations, both of whom live by a species of begging, justifies the
general practice of mendicancy to our minds. Concerning generalizations
from insufficient data, two instances will suffice. Emminghaus, whose
work heads the list of authorities in many non-Catholic works, has, as
Professor Ashley admits, misrepresented the position of the Church on
meritorious alms giving, apparently because he did not study
sufficiently the sources. If he has been guilty of such a fault
concerning the theory of Catholic charity, need we be surprised to find
that his generalizations about the practice and results are likewise
based upon insufficient acquaintance with the sources? Ratzinger calls
attention to several instances of this, and declares that the
conclusions of Emminghaus with regard to charity in the early Church
are due to unpardonable ignorance (op. Cit., p. 93). Professor Ashley
writes thus: "There are strong reasons for believing that for a couple
of centuries at least before the Reformation, the English monasteries
had done but little for the relief of honest poverty; . . . That, in
the strong words of Fuller, 'the Abbeys did but maintain the poor which
they made'" (op. Cit., II, p. 312). In proof of this statement, he
quotes two passages from Ratzinger concerning the decline of the
monastic system of relief on the Continent, and declares that the same
thing must have occurred in connection with the English monasteries. In
the first of the passages in question, Ratzinger says that grave
abuses, such as avarice, luxury, and a diminution of love for the poor,
got into the richer monasteries, and he intimates that to some extent
in the fourteenth, and to a greater extent in the fifteenth, century,
these abuses were no longer mere exceptions; but he adds that no other
period can show as many foundations and works of benevolence (op. Cit.,
p. 311). All that he tells us in the second passage quoted is that the
multiplicity of charitable agencies — monasteries, hospitals,
orders, and associations — without any centralized directions,
was less effective than the old parish system, and was unable to
overcome begging (p. 397). Obviously these limited and qualified
statements are not equivalent to Professor Ashley's sweeping assertion.
It would seem that in spite of his usual fairness, he is here unable to
emancipate himself from the long prevailing English tradition
concerning all pre-Reformation institutions. Similar errors have no
doubt been committed more frequently by writers who are less competent
and less fair than Professor Ashley.</p>
<p id="c-p3123" shownumber="no">Assuming that the extreme view under discussion rests upon no
sufficient foundation, what conclusion concerning Catholic charity in
the later Middle Ages seems to be justified by the evidence?
Notwithstanding the well-recognized danger of generalizing from
historical facts, it seems safe to say that the amount of culpable
waste and of unwise and indiscriminate giving to the poor was
considerable; but that the amount of distress that went unrelieved was
not, relatively to economic resource and standards of living, greater
than the unrelieved want of any age since. The first part of this
conclusion seems to be abundantly established by the investigations of
Ratzinger (op. Cit., pp. 311, 313, 315, 319, 323, 360, 362, 396-399,
437 sqq., and elsewhere). Justice, however, requires that we make some
qualifications. The prevalence of begging during the fifteenth century
was due not so much to misdirected charity as to the breaking up of
feudalism and to the agrarian changes, such as enclosures and
sheep-farming (cf. Ashley, op. cit., p. 352), which deprived immense
numbers of persons of all means of likelihood. The fact that the duty
of discrimination in giving was not so generally preached and practised
as to-day, is largely accounted for by a less developed appreciation of
the evil of social dependency. This was inevitable in feudal society.
In the third place, much of the inefficiency of the medieval agencies
must be attributed solely to their lack of co-ordination and
centralization. The second part of our generalization calls to mind the
words of the Rev. Dr. Gibbins: "But poverty was neither so deep nor so
widespread as it is now, nor as it soon became, and the monasteries and
guilds (when they did their duty) were possibly quite as efficient as a
modern Board of Guardians" (Industry in England, p. 195). Dr. Gibbins
is not a Catholic. Dr. Ellwood maintains (Henderson's Modern Methods of
Charity, foot-note, p. 167) that the dissolution of the English
monasteries "revealed" rather than "caused" a large amount of pauperism
and vagrancy. We may pertinently ask whether the Poor Law "covered",
i.e. relieved, these conditions as fully and as humanely as the
monastic system which is supplanted. Some of its early provisions for
the repression of begging constitute a foul blot on the history of
English legislation. Cruel as they were, these measures proved
ineffective. Speaking of European conditions generally, Ratzinger
declares that it was precisely in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, when the prohibition of begging was most severe, that the
practice was most extensive (o. cit., p. 445).</p>
<p id="c-p3124" shownumber="no">After more than two centuries of variations, during which the
defects of the Statute of Elizabeth had been corrected by the
Settlement Law of Charles II, which, in the words of Dr. Ellwood
(Henderson, op. cit., p. 173) was "disastrous to rich and poor alike",
the English Poor Law went to that extreme of indiscriminate liberality
provided for by the Allowance system of 1782. So demoralizing was this
measure that, to quote General Walker, "the condition of the person who
threw himself flat upon public charity was better than that of the
labourer who struggled on to preserve his manhood in self-support" (cf.
Warner, American Charities, p. 15). Despite the great reform which the
law underwent in 1834, and despite the intelligent administration which
it ought to receive at the end of the nineteenth century, Mr. Thomas
Mackay is constrained to write; "the Poor Law as administered
throughout the greater part of the country is simply a disaster to the
best interests of the poorer classes, and succeeds in maintaining a
head of pauperism which, though it continues to decrease, is still a
disgrace to the intelligence of the country" (The State and Charity, p.
137). Now, if the case be so with the English Poor Law, which
represents the most systematic, determined, and long-continued
endeavour to find an adequate substitute for pre-Reformation agencies;
if not only in England but in every other European country, the amount
of unrelieved want is still, relatively to national resources and
standards of living, greater than it was in the Middle Ages; if, as
even Uhlhorn admits, "no period has done so much for the poor as the
Middle Ages" (op. Cit., p. 397); if the possessors of wealth of those
days were imbued with saner ideas as to its worth and a broader and
more generous conception of its uses, we can bear with some complacency
the knowledge that medieval charity is chargeable with much injudicious
distribution and even with considerable misappropriation. Professor
Patten, who is one of the leading authorities on economics and economic
history in America writes: "The economic aims of the Church were also
fairly well realized. It provided food and shelter for the workers,
charity for the unfortunate, and relief from disease, plague, and
famine, which were but too common in the Middle Ages. When we note the
number of the hospitals and infirmaries, the bounties of the monks, and
the self-sacrifice of the nuns, we cannot doubt that the unfortunate of
that time were at least as well provided for as they are at the
present. If the workmen were well fed, warmly clothed, and comfortably
housed, surely the economic aims of the age were fairly well realized"
(The Development of English Thought, pp. 90, 91).</p>
<h4 id="c-p3124.1">(5) From the End of the Fifteenth Century to the Present time</h4>
<p id="c-p3125" shownumber="no">The great increase of distress which followed so soon upon the
Reformation was due in some measure to the rapid decay of feudalism and
the agrarian changes, but in greater measure to the confiscation of the
monastic and other sources of Catholic charity, and to the substitution
of an extortionate set of secular landlords for the monasteries and the
churches. The last factor was especially harmful in England (cf.
Gibbins, op. cit., pp. 203 — 205), but its evil results were
considerable in all the regions where the Reformation triumphed
(Ratzinger, o. cit., pp. 456 — 463). Luxury and selfishness
increased among the wealthy, while charitable contributions decreased
among all classes. Uhlhorn admits that the purer motives of giving,
which were the gift of the Reformation, did not lead to the expected
results; "that our Church has in this respect also, and perhaps most of
all in this, come short in practice of what has been given her in
knowledge" (op. Cit., p. 398). How far the practice of giving and the
spirit of charity had declined since the advent of the new religion is
sufficiently indicated by the bitter complaints of Luther (cf.
Ratzinger, op. cit., pp. 457, 458). As a necessary consequence the
relief of the poor fell more and more to the care of the civil
authorities, national, provincial, and municipal. Municipal poor-relief
did not, however, originate with the Reformation. As noted above, it
had been quite general in the fifteenth century. In the first half of
the sixteenth it underwent important developments in the cities of
Belgium, beginning with Ypres (1524). The new ordinances of this city
were, it seems, chiefly due to the ideas of the Spanish theologian and
humanist, Vives. His work, "De Subventione Pauperum", was written while
he resided at the court of Henry VIII, and was published at Bruges in
1526 (cf. Ratzinger, op. cit., pp. 438 sq.). It was soon translated
into Spanish, Italian, and French. In the second part, which deals with
public charity, Vives declares that it is the duty of the civic
authorities to care for the needy, and lays down provisions by which
the work can best be accomplished. His most important recommendations
are: that a census be taken of the indigent; that all who are able be
compelled to work; that the authorities, if necessary, provide
employment; and that begging be prohibited. These proposals aroused
considerable opposition on the ground that they savoured of
Lutheranism, denied the natural right of man to beg, and were too harsh
upon the deserving poor. The faculty of the Sorbonne, to which the
controversy was referred for adjudication, decided that the
recommendations of Vives were contrary neither to the Gospel nor the
Fathers, but made the reservation that begging should not be prohibited
unless the public resources were sufficient to relieve all the
distressed. In the work of Vives, says Ratzinger, we find all the
fundamental principles of every sound system of relief that has ever
existed. And we might add that, as they were not due to the
Reformation, but to the intellectual revival which preceded it, they
would have been much more fruitful had their application not been
hindered by the social, political, and religious disturbances for which
the Reformation was responsible. In 1531 the proposals of Vives were
embodied in a general law of the Emperor Charles V, with the proviso
that the local authorities should have discretionary power to license
certain persons to beg. The means of caring for distress under the new
ordinances were to be provided by the hospitals and other foundations,
and by voluntary contributions.</p>
<p id="c-p3126" shownumber="no">The Council of Trent laid down minute regulations concerning the
administration of hospitals and hospital funds, and reaffirmed the duty
of the bishops not only to enforce these regulations, but to examine
and oversee all measures for the relief of the poor (De Reformatione,
Sess. VII, XXII, XXV). In many portions of the Catholic world these
ordinances soon bore considerable fruit, especially in connection with
the re-establishment of the system of parish relief. The greatest name
identified with this work is that of St. Charles Borromeo, Bishop of
Milan. As a result of his boundless zeal and tireless activity, his
diocese before long possessed a complete organization of charity which
was worthy of comparison with that of the early church, and surpassed
any system of his own time. One of the most important features of the
period now under consideration has been the rise of religious
communities and other associations to relieve various kinds of
distress. The Brothers of Charity, founded by St. John of the Cross in
Granada, 1534, to care for the sick, soon spread over Spain, Portugal,
Italy, France, and Germany. In North America appeared the hospital
orders of the Brothers of St. Hippolytus (Mexico, 1585) and the
Bethlehemites (Guatemala, 1660). A congregation whose members are at
once priests and physicians arose in Turkey under the name of "Fathers
of the Pestilence". The Daughters, or Sisters, of Charity, founded by
St. Vincent de Paul about the year 1633 have become celebrated for
their manifold works of mercy in every part of the world. St. Vincent's
work on behalf of foundlings, galley-slaves, and the wretched of all
descriptions, makes him the most remarkable worker in the field of
charity that the world has ever known. The piarists whose object is the
instruction and care of poor children were instituted in 1597 by Joseph
of Calasanza, and have become very numerous in Austria, Italy, Spain,
and Poland. The Institute of the Blessed Virgin, the "English Ladies",
founded by Mary Ward in 1611, was intended to be chiefly a teaching
order, though it also has orphan asylums, chiefly in Bucharest and
Bavaria. The Sisters of the Good Shepherd devote themselves to the
reformation of wayward girls. Their founder was a Frenchman, Father
Eudes (1642). The Little Sisters of the Poor had their origin in the
charitable work of a French servant girl, Jeanne Jugan, and received
the approbation of the Holy See in 1854. Their splendid work on behalf
of the aged, as also the rescue work of the sisters of the Good
Shepherd, is recognized by all classes in all civilized countries.
Although the congregations just mentioned are among the most important
that have been established for the relief of distress since the
Reformation, they are in reality only a small part of the whole number
(cf. Ratzinger, op. cit. pp. 508 — 536). By far the greatest lay
association that has arisen during this period is the Society of St.
Vincent de Paul. It was originated in 1833 by FrÈdÈric Ozanam
and seven other Catholic students in Paris. At present, branches of the
society, called conferences, are to be found in almost every country of
Europe, North and South America, and in many parts of Asia, Africa, and
Australasia. In 1905 the whole number of conferences throughout the
world was estimated at six thousand, with a combined membership of one
hundred thousand, or two hundred thousand, including the honorary
members. The individual conferences of each city are usually combined
into a particular council, the particular councils of a large locality,
province, or country, are federated into a central or a superior
council, while the superior councils of all the countries are
represented in the council-general in Paris. The society does not
confine its ministrations to direct material assistance, but in many
places maintains nurseries, libraries, orphanages, schools, and
employment bureaus, and strives everywhere to extend moral and
religious aid and encouragement to those in need of these forms of
charity. Owing to its religious spirit, its centralized organization,
and its method of personal contact with the needy, the St. Vincent de
Paul society is, relatively to its resources, probably the most
effective of all existing associations for the relief of distress.</p>
<p id="c-p3127" shownumber="no">To-day the characteristic agencies of Catholic charity are:
institutions in charge of religious communities, as monasteries,
hospitals, reformatories, and asylums for homeless infants, or orphans,
for the deaf, dumb, blind, aged, crippled and insane; the Society of
St. Vincent de Paul, and other associations of the same general
character; and the parish, through the informal and unorganized, yet
very important, work of the parochial clergy. In conformity with the
regulations of the Council of Trent, all these are under the supreme
direction of the bishop. Some statistics pertaining to France and the
United States may be taken as fairly representative. In 1901 the number
of persons assisted by Catholic societies in the former country was
107,400, or 83,000 children, 700 girls and women in refuges, 17,000
aged, and 6,700 insane persons. The total number of Catholic charitable
societies exceeded 4000 (Henderson, Modern Methods of Charity, p. 527).
In the preceding year the 1400 French conferences of the St. Vincent de
Paul society expended 440,000 dollars in relief work. According to the
Catholic directory for 1908, there were in the United States 272 orphan
asylums with 42,597 inmates, and 1054 other charitable institutions.
The Report of the Superior Council of New York for the year 1905
informs us that there were in the United States 443 conferences of the
St. Vincent de Paul society, whose combined membership was 7,423.
During that year they assisted 19,193 families and expended 233,698
dollars.</p>
<p id="c-p3128" shownumber="no">If the charitable work of the Church since the Reformation seems to
compare unfavourably with her record before the Middle Ages, and during
the latter half of the Middle Ages, and if in some places and times it
seems to have lacked energy, foresight, vigilance, and progressiveness
— these appearances are almost wholly explained by the obstacles
that have confronted her during that period. The most serious hindrance
was, of course, the confiscation of monastic and other church
properties from which the poor had been relieved. This occurred not
merely in places where the Reformation triumphed, but in Catholic
countries also, as in France and Spain during the eighteenth century,
and in Italy during the nineteenth. Civil legislation in general has
likewise been frequently obnoxious. A great part of the Church's
energies both in Catholic and non-Catholic lands has been absorbed in
defending the Faith. The policy of state support of the poor through
taxation, which has everywhere been increasing its scope, has not only
diminished the field of Catholic charity, but has inflicted serious
injury upon the spirit of charity among all classes. The trend of
political economy, especially in its popularized forms, during the
greater part of the nineteenth century, was strongly against charitable
activity, on the ground that compulsory self-reliance would in
practically all cases best develop strength of character and capacity
for self-support (cf. Warner, American Charities, ch. i). Finally, the
materialistic theory of life, according to which the supreme good is
abundant and diversified satisfaction of the senses, has produced an
immense increase of self-love and selfishness, and a profound
diminution of love of God and effective love of the neighbour. While
these deplorable conditions have been most general among persons
outside the Church, they have seriously affected a large proportion of
the Catholic populations everywhere. Surveying the whole historical
field of Catholic charity, we are justified in saying that, in
proportion to her resources, the Church met the various forms of
distress of every age more adequately than any other agency or system;
that her shortcomings in charitable activity were due to the nature of
the peoples and civilizations, and to the political, social, economic,
and religious conditions in which she worked; that the instances of
heroic charity which stand to her credit surpass by an immeasurable
distance all instances of that class outside her fold; that the
individual gifts to charity which she has inspired are likewise
supereminent; and that, had she been permitted to reorganize and
develop her charities without the interference of the Reformation, the
amount of social distress, and of social injustice as well, would be
much smaller than it is to-day.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3128.1">PLACE OF CATHOLIC CHARITY IN PRESENT SOCIETY</h3>
<p id="c-p3129" shownumber="no">Before the Reformation all charities ere administered by the Church;
to-day most of them are under the control of the State. Nevertheless
the field still open to Catholic charity is neither small nor likely to
become smaller. The limitations and defects of public charity are well
known; it is almost inevitably more mechanical and less sympathetic
that private charity; it is more wasteful, not only because it is less
carefully administered, but also on account of the readiness of many
persons to claim public relief as a right; and, inasmuch as it
supplants appeals to the individual conscience by the imposition of a
tax, it inflicts a mortal injury upon the spontaneity of charity and
the sense of personal responsibility towards the unfortunate. The
inferiority of state-administered charity, so far as outdoor relief is
concerned, has received striking illustration in the achievements of
Dr. Chalmers in Glasgow more than half a century ago, in the experiment
of substituting voluntary for public relief in Whitechapel and Stepney,
London, and in the policy of refusing public outdoor relief which
prevails in Brooklyn and Philadelphia (cf. Bliss, encyclopedia, s. v.
Chalmers; Mackay, The State and Charity, pp. 164 sq.; and Warner,
American Charities, pp. 162 -176). The general principles underlying
the whole problem of state charity would seem to be these: instead of
assuring every person a living, the State ought so to regulate economic
conditions that every person able to obtain a livelihood by labour
should have that opportunity; that it should have charge of certain
extreme forms of distress, such as virulent disease and insanity; and
that in general it should co-operate with voluntary charitable
agencies, and stand ready to relieve all serious want which is not met
by them. At any rate, students and workers in the field of charity seem
to be practically unanimous in the belief that the scope of private
charity ought to be extended rather than restricted. In this field
Catholic charity should occupy the foremost place, and do by far the
largest and most effective work. The principles of Catholic charity,
concerning the ownership and use of goods, the true equality and
brotherhood of men, spontaneity in giving, and the motives for giving,
are supremely great. Especially is this true of the motives. The
neighbour ought to be assisted out of love of God. As the highest form
of this is to love God for His own sake, so the highest form of
fraternal charity is that which is motived by the thought that the
neighbour is the creature, the image, the child of God, and the brother
of Christ. Inasmuch as this motive points to a worth and sacredness in
the individual which is higher than anything that he possesses when
considered in himself, it is more effective and more comprehensive than
the motive which is restricted to love of the neighbour for his own
sake. Many needy individuals are in themselves repellent rather than
sympathy-compelling. While the second form of fraternal charity for
love of God, namely to obtain the spiritual rewards which God has
annexed to this form of good works, is lower than the first, it is
entirely natural, entirely praiseworthy, and has the approval of Christ
Himself. This motive appeals to multitudes who would rarely be able to
rise to the higher one, and is occasionally effective in the case of
the least selfish. Warner declares that, "of all the churches the one
that still induces the largest amount of giving in proportion to the
means of those who give is no doubt the Roman Catholic" (op. Cit., p.
316). To a large extent this fact is due to the Church's practice of
insisting upon both motives, and thus touching all the springs of
charity in man's complex nature. At the same time it is a patent fact
that large numbers of men and women devote themselves and their means
to works of charity solely out of love for the neighbour regarded in
himself. This motive is likewise in harmony with the promptings of
human nature. It is particularly effective in lofty souls who, lacking
any positive religious faith, find in works of charity satisfaction of
the desire to serve and worship something outside of themselves. While
the number of such persons will in all probability be largely augmented
in the near future, neither in numbers nor in achievements will they be
worthy of comparison with those who come under the influence and the
motives supplied by Christianity.</p>
<p id="c-p3130" shownumber="no">The second advantage possessed by Catholics in the work of charity
lies in their ecclesiastical organization. Relief can be individualized
by means of the parish, and centralized by means of the diocese. In
many places Catholics are, moreover, co-operating with non-Catholics
through the charity organization societies. This is entirely fitting,
for two reasons: First, because the methods and purposes of what has
come to be called organized charity — namely, investigation,
attention to causes, specific treatment, self-help, record-keeping, and
co-operation among the different charitable agencies in order to
eliminate duplicated and misdirected effort — are entirely sound.
Second, because Catholics have a prior claim upon these principles and
practices. As noted above, the general principles were first formulated
by the theologian, Vives, in 1526, and received their first application
about the same time in the Catholic cities of the Netherlands and
Germany. They were developed and applied along the specific lines of
present practice by FrÈdÈric Ozanam in 1833 (cf. O'Meara,
Life of Ozanam). The first non-Catholic to exemplify these modern
methods was Chalmers in 1850, while the first charity organization
society did not come into existence until 1868 (cf. Warner, op. cit.,
pp. 377 — 392). True, these methods are liable to abuse: the work
may become too formal, too mechanical, too much given to investigation,
and the results may be waste of money, lack of sympathy, and
unnecessary hardship to the deserving poor. Nevertheless time and
experience seem, in most places, to have reduced these evils to the
lowest proportions that can reasonably be expected in a human
institution. In many localities it is desirable that Catholic
charitable agencies should make a fuller use of these methods, and in
general become better organized and better systematized. Where the St.
Vincent de Paul Society lives up to the standard set by its founder in
this matter, it is the most effective relief society in existence. Some
of the American conferences of the association have in recent years
begun to employ paid agents with gratifying results. This is a wise
feature, inasmuch as voluntary workers cannot always be obtained in
sufficient numbers who possess the time, ability, and experience
essential to the largest achievement. Again, Catholic charity-workers
will follow the best traditions of Catholic charity by co-operating
with the tendency, which is every day becoming stronger in the circles
of organized charity, to attack the social causes of distress (cf.
Proceedings of the Thirty-third National Conference of Charities and
Correction, pp. 1 — 10). This is, of course, the wisest, most
effective, most difficult, and, therefore, most meritorious form of
charitable effort. In the Middle Ages the social causes of poverty were
much better controlled than at present, because the Church had infused
into all classes the doctrine that social power carries with it social
responsibility. To-day the chief social causes of poverty are the
worship of money, and the lack of social responsibility in those who
possess social power, i.e. economic power. Only within the Catholic
church can be found the principles, resources, organization, and
authority through which these causes can be repressed.</p>
<p id="c-p3131" shownumber="no">Finally, the opportunities of private charity, the direct assistance
of individuals by individuals, are still and will continue to be large.
This form of charity has always been encouraged by the Church, and when
wisely administered it has advantages which are not attainable by the
organized form. It makes possible that exchange and the equalization
between giver and receiver spoken of by St. Paul, and promotes that
mutual understanding and mutual sympathy which are especially necessary
in our day, when the gulf separating those who have those who have not
has become so wide and so ominous. Individual charity also increases
vastly the total amount that passes from the more to the less
fortunate, thereby producing a more equitable distribution of the
earth's bounty than would take place if all cases of distress were
referred to the already overburdened organization. Dr. Devine, who is
one of the foremost authorities in the field of organized charity,
speaks in the highest terms of rightly-administered individual charity,
and declares that, "it is a question whether the unmeasured but
certainly large amount of neighbourly assistance given in the
tenement-houses of the city, precisely as in a New England village or
in a frontier settlement, does not rank first of all among the means
for the alleviation of distress" ("The Principles of Relief", p. 332,
and the entire chapter). See ALMS AND ALMSGIVING; HOSPITALS; POVERTY;
ORPHANAGES DEAF AND DUMB; EDUCATION OF THE BLIND; HOMES; PROTECTORIES;
PHILANTHROPY; MONASTERY.</p>
<p id="c-p3132" shownumber="no">BALUFFI, The Charity of the Church a Proof of Her Divinity, tr.
GARGAN (Dublin, 1885), general and popular rather than definite and
systematic; BOGLIE, ST. Vincent de Paul, tr. PARTRIDGE (London 1899);
UHLHORN, Charity in the Ancient Church, tr. (New York, 1883), excellent
except for some erroneous notions of doctrine; LECKY, History of
European Morals (New York, 1880), II, iv; ASHLEY, English Economic
History (New York and London, 1893), II, v; DOLLINGER, Gentile and Jew,
tr. DARNELL (London, 1906), II; JANSSEN, History of the German People,
tr. MITCHELL AND CHRISTIE (St. Louis, 1896-1900), I, II, III, IV;
O'MEARA, Life of Ozanam (London, 1878); WARNER, American Charities (New
York, 1894); DEVINE, The Principles of Relief (New York, 1905); MACKAY,
The State and Charity (London and New York, 1898); HENDERSON, Modern
Methods of Charity (New York, 1904), the best work in English on the
subject with which it deals, and comparatively fair to Catholic
charity; it contains an excellent bibliography; International congress
of Charities at Chicago in 1893 (Baltimore and London, 1894);
Proceedings of the National Conferences of Charities and Correction
(Indianapolis, 1874 — 1907); Proceedings of the International
Convention of the St. Vincent de Paul Society (St. Louis, 1905); The
St. Vincent de Paul Quarterly (New York); Charities and the Commons
(New York); PALGRAVE AND LALOR, Dictionaries of Political Economy;
BLISS, Encyclopedia of social Reform, s. vv. Charity, Poverty,
Pauperism, Poor Laws, Philanthropy; RATZINGER, Armenpflege (Freiburg,
1884), in all probability the best work on Catholic charity; it
contains the fullest references to the sources; EHRLE, Beiträge
zur Geschichte . . .der Armenpflege (Freiburg, 1881); UHLHORN,
Christliche Liebesthätigkeit (Stuttgart, 1883-1890); EMMINGHAUS,
Armenwesen . . . In europäischen Staaten (1870), tr. under title,
Poor Relief in different Parts of Europe (London, 1873); this work was
so inaccurate that it called forth the works of RATZINGER on the
Catholic side and UHLHORN on the Protestant; STEIN, in Kirchenlex., s.
v. Armenpflege; LALLEMAND, Historie de la charitÈ (Paris, 1902);
MONNIER, Histoire de l'assistance publique dans les temps anciens et
modernes (1866); DE GERANDO, De la beinfaisance publique (1839); La
grand eencyclopÈdie, s.v. CharitÈ.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3133" shownumber="no">JOHN A. RYAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3133.1" title="Congregation of the Brothers of Charity" type="Encyclopedia">Congregation of the Brothers of Charity</term>
<def id="c-p3133.2">
<h1 id="c-p3133.3">Congregation of the Brothers of Charity</h1>
<p id="c-p3134" shownumber="no">Founded in Belgium early in the present century: the rule and
constitutions were approved and confirmed by Pope Leo XIII, 4 July,
1899. The founder, the Very Rev. Pierre J. Triest, titular canon of St.
Bavon of Ghent, on account of his services in the cause of charity, was
surnamed the Vincent de Paul of his native country, and was three times
decorated by royal hands with the highest civic orders of the land.
After his death his countrymen erected a superb mausoleum to his honour
in Brussels, the capital of the kingdom. The special aim of this
congregation is the sanctification of its members in the religious
state by the exercise of works of charity, which, in the spirit of its
founder, embrace every phase of moral and physical suffering and want.
They consist in a special manner in tending the sick, in sheltering
poor workmen, in the care of the aged, and of insane or idiotic
persons, in instructing and bringing up orphan children and young
people of every condition. The services rendered by the Brothers of
Charity were appreciated by the people and Government of Belgium, and
in a short time they had marvellously developed. In 1906, in the mother
province, they counted 42 communities in Belgium where about 1,000
brothers care for about 6,000 insane persons, hundreds of old and sick
men, and a large number of blind adults. In this same province they
instruct and care for more than 9,000 poor children, orphans, idiots,
deaf and dumb, and blind. Here is also found the normal school of the
congregation affiliated to the Government, the graduates of which teach
in the numerous boarding and model schools belonging to the order. So
rapid an expansion early attracted the attention of foreign bishops.
Calls for brothers came from every quarter. America, England, Holland,
Ireland have in turn become large and flourishing provinces. There are
3 houses in England, one in Ireland, and 2 in Holland. The American
province was founded in 1865 with the arrival of 5 Belgian brothers in
Montreal; the congregation was incorporated in 1869 under the title of:
"Brothers of Charity of Vincent de Paul of Montreal". The Brothers of
Charity direct, among other establishments, the Montreal Reformatory
School, and Protectory in the city of Montreal where 30 religious are
stationed, and which contains 265 inmates and 27 boarders; the S.
Benoit-Joseph Labre Insane Asylum and S. Philippe de Neri Retreat at
Longue-Pointe near Montreal with 25 religious, 8 novices, 7 postulants,
106 inmates; the Mont S. Bernard Commercial and Scientific College at
Sorel, P.Q., with 16 religious and 160 students; the S. Frederic
Academic School at Drummondsville, P.Q., and the House of the Angel
Guardian, orphanage and industrial institute, Boston, Massachusetts,
with 25 religious and 317 pupils.</p>
<p id="c-p3135" shownumber="no">The novitiate for the American province is at the S. Benoit Asylum,
Longue-Pointe, near Montreal, Canada. The Congregation is placed under
the authority of a superior general, who is elected by the brothers
from among themselves and who resides in Ghent, Belgium, the cradle of
the congregation. He is assisted by a council composed of four members
who constitute with him the central council of the congregation.
Moreover, assistant visitors, a general secretary, and a general
procurator are appointed to aid him in governing.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3136" shownumber="no">BROTHER PHILEMON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3136.1" title="Charity of St. Vincent de Paul, Sisters of" type="Encyclopedia">Sisters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul</term>
<def id="c-p3136.2">
<h1 id="c-p3136.3">Sisters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul</h1>
<p id="c-p3137" shownumber="no">A congregation of women with simple vows, founded in 1633 and
devoted to corporal and spiritual works of mercy. Their full title is
Sisters or Daughters of Charity (the founder preferred the latter
term), Servants of the Sick Poor. The term "of St. Vincent de Paul" has
been added to distinguish them form several communities of Sisters of
Charity, animated with a similar spirit, among whom they rank in
priority of origin and greatness of numbers. They have always been
popularly known in France as "the Grey Sisters" from the colour of
their habit, which is bluish grey, but are not to be confounded with
the Grey Nuns, a community will known in Canada and New England. They
are not infrequently called the sisters of St. Vincent de Paul, though
a recent French congregation having this saint for their patron, bears
that name.</p>
<p id="c-p3138" shownumber="no">In the United States several diocesan communities who follow a
modified form of the rule of the Sisters of Charity of St. Vincent de
Paul and wear a black habit are often called the "Black Cap Sisters",
while the "White Cap" or "Cornette" Sisters are those who follow the
original rule and form part of the world-wide community under the
direction of the superior General of the Congregation of the Mission.
or Lazarists, in Paris. These latter sisters were founded by St.
Vincent de Paul and the Venerable Louise de Mérillac (1591-1660),
and the widow of Antoine Le Gras, known according to a quaint usage of
the time as Mlle Le Gras. The need of organization in work for the poor
suggested to St. Vincent the forming of a confraternity among the
people of his parish. It was so successful that it spread form the
rural districts to Paris, where noble ladies often found it hard to
give personal care to the wants of the poor. The majority sent their
servants to minister to those in need, but often the work was slighted.
St. Vincent remedied this by inducing young women from the country to
go to Paris and devote themselves to the service of the poor under the
direction of the Ladies of Charity. These young girls formed the
nucleus of a very large community of the Sisters of Charity now spread
over the world, and who have done so much to make the name of St.
Vincent de Paul a household work. Mlle Le Gras, who had recently
devoted herself at St. Vincent's request to the superintendent of the
various confraternities of charity, had charge of these young girls,
who lodged at some convent or with the ladies of the confraternity.
They met on Sundays at St. Vincent's house for instruction and
encouragement. But after three or four years Mlle Le Gras received a
few of the most promising of them at her house, where, on 29 November,
1633, she began a more systematic training in the care of the sick and
in spiritual life. This is looked on as the real foundation of the
community. This little snowball, as St. Vincent playfully called it,
was not long in increasing, and on 31 July, 1634, St. Vincent initiated
a series of conferences, extending over twenty-five years, which,
written sown by the sisters, have had ever since a powerful effect in
their formation.</p>
<p id="c-p3139" shownumber="no">For more than twelve years St. Vincent guided them thus without
written rule or constitution and without seeking approval of them as a
distinct organization. Let the work grow gradually as the needs of the
times demanded, and little did he imagine the vast structure he was
laying the foundation of. He used to explain that neither he nor Mlle
Le Gras was the founder of the Sisters of Charity, for neither he nor
she had ever thought of founding such a community. It sprang from the
practical need for such organization. When the idea developed it was at
variance with the notions and customs of the times. Hitherto women who
publicly consecrated their lives to God's service did so in convents
that cut them off from the world, but his sisters were to spend their
time nursing the sick in their homes, having no monastery but the homes
of the sick, their cell a hired room, their chapel the parish church,
their enclosure the streets of the city or wards of the hospital,
"having", as St. Vincent says in the rule he finally gave them, "no
grate but the fear of God, no veil but holy modesty". After a few
months spent with the sisters in her house, Mlle LeGras bound herself
irrevocably by vow to the work she had undertaken, 25 March, 1634. This
anniversary is religiously kept in the community, for every year the
sisters make their annual vows on the feast of the Annunciation. The
sisters had hitherto helped the poor and the sick in their homes, but
they were now called on for hospital work. A society was formed by some
ladies of rank to better the condition of the sick poor in Hotel-Dieu
at Paris. A community of Augustinian nuns was in charge, but the
miseries of the times had overcrowded the wards, and the revenue was
inadequate. It was helpers of the ladies who in turn aided the nuns of
the institution that the Sisters of Charity took up hospital work which
has since become so prominent a feature in their beneficent activity. A
large room near by was hired for their use, where they made delicacies
for the sick and also for sale, to swell the income of the hospital.
During thefirst year the labours of the ladies and sisters were blessed
by seven hundred and sixty conversions, of Lutherans, Calvinists, and
even of Turks wounded in sea-fights.</p>
<p id="c-p3140" shownumber="no">In May, 1636, Mlle Le Gras moved to more commodious quarters with
her community. A house at La Chapelle was chosen because of its
nearness to Saint-Lazare, the priory recently given to St. Vincent for
the Congregation of the Priests of the Mission he had founded. Here the
instruction of the poor children in religion and in elementary branches
was taken up, the beginning of the widespread labour of the Sisters of
Charity in teaching the children of the poor. The charge of foundlings
so characteristicof St. Vincent and his sisters came to them through
his finding out how miserably these tiny waifs were cared for by the
State. The modern foundling asylums owe, of not their origin, at least
their excellent system to the work of the Sisters of Charity. On 1
Feb., 1640, at Angers the sisters assumed complete charge of a hospital
in which hitherto they had acted as aids to the charitable ladies. In
1641 the headquarters of the community was transferred to a house
opposite Saint-Lazare. Here they remained until driven away by the
French Revolution. In answer to their desire to be bound by vows,
authorization was finally granted to four of the sisters, and these on
25 March, 1642, took simple vows for one year. A copy of these first
vows is preserved in the archives of the mission in Paris and says:</p>
<p id="c-p3141" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">I, the undersigned, renew my baptismal promises and make a
vow of poverty, chastity and obedience to the Superior of the Priests
of the Mission in the company of the Daughtersof Charity, to apply
myself all this year to the corporal and spiritual service of the sick
poor, our true masters, with the help of God, which I ask though His
Son, Jesus crucified, and by the prayers of the Blessed Virgin. Signed,
Jeanne de la Croix.</p>
<p id="c-p3142" shownumber="no">During the war of the Fronde, whole provinces were reduced to the
utmost destitution, and St. Vincent took upon himself the burden of
relieving all this misery. In this the sisters had a large share. What
they did in Paris is seen from St. Vincent's letters: "they shelter
from 800 to 900 women; they distribute soup every day to 1300 bashful
poor. In St. Paul's parish they aid 5000 poor, and altogether 1400
persons have for the last six months depended on them for their means
of subsistence". At the request of the Queen of Poland, a former Lady
of Charity, three sisters were sent to her dominions. Here for the
first time the sisters appear on the field of battle. This is a
ministry often given by them since, and which has secured for then the
title of "Angels of the Battlefield", some dying "sword in hand", as
St. Vincent used to style it. Their usefulness opened the eyes of many
a dying soldier to the light of the Faith, and inspired the wish to die
in the religion which produced such heroism.</p>
<p id="c-p3143" shownumber="no">While the sisters were on the battlefield in Poland, St. Vincent's
daughters took up a new work in the care of the aged and infirm at the
House of the Name of Jesus, the pioneer of those homes for the aged so
multiplied in our day through a kindred community, the Little Sisters
of the Poor. At the same time a hospital for the insane was committed
to their care, practically completing the list of human miseries to
which they brought alleviation.</p>
<p id="c-p3144" shownumber="no">On the death of Mlle Le Gras and St. Vincent de Paul there were, in
1660, more than forty houses of the Sisters of Charity in France, and
the sick poor were cared for in their own dwellings in twenty-six
parishes in Paris. As years went on their numbers grew. Switzerland
received the sisters in 1750. In 1778 they were established in
Piedmont, whence they spread over Italy. The Spanish community was
started by six sisters from Paris in 1790. In 1789 France had 426
houses; the sisters numbered about 6000 in Europe. At the very
beginning of the Reign of Terror, the motherhouse of the sisters was
invaded by the revolutionists, who had attacked Saint-Lazare across the
street the night before, but the sight of this band of angels of mercy
on their knees in the chapel, moved their assailants to leave them
unmolested. In August, 1792, the sisters were ordered to quit the
motherhouse; and the end of 1793 saw their community disbanded
officially, though the superior, Sister Antoinette Duleau, strive to
keep them together as far as practicable. As soon as the Consular
government was established, in 1801 the society was recalled by an
edict setting forth the excellence of their work and authorizing
Citoyenne Duleay, the former superior, to reorganize. Their greatest
growth has been in France during the nineteenth century. Persecution
has driven them from all their schools for the poor and from most of
their works of mercy, but this has given hundreds of new labourers to
the foreign missions. During the last hundred years their growth has
been extraordinary. They have gone to Austria, Portugal, Hungary,
England, Scotland, Ireland, North and south America. The Orientals call
them "The Swallows of Allah" from their cornettes, and they have houses
in Constantinople, Smyrna, Alexandria, Jerusalem, Damascus, Persia,
Abyssiania, and China. Their number is about 25,000.</p>
<p id="c-p3145" shownumber="no">The first house in the province of the British Isles was opened at
Drogheda, Ireland, in 1855. The first house in England in Sheffield in
1857; and in Scotland at Lanark in 1860. The numbers of foundations in
1907 was: England, 46 houses and 407 sisters; Ireland, 13 houses and
134 sisters; Scotland, 8 houses and 62 sisters, making a total of 67
houses and 603 sisters, besides 20 aspirants at the Central House, Mill
Hill, London. The principal works under the care of the sisters are as
follows, several of these works being carried on in the one house:
orphanages, 23; industrial schools, 7; public elementary schools, 24;
normal school, 1; traininghomes, 7; homes for working girls, 2; home
for women ex-convicts, 1; asylum for insane women, 1; hospitals, 8;
houses from which the sisters visit the poor, in which they have
soup-kitchens, take charge of guilds and do various other works for the
poor, 35.</p>
<p id="c-p3146" shownumber="no">In the United Stated the first community was started by Mother
Elizabeth Ann Seton in 1809. She arranged to have sisters come over
from the motherhouse in Paris 1810 to affiliate her young community at
Emmitsburg, Maryland to the daughters of St. Vincent, but Napoleon
forbade the departure of the sisters for America. She had received,
however, from Bishop Flaget, the rules of the Sisters of Charity, and
put them in practice with some modifications which were suggested.
Houses were founded in Philadelphia and New York, when through the
request of Archbishop Hughes of New York, in 1846, the majority of the
sisters labouring there were released from the Emmitsburg jurisdiction
and formed an independent community following the same rule.</p>
<p id="c-p3147" shownumber="no">Four years after the withdrawal of the New York sisters, Mother
Seton's community at Emmitsburg was received under the jurisdiction of
the Superior General of the Sisters of Charity in France and assumed
the French habit and St. Vincent's rule in its entirety. Their general
motherhouse in140 Rue du Bac, Paris, and their central house at St.
Joseph's Academy, Emmitsburg, Maryland. They have establishments in the
Archdioceses of Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Milwaukee, New Orleans,
Philadelphia, and San Francisco, and the Dioceses of Albany, Alton,
Buffalo, Dallas, Detroit, Grand Rapids, Harrisburg, Hartford,
Indianapolis, Kansas City, Mobile, Monterey, and Los Angeles,
Nashville, Natchez, Richmond, Rochester, St. Joseph, San Antonio,
Syracuse, Wilmington, Puerto Rico, and the Vicariate of North Carolina,
where there are 1704 sisters in charge of these institutions: academy,
1; hospitals, 38; orphanages, 28; infant asylums, 14; industrial
schools, 5; parochial schools, 33; asylums and schools, 6; insane
asylums, 5.</p>
<p id="c-p3148" shownumber="no">The growth of St. Vincent's community has been gradual, and the
slowness of their founder in giving it a written rule allowed that rule
to have a practicability that has made it as fitted for the democratic
notions of our day as for the aristocratic ideas of the old regime. But
this is most of all because its animating principle is the saying of
Christ, "So long as you do it to the least of these my brethren, you do
it unto me". In 1646 the approbation of the Archbishop of Paris was
asked by St. Vincent for his community, and this was granted in 1655.
Though numerous privileges have been granted to the sisters by various
popes, no approbation has ever been asked from the Holy See because
their founder wished this community to be a lay one with only private
vows. Hence the canon law concerning religious communities does not
apply to them. Their confessor is the pastor or secular priest approved
by the bishop. The interior administration is subject only to superior
general. or his delegates. while their interior works are of course
under the jurisdiction of the bishop. This has been the case from the
very beginning, and the Holy See has on several occasions ratified
their long established custom, notably in 1882.</p>
<p id="c-p3149" shownumber="no">The rule and constitution have remained unchanged since the days of
St. Vincent. To his successor, as Superior General of the Congregation
of the Mission and the Daughters of Charity, the sisters vow obedience.
He ratifies the election of the mother general divided into several
provinces governed by a visitatrix and a director, a priest of the
Congregation of the Mission, who are appointed by the central
government. There is no distinction among the sisters; those from the
highest as from the humblest walks of life associate together as
servants of the poor. The hour of rising is everywhere at four o'clock;
then followed meditation and Mass and usually Communion. At noon there
is their particular examination of conscience which is made again
before supper. In the afternoon there are spiritual reading and another
meditation. No office is recited, for "Charity is your office", said
St. Vincent. All the rest of the time is given to the poor. He used to
tell them that when they left prayer to wait on the poor they were
leaving God for God. After three months of approbation the candidate is
sent to the "seminary", where she is trained for six months and then
admitted to the habit, which is put on without any ceremony whatever,
and after a trial of five years she is permitted to take the four
annual vows of poverty, chastity, obedience, and the service of the
poor. The dress is that of peasant women of the neighborhood of Paris
at the date of the foundation, a grey habit with wide sleeves and a
long grey apron. The head-dress was at first a small linen cap, but to
this was added in the early days the white linen cornette. At first it
was used only in the country, being in fact the headdress of the Ile de
France district, but in 1685 its use became general. Seven sisters were
martyred during the French Revolution, and ten laid down their lives
for the Faith in 1870 at T'ien-tsin, among whom was an Irishwoman,
Sister Alice O'Sullivan. But no one can count the numbers that have
died martyrs to duty on the battlefield, or among the plague-stricken,
or in the hidden ways of continuous hard work for the poor. In 1830 at
the motherhouse of the sisters, Rue du Bac, Paris, Sister Catherine
Labouré (declared venerable in 1907) had a vision of the Blessed
Virgin, who urged her to have a medal made and distributed, since well
known as the miraculous medal, through the wonders wrought in favour of
those who wear it devoutly. Pope Leo XIII granted a special feast of
Our Lady of Miraculous Medal to the double family of St. Vincent. The
scapular of the Passion, or red scapular was revealed to Sister
Apollone Andreveau in 1846 and approved by Pope Pius IX in 1847.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3150" shownumber="no">B. RANDOLPH</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3150.1" title="Charity of St. Vincent de Paul, Sisters of (New York)" type="Encyclopedia">Sisters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul (New
York)</term>
<def id="c-p3150.2">
<h1 id="c-p3150.3">Sisters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul (New York)</h1>
<p id="c-p3151" shownumber="no">(Motherhouse at Mt. St. Vincent-on Hudson, New York; not to be
confused with the Sisters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul founded
earlier).</p>
<p id="c-p3152" shownumber="no">In 1817 Sister Rose White, Cecilia O'Conway and Elizabeth Boyle were
sent by Mother Seton to found a community of the Emmitsburg Sisters of
Charity in New York. It was the second branch of the new American
institute, the first being at Philadelphia (1814). They took charge of
the orphanage, a small wooden building at Prince and Mott Streets. In
the early thirties, a young ladies' academy, St. Mary's, begun shortly
afterwards, was located in Grand Street, and then transferred to East
Broadway, where three generations of the young women of the old East
Side of New York, now the heart of its Ghetto, were educated.</p>
<p id="c-p3153" shownumber="no">Meanwhile at the motherhouse at Emmitsburg negotiations were in
progress for affiliation with the sisters of Charity in France. In
consequence there had been for some time a tendency to abandon certain
customs observed there, because these changes were required by the
French superiors; for example, the sisters in charge of boys' asylums
were everywhere to be withdrawn. The measure threatened at that period
the very existence of the New York orphanage. At this juncture, also,
sisters could not be obtained from Emmitsburg to carry on the work of a
projected and much-needed hospital in New York, the St. Vincent's of
today. The correspondence that ensued between Archbishop Hughes and
Father Deluol, the director of the sisterhood, in relation to these
matters, resulted in a notification that all the sisters were to be
recalled to Emmitsburg from New York in July of the same year. This and
other circumstances proved to the archbishop the necessity to supply
the needs of the diocese. In 1846, therefore, aproposition to that
effect was made to the Emmitsburg sisters, and the matter was amicably
arranged. Those who wished to continue in New York were dispensed from
the vow of obedience to their former superior, and of the forty-five
sisters than in the diocese, thirty-five remained (8 Dec., 1846).</p>
<p id="c-p3154" shownumber="no">Sister Elizabeth Boyle became in December, 1846, the first superior
of the new community. The novitiate of the New York community was at
once opened at St. James's Academy, 35 East Broadway. In the fourteen
year it was removed to the new motherhouse on an state purchased at
Mcgown's Pass, situated within the limits of the present Central Park.
Here, in 1847, the Academy of Mount Saint Vincent had its foundation, In
1849 the affiliation of the Emmitsburg Sisters with the community in
France took placeand in the same year a band of sisters was sent from
Mount Saint Vincent to Halifax, Nova Scotia. The mission was most
successful and in 1856, under Mother Xavier, a local community was
formed of the sisters then labouring in the Diocese of Newark.
Meanwhile in 1857 the "Old Mount" having been absorbed in Central Park,
a new "Mount" rose on the east bank of the Hudson just below Yonkers,
fourteen miles from the heart of the city. Here today are to be found
the motherhouse of the community, the novitiate with a finely equipped
training-school, and the Academy of Mount Saint Vincent.</p>
<p id="c-p3155" shownumber="no">The superiors succeeding Mother Elizabeth Boyle have been, Mother
Jerome Ely, for over fifty years a prominent factor in New York's
Catholic educational and charitable work; Mother Angela Hughes, sister
of archbishop Hughes; Mother Regina Lawless, Mother Ambrosia Sweeney,
Mother Rosina Wightman, Mother Mary Rose Dolan, Mother Melita McClancy
and Mother Jesepha Cullen. Some idea of the growth in numbers of this
community and of the importance of its present activities may be
learned from the following statistics for 1908. It counts about 1400
members who conduct missions in the Dioceses of Albany, Brooklyn and
Harrisburg as well as in the Archdiocese of New York. These
establishments comprise 20 academies; 73 parochial schools with about
50,000 pupils; 5 asylums with 1800 orphans; high schools approved by
the State; several homes containing 600 children; 11 hospitals in which
12,000 patients were treated during the year; 1 home accommodating 270
aged poor; an industrial school and a protectory with 1620 girls; a
foundling asylum with 3340 children and 554 needy and homeless mothers;
2 small day nurseries caring for 100 little ones, and a retreat for the
insane with 150 patients.</p>
<p id="c-p3156" shownumber="no">The superior general is the Archbishop of New York, and the
community is governed by a council consisting of the mother superior
and her three assistants. all residing at the motherhouse. to which the
seventy-four missions are subordinate. These sisters retain the black
cap and religious dress adopted by Mother Seton when she founded the
American Sisters of Charity. They follow the Rule of the Daughters of
Charity of St. Vincent dePaul with some slight modifications. On 20
June, 1847, the Holy See extended to them all the privileges,
Indulgences, and other spiritual graces already granted to the
community of the Sisters of Charity at Emmitsburg.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3157" shownumber="no">MARY AMBROSE DUNPHY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3157.1" title="Charity of St. Elizabeth, Sisters of" type="Encyclopedia">Sisters of Charity of St. Elizabeth</term>
<def id="c-p3157.2">
<h1 id="c-p3157.3">Sisters of Charity of St. Elizabeth</h1>
<p id="c-p3158" shownumber="no">(Mother-house at Convent Station, near Morristown, New Jersey).</p>
<p id="c-p3159" shownumber="no">A community founded at Newark, in 1859, by Mother Mary Xavier
Mehegan, who for twelve years previously had been a member of the
Sisters of Charity, of St. Vincent de Paul in New York. In 1858 Bishop
Bayley, of Newark, applied to the superior at Mount Saint Vincent's,
New York, for sisters to form a separate mother-house in his diocese.
Sister Mary Xavier, who was in charge of St. Mary's, Newark, was at his
request appointed superior of the new foundation, with Sister Mary
Catherine Nevin assistant. The habit and the constitutions of the
Sisters of Charity in New York were retained. On 29 September, 1859,
the new community was formally opened in St. Mary's, Newark, the first
superior general being the Reverend Bernard J. McQuaid, later Bishop of
Rochester, New York. In less than a year the first Catholic hospital in
New Jersey was opened at St. Mary's, Newark. On 2 July, 1860, the
mother-house was removed to the old Chegaray mansion at Madison, which
had recently been vacated by Seton Hall College. An academy was opened
the same year and named St. Elizabeth's, in honour of Mother Elizabeth
Seton, the foundress of the American Sisters of Charity. Bishop Bayley
had strongly advocated a change in the head-dress of the sisters. This,
however, was not carried into effect until 1874, when the black cap
adopted by Mother Seton was replaced by a white one with a black veil.
To accommodate the rapidly growing community the mother-house and
academy were removed in 1880 to Convent Station, near Morristown.</p>
<p id="c-p3160" shownumber="no">The principal work of the sisters is teaching, but they also labour
for the poor and the sick in various charitable institutions. According
to the report for 1907, there are 1073 of these sisters in the Dioceses
of Newark, Trenton, and Hartford, and the Archdioceses of New York and
Boston. They have one college, six academies, one preparatory school
for small boys, sixty-seven parochial schools with 40,100 pupils, five
orphanages, five hospitals, one home for incurables, one home for the
aged, one foundling asylum, and two day nurseries. Their principal
educational centre is at Convent Station, where there are schools of
primary, grammar, high school, and college grades. The college course
was founded in 1899 for the higher education of women. Students are
admitted by examination or by certificates from approved academies or
high schools. The courses of study are partially elective and lead to
the degrees of B.A. and M.A. In 1907 the college library contained
20,000 volumes. The college has no endowment. In connection with the
college department is a School of Pedagogy requiring two years of
college work for admission. The High School, the School of Pedagogy,
and the College are registered by the New Jersey State Board of
Education and by the Regents of the University of the State of New
York. At the mother-house of the community is a normal training school
for the young sisters.</p>
<p id="c-p3161" shownumber="no">FLYNN, 
<i>The Catholic Church in New Jersey</i> (Morristown, 1904); 
<i>Catholic Directory</i> (1908).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3162" shownumber="no">SISTERS OF CHARITY OF ST. ELIZABETH</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3162.1" title="Charity, Sisters of (St. John, New Brunswick)" type="Encyclopedia">Sisters of Charity (St. John, New Brunswick)</term>
<def id="c-p3162.2">
<h1 id="c-p3162.3">Sisters of Charity (St. John, New Brunswick)</h1>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3163" shownumber="no">Founded in 1854 by Bishop, subsequently Archbishop,
Connolly. Two years before this the bishop had sent Miss Honora Conway
(Mother Mary Vincent) to the novitiate of the Sisters of Charity in New
York to prepare for the foundation of a local community. The cholera
epidemic of 1854 left many orphans in St. John and other parts of the
province. When Miss Conway had finished her novitiate she returned to
St. John and in a short time was joined by four other young ladies for
whom Bishop Connolly drew up rules, and thus the congregation began.
The care the orphans and aged poor, and the Christian education of the
young is the work undertaken and successfully carried out by these
sisters. In St. John they have an orphanage for girls, a home for the
aged, and at Silver Falls a Boys' Industrial School. The sisters teach
in the public schools, and the entire education of the Catholic girls
of the city is in their hands. From their High School the pupils enter
the Provincial Normal School and the New Brunswick University. The
congregation has houses and schools in many places in the diocese and
also takes charge of an orphanage in the Diocese of Prince Albert. The
mother-house and novitiate of this congregation are at St. John,
N.B.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3163.1" title="Charity of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Sisters of" type="Encyclopedia">Sisters of Charity of the Blessed Virgin Mary</term>
<def id="c-p3163.2">
<h1 id="c-p3163.3">Sisters of Charity of the Blessed Virgin Mary</h1>
<p id="c-p3164" shownumber="no">A congregation begun by five young women in Dublin, Ireland, 8
December, 1831, with the purpose of devoting themselves to the service
of God in the education of children. They opened a school in North Ann
Street, Dublin, on 19 March, 1832. Eager for more complete
self-sacrifice, they resolved to leave their native land, and chose
Philadelphia, U.S.A., for their field of labour, arriving there
friendless and penniless, on 4 September, 1833. The Reverend T. J.
Donoghoe, pastor of St. Michael's Church, who had been seeking suitable
teachers for his parochial school, heard of these strangers, and with
the permission of Archbishop Kenrick, employed them, and drew up a rule
of life for their approval. As they organized themselves into a
community under this rule, Father Donoghoe is rightly called the
founder of this sisterhood with Mary Frances Clarke the first superior,
and Margaret Mann the assistant and mistress of novices. On 1 November,
1833, they received the title, Sisters of Charity of the Blessed Virgin
Mary. In 1843 the congregation left the flourishing vineyard of the
East, to do pioneer work, and accepted the urgent invitation of Bishop
Loras of Dubuque, Iowa, to settle in his diocese whither he also called
Father Donoghoe to be his vicar-general. The mother-house of the
congregation has since that time been located in Dubuque. A decree of
the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars approved the rules in
1877, and on 26 April, 1885, Leo XIII confirmed this. The work of the
sisters is that of education; they engage in no other. They had in
September, 1907, one thousand members having under their direction
25,000 children.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3165" shownumber="no">MARY CECILIA DOUGHERTY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3165.1" title="Charity of Providence, Sisters of" type="Encyclopedia">Sisters of Charity of Providence</term>
<def id="c-p3165.2">
<h1 id="c-p3165.3">Sisters of Charity of Providence</h1>
<p id="c-p3166" shownumber="no">The community of Sisters of Providence, or, more accurately,
Daughters of Charity, Servants of the Poor, was founded in Montreal,
Canada, by Bishop Bourget and Madame Jean Baptiste Gamelin (Marie
Emélie Eugénie Tavernier), 25 March, 1843. With the
approbation of the religious and civil authorities Madame Gamelin had
for some time been sheltering in her own house a number of infirm and
poor old women. After a voyage to Europe Bishop Bourget wished to bring
to Montreal some French Sisters of Charity, but the project came to
nothing, and he decided to appeal to the young women of his own
diocese. On 25 March, 1843, in the chapel of the first asylum in
Montreal seven sisters received the religious habit at his hands. The
new institution developed rapidly. Its object is to provide for the
poor and sick spiritual and temporal relief, to shelter children and
the aged, to visit the homes of the poor and the ill, to shelter the
infirm and the homeless, to maintain dispensaries for the needy, and to
instruct the young. The rule of the Institute of Providence was
definitively approved by Leo XIII 12 September, 1900.</p>
<p id="c-p3167" shownumber="no">The community numbers about 1600 religious with more than eighty
establishments, of which the principal in Montreal are the mother-house
and the Gamelin Asylum, the Longue-Pointe Refuge, the Hospital for
Incurables, the Home for Deaf Mutes, the Bourget Asylum, and the
Auclair Asylum. Outside the Diocese of Montreal there are foundations
of these sisters in the dioceses of Quebec, Ottawa,
Trois-Rivières, Saint-Hyacinthe, New Westminster, Valleyfield,
Joliette, Vancouver, Alberta, and Saskatchewan in Canada; and in San
Francisco, Oregon City, Burlington, Great Falls, Helena, Boise, and
Manchester in the United States. The general administrative body, which
is located at the mother-house in Montreal, is composed of the superior
general, four assistants, a secretary, and a treasurer. The community
comprises seven provinces: Montreal, Hochelaga, Joliette,
Trois-Rivières, Washington, Montana, and Oregon.</p>
<p id="c-p3168" shownumber="no">
<i>Vie de Mère Gamelin</i>, by a Religious of her Order (Montreal,
1900); AUCLAIR, 
<i>Vie de Mère Caron</i> (Montreal, 1908).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3169" shownumber="no">ELIE J. AUCLAIR</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3169.1" title="Charity of Jesus and Mary, Sisters of" type="Encyclopedia">Sisters of Charity of Jesus and Mary</term>
<def id="c-p3169.2">
<h1 id="c-p3169.3">Sisters of Charity of Jesus and Mary</h1>
<p id="c-p3170" shownumber="no">A congregation founded in 1803 by Canon Triest, who was known as
"the St. Vincent de Paul of Belgium", for he was the founder as well of
the Brothers of St. John of God, and the Sisters of the Infant Jesus.
When 
<i>curé</i> of Lovendeghem he laid the foundations of this
congregation, and gave up his living to devote himself to training its
members. He obtained the first papal recognition in 1806 and in 1816 he
went to Rome to get the final approbation, which he received by Brief
on September 9th of that year. The mother-house is at Ghent and there
are forty branch-houses. The congregation is one of the largest in
Belgium. In 1889 some of the sisters at the request of the Belgian
Government went to the Congo Missions in Africa, and founded several
houses there. In 1895 they went to India and opened two
boarding-schools in the Punjab, and one in Ceylon. In 1888, at the
invitation of the late Cardinal Vaughan, the sisters went to England
and founded a large convent at Tottington near Manchester. Their
principal work is teaching in their training-colleges, boarding and
day-schools, and orphanages; they also nurse the infirm; they are
inclosed and there are no lay-sisters. The interior spirit is one of
simplicity, devotion and zeal for the salvation of souls. The
congregation has over a thousand members. The habit is white with a
black scapular for the professed, the novices wearing a white veil and
scapular. The novitiate lasts a year.</p>
<p id="c-p3171" shownumber="no">FELLER, 
<i>Biog. univ.</i> (1848), VIII; STEELE, 
<i>Convents of Great Britain</i> (London, 1892); HEIMBUCHER, 
<i>Die Orden und Kongregationen</i> (Paderborn, 1907).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3172" shownumber="no">FRANCESCA M. STEELE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3172.1" title="Charity of St. Louis, Sisters of" type="Encyclopedia">Sisters of Charity of St. Louis</term>
<def id="c-p3172.2">
<h1 id="c-p3172.3">Sisters of Charity of St. Louis</h1>
<p id="c-p3173" shownumber="no">This congregation was founded at Vannes in Brittany, in 1803, by
Madame Molé, 
<i>née</i> de Lamoignan, for the education of poor girls, at the
suggestion of Bishop de Pancemont, of Vannes, who was her director. In
1805 Pius VII blessed the undertaking, but the final approbation of
Rome was not obtained till 1840. The founder was elected superior for
life as Mère St. Louis. There were at first no lay sisters, but
finding this plan did not answer, Oblates of St. Louis were selected to
act in this capacity, but they are not allowed to take vows until they
have been ten years in the community; they then, like the
choir-sisters, take a fourth vow of stability, when they have reached
the age of forty. The interior spirit of the congregation is one of
penitence and mortification. Its work is the education of poor girls
who live in orphanages attached to their convents, and to support these
orphanages the sisters have pay schools. The congregation is under the
government of a mother-general and the bishop, or a superior appointed
by the bishop. The sisters had twenty houses in France, most of which
were in Brittany, but all their schools were closed by the Government;
the greater number of the sisters in consequence went to Canada, where
they met with a hospitable reception, and established fourteen houses.
In 1898 they went to England, and opened a house at Minehead in
Dorsetshire; they have since made a foundation at Glastonbury and
another at Frome. The novitiate lasts two years.</p>
<p id="c-p3174" shownumber="no">STEELE, 
<i>Convents of Great Britain</i> (London, 1902).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3175" shownumber="no">FRANCESCA. M. STEELE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3175.1" title="Charity of St. Paul, Sisters of" type="Encyclopedia">Sisters of Charity of St. Paul</term>
<def id="c-p3175.2">
<h1 id="c-p3175.3">Sisters of Charity of St. Paul</h1>
<p id="c-p3176" shownumber="no">These sisters who now add "
<span class="sc" id="c-p3176.1">of Chartres</span>" to their title to distinguish them
from another congregation of the same name, were founded at Chartres in
1704 by Monsignor Maréchaut, a theologian of the Cathedral of
Chartres, assisted by Mlle de Tilly and Mlle de Tronche. Their first
house formerly belonged to a sabot-maker, and this gave them the name
of "Les Soeurs Sabotiers", by which they were originally known. They
devote themselves to teaching, nursing, visiting the poor and taking
care of orphans, the old and infirm, and the insane. There are no
lay-sisters, but every sister must be prepared to undertake any kind of
work. The interior spirit is a love of sacrifice and labor for the
spiritual and temporal good of others. The postulancy lasts from six to
nine months, the novitiate a year, after which the sisters take vows
annually for three years, and then perpetual simple vows. The
congregation was dispersed under the Commune at the French Revolution,
but it was restored by Napoleon I, who gave the sisters a monastery at
Chartres, which originally belonged to the Jacobins, from which they
became known as "Les Soeurs de St. Jacques". They settled in England in
1847 at the invitation of Cardinal Wiseman. In 1907 they had fifty-six
houses in various towns. Their work in England is mainly educational,
schools being attached to all their houses; the English branch is under
the government of a mother general. Until 1902 they had over two
hundred and fifty houses in France where, besides various kinds of
schools, they undertook asylums for the blind, the aged, and the
insane, hospitals, dispensaries, and crèches. Since that date more
than one hundred and sixty of these schools have been closed, also
thirty of the hospitals, military and civil, in the French colonies,
three convents at Blois and a hospice at Brie. On the other hand they
have in the meanwhile opened five or six hospitals in the French
colonies, two hospitals and three elementary schools in the
Philippines, and three educational houses in Siam.</p>
<p id="c-p3177" shownumber="no">STEELE, 
<i>Convents of Great Britain</i> (London, 1902).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3178" shownumber="no">FRANCESCA M. STEELE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3178.1" title="Charity of Our Lady Mother of Mercy, Sisters of" type="Encyclopedia">Sisters of Charity of Our Lady Mother of Mercy</term>
<def id="c-p3178.2">
<h1 id="c-p3178.3">Sisters of Charity of Our Lady Mother of Mercy</h1>
<p id="c-p3179" shownumber="no">A congregation founded in Holland in 1832 by the Rev. John Zwijsen,
pastor of Tilburg, aided by Mary M. Leijsen, for the instruction of
children and the betterment of a people deprived of spiritual aid by
the disastrous effects of the Reformation. The See of Utrecht had been
vacant for about three hundred years when, on the restoration of the
Catholic hierarchy in Holland in 1853, Bishop John Zwijsen, of Gerra,
was made Archbishop of Utrecht and Primate of Holland. He found no
Catholic institutions for the education of girls in this vast diocese,
neither were there any teaching orders, with the exception of his
humble congregation. The founder's accession to the See gave fresh
impetus to his cherished work, and from this time the congregation
spread rapidly throughout Holland and Belgium. There is now hardly a
city of the Netherlands that has not one or more of its communities.
Among these institutions are homes for the aged and infirm, the blind,
the mutes and also hospitals. The Rules were approved by Gregory XVI in
1843, and Pius IX approved the congregation in 1848. About the middle
of the eighteenth century, when the cholera was raging in Holland, the
heroic charity of the sisters won the recognition of King William III
who conferred decorations of honour on the congregation. It has three
houses in England devoted to school and hospital work. In 1874 the
first house in the United States was founded at Baltic, Connecticut,
where there is a Parochial school and an academy for young ladies. The
congregation has other houses at Willimantic and Taftville where the
same work is carried on. In 1907 St. Joseph's community of Willimantic
donated, one of the convent buildings for a city hospital, which from
the outset proved a success. In 1894 the congregation took charge of
the leper settlement, city and military hospitals of Paramaribo, South
America; and in East India, the sisters are doing missionary work among
the natives. In December, 1907, this congregation had 2621 professed
members, 488 aspirants and novices and 102 houses. The number of
schoolchildren enrolled was estimated at 54,300; the sick, aged and
infirm cared for 3446.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3180" shownumber="no">MOTHER ALOYSIO</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3180.1" title="Charlemagne" type="Encyclopedia">Charlemagne</term>
<def id="c-p3180.2">
<h1 id="c-p3180.3">Charlemagne</h1>
<p id="c-p3181" shownumber="no">(French for 
<i>Carolus Magnus</i>, or 
<i>Carlus Magnus</i> ("Charles the Great"); German 
<i>Karl der Grosse</i>).</p>
<p id="c-p3182" shownumber="no">The name given by later generations to Charles, King of the Franks,
first sovereign of the Christian Empire of the West; born 2 April, 742;
died at Aachen, 28 January, 814. Note, however, that the place of his
birth (whether Aachen or Liège) has never been fully ascertained,
while the traditional date has been set one or more years later by
recent writers; if Alcuin is to be interpreted literally the year
should be 745. At the time of Charles' birth, his father, Pepin the
Short, Mayor of the Palace, of the line of Arnulf, was, theoretically,
only the first subject of Childeric III, the last Merovinigian King of
the Franks; but this modest title implied that real power, military,
civil, and even ecclesiastical, of which Childeric's crown was only the
symbol. It is not certain that Bertrada (or Bertha), the mother of
Charlemagne, a daughter of Charibert, Count of Laon, was legally
married to Pepin until some years later than either 742 or 745.</p>
<p id="c-p3183" shownumber="no">Charlemagne's career led to his acknowledgment by the Holy See as
its chief protector and coadjutor in temporals, by Constantinople as at
least 
<i>Basileus</i> of the West. This reign, which involved to a greater
degree than that of any other historical personage the organic
development, and still more, the consolidation of Christian Europe,
will be sketched in this article in the successive periods into which
it naturally divides. The period of Charlemagne was also an epoch of
reform for the Church in Gaul, and of foundation for the Church in
Germany, marked, moreover, by an efflorescence of learning which
fructified in the great Christian schools of the twelfth and later
centuries.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3183.1">To the Fall of Pavia (742-774)</h4>
<p id="c-p3184" shownumber="no">In 752, when Charles was a child of not more than ten years, Pepin
the Short had appealed to Pope Zachary to recognize his actual rule
with the kingly title and dignity. The practical effect of this appeal
to the Holy See was the journey of Stephen III across the Alps two
years later, for the purpose of anointing with the oil of kingship not
only Pepin, but also his son Charles and a younger son, Carloman. The
pope then laid upon the Christian Franks a precept, under the gravest
spiritual penalties, never "to choose their kings from any other
family". Primogeniture did not hold in the Frankish law of succession;
the monarchy was elective, though eligibility was limited to the male
members of the one privileged family. Thus, then, at St. Denis on the
Seine, in the Kingdom of Neustria, on the 28th of July, 754, the house
of Arnulf was, by a solemn act of the supreme pontiff established upon
the throne until then nominally occupied by the house of Merowig
(Merovingians).</p>
<p id="c-p3185" shownumber="no">Charles, anointed to the kingly office while yet a mere child,
learned the rudiments of war while still many years short of manhood,
accompanying his father in several campaigns. This early experience is
worth noting chiefly because it developed in the boy those military
virtues which, joined with his extraordinary physical strength and
intense nationalism, made him a popular hero of the Franks long before
he became their rightful ruler. At length, in September, 768, Pepin the
Short, foreseeing his end, made a partition of his dominions between
his two sons. Not many days later the old king passed away.</p>
<p id="c-p3186" shownumber="no">To better comprehend the effect of the act of partition under which
Charles and Carloman inherited their father's dominions, as well as the
whole subsequent history of Charles' reign, it is to be observed that
those dominions comprised:</p>
<ul id="c-p3186.1">
<li id="c-p3186.2">first, Frankland 
(<i>Frankreich</i>) proper;</li>
<li id="c-p3186.3">secondly, as many as seven more or less self-governing
dependencies, peopled by races of various origins and obeying various
codes of law.</li>
</ul>
<p id="c-p3187" shownumber="no">Of these two divisions, the former extended, roughly speaking, from
the boundaries of Thuringia, on the east, to what is now the Belgian
and Norman coastline, on the west; it bordered to the north on Saxony,
and included both banks of the Rhine from Cologne (the ancient 
<i>Colonia Agrippina</i>) to the North Sea; its southern neighbours
were the Bavarians, the Alemanni, and the Burgundians. The dependent
states were: the fundamentally Gaulish Neustria (including within its
borders Paris), which was, nevertheless, well leavened with a dominant
Frankish element; to the southwest of Neustria, Brittany, formerly
Armorica, with a British and Gallo-Roman population; to the south of
Neustria the Duchy of Aquitaine, lying, for the most part, between the
Loire and the Garonne, with a decidedly Gallo-Roman population; and
east of Aquitaine, along the valley of the Rhone, the Burgundians, a
people of much the same mixed origin as those of Aquitaine, though with
a large infusion of Teutonic blood. These States, with perhaps the
exception of Brittany, recognized the Theodosian Code as their law. The
German dependencies of the Frankish kingdom were Thuringia, in the
valley of the Main, Bavaria, and Alemannia (corresponding to what was
later known as Swabia). These last, at the time of Pepin's death, had
but recently been won to Christianity, mainly through the preaching of
St. Boniface. The share which fell to Charles consisted of all
Austrasia (the original Frankland), most of Neustria, and all of
Aquitaine except the southeast corner. In this way the possessions of
the elder brother surrounded the younger on two sides, but on the other
hand the distribution of races under their respective rules was such as
to preclude any risk of discord arising out of the national sentiments
of their various subjects.</p>
<p id="c-p3188" shownumber="no">In spite of this provident arrangement, Carloman contrived to
quarrel with his brother. Hunald, formerly Duke of Aquitaine,
vanquished by Pepin the Short, broke from the cloister, where he had
lived as a monk for twenty years, and stirred up a revolt in the
western part of the duchy. By Frankish custom Carloman should have
aided Charles; the younger brother himself held part of Aquitaine; but
he pretended that, as his dominion were unaffected by this revolt, it
was no business of his. Hunald, however, was vanquished by Charles
single-handed; he was betrayed by a nephew with whom he had sought
refuge, was sent to Rome to answer for the violation of his monastic
vows, and at last, after once more breaking cloister, was stoned to
death by the Lombards of Pavia. For Charles the true importance of this
Aquitanian episode was in its manifestation his brother's unkindly
feeling in his regard, and against this danger he lost no time in
taking precautions, chiefly by winning over to himself the friends whom
he judged likely to be most valuable; first and foremost of these was
his mother, Bertha, who had striven both earnestly and prudently to
make peace between her sons, but who, when it became necessary to take
sides with one or the other could not hesitate in her devotion to the
elder. Charles was an affectionate son; it also appears that, in
general, he was helped to power by his extraordinary gift of personal
attractiveness.</p>
<p id="c-p3189" shownumber="no">Carloman died soon after this (4 December, 771), and a certain
letter from "the Monk Cathwulph", quoted by Bouquet (Recueil. hist., V,
634), in enumerating the special blessings for which the king was in
duty bound to be grateful, says,</p>
<blockquote id="c-p3189.1">Third . . . God has preserved you from the wiles of your 
brother . .  . . Fifth, and not the least, that God has removed your 
brother from this earthly kingdom.</blockquote>
<p id="c-p3190" shownumber="no">Carloman may not have been quite so malignant as the enthusiastic
partisans of Charles made him out, but the division of Pepin's
dominions was in itself an impediment to the growth of a strong
Frankish realm such as Charles needed for the unification of the
Christian Continent. Although Carloman had left two sons by his wife,
Gerberga, the Frankish law of inheritance gave no preference to sons as
against brother; left to their own choice, the Frankish lieges, whether
from love of Charles or for the fear which his name already inspired,
gladly accepted him for their king. Gerberga and her children fled to
the Lombard court of Pavia. In the mean while complications had arisen
in Charles' foreign policy which made his newly established supremacy
at home doubly opportune.</p>
<p id="c-p3191" shownumber="no">From his father Charles had inherited the title "Patricius Romanus"
which carried with it a special obligation to protect the temporal
rights of the Holy See. The nearest and most menacing neighbour of St.
Peter's Patrimony was Desidarius (Didier), King of the Lombards, and it
was with this potentate that the dowager Bertha had arranged a
matrimonial alliance for her elder son. The pope had solid temporal
reasons for objecting to this arrangement. Moreover, Charles was
already, 
<i>in foro conscientiae</i>, if not in Frankish law, wedded to
Himiltrude. In defiance of the pope's protest (PL 98:250), Charles
married Desiderata, daughter of Desiderius (770), three years later he
repudiated her and married Hildegarde, the beautiful Swabian.
Naturally, Desiderius was furious at this insult, and the dominions of
the Holy See bore the first brunt of his wrath.</p>
<p id="c-p3192" shownumber="no">But Charles had to defend his own borders against the heathen as
well as to protect Rome against the Lombard. To the north of Austrasia
lay Frisia, which seems to have been in some equivocal way a
dependency, and to the east of Frisia, from the left bank of the Ems
(about the present Holland-Westphalia frontier), across the valley of
the Weser and Aller, and still eastward to the left bank of the Elbe,
extended the country of the Saxons, who in no fashion whatever
acknowledged any allegiance to the Frankish kings. In 772 these Saxons
were a horde of aggressive pagans offering to Christian missionaries no
hope but that of martyrdom; bound together, normally, by no political
organization, and constantly engaged in predatory incursions into the
lands of the Franks. Their language seems to have been very like that
spoken by the Egberts and Ethelreds of Britain, but the work of their
Christian cousin, St. Boniface, had not affected them as yet; they
worshipped the gods of Walhalla, united in solemn sacrifice --
sometimes human -- to Irminsul (Igdrasail), the sacred tree which stood
at Eresburg, and were still slaying Christian missionaries when their
kinsmen in Britain were holding church synods and building cathedrals.
Charles could brook neither their predatory habits nor their heathenish
intolerance; it was impossible, moreover, to make permanent peace with
them while they followed the old Teutonic life of free village
communities. He made his first expedition into their country in July,
772, took Eresburg by storm, and burned Irminsul. It was in January of
this same year that Pope Stephen III died, and Adrian I, an opponent of
Desiderius, was elected. The new pope was almost immediately assailed
by the Lombard king, who seized three minor cities of the Patrimony of
St. Peter, threatened Ravenna itself, and set about organizing a plot
within the Curia. Paul Afiarta, the papal chamberlain, detected acting
as the Lombard's secret agent, was seized and put to death. The Lombard
army advanced against Rome, but quailed before the spiritual weapons of
the Church, while Adrian sent a legate into Gaul to claim the aid of of
the Patrician.</p>
<p id="c-p3193" shownumber="no">Thus it was that Charles, resting at Thionville after his Saxon
campaign, was urgently reminded of the rough work that awaited his hand
south of the Alps. Desiderius' embassy reached him soon after Adrian's.
He did not take it for granted that the right was all upon Adrian's
side; besides, he may have seen here an opportunity make some amends
for his repudiation of the Lombard princess. Before taking up arms for
the Holy See, therefore, he sent commissioners into Italy to make
enquiries and when Desiderius pretended that the seizure of the papal
cities was in effect only the legal foreclosure of a mortgage, Charles
promptly offered to redeem them by a money payment. But Desiderius
refused the money, and as Charles' commissioners reported in favour of
Adrian, the only course left was war.</p>
<p id="c-p3194" shownumber="no">In the spring of 773 Charles summoned the whole military strength of
the Franks for a great invasion of Lombardy. He was slow to strike, but
he meant to strike hard. Data for any approximate estimate of his
numerical strength are lacking, but it is certain that the army, in
order to make the descent more swiftly, crossed the Alps by two passes:
Mont Cenis and the Great St. Bernard. Einhard, who accompanied the king
over Mont Cenis (the St. Bernard column was led by Duke Bernhard),
speaks feelingly of the marvels and perils of the passage. The invaders
found Desiderius waiting for them, entrenched at Susa; they turned his
flank and put the Lombard army to utter rout. Leaving all the cities of
the plains to their fate, Desiderius rallied part of his forces in
Pavia, his walled capital, while his son Adalghis, with the rest,
occupied Verona. Charles, having been joined by Duke Bernhard, took the
forsaken cities on his way and then completely invested Pavia
(September, 773), whence Otger, the faithful attendant of Gerberga,
could look with trembling upon the array of his countrymen. Soon after
Christmas Charles withdrew from the siege a portion of the army which
he employed in the capture of Verona. Here he found Gerberga and her
children; as to what became of them, history is silent; they probably
entered the cloister.</p>
<p id="c-p3195" shownumber="no">What history does record with vivid eloquence is the first visit of
Charles to the Eternal City. There everything was done to give his
entry as much as possible the air of a triumph in ancient Rome. The
judges met him thirty miles from the city; the militia laid at the feet
of their great patrician the banner of Rome and hailed him as their 
<i>imperator</i>. Charles himself forgot pagan Rome and prostrated
himself to kiss the threshold of the Apostles, and then spent seven
days in conference with the successor of Peter. It was then that he
undoubtedly formed many great designs for the glory of God and the
exaltation of Holy Church, which, in spite of human weaknesses and,
still more, ignorance, he afterwards did his best to realize. His
coronation as the successor of Constantine did not take place until
twenty-six years later, but his consecration as first champion of the
Catholic Church took place at Easter, 774. Soon after this (June, 774)
Pavia fell, Desiderius was banished, Adalghis became a fugitive at the
Byzantine court, and Charles, assuming the crown of Lombardy, renewed
to Adrian the donation of of territory made by Pepin the Short after
his defeat of Aistulph. (This donation is now generally admitted, as
well as the original gift of Pepin at Kiersy in 752. The so-called
"Privilegium Hadriani pro Carolo" granting him full right to nominate
the pope and to invest all bishops is a forgery.)</p>
<h4 id="c-p3195.1">To the Baptism of Wittekind (774-785)</h4>
<p id="c-p3196" shownumber="no">The next twenty years of Charles' life may be considered as one long
warfare. They are filled with an astounding series of rapid marches
from end to end of a continent intersected by mountains, morasses, and
forests, and scantily provided with roads. It would seem that the key
to his long series of victories, won almost as much by moral ascendancy
as by physical or mental superiority, is to be found in the inspiration
communicated to his Frankish champion by Pope Adrian I. Weiss
(Weltgesch., 11, 549) enumerates fifty-three distinct campaigns of
Charlemagne; of these it is possible to point to only twelve or
fourteen which were not undertaken principally or entirely in execution
of his mission as the soldier and protector of the Church. In his
eighteen campaigns against the Saxons Charles was more or less actuated
by the desire to extinguish what he and his people regarded as a form
of devil-worship, no less odious to them than the fetishism of Central
Africa is to us.</p>
<p id="c-p3197" shownumber="no">While he was still in Italy the Saxons, irritated but not subdued by
the fate of Eresburg and of Irminsul had risen in arms, harried the
country of the Hessian Franks, and burned many churches; that of St.
Boniface at Fritzlar, being of stone, had defeated their efforts.
Returning to the north, Charles sent a preliminary column of cavalry
into the enemy's country while he held a council of the realm at Kiersy
(Quercy) in September, 774, at which it was decided that the Saxons
(Westfali, Ostfali, and Angrarii) must be presented with the
alternative of baptism or death. The northeastern campaigns of the next
seven years had for their object a conquest so decisive as to make the
execution of this policy feasible. The year 775 saw the first of a
series of Frankish military colonies, on the ancient Roman plan
established at Sigeburg among the Westfali. Charles next subdued,
temporarily at least, the Ostali, whose chieftain, Hessi, having
accepted baptism, ended his life in the monastery of Fulda 
(<i>see</i> SAINT BONIFACE; FULDA). Then, a Frankish camp at
Lübbecke on the Weser having been surprised by the Saxons, and its
garrison slaughtered, Charles turned again westward, once more routed
the Westfali, and received their oaths of submission.</p>
<p id="c-p3198" shownumber="no">At this stage (776) the affairs of Lombardy interrupted the Saxon
crusade. Areghis of Beneventum, son-in-law of the vanquished
Desiderius, had formed a plan with his brother-in-law Adalghis
(Adelchis), then an exile at Constantinople, by which the latter was to
make a descent upon Italy, backed by the Eastern emperor; Adrian was at
the same time involved in a quarrel with the three Lombard dukes,
Reginald of Clusium, Rotgaud of Friuli, and Hildebrand of Spoleto. The
archbishop of Ravenna, who called himself "primate" and "exarch of
Italy", was also attempting to found an independent principality at the
expense of the papal state but was finally subdued in 776, and his
successor compelled to be content with the title of "Vicar" or
representative of the pope. The junction of the aforesaid powers, all
inimical to the pope and the Franks, while Charles was occupied in
Westphalia, was only prevented by the death of Constantine Copronymus
in September, 775 (see BYZANTINE EMPIRE). After winning over Hildebrand
and Reginald by diplomacy, Charles descended into Lombardy by the
Brenner Pass (spring of 776), defeated Rotgaud, and leaving garrisons
and governors, or counts 
(<i>comites</i>), as they were termed, in the reconquered cities of the
Duchy of Friuli, hastened back to Saxony. There the Frankish garrison
had been forced to evacuate Eresburg, while the siege of Sigeburg was
so unexpectedly broken up as to give occasion later to a legend of
angelic intervention in favour of the Christians. As usual, the almost
incredible suddenness of the king's reappearance and the moral effect
of his presence quieted the ragings of the heathen. Charles then
divided the Saxon territory into Missionary districts. At the great
spring hosting 
(<i>champ de Mai</i>) of Paderborn, in 777, many Saxon converts were
baptized; Wittekind (Widukind), however, already the leader and
afterwards the popular hero of the Saxons, had fled to his
brother-in-law, Sigfrid the Dane.</p>
<p id="c-p3199" shownumber="no">The episode of the invasion of Spain comes next in chronological
order. The condition of the venerable Iberian Church, still suffering
under Moslem domination, appealed strongly to the king's sympathy. In
777 there came to Paderborn three Moorish emirs, enemies of the Ommeyad
Abderrahman, the Moorish King of Cordova. These emirs did homage to
Charles and proposed to him an invasion of Northern Spain; one of the,
Ibn-el-Arabi, promised to bring to the invaders' assistance a force of
Berber auxiliaries from Africa; the other two promised to exert their
powerful influence at Barcelona and elsewhere north of the Ebro.
Accordingly, in the spring of 778, Charles, with a host of crusaders,
speaking many tongues, and which numbered among its constituents even a
quota of Lombards, moved towards the Pyrenees. His trusted lieutenant,
Duke Bernhard. with one division, entered Spain by the coast. Charles
himself marched through the mountain passes straight to Pampelona. But
Ibn-el-Arabi, who had prematurely brought on his army of Berbers, was
assassinated by the emissary of Abderrahman, and though Pampelona was
razed, and Barcelona and other cities fell, Saragossa held out. Apart
from the moral effect of this campaign upon the Moslem rulers of Spain,
its result was insignificant, though the famous ambuscade in which
perished Roland, the great Paladin, at the Pass of Roncesvalles,
furnished to the medieval world the material for its most glorious and
influential epic, the "Chanson de Roland".</p>
<p id="c-p3200" shownumber="no">Much more important to posterity were the next succeeding events
which continued and decided the long struggle in Saxony. During the
Spanish crusade Wittekind had returned from his exile, bringing with
him Danish allies, and was now ravaging Hesse; the Rhine valley from
Deutz to Andenach was a prey to the Saxon "devil-worshipers"; the
Christian missionaries were scattered or in hiding. Charles gathered
his hosts at Düren, in June, 779, and stormed Wittekind's
entrenched camp at Bocholt, after which campaign he seems to have
considered Saxony a fairly subdued country. At any rate, the "Saxon
Capitulary" (see CAPITULARIES) of 781 obliged all Saxons not only to
accept baptism (and this on the pain of death) but also to pay tithes,
as the Franks did for the support of the Church; moreover it
confiscated a large amount of property for the benefit of the missions.
This was Wittekind's last opportunity to restore the national
independence and paganism; his people, exasperated against the Franks
and their God, eagerly rushed to arms. At Suntal on the Weser, Charles
being absent, they defeated a Frankish army killing two royal legates
and five Counts. But Wittekind committed the error of enlisting as
allies the non-Teutonic Sorbs from beyond the Saale; race-antagonism
soon weakened his forces, and the Saxon hosts melted away. Of the
so-called "Massacre of Verdun" (783) it is fair to say that the 4500
Saxons who perished were not prisoners of war; legally, they were
ringleaders in a rebellion, selected as such from a number of their
fellow rebels. Wittekind himself escaped beyond the Elbe. It was not
until after another defeat of the Saxons at Detmold, and again at
Osnabrück, on the "Hill of Slaughter", that Wittekind acknowledged
the God of Charles the stronger than Odin. In 785 Wittekind received
baptism at Attigny, and Charles stood godfather.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3200.1">Last Steps to the Imperial Throne (785-800)</h4>
<p id="c-p3201" shownumber="no">The summer of 783 began a new period in the life of Charles, in
which signs begin to appear of his less amiable traits. It was in this
year, signalized, according to the chroniclers, by unexampled heat and
a pestilence, that the two queens died, Bertha, the king's mother, and
Hildegarde, his second (or his third) wife. Both of these women, the
former in particular, had exercised over him a strong influence for
good. Within a few months the king married Fastrada, daughter of an
Austrasian count. The succeeding years were, comparatively speaking,
years of harvest after the stupendous period of ploughing and sowing
that had gone before; and Charles' nature was of a type that appears to
best advantage in storm and stress. What was to be the Western Empire
of the Middle Ages was already hewn out in the rough when Wittekind
received baptism. From that date until the coronation of Charles at
Rome, in 800, his military work was chiefly in suppressing risings of
the newly conquered or quelling the discontents of jealous subject
princes. Thrice in these fifteen years did the Saxons rise, only to be
defeated. Tassilo, Duke of Bavaria, had been a more or less rebellious
vassal ever since the beginning of his reign, and Charles now made use
of the pope's influence, exercised through the powerful bishops of
Freising, Salzburg, and Regensburg (Ratisbon), to bring him to terms.
In 786 a Thuringian revolt was quelled by the timely death, blinding,
and banishment of its leaders. Next year the Lombard prince, Areghis,
having fortified himself at Salerno, had actually been crowned King of
the Lombards when Charles descended upon him at Beneventum, received
his submission, and took his son Grimwald as a hostage, after which,
finding that Tassilo had been secretly associated with the conspiracy
of the Lombards, he invaded Bavaria from three sides with three armies
drawn from at least five nationalities. Once more the influence of the
Holy See settled the Bavarian question in Charles' favour; Adrian
threatened Tassilo with excommunication if he persisted in rebellion,
and as the Duke's own subjects refused to follow him to the field, he
personally made submission, did homage, and in return received from
Charles a new lease of his duchy (October, 787).</p>
<p id="c-p3202" shownumber="no">During this period the national discontent with Fastrada culminated
in a plot in which Pepin the Hunchback, Charles' son by Himiltrude, was
implicated, and though his life was spared through his father's
intercession, Pepin spent what remained of his days in a monastery.
Another son of Charles (Carloman, afterwards called Pepin, and crowned
King of Lombardy at Rome in 781, on the occasion of an Easter visit by
the king, at which time also his brother Louis was crowned King of
Aquitaine) served his father in dealing with the Avars, a pagan danger
on the frontier, compared with which the invasion of Septimania by the
Saracens (793) was but an insignificant incident of border warfare.
These Avars, probably of Turanian blood, occupied the territories north
of the Save and west of the Theiss. Tassilo had invited their
assistance against his overlord; and after the Duke's final submission
Charles invaded their country and conquered it as far as the Raab
(791). By the capture of the famous "Ring" of the Avars, with its nine
concentric circles, Charles came into possession of vast quantities of
gold and silver, parts of the plunder which these barbarians had been
accumulating for two centuries. In this campaign King Pepin of Lombardy
cooperated with his father, with forces drawn from Italy; the later
stages of this war (which may be considered the last of Charles' great
wars) were left in the hands of the younger king.</p>
<p id="c-p3203" shownumber="no">The last stages by which the story of Charles' career is brought to
its climax touch upon the exclusive spiritual domain of the Church. He
had never ceased to interest himself in the deliberations of synods,
and this interest extended (an example that wrought fatal results in
after ages) to the discussion of questions which would now be regarded
as purely dogmatic. Charles interfered in the dispute about the
Adoptionist heresy (see ADOPTIONISM; ALCUIN; COUNCIL OF FRANKFORT). His
interference was less pleasing to Adrian in the matter of Iconoclasm, a
heresy with which the Empress-mother Irene and Tarasius, Patriarch of
Constantinople, had dealt in the second Council of Nicaea. The Synod of
Frankfort, wrongly informed, but inspired by Charles, took upon itself
to condemn the aforesaid Council, although the latter had the sanction
of the Holy See (see CAROLINE BOOKS). In the year 797 the Eastern
Emperor Constantine VI, with whom his mother Irene had for some time
been at variance, was by her dethroned, imprisoned, and blinded. It is
significant of Charles' position as 
<i>de facto</i> Emperor of the West that Irene sent envoys to Aachen to
lay before Charles her side of this horrible story. It is also to be
noted that the popular impression that Constantine had been put to
death, and the aversion to committing the imperial sceptre to a woman's
hand, also bore upon what followed. Lastly, it was to Charles alone
that the Christians of the East were now crying out for succour against
the threatening advance of the Moslem Caliph Haroun al Raschid. In 795
Adrian I died (25 Dec.), deeply regretted by Charles, who held this
pope in great esteem and caused a Latin metrical epitaph to be prepared
for the papal tomb. In 787 Charles had visited Rome for the third time
in the interest of the pope and his secure possession of the Patrimony
of Peter.</p>
<p id="c-p3204" shownumber="no">Leo III, the immediate successor of Adrian I, notified Charles of
his election (26 December, 795) to the Holy See. The king sent in
return rich presents by Abbot Angilbert, whom he commissioned to deal
with the pope in all manners pertaining to the royal office of Roman
Patrician. While this letter is respectful and even affectionate, it
also exhibits Charles' concept of the coordination of the spiritual and
temporal powers, nor does he hesitate to remind the pope of his grave
spiritual obligations. The new pope, a Roman, had bitter enemies in the
Eternal City, who spread the most damaging reports of his previous
life. At length (25 April, 799) he was waylaid, and left unconscious.
After escaping to St. Peter's he was rescued by two of the king's 
<i>missi</i>, who came with a considerable force. The Duke of Spoleto
sheltered the fugitive pope, who went later to Paderborn, where the
king's camp then was. Charles received the Vicar of Christ with all due
reverence. Leo was sent back to Rome escorted by royal 
<i>missi</i>; the insurgents, thoroughly frightened and unable to
convince Charles of the pope's iniquity, surrendered, and the 
<i>missi</i> sent Paschalis and Campulus, nephews of Adrian I and
ringleaders against Pope Leo, to the king, to be dealt with at the
royal pleasure.</p>
<p id="c-p3205" shownumber="no">Charles was in no hurry to take final action in this matter. He
settled various affairs connected with the frontier beyond the Elbe,
with the protection of the Balearic Isles against the Saracens, and of
Northern Gaul against Scandinavian sea-rovers, spent most of the winter
at Aachen, and was at St. Riquier for Easter. About this time, too, he
was occupied at the deathbed of Liutgarde, the queen whom he had
married on the death of Fastrada (794). At Tours he conferred with
Alcuin, then summoned the host of the Franks to meet at Mainz and
announced to them his intention of again proceeding to Rome. Entering
Italy by the Brenner Pass, he travelled by way of Ancona and Perugia to
Nomentum, where Pope Leo met him and the two entered Rome together. A
synod was held and the charges against Leo pronounced false. On this
occasion the Frankish bishops declared themselves unauthorized to pass
judgment on the Apostolic See. Of his own free will Leo, under oath,
declared publicly in St. Peter's that he was innocent of the charges
brought against him. Leo requested that his accusers, now themselves
condemned to death, should be punished only with banishment.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3205.1">After His Coronation in Rome (800-814)</h4>
<p id="c-p3206" shownumber="no">Two days later (Christmas Day, 800) took place the principal event
in the life of Charles. During the pontifical Mass celebrated by the
pope, as the king knelt in prayer before the high altar beneath which
lay the bodies of Sts. Peter and Paul, the pope approached him, placed
upon his head the imperial crown, did him formal reverence after the
ancient manner, saluted him as Emperor and Augustus and anointed him,
while the Romans present burst out with the acclamation, thrice
repeated: "To Carolus Augustus crowned by God, mighty and pacific
emperor, be life and victory" (Carolo, piisimo Augusto a Deo coronato,
magno et pacificio Imperatori, vita et vicotria). These details are
gathered from contemporary accounts (Life of Leo III in "lib. Pont.";
"Annales Laurissense majores"; Einhard's 
<i>Vita Caroli</i>; Theophanes). Though not all are found in any one
narrative, there is no good reason for doubting their general accuracy.
Einhard's statement 
(<i>Vita Caroli</i> 28) that Charles had no suspicion of what was about
to happen, and if pre-informed would not have accepted the imperial
crown, is much discussed, some seeing in it an unwillingness to
imperial authority on an ecclesiastical basis, others more justly a
natural hesitation before a momentous step overcome by the positive
action of friends and admirers, and culminating; in the scene just
described. On the other hand, there seems no reason to doubt that for
some time previous the elevation of Charles had been discussed, both at
home and at Rome, especially in view of two facts: the scandalous
condition of the imperial government at Constantinople, and the
acknowledged grandeur and solidity of the Carolingian house. He owed
his elevation not to the conquest of Rome, nor to any act of the Roman
Senate (then a mere municipal body), much less to the local citizenship
of Rome, but to the pope, who exercised in a supreme juncture the moral
supremacy in Western Christendom which the age widely recognized in
him, and to which, indeed, Charles even then owed the title that the
popes had transferred to his father Pepin. It is certain that Charles
constantly attributed his imperial dignity to an act of God, made known
of course through the agency of the Vicar of Christ 
(<i>divino nutu coronatus, a Deo coronatus</i>, in "Capitularia", ed.
Baluze, I, 247, 341, 345); also that after the ceremony he made very
rich gifts to the Basilica of St. Peter, and that on the same day the
pope anointed (as King of the Franks) the younger Charles, son of the
emperor and at that time probably destined to succeed in the imperial
dignity. The Roman Empire (Imperium Romanum), since 476 practically
extinguished in the West, save for a brief interval in the sixth
century, was restored by this papal act, which became the historical
basis of the future relations between the popes and the successors of
Charlemagne (throughout the Middle Ages no Western Emperor was
considered legitimate unless he had been crowned and anointed at Rome
by the successor of St. Peter). Despite the earlier goodwill and help
of the papacy, the Emperor of Constantinople, legitimate heir of the
imperial title (he still called himself Roman Emperor, and his capital
was officially New Rome) had long proved incapable of preserving his
authority in the Italian peninsula. Palace revolutions and heresy, not
to speak of fiscal oppression, racial antipathy, and impotent but
vicious intrigues, made him odious to the Romans and Italians
generally. In any case, since the Donation of Pepin (752) the pope was
formally sovereign of the duchy of Rome and the Exarchate; hence, apart
from its effect on his shadowy claim to the sovereignty of all Italy,
the Byzantine ruler had nothing to lose by the elevation of Charles.
However, the event of Christmas Day, 800, was long resented at
Constantinople, where eventually the successor of Charles was
occasionally called "Emperor", or "Emperor of the Franks", but never
"Roman Emperor". Suffice it to add here that while the imperial
consecration made him in theory, what he was already in fact, the
principal ruler of the West, and impropriated, as it were, in the
Carolingian line the majesty of ancient Rome, it also lifted Charles at
once to the dignity of supreme temporal protector of Western
Christendom and in particular of its head, the Roman Church. Nor did
this mean only the local welfare of the papacy, the good order and
peace of the Patrimony of Peter. It meant also, in face of the yet vast
pagan world 
(<i>barbarae nationes</i>) of the North and the Southeast, a religious
responsibility, encouragement and protection of missions, advancement
of Christian culture, organization of dioceses, enforcement of a
Christian discipline of life, improvement of the clergy, in a word, all
the forms of governmental cooperation with the Church that we meet with
in the life and the legislation of Charles. Long before this event Pope
Adrian I had conferred (774) on Charles his father's dignity of 
<i>Patricius Romanus</i>, which implied primarily the protection of the
Roman Church in all its rights and privileges, above all in the
temporal authority which it had gradually acquired (notably in the
former Byzantine Duchy of Rome and the Exarchate of Ravenna) by just
titles in the course of the two preceding centuries. Charles, it is
true, after his imperial consecration exercised practically at Rome his
authority as 
<i>Patricius</i>, or protector of the Roman Church. But he did this
with all due recognition of the papal sovereignty and principally to
prevent the quasi-anarchy which local intrigues and passions, family
interests and ambitions, and adverse Byzantine agencies were promoting.
It would be unhistorical to maintain that as emperor he ignored at once
the civil sovereignty of the pope in the Patrimony of Peter. This (the
Duchy of Rome and the Exarchate) he significantly omitted from the
partition of the Frankish State made at the Diet of Thionville, in 806.
It is to be noted that in this public division of his estate he made no
provision for the imperial title, also that he committed to all three
sons "the defence and protection of the Roman Church". In 817 Louis the
Pious, by a famous charter whose substantial authenticity there is no
good reason to doubt, confirmed to Pope Paschal and his successors
forever, "the city of Rome with its duchy and dependencies, as the same
have been held to this day by your predecessors, under their authority
and jurisdiction", adding that he did not pretend to any jurisdiction
in said territory, except when solicited thereto by the pope. It may be
noted here that the chroniclers of the ninth century treat as
"restitution" to St. Peter the various cessions and grants of cities
and territory made at this period by the Carolingian rulers within the
limits of the Patrimony of Peter. The Charter of Louis the Pious was
afterwards confirmed by Emperor Otto I in 962 and Henry II in 1020.
These imperial documents make it clear that the acts of authority
exercised by the new emperor in the Patrimony of Peter were only such
as were called for by his office of Defender of the Roman Church.
Kleinclausz (l'Empire carolingien, etc., Paris, 1902, 441 sqq.) denies
the authenticity of the famous letter (871) of Emperor Louis II to the
Greek Emperor Basil (in which the former recognizes fully the papal
origin of his own imperial dignity), and attributes it to Anastasius
Bibliotheca in 879. His arguments are weak; the authenticity is
admitted by Gregorovius and O. Harnack. Anti-papal writers have
undertaken to prove that Charles' dignity of 
<i>Patricius Romanorum</i> was equivalent to immediate and sole
sovereign authority at Rome, and in law and in fact excluded any papal
sovereignty. In reality this Roman patriciate, both under Pepin and
Charles, was no more than a high protectorship of the civil sovereignty
of the pope, whose local independence, both before and after the
coronation of Charles, is historically certain, even apart from the
aforesaid imperial charters.</p>
<p id="c-p3207" shownumber="no">The personal devotion of Charles to the Apostolic See is well known.
While in the preface to his Capitularies he calls himself the "devoted
defender and humble helper of Holy Church", he was especially fond of
the basilica of St. Peter at Rome. Einhard relates (Vita, c. xxvii)
that he enriched it beyond all other churches and that he was
particularly anxious that the City of Rome should in his reign obtain
again its ancient authority. He promulgated a special law on the
respect due this See of Peter (Capitulare de honoranda sede Apostolica,
ed. Baluze I, 255). The letters of the popes to himself, his father,
and grandfather, were collected by his order in the famous "Codex
Carolinus". Gregory VII tells us (Regest., VII, 23) that he placed a
part of the conquered Saxon territory under the protection of St.
Peter, and sent to Rome a tribute from the same. He received from Pope
Adrian the Roman canon law in the shape of the "Collectio
Dionysia-Hadriana", and also (784-91) the "Gregorian Sacramentary" or
liturgical use of Rome, for the guidance of the Frankish Church. He
furthered also in the Frankish churches the introduction of the
Gregorian chant. It is of interest to note that just before his
coronation at Rome Charles received three messengers from the Patriarch
of Jerusalem, bearing to the King of the Franks the keys of the Holy
Sepulchre and the banner of Jerusalem, "a recognition that the holiest
place in Christendom was under the protection of the great monarch of
the West" (Hodgkin). Shortly after this event, the Caliph Haroun al
Raschid sent an embassy to Charles, who continued to take a deep
interest in the Holy Sepulchre, and built Latin monasteries at
Jerusalem, also a hospital for pilgrims. To the same period belongs the
foundation of the 
<i>Schola Francorum</i> near St. Peter's Basilica, a refuge and
hospital (with cemetery attached) for Frankish pilgrims to Rome, now
represented by the Campo Santo de' Tedeschi near the Vatican.</p>
<p id="c-p3208" shownumber="no">The main work of Charlemagne in the development of Western
Christendom might have been considered accomplished had he now passed
away. Of all that he added during the remaining thirteen years of his
life nothing increased perceptibly the stability of the structure. His
military power and his instinct for organization had been successfully
applied to the formation of a material power pledged to the support of
the papacy, and on the other hand at least one pope (Adrian) had lent
all the spiritual strength of the Holy See to help build up the new
Western Empire, which his immediate successor (Leo) was to solemnly
consecrate. Indeed, the remaining thirteen years of Charles' earthly
career seem to illustrate rather the drawbacks of an intimate
connection between Church and State than its advantages.</p>
<p id="c-p3209" shownumber="no">In those years nothing like the military activity of the emperor's
earlier life appears; there were much fewer enemies to conquer.
Charles' sons led here and there an expedition, as when Louis captured
Barcelona (801) or the younger Charles invaded the territory of the
Sorbs. But their father had somewhat larger business on his hands at
this time; above all, he had to either conciliate or neutralize the
jealousy of the Byzantine Empire which still had the prestige of old
tradition. At Rome Charles had been hailed in due form as "Augustus" by
the Roman people, but he could not help realizing that many centuries
before, the right of conferring this title had virtually passed from
Old to New Rome. New Rome, i.e. Constantinople, affected to regard
Leo's act as one of schism. Nicephorus, the successor of Irene (803)
entered into diplomatic relations with Charles, it is true, but would
not recognize his imperial character. According to one account
(Theophanes) Charles had sought Irene in marriage, but his plan was
defeated. The Frankish emperor then took up the cause of rebellious
Venetia and Dalmatia. The war was carried on by sea, under King Pepin,
and in 812, after the death of Nicephorus, a Byzantine embassy at
Aachen actually addressed Charles as 
<i>Basileus</i>. About this time Charles again trenched upon the
teaching prerogative of the Church, in the matter of the 
<i>Filioque</i> although in this instance also the Holy See admitted
the soundness of his doctrine, while condemning his usurpation of its
functions.</p>
<p id="c-p3210" shownumber="no">The other source of discord which appeared in the new Western
Empire, and from its very beginning, was that of the succession.
Charles made no pretence either of right of primogeniture for his
eldest son or to name a successor for himself. As Pepin the Short had
divided the Frankish realm, so did Charles divide the empire among his
sons, naming none of them emperor. By the will which he made in 806 the
greater part of what was later called France went to Louis the Pious;
Frankland proper, Frisia, Saxony, Hesse, and Franconia were to be the
heritage of Charles the Young; Pepin received Lombardy and its Italian
dependencies, Bavaria, and Southern Alemannia. But Pepin and Charles
pre-deceased the emperor, and in 813 the magnates of the empire did
homage at Aachen to Louis the Pious as King of the Franks, and future
sole ruler of the great imperial state. Thus is was that the
Carolingian Empire, as a dynastic institution, ended with the death of
Charles the Fat (888), while the Holy Roman Empire, continued by Otto
the Great (968-973), lacked all that is now France. But the idea of a
Europe welded together out of various races under the spiritual
influence of one Catholic Faith and one Vicar of Christ had been
exhibited in the concrete.</p>
<p id="c-p3211" shownumber="no">It remains to say something of the achievements of Charlemagne at
home. His life was so full of movement, so made up of long journeys,
that home in his case signifies little more than the personal
environment of his court, wherever it might happen to be on any given
day. There was, it is true, a general preference for Austrasia, or
Frankland (after Aachen, Worms, Nymwegen, and Ingleheim were favourite
residences). He took a deep and intelligent interest in the
agricultural development of the realm, and in the growth of trade, both
domestic and foreign. The civil legislative work of Charles consisted
principally in organizing and codifying the principles of Frankish law
handed down from antiquity; thus in 802 the laws of the Frisians,
Thuringians, and Saxons were reduced to writing. Among these
principles, it is important to note, was one by which no free man could
be deprived of life or liberty without the judgment of his equals in
the state. The spirit of his legislation was above all religious; he
recognized as a basis and norm the ecclesiastical canons, was wont to
submit his projects of law to the bishops, or to give civil authority
to the decrees of synods. More than once he made laws at the suggestion
of popes or bishops. For administrative purposes the State was divided
into counties and hundreds, for the government of which counts and
hundred-men were responsible. Side by side with the counts in the great
national parliament 
(<i>Reichstag</i>, Diet) which normally met in the spring, sat the
bishops, and the spiritual constituency was so closely intertwined with
the temporal that in reading of a "council" under Charles, it is not
always easy to ascertain whether the particular proceedings are
supposed to be those of a parliament or of a synod. Nevertheless this
parliament or diet was essentially bicameral (civil and
ecclesiastical), and the foregoing descriptions applies to the mutual
discussion of 
<i>res mixtae</i> or subjects pertaining to both orders.</p>
<p id="c-p3212" shownumber="no">The one Frankish administrative institution to which Charles gave an
entirely new character was the 
<i>missi dominici</i>, representatives (civil and ecclesiastical) of
the royal authority, who from being royal messengers assumed under him
functions much like those of papal legates, i.e. they were partly royal
commissioners, partly itinerant governors. There were usually two for
each province (an ecclesiastic and a lay lord), and they were bound to
visit their territory 
(<i>missatica</i>) four times each year. Between these 
<i>missi</i> and the local governors or counts the power of the former
great crown-vassals (dukes, 
<i>Herzöge</i>) was parcelled out. Local justice was administered
by the aforesaid count 
(<i>comes, Graf</i>) in his court, held three times each year 
(<i>placitum generale</i>), with the aid of seven assessors 
(<i>scabini, rachimburgi</i>), but there was a graduated appeal ending
in the person of the emperor.</p>
<p id="c-p3213" shownumber="no">While enough has been said above to show how ready he was to
interfere in the Church's domain, it does not appear that this
propensity arose from motives discreditable to his religious character.
It would be absurd to pretend that Charlemagne was a consistent
lifelong hypocrite; if he was not, then his keen practical interest in
all that pertained to the services of the Church, his participation
even in the chanting of the choir (though, as his biographer says, "in
a subdued voice") his fastidious attention to questions of rites 
and ceremonies (Monachus Sangallensis), go to show, like
many other traits related of him, that his strong rough nature was
really impregnated with zeal, however mistaken at times, for the
earthly glory of God. He sought to elevate and perfect the clergy, both
monastic and secular, the latter through the enforcement of the 
<i>Vita Canonica</i> or common life. Tithes were strictly enforced for
the support of the clergy and the dignity of public worship.
Ecclesiastical immunities were recognized and protected, the bishops
held to frequent visitation of their dioceses, a regular religious
instruction of the people provided for, and in the vernacular tongue.
Through Alcuin he caused corrected copies of the Scripture to be placed
in the churches, and earned great credit for his improvement of the
much depraved text of the Latin Vulgate. Education, for aspirants to
the priesthood at least, was furthered by the royal order of 787 to all
bishops and abbots to keep open in their cathedrals and monasteries
schools for the study of the seven liberal arts and the interpretation
of Scriptures. He did much also to improve ecclesiastical music, and
founded schools of church-song at Metz, Soissons, and St. Gall. For the
contemporary development of Christian civilization through Alcuin,
Einhard, and other scholars, Italian and Irish, and for the king's
personal attainments in literature, see CAROLINGIAN SCHOOLS; ALCUIN;
EINHARD. He spoke Latin well, and loved to listen to the reading of St.
Augustine, especially "The City of God". He understood Greek, but was
especially devoted to his Frankish (Old-German) mother tongue; its
terms for the months and the various winds are owing to him. He
attempted also to produce a German grammar, and Einhard tells us that
he caused the ancient folksongs and hero-tales 
(<i>barbara atque antiquissima carmina</i>) to be collected;
unfortunately this collection ceased to be appreciated and was lost at
a later date.</p>
<p id="c-p3214" shownumber="no">From boyhood Charles had evinced strong domestic affections. Judged,
perhaps, by the more perfectly developed Christian standards of a later
day, his matrimonial relations were far from blameless; but it would be
unfair to criticize by any such ethical rules the obscurely transmitted
accounts of his domestic life which have come down to us. What is
certain (and more pleasant to contemplate) is the picture, which his
contemporaries have left us, of the delight he found in being with his
children, joining in their sports, particularly in his own favourite
recreation of swimming, and finding his relaxation in the society of
his sons and daughters; the latter he refused to give in marriage,
unfortunately for their moral character. He died in his seventy-second
year, after forty-seven years of reign, and was buried in the octagonal
Byzantine-Romanesque church at Aachen, built by him and decorated with
marble columns from Rome and Ravenna. In the year 1000 Otto III opened
the imperial tomb and found (it is said) the great emperor as he had
been buried, sitting on a marble throne, robed and crowned as in life,
the book of the Gospels open on his knees. In some parts of the empire
popular affection placed him among the saints. For political purposes
and to please Frederick Barbarossa he was canonized (1165) by the
antipope Paschal III, but this act was never ratified by insertion of
his feast in the Roman Breviary or by the Universal Church; his 
<i>cultus</i>, however, was permitted at Aachen [Acta SS., 28 Jan., 3d
ed., II, 490-93, 303-7, 769; his office is in Canisius, "Antiq. Lect.",
III (2)]. According to his friend and biographer, Einhard, Charles was
of imposing stature, to which his bright eyes and long, flowing hair
added more dignity. His neck was rather short, and his belly prominent,
but the symmetry of his other members concealed these defects. His
clear voice was not so sonorous as his gigantic frame would suggest.
Except on his visits to Rome he wore the national dress of his Frankish
people, linen shirt and drawers, a tunic held by a silken cord, and
leggings; his thighs were wound round with thongs of leather; his feet
were covered with laced shoes. He had good health to his sixty-eighth
year, when fevers set in, and he began to limp with one foot. He was
his own physician, we are told, and much disliked his medical advisers
who wished him to eat boiled meat instead of roast. No contemporary
portrait of him has been preserved. A statuette in the Musée
Carnavalet at Paris is said to be very ancient.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3215" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN E. MACPHERSON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3215.1" title="Charlemagne and Church Music" type="Encyclopedia">Charlemagne and Church Music</term>
<def id="c-p3215.2">
<h1 id="c-p3215.3">Charlemagne and Church Music</h1>
<p id="c-p3216" shownumber="no">Charlemagne's interest in church music and solicitude for its
propagation and adequate performance throughout his empire, have never
been equalled by any civil ruler either before or since his time. Great
as was his father Pepin's care for the song of the Church, Charles's
activity was infinitely more intelligent and comprehensive. Aided by a
technical knowledge of the subject, he appreciated the reasons why the
Church attaches so much importance to music in her cult and the manner
of its performance. He used all his authority to enforce the wishes of
the Church which he had made his own. The key-note of his legislation
on this subject, as on every other point regarding the liturgy, was
conformity with Rome. To this end, tradition tells us, he not only took
members of his own chapel to Rome with him, in order that they might
learn at the fountain head, but begged Pope Adrian I, in 774, to let
him have two of the papal singers. One of these papal chanters,
Theodore, was sent to Metz, and the other, Benedict, to the 
<i>schola cantorum</i> at Soissons. According to Ekkehart IV, a
chronicler of the tenth century of the monastery of St. Gall, the same
pope sent two more singers to the Court of Charlemagne. One of these,
Peter, reached Metz, but Romanus at first being detained at St. Gall by
sickness, afterwards obtained permission from the emperor to remain
there, and it is to the presence in St. Gall and elsewhere, of monks
from Rome, that we owe the manuscripts without which a return to the
original form of the Gregorian chant would be impossible. The great
Charles made strenuous though not wholly successful efforts to wean
Milan and its environs from their Ambrosian Rite and melodies. In 789
he addressed a decree to the whole clergy of his empire, enjoining on
every member to learn the 
<i>Cantus Romanus</i> and to perform the office in conformity with the
directions of his father (Pepin), who for the sake of uniformity with
Rome in the whole (Western) Church, had abolished the Gallican chant.
Through the synod held at Aachen in 803, the emperor commanded anew the
bishops and clerics to sing the office 
<i>sicut psallit ecclesia Romana</i>, and ordered them to establish 
<i>scholae cantorum</i> in suitable places, while he himself provided
for the support of those already in existence that is, those in Metz,
Paris, Soissons, Orléans, Sens, Tours, Lyons, Cambrai, and Dijon
in France, and those of Fulda, Reichenau, and St. Gall. The sons of
nobles of his empire and of his vassals were expected, by imperial
commands to be instructed in grammar, music, and arithmetic, while the
boys in the public schools were taught music and how to sing,
especially the Psalms. The emperor's agents and representatives were
everywhere ordered to watch over the faithful carrying out of his
orders regarding music. He not only caused liturgical music to flourish
in his own time throughout his vast domain, but he laid the foundations
for musical culture which are still potent today.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3217" shownumber="no">JOSEPH OTTEN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3217.1" title="Charles Borromeo, St." type="Encyclopedia">St. Charles Borromeo</term>
<def id="c-p3217.2">
<h1 id="c-p3217.3">St. Charles Borromeo</h1>
<p id="c-p3218" shownumber="no">St. Charles Borromeo -- Archbishop of Milan, Cardinal-Priest of the
Title of St. Prassede, Papal Secretary of State under Pius IV, and one
of the chief factors in the Catholic Counter-Reformation -- was born in
the Castle of Arona, a town on the southern shore of the Lago Maggiore
in Northern Italy, 2 October, 1538; died at Milan, 3 November, 1584.
His emblem is the word 
<i>humilitas</i> crowned, which is a portion of the Borromeo shield. He
is usually represented in art in his cardinal's robes, barefoot,
carrying the cross as archbishop; a rope round his neck, one hand
raised in blessing, thus recalling his work during the plague. His
feast is kept on 4 November.</p>
<p id="c-p3219" shownumber="no">His father was Count Giberto Borromeo, who, about 1530, married
Margherita de Medici. Her younger brother was Giovanni Angelo, Cardinal
de' Medici, who became pope in 1559 under the title of Pius IV. Charles
was the second son, and the third of six children, of Giberto and
Margherita. Charles' mother died about the year 1547, and his father
married again.</p>
<p id="c-p3220" shownumber="no">His early years were passed partly in the Castle of Arona, and
partly in the Palazzo Borromeo at Milan. At the age of twelve his
father allowed him to receive the tonsure, and, upon the resignation of
his uncle, Julius Caesar Borromeo, he became titular Abbot of Sts.
Gratinian and Felinus ar Arona.</p>
<p id="c-p3221" shownumber="no">When he received the tonsure he was sent by his father to Milan,
where he studied Latin under J.J. Merla. In October, 1552, he left
Arona for the University of Pavia, where he had as his tutor Francesco
Alciato, afterwards cardinal. His correspondence shows that he was
allowed a small sum by his father, and that often he was in straitened
circumstances, which caused him considerable inconvenience. It was not
only that he himself suffered, but that his retinue also were not
suitably clothed. Charles evidently felt bitterly his humiliation, but
he does not seem to have shown impatience. Leaving Pavia to meet his
uncle, Cardinal de' Medici, at Milan, he was, within a few weeks called
upon to attend the funeral of his father, who died early in August,
1558, and was buried in the church of Santa Maria delle Grazie,
Milan.</p>
<p id="c-p3222" shownumber="no">Fresh responsibilities at once came to Charles, for though he was
not the elder son, yet, at the request of his family, including even
his brother, he assumed charge of all the family business. The question
of possession of the Castle of Arona was one of great difficulty, as it
was claimed by both France and Spain. Charles conducted the
negotiations with great energy and diplomatic skill, and as a
consequence of the Peace of Cambrai (3 April, 1559) the castle was
handed over to Count Francesco Borromeo, in the name of his nephew,
Federigo Borromeo, to be held by him for the King of Spain. He also did
much to restore to their ancient monastic discipline the religious of
his Abbey of Sts. Gratinian and Felinus. Though his studies were so
often interrupted, yet his seriousness and attention enabled him to
complete them with success, and in 1559 he maintained his thesis for
the doctorate of civil and canon law.</p>
<p id="c-p3223" shownumber="no">In the summer of 1559, Paul IV died, and the conclave for the
election of his successor, which began on 9 September, was not
concluded till December, when Cardinal Giovanni Angelo de' Medici was
elected and took the name of Pius IV. On the 3rd of January, 1560,
Charles received a message by a courier from the pope, asking him to
proceed at once to Rome. He started immediately for the Eternal City,
but though he travelled rapidly he was not in time for the pope's
coronation (6 January). On 22 January he wrote to Count Guido Borromeo
that the pope had given him the charge of the administration of all the
papal states. On 31 January he was created cardinal-deacon, together
with Giovanni de' Medici, son of the Duke of Florence, and Gianantonio
Serbellone, cousin of the pope. Charles was given the title of Sts.
Vitus and Modestus, which was in the August following changed to that
of St. Martino-ai-Monti. He wished for no rejoicings at Milan; all the
celebration was to be at Arona, where were to be said ten Masses 
<i>de Spiritu Sancto</i>. At this time Cardinal Ippolito d'Este, of
Ferrara, resigned the Archbishopric of Milan, and on 8 February the
pope named Charles as administrator of the vacant see. In succession he
was named Legate of Bologna, Romagna, and the March of Ancona. He was
named Protector of the Kingdom of Portugal, of Lower Germany, and the
Catholic cantons of Switzerland. Under his protection were placed the
orders of St. Francis, the Carmelites, the Humiliati, the Canons
Regular of the Holy Cross of Coimbra, the Knights of Jerusalem (or
Malta), and those of the Holy Cross of Christ in Portugal. By a 
<i>motu proprio</i> (22 January, 1561) Pius IV gave him an annual
income of 1000 golden crowns from the episcopal 
<i>mensa</i> of Ferrara.</p>
<p id="c-p3224" shownumber="no">Charles' office of secretary of state and his care for the business
of the family did not prevent him from giving time to study, and even
to recreations in the form of playing the lute and violoncello, and a
game of ball. He lived at first at the Vatican, but in July, 1562,
removed to the Palazzo Colonna, Piazza Sancti Apostoli. Soon after his
arrival in Rome he founded at the Vatican an academy, which was a way
of providing, by literary work, a distraction from more serious
occupations. The members, whether ecclesiastics or laymen, met nearly
every evening, and many of their contributions are amongst the works of
Charles as "Noctes Vaticanae". Charles was very soon occupied as
secretary of state in using his influence to bring about the
re-assembling of the Council of Trent, which had been suspended since
1552. The state of Europe was appalling from an ecclesiastical point of
view. Many were the difficulties that had to be overcome -- with the
emperor, with Philip II of Spain, and, greatest of all, with France,
where the demand was made for a national council. Still, in spite of
obstacles, the work went on with the view of re-assembling the council,
and for the most part it was Charles' patience and devotion that
accomplished the object.</p>
<p id="c-p3225" shownumber="no">It was not until 18 January, 1562, that the council resumed at
Trent, with two cardinals, 106 bishops, 4 mitred abbots, and 4 generals
of religious orders present. The correspondence which passed between
Charles and the cardinal legates at Trent is enormous, and the
questions which arose many times threatened to bring about the
breaking-up of the council. Difficulties with the emperor, the national
principles put forward on behalf of France by the Cardinal Charles of
Lorraine, Archbishop of Reims, required from Charles constant attention
and the greatest delicacy and skill in treatment. The twenty-fifth, and
last, session of the council was held 3 and 4 December, 1563; at it
were present 255 Fathers. At a consistory on the 26th of January, 1564,
Pius IV confirmed the decrees of the council, and later appointed a
congregation of eight cardinals to see to the execution of these
decrees. During the sitting of the re-assembled council Charles' elder
brother, Count Federigo, had died (28 November, 1562). This event had a
very determining result as to Charles, for he immediately resolved to
give himself with greater strictness to spiritual matters, and he
looked upon his brother's death as a warning to him to give up all
worldly things. His resolution was well needed, for, as he was now head
of the family, great pressure was brought to bear upon him to give up
the ecclesiastical state and to marry. This view was even suggested to
him by the pope at the instance of other relatives. Some months passed
in these efforts to influence Charles, but finally he resolved to
definitely fix himself in the ecclesiastical state by being secretly
ordained priest. The ordination took place, by the hands of Cardinal
Federigo Cesa, in Santa Maria Maggiore, on the 4th of September, 1563.
He writes that he celebrated his first Mass on the Assumption, in St.
Peter's, at the altar of the Confession. He said his second Mass at his
house, attached to the Gesu, in an oratory where St. Ignatius had been
accustomed to celebrate. Charles at this time had as his confessor
Father Giovanni Battista Ribera, S.J. On the 7th of December, 1563, the
feast of St. Ambrose, he was consecrated bishop in the Sistine Chapel;
on the 23rd of March, 1564, he received the pallium, and was preconized
on the 12th of May. In the following June his title was changed to that
of Santa Prassede.</p>
<p id="c-p3226" shownumber="no">Meanwhile Charles had provided for the spiritual wants of his
diocese. Antonio Roberti, in May, 1560, has, as his vicar, taken
possession of his archbishopric, and Charles sent Monsignor Donato,
Bishop of Bobbio, as his deputy for episcopal functions. Monsignor
Donato soon died, and in his place, Charles commissioned Monsignor
Girolamo Ferragato, O.S.A., one of his suffragans, to visit the
diocese, and to report on its needs. Ferragato entered Milan, 23 April,
1562; on 24 June of the same year Charles sent to Milan Fathers Palmio
and Carvagial, S.J., with the object of preparing the faithful of the
diocese, both clergy and laity, for the carrying out of the reforms
prescribed by the Council of Trent. While anxious for the spiritual
welfare of his flock, he was no less solicitous for his own. There came
to him the thought of what was the will of God concerning him, and
whether he was to continue as the spiritual father of his diocese or
retire to a monastery. It happened in the autumn of 1563, between the
sessions of the Council of Trent, that the Cardinal of Lorraine went to
Rome, accompanied by Ven. Bartholomew of the Martyrs, O.P., Archbishop
of Braga, in Portugal. Bartholomew had already shown himself to be of a
like spirit to Charles, and when Pius IV introduced them, and suggested
that he should begin the reform of the cardinals in the person of
Charles, Bartholomew answered that if the princes of the Church had all
been like Cardinal Borromeo, he would have proposed them as models for
the reform of the rest of the clergy. In a private interview, Charles
opened his heart to Bartholomew and told him of his thought of retiring
to a monastery. Bartholomew applauded his desire, but at the same time
declared his opinion that it was God's will that he should not abandon
his position. Charles was now assured that it was his duty to remain in
the world; but all the more he felt he ought to visit his diocese,
though the pope always opposed his departure. Bartholomew counselled
patience, and represented the assistance he could give to the pope and
the whole Church by remaining in Rome. Charles was satisfied, and
stayed on, doing the great work necessary by sending zealous deputies.
After the Council of Trent he was much occupied with the production of
the catechism embodying the teaching of the council, the revision of
the Missal and Breviary. He also was a member of a commission for the
reform of church music, and chose Palestrina to compose three masses;
one of these is the "Missa Papae Marcelli".</p>
<p id="c-p3227" shownumber="no">Pastoral solicitude, which is the characteristic chosen for mention
in the collect of his feast, made him ever anxious to have the most
suitable representatives in Milan. He heard of the excellent qualities
of Monsignor Nicolò Ormaneto, of the diocese of Verona, and
succeeded in obtaining the consent of his bishop to his transference to
Milan. Ormaneto had been in the household of Cardinal Pole, and also
the principal assistant of the Bishop of Verona. On the 1st of July,
1564, Ormaneto reached Milan, and at once carried out Charles'
instructions by calling together a diocesan synod for the promulgation
of the decrees of the Council of Trent. There were 1200 priests at the
Synod. It was with the clergy that Charles began the reform, and the
many abuses needed skilful and tactful treatment. Father Palmio
contributed much in bringing the clergy to a sense of the necessity for
reform. The synod was followed by a visitation of the diocese by
Ormaneto. In September Charles sent thirty Jesuit Fathers to assist his
vicar; three of these were placed over the seminary, which was opened
on the 11th of November (feast of St. Martin of Tours). Charles was
constantly directing the work of restoration of ecclesiastical
discipline, and the education of the young, even down to minute
details, was foremost in his thoughts. The manner of preaching,
repression of avaricious priests, ecclesiastical ceremonies, and church
music are some of the subjects on which Charles wrote many letters. The
revival of strict observance of rule in the convents of nuns was
another matter to which Charles urged Ormaneto's attention; the setting
up of grilles in the convent parlours was ordered, and, to remove
material difficulties, Charles ordered his agent, Albonese, to pay the
cost of this where the convents, through poverty, were unable to bear
the expense. This order brought difficulties with his own relations.
Two of his aunts, sisters of Pius IV, had entered the Order of St.
Dominic; they resented the setting up of the grilles as casting a slur
on their convent. Charles, in a letter (28th of April, 1565) displaying
much thought and great tact, strove to bring his aunts to see the good
purpose of the order, but without success, and the pope wrote on the
26th of May, 1565, telling them that he had given general orders for
the setting up of the grilles, and that it would be pleasing to him
that those united to him by ties of blood and affection should set a
good example to other convents.</p>
<p id="c-p3228" shownumber="no">Notwithstanding the support which Charles gave, Ormmaneto was
discouraged by the checks with which he met, and wished to return to
his own diocese. Charles pressed the pope to allow him to leave Rome,
and at the same time encouraged Ormaneto to remain. At last the pope
gave his consent to Charles visiting his flock and summoning a
provincial council; but, desiring his stay to be short one, he created
Charles legate 
<i>a latere</i> for all Italy. Charles prepared to start, chose
canonists to help the council, and wrote to the Court of Spain and
Philip II. He left Rome 1 September, and, passing through Florence,
Bologna, Modena, and Parma, he made his solemn entry into Milan on
Sunday, 23 September, 1565. His arrival was the occasion of great
rejoicings, and the people did their utmost to welcome the first
resident archbishop for eighty years. On the following Sunday he
preached in the Duomo, on the words: "With desire I have desired to eat
this pasch with you" (<scripRef id="c-p3228.1" osisRef="Bible:Luke.22.15" parsed="|Luke|22|15|0|0" passage="Luke 22:15">Luke 22:15</scripRef>).</p>
<p id="c-p3229" shownumber="no">On the 15th of October the first provincial council met. It was
attended by ten out of the fifteen bishops of the province, those
absent being represented by their procurators. Three of these prelates
were cardinals, and one, Nicolò Sfondrato of Cremona, was
afterwards pope with the title of Gregory XIV. Charles announced that
the reform must begin with the prelates: "We ought to walk in front,
and our spiritual subjects will follow us more easily." He commenced by
fulfilling all things required in himself, and his wonderful clergy
astonished the prelates. The council was finished on the 3rd of
November, and Charles sent a mminute report to the pope. On the 6th of
November he went to Trent as legate, to meet the Archduchesses Giovanna
and Barbara, who were to be married to the Prince of Florence and the
Duke of Ferrara. Charles conducted Barbara to Ferrara and Giovanna to
Tuscany, where at Fiorenzuola, he received the news of the pope's
serious illness. He reached Rome to find that the pope's condition was
hopeless, and he at once bade the Holy Father turn all his thoughts to
his heavenly home. On the 10th of December Pius IV died, assisted by
two saints, Charles and Philip Neri. Onb the 7th of January, 1566, the
conclave for the election of his successor was concluded by the
election of Cardinal Michele Ghislieri, O.P., of Alessandria, Bishop of
Mondovi, who, at the request of Charles, took the name of Pius V. It
had been maintained that Charles at first favoured Cardinal Morone, but
his letter to the King of Spain (Sylvain, I,309) seems to prove that he
did his utmost to secure the election of Cardinal Ghislieri. Pius V
wished to keep Charles to assist him in Rome; but though Charles
delayed his departure for some time, in the end his earnest
representations obtained permission for him to return to Milan, at
least for the summer. He returned to his see, 5 April, 1566, having
made a detour to visit the sanctuary of Our Lady of Loreto. Charles
showed admirably how the Church had the power to reform from within,
and, though the task he had to do was gigantic, he set about its
execution with great calmness and confidence. He began with his
household, gave up much of his property to the poor, and insisted that
in all that concerned him personally the greatest economy should be
used; for his position as archbishop and cardinal he required due
respect. He practised great mortification, and whatever the Council of
Trent or his own provincial council had laid down for the life of the
bishops he carried out, not only in the letter, but also in the
spirit.</p>
<p id="c-p3230" shownumber="no">The rules for the management of his household, both in spiritual and
temporal affairs, are to be found in the "Acta Ecclesiae
Mediolanensis". The result of the care that was taken of his household
was seen in the many members of it who became distinguished bishops and
prelates. More than twenty were chosen while members of the cardinal's
household; one of these was Dr. Owen Lewis, fellow of New College,
Oxford, who taught at Oxford and Douai, and after being vicar-general
to St. Charles was made Bishop of Cassano in Calabria.</p>
<p id="c-p3231" shownumber="no">The administration of the diocese needed to be perfected; he
therefore chose a vicar-general of exemplary life, learned in law and
ecclesiastical discipline. He also appointed two other vicars, one for
civil and the other for criminal causes. He associated with them other
officials, all chosen for their integrity, and took care that they
should be well paid, so as to preclude all suspicion of venality.
Corruption in such matters was specially distasteful to him. Whilst
providing for upright officials, the needs of the prisoners were not
forgotten, and in time his court was known as the holy tribunal. He so
organized his administration that by means of reports and conferences
with the visitors and the vicars forane, his pastoral visits were
productive of great fruit. The canons of his cathedral chapter were in
turn the object of his reforming care. He put before them his plan of
giving them definite work in theology and in connexion with the
Sacrament of Penance. They welcomed his reforms, as he wrote to
Monsignor Bonome: "The result of the way I have taken is very different
to that in vogue today" (27 April, 1566). Pius V congratulated Charles
on his success and exhorted him to continue the work.</p>
<p id="c-p3232" shownumber="no">Another great work which was begun at this time was that of the
Confraternity of Christian Doctrine, in order that the children might
be carefully and systematically instructed. This work was really the
beginning of what is now known as the Sunday school, and there is a
remarkable testimony to this in an inscription under a statue outside
the Essex Unitarian Church, Kensington, London, where Cardinal Borromeo
is mentioned in connexion with the work. The visitation of his flock
was steadily carried out and various pious foundations were made to
succour the needy and sinners. In 1567 opposition began to be made to
his jurisdiction. The officials of the King of Spain announced that
they would inflict severe penalties on the archbishop's officers if
they imprisoned more laymen, or carried arms. The mmatter was referred
to the king, and finally to the pope, who counselled the Senate of
Milan to support the ecclesiastical authority. Peace was not restored;
and the 
<i>bargello</i>, or sheriff, of the archbishop was imprisoned. The
archbishop announced sentence of excommunication on the captain of
justice and several other officials. Much trouble followed, and again
the matter was laid before the pope, who decided in favour of the
archbishop.</p>
<p id="c-p3233" shownumber="no">In October, 1567, Charles started to visit three Swiss valleys,
Levantina, Bregno, and La Riviera. In most parts, indeed, there was
much to reform. The clergy especially were in many cases so lax and
careless, and even living scandalous lives, that the people had grown
to be equally negligent and sinful. The hardships of this journey were
great; Charles travelled on a mule, but sometimes on foot, over most
difficult and even dangerous ground. His labours bore great fruit, and
a new spirit was put into both clergy and laity. In August, 1568, the
second diocesan synod was held, and it was followed in April, 1569, by
the second provincial council. In August, 1569, matters came to a head
in connexion with the collegiate church of Santa Maria della Scala.
This church had been declared by Clement VII, in 1531, exempt from the
jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Milan, provided that the consent of
the archbishop was obtained; but this consent had never been obtained,
and consequently the exemption did not take effect. Now the governor,
the Duke of Albuquerque, had been induced by the opponents of the
archbishop to issue an edict declaring that all who violated the king's
jurisdiction should receive severe punishment. The canons of La Scala
claimed exemption from the archbishop and relied on the secular power
to support them. Charles announced his intention of making his
visitation in accordance with the wishes of the pope, by sending
Monsignor Luigi Moneta to the canons. He was met with opposition and
open insult. Early in September Charles himself went, vested for a
visitation. The same violent demeanour was again shown. The archbishop
took the cross into his own hands and went forward to pronounce the
sentence of excommunication. The armed men raised their weapons; the
canons closed the door of the church against Charles, who with eyes
fixed on the crucifix, recommended himself and these unworthy men to
the Divine protection. Charles was indeed in danger of his life, for
the canons' supporters opened fire, and the cross in his hand was
damaged. His vicar-general then put up the public notice that the
canons had incurred censures. This act was followed by blows and cries,
removal of the notices, and the declaration that the archbishop was
himself suspended from his office. Pius V was shocked at this incident,
and only with very great difficulty allowed Charles to deal with these
rebellious canons, when they repented.</p>
<p id="c-p3234" shownumber="no">In October, 1569, Charles was again in great danger. The Order of
the Humiliati, of which he was protector, had by his persevering care
been induced to accept certain reforms, in 1567. But some of its
members strove to bring about a return to their former condition. As
Charles would not consent to this, some of the order formed a
conspiracy to take his life. On the 26th of October, whilst Charles was
at evening prayer with his household, a member of the Humiliati,
dressed as a layman, having entered with others of the public who were
admitted to the chapel, took his stand four or five yards from the
archbishop. The motet "Tempus est ut revertar ad eum qui me misit", by
Orlando Lasso, was being sung; the words "Non turbetur cor vestrum,
neque formidet" had just been sung, when the assassin fired his weapon,
loaded with ball, and struck Charles, who was kneeling at the altar.
Charles, thinking himself mortally wounded, commended himself to God. A
panic arose, which allowed the assassin to escape, but Charles motioned
to his household to finish the prayers. At their conclusion it was
found that the ball had not even pierced his clothes, but some of the
shot had penetrated to the skin, and where the ball had struck a slight
swelling appeared, which remained through his life.</p>
<p id="c-p3235" shownumber="no">It was seen how far the unruly-minded had gone, and the serious turn
affairs had taken. At once the governor took prompt steps to assure
Charles of his sympathy and his wish to find the assassin. Charles
would not allow this, and asked the governor to use his efforts to
prevent the rights of the Church being infringed. In some measure this
occurrence led the canons of La Scala to sue for pardon, and on the 5th
of February, 1570, Charles publicly absolved them before the door of
his cathedral. Notwithstanding his wish to forgive those who had
attempted his life, and his efforts to prevent their prosecution, four
of the conspirators (amongst them Farina, who actually fired) were
sentenced to death. All being of the clergy, they were handed over to
the civil power (29 July, 1570); two were beheaded; Farina and another
were hanged.</p>
<p id="c-p3236" shownumber="no">Charles at this time made a second visit to Switzerland, first
visiting the three valleys of his diocese, then over the mountains to
see his half-sister Ortensia, Countess d'Altemps. Afterwards he visited
all the Catholic cantons, everywhere using his influence to remove
abuses both among the clergy and laity, and to restore religious
observance in monasteries and convents. He visited Altorf, Unterwalden,
Lucerne, Saint Gall, Schwyz, Einsiedeln, where he said that he nowhere
except at Loreto, experienced a greater religious feeling (10
September, 1570). Heresy had spread in many of these parts, and Charles
sent to them experienced missionaries to win back those who had
embraced it</p>
<p id="c-p3237" shownumber="no">At this time Pius V came to the conclusion that nothing less than
the suppression of the Order of the Humiliati was adequate. He
therefore issued a Bull (7 February, 1571) suppressing the order and
providing for its property. This same year, owing to the short harvest,
the whole province suffered from a terrible famine, during which
Charles worked with unceasing toil to help the starving, relieving at
his own expense as many as 3000 daily for three months. His example
induced others to help, the governor, especially, giving large alms. In
the summer of 1571 Charles was for somme time seriously ill, in the
month of August; having partly recovered, he was making his visitation
when he heard of the serious illness of the governor, the Duke of
Albuquerque. Charles returned to Milan only in time to console the
duchess. He made use of the prayers ordered by Pius V for the success
of the Christians against the Turks, to urge on his flock the necessity
of averting God's anger by penance. Great were the rejoicings at the
victory of Lepanto (7 October, 1571). Charles was especially interested
in this expedition by reason of the papal ships being commanded by
Marco Antonio Colonna, whose son Fabricio was married to his sister,
Anna Borromeo.</p>
<p id="c-p3238" shownumber="no">The archbishop remained in bad health, suffering from low fever and
catarrh. It was feared that consumption would set in; in spite of his
illness he prepared for the third diocesan synod, which was held in his
absence in April, 1572. He soon afterwards heard of the death of Pius V
(1 May, 1572), and, though feeble, he started for the conclave, which
lasted one day and resulted in the election of Cardinal Ugo
Buoncompagni, with the title of Gregory XIII, 13 May, 1572. As medical
treatment had not restored Charles to health, he now abandoned it and
returned to his ordinary rule of life, with the result that he was
before long quite well. On his homeward journey he again visited
Loreto, in November, and reached Milan on 12 November. He at this time
resigned the offices of Grand Penitentiary, Archpriest of Santa Maria
Maggiore, and other high dignities. In April, 1573, he held his third
provincial council.</p>
<p id="c-p3239" shownumber="no">The new governor of Milan was Don Luigi di Requesens, who had known
Charles in Rome. However, as soon as he took office, being urged by the
opponents of Charles, he published some letters falsely incriminating
Charles in questions of the royal authority and containing much that
was contrary to the rights of the Church. Charles protested against
their publication; with great reluctance, and after much anxious
deliberation, he publicly pronounced, in August, sentence of
excommunication explicitly against the grand Chancellor and immplicitly
against the governor. As a consequence of this, libels were published
in the city against Charles. The governor showed his displeasure by
placing restricitions on the meetings of the confraternities, also
depriving Charles of the Castle of Arona. Various rumours were in
circulation of more wicked plans against Charles, but his tranquillity
was maintained, and he carried on his work with his usual care, despite
the fact that the governor had placed an armed guard to watch his
palace. None of the governor's actions succeeding, the governor was led
to ask for absolution, which he obtained by deception. When Gregory
XIII learned of this, he compelled the governor to make satisfaction to
Charles. This was done, and on 26 November Charles announced that the
governor was absolved from all penalties and censures. In this year
Charles founded a college for the nobility at Milan.</p>
<p id="c-p3240" shownumber="no">In August, 1574, Henry III of France was passing through the Diocese
of Milan on his way from Poland to take the French throne. Charles met
him at Monza. The fourth diocesan synod was in November, 1574. Gregory
XIII proclaimed a jubilee for 1575, and on the 8th of December, 1574,
Charles left for Rome. He visited many shrines and, having reached
Rome, performed the required devotions and started for Milan, in
February. He assisted at the death-bed of his brother-in-law, Cesare
Gonzaga, and continued the visitation of his province. In 1576 the
jubilee was kept in the diocese of Milan. It began on the 2nd of
February. Whilst the jubilee was being celebrated, news came of the
outbreak of plague in Venice and Mantua. The fourth provincial council
was held in May. In August, Don John of Austria, visited Milan.
Religious exercises were being carried out, and his arrival was made
the occasion of rejoicings and spectacular effects. All at once
everything was changed, for the plague appeared in Milan. Charles was
at Lodi, at the funeral of the bishop. He at once returned, and
inspired confidence in all. He was convinced that the plague was sent
as a chatisement for sin, abd sought all the more to give himself to
prayer. At the same time he thought of the people. He prepared himself
for death, made his will (9 September, 1576), and then gave himself up
entirely to his people. Personal visits were paid by him to the
plague-stricken houses. In the hospital of St. Gregory were the worst
cases; to this he went, and his presence comforted the sufferers.
Though he worked so arduously himself, it was only after many trials
that the secular clergy of the town were induced to assist him, but his
persuasive words at last won them so that they afterwards aided him in
every way. It was at this time that, wishing to do penance for his
people, he walked in procession, barefooted, with a rope round his
neck, at one time bearing in his hand the relic of the Holy Nail.</p>
<p id="c-p3241" shownumber="no">At the beginning of 1577 the plague began to abate, and though there
was a temmporary increase in the number of cases, at last it ceased.
The Milanese vowed to build a church dedicated to St. Sebastian, if he
would deliver them. This promise was fulfilled. Charles wrote at this
time the "Memoriale", a small work, addressed to his suffragans, which
had for its object to recall the lessons given by the cessation of the
plague. He also compiled books of devotion for persons of every state
of life. By the beginning of 1578 the plague had quite disappeared from
all parts. At the end of 1578 the fifth diocesan synod was held. It
lasted three days. Charles endeavoured at this time to induce the
canons of the cathedral to unite with himself in community life. In
this year, on the 16th of August, he began the foundation of the
congregation of secular priests under the patronage of Our Lady and St.
Ambrose, giving it the title of the Oblates of St. Ambrose. Though he
had been helped by various orders of religious, especially by the
Jesuits and the Barnabites, one of whom (now Bl. Alexander Sauli) was
for many years his constant adviser, yet he felt the need of a body of
men who could act as his assistants and, living in community, would be
more easily impressed by his spirit and wishes. He was the master mind
of this new congregation, and he ever insisted on the need of complete
union between himself and its members. It was his delight to be with
them, and, looking to him as a father, they were ready to go where he
wished, to undertake works of every kind. He placed them in seminaries,
schools, and confraternities. The remaining synods were held in 1579
and succeeding years, the last (the eleventh) in 1584.</p>
<p id="c-p3242" shownumber="no">His first pilgrimage to Turin, to visit the Holy Shroud, was in
1578. About this time he first visited the holy mountain of Varallo to
meditate on the mysteries of the Passion in the chapels there. In
1578-9 the Marquis of Ayamonte, the soccessor of Requesens as governor,
opposed the jurisdiction of the archbishop, and in September of the
latter year Charles went to Rome to obtain a decision on the question
of jurisdiction. The dispute arose in consequence of the governor
ordering the carnival to be celebrated with additional festivities on
the first Sunday of Lent, against the archbishop's orders. The pope
confirmed the decrees of the archbishop, and urged the Milanese to
submit. The envoys sent by them were so ashamed that they would not
themselves present the pope's reply. Gregory XIII had welcomed Charles
and rejoiced at his presence. Charles did much work during his stay for
his province, especially for Switzerland. In connexion with the rule
which Charles drew up for the Oblates of St. Ambrose, it is to be noted
that when in Rome he submitted it to St. Philip Neri, who advised
Charles to exclude the vow of poverty. Charles defended its inclusion,
so St. Philip said, "We will put it to the judgment of Brother Felix".
This brother was a simple Capuchin lay brother at the Capuchins, close
to the Piazza Barberini. St. Philip and St. Charles went to him, and he
put his finger on the article dealing with the vow of poverty, and
said, "This is what should be effaced". Felix was also a saint, and is
known as St. Felix of Cantalicio. Charles returned to Milan by
Florence, Bologna, and Venice, everywhere reviving the true
ecclesiastical spirit. When he reached Milan the joy of his people was
great, for it had been said he would not return. After the beginning of
Lent (1580), Charles began his visitation at Brescia; soon after, in
April, he was called back to Milan to assist at the death-bed of the
governor, Ayamonte. In this year Charles visited the Valtelline valley
in the Grisons. In July he was brought to know a youth who afterwards
reached great sanctity. He was invited by the Marquis Gonzaga to stay
with him, and refused, but while staying at the archpriest's house he
met the eldest son of the marquis, Luigi Gonzaga, then twelve years
old, now raised to the altars of the Church as St. Aloysius Gonzaga,
S.J. Charles gave him his first Communion. The next year (1581) Charles
sent to the King of Spain a special envoy in the person of Father
Charles Bascape of the Barnabites, charging him to endeavour to come to
an understanding on the question of jurisdiction. The result was that a
governor, the Duke of Terra Nova, was sent, who was instructed to act
in concert with Charles. After this no further controversy arose.</p>
<p id="c-p3243" shownumber="no">In 1582 Charles started on his last journey to Rome, both in
obedience to the decrees of the Council of Trent, and to have the
decrees of the sixth provincial council confirmed. This was his last
visit, and during it he resided at the monastery attached to his
titular church of Santa Prassede, where still are shown pieces of
furniture used by him. He left Rome in January, 1583, and travelled by
Sienna and Mantua, where he had been commissioned by the pope to
pronounce a judgment. A great portion of this year was taken up by
visitations. In November he began a visitation as Apostolic visitor of
all the cantons of Switzerland and the Grisons, leaving the affairs of
his diocese in the hands of Monsignor Owen Lewis, his vicar-general. He
began in the Mesoleina Valley; here not only was there heresy to be
fought, but also witchcraft and sorcery, and at Roveredo it was
discovered that the provost, or rector, was the foremost in sorceries.
Charles spent considerable time in setting right this terrible state of
things. It was his especial care to leave holy priests and good
religious to guide the people. Next he visited Bellinzona and Ascona,
working strenuously to extirpate heresy, and meeting with much
opposition from the Bishop of Coire. The negotiations were continued
into the next year, the last of Charles on earth. All his work bore
fruit, and his efforts in these part ensured the preservation of the
Faith. The heretics spread false reports that Charles was really
working for Spain against the inhabitants of the Grisons. In spite of
their falsehoods Charles continued to attack them and to defend
Catholics, who had much to suffer.</p>
<p id="c-p3244" shownumber="no">At the end of 1584 he had an attack of erysipelas in one leg, which
obliged to remain in bed. He however has a congress of the rural deans,
sixty in number, with whom he fully discussed the needs of the diocese.
He also made great exertions to suppress the licentiousness of the
carnival. Knowing the needs of the invalids who left the great hospital
he determined to found a convalescent hospital. He did not live to see
it completed, but his immediate successor saw that the work was
executed. During September and early October he was at Novara,
Vercelli, and Turin. On the 8th of October he left Turin and thence
travelled to Monte Varallo. He was going to prepare for death. His
confessor, Father Adorno, was told to join him. On 15 October he began
the exercises by making a general confession. On the 18th the Cardinal
of Vercelli summoned him to Arona to discuss urgent and important
business. The night before Charles spent eight hours in prayer on his
knees. On the 20th he was back at Varallo; on the 24th an attack of
fever came on; he concealed it at first, but suffering from sickness he
was obliged to declare his state. For five days this state lasted, but
still he said Mass and gave Communion daily, and carried on his
correspondence. He seemed to know that death was at hand and determined
to work as long as he had strength left. The foundation of the college
at Ascona was not completed, and it was urgent that it should be
finished in a short time, so Charles pressed on and started, in spite
of his sufferings, on 29 October, having previously paid a farewell
visit to the chapels. He was found prostrate in the chapel where the
burial of Our Lord was represented. He rode to Arona, thence went by
boat to Canobbio, where he stayed the night, said Mass on the 30th, and
proceeded to Ascona. He visited the college, and afterwards set out at
night for Canobbio, staying a short time at Locarno, where he intended
to bless a cemetery, but, finding himself without his pontifical
vestments, he abandoned the idea. When he reached Canobbio the fever
was decreasing, and he was very weak. The next day he took the boat for
Arona and stayed there with the Jesuits, at the novitiate he had
founded, and on All Saints' Day he said Mass for the last time, giving
Communion to the novices and many of the faithful. The next day he
assisted at Mass and received Holy Communion. His cousin, Rene
Borromeo, accompanied him on the boat, and that evening he reached
Milan. It was not known there that he was ill. He at once was visited
by doctors, whose orders he obeyed. He would not allow Mass to be said
in his room. A picture of Our Lord in the tomb was before him, together
with two others of Jesus at Gethsemani and the body of the dead Christ.
The physicians regarded the danger as extreme, and though there was a
slight improvement, it was not maintained, and the fever returned with
great severity. The archpriest of the cathedral gave him the Viaticum,
which he received vested in rochet and stole. The administration of
extreme unction was suggested. "At once", Charles replied. It was at
once given, and afterwards he showed but little sign of life. The
governor, the Duke of Terra Nova, arrived after great difficulty in
getting through the crowds which surrounded and had entered the palace.
The prayers for a passing soul were said, the Passion was read, with
Father Bascapè and Father Adorno at the bedside, the words "Ecce
venio" (Behold I come) being the last words he was heard to utter (3
November, 1584). On the 7th of November his requiem was sung by
Cardinal Nicolò Sfondrato, Bishop of Cremona, afterwards Gregory
XIV. He was buried at night in the spot which he had chosen.</p>
<p id="c-p3245" shownumber="no">Devotion to him as a saint was at once shown and gradually grew, and
the Milanese kept his anniversary as though he were canonized. This
veneration, at first private, became universal, and after 1601 Cardinal
Baronius wrote that it was no loger necessary to keep his anniversary
by a requiem Mass, and that the solemn Mass of thedau should be sung.
Then materials were collected for his canonization, and processes were
begun at Milan, Pavia, Bologna, and other places. In 1604 the cause was
sent to the Congregation of Rites. Finally, 1 November, 1610, Paul V
solemnly canonized Charles Borromeo, and fixed his feast for the 4th
day of November.</p>
<p id="c-p3246" shownumber="no">The position which Charles held in Europe was indeed a very
remarkable one. The mass of correspondence both to and by him testifies
to the way in which his opinion was sought. The popes under whom he
lived - as has been shown above - sought his advice. The sovereigns of
Europe, Henry III of France, Philip II, Mary, Queen of Scots, and
others showed how they valued his influence. His brother cardinals have
written in praise of his virtues. Cardinal Valerio of Verona said of
him that he was to the well-born a pattern of virtue, to his brother
cardinals an example of true nobility. Cardinal Baronius styled him "a
second Ambrose, whose early death, lamented by all good men, inflicted
great loss on the Church".</p>
<p id="c-p3247" shownumber="no">It is a matter of interest to know that Catholics in England late in
the sixteenth or at the beginning of the seventeenth century had
circulated some life of St. Charles in England. Doubtless some
knowledge of him had been brought to England by Blessed Edmund Campion,
S.J., who visited him at Milan in 1580, on his way to England, stopped
with him some eight days, and conversed with him every day after
dinner. Charles had much to do with England in the days of his
assistance to Pius IV, and he had a great veneration for the portrait
of Bishop Fisher. Charles also had much to do with Francis Borgia,
General of the Jesuits, and with Andrew of Avellino of the Theatines,
who gave great help to his work in Milan.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3248" shownumber="no">WILLIAM FFRENCH KEOGH</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3248.1" title="Charles V, Emperor" type="Encyclopedia">Emperor Charles V</term>
<def id="c-p3248.2">
<h1 id="c-p3248.3">Emperor Charles V</h1>
<p id="c-p3249" shownumber="no">(CHARLES I, King of SPAIN).</p>
<p id="c-p3250" shownumber="no">Born at Ghent, 1500; died at Yuste, in Spain, 1558; was a descendant
of the house of Hapsburg, and to this descent owed his sovereignty over
so many lands that it was said of him that the sun never set on his
dominions. Charles was the son of Philip, Duke of Burgundy, by Joanna,
daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, and Burgundy was the first heritage
to which he at his led, on his fathers death in 1506. As he was a minor
at that time, his aunt, Margaret of Austria, undertook the regency for
him. William of Chièvres, his father's chief counsellor, had
charge of the prince's household; Adrian of Utrecht, the Humanist and
professor of theology at Louvain, who undertook his education, appears
to have exercised a deep and lasting influence on the opinions and
convictions of his pupil.</p>
<p id="c-p3251" shownumber="no">Like many princes of his house, the boy developed slowly, showing no
signs of a strong will. In January, 1515, he was declared to be of age,
through the influence of Chièvres, who sought to destroy the power
by which Margaret was forcing the Burgundian nobility into a too
dynastic policy regardless of the country's need of peace. The peace of
the country demanded an alliance with France, even though France should
thus gain considerable influence in the internal affairs of Burgundy.
Charles at once acceded to the wishes of the nobility (Treaties of
Paris, 24 March, 1515, and Noyon, 13 August, 1516). Upon the death of
Ferdinand of Aragon in January, 1516, Charles was named as his
successor; but as the Duchess Joanna was still living, and Charles'
brother Ferdinand, educated in Spain, was popular in that country, the
realization of this arrangement was still in doubt. Of his own motion
Charles immediately assumed the title of King of Castile, and announced
his intention of going to Spain as soon as possible. It was not till
the autumn of 1517 that he effected this purpose, and the Spanish
opposition had mean while been silenced. But the power left in the
hands of Chièvres, and the Burgundians provoked the uprising in
Castile known as the War of the Communidad. It was a movement of the
cities. In Castile the discontentment of the ruling classes was joined
to that of the handicraftsmen and labourers, in Valencia the movement
was exclusively one of mechanics and the proletariat. The rebellion
failed because the commercial cities of Southern Castile took no part
in it, and because Charles, acting upon his own judgment, placed
Spaniards, instead of foreigners, in positions of authority.</p>
<p id="c-p3252" shownumber="no">In 1520 Charles left Spain to take possession of the German Empire
to which he had been elected. The French king, Francis I, had been his
rival for the dignity; Leo X thought that his interests in Italy were
endangered by Charles' election. The Kingdom of Navarre was already a
matter of contention between France and Spain, while France and the
Netherlands wrangled over the original Dukedom of Burgundy as well as
Tournai, Flanders, Artois, and some lesser territories. War had not
broken out over these questions, and nothing indicated that Charles
would be a warlike prince; but he had broken the alliance with France
made under Chièvres. The Holy See opposed the election of Charles
even more vigorously than France. As King of Aragon, Charles was heir
to the Kingdom of Naples, a papal fief; the investiture had not yet
taken place, but it could not be withheld. If he should also become
emperor, and thus obtain a title to Milan as well, there would result a
political condition against which the popes since Innocent III had
constantly fought the union of Milan and Naples in one hand.</p>
<p id="c-p3253" shownumber="no">In spite of the opposition of Rome and France, Charles was elected
(28 June, 1519), and everywhere received the title of "Emperor Elect".
Leo X put no difficulties in Charles' way at Naples. The foundation bad
been laid for his universal empire. Not yet twenty years of age at the
time of his election, he had shown a marked precocity of development.
During a stay in the Netherlands of several months, after his return
from Spain, and on his arrival in Germany, it became apparent that he
had taken the reins of government into his own hands. His chief
counsellor, Chièvres, died in May, 1521, and thenceforward Charles
was practically free in all his decisions.</p>
<p id="c-p3254" shownumber="no">His first important service to the empire was to affect the
successful issue of the Diet of Worms, exhibiting his entire
independence and intellectual maturity. The Lutheran movement had
extended so widely over Germany, that Aleander, the papal
representative at the imperial Court, strenuously urged its
suppression. Charles had already told him, in the Netherlands, that the
affair seemed to him to be settled by the papal Bull of 15 June, 1520.
But in Germany he was convinced that the opposition to the Roman Curia
was widespread and that this opposition helped the monk, even among
those who did not hold heretical doctrines. Still, as he told Aleander,
Charles did not think it right to mix up his affairs with those of the
pope. He promised the constituent estates of the empire a hearing for
the monk before the imperial diet and in return received their promise
that if Luther persisted in his heresy they would abandon him. Thus he
gained time to turn his attention to temporal politics. He meant to
bring to a successful conclusion the efforts which for a generation had
been making to give the empire a better constitution, and increase its
financial and military strength. An agreement was reached as to how the
estates of the realm should share in its government, according to a
scheme called the 
<i>Reichsregiment</i>—how the expenses of the imperial chamber
etc. were to be met and how the estates were to furnish the emperor
military assistance in war. In April, 1521, Luther appeared before the
diet, but did not retract. Next day Charles in person appeared against
him before the estates, and expressed his own views with an emphasis
not expected from so taciturn a youth. On the 8th of May he prepared
the ban against Luther, but it was not published until the 26th. In
accordance with the promise given by the estates in February, he spoke
for them all.</p>
<p id="c-p3255" shownumber="no">Had Charles had his way, he would have devoted himself for some time
to the pressing internal needs of his country. The constitution
especially needed improvement; the finances were so disordered, and the
debt so large, that the monarch was hampered in whatever he did, and
could provide for the foreign interests of the empire only by very
careful management. Owing to the primitive development of means of
communication, he could not keep watch over the whole empire, which he
therefore decided to divide into districts. Already convinced that he
must make Spain the centre of his dominions and the mainstay of his
politics, he for that reason determined to make it his personal charge,
and went thither in the summer of 1522. Once in Spain, remote from
Germany and his hereditary Hapsburg estates, he at first purposed to
make them almost entirely independent of him, although he was more
dissatisfied with the conditions there than with those of any other
part of his empire. Reserving to himself only the general policy of the
empire as a whole, he gave his Austrian possessions to his brother
Ferdinand, in 1522, making him, at the same time, his representative at
the head of the imperial government. The 
<i>Reichsregiment</i> having been abrogated in 1525, he had Ferdinand
chosen King of Rome at the next opportunity (1530). He kept a firmer
hold on the government of the Netherlands, but established a permanent
regency for them also (1522), selecting for this function two able and
thoroughly loyal women: first (till 1530), the faithful Margaret, and
next his sister Maria of Hungary, who held the regency till Charles
himself abdicated. Naples had been ruled by viceroys under his
grandfather, and he continued this policy.</p>
<p id="c-p3256" shownumber="no">While Charles was completing these dispositions, he became involved
in a great war. On the 8th of May, 1521, the date of the edict against
Luther, an offensive alliance against France was signed by
representatives of the pope and the emperor. Charles had desired only a
defensive alliance, but Leo X, long an ally of Francis I, was now bent
upon war against him, because Francis had prevented an extension of the
papal territory which Leo desired. War would assuredly have broken out
between Francis and Charles on the score of Navarre and Burgundy, even
if Leo had not hastened the conflict; though it probably would not have
attained such dimensions, nor would have lasted so long as it actually
did; for Francis I was an irritable and fickle prince, not a man of
strong will, and cared more for pleasure than for war. But, as a matter
of fact, the main issue to be decided in the ensuing struggle (1521-29)
was the extent of the papal power in Italy—the question, that is,
whether the papacy or some foreign dynasty should be the dominant
political power in the Peninsula. In the first year of this war
Charles' generals won only a few minor victories in Spain and the
Netherlands. In 1522 they took Milan from the French. To complete their
victory they invaded France, in alliance with the Constable of Bourbon.
But the army had been weakened by the siege of Milan, and the French
succeeded in again invading Lombardy. Meanwhile Clement VII, who had
succeeded Leo X, after the short pontificate of Adrian VI, feared that
Charles might become too powerful in Italy, and, when the French
returned, prepared to transfer his friendship to them. But before he
came to a decision, the Spaniards completely defeated Francis at Pavia
(24 February, 1525) and took him prisoner. Francis was carried to Spain
and, to obtain his freedom, was forced to sign the Peace of Madrid (44
January, 1526), the terms of which greatly weakened the power of France
and gave Charles a free hand in Italy. Charles believed that this peace
would be lasting. But Clement VII exerted every effort to at once form
a coalition against Charles, and to induce Francis to recommence the
war. Under these circumstances Charles directed his army against Rome.
The result of this action was the frightful sack of Rome by the
imperial troops in 1527, which the emperor had never intended, but his
generals were powerless to prevent, since discipline had vanished in
presence of constant privations. After the sack, Charles' army was
placed in a dangerous position, as the French advanced to relieve Rome
and then besiege Naples. By superior generalship, however, the
imperialists once more triumphed. The smaller Italian States,
recognizing the hopelessness of opposing the imperial power, made an
alliance with Charles. Clement also concluded a treaty of peace at
Barcelona, 29 June, 1529; France at Cambrai, 5 August. The Peace of
Cambrai settled the political situation of Western Europe for a long
time, especially that of Italy.</p>
<p id="c-p3257" shownumber="no">Meantime Charles regulated the affairs of Spain and the Netherlands.
These countries resembled each other in having been originally composed
of many independent parts, gradually united under one sovereign. In
both cases, too, the previously independent states had obstinately
clung to their ancient interests, laws, and customs, and were moreover
powerful against the Crown. By centralizing the general administration,
and assimilating the laws and legal procedures, he sought to counteract
the force of these nationalist tendencies. To this end, he perceived,
the king, or (in the Netherlands) the regent, must be the centre of
activity. In reorganizing the central bureaus in Spain (1523) and the
Netherlands (1531), his main object was to entirely subordinate them to
the royal power, and employ in them trained men who should consider
themselves servants of the king. In the Netherlands, moreover, he
brought about the dependence of the judicial and fiscal officials on
the central administration. Through these new and efficient agencies he
created an excellent police system as well as a body of laws which
fostered the social and industrial life of the people, besides
promoting agriculture as no other prince ever had. His commercial
legislation was restrictive only when capitalistic excesses or the
growth of the proletariat demanded restraint. The edict of 1531 for the
Netherlands (promulgated 1540) and the state organization for the care
of the poor illustrate this. The creation of these authorities and this
system of laws at the same time had the effect of limiting the power of
the Cortes and the States General, both of which bodies thereafter
retained only the right of taxation, in the exercise of which,
moreover, Charles succeeded in accustoming them to regular annual
budgets, by explaining to them his own policy and enlightening them as
to the needs of the country, and thus showing them why they should
contribute revenue.</p>
<p id="c-p3258" shownumber="no">With individuals Charles dealt still more effectively—in Spain
chiefly with the burghers, in the Netherlands with the higher nobility.
The latter he won to his support by bestowing on them the most
important offices and holding out hopes of the Golden Fleece; the
former he hoped to win by leaving them the control of taxation, so that
they might regulate it uniformly, and therefore less oppressively. He
controlled the clergy by transferring to them an almost general right
to the disposal of benefices, which had been granted by the popes
either to his predecessors or to himself. He strove especially to
foster the progressive industrial elements of the middle class. At the
beginning of the century the old cloth industries of Flanders had been
seriously threatened by English competition; under Charles the
industries of the Netherlands were effectually protected by an entire
change in system which may be regarded as a first step towards
capitalistic industry. Antwerp became the world's great centre of
commerce and finance. The cloth industry was strengthened by the
introduction of factory methods, the linen industry fully developed.
While furthering this progress, Charles used it to give political
influence in the cities of the Low Countries to the progressive classes
who were loyal to himself. Judged by its results, Charles' economic
policy was successful in the Netherlands, but it succeeded only
indifferently in Spain, where industrial progress, though much greater
during this reign than it had been, was generally slow and never so
marked as to produce great political changes. In Spain the opposition
to Charles' policies was found in the Cortes and in the city
governments, but still more among the lesser nobility, the 
<i>Hidalgueria</i>, who resisted all agricultural progress as well as
the emperor's external policy. Most of the Castilians remained under
Charles' rule the same frugal, contented, rustic people as before, in
marked contrast to the people of the Netherlands. Yet by industrial
improvement and political training, Charles was able to make of Spain
the instrument by which his son Philip, in the time of the
counter-Reformation, brought effective aid to the Catholics of Europe,
and under the unfavourable circumstances this result is as remarkable
as the prosperity which the Netherlands attained under his rule.</p>
<p id="c-p3259" shownumber="no">No less noteworthy were his services to the great empire rapidly
springing up in America. Economical considerations being, in the early
period of colonization, the most important, the management of American
affairs was confided to a bureau of commerce 
(<i>casa de contratacion</i>) in Seville; but at the same time he
established in Spain a special political "Council of the Indies". In
the colonies two viceroyalties and twenty-nine governments, four
archbishoprics, and twenty-four bishoprics were gradually organized.
Already of all those great problems had arisen which still vex colonial
politics—the question, how far the mother country should
monopolize the products of the colonies; the question colonization; the
question of the treatment of the natives, doubly difficult because on
the one hand their labour was indispensable and on the other it was
most unwilling; the question, how Christianity and civilization might
best be established; finally the question, how science might be
systematically promoted by the government that opened up these new
countries. On account of the great distance separating Spain and her
colonies, the unsatisfactory means of communication, and his lack of
funds, Charles was unable to carry out the principles laid down by his
government. But be made the first, perhaps the only, attempt on a large
scale to deal with colonial politics, in practical effect, from the
double standpoint of political and economical interests and with the
realization of a duty to promote Christian civilization.</p>
<p id="c-p3260" shownumber="no">When Charles received news of the Peace of Cambrai, he determined to
go to Italy and settle Italian affairs by a personal interview with the
pope. This difficult question, which had occupied him for almost a
decade, was, as he thought, settled definitively. At Bologna he
discussed with the pope principally two questions affecting all
Christendom: the Turkish and the Lutheran. In 1521 the Turks had taken
possession of Belgrade, the key to Hungary; in 1522, of Rhodes, the
bulwark which had hitherto barred their way westward of the AEgean Sea.
In the following year the daring pirate, Chaireddin Barbarossa, an ally
of the sultan, placing himself at the head of the North African
corsairs who were continually harassing the Italian and Spanish coasts,
had built up a formidable power in the small Mohammedan States of the
North African coast. On land the Turks had defeated the Hungarians at
Mohács, and taken possession of almost the entire kingdom. Their
way was thus opened to Vienna, which they entered in 1529. Equally
great was the danger threatening Christianity from within. Lutheranism
had boldly advanced when the edict against Luther remained unenforced,
and it had been greatly stimulated by the social-revolutionary
movements in Germany from 1522 to 1525. Since 1526 an independent State
Church had been organized by the Protestants in several provinces with
the aid of their sovereigns, and in 1529 these sovereigns declared at
the Diet of Spires that they would allow no attacks on these
organizations, nor tolerate any Catholic worship in their states.</p>
<p id="c-p3261" shownumber="no">As early as 1526 Charles was aware of these two growing dangers. He
had thought that by the Peace of Madrid he would obtain freedom to
carry on a war against the Turks, as well as to assume the regulation
of religious affairs in Germany. But the new outbreak of war in Italy
prevented him from giving attention to this work till 1529. On 24
February, 1530, he received the imperial crown from Clement VII at
Bologna. On 1 February he had concluded a general peace with the pope
and most of the Christian states. The retreat of the Turks from Vienna
enabled Charles, before beginning war against them, to make an effort
towards religious unity in Germany. In the summer he appeared at the
Diet of Augsburg, accompanied by a papal legate, to hear the
Protestants. The adherents of the new creed were disposed to approach
him in a submissive temper, though on German soil Charles did not
possess all the power they ascribed to him. He had disbanded his
troops, and the purely political resources at his command were not
great. Holding the Duchy of Wurtemburg, he could thence exert pressure
on several neighbouring princes, but his title to that duchy was not
clear.</p>
<p id="c-p3262" shownumber="no">Having convinced himself that Catholics as well as Lutherans were
irritated against Rome, Charles informed the pope that only the
immediate summoning of a general council could bring about peace. He
had always desired this; henceforth it became one of his principal
aims, of which he never lost sight. At Home he urged it with all his
energy, using every effort to remove political obstacles. At the same
time he was preparing to meet the next attack of the Turks. This came
in 1532, on land. Charles was successful in forcing them back, and in
recovering a large part of Hungary, but without inflicting any decisive
defeat on the Turks. He transferred the war to the Mediterranean Sea.
In 1530, by the advice of the pope, he had given to the Knights
Hospitallers, the defenders of Rhodes, the island of Malta, which
barred the approach of the Turkish fleet to the Tuscan Sea. In 1531 and
1532 Andrea Doria had sought the Turks in their own waters, but the
Turkish fleet avoided a battle. The sultan now sought to prevent the
return of Doria by giving the chief command of his navy to Chairaddin,
thus making the cause of the pirates his own. Charles thereupon decided
to clear the Mediterranean Sea of piracy. In 1555 he personally took
part in the campaign against Tunis under the leadership of Doria. He
had the largest share in the victory, and urged an immediate advance on
Algiers to complete his success. His commanders, however, opposed this
plan, as the season was far advanced. This campaign established
Charles' reputation throughout Europe.</p>
<p id="c-p3263" shownumber="no">While Charles delivered the first serious blow against Islam on the
Mediterranean, Paul III, the successor of Clement VII, had summoned a
general council. But new difficulties prevented both the assembling of
the council and the continuation of the war against the Turks. When
Charles returned home from Africa it was evident that he must again go
to war with France. Francis I opposed the meeting of the council and,
moreover, entered into relations both with the Turks and with the
Smalkaldie League of German Protestant princes formed against Charles
soon after the Diet of Augsburg, while, upon the death of the last
Sforza Duke of Milan, he renewed his claim to that fief. Charles, eager
to push the war against the Turks, as well as to restore the unity of
Christendom, was ready to partly forego his strict rights both in the
Milanese and Burgundy, and to consider the question of the balance of
power between his house and that of Valois. Family alliances were
proposed with this end in view. A war which France nevertheless began
proved abortive, and in 1539 the rivals met at Nice, and peace seemed
likely. Visiting the Netherlands and Germany, Charles soon found that
new troubles awaited him, once more fomented by France. In 1538 the
line of the Counts of Guelders had become extinct; but the last of that
line had provided that, after his death, the countship should pass to
the Dukes of Cleves-Julich, the strongest temporal principality on the
Lower Rhine. Guelders, accordingly, resisted annexation by Burgundy,
and Charles would not consent to its annexation to the Duchy of
Cleves-Julich, which was favoured by Francis I and the Smalkaldic
League. Moreover, Henry VIII of England, having married Anne, daughter
of the Duke of Cleves, threatened to join this coalition.</p>
<p id="c-p3264" shownumber="no">In Hungary, meanwhile, the Turks were again active, and preparations
were being made to unite the French and Turkish fleets in the
Mediterranean. Francis sought the aid of the Danes and Scandinavians.
Charles thought it best to avoid hostilities until he could break up
the too formidable coalition of his enemies. He succeeded in detaching
Henry of England from the alliance, and during the Diet and religious
conference at Ratisbon, in 1541, where he was present in person, he
brought Philip of Hesse, the leading spirit of the Smalkaldic League,
under his control. He turned then upon the Turks. He intended that the
imperial army should operate in Hungary while he attacked Algiers; but
both plans failed. The year 1542 was an unfortunate one for him; the
French entered the Netherlands, and the Smalkaldic League, with Hesse,
attacked Henry of Brunswick, Charles' only ally in North Germany, and
occupied his territories. The patriotism of the Netherlands held the
French in check. Charles returned from Spain and, in 1543, attacked
Cleves. A few days sufficed to make Guelders a part of Burgundy, which
was thus protected on the side of Germany, though still exposed on its
French frontier. It was to remedy this weakness that Charles
established a line of fortresses which for centuries barred the way
against French invasion. In 1544 he invaded France. The strength of
Francis was exhausted, and, as Charles, too, was weary of war, a peace
was concluded at Crespy (17 September, 1544).</p>
<p id="c-p3265" shownumber="no">Charles had now to consider whether he would allow liberty of action
to the Protestant princes of Germany, to whom, under pressure of war,
he had made concessions, especially at the Diet of Spires in 1544. Up
to this time he had let affairs take their own course in Germany, and
his brother Ferdinand bad been unable to exert effectual pressure. The
power of the feudatory princes, steadily increasing since 1521, was now
established on a solid basis. In the emperor's absence they had, on
their own initiative, found means to suppress several disturbances
which might otherwise have plunged Germany into the horrors of civil
war—first the League of the Knights, then the Peasants' War, then
the disorders of the turbulent clergy who had embraced Lutheranism and
led the masses astray, and lastly the rebellion of the Anabaptists. By
supporting Luther against Charles, the princes secured the means of
maintaining the power which they had acquired by their resistance to
the emperor. Charles perceived the gravity of the situation at least
sufficiently to lead him to resolve upon open war against the princes.
To deprive them of their religious leverage, he awaited the opening of
the Council of Trent (1545). In the summer of 1546 he opened
hostilities. He began by conquering South Germany, then pushed forward
into Saxony, and defeated and captured the Elector at Muhlberg, 24
April, 1547. Soon after this he imprisoned Philip of Hesse. (The
charges of treachery brought against Charles on this account, are not
well sustained.) Charles now believed the princes to be sufficiently
humbled to permit him to reorganize the empire with their help at a
Diet at Augsburg, as he had previously reorganized Spain and the
Netherlands. The settlement of religious difficulties was to be the
basis of this reconstruction. He insisted that the council was to have
the final decision in matters of doctrine; but until this decision was
pronounced he wished for peace and was willing to make certain
concessions to the Protestants (the 
<i>Interim</i>). His sense of justice, however, reserved from these
concessions both the retention of the ecclesiastical property seized by
the Reformers and the temporary abrogation of episcopal authority in
the reformed districts. In consequence of this resolution the Interim
lost all its attraction for the Evangelical princes. In dealing with
the political reconstruction of the empire, Charles was ready to
recognize the condition of Germany so far as it was the result of
historical development. He required the feudatories to promise
obedience to the imperial power only in specific cases affecting the
general welfare, to bind themselves by certain recognized formulae, and
not to seek individual profit under pretext of the welfare of the
empire. He therefore made here concessions like those already made to
his Spanish subjects—namely, a certain degree of autonomy to the
several States, in return for their aid in the unquestioned necessities
of the empire. No open opposition was made at the Diet, but nothing was
done. The Catholics demanded that the Interim should apply to them
also; that instrument now no longer made for harmony, and the
Protestants resisted it more strenuously than before. On the other
band, the German princes were as selfish and provincial as the hidalgos
of Castile, and less patriotic. They procrastinated until affairs took
an unfavourable turn for the emperor.</p>
<p id="c-p3266" shownumber="no">But Charles was now ready to dispose of his earthly possessions. His
recent campaigns had so undermined his strength as to render it
advisable for him to make his will. Warned by the grasping policy of
Francis I, he determined to keep the possessions of his family
together. He would not, however, leave them all to one heir, knowing
how impossible it bad been for even him to govern all to his own
satisfaction. What his plans were is unknown, but while he was
considering them the Turks and the French king (now Henry II) once more
began hostilities against him (1551). In the following year some of the
German Protestant princes, led by Maurice of Saxony, unexpectedly
attacked the imperial forces, while Charles lay sick at Innsbruck, and
Henry II occupied the Bisboprics of Metz, Tool, and Verdun. Charles
escaped, but abandoned his plan for the reorganization of the imperial
government. He empowered Ferdinand to conclude the Treaty of Passau
with the insurgents in April, 1552, which finally gave the ascendency
in the German Empire to the princes. His attempt to retake Metz, in the
autumn of 1552, failed, and the war was transferred to the Netherlands,
where it was waged without decisive result. In North Africa, also, and
in Italy, where the Turks, the French, and some Italian States were
attacking the emperor, matters became critical. Still the emperor hoped
to win a final victory. For in 1553 the accession of Mary Tudor to the
throne of England suddenly excited his hope that he might extend his
influence in that kingdom. Mary Tudor was ready to marry his son
Philip, and in 1554 this alliance became a fact. When their marriage
proved childless, the emperor gave up the fight and decided to turn
over the conclusion of peace to Philip and Ferdinand. Ferdinand
insisted that the authority of princes in the empire, as settled be the
agreement of Passan, should be legally recognized by a decree of the
Diet, and the equality of the Catholic and Lutheran religions accepted.
This was done at Augsburg in 1555. Charles then requested the electors
to accept his abdication and to elect Ferdinand his successor. This was
done on 28 February, 1558. Shortly after the final decree of the Diet
of Augsburg, in 1555, Charles convened the Estates of the Netherlands,
and in their presence transferred the government to Philip. Three
months later (16 January, 1556) he transferred the Spanish Crown to his
son. In spite of this he could not free himself from political cares.
It was September, 1556, before he could leave for his long-chosen place
of retirement in Spain, accompanied by his two sisters, the widow of
the French king, and Maria of Hungary. But he did not live a monastic
life even at Yuste. Messengers with political despatches came to him
every day. However, he took no active part in affairs. He lived his few
remaining months on earth amid works of art, of which he had a keen
appreciation (Titian was his favourite painter), amid the books which,
as a cultured man, he studied and took pleasure in, and enjoying the
music which he loved, while he prepared himself for the life to
come.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3267" shownumber="no">MARTIN SPAWN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3267.1" title="Charles Martel" type="Encyclopedia">Charles Martel</term>
<def id="c-p3267.2">
<h1 id="c-p3267.3">Charles Martel</h1>
<p id="c-p3268" shownumber="no">Born about 688; died at Quierzy on the Oise, 21 October, 741. He was
the natural son of Pepin of Herstal and a woman named Alpaïde or
Chalpaïde. Pepin, who died in 714, had outlived his two legitimate
sons, Drogon and Grimoald, and to Theodoald, a son of the latter and
then only six years old, fell the burdensome inheritance of the French
monarchy. Charles, who was then twenty-six, was not excluded from the
succession on account of his birth, Theodoald himself being the son of
a concubine, but through the influence of Plectrude, Theodoald's
grandmother, who wished the power invested in her own descendants
exclusively. To prevent any opposition from Charles she had him cast
into prison and, having established herself at Cologne, assumed the
guardianship of her grandson. But the different nations whom the strong
hand of Pepin of Herstal had held in subjections, shook off the yoke of
oppression as soon as they saw that it was with a woman they had to
deal. Neustria gave the signal for revolt (715), Theodoald was beaten
in the forest of Cuise and, led by Raginfrid, mayor of the palace, the
enemy advanced as far as the Meuse. The Frisians flew to arms and,
headed by their duke, Ratbod, destroyed the Christian mission and
entered into a confederacy with the Neustrians. The Saxons came and
devastated the country of the Hattuarians, and even in Austrasia there
was a certain faction that chafed under the government of a woman and
child. At this juncture Charles escaped from prison and put himself at
the head of the national party of Austrasia. At first he was
unfortunate. He was defeated by Ratbod near Cologne in 716, and the
Neustrians forced Plectrude to acknowledge as king Chilperic, the son
of Childeric II, having taken this Merovingian from the seclusion of
the cloister, where he lived the name of Daniel. But Charles was quick
to take revenge. He surprised and conquered the Neustrians at
Amblève near Malmédy (716), defeated them a second time at
Vincy near Cambrai (21 March, 717), and pursued them as far as Paris.
Then retracing his steps, he came to Cologne and compelled Plectrude to
surrender her power and turn over to him the wealth of his father,
Pepin. In order to give his recently acquired authority a semblance of
legitimacy, he proclaimed the Merovingian Clotaire IV King of
Austrasia, reserving for himself the title of Mayor of the Palace. It
was about this time that Charles banished Rigobert, the Bishop of
Reims, who had opposed him, appointing in his stead the warlike and
unpriestly Milon, who was already Archbishop of Trier.</p>
<p id="c-p3269" shownumber="no">The ensuing years were full of strife. Eager to chastise the Saxons
who had invaded Austrasia, Charles in the year 718 laid waste their
country to the banks of the Weser. In 719 Ratbod died, and Charles
seized Western Friesland without any great resistance on the part of
the Frisians, who had taken possession of it on the death of Pepin. The
Neustrians, always a menace, had joined forces with the people of
Aquitaine, but Charles hacked their army to pieces at Soissons. After
this defeat they realized the necessity of surrendering, and the death
of King Clotaire IV, whom Charles had placed on the throne but two
years previously, facilitated reconciliation of the two great fractions
of the Frankish Empire. Charles acknowledged Chilperic as head of the
entire monarchy, while on their side, the Neustrians and Aquitainians
endorsed the authority of Charles; but, when Chilperic died, the
following year (720) Charles appointed as his successor the son of
Dagobert III, Thierry IV, who was still a minor, and who occupied the
throne from 720 to 737. A second expedition against the Saxons in 720
and the definitive submission of Raginfrid, who had been left the
county of Angers (724), re-established the Frankish Monarchy as it had
been under Pepin of Herstal, and closed the first series of Charles
Martel's struggles. The next six years were devoted almost exclusively
to the confirming of the Frankish authority over the dependent Germanic
tribes. In 725 and 728 Charles went into Bavaria, where the Agilolfing
dukes had gradually rendered themselves independent, and re-established
Frankish suzerainty. He also brought thence the Princess Suanehilde,
who seems to have become his mistress. In 730 he marched against
Lantfrid, Duke of the Alemanna, whom he likewise brought into
subjection, and thus Southern Germany once more became part of the
Frankish Empire, as had Northern Germany during the first years of the
reign. But at the extremity of the empire a dreadful storm was
gathering. For several years the Moslems of Spain had been threatening
Gaul. Banished thence in 721 by Duke Eudes, they had returned in 725
and penetrated as far as Burgundy, where they had destroyed Autun. Duke
Eudes, unable to resist them, at length contented himself by
negotiating with them, and to Othmar, one of their chiefs, he gave the
hand of his daughter But this compromising alliance brought him into
disfavour with Charles, who defeated him in 731, and the death of
Othmar that same year again left Eudes at the mercy of Moslem
enterprise. In 732 Abd-er-Rahman, Governor of Spain, crossed the
Pyrenees at the head of an immense army, overcame Duke Eudes, and
advanced as far as the Loire, pillaging and burning as he went. In
October, 732, Charles met Abd-er-Rahman outside of Tours and defeated
and slew him in a battle (the Battle of Poitiers) which must ever
remain one of the great events in the history of the world, as upon its
issue depended whether Christian Civilization should continue or Islam
prevail throughout Europe. It was this battle, it is said, that gave
Charles his name, 
<i>Martel</i> 
(<i>Tudites</i>) "The Hammer", because of the merciless way in which he
smote the enemy.</p>
<p id="c-p3270" shownumber="no">The remainder of Charles Martel's reign was an uninterrupted series
of triumphant combats. In 733-734 he suppressed the rebellion
instigated by the Frisian duke, Bobo, who was slain in battle, and
definitively subdued Friesland, which finally adopted Christianity. In
735, after the death of Eudes, Charles entered Aquitaine, quelled the
revolt of Hatto and Hunold, sons of the deceased duke, and left the
duchy to Hunold, to be held in fief (736). He then banished the Moslems
from Arles and Avignon, defeated their army on the River Berre near
Narbonne, and in 739 checked an uprising in Provence, the rebels being
under the leadership of Maurontus. So great was Charles' power during
the last years of his reign that he did not take the trouble to appoint
a successor to King Thierry IV, who died in 737, but assumed full
authority himself, governing without legal right. About a year before
Charles died, Pope Gregory III, threatened by Luitprand, King of
Lombardy, asked his help. Now Charles was Luitprand's ally because the
latter had promised to assist him in the late war against the Moslems
of Provence, and, moreover, the Frankish king may have already suffered
from the malady that was to carry him off—two reasons that are
surely sufficient to account for the fact that the pope's envoys
departed without gaining the object of their errand. However, it would
seem that, according to the terms of a public act published by
Charlemagne, Charles had, at least in principle, agreed to defend the
Roman Church, and death alone must have prevented him from fulfilling
this agreement. The reign, which in the beginning was so full of bloody
conflicts and later of such incessant strife, would have been an
impossibility had not Charles procured means sufficient to attract and
compensate his partisans. For this purpose he conceived the idea of
giving them the usufruct of a great many ecclesiastical lands, and this
spoliation is what is referred to as the secularization by Charles
Martel. It was an expedient that could be excused without, however,
being justified, and it was pardoned to a certain extent by the amnesty
granted at the Council of Lestines, held under the sons of Charles
Martel in 743. It must also be remembered that the Church remained the
legal owner of the lands thus alienated. This spoliation and the
conferring of the principal ecclesiastical dignities upon those who
were either totally unworthy or else had naught but their military
qualifications to recommend them—as, for instance, the assignment
of the episcopal Sees of Reims of Reims and Trier to Milon—were
not calculated to endear Charles Martel to the clergy of his time.
Therefore, in the ninth century Hincmar of Reims related the story of
the vision with which St. Eucher was said to have been favoured and
which showed Charles in hell, to which he had been condemned for
robbing the Church of its property.</p>
<p id="c-p3271" shownumber="no">But notwithstanding the almost exclusively warlike character of his
reign, Charles Martel was not indifferent to the superior interests of
civilization and Christianity. Like Napoleon after the French
Revolution, upon emerging from the years 715-719, Charles, who had not
only tolerated but perpetrated many an act of violence against the
Church, set about the establishment of social order and endeavoured to
restore the rights of the Catholic hierarchy. This explains the
protection which in 723 he accorded St. Boniface (Winfrid), the great
apostle of Germany, a protection all the more salutary as the saint
himself explained to his old friend, Daniel of Winchester, that without
it he could neither administer his church, defend his clergy, nor
prevent idolatry. Hence Charles Martel shares, to a certain degree, the
glory and merit of Boniface's great work of civilization. He died after
having divided the Frankish Empire, as a patrimony between his two
sons, Carloman and Pepin.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3272" shownumber="no">GODEFROID KURTH</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3272.1" title="Charleston" type="Encyclopedia">Charleston</term>
<def id="c-p3272.2">
<h1 id="c-p3272.3">Charleston</h1>
<p id="c-p3273" shownumber="no">The Diocese of Charleston (Carolopolitana) now comprises the entire
State of South Carolina, U.S.A. (area 30,170 sq. miles). It was
established 12 July, 1820, and then included both Georgia and North
Carolina. The former state became the territory of the new Diocese of
Savannah in 1850, and in 1868 North Carolina became a vicariate
Apostolic. Mass was first said in Charleston in 1786, by an Italian
[illustration of the Cathedral of St. John the Baptist] priest on his
way to South America, for a congregation of twelve persons. A year or
two later the congregation numbered about 200, at which time an Irish
priest named O'Reilly (according to Ramsay) or Ryan (according to Shea)
celebrated Mass for 200 Catholics in an abandoned Methodist
meeting-house. In 1789 this property was purchased by the Rev. Thomas
Keating and the building renovated as St. Mary's Church. Religious
disabilities were still on the law-books, but in 1791 an Act of the
Legislature incorporated the Roman Catholic Church of Charleston. The
first Bishop of Charleston, the Rt. Rev. John England, was consecrated
in Cork, Ireland, 21 Sept., 1820, and reached Charleston in December of
that year. Because of dissentions in St. Mary's congregation he erected
a plain wooden structure in 1821, and made it his cathedral under the
title of St. John and St. Finbar. His admirable administration marks an
epoch not only in the history of the diocese, but also in that of the
Catholic Church in the United States, and is more fully treated in the
article ENGLAND, JOHN. He died 11 April, 1842, lamented by all. His
former coadjutor, the Rt. Rev. William Clancy was transferred in 1843
to the Vicariate Apostolic of Guinea. The second Bishop of Charleston,
the Rt. Rev. Ignatius A. Reynolds, was consecrated in Cincinnati, 10
March, 1844, and signalized his episcopate by the publication of an
edition (in five volumes) of the works of his predecessor and the
erection of a new cathedral. He was a very ascetic man and tireless
worker, and died 9 March, 1855. The third bishop of the see was the Rt.
Rev. Neisen Lynch, a brilliant graduate of the Propaganda Col-[pg. 631]
lege at Rome, and one of the most learned members of the Catholic
hierarchy in the United States; his numerous lectures, essays and
treatises exhibit the versatility and accuracy of his knowledge. His
episcopate was marked by grievous afflictions. The disastrous fire of
1861, closely following the opening of hostilities in Charleston
harbour during the Civil War, destroyed the cathedral, the bishop's
residence, and other valuable property, together with the diocesan
library. The subsequent bombardment of the city for nearly two years
wrought further damage, closed most of the churches, and depleted and
impoverished the congregations. General Sherman's occupation of
Columbia was marked by the burning of St. Mary's College, the Sisters'
Home, and the Ursuline Convent.</p>
<p id="c-p3274" shownumber="no">Towards the end of the war Bishop Lynch went to Europe as the
accredited representative of the Confederacy on a confidential mission.
On his return immediately after the war, he stood in the midst of
ruins, among a destitute and dejected people, with a diocesan debt of
over $200,000 pressing upon him. He at once began to collect funds
throughout the country for the immediate needs of his diocese and to
liquidate its indebtedness. Most of the succeeding seventeen years were
devoted to this work; he left but a small balance of the debt unpaid at
his death, 22 February, 1882, having in the meantime built a
pro-cathedral, purchased an episcopal residence and restored much
church property. He was a member of the Vatican Council (1869-1870) to
which he was accompanied by the Rev. Dr. James A. Corcoran (q.v.) one
of the most erudite of the American priesthood then working in the
Charleston Diocese. During the frequent absence of Bishop Lynch the
diocese was ably governed by his vicar-general, Dr. Quigley, pastor of
St. Patrick's Church, under whom was opened St. Francis Xavier's
Infirmary, built with the bequest of a devout lady, and conducted by
the Sisters of Mercy.</p>
<p id="c-p3275" shownumber="no">The fourth bishop, the Rt. Rev. Henry Pinckney Northrop (consecrated
8 January, 1882), was transferred (27 January, 1883) from the Vicariate
Apostolic of North Carolina to Charleston. On the night of 31 August,
1886, Charleston was visited by an earthquake which wrecked the
pro-cathedral and episcopal residence, and wrought great damage to
ecclesiastical property in the city. Through the generous contributions
of benefactors in the North, churches, rectories and institutions were
completely restored. Under previous bishops churches were erected in
the principal cities of the diocese. Bishop Northrop kept pace with the
material progress of the State, and dedicated twelve churches, besides
the new Cathedral of St. John the Baptist, one of the most beautiful in
the South, consecrated 14 April, 1907. The solicitude of Bishop Lynch
for the spiritual welfare of the coloured people was emulated by his
successors. In 1867 Bishop Lynch purchased and dedicated a church for
them exclusively. Its flourishing school is in charge of the Sisters of
Mercy residing at St. Catherine's Convent attached to the church,
established under Bishop Northrop, and named for Mother Catherine
Drexel, the generous benefactress of this church and school and of the
coloured congregation at Catholic Cross Roads. The Sisters of Mercy,
who were introduced in 1829, care for the orphans and devote their
educational labours to academies and parochial schools. The Ursulines
began their foundation in 1834, and have had as pupils daughters of the
leading citizens of the State. In 1907 Bishop Northrop introduced the
Ladies of the Cenacle. The religious statistics (1908) are as follows:
Priests, 19; churches with resident priests, 12; missions with
churches, 17; stations, 75; religious women and postulants, 98;
students in seminary, 4; academies for young ladies, 5; pupils, 337;
parishes with parochial schools, 8; pupils, 590; orphans and cared for,
72; hospital, 1; Catholic population, 9,650.</p>
<p id="c-p3276" shownumber="no">SHEA, Hist. of Cath. Ch. in U.S. (New York, 1889-92); O'GORMAN,
Hist. of the Cath. Ch. in the U.S. (New York, 1895, passim; The United
States Catholic Miscellany, files (Charleston, 1822-1862).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3277" shownumber="no">P.L. DUFFY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3277.1" title="Charlevoix, Francois-Xavier" type="Encyclopedia">Francois-Xavier Charlevoix</term>
<def id="c-p3277.2">
<h1 id="c-p3277.3">François-Xavier Charlevoix</h1>
<p id="c-p3278" shownumber="no">Historian, b. at St-Quentin, France, 24 October, 1682, d. at La
Flèche, 1 February, 1761. He entered the Society of Jesus, 15
September, 1698, at the age of sixteen, studied philosophy at the
Collège de Louis le Grand (1700-1704), and then went to Quebec,
where he taught grammar from 1705 to 1709. During the years spent in
Canada, he gathered material for his future "History of New France". He
returned to Paris in 1709 and studied theology for four years. In 1720,
under instructions from the French Court, he began his travels through
the French colonies to gather information for the discovery of the
Western sea. He embarked at La Rochelle in July of that year, and
reached Quebec towards the end of September. He proceeded up the St.
Lawrence River and through the Great Lakes to Michillimackinac, from
which place he journeyed to the lower end of the territory of the Puans
or Winnebago Indians. Entering Lake Michigan he continued along the
eastern shore and at length after much endeavour reached the Illinois,
whence he descended the Mississippi to its mouth. The vessel upon which
he embarked for San Domingo was wrecked near the Bahamas and the
expedition was temporarily abandoned.</p>
<p id="c-p3279" shownumber="no">Charlevoix and his companions returned to the Mississippi by way of
the coast of Florida. His second attempt to gain the Island of San
Domingo proved more successful, and he reached this colony at the
beginning of September, 1722, and left at the end of the same month. He
embarked for Havre 24 December, 1722. After his return to France, in
1723, he made a journey to Italy, fulfilling the various duties of his
order and working for twenty-two years as an editor of the
"Mémoires de Trévoux", a monthly journal of bibliography,
history, and science.</p>
<p id="c-p3280" shownumber="no">His works are: (1) "Histoire du Japon" (3 vols., 12mo, Rouen, 1715);
entirely rewritten (2 vols., 4to, and 9 vols., 12mo, Paris, 1736);
revised and re-edited (6 vols., 12mo, Paris, 1754). The history is
enriched with maps and plates, and embraces all that is interesting in
Kämpfer's work, "History of Japan and Siam". At the end is a
résumé of all the works on Japan published up to that time.
(2) "La Vie de la Mère Marie de l'Incarnation" (8vo, Paris, 1724).
(3) "Histoire de l'Isle Espagnole ou de S. Domingue" (2 vols., 4to,
Paris, 1730-31; 2 vols., 8vo, Amsterdam, 1733). This work was compiled
from data and manuscripts furnished him by Père Le Pers, who had
lived in San Domingo for twenty-five years, and also from reports which
are preserved in the Dépôt de la Marine of France. (4)
"Histoire et description générale de la Nouvelle-France" (3
vols., 4to, and 6 vols., 12mo, Paris, 1744), with maps and plates;
English translation (2 vols., 8vo, London, 1761; London, 1763; 2 vols.,
8vo, Dublin, 1766). The English version of 1763 had the following
descriptive title: "Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguières; giving
an Account of a voyage to Canada, and travels through that vast
Country, and Louisiana to the Gulf of Mexico. Undertaken By Order of
the present King of France. By Father Charlevoix. Being a more full and
acurate description of Canada, and the neighbouring Countries than has
been before published; the character of every Nation or Tribe in that
vast Tract being given: their Religion, Customs, Manners, Traditions,
Government, Languages, and Towns; the Trade carried on with them, and
at what places; the Posts or Forts, and settlements, established by the
French; the Great Lakes, Water Falls and Rivers, with the manner of
navigating them; the Mines, Fisheries, Plants, and Animals of these
Countries. With reflections on the Mistakes the French have committed
in carrying on their Trade and Settlements; and the most proper method
of proceeding pointed out. Including also an account of the Author's
Shipwreck in the Channel of the Bahamas, and return in a boat to the
Mississippi, along the Coast of the Gulf of Mexico, with his voyage
from thence to St. Domingo and back to France." John Gilmary Shea
issued a translation in six volumes (New York, 1866-72). The edition,
limited to 25 copies in quarto and 250 in octavo, contains several
portraits engraved on copper (cf. J.R.G. Hassard, in Catholic World,
September, 1873). (5) "Histoire du Paraguay" (3 vols., 4to, Paris,
1756; 6 vols., 12mo, Paris, 1757; tr., 2 vols., 8vo, London, 1769). (6)
"Eulogy on Cardinal de Polignac", published in the "Mémoires de
Trévoux", 1742, pp. 1053-1091. (7) "Suggestions for a History of
the New World", founded upon the chronological records of America, also
in the "Mémoires de Trévoux", 1735, pp. 161-172, and inserted
in the "History of New France".</p>
<p id="c-p3281" shownumber="no">What the critics thought of his works may be found in his own
preface to "L'Histoire de la Nouvelle-France". One censor found the
whole first volume useless, another complained that he was too concise.
He is accused of depreciating Kämpfer's work in the "Histoire du
Japon" and of having given too much space to religious matters.
Rochemonteix, though regarding him as a "historien de valeur", finds
fault with him for occasional carelessness and for differing somewhat
in his history from the accounts of the missionaries. With regard to
his "Histoire de la Nouvelle-France", John Gilmary Shea says that "it
is too well known and too highly esteemed both for style and matter to
need any explanation of its scope or object. The praise of Gibbon will
alone assure the reader that as an historical work it is of no
inconsiderable merit".</p>
<p id="c-p3282" shownumber="no">
<span class="sc" id="c-p3282.1">Shea,</span> 
<i>History of New France</i> (translation, New York, 1866-72); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3282.2">Rochemonteix,</span> 
<i>Les Jésuites et la Nouvelle-France au Relations</i> (Cleveland,
1896-1901), index, 149; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3282.3">Michaud,</span> 
<i>Biog. Univ.,</i> VII, 658; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3282.4">Sommervogel,</span> 
<i>Bibl. de la c. de J.,</i> II, 1075-1080.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3283" shownumber="no">E.P. Spillane.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3283.1" title="Charlottetown" type="Encyclopedia">Charlottetown</term>
<def id="c-p3283.2">
<h1 id="c-p3283.3">Charlottetown</h1>
<p id="c-p3284" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CHARLOTTETOWN (CAROLINAPOLITANA)</p>
<p id="c-p3285" shownumber="no">Includes all Prince Edward Island (formerly called St. John's
Island), the smallest province of the dominion of Canada. It is
situated in the southern waters of the Gulf of St. Lawrence and,
together with the Magdalen Islands lying about sixty miles to the
north-east of it, constitutes a diocese which takes its name from
Charlottetown, the chief town of Prince Edward Island. The history of
Catholicity in the territory now comprised in the diocese of
Charlottetown goes back to the year 1719, when all the islands in the
Gulf of St. Lawrence were granted by the King of France to count
Saint-Pierre, a nobleman of his court. Up to that time the population
of Prince Edward Island consisted of a few Indians, but on its
concession to Count Saint-Pierre immigration set in, and soon a number
of settlements were formed, the chief one being at Port La Joie, where
the count established his head-quarters. The first priest to labour in
the new colony was RenÈ-Charles De Breslay, a Sulpician who came
from France in April 1721, and who was joined a few months later by
Marie-Anselme de Metivier, a priest of the same community. These two
priests remained only about two years, and on their return to France
their place was taken by Franciscans, who for thirty years ministered
to the spiritual wants of the colony. Meanwhile, by the influx of
settlers from France and Acadia, the population had so increased that a
system of parochial organization became necessary and parishes were
gradually formed, to preside over which four priests came from France
by request of the Bishop of Quebec, whose diocese then comprised the
whole of Canada. Thus, in 1753, five priests laboured in Prince Edward
Island, viz., Father Girard at Point Prim, Father Cassiet at
Scotchfort, Father Biscaret at St. Peter's, Father Dosquet at Malpeque,
and Father AubrÈ. A Franciscan, at Port La Joie. Unfortunately,
these prosperous conditions did not long endure. They gave way before
the English invasion of 1758, when most of the people were driven out,
the churches razed to the ground, and the clergy forced to leave the
country. For these reasons Prince Edward Island was without a resident
priest, from 1758 to 1772, when there arrive an immigration of Scottish
Catholics, accompanied by a priest, the Rev. James Macdonald, who
continued in charge of the whole colony till his death in 1785. Five
years later a second band of Scottish Catholics came to swell the
population, bringing with them the Rev. Angus Bernard MacEachern, the
most striking figure in the early history of Catholicity in the Diocese
of Charlottetown.</p>
<p id="c-p3286" shownumber="no">At this time Father Le Roux laboured in the Magdalen Islands, having
been sent thither by the Bishop of Quebec to minister to the Acadians
who had settled in that locality. He built a small church at the foot
of Demoiselle Mountain on Amherst Island, where he remained till 1793,
when he was succeeded by Father Alain. In 1798 two priests, Father De
Calonne and Father Pichard, came to Prince Edward Island and took up
their residence, the former in Charlottetown, the latter at Rustico.
The first bishop to visit Prince Edward Island was the Rt. Rev. Pierre
Denault, Bishop of Quebec, who went there in the summer of 1803. In
1812 his successor, the Rt. Rev. Joseph-Octave Plessis, visited the
Maritime Provinces, bringing with him a priest, the Rev. Jean-Louis
Beaubien, whom he stationed at Rustico, and to whom he entrusted the
spiritual care of all the Acadian missions in Prince Edward Island and
the Magdalen Islands. In the year 1819 Father MacEachern was named
titular Bishop of Rosea, and received episcopal consecration in Quebec
17 June, 1821. The following year witnessed the ordination at Quebec of
the first native priest, Father Bernard Donald Macdonald, who returned
home in the early autumn to take charge of the Acadian missions. The
Bishop of Rosea at first was merely vicar-general to the Bishop of
Quebec, and, though performing episcopal duties throughout the greater
part of the Maritime Provinces, he did so without independent
jurisdiction. But in August, 1829, Charlottetown was raised to the
dignity of an episcopal see, and the Rt. Rev. Angus Bernard MacEachern
became its first bishop. Besides Prince Edward Island and the Magdalen
Islands, the new diocese comprised the whole of New Brunswick.</p>
<p id="c-p3287" shownumber="no">On taking possession of his see, one of the first duties to devolve
on Bishop MacEachern was to establish an institution for the education
of students destined for the priesthood, and accordingly St. Andrew's
College was founded at St. Andrews, Prince Edward Island, in November,
1831. On 22 April, 1835, the first Bishop of Charlottetown died and was
succeeded by the Rev. Bernard Donald Macdonald, consecrated bishop at
Quebec, 15 October, 1837. Five years later the diocese was dismembered,
New Brunswick being made a separate diocese, with the see at St. John.
Bishop Macdonald closed the college at St. Andrews in 1844, and in the
beginning of the year 1855 the present college of St. Dunstan opened
its doors to its first student. On the 28th of September, 1857, four
sisters of the Congregation of Notre-Dame opened a convent in
Charlottetown, where they began to give instruction to about sixteen
pupils. Bishop Macdonald was called to his reward 30 December, 1859,
and in the following year his successor, the Rt. Rev. Peter MacIntyre,
received episcopal consecration in the cathedral of Charlottetown, 15
August, 1860. The episcopate of Bishop MacIntyre covered a period of
over thirty years, during which many churches and schools were erected
throughout the diocese. He died 30 April, 1891, and was succeeded by
the Rt. Rev. James Charles Macdonald, who had been named coadjutor with
right of succession in the preceding year. Catholicity is flourishing
in the diocese of Charlottetown. A population of fifty thousand, under
the guidance of forty-five priests, worship in fifty-one churches, of
which many are neat and elegant structures. Eight convents, wherein
fifty nuns of the Congregation of Notre-Dame give instruction to over
one thousand pupils, and St. Dunstan's College, with a roster of one
hundred and thirty students, tell what is being done for catholic
education, whilst a fully-equipped hospital, under the care of the
Sisters of Charity of Quebec, furnishes relief to the sick and
suffering.</p>
<p id="c-p3288" shownumber="no">CASGRAIN, Les Sulpiciens et les prêtres des Missions
Etrangères en Acadie (Quebec, 1897); IDEM, Une Seconde Acadie;
Archives of the Archdiocese of Quebec; Archives of the Diocese of
Charlottetwon; MACMILLAN, The Early History of the Catholic church in
Prince Edward Island (Quebec, 1905).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3289" shownumber="no">J.C. MACMILLAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3289.1" title="Charpentier, Francois-Philippe" type="Encyclopedia">Francois-Philippe Charpentier</term>
<def id="c-p3289.2">
<h1 id="c-p3289.3">François-Philippe Charpentier</h1>
<p id="c-p3290" shownumber="no">French engraver, inventor, and mechanician, b. at Blois, 1734; d.
there 22 July, 1817. His father was a bookbinder, a poor man who made
many sacrifices that his son might attend the Jesuit college at Blois;
but after young Charpentier had studied there a few years he was
compelled to leave and work to support himself. He chose to pursue the
art of engraving as best suited to his talent and inclination, and
entered the atelier of an excellent copperplate engraver in Paris whom
he very soon surpassed. Charpentier is celebrated, however, far more
for his inventions, which revolutionized reproductive art, than for his
own work with the burin or in aquatint. His first discovery was that of
a purely mechanical process for engraving in aquatint 
(<i>gravure au lavis</i>) and in colour. Wash-drawings and water-colours
were copied with marvellous exactitude, sketches by the great masters
were reproduced by his machine, and thus otherwise unknown art was
placed within the reach of the people. Charpentier made many beautiful
and effective plates with his new appliance, and then sold the secret.
That admirable engraver and great patron of art, Count Caylus, was one
of the first to use the new machine.</p>
<p id="c-p3291" shownumber="no">Louis XVI gave him the appointment of "Royal Mechanician" 
(<i>Mécanicien du Roi</i>), and provided a studio for him in the
gardens of the Louvre, where he used the burning-mirror for melting
metals without fire. He invented a fire-engine which was very generally
adopted and, in 1771, a machine for drilling metals. Another invention
for mechanical engraving was one which enabled lace-manufacturers to
engrave in a few hours elaborate patterns and designs which formerly
had required at least six months work of the burin. Charpentier's
device for lighthouse-illumination so pleased Louis XVI that he offered
the inventor a pension and a place as the head of the Department of
Beacons, asking him to fix the price for his discovery. Charpentier
refused the pension and suggested that the office be given to a younger
man, saying that he would "prefer freedom in order to devote himself to
the development of his ideas". He received a thousand crowns for his
discovery.</p>
<p id="c-p3292" shownumber="no">During the Directoire he made an instrument for boring six
gun-barrels at once, and a machine to saw six boards simultaneously.
For these the government paid him 24,000 francs and named him director
of the 
<i>Atelier de prefectionnement</i>, established at the Hôtel
Montmorency. Charpentier received many flattering offers from Russia
and England for his labour-saving devices, but refused them all. Pious,
generous, simple, credulous, Charpentier was the dupe of beggars and
schemers, many of whom affixed their names to his inventions and made
fortunes thereby. He died as he had lived, in poverty. The chief extant
works of his, all prints, are: "Education of the Virgin", after
Boucher; "Death of Archimedes", after Ferri; "Shepherdess", after
Berchem; "Descent from the Cross", in colour, after Vanloo.</p>
<p id="c-p3293" shownumber="no">
<i>Biographie universelle</i>, s. v.; BRYAN, 
<i>Dict. of Painters and Engravers</i> (London, 1903).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3294" shownumber="no">LEIGH HUNT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3294.1" title="Charron, Pierre" type="Encyclopedia">Pierre Charron</term>
<def id="c-p3294.2">
<h1 id="c-p3294.3">Pierre Charron</h1>
<p id="c-p3295" shownumber="no">Moralist, b. in Paris, 1541; d. there 6 Nov., 1603. He studied law
at Bourges, but after several years' practice he embraced the
ecclesiastical state. For thirty years he preached with so much success
that the bishops vied with one another to engage his services. Queen
Margaret of Navarre entertained him as her preacher in ordinary, and
King Henry delighted to hear him even before his conversion to the
Catholic Faith. In Bordeaux he met the famous Michel de Montaigne.
Their acquaintance ripened into a close and lasting friendship.
Montaigne bequeathed to his friend the right to wear his coat of arms,
and Charron in return made the sister of Montaigne heir to his
possessions. Charron published three books: "Les trois
vérités" (Bordeaux, 1594), "Les discours chrestiens" (Cahors,
1600), and "Sagesse" (Bordeaux, 1601). Whilst engaged in bringing out a
second edition of the latter, he died suddenly of apoplexy.</p>
<p id="c-p3296" shownumber="no">At a period of extraordinary religious agitation the "Trois
vérités" (Three Truths) proved to be a very opportune and
valuable apology. The "Discours chrestiens" were published only a few
months before "Sagesse", and, like "Trois vérités", they were
perfectly orthodox. But the book which carried Charron's influence and
fame beyond the borders of France and down to our time is his
"Sagesse". Its rich material, which Charron had gathered chiefly from
Montaigne's conversations and essays, he divides into three parts: the
nature of man; the duties of man as man; and the particular duties of
the various classes and conditions of men. His standpoint is invariably
that of a human philosopher. The sceptic spirit which pervades the
whole book allows it to be summed up in a very few words: by his own
natural light and strength man is incapable of finding principles of
religion and morality sufficiently certain; and, being sure of nothing,
it is consequently wise to live as conveniently and pleasurably as the
common usage of the people among whom one lives allows. No attempt is
made anywhere in the body of the book to conceal the baldness of this
doctrine.</p>
<p id="c-p3297" shownumber="no">Had Charron, instead of engraving his easy-going "Je ne sçay"
as the essence of all his worldly wisdom on the title-page of his
"Sagesse" and over the entrance of his house, taken, like Descartes,
the time and the trouble of finding a solid basis of moral and
religious certainty, he would have shown himself a deeper and more
independent philosopher and a worthier moralist. As it is, we need not
wonder that the second edition of the "Sagesse" encountered great
opposition and was allowed to appear only after some passages had been
softened down, and others explained or corrected. Nor is the fierce
onslaught of Garasse, who called Charron "
<i>athée et le patriarche des esprits forts</i>", surprising,
especially when, even in our days, nearly the same charge is made and
ably supported by Ad. Franck in the "Dictionnaire des sciences
philosophiques". These accusations, however, take account neither of
the time in which Charron lived, when philosophic uncertainty was not
held to imply clearly the rejection of revealed authority; nor of the
author's explicit professions that he intended his "Sagesse" as the
best introduction to his "Trois vérités" and his "Discours
chrestiens"; nor of the constant good opinion in which the author was
held to the end of his life by his many ecclesiastical superiors.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3298" shownumber="no">CHARLES B. SCHRANTZ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3298.1" title="Charterhouse" type="Encyclopedia">Charterhouse</term>
<def id="c-p3298.2">
<h1 id="c-p3298.3">Charterhouse</h1>
<p id="c-p3299" shownumber="no">From the fact that St. Bruno founded the first house of his austere
order at Chartreux, near Grenoble, the institution has ever since been
known by the name of that place. By lingual corruption, just as each
house of that order is known in Spain as 
<i>cartuja</i> and in Italy as 
<i>certosa</i>, so in England the corruption of Chartreux took the form
of charterhouse. The first English house of the order -- the first
charterhouse -- was founded by King Henry II at Witham in
Somersetshire, in 1181 (with a cell on Mendip); the last was the
celebrated charterhouse of Sheen in Surrey, founded in 1414 by king
Henry V. The other charterhouses were those of Hethorpe, or Locus Dei,
in Gloucestershire (1222), removed to Hinton in Somersetshire (1227);
Beauvale, or Gresley Park, Nottinghamshire (1343); St. Anne's near
Coventry, Warwickshire (1381); Kingston-upon-Hull, Yorks, East Riding
(1378); and Mountgrace, Yorks, North Riding (1396); but the most
renowned of these houses, because of the fate meted out to its prior,
Blessed John Houghton, in 1535, and to its community by Henry VIII, was
that of London. It was founded in 1371 by Sir Walter Manny, one of
Edward the Third's most illustrious knights.</p>
<p id="c-p3300" shownumber="no">As all Carthusian houses follow the same plan in the main outlines
of their disposition, though there may be variations in detail, one
description stands for all. There are two court-yards, an outer and an
inner. The outer one is flanked by long buildings containing the cells
of the lay brethren, and such offices as the kitchen, pantry,
bakehouse, forge, and carpenters' shop. Adjoining these buildings is
the guest-house. The inner court-yard gives on to the chapter house and
the refectory, which is divided into two portions, one for the
choir-monks, the other for the lay brethren. At the further end is the
church, which has no aisles, and, like the refectory, is divided into
two parts. Beyond the church is the large cloister, within which is
generally found the cemetery. From this cloister open out the monks'
cells, each of which is a complete dwelling by itself. Besides the
garden allotted to each recluse, which he cultivates according to his
taste, he has a corridor where he may walk in the recreation hour. On
the ground-floor a workroom stocked with tools affords him the
necessary relaxation from his spiritual exercises, which fill up a
considerable portion of the day. Above are two rooms: one, for
sleeping, furnished with a board covered with a blanket; the other
containing a stall and 
<i>prie-Dieu</i>, a work-table, bookshelf, two chairs, and a
"refectory" set in the window recess.</p>
<p id="c-p3301" shownumber="no">The Carthusian's habit is white; his food consists of bread, fruit,
herbs, and vegetables, varied on feast days by fish and cheese; once a
week, at least, the Carthusian fasts on bread, water, and salt; flesh
he never touches, even when ill. The chief feature of the life in a
charterhouse is its complete solitude, which has served to preserve
intact in all its austerity the original spirit of the order; so that
the saying that it has never been reformed because it never grew lax is
justified -- "Cartusia nunquam reformata, quia nunquam deformata." See
Carthusians.</p>
<p id="c-p3302" shownumber="no">
<i>Tractatus Statutorum Ordinis Cartusiensis pro Noviciis</i>, etc.
(Mon. Angl., VI, pp. v, xii); Gassquet, 
<i>English Monastic Life</i> (London, 2d ed., 1904); Hendriks, 
<i>The London Charterhouse</i> (London, 1889); Thompson, 
<i>A History of the Somerset Carthusians</i> (London, 1895).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3303" shownumber="no">HENRY NORBERT BIRT</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3303.1" title="Chartier, Alain" type="Encyclopedia">Alain Chartier</term>
<def id="c-p3303.2">
<h1 id="c-p3303.3">Alain Chartier</h1>
<p id="c-p3304" shownumber="no">A French poet, born about 1390, at Bayeux, died between 1430 and
1440. It is believed he studied at the University of Paris, as did his
brother Guillaume, Bishop of Paris, who died in 1472. Alain was
considered an eminent writer during his life, and a century later he
was still regarded by the best men of letters as a "noble poet and
orator" (Jean Lemaire de Belges), and as "the father of French
eloquence" (Jean Bouchet). He is better known to us by the famous story
of Margaret of Scotland, who is said to have kissed his lips while he
was sleeping in her palace, to honour, she said "the mouth which
elicited so many virtuous words". However pretty this story may be, it
is only a legend, because Margaret of Scotland came to France only in
1436, and, according to the best authorities, Chartier was already
dead. We know nothing of Chartier's youth. His first work was "Le livre
des quatre dames", written not long after the defeat of Agincourt
(1415) During the civil war and amidst the horrors of the English
invasion versial love poems, in which he attained a considerable skill.
Among them are: "Le débat de reveille-matin"; "Le débat des
deus fortunés d'amour"; "Belle dame sans merci". These
compositions were highly praised by contemporaries, but to a modern
reader they appear lifeless and pedantic, a most complete example of
the scholarly method which, at that time, tended to take the place of
inspiration in French poetry. His "Bréviaire des Nobles", a code
of the perfect knight, is better than his love songs. In 1417 Chartier
was driven from Bayeaux by the English invasion, and in 1418 from Paris
by the Burgundian faction. He entered the service of Dauphin Charles,
"King of Bourges" afterwards King Charles VII. whom he served as
private secretary most faithfully. He was entrusted with important
missions for the king. In 1424 he went to Germany and in 1428 to
Scotland.</p>
<p id="c-p3305" shownumber="no">Chartier is noteworthy as a prose writer, his prose being far
superior to his poetry; his style is full of harmony, constantly
enlightened by fine sentences, which are compared by Pasquier to those
of Seneca. The "Quadrilogue invectif", composed in 1422, is a dialogue
in which France entreats nobility, people and clergy, to unite their
efforts to save her from invasion and civil war. The "Livre de
l'espérance" or "Livre des trois vertus" is a moral dissertation.
The "Curial" deals with the dangers and corruption of the courtier's
life. Because of the loftiness, courage, and dignity of his life,
Chartier was entitled to teach moral lessons and to preach
disinterestedness and Christian virtues. Chartier's works were edited
by Duchesne (Paris, 1617); Buchberger mentions an edition of his works
by Montaigion (Paris 1861).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3306" shownumber="no">LOUIS N. DELAMARRE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3306.1" title="Chartres" type="Encyclopedia">Chartres</term>
<def id="c-p3306.2">
<h1 id="c-p3306.3">Diocese of Chartres</h1>
<p id="c-p3307" shownumber="no">Comprises the department of Eure-et-Loir. Dismembered by the
formation of the new Diocese of Blois, in 1697, it was suppressed in
1802, the entire department of Eure-et-Loir being placed under the
jurisdiction of the new Bishopric of Versailles. However, in 1822, the
See of Chartres was re-established and made suffragan to the
Archbishopric of Paris. The catalogue of the church of Chartres gives
as its first bishops, Adventus, Optatus, and Valentinus, the last-named
being contemporary with St. Martin. According to the Abbé Duchesne
the Bishopric of Chartres may thus be traced back to the time of
Constantine. Among its bishops the church of Chartres claims: Saints
Martinus Candidus and Anianus (fifth century); St Solennis,
instrumental in the conversion of Clovis; St. Adventinus, present at
the Council of Orléans in 511; St. Leobinus, at the Council of
Orléans in 549; St Chaletricus at the Council of Tours in 567; St.
Boetharius (about 594), chaplain to Clotaire II and, for a while the
captive of Thierry, King of Burgundy; Fulbert (1007-1029), professor
and poet, whose name is identified with the history of the cathedral;
St. Yves (1090-1115), Abbot of Saint-Quentin-de-Beauvais, noted as an
ecclesiastical writer and canonist, and imprisoned for two years by
King Philip I for having opposed the repudiation of Queen Bertha; John
of Salisbury (1176-1180), an illustrious writer, former secretary to
St. Thomas Becket and Alexander III; Godet deMarais (1690-1709), a
writer and the arch enemy of Quietism, also co-operator with Madame de
Maintenon in the founding of Saint-Cyr; the future Cardinal de Latil
(1821-1824), at first chaplain to the Comte d'Artois and subsequently
Archbishop of Reims; Monseigneur Clausel de Montals (1824-1853),
ardently attached to Gallican ideas and noted for his opposition to the
Abbé Chatel's schismatic "French Church", and for his efforts in
favor of freedom of instruction..</p>
<p id="c-p3308" shownumber="no">Special honour is paid to St. Arnulphus (Arnoul), assassinated in
the forest of Yveline about 534; to St. Avitus (Avit) who, in the
beginning of the sixth century, founded a monastery at Châteaudun;
to St. Laumer (d. 593), founder and Abbot of Saint-Martin de-Dreux, and
to Blessed Bernard (end of the eleventh century), founder and Abbot of
Tiron. The mystic Arnaud (twelfth century), author of the "Traité
de l'oeuvre des six jours" and biographer of St. Bernard, and
François-Auguste de Thou, beheaded for political reasons under
Richelieu, were both Abbots of Bonneval in the Diocese of Chartres;
Philippe Desportes, poet (1546-1606), and the Abbé de Saint Pierre
(1658-1743), author of the famous "Projet de paix perpétuelle",
were Abbots of Tiron. Among the natives of the diocese may be
mentioned: Godeau, the poet, Bishop of Vence (1605-1672). known at the
Hôtel de Rambouillet as "Julie's dwarf" and also J.-B. Thiers
(1636-1703), 
<i>curé</i> of Champrond, noted for his disagreements with the
Chapter of Chartres and his history of wigs (Histoire des perruques
).</p>
<p id="c-p3309" shownumber="no">According to Didron, the archéologist, the Chartres cathedral
is "the most curious monument in France, perhaps even in all Europe; a
unique monument."</p>
<p id="c-p3310" shownumber="no">"If elsewhere may be found more beautiful parts," said the
archæologist Visconti, "nowhere else is there a more beautiful
whole." The substructure of the present cathedral encloses a well and a
vault around which cluster traditions of the origin of the church. The
early Christians of the place, it was said, found here an altar
surmounted by a statue representing a woman seated with her child upon
her knees -- both the altar and statue, "Virgini paritur," had been
erected by the Druids. About the year 67 Saints Altinus and Eodaldus,
sent from Sens by Saints Savinianus and Potentianus, built a church
over this grotto, where, during the persecution the virgin Modesta,
daughter of the governor, Quirinus, was martyred, and her body flung
into the well. Whatever may be held as to the time in which Saints
Savinianus and Protentianus lived, it would seem that the foundation of
the primitive church of Chartres, all that now can be seen, was laid in
the days of Constantius Chlorus (beginning of the fourth century). The
church was several times destroyed by fire. About 1020 Bishop Fulbert
invited all the sovereigns of Europe to contribute towards the
rebuilding of the cathedral, but three more fires (1030-1134-1194)
interfered with the progress of the work. However, in 1220, Guillaume
le Breton could write: "entirely rebuilt in dressed stone and
terminating in a vault that may be compared to the shell of a tortoise,
the cathedral of Chartres need fear nothing further from temporal fire
until the Day of Judgment."</p>
<p id="c-p3311" shownumber="no">The pious enthusiasm of which Notre-Dame of Chartres was then the
object is attested by the "Poème des Miracles" (1210), recently
published by Antoine Thomas, and by Jean le Marchand's poem of 1262.
The consecration of the cathedral occurred in 1260, and St Louis is
supposed to have attended the ceremony. The stained glass windows date
back to the thirteenth century, and are the finest in the world -- they
contain 3889 figures. The upper windows were presented by St. Louis,
and St. Ferdinand and Queen Blanche of Castile. The porches and windows
represent in magnificent symbolism the glorification of Mary. The choir
enclosure with its beautifully sculptured groups dates from the
sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.</p>
<p id="c-p3312" shownumber="no">Among the pilgrims who came to Chartres history mentions St. Louis
who, in order to reach there, travelled seven leagues on foot; Philip
the Fair; Charles the Fair; Philip of Valois; John the Good who went
there three times and left his pilgrim's staff, which has become the 
<i>bâton cantoral</i> of the Chapter; Charles V (of France) who
went thither twice barefooted; Louis XI; Henry III who made eighteen
pilgrimages; Henry IV who was crowned there 27 February,1594; Louis XIV
and Popes Pascal II, Innocent II, and Alexander III. The object of this
yet very popular pilgrimage is threefold: to venerate</p>
<ul id="c-p3312.1">
<li id="c-p3312.2">the statue of Notre-Dame-sous-Terre, inaugurated in 1857, and
modelled after the old statue burned in 1793, being therefore a
reproduction of the figure honoured by the Druids. Devotions are held
in the crypt which is the largest in France;</li>
<li id="c-p3312.3">the "Vierge Noire de Notre-Dame-du Pilier" (Black Virgin) in the
upper church;</li>
<li id="c-p3312.4">the "Voile de la Vierge" (Veil of the Blessed Virgin), given to
Charlemagne by Constantine Porphyrogenitus and Irene, transferred about
876 by Charles the Bald from Aachen to Chartres, and raised as a
standard in 911 by Gantelme, the bishop, to put to flight the Norman
Rollo. In 1360 Edward III of England, and in 1591 Henry Henry IV of
France, passed reverently beneath the reliquary containing this veil,
which, until the end of the eithteenth century, was considered a
chemise, and "chemisettes", emblematic of this veil, were worn on the
breast.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3313" shownumber="no">The church of Saint-Pierre of Chartres of the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries has some very beautiful fourteenth-century
windows; it was dependent upon a Benedictine abbey founded in the sixth
century.</p>
<p id="c-p3314" shownumber="no">Several local congregations of women take charge of the schools and
the sick: the sisters of Providence (founded in Chartres, 1654); the
Sisters of St. Paul of Chartres (founded 1690), who have 123
establishments in the French colonies and others in the countries of
the extreme East; the Sisters of the Bon-Secours (founded 1736); the
sisters of the Immaculate Conception of Nogent-le-Rotrou (founded
1808), and the Sisters of Our Lady of Chartres (founded 1853). In 1900
the diocese had the following religious institutions: 1 foundling
asylum, 17 infant schools, 1 school for deaf-mutes, 17 orphanges, 21
hospitals and hospices, and 2 houses of religious nurses. At the end of
1905 (the close of the Concordat period) the population was 275,433 and
there were 25 pastorates, 351 succursals, or second-class parishes, and
15 curacies then remunerated by the State.</p>
<p id="c-p3315" shownumber="no">Gallia Christiana (ed. nova, 1744), VIII, 1089-1208 and instrumenta,
287-410; Fisquet, La France pontificale (Chartres, Paris, 1873);
Henault, Origines chretiennes de la Gaule celtique, Recherches
historiques sur la fondation de l'Eglise de Chartres et des Eglises de
Paris, de Troyes et d'Orleans (Paris, 1884); de Mély, Le
trésor de Chartres (Paris, 1886); Bulteau and Brou, Monographie de
la cathédrale de Chartres (Chartres, 1887-92); Clerval, Chartres,
sa cathédrale, ses monuments (Chartres, 1905); Huysmans, La
cathédrale (Paris, 1902); Massé, The City of Chartres, its
Cathedral and Churches (London, 1900); Chevalier, Topo-bibl.,
661-64.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3316" shownumber="no">GEORGES GOYAU</p></def>

<term id="c-p3316.1" title="Chartreuse, La Grande" type="Encyclopedia">La Grande Chartreuse</term>
<def id="c-p3316.2">
<h1 id="c-p3316.3">La Grande Chartreuse</h1>
<p id="c-p3317" shownumber="no">The mother-house of the Carthusian Order lies in a high valley of
the Alps of Dauphine, at an altitude of 4268 feet, fourteen miles north
of Grenoble. Medieval writers were awestruck by the desolation of the
spot, and Martene, who visited it in 1760, writes: "One cannot conceive
how it could enter into the mind of man, to establish a community in a
spot so horrible and so barren as this." Modern writers praise its
picturesqueness, but some, like Ruskin, find the mountains around, "the
simplest commonplace of Savoy cliff, with no peaks, no glaciers, no
cascades, nor even any slopes of pine in extent of majesty". The
monastery lies in an open pasture. On the east the ridge of the
Grand-Som towers above its roof, on the south the road approaches
through a narrow gorge, while on the north and west the valley is shut
in by heights covered with woods, due to the planting of the earlier
monks, but now the property of the State. The first monastery, built by
St. Bruno in 1084 on the spot marked by the chapel of Notre-Dame de
Casalibus, was destroyed by an avalanche in 1132, and the new buildings
were erected on part of the site of the present 
<i>grand cloître.</i> The monastery was burnt eight times between
1320 and 1676. At the latter date the prior, Innocent Le Masson, began
to rebuild the greater part of it in the somewhat cold and heavy style
of the period. His work was solid, and there is a severe monastic
element about it. The buildings of to-day are substantially as he left
them, though they have been extensively restored during the nineteenth
century. They are on the typically Carthusian plan, with the addition
of the great guest-houses and capitular hall, constructed to
accommodate the Carthusian priors attending the general chapters,
together with their attendants. The most ancient portions are the
Gothic parts of the 
<i>grand cloître</i> (over 700 feet long) and the church, which
dates in part from 1320 or perhaps earlier, but owes its present form
to restoration in the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries. The
monastery, with a small portion of the surrounding pastures, was rented
from the State till, in accordance with the Association Laws of 1901,
the last monks were expelled by two squadrons of dragoons on the 19th
of April, 1903. For the history of the monastery and order and for the
famous liqueur see CARTHUSIAN ORDER.</p>
<p id="c-p3318" shownumber="no">[ 
<i>Note:</i> The monks of La Grand Chartreuse, driven into exile with
the prior general, found refuge at Farneta, in Italy, until 1929, when
Montrieux, the first of the French charterhouses to be restored, was
reopened. Only in 1940, in the unsettled conditions of World War II,
were the monks able to re-occupy La Grande Chartreuse.]</p>
<p id="c-p3319" shownumber="no">La Grande Chartreuse par un chartreux (Lyons, 1898), tr. WHITEHEAD
(London, 1893); CHEVALIER, Topo-bibl. (Paris, 1894-99), 665.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3320" shownumber="no">RAYMUND WEBSTER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3320.1" title="Chartulary" type="Encyclopedia">Chartulary</term>
<def id="c-p3320.2">
<h1 id="c-p3320.3">Chartulary</h1>
<p id="c-p3321" shownumber="no">
(<i>Cartularium</i>, 
<i>Chartularium</i>, also called 
<i>Pancarta</i> and 
<i>Codex Diplomaticus</i>), a medieval manuscript volume or roll 
(<i>rotulus</i>) containing transcriptions of original documents
relating to the foundation, privileges, and legal rights of
ecclesiastical establishments, municipal corporations, industrial
associations, institutions of learning, and private families. The term
is also, though less appropriately, applied to collections of original
documents bound in one volume or attached to one another so as to form
a roll. The allusion of St. Gregory of Tours to 
<i>chartarum tomi</i> in the sixth century is commonly taken to refer
to chartularies; the oldest, however, that have come down to us belong
to the tenth century. Those belonging to the centuries from the tenth
to the thirteenth are very numerous. Sometimes the copyist of the
chartulary reproduced the original document with literary exactness.
Sometimes, however, he took liberties with the text to the extent of
modifying the phraseology, modernizing proper names of persons or
places, and even changing the substance of the meaning for some such
purpose as to extend the scope of the privileges or immunities which
the document granted. The value of a chartulary as an historical
document depends, of course, on the extent to which it reproduces the
substantial meaning of the original, and this question must be settled
by the well-known canons of historical criticism. Generally speaking, a
chartulary should rank as a public document possessing greater value
than a private letter or the narrative of an annalist. We have as yet
no complete inventory of the chartularies of the various institutions
of the Middle Ages. In recent years many chartularies of medieval
monasteries and churches have been published, more or less completely.
The "Catalogue général des cartulaires des archives
départementales" (Paris, 1847) and the "Inventaire des
cartulaires" etc. (Paris, 1878-9) are the chief sources of information
regarding the chartularies of medieval France. For the principal
English (printed) chartularies, see Gross, "Sources and Literature of
English History," etc. (London, 1900), 204-7 and 402-67. The important
chartulary of the University of Paris was edited by Father Denifle,
O.P., and M. Chatelain, "Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis"
(Paris, 1889, sqq.)</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3322" shownumber="no">WILLIAM TURNER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3322.1" title="Chastellain, Georges" type="Encyclopedia">Georges Chastellain</term>
<def id="c-p3322.2">
<h1 id="c-p3322.3">Georges Chastellain</h1>
<p id="c-p3323" shownumber="no">(Or Chastelain), a Burgundian chronicler, born in the County of
Alost, Flanders, in 1403; died at Valenciennes in 1475. He studied at
Louvain, and, after a few years in the army, travelled in England and
France. He next entered the service of Philip the Good, Duke of
Burgundy, whose successor, Charles the Bold, coming to Valenciennes in
1473, to hold a chapter of the Golden Fleece, conferred upon him the
honour of knighthood, with the title of 
<i>Indiciarius</i> of the order.</p>
<p id="c-p3324" shownumber="no">Chastellain's more important works include</p>
<ul id="c-p3324.1">
<li id="c-p3324.2">"Chronique des choses de mon temps," a history of the years
1417-74, of which only fragments remain, continued after Chastellain's
death, by his disciple, Jean Molinet. It was first edited by Buchon in
"Les chroniques nationales" (1827) and re-edited by Kervyn de
Lettenhove (8 vols., Brussels, 1863-67).</li>
<li id="c-p3324.3">"Récollections des merveilles advenues en mon temps" (Antwerp,
1505).</li>
<li id="c-p3324.4">"Chronique de Messire Jean de Lalaing," a delightful
biography.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3325" shownumber="no">In spite of excessive partiality to the Duke of Burgundy,
Chastellain's historical works are valuable for the accurate
information they contain. As a poet he was famous among his
contemporaries. He was the great master of the school of 
<i>grands rhétoriqueurs</i>, whose principal characteristics were
fondness for the most artificial forms and a profusion of latinisms and
graecisms.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3326" shownumber="no">LOUIS N. DELAMARRE</p></def>

<term id="c-p3326.1" title="Chastellain, Pierre" type="Encyclopedia">Pierre Chastellain</term>
<def id="c-p3326.2">
<h1 id="c-p3326.3">Pierre Chastellain</h1>
<p id="c-p3327" shownumber="no">Missionary among the Huron Indians, born at Senlis, France, in 1606;
died at Quebec, 14 August, 1684. He entered the Society of Jesus in
1624 and at the age of thirty sailed from France with two future
martyrs, Fathers Isaac Jogues and Charles Garnier, and the new Governor
of Canada, Montmagny, the successor in that post of Champlain. In July,
1636, Chastellain and Garnier left Three Rivers with the Indian trading
canoes to join the mission in the Huron country. In the September
following, both were attacked by smallpox, but recovered. For nearly
fifty years Chastellain toiled on the mission of Canada at different
stations among the Hurons as well as in Quebec. With great strength of
character he combined a gentleness that was never ruffled and an
unfailing charity towards others. During his laborious mission work he
composed his book "Affectus amantis Christum seu Exercitium amoris erga
Dominum Jesum pro totâ hebdomadâ," a quarto of 483 pages
(Paris, 1647).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3328" shownumber="no">EDWARD P. SPILLANE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3328.1" title="Chastity" type="Encyclopedia">Chastity</term>
<def id="c-p3328.2">
<h1 id="c-p3328.3">Chastity</h1>
<p id="c-p3329" shownumber="no">In this article chastity is considered as a virtue; its
consideration as an evangelical counsel will be found in the articles
on 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3329.1">Celibacy of the Clergy</span>, 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3329.2">Continency</span>, and 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3329.3">Virginity</span>. As a vow, chastity is discussed in
the article 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3329.4">Vow</span>.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3329.5">AS A VIRTUE</h3>
<p id="c-p3330" shownumber="no">Chastity is the virtue which excludes or moderates the indulgence of
the sexual appetite. It is a form of the virtue of temperance, which
controls according to right reason the desire for and use of those
things which afford the greatest sensual pleasures. The sources of such
delectation are food and drink, by means of which the life of the
individual is conserved, and the union of the sexes, by means of which
the permanence of the species is secured. Chastity, therefore, is
allied to abstinence and sobriety; for, as by these latter the
pleasures of the nutritive functions are rightly regulated, so by
chastity the procreative appetite is duly restricted. Understood as
interdicting all carnal pleasures, chastity is taken generally to be
the same as continency, though between these two, Aristotle, as pointed
out in the article on 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3330.1">Continency</span>, drew a marked distinction. With
chastity is often confounded modesty, though this latter is properly
but a special circumstance of chastity or rather, we might say, its
complement. For modesty is the quality of delicate reserve and
constraint with reference to all acts that give rise to shame, and is
therefore the outpost and safeguard of chastity. It is hardly necessary
to observe that the virtue under discussion may be a purely natural
one. As such, its motive would be the natural decency seen in the
control of the sexual appetite, according to the norm of reason. Such a
motive springs from the dignity of human nature, which, without this
rational sway, is degraded to brutish levels. But it is more
particularly as a supernatural virtue that we would consider chastity.
Viewed thus, its motives are discovered in the light of faith. These
are particularly the words and example of Jesus Christ and the
reverence that is owing to the human body as the temple of the Holy
Ghost, as incorporated into that mystic body of which Christ is the
head, as the recipient of the Blessed Eucharist, and finally, as
destined to share hereafter with the soul a life of eternal glory.
According as chastity would exclude all voluntary Carnal pleasures, or
allow this gratification only within prescribed limits, it is known as
absolute or relative. The former is enjoined upon the unmarried, the
latter is incumbent upon those within the marriage state. The
indulgence of the sexual appetite being prohibited to all outside of
legitimate wedlock, the wilful impulse to it in the unmarried, like the
wilful impulse to anything unlawful, is forbidden. Moreover, such is
the intensity of the sexual passion that this impulse is perilously apt
to bear away the will before it. Hence, when wilful, it is a grave
offence of its very nature. It must be observed too, that this impulse
is constituted, not merely by an effective desire, but by every
voluntary impure thought. Besides the classification already given,
there is another, according to which chastity is distinguished as
perfect, or imperfect. The first-mentioned is the virtue of those who,
in order to devote themselves more unreservedly to God and their
spiritual interests, resolve to refrain perpetually from even the licit
pleasures of the marital state. When this resolution is made by one who
has never known the gratification allowed in marriage, perfect chastity
becomes virginity. Because of these two elements — the high
purpose and the absolute inexperience — just referred to,
virginal chastity takes on the character of a special virtue distinct
from that which connotes abstinence merely from illicit carnal
pleasure. Nor is it necessary that the resolution implied in virginity
be fortified by a vow, though as practised ordinarily and in the most
perfect manner, virginal chastity, as St. Thomas following St.
Augustine, would imply, supposes a vow. (Summa Theol., II-II, Q. clii,
a. 3, ad 4.) The special virtue we are here considering involves a
physical integrity. Yet while the Church demands this integrity in
those who would wear the veil of consecrated virgins, it is but an
accidental quality and may be lost without detriment to that higher
spiritual integrity in which formally the virtue of virginity resides.
The latter integrity is necessary and is alone sufficient to win the
aureole said to await virgins as a special heavenly reward (St. Thomas,
Suppl., Q. xcvi, a. 5). Imperfect chastity is that which is proper to
the state of those who have not as yet entered wedlock without however
having renounced the intention of doing so, of those also who are
joined by the bonds of legitimate marriage, and finally of those who
have outlived their marital partners. However in the case of those last
mentioned the resolution may be taken which obviously would make the
chastity practised that which we have defined as the perfect kind.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3330.2">THE PRACTICE OF CHASTITY</h3>
<p id="c-p3331" shownumber="no">To point out the untenableness of the arguments advanced by
McLennon, Lubbock, Morgan, Spencer, and others, for an original state
of sexual promiscuity among mankind, belongs more immediately to the
natural history of marriage. Westermarck, in his "History of Human
Marriage" (London, 1891), has clearly shown that many of the
representations made of people living promiscuously are false and that
this low condition may not be looked upon as characteristic of savages,
much less be taken as evidencing an original promiscuity (History of
Human Marriage, 61 sqq.). According to this author, "the number of
uncivilized peoples among whom chastity, at least as regards women, is
held in honour and as a rule cultivated, is very considerable" (op.
cit., 66). A fact which cannot be overlooked, of which travellers give
unfailing testimony is the pernicious effect, as a rule, upon savages
of contact with those who come to them from higher civilization.
According to Dr. Nansen, "the Eskimo women of the larger colonies are
freer in their ways than those of the small outlying settlements where
there are no Europeans" (Nansen, The First Crossing of Greenland, II,
329). Of the tribes of the Adelaide plains of South Australia, Mr.
Edward Stephens says: "Those who speak of the natives as a naturally
degraded race, either do not speak from experience, or they judge them
by what they have become when the abuse of intoxicants and contact with
the most wicked of the white race have begun their deadly work. I saw
the natives and was much with them before those dreadful immoralities
were known and I say it fearlessly that nearly all their evils they
owed to the white man's immorality and to the white man's drink"
(Stephens, The Aborigines of Australia, in Jour. Roy. Soc. N. S. Wales,
XXIII, 480). Of the primitive Turko-Tatars, Professor Vambrey observes:
"The difference in immorality which exists between the Turks affected
by a foreign civilization and kindred tribes inhabiting the steppes
becomes very conspicuous to anyone living among the Turkomans and Kara
Kalpaks, for whether in Africa or Asia certain vices are introduced
only by the so-called bearers of culture" (Vambrey, Die primitive
Cultur des Turks tartarischen Volkes, 72). Testimonies to the same
effect could be multiplied indefinitely.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3331.1">THE PRACTICE OF CHASTITY AMONG THE JEWS</h3>
<p id="c-p3332" shownumber="no">Several of the Mosaic ordinances must have operated strongly among
the ancient Jews, to prevent sins against chastity. The legislation of
Deut., xxii, 20- 21, according to which a bride who had deceived her
husband into thinking her a virgin was stoned to death at her father's
door, must in the circumstances have powerfully deterred young women
from all impure practices. The effect, too, of the law, Deut., xxii,
28-29, must have been wholesome. According to this enactment, if a man
sinned with a virgin "he shall give to the father of the maid fifty
sides of silver and shall have her to wife because he hath humbled her.
He may not put her away all the days of his life." The Mosaic law
against prostitution of Jewish women was severe, nevertheless through
foreign women this evil became widespread in Israel. It is to be
observed that the Hebrews were ever prone to fall into the sexual sins
of their heathen neighbours, and the inevitable result of polygamy was
seen in the absence of a recognized obligation of continence in the
husband parallel to that imposed on the wife.</p>
<p id="c-p3333" shownumber="no">The unchastity of the post-Homeric Greeks was notorious. With this
people marriage was but an institution to supply the State with strong
and sturdy soldiers. The consequence of this to the position of women
was most baneful. We are told by Polybius that sometimes four Spartans
had one wife in common. (Fragm. in Scr. Vet. Nov. Coll., ed. Mai, II,
384.) The Athenians were not so degraded, yet here the wife was
excluded from the society of her husband, who sought pleasure in the
company of hetairai and concubines. The hetairai were not social
pariahs among the Athenians. Indeed many of them attained to the
influence of queens. Although the Romans styled excess of debauchery
"Græcizing", they nevertheless sounded greater depths of filthy
wantonness in the days following the early republic than ever did their
eastern neighbours. The Greeks threw a glamour of romance and sentiment
about their sexual sins. But with the Romans, immorality, even of the
abnormal kind, stalked about, its repulsiveness undisguised. We gather
this clearly from the pages of Juvenal, Martial, and Suetonius. Cicero
makes the public statement that intercourse with prostitutes had never
been a thing condemned in Rome (Pro Cælio, xv), and we know that
as a rule marriage was looked upon as a mere temporary relation to be
severed directly it became irksome to either party. Never did woman
sink to such degradation as in Rome. In Greece the enforced seclusion
of the wife acted as a moral protection. The Roman matron was not thus
restricted, and many of these of highest social rank did not hesitate
in the time of Tiberius to have their names inscribed upon the
ædiles' list as common prostitutes in order thus to escape the
penalties which the Julian Law attached to adultery.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3333.1">CHRISTIANITY AND THE PRACTICE OF CHASTITY</h3>
<p id="c-p3334" shownumber="no">Under Christianity chastity has been practised in a manner unknown
under any other influence. Christian morality prescribes the right
order of relations. It therefore must direct and control the manner of
relationship sustained to each other by soul and body. Between these
two there is an ineradicable opposition, the flesh with its
concupiscences contending unceasingly against the spirit, blinding the
latter and weaning it away from the pursuit of its true life. Harmony
and due order between these two must prevail. But this means the
pre-eminence and mastery of the spirit, which in turn can only mean the
castigation of the body. The real as well as the etymological kinship
between chastity and chastisement then is obvious. Necessarily,
therefore, chastity is a thing stern and austere. The effect of the
example as well as of the words of Our Saviour (Matt., xix, 11-12) is
seen in the lives of the many celibates and virgins who have graced the
history of the Christian Church, while the idea of marriage as the sign
and symbol of the ineffable union of Christ with His spotless spouse
the Church — a union in which fidelity no less than love is
mutual — has borne its fruit in beautifying the world with
patterns of conjugal chastity.</p>
<p id="c-p3335" shownumber="no">St. THOMAS, 
<i>Summa,</i> II-II, Q. cli-clii; 
<i>Cont. Gent.,</i> L. III, c. cxxxvi; LESSIUS, 
<i>De Just. et jure ceterisque virt. card.,</i> L, IV, c. ii, n. 92
sq.; ESCHBACH, 
<i>Disputationes Physiologico-Theologicœ,</i> Disp. v;
DÖLLINGER, 
<i>The Gentile and the Jew</i> etc., II, Book IX; CRAISSON, 
<i>De Rebus Venereis;</i> BONAL, 
<i>De Virtute Castitatis;</i> WESTERMARCK, 
<i>The History of Human Marriage,</i> ch. iv, v, vi; GAY, 
<i>The Christian Life and Virtues;</i> II, 
<i>Chastity.</i></p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3336" shownumber="no">JOHN W. MELODY.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3336.1" title="Chasuble" type="Encyclopedia">Chasuble</term>
<def id="c-p3336.2">
<h1 id="c-p3336.3">Chasuble</h1>
<p id="c-p3337" shownumber="no">
<img alt="03639aat.jpg" id="c-p3337.1" src="/ccel/herbermann/cathen03/files/03639aat.jpg" style="text-align:right" />
</p>
<p id="c-p3338" shownumber="no">Called in Latin 
<i>casula planeta</i> or 
<i>pænula</i>, and in early Gallic sources 
<i>amphibalus</i>, the principal and most conspicuous Mass vestment,
covering all the rest. Nearly all ecclesiologists are now agreed that
liturgical costume was simply an adaptation of the secular attire
commonly worn throughout the Roman Empire in the early Christian
centuries. The priest in discharging his sacred functions at the altar
was dressed as in civil life, but the custom probably grew up of
reserving for this purpose garments that were newer and cleaner than
those used in his daily avocations, and out of this gradually developed
the conception of a special liturgical attire. In any case the chasuble
in particular seems to have been identical with the ordinary outer
garment of the lower orders. It consisted of a square or circular piece
of cloth in the centre of which a hole was made; through this the head
was passed. With the arms hanging down, this rude garment covered the
whole figure. It was like a little house 
(<i>casula</i>). This derivation is curiously illustrated in the
prophetic utterance of Druidical origin preserved in Muirchu's "Life of
St. Patrick", almost the oldest allusion to the chasuble and crosier
which we possess. Before St. Patrick's coming to Ireland the Druids
were supposed to have circulated this oracle:</p>
<p id="c-p3339" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">Adze-head [this is an allusion to the peculiar Irish form
of tonsure] will come with a crook-head staff; in his house head-holed
[ 
<i>in suâ domu capiti perforatâ</i>, i.e. chasuble] he will
chant impiety from his table [i.e. the altar]; from the front [i.e. the
eastern] part of his house all his household [attendant clerics] will
respond, 'So be it! So be it!'</p>

<p id="c-p3340" shownumber="no">The fact that at an early
date the word 
<i>casal</i> established itself in the Celtic language, and that St.
Patrick's 
<i>casal</i> in particular became famous, makes the allusion of the
"house head-holed" almost certain. We can hardly help being reminded of
St. Isidore's definition of 
<i>casula</i> as "a garment furnished with a hood, which is a
diminutive of 
<i>casa</i>, a cottage, as, like a small cottage or hut, it covers the
entire person". In the earliest chronicles some modification seems to
have already taken place in the primitive conception of a hole cut in
round piece of cloth. The early medieval chasubles were made of a
semicircular piece of stuff, the straight edge folded in the middle,
and the two borders sewn together, leaving an aperture for the head.
From this it will be seen that the chasuble is only a cope of which the
front edges have been sewn together. The inconvenience of the primitive
chasuble will be readily appreciated. It was impossible to use arms or
hands without lifting the whole of the front part of the vestment. To
remedy this, more than one expedient was resorted to. The sides were
gradually cut away while the length before and behind remained
unaltered. Thus, after being first curtailed at the sides until it
reached but little below the elbows, it was eventually, in the
sixteenth century, pared away still farther, until it now hardly
extends below the shoulders and leaves the arms entirely free. While
this shortening was still in progress, it became the duty of the deacon
and subdeacon, assisting the celebrant, to roll back the chasuble and
relieve as far as possible the weight on his arms. Directions to this
effect are still given in the "Cæremoniale Episcoporum", where it
speaks of the vesting of a bishop (Cæremon. Episc., lib. II, cap.
viii, n. 19). Another device adopted in some medieval chasubles, to
remedy the inconvenience caused by the drag of the vestment upon the
arms, was to insert a cord passing through rings by which the sides of
the chasuble could be drawn up to the shoulders and secured in that
position. This, however, was rare. The chasuble, though now regarded as
the priestly vestment par excellence, was in the early centuries worn
by all ranks of the clergy. "Folded chasubles" 
(<i>planetæ plicatæ</i>), instead of dalmatics, are still
prescribed for the deacon and subdeacon at high Mass during penitential
seasons. The precise origin of this pinning up of the chasuble is still
obscure, but, like the deacon's wearing of the broad stole 
(<i>stolone</i>)--which represents the chasuble rolled up and hung over
his shoulder like a soldier's great-coat--during the active part of his
functions in the Mass, it probably had something to do with the
inconvenience caused by the medieval chasuble in impeding the free use
of the arms.</p>
<p id="c-p3341" shownumber="no">Of the chasuble as now in common usage in the Western Church two
principal types appear, which may for convenience be called the Roman
and the French. The Roman is about 46 inches deep at the back and 30
inches wide. It is ornamented with orphreys forming a pillar behind and
a tall cross in front, while the aperture for the neck is long and
tapers downwards. The French type, also common in Germany and in a more
debased form in Spain, is less ample and often artificially stiffened.
It has a cross on the back and a pillar in front. In medieval chasubles
these orphrey crosses often assume a Y form, and the crosses themselves
seem really to have originated less from any symbolical purpose than
from sartorial reasons connected with the cut and adjustment.</p>
<p id="c-p3342" shownumber="no">Like the other sacred vestments the chasuble, before use, requires
to be blessed by a priest who has faculties for that purpose. When
assumed in vesting for Mass, the act is accompanied with a prayer which
speaks of the chasuble as the "yoke of Christ". But another symbolism
is indicated by the form attached to the bestowal of the chasuble in
the ordination services: "Receive", says the bishop, "the priestly
vestment, by which is signified charity."</p>
<p id="c-p3343" shownumber="no">BRAUN, 
<i>Die liturgische Gewandung</i> (Freiburg, 1907), pp. 149-239; ROHAULT
DE FLEURY, 
<i>La Messe</i> (Paris, 1886), VII; BOCK, 
<i>Geschichte der liturgischen Gewänder</i> (Bonn, 1856-71),
II-III; THALHOFER, 
<i>Liturgik</i> (Freiburg, 1883), I; DE VERT 
<i>, Explication des cérémonies de l'église</i> (Paris,
1706-8); ROCK, 
<i>Church of Our Fathers</i> (London, 1903), II; BARBIER DE MONTAULT, 
<i>Les costumes et les usages ecclésiastiques</i> (Paris, 1901),
II; VAN DER STAPPEN, 
<i>Sacra Liturgia</i> (Mechlin, 1902), IV, 124-188; THURSTON, in 
<i>THE MONTH</i> (Dec., 1898) and in 
<i>The Tablet</i> (Dec. 28, 1907); HEFELE, Beiträge
(Tübingen, 1864), II, 150-223.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3344" shownumber="no">HERBERT THURSTON</p></def>

<term id="c-p3344.1" title="Chateaubriand, Francois-Rene de" type="Encyclopedia">Francois-Rene de Chateaubriand</term>
<def id="c-p3344.2">
<h1 id="c-p3344.3">Françpois-René de Chateaubriand</h1>
<p id="c-p3345" shownumber="no">French writer, b. at Saint-Malo, Brittany, 4 September, 1768; d. at
Paris, 4 July, 1848. He studied at Dol, then at Rennes, and later at
Dinan. Although at first destined for the navy, for a while he believed
himself called to the ecclesiastical life, but finally, in 1786,
obtained a commission as lieutenant in the regiment of Navarre, then
quartered at Cambrai. Meanwhile the young officer spent much of his
time in Paris, where his brother and one of his sisters resided. Upon
the fall of the monarchy, he embarked at Saint-Malo for America, 8
April, 1791. The American wilderness was indeed a revelation to his
poetic mind, and furnished it with an inexhaustible supply of imagery.
However, when King Louis XVI was arrested at Varennes, Chateaubriand
believed it his duty to place his sword at the service of imperilled
royalty and, returning to France, landed there 2 January, 1792. He
married, emigrated, joined the army of Condé, was wounded and left
for dead during the expedition against Thionville, and succeeded in
escaping to England in 1793. Here he lived in London in the most abject
misery, being unable to return to France until 1800, and even then only
under an assumed name.</p>
<p id="c-p3346" shownumber="no">"Le génie du Christianisme" (Paris, 1802) soon afterwards made
him famous, and Bonaparte appointed him secretary of the embassy at
Rome and then minister at Valais, Switzerland, a post which he resigned
even before occupying it. Admitted to the French Academyto fill the
vacancy caused by the death of Marie Joseph Chénier, he refused,
despite the entreaties of Napoleon, to withhold his opinion on the
revolutionary ideas of his predecessor, and this retarded his reception
until after the fall of the Empire. Thenceforth he was plunged into
party strife. His political life has been divided into three distinct
parts: (1) the purely Royalist period up to 1824; (2) the Liberal
period from 1824 to 1830; (3) the period of Royalism and ideal
Republicanism between 1830 and the time of his death. Appointed
Minister of State after Waterloo, he eloquently and energetically
opposed the Decazes ministry (1816-1820), became ambassador
successively in Berlin and in London, plenipotentiary to the Congress
of Verona, and finally Minister of Foreign Affairs during the
Villèle ministry. In 1824 the king dismissed him for the
haughtiness of character that had rendered him in tolerable to his
colleagues. Chateaubriand that time on waged a merciless war for
Liberal principles against all the ministerial depart ments, sparing
not even royalty itself. Made ambassador to Rome in 1828, he resigned
upon Polignac's accession to office next year, and when, in 1830,
Louis-Philippe ascended the throne, he refused to take the oath of
allegiance to the new regime. This was the end of his active political
career.</p>
<p id="c-p3347" shownumber="no">Chief among the writings of Chateaubriand are the "Essai historique,
politique et moral sur las révolutions anciennes et modernes"
(London, 1797); "Atala" (Paris, 1801), an episode from "Le génie
du Christianisme" (Paris,1802, 5 vols., 8vo); "René, which, like
"Atala", belonged to "Le génie du Christianisme", and was
published separately by the author in 1807 — a morbid romance
exhibiting a picture of fatal melancholy and foolish dreams; Les
martyrs" (Paris, 1809), a prose poem intended to prove by example the
superiority of Christianity over Paganism as a source of poetic
inspiration. With a literary scrupulosity, rare indeed in those days,
Chateaubriand made a point of visiting the places which he was to
describe in the last-named work. In fact it was this tour that brought
forth the "Itinéraire de Paris à Jerusalem" (Paris, 1811), a
delightful and accurate book of travels. After that there appeared a
series of political works: "De Buonaparte et des Bourbons" (Paris,
1814), a famous brochure said by Louis XVIII to have been worth a whole
army to the Restoration; "De la monarchie selon la charte" (Paris,
1816), a brochure which deprived the author of both the title and
income of Minister of State: "De la restauration et de la monarchie
élective" (Paris, 1831), in which Chateaubriand made the following
profession of faith: "I am Bourbon as a matter of honour, royalist
according to reason and conviction, and republican by taste and
character"; "Etudes, ou discours historiques" (Paris, 1831, 4 vols.,
8vo), a work replete with original views and not wanting in erudition.
Writings in which the author's own personality figures are his "Voyage
en Amérique" (Paris, 1827) and his great posthumous work, "Les
mémoires d'outre-tombe" (Paris, 1849-1850, 12 vols. in l8mo), a
vast panorama of the events which made up his life or with which he was
identified.</p>
<p id="c-p3348" shownumber="no">In the perusal of this long series of works one easily discovers the
author's diversified talent. Chateaubriand's style is marvelously
varied. In his prose poems, such as "Les martyrs", or his romances,
like "Atala", or his poetic descriptions, such as occur in "Le
génie du Christianisme", his colouring is vivid and peerless, and
his phraseology most harmonious. "He plays the harpsichord on all my
heartstrings", said a great lady of the early nineteenth century 
(<i>Il joue du clavecinsur toutes mes fibres</i>). Without apparent
effort he gives to his thoughts a luxuriant opulence of expression,
richness, and elegance, even also a certain grandiloquence which may
now appear somewhat antiquated. On the other hand, upon opening one of
his political books one will find him bright, crisp, and incisive. Nor
must it be said, as indeed it has been, that Chateaubriand's delightful
and masterly style only serves to conceal deplorable poverty of
thought, like a gorgeous drapery thrown over a feeble and insignificant
body. Chateaubriand has beautiful ideas; on the past, in his historical
pages; on the present, in his political writings, though the latter may
not be free from error; and he has abundant views on the future,
particularly on the subject of religion and the social rôle which
he believed it called upon to play. His influence on literature is
unanimously acknowledged. Romanticism may be traced back to him, and it
may even be said that the whole literary movement characteristic of the
nineteenth century begins with him. Admitting that he had predecessors,
and that his style is reminiscent of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, he
undoubtedly inaugurated a new literature.</p>
<p id="c-p3349" shownumber="no">Despite lamentable moral infirmities, Chateaubriand was a sincere
Christian from the time of his conversion until his death. For he had
need of conversion. Not, indeed, that his education was not religious.
He himself relates with what pious zeal he prepared for his First
Communion, and what memorable emotions that solemn day awakened within
his heart. Some sixteen years later, in 1796, he published the
sceptical "Essai sur les révolutions". In the interval
Chateaubriand's youthful mind had been contaminated by the
anti-Christian spirit then pervading France, by the reading of
dangerous books, especially those of J.-J. Rousseau, and by his
association with the infidel literary men of Paris between 1787 and
1791. When, at the age of twenty-one, he sailed for America, his faith
was but a flickering flame likely to be extinguished at any moment.
Finally, the miserable life that he was afterwards obliged to lead in
London so harassed his soul as to turn him against everything, both
institutions and men.</p>
<p id="c-p3350" shownumber="no">It was indeed a rude shock that awoke his dormant religion. On the
1st of July, 1798, his sister, Mme de Farcy, wrote him of his mother's
death, adding that, grief-stricken at his abandonment of the Faith
— a condition sadly manifest in his "Essai sur les
révolutions" — she had made it her dying request that he
would become reconciled to it. Chateaubriand heeded the appeal. It
seemed to come as a last prayer, a tear-laden supplication from the
tomb that enclosed the mortal remains of one who had loved him
devotedly, and whose anguish he had so ruthlessly augmented. His heart
was touched by the recollection of his childhood's days, by the pious
memories with which the picture of his mother was inseparably
connected, and, comparing the awful void made within his soul by false
philosophy with the ineffable peace with which his religion had
formerly filled it, his cruel doubts were suddenly submerged in a flood
of tears. "I wept", said he, "and I believed" (Preface to the first
edition of "Le génie du Christianisme"). This change of heart is
the more easily explained as it was brought about by the progress of
his ideas. His "Essai" is not the work of a confirmed infidel. If
occasionally the author speaks like an eighteenth century philosopher,
he also speaks as a Christian; he believes and doubts by turns. The
mind is not always the dupe of the heart, it is sometimes its debtor.
Chateaubriand's mind oscillated between the faith of the Christian and
the incredulity of the sceptic, but his heart, never wholly
indifferent, threw its entire belief into the scale, and faith
triumphed forever.</p>
<p id="c-p3351" shownumber="no">On the strength of Chateaubriand's moral shortcomings Sainte-Beuve
has insinuated that he was not genuinely Christian; but this is a
calumny. Chateaubriand, unfortunately, was not the only man who, though
strong in his faith, was weak in his conduct. His religious sincerity
is a well-established fact, and the critic of the day does homage to
it. Indeed, this sincerity must be acknowledged, even though his word
was not strictly reliable in less serious matters. For instance, J.
Bédier tried to prove that the "Voyage en Amérique" was a
mere fiction, maintaining that the traveller had not the means of
accomplishing such a tour within the five months spent on the American
continent. But this position cannot be accepted. In a work entitled
"Sainte-Beuve et Chateaubriand" it has been demonstrated that the
illustrious writer had all the time required for the journey, which he
actually made and did not merely imagine, as Bédier had
claimed.</p>
<p id="c-p3352" shownumber="no">Having had the misfortune to attack the Faith, Chateaubriand craved
the honour of defending it, and in various parts of his writings he
realized this ambition, but most especially in "Le génie du
Christianisme". His defence of religion presented in this celebrated
book is invested with a new character. Moreover, the subtitle of the
first edition clearly indicates that the writer's intention was to
point out the "Beauties of the Christian Religion". The apology is
based on the aesthetic, and the fundamental argument of the work is
thus expressed in its closing lines: "Though we have not employed the
arguments usually advanced by the apologists of Christianity, we have
arrived by a different chain of reasoning at the same conclusion:
Christianity is perfect; men are imperfect. Now, a perfect consequence
cannot spring from an imperfect principle. Christianity, therefore, is
not the work of men." This argument certainly has great intrinsic
weight, but it must be admitted that here and there the writer insists
on details which contribute nothing to its strength, while, on the
other hand, he omits views which might have established it more
solidly. Besides, considered apart from its literary merit, the real
apologetic value of "Le génie du Christianisme" is but relative.
It was due to circumstances; the work came at the right moment and was
what it should have been at that moment; hence its success. In his
"Mémoires" the author was clearsighted enough to see this and
courageous enough to admit it. The eighteenth century had sought to
destroy Christian dogmas by holding them up to ridicule, and had thus
deluded cultivated minds. Chateaubriand took up the challenge; he
proved that this derided religion was the most beautiful of all, and
likewise the most favourable to literature and the arts. It was just
then that Bonaparte was rebuilding overthrown altars, and the author of
"Le génie" and the victorious general worked towards the same end,
each in his own way.</p>
<p id="c-p3353" shownumber="no">Chateaubriand's influence is incontestable. The Abbé Pradt, a
writer who was hostile to his book, said in 1818: "He reinstated
religion in the world, establishing it on a better footing than it had
occupied, for until then it had followed, so to speak, in the wake of
society, and since then it has marched visibly at the bead." This
apology, moreover, exercised a great influence upon the apologists. In
the course of the nineteenth century Chateaubriand's idea was taken up;
the beauty of Christian doctrine and its profound harmony with the
inspirations of humanity were no longer studied from a merely
aesthetic, but from a social and moral point of view. It is the glory
of pioneers to open up productive ways in which others go farther than
they, but where they still retain the merit of having boldly taken the
first steps.</p>
<p id="c-p3354" shownumber="no">SAINTE-BUEVE, 
<i>Chateaubriand et son groupe littéraire sous l'Empire</i>
(Paris, new ed., 1889); for all works on Chateaubriand appearing prior
to 1896 one may generally consult KERVILLER, 
<i>Essai d'une bibliographie de Chateaubriand</i> (Vannes, 1896);
BERTRIN, 
<i>La sincérité religieuse de Chateaubriand</i> (Paris,
1900); ID., 
<i>Sainte-Beuve et Chateaubriand</i> (Paris, 1906); BÉDIER, 
<i>Etudes critiques</i> (Paris, 1904); GIRAUD, 
<i>Chateaubriand</i> (Paris, 1904). BIRE, 
<i>Mémoires d'outre-tombe</i> (Paris, new ed., 6 vols. in l2mo,
not dated).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3355" shownumber="no">GEORGES BERTRIN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3355.1" title="Chatham" type="Encyclopedia">Chatham</term>
<def id="c-p3355.2">
<h1 id="c-p3355.3">Chatham</h1>
<p id="c-p3356" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CHATHAM (CHATHAMENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p3357" shownumber="no">The Diocese of Chatham comprises the northern half of the Province
of New Brunswick, Canada, i.e., the counties of Gloucester, Madawaska,
Northumberland, Restigouche, Victoria, and the part of Kent north of
the Richibucto River. This territory formerly belonged to the Diocese
of St. John, itself originally a portion of the Diocese of Quebec. On 8
May, 1860, the Diocese of St. John was divided, and the present Diocese
of Chatham created. The Rev. James Rogers was appointed the first
bishop and consecrated 15 August in the same year. On his arrival at
Chatham, Bishop Rogers found only seven priests to attend an immense
stretch of country. During his episcopate of forty-two years a
wonderful improvement was witnessed, and when he resigned, 7 August,
1902, he left a diocese of 47 parishes and 51 priests. He died 22
March, 1903. On the resignation of Bishop Rogers, the Rev. Thomas
Francis Barry, consecrated titular Bishop of Thugga and Coadjutor of
Chatham, on 7 August, 1902, succeeded to the See of Chatham. The steady
march of development, facility of communication, and immigration,
require the formation of new parishes each year; there are now in the
diocese 57 churches with resident priests and 25 missions with
churches. The Catholic population is about 66,000; a large percentage
of which is French Acadian by descent and language. The secular clergy
number 65 priests, with 5 theological students, and the regular 31
priests and 7 brothers. Sisters, numbering about 200, of several
religious congregations, are in charge of various institutions. There
are 8 parochial schools with about 1000 pupils, one classical college
(at Caraquet) for boys, directed by the Eudist Fathers, with 130
pupils, and 3 schools taught by Sisters under the Government School
Law, with about 400 pupils. Two orphan asylums support 100 orphans, and
4 hospitals are directed by the Hospital Sisters of St. Joseph, among
them the government hospital for lepers at Tracadie. The Trappist
Fathers and the Trappistine Sisters, expelled from France, have opened
monasteries in the parish of Rogersville.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3358" shownumber="no">LOUIS O'LEARY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3358.1" title="Chaucer, Geoffrey" type="Encyclopedia">Geoffrey Chaucer</term>
<def id="c-p3358.2">
<h1 id="c-p3358.3">Geoffrey Chaucer</h1>
<p id="c-p3359" shownumber="no">English poet, born in London between 1340 and 1345; died there, 25
October, 1400. John Chaucer, a vintner and citizen of London, married
Agnes, heiress of one Hamo de Copton, the city moneyer, and owned the
house in Upper Thames Street, Dowgate Hill (a site covered now by the
arrival platform of Cannon Street Station), where his son Geoffrey was
born. That his birth was not in 1328, hitherto the accepted date, is
fully proved (Furnivall in The Academy, 8 Dec., 1888, 12 Dec., 1887).
John Chaucer was connected with the Court, and once saw Flanders in the
royal train. Geoffrey was educated well, but whether he was entered at
either university remains unknown. He figures by name from the year
1357, presumably in the capacity of a page, in the household books of
the Lady Elizabeth de Burgh, wife of Prince Lionel, third son of King
Edward III (Bond in Fornightly Review, VI, 28 Aug., 1873). The lad
followed this prince to France, serving through the final and futile
Edwardian invasion, which ended in the Peace of Bretigny (1360), and
was taken prisoner at "Retters", identified by unwary biographers as
Retiers near Rennes, but by Skeat as Rethel near Reims, a place
mentioned by Froissart in his account of this very campaign. Thence
Chaucer was ransomed by the king, who, when the Lady Elizabeth died,
took over her page and later (1367) pensioned him for life. Chaucer was
married before 1374; probably the Philippa Chaucer named in the queen's
grant of 1366 was then Geoffrey Chaucer's wife (Lounsbury, Studies in
Chaucer, I, 95-7). It seems clear that he could not have been happy in
his marriage (Hales in Dict. Nat. Biog., X, 157). He had two sons and a
daughter, if not other children. Gascoigne tells us that his
contemporary, Thomas Chaucer was the poet's son. This statement, long
discredited, is now fully endorsed by the best authorities (Hales in
Athenaeum, 31 March, 1888; Skeat, ibid., 27 Jan.1900). Thomas Chaucer's
mother was Philippa Roet, daughter of Sir Paon or Payne de Roet Guienne
king at arms. Roet had another daughter, Catherine, widow of Sir Hugh
Swynford, who was for Gaunt's mistress and eventually his third wife.
Thus Chaucer became the brother-in-law of the great duke, who from 1368
onwards had been his most powerful patron. Thomas Chaucer (b. about
1367; d. 1434), later of Woodstock and Ewelme, became chief butler to
four sovereign, as well as Speaker of the House of Commons (in 1414).
His sister Elizabeth (b.1365) at sixteen entered Barking Abbey as a
novice, John of Gaunt providing fifty pounds as her religious dowry.
Lewis Chaucer, the "litel sonne Lowys", for whom the "Astrolale" was
written, is supposed to have died in childhood. From about his
twenty-sixth year Chaucer was frequently employed on important
diplomatic missions; the year 1372-3 marks the turning point of his
literary life, for then he was sent to Italy; circumstances make it
extremely probable that either in Florence or at Padua he made
Petrarch's acquaintance (Lounsbury, Studies, I, 67-68). The young King
Richard II granted Chaucer a second life pension. It is startling to
find him, in 1380, concerned in a discreditable abduction (Athenaeum,
29 Nov., 1873; from the Close Roll of 3 of Richard II). He was made
comptroller of the petty customs of the port of London and complains of
the burden of official life in "The House of Fame" (lines 652-60); and
it would appear from the prologue the "Legend of Good Women", and
through the influence of the new queen, Anne of Bohemia, he was enabled
by1385 to sucure a permanent deputy. At this time he gave up
housekeeping in Aldgate, and settled in the country, presumably at
Greenwich, where he had a garden and arbour. The intrigues of the
partisans of the king's uncle, Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, involved
Chaucer's fortunes in partial ruin. The grants made to Philippa, his
wife ceased in 1387, so that we may suppose she was then dead; during
the springs of 1388 Chaucer was obliged to sell two of his pensions; in
1390 he was twice in one day robbed of the king's money, but was
excused from repaying it. Until King Richard recovered power Chaucer
had lean years to undergo. For a while he was Clerk of the Works at
Windsor, Westminster and the Tower, but proved thriftless and
unsuccessful in business affairs, and gave little satisfaction.
Unrivalled opportunities and the fostering care of successive
sovereigns could not keep hirn frorn anxiety, if not penury, towards
the end. It is noticeable that his latest and most troubled period
produced the "Canterbury Tales". Within four days after his accession
King Henry IV, the son of Chaucer's first benefactor, increased
Chaucer's remaining income by forty marks per annum. The poet then
leased a pleasant house in the monastery garden at Westminster, and
there, hard by the Lady Chapel of the Abbey (now replaced by the
loftier erection of Henry VII), he died. For a century and a half his
only memorial in Westminster Abbey was a Latin epitaph written by
Surigonius of Milan, engraved upon a leaden plate, and hung up,
probably at Caxton's instigation, on a pillar near the grave. The
present canopied grey marble altar-tomb, on the south side, was set up
by Nicholas Brigham, in 1556, all trace of its votive portrait of the
venerated master disappeared long ago. The "Canterbury Tales" were
first printed by Caxton, from a faulty manuscript, in or about 1476-7;
later by Pynson, and by Wynkyn de Worde. Other pieces were collected,
and, between 1526-1602, often published with the "Tales". Many of
these, attributed to Chaucer even by his earliest great modern editor,
Tyrwhitt, are now known not to be his. (Skeat, "Chaucer's Minor Poems",
Oxford, 1896; or, Idem "Chaucerian Pieces" in the "Complete Works",
Oxford, 1897, suppl. vol.) Chaucer's genuine major poems are assigned
to this chronological order: The "Romaunt of the Rose", that is, the
first 1705 lines the remainder being rejected as not Chaucer's (see
Chaucer Society Publications, 2nd Series, No 19, 1884), dates from
about 1366, and "The A.B.C.", from the same period; the "Book of the
Duchess" from 1369, the "Complaint of Pity" from 1372; "Anelida and
False Arcite" from 1372-4; "Troilus and Cressid" from 1379-83, the
"Parliament of Fowls" from 1382; the "House of Fame" from 1383-4; the
"Legend of Good Women" from about 1385-6; and the "Canterbury Tales" as
a whole, from 1386 onwards until after 1390. It is curious that the
first draft of the lovely Tales by the Second Nun, the Man of Law, the
Clerk, the Knight, and part of the Monk, should have been produced
early; and that the Tales by the Miller, the Reeve, the Shipman, and
the Merchant, as well as the Wife of Bath's Prologue, should have been
produced after 1387. Chaucer's objectionable work is, therefore, not
the work of his youth.</p>
<p id="c-p3360" shownumber="no">To the intense affection, frequently expressed, of Hoccleve, we owe
the first and best of Chaucer's portraits, familiar through
reproduction. It appears in the margin of "The Governail of Princes",
or "De Regimine Principum" (Harl. MS. 4866, in British Museum). In it
we see Chaucer, limned from memory, in his familiar hood and gown,
rosary in hand, plump, full-eyed, fork-bearded. (For detailed accounts
see Spielman, "The Portraits of Geoffrey Chaucer", London, l900, first
issued in the "Chaucer Memorial Lectures", 111-41.) Like Dryden, he was
silent, and had a "down look"; this physical characteristic was partly
due to a most genuine modesty, partly to the habit of constant reading.
Chaucer indeed read and annexed everything, and transmuted everything
into that vocabulary of his, all plasticity and all power. He is a
cosmopolite, chiefly influenced by Ovid, by his own contemporary Italy,
a debtor, if ever man was, to the whole spirit of his age; he has its
fire, its impudence, its broad licentiousness; he has rather more than
his share of its true-hearted pathos, its exquisite freshness and
brightness, its sense of eternity. The so-called "Counsel of Chaucer"
sums up, at a holy and serene moment, his philosophic outlook. He had
unequalled powers of observation, and gave a highly ironic but most
humane report. He is an artist through and through, and that artist had
been a soldier and a diplomat, hence his genius, even in its extremes
of mirth has balance and health, remoteness and neutrality -- it is
never bitter, and never in the least "viewy". Matthew Arnold
(Introduction to Ward's "English Poets" 1885, I, pp. xxxiv--v) accuses
him of a lack of what Aristotle calls "high and excellent seriousness".
But "high seriousness" is not quite the note of the fourteenth century.
Chaucer's is the master-note (submerged all over Europe since the
Reformation) of joy. This brings us to the question of his personal
religion.</p>
<p id="c-p3361" shownumber="no">Foxe (Acts and Monuments of the Church, 1583, II, 839) started the
absurd theory that Chaucer was a follower of Wyclif. The poet's own
abstract habit; his association with the prince who (probably actuated
by no very high motives) withdrew his favour from the contemporary
reformer when solicitude for a purer practice ran into heresy and
threatened revolt; his close friendship with Strode, a Dominican of
Oxford and a strong anti-Lollard--these things tend of themselves to
denote Chaucer's views in the matter. The opposite inference is "due to
a misconception of his language, based on a misconception of his
character" (Lounsbury Studies, II, 469). Like Wyclif, Chaucer loved the
priestly ideal; and he draws it incomparably in his "Poor Parson of
Town". Yet, as has been said, that very "Parson's Tale", in its extant
form, goes far to prove that its author, even by sympathy, was no
Wyclifite (A.W. Ward, "Chaucer", London, 1879, p. 134, in "English Men
of Letters Series"). Passionless justice was the bed-rock of Chaucer's
mind. He paints that parti-coloured Plantagenet world as it was, not
interfering to make it better, nor to wish it better. Where the
churchman type was gross, he represents it grossly. It is well,
however, to recall that the famous episode of his "beating a Friar in
Fleet street" is the invention of Speght, further embroidered by
Chatterton; and that the prose tractate, "Jack Upland", full of
invective against the religious orders, is proved not to be Chaucer's.
His attitude towards women is just as two-sided. He shows in many a
theme a reverence toward them which must have been fed by that "hy
devocioun" to Our Lady which is beautifully apparent in his pages, and
which Hoccleve mentions in recalling his memory; but dramatic
exigencies, Boccaccio's example, presumable hard domestic experience, a
laughingly merciless psychology, and a paralyzing outspokenness,
contrive too often, as readers regret, to fight it down. He has been
held up as a rationalist, on the strength of a few passages, and
against the enormous mass of testimony which he furnishes on the
soundness of his Catholic ethos. Of that, after all, as of its absence,
Catholics are the best judges. The "Nuns' Priest's Tale" (Skeat's ed.,
lines 4424-40) raises the question of predestination, only to drop it.
The context shows that the poet thinks his sudden side-issue not
trivial or tedious, but quite the contrary, he quits it only because he
cannot "boult it to the bren", i.e., sift it down, analyze it
satisfactorily. Again, the "Knight's Tale" (Skeat's ed., lines
2890--14) implies that the author has no mind to dogmatize upon the
final destiny of poor Arcite, newly slain. Both these instances have
been cited in the masterly chapter on "Chaucer as a Literary Artist"
(Lounsbury, Studies, II, 512-15, 520), to prove, in the one ease, an
easy dismissal of a mere scholastic dilemma; in the other, Chaucer's
disbelief, or half-belief, in immortality. They prove, rather, a
restraint in dogmatizing about the destiny of the individual, a
restraint practiced by the church itself. "The Legend of Good Women"
opens with some fifteen lines, the purport of which need never have
been questioned. They mean nothing if they do not mean that knowledge
by evidence is one thing, assurance by faith another thing; and that
lack of sensible proof can never discredit revelation. A somewhat
playful confession of belief has here been turned into a serious
profession of agnosticism, through sheer lack of spiritual
understanding. His "hostility to the Church", as Professor Lounsbury
calls it, is certainly not borne out by Chaucer's going out of his way,
as he does, to defend her from age-long calumnies; for instance, in the
"Franklin's Tale", and in the section "De Ira" of the "Parson's Tale",
he witnesses to her horror of superstitions and false sciences.
Chaucer, in short, though none too supernatural a person, had a most
orthodox grip on his catechism.</p>
<p id="c-p3362" shownumber="no">The "Preces", or prose "retracciouns", which are usually painted at
either end of the "Canterbury Tales" date from the evening of Chaucer's
life. To Tyrwhitt, Hales, Ward, and Lounsbury, who suspect undue
priestly influence, the "Preces" are, in their own words, "morbid",
"reaction and weakness", "a betrayal of his poetic genius", "unbearable
to have to accept as genuine". In the course of them, Chaucer disclaims
of his books "thilke that sounen in-to sinne" i.e., those which are
consonant with, or sympathetic with sin. Skeat is the only editor who
understands Chaucer in his contrition (Notes to the "Canterbury Tales",
in the Oxford Press complete edition, 475). Gascoigne (Theological
Dictionary, Pt. II, 377, the manuscript of which is in the library of
Lincoln College, Oxford) unwittingly parodies the situation, and
represents the old sinner "Chawserus" as dying while lamenting over
pages, quae male scripsi de malo et turpissimo amore. To the secular
point of view it has all seemed, and may well seem, mistaken and
deplorable. But nothing is manlier, or more touching and endearing,
than this humble self-subordination to conscience and the moral law.
"Except ye become as little children" is the hardest saying ever given
to the intellectual world. These are great geniuses, Geoffrey Chaucer
not least among them, to whom it was not given in vain.</p>
<p id="c-p3363" shownumber="no">The standard recent editions of Chaucer are: (1) "Chaucer's
Canterbury Tales Annotated and Accented, with Illustrations of English
Life in Chaucer's Time. New and revised edition, with illustrations
from the Ellesmere MS." (Saunder's ed., London, 1894); (2) "The
Student's Chaucer; being a Complete Edition of his Works" (Skeat ed.,
Oxford, 1895); (3) "The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, edited from
numerous Manuscripts" (Skeat ed. 7 vols., Oxford, 1894-7); (4) "The
Canterbury Tales done into Modern English, by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat"
(The King's Classics Series, Gollancz ed., 1904).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3364" shownumber="no">LOUISE IMOGEN GUINEY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3364.1" title="Chaumonot, Pierre-Joseph" type="Encyclopedia">Pierre-Joseph Chaumonot</term>
<def id="c-p3364.2">
<h1 id="c-p3364.3">Pierre-Joseph Chaumonot</h1>
<p id="c-p3365" shownumber="no">Jesuit missionary in New York and Canada, Born near
Châtillon-sur-Seine in France, 1611; died at Quebec, 21 February,
1693. His name is sometimes written Calmonotti or Calvonotti. He
entered the Jesuit novitiate at Rome, at the age of twenty-one, and
arrived at Quebec, 1 August, 1639. In September he was already at work
on the missions of Lake Huron, where Brebeuf was superior. He remained
there until after the death of Brebeuf and his companions and the
destruction of the missions. He was deputed to conduct 400 Hurons to
Quebec, and he established them on a reservation on the Isle of Orleans
opposite the city. After Le Moyne had arranged for a mission among the
Onondagas of New York, Chaumonot and Dablon were sent to organize it.
This mission lasted only two years; the priests and the fifty colonists
who joined them subsequently being obliged to escape in the night to
avoid a general massacre. Returning to Canada, he devoted himself for
the rest of his life to his Huron converts. He established his famous
Christian settlement, known as Lorette, which after shifting several
times was located finally on the river St. Charles where it still
exists, though it is called "Jeune Lorette" in contradistinction to the
"Ancienne Lorette" established by Chaumonot, who died before the last
migration. He was the founder of the Congregation of the Holy Family
which figures extensively in early Canadian history.</p>
<p id="c-p3366" shownumber="no">THWAITES (ed.), Jesuit Relations, passim; CHARLEVOIX, History of New
France (New York, 1872), II: ROCHEMONTEIX, Les Jesuites et la
Nouvelle-France (Paris, 1896).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3367" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. CAMPBELL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3367.1" title="Chauncy, Maurice" type="Encyclopedia">Maurice Chauncy</term>
<def id="c-p3367.2">
<h1 id="c-p3367.3">Maurice Chauncy</h1>
<p id="c-p3368" shownumber="no">Prior of the English Carthusians at Bruges, date of birth unknown;
died at Bruges, 2 July, 1581. He was the eldest son of John Chauncey,
Esq. Wood thinks he studied at Oxford, and afterwards went to Gray's
Inn for a course of law. Finally he entered the London Charterhouse. In
1535 the majority of the Carthusians refused to take the oath of
supremacy, but Chauncy, on his own confession, consented to take it.
After the surrender of the monastery in 1537, Chauncy with a few others
joined the Carthusians of Sheen who had settled in Bruges. On the
accession of Mary they returned to Sheen, and in 1556 Chauncy was
elected prior. In 1558 they retired again to Bruges, living with their
Flemish brethren until 1569, when they obtained a house on their own in
St. Clare Street. The hostility of the Calvinists compelled them to
leave Bruges in 1578. Failing to settle at Douai, they retired to
Louvain (May, 1578). Chauncy died at the old house in Bruges. In his
history of the Carthusians he frequently laments his weakness in taking
the oath of supremacy. He wrote: "Historia aliquot nostri saeculi
Martyrun in Angliâ", etc. (Mainz, 1550, and Bruges, 1583);
"Commentariolus de vitae ratione et martyrio octodecim Cartusianorum
qui in Anglia sub rege trucidati sunt" (Ghent, 1608), a portion of
which was reprinted; "Vitae Martyrun Cartusianorum aliquot, qui Londini
pro Unitate Ecclesiae adversus haereticos", etc. (Milan, 1606). "The
Divine Cloud of Unknowing", in manuscript, is ascribed to him by
Anthony a Wood.</p>
<p id="c-p3369" shownumber="no">Letters and Memorials of Card. Allen (London, 1878), 31; Douai
Diaries (London, 1878), 126, 156, 180; WOOD, Athenae Oxoniensis, ed.
BLISS (London, 1813), I, 459; MORRIS, Troubles of Our Catholic
Forefathers (London, 1872), I, 9, 13, 15, 24, 25; PITS, De Angliae
Scriptoribus (Paris, 1619), 775; CHAUNCY, Hertfordshire (London, 1826),
I, 116, 117, 121; GILLOW, Bibl. Dict. Eng. Cath. (London, 1885),
s.v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3370" shownumber="no">G.E. HIND</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3370.1" title="Chauveau, Pierre-Joseph-Octave" type="Encyclopedia">Pierre-Joseph-Octave Chauveau</term>
<def id="c-p3370.2">
<h1 id="c-p3370.3">Pierre-Joseph-Octave Chauveau</h1>
<p id="c-p3371" shownumber="no">Canadian statesman, born at Quebec, 30 May, 1820; died at Montreal,
4 April, 1890. After a brilliant course at the preparatory seminary of
Quebec, he studied law, and was admitted to the Bar in 1841. He was
already a contributor to "Le Canadien" and "Le Courrier des
Etats-Unis", and his ready pen showed that he was fitted to be a
journalist rather than a barrister. In 1853 he published a novel
dealing with Canadian customs which brought him an enviable reputation
as a writer. Chauveau played a prominent political role. Having been
elected by the County of Quebec, in 1848, to a seat in the Legislative
Assembly, he was made a minister in 1851, and later solicitor- general
and provincial secretary, but in 1855 abandoned politics. In that year
he was chosen superintendent of education. During the twelve years of
his office Chauveau gave a great impetus to primary instruction. He
also established the first normal schools, and for twelve years
published the "Journal de l'Instruction Publique". Having resigned his
position as superintendent of education, in 1867, he returned to
political life, to become first minister at Quebec. In 1873 Chauveau
was called to the Senate, and became president of that body. Later he
was appointed president of the Harbour Commission of Quebec, and in
1877 was made sheriff of Montreal, an office which he held until his
death. He published an important work on the history of public
education, as well as a detailed biography of the historian Garneau,
several poems, a paraphrase of the "Dies irae", and a number of
remarkable articles in the "Journal de l'Instruction Publique".</p>
<p id="c-p3372" shownumber="no">OUIMET, Les noces d'or de la Saint-Jean-Baptiste, 1834-84 (Montreal,
1884); BIBAUD, Le Pantheon canadien (Montreal, 1891); BOURASSA, M.
Chauveau et l'idee nationale (Montreal, 1895).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3373" shownumber="no">A.E. DIONNE</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3373.1" title="Chelm and Belz" type="Encyclopedia">Chelm and Belz</term>
<def id="c-p3373.2">
<h1 id="c-p3373.3">Chelm and Belz</h1>
<p id="c-p3374" shownumber="no">(CHELMENSIS ET BELTHIENSIS RUTENORUM).</p>
<p id="c-p3375" shownumber="no">A diocese of the Greek-Ruthenian Rite in Russian Poland, subject
directly to the Holy See, and formerly a suffragan of Kiijow.
Established in 1592, this diocese was the last of the Uniat Church to
withstand the persecution of the Russian Government. In 1841 Bishop
Felix Szumborski (d. 1851) consented to order a return to the rite
which had been in use before the union with Rome; but, admonished by
the pope, he recalled the order. A struggle ensued between the Church
and the civil authorities. All the priests who remained true to their
faith were exiled and the faithful oppressed. As a result of
persecution and schism, the Diocese of Chelm and Belz was virtually
abolished.</p>
<p id="c-p3376" shownumber="no">Kirchenlex. (Freiburg im Br., 1891), VII, 445 sq.; WERNER, Orbis
Terrarum Catholicus (Freiburg im Br., 1890); 113; BATTANDIER, Ann.
pont. cath.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3377" shownumber="no">LEO A. KELLY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3377.1" title="Cheminais de Montaigu, Timoleon" type="Encyclopedia">Timoleon Cheminais de Montaigu</term>
<def id="c-p3377.2">
<h1 id="c-p3377.3">Timoléon Cheminais de Montaigu</h1>
<p id="c-p3378" shownumber="no">A pulpit orator, born at Paris, 3 January, 1652; entered the Society
of Jesus at fifteen, died 15 September, 1689. After teaching rhetoric
and the humanities at Orléans, Cheminais was assigned to the work
of preaching. Bayle declares that "many regarded him as the equal of
Bourdalore", though others declare this exaggerated. Before many years
his health gave way. He was appointed court-preacher, but was unable to
accept the honour, though De Backer asserts the contrary. His voice
partly failing him, he devoted himself to the instruction of the people
of the villages and country places. The sermons of Cheminais were
edited by Bretonneau (4 vols. 12 mo. Paris, 1690-91; 7th ed., Brussels,
1713). They were translated into German (Augsburg, 1739); Pressburg,
1788), Dutch (Rotterdam, 1724), Italian (Venice, 1735). He was also the
author of a work called "Sentiments de piété" (Paris, 1691,
1693, 1700; Brussels, 1702). A later edition (Toulouse, 1706) contained
the "Sentiments of James II, King of Great Britain". This work was
translated into German (Cologue, 1723; Vienna, 1786), Dutch, (Antwerp),
and Italian (Milan, 1837).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3379" shownumber="no">T.J. CAMPBELL</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3379.1" title="Cherokee Indians" type="Encyclopedia">Cherokee Indians</term>
<def id="c-p3379.2">
<h1 id="c-p3379.3">Cherokee Indians</h1>
<p id="c-p3380" shownumber="no">The largest and most important tribe of Iroquoian stock of the
southern section of the United States, and formerly holding the whole
southern Alleghany mountain region of North and South Carolina, Georgia
and Tennessee, with considerable portions of Alabama, Virginia and
Kentucky. They now reside in Oklahoma, with the exception of some 1300
souls on reserved lands in western North Carolina, the descendants of
those who remained in their old home when the rest of the tribe was
removed to the West in 1839.</p>
<p id="c-p3381" shownumber="no">The origin and meaning of the name, which they pronounce 
<i>Tsaragi</i> or 
<i>Tsalagi</i>, are unknown. The commonly call themselves 
<i>Yûñwiya</i> ("real people").</p>
<p id="c-p3382" shownumber="no">The history of the Cherokees begins with De Soto, who passed within
their territory in 1540. In 1684 they made their first treaty with the
English of Carolina, with whom thereafter they maintained friendly
relations throughout the Colonial period, except in the Yamasee war in
1715-1716, and in a war waged on their own account in 1759-1761. They
took sides also with the English against the Americans during the
Revolution, but made a treaty of peace with the United States in 1785,
although the border fighting went on some years longer. In 1821
Sequoya, a mixed blood of the tribe, invented a syllabic alphabet for
the language which has been an immense factor in their progress toward
civilization. In 1827 they adopted a regular form of government
modelled upon that of the United States, but after long controversy
with the State of Georgia, which claimed jurisdiction over most of
their territory not already ceded, a treaty was forced upon them in
1835 by which they bound themselves to remove to their present home in
Oklahoma. The removal was accomplished in 1839, and their tribal
existence continued under the style of the "Cherokee Nation", until
dissolved for American citizenship in 1906. As already noted, a small
body remained behind in the old home in the East. The tribe at present
numbers altogether about 20,000 persons of pure and mixed blood,
exclusive of several thousand names carried upon the rolls, but
repudiated by the Indians.</p>
<p id="c-p3383" shownumber="no">The Cherokees were a sedentary and agricultural people, with hunting
and fishing as subordinate occupations. The women were expert potters
and basket weavers, and the men skilful carvers of stone and wood. They
had no central government, each town being independent in its action.
They had a system of seven clans, with descent in the female line. In
religion they were pantheists, holding in special reverence the Sun,
Fire and Water. Their great religious ceremony was the Green Corn
dance, a thanksgiving for the new crops, and their chief athletic
amusement was a ball game which is the original of our lacrosse. They
buried their dead in caves or under piles of stones.</p>
<p id="c-p3384" shownumber="no">The story of a Cherokee mission as early as 1643 must be regarded as
apocryphal. So far as known, the first Christianizing, or at least
civilizing effort among them was undertaken about 1736 by Christian
Priber, possibly a Jesuit, but more probably a French officer or agent,
who established himself among them, learned the language, organized the
tribal government upon a civilized basis, and taught them the
principles of Christian morality for some years, until he was seized by
the English and conveyed to Charleston, South Carolina, which he died
in prison. In 1801 the Moravians began work among the tribe, and were
followed by Congregationalists, Presbyterians and Baptists. Catholic
mission schools, in whole or part for Cherokees, are now conducted at
Vinita, Tulsa, and Muscogee, Indian Territory. The whole tribe may be
considered as civilized and Christian, although still retaining much of
the old time belief and custom.</p>
<p id="c-p3385" shownumber="no">MOONEY, Myths of the Cherokee in Nineteen Report, Bureau Am.
Ethnology (Washington, 1900); ADAIR, Hist. of the Am. Indians (London,
1775); BARTRAM, Travels (London, 1792).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3386" shownumber="no">JAMES MOONEY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3386.1" title="Chersonesus" type="Encyclopedia">Chersonesus</term>
<def id="c-p3386.2">
<h1 id="c-p3386.3">Chersonesus</h1>
<p id="c-p3387" shownumber="no">(1) a titular see of Crete. The city stood on a little peninsula of
the north-east coast, between Cnossus and Olous, and was the seaport of
Lyttos. In the fourth century B.C. it struck coins, and was known for
its temple of Britomartis. Its ruins are near the modern village of
Khersonisi. Lequien (II, 269) mentions four Greek bishops, from 441 to
789; the see still figures in later "Notitiae Episcopatuum" of the
twelfth or thirteenth century. Seven Latin bishops are mentioned by
Lequien (III, 915), from 1298 to 1549, of whom the last two, Dionysius
and Joannes Franciscus Verdura, were present at the Council of Trent.
Another bishop of Chersonesus was Pietro Coletti, at the beginning of
the seventeenth century a Catholic, but whether of his native Greek
Rite or of the Latin is unknown (E. Legrand, "Bibliographic
hellénique, 17e siècle", III, 143).</p>
<p id="c-p3388" shownumber="no">(2) a titular see of Thrace, and suffragan to Heracleia. The city
was situated near Callipolis (Gallipoli) and Agora (Malgara?). One
Greek bishop is mentioned in 449 and one Latin in 1527 (Lequien, I,
1128; III, 973).</p>
<p id="c-p3389" shownumber="no">CORNER, Creta Sacra (Venice, 1755); PASHLEY, Travels in Crete
(Cambridge, 1837), I, 268 sq.; SPRATT, Travels and Researches in Crete
(London, 1867), I, 104 sq.; SMITH, Dict. Of Gr. And Rom. Geogr.
(London, 1878), I, 507, 508.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3390" shownumber="no">A. PÉTRIDES</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3390.1" title="Cherubim" type="Encyclopedia">Cherubim</term>
<def id="c-p3390.2">
<h1 id="c-p3390.3">Cherubim</h1>
<p id="c-p3391" shownumber="no">Angelic beings or symbolic representations thereof, mentioned
frequently in the Old Testament and once in the New Testament.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3391.1">I. IN PHILOLOGY</h3>
<p id="c-p3392" shownumber="no">The word 
<i>cherub</i> 
(<i>cherubim</i> is the Hebrew masculine plural) is a word borrowed from
the Assyrian 
<i>kirubu</i>, from 
<i>karâbu</i>, "to be near", hence it means near ones, familiars,
personal servants, bodyguards, courtiers. It was commonly used of those
heavenly spirits, who closely surrounded the Majesty of God and paid
Him intimate service. Hence it came to mean as much as "Angelic
Spirit". (The change from 
<i>K</i> of 
<i>Karâbu</i>, to 
<i>K</i> of 
<i>Kirub</i> is nothing unusual in Assyrian. The word has been brought
into connection with the Egyptian 
<i>Xefer</i> by metathesis from 
<i>Xeref=K-r-bh.</i>) A similar metathesis and play upon sound
undoubtedly exists between 
<i>Kerub</i> and 
<i>Rakab</i>, "to ride", and 
<i>Merkeba</i>, "chariot". The late Jewish explanation by analogy
between 
<i>Kerub</i> and 
<i>Rekûb</i>, "a youth", seems worthless. The word ought to be
pronounced in English 
<i>qerub</i> and 
<i>querubim</i>, and not with a soft 
<i>ch.</i></p>
<h3 id="c-p3392.1">II. IN ART</h3>
<p id="c-p3393" shownumber="no">Cherub and Cherubim are most frequently referred to in the Bible to
designate sculptured, engraved, and embroidered figures used in the
furniture and ornamentation of the Jewish Sanctuary.</p>
<ul id="c-p3393.1">
<li id="c-p3393.2">According to Exod., xxv, 18-21 there were placed on the 
<i>kapporeth</i>, or lid of the Ark, (i.e. "the Mercy-Seat") the
figures of two 
<i>cherubim</i> of wrought (=massive?) gold.</li>
<li id="c-p3393.3">According to III Kings, vi, 23 sqq., and II Paralip., iii, 11 sqq.,
Solomon placed in the Holy of Holies two huge Cherubim of olive-wood
overlaid with gold. "They stood on their feet and their faces were
towards the house", which probably means they faced the Holy Place or
the Entrance.</li>
<li id="c-p3393.4">According to Exod., xxvi, 31, cherubim were embroidered on the Veil
of the Tabernacle, separating the Holy Place from the Holy of Holies.
"With blue and purple and scarlet and fine twined linen" they were
made. How many such cherubim were embroidered on the Paroket, or Veil,
we do not know. It is often supposed that as this veil screened the
Holy Holies, two large- sized figures to represent guardian spirits or
keepers were thereon depicted.</li>
<li id="c-p3393.5">According to III Kings, vi and vii, cherubim were engraved
apparently as an artistic "motif" in wood and metal. The panelling of
the Temple, both interior and exterior, was covered with them, as well
as with palm-trees and open flowers. The brazen sea was adorned with
figures of lions oxen, and cherubim.</li>
<li id="c-p3393.6">According to Ezechiel, xli, 18 sqq., in his visionary description
of the Temple, the wall-space of the Sanctuary was ornamented with
cherubim and palm-trees, and each cherub had two faces, that of a man
and that of a lion, the faces respectively turned to the palm tree to
the right and left. But there is no ground whatever to suppose that the
actual cherubim of the Solomonic Temple or pre-Solomonic Sanctuary were
double-faced; the contrary seems certain, but from the Scripture text
we cannot with certainty conclude what sort of faces these Temple
cherubim had, whether animal or human. It is sometimes concluded from
Ezech., x, 14, "the first face was the face of a cherub and the second
that of a man, the third the face of a lion and the fourth the face of
an eagle", that a cherub's face cannot have been a human one, and the
face of an ox has naturally been suggested, but the argument is not
conclusive.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3394" shownumber="no">In Egyptian art, figures with a human face and two outstretched
wings attached to the arms are exceedingly common. In Assyrian art,
also, winged human figures on either side of a palm tree are very often
used in decoration. They ar sometimes hawk-headed, but more usually
possess men's faces. However, even the Jews at the time of Christ had
completely forgotten the appearance of the Temple cherubim. Josephus
(Antiq., VIII, 3) says that no one knows or even can guess what form
they had. The very fact, however, that the Bible nowhere gives a word
of explanation, but always presupposes them well-known, makes us
believe that they were among the most common figures of contemporary
art.</p>

<h3 id="c-p3394.1">III. IN INSPIRED VISION</h3>
<p id="c-p3395" shownumber="no">As Jehovah was surrounded by figures of cherubim in His Sanctuary on
earth, so He is, according to Scripture, surrounded in reality by
cherubim in His Court above. The function ascribed to these heavenly
servants of God's Majesty is that of throne-bearers, or "carriers", of
His Divine Majesty. In <scripRef id="c-p3395.1" osisRef="Bible:Ps.17" parsed="|Ps|17|0|0|0" passage="Psalm 17">Psalm 17</scripRef> the psalmist describes the sudden
descent of Jehovah to rescue a soul in distress in the following words:
"He bowed the heavens and came down, and darkness was under His feet.
He rode upon a cherub and flew upon the wings of the wind." The idea of
cherubim as the chariot of God seems indicated in <scripRef id="c-p3395.2" osisRef="Bible:1Chr.18" parsed="|1Chr|18|0|0|0" passage="I Paralip. 18">I Paralip. 18</scripRef>, where
David gives gold for the Temple cherubim, who are described as "the
Chariot", not, probably, because they had the outward shape of a
vehicle, but because the Temple cherubim symbolized the swift-winged
living thrones upon which the Almighty journeys through the
heavens.</p>
<p id="c-p3396" shownumber="no">The Prophet Ezechiel mentions the cherubim in a two-fold
connection:</p>
<ul id="c-p3396.1">
<li id="c-p3396.2">in his vision of the living chariot of God (Ch. i and x);</li>
<li id="c-p3396.3">in his prophecy on the Prince of Tyre (Ch. xxviii, 14 sqq.).</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3397" shownumber="no">Ezechiel's vision of the Cherubim, which is practically the same
in the tenth chapter as in the first, is one of the most difficult in
Scripture, and has given rise to a multitude of explanations. The
prophet first saw a luminous cloud coming from the north; from a
distance it seemed a heavy cloud fringed with light and some intense
brilliancy in the centre thereof, bright as gold, yet in perpetual
motion as the flames of a fire. Within that heavenly fire he began
gradually to distinguish four living beings with bodies as men, yet
with four faces each: a human face in front, but an eagles face behind;
a lion's face to the left and an ox's face to the right. Though
approaching, yet their knees did not bend in their march, straight and
stiff they remained; and for feet they had the hoofs of oxen, shod as
it were with shining brass. They had four arms, two to each shoulder,
and attached along each arm a wing. Of these four winged arms two were
outstretched above, and two were let down and covered their bodies.
These four living beings stood together, facing in four opposite
directions, and between them were four great wheels, each wheel being
double, so that it could roll forward or sideways. Thus this angelic
chariot, in whatever of the four directions it moved, always presented
the same aspect. And both angels and wheels were all studded with eyes.
And over the heads of the cherubim, so that they touched it with the
points of their outstretched wings, was an expanse of crystal, and on
this crystal a sapphire throne, and on the throne one resembling a man,
the likeness of the glory of Jehovah.</p>
<p id="c-p3398" shownumber="no">The mystical meaning of each detail of this vision will probably
remain a matter of speculation, but the meaning of the four faces seems
not difficult to grasp: man is the king of creation, the lion the king
of beasts of the forest, the ox the king of the kine in the field, the
eagle the king of the birds of the air. On this account the cherubim
have of recent years been explained as mere symbols of the fulness of
earthly life, which, like the earth itself, is the footstool of God.
But these faces are more naturally understood to signify that these
angelic beings possessed the intelligent wisdom of man, the lithe
strength of the lion, the ponderous weight of the ox, the soaring
sublimity of the eagle. Early Christianity transferred this Old
Testament vision to a New Testament sphere and gradually used these
cherubic figures to designate the four Evangelists-a thought of rare
grandeur and singular felicity, yet only a 
<i>sensus accommodatus.</i></p>
<p id="c-p3399" shownumber="no">Ezechiel's Prophecy against the Prince of Tyre contains a
description of the almost more than earthly glory of that ancient city.
Tyre is spoken of as an angel fallen from glory. Of the King of Tyre it
is said:</p>
<p id="c-p3400" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">Thou, full of wisdom and perfect in beauty. In Eden, the
garden of God wert thou, all precious stones were thy covering. Thou
wert a cherub with wings outstretched in protection, thou wert on the
holy mountain of God, thou didst walk amongst fiery stones. Thou wert
innocent in thy ways form the day on which thou wert created until
iniquity was found in thee...thou didst sin, therefore I will cast thee
out from the mountain of God and destroy three, O protecting cherub
away from the fiery stones.</p>

<p id="c-p3401" shownumber="no">Indirectly we can gather from
this passage that Cherubim were conceived to be in a state of
perfection, wisdom, sinlessness, nearness to God on His Holy Mountain
and of preternatural glory and happiness. Unfortunately, the words
paraphrased as "with wings outstretched in protection" are difficult to
translate: the Hebrew term may mean "cherub of anointing, who covers",
therefore a royal, anointed being, overshadowing others with its wings
to shelter them. If this be so, we must add royalty and beneficence to
the characteristics of cherubim.</p>

<h3 id="c-p3401.1">IV. IN THEOLOGY</h3>
<p id="c-p3402" shownumber="no">Notwithstanding the present common opinion of advanced Protestant
scholars, that cherubim are only symbolic representations of abstract
ideas, the Catholic Church undoubtedly holds that there are actually
existing spiritual beings corresponding to the name. That Old Testament
writers used the word 
<i>cherubim</i> to designate angels, not merely to express ideas, can
be best gathered from Gen., iii, 24, where God sets cherubim at the
entrance of Paradise. This sentence would bear no sense at all if
cherubim did not stand for ministerial beings, differing from man,
carrying out the behest of God. Likewise, it is difficult to read
Ezechiel and to persuade oneself that the Prophet does not presuppose
the actual existence of real personal beings under the name of
Cherubim; in chaps. i and x he speaks again and again of "living
beings", and he says the spirit of life was within them, and repeatedly
points out that the bodily forms he sees are but appearances of the
living beings thus mentioned. The living beings 
(<i>zoa</i>) so often mentioned in St. John's Apocalypse can only be
taken as parallel to those in Ezechiel, and their personal existence in
St. John's mind cannot be doubted. The frequent sentence also: "who
sittest upon the Cherubim" (I Sam., iv, 4; II Sam., vi, 2; IV Kings,
xix; Is., xxxvii, 37, 16; Pss. lxxix, 2 and xcviii, 1), though no doubt
referring to Jehovah's actual dwelling in the Holy of Holies, yet is
better understood as referring to the heavenly throne-bearers of God.
There can be no doubt that the later Jews -- that is, from 200 B.C.
onwards -- looked upon the cherubim as real angelic beings; the
angelology of the Book of Enoch and the apocryphal Books of Esdras give
us an undeniable testimony on this point.</p>
<p id="c-p3403" shownumber="no">So the Christian Church from the first accepted the personality of
the cherubim and early adopted Philo's interpretation of the name.
Clem. Alex.: "The name Cherubim intends to show much understanding 
(<i>aisthesin pollen</i>)." (Stromata, V, 240.) Though counted amongst
the angels during the first centuries of Christianity, the cherubim and
seraphim were not mentioned in the lists of the angelic hierarchy. At
first but seven choirs of angels were reckoned, i.e. those enumerated
(Eph., i, 21 and Col., i, 16), with the addition of 
<i>angeli et archangeli.</i> Thus St. Irenaeus, Haer.II, xxx, and
Origen, 
<i>Peri archon</i>, I, v. But soon it was realized that the Apostle's
list was not intended to be a complete one, and the Old Testament
angelic beings mentioned by Ezechiel and Isaias, the cherubim and
seraphim, and others were added, so that we have eight, nine, or ten,
or even eleven ranks in the hierarchy. The cherubim and seraphim were
sometimes thought to be but other names for thrones and virtues
(Gregory of Nyssa, "Contra Eunom.", I; Augustine in Ps., xcviii, 3).
Since Psuedo-Dionys., De Caelesti Hier. (written about A.D. 500), the
ninefold division of the angelic order has been practically universal;
and the cherubim and seraphim take the highest place in the hierarchy,
a rank which was ascribed to them already by St. Cyril of Jerusalem
(370) and by St. Chrysostom (about 400), and which Pope Gregory the
Great, once 
<i>aprocrisarius</i> or 
<i>nuncio</i> at Constantinople, made familiar to the West. Pope
Gregory divided the nine angelic orders into three choirs, the highest
choir being: thrones, cherubim, and seraphim. Of the cherubim he says
(Hom. in Ev., xxxiv, 10), that 
<i>cherubim</i> means "the fulness of knowledge, and these most sublime
hosts are thus called, because they are filled with a knowledge which
is the more perfect as they are allowed to behold the glory of God more
closely". This explanation of St. Gregory is ultimately derived from
Philo's similar statement, and was already combined with the Old
Testament function of the cherubim by St. Augustine in his sublime
comment on Ps., lxxix, 2, "Who sitteth upon the Cherubim":</p>
<p id="c-p3404" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">Cherubim means the Seat of the Glory of God and is
interpreted: Fulness of Knowledge. Though we realize that cherubim are
exalted heavenly powers and virtues; yet if thou wilt, thou too shalt
be one of the cherubim. For if cherubim means, Seat of God, remember
what the Scripture says: The soul of the just is the Seat of
Wisdom.</p>
<p id="c-p3405" shownumber="no">KEIL, Commentary on Ezechiel, I, 20-46, in Clark's Foreign Lib.
(Edinburgh, 1876), IV; KNABENBAUER, Commentarius in Ezechielem (Paris,
1890), 21-41; ZSCHOKKE, Theologie der Propheten (Freiburg im Br.,
1877), 250 sqq.; BAREILLE in Dict. de theol. cath., s.v. Anges,
1206-11; WULFF, Cherubim, Throne und Seraphim (Altenburg, 1894); PERROT
and CHIPIEZ, Le temple de Jerusalem (Paris, 1889); VIGOUROUX, La Bible
et les decouvertes modernes, IV, 358-409; RYLE in HASTINGS, Bible
Dict., s.v.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3406" shownumber="no">J.P. ARENDZEN</p></def>

<term id="c-p3406.1" title="Cherubini, Mario Luigi Carlo Zenobio Salvatore" type="Encyclopedia">Mario Luigi Carlo Zenobio Salvatore Cherubini</term>
<def id="c-p3406.2">
<h1 id="c-p3406.3">Maria Luigi Carlo Zenobio Salvatore Cherubini</h1>
<p id="c-p3407" shownumber="no">Composer, born in Florence, 14 September, 1760; died at Paris, 15
March, 1842. His instruction in music began at the early age of six,
his father being a musician, and at thirteen he had composed a Te Deum,
a Credo, a Miserere, a Mass, and a Dixit. When he was eighteen he
attracted the attention of the Grand Duke, afterwards the Emperor
Leopold II of Germany, who allowed him a pension. This enabled
Cherubini to study counterpoint and the Roman School under Giuseppe
Sarti (1729-1802) in Bologna. Sarti advised his pupil to abandon the
Neapolitan School, and take Palestrina and his contemporaries as his
models. It was part of Sarti's plan of instruction to have his pupils
copy the scores of the masters of the Roman schools, a practice which
Cherubini kept up throughout his life and enforced when he became
director of the Paris Conservatoire, for he held that, while text books
are good, analysis is better. While still under the influence of his
master he wrote music to liturgical texts, but soon yielded to the
trend of the time by turning his attention to the operatic stage. In
1780 his first opera, "Quinto Fabio", was produced at Alessandria. This
was followed by six other operas brought out in various Italian cities.
In 1784 Cherubini was invited to visit London, where he composed and
had represented two operas, "La Finta Principessa" and "Giulio Sabino",
works which brought him the appointment of composer to the Court. The
year 1786-87 he spent in Paris, returning to Italy for the winter of
1787-88. He then definitely took up his abode in Paris, at that time
the scene of the operatic war between Gluck and Piccini, the former
representing the principle that music should be the expression of
dramatic truth, and the latter the prevailing notion of the Italian
school, that music is mainly an external ornamentation addition to the
dramatic situation, an opportunity of display of vocal virtuosi.</p>
<p id="c-p3408" shownumber="no">From 1788 to 1805 were trying years for Cherubini. All through this
period of political change and unrest he underwent many hardships and
humiliations and laboured for recognition and an artistic existence in
Paris without permanent success. His operas, "Demophon", "Lodoiska",
"Elisa", "Medée", "L'hotellerie portugaise", "La Punition", "Emma"
(La prisonniere), "Les deux journées", "Epicure", "Anacreon",
written during this time, had to be performed in the small Theatre de
la Foire Saint-Germain (where he directed the performances from
1789-1792) because the grand opera house was closed to him. When the
Conservatoire was organized in 1795, Cherubini was appointed one of the
inspectors. This was about the only distinction conferred upon him
during all the years he laboured in Paris. His high ideals, his
independent disposition, but above all the pure, lofty character of his
music, were responsible for his failure to become popular with his
contemporaries, and especially with Napoleon I. In 1805 Cherubini
received an invitation from Vienna to write an opera and to direct it
in person. "Faniska" was produced the following year and received the
enthusiastic approbation of the musical world in general, and in
particular, of Haydn and Beethoven. The latter especially admired
Cherubini, considering him to be the greatest dramatic composer of his
time. Napoleon, holding his court at Schonbrunn during Cherubinis's
visit to Vienna, pressed him into service and commanded him to take
charge of his court concerts. In spite of this, Cherubini could not win
the approval of the emperor. The latter preferred the lighter Italian
style of Paisiello and Zingarelli, who wrote music to which, in the
words of Cherubini, Napoleon might listen without ceasing to think
about affairs of state. It was hoped that the opera "Pygmalion", which
he brought out after he returned to Paris, would secure for the
composer the favour and protection of the head of the State, but in
vain.</p>
<p id="c-p3409" shownumber="no">Disappointed and discouraged by lack of recognition, Cherubini
produced scarcely anything in the two years which followed. He was
broken-hearted and in ill health. He accepted an invitation from the
Prince de Chimay to visit him and recuperate, and then devoted most of
his time to drawing and the study of botany. The dedication of a church
in the village of Chimay was the circumstance which changed his career.
He was requested to write a mass for this occasion, and the great Mass
in F was the result. For thirty years he had written for the stage and
had failed to find popular favour. His art was too lofty for general
appreciation. Although he did not now entirely forsake the dramatic
form (five more operas came from his hand after the Mass in F) he was
more and more drawn again toward the field of church music, which he
had not cultivated for eighteen years. Cherubini's great inventiveness
and powers of expression were now at their height. His previous
activity and experience had developed and matured him both morally and
artistically, fitting him for the creation of works he has left us. In
a material sense also there was soon to be a change for the better. In
1815 the London Philharmonic Society commissioned him to write a
symphony, an overture, and a composition for chorus and orchestra, the
performance of which he went especially to London to conduct. This
increased his fame abroad. After the accession of Louis XVIII to the
throne, Cherubini's fortunes rose rapidly. He was successively
appointed Royal Superintendent of Music and Director of the
Conservatoire. He was now at the head of music in France. For the first
time in his career he enjoyed the favour and approval of those in power
and the recognition of the people in general. His greatest works were
written during this period, and as the head of the Conservatoire he
influenced the growing generation of musicians, and was an effective
barrier against the incipient school of impressionism headed by young
Berlioz. Cherubini remained active until 1841, when he resigned his
various official positions. Remarkable for organic unity of style,
elevation of form, truth of expression and ingenious orchestration as
are Cherubini's dramatic works, he became truly himself in his
creations for liturgical texts. The sublimity of conception, vividness,
and sustained power displayed in his Mass in F, in the Mass in A
written for the coronation of Charles X, his two requiems (especially
the one in D minor for three men's voices and orchestra, which he wrote
for his own funeral), place these works among the greatest in all
musical literature. Pathetic tenderness alternates with epical grandeur
and brilliancy. They are master- works of religious music but are not
available for liturgical purposes. The immoderate length of most of
them and their violently dramatic character at times exclude them from
use during Divine service. Moreover, he takes liberties with the sacred
text. Cherubini's masses, like Beethoven's "Missa Solemnis", are
frequently performed in Germany and elsewhere on festival occasions
when large vocal and instrumental bodies unite for the interpretation
of the loftiest musical productions of the human mind. Cherubini left
some 450 works, almost 100 of which have appeared in print. Among them
are 11 masses, 2 requiems, motets, litanies, cantatas, and 25
operas.</p>
<p id="c-p3410" shownumber="no">CHOWEST, Cherubini, A Monograph (London, 1890); BELLASIS, Memorials
of Cherubini (London, 1876); URIEL, Vie de Cherubini (Paris, 1842).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3411" shownumber="no">JOSEPH OTTEN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3411.1" title="Chester, Ancient Diocese of" type="Encyclopedia">Ancient Diocese of Chester</term>
<def id="c-p3411.2">
<h1 id="c-p3411.3">Chester</h1>
<p id="c-p3412" shownumber="no">ANCIENT DIOCESE OF CHESTER (CESRENSIS).</p>
<p id="c-p3413" shownumber="no">Located in England. Though the See of Chester, schismatically
created by Henry VIII in 1541, was recognized by the Holy See only for
the short space of Queen Mary's reign, the city had in earlier times
possessed a bishop and a cathedral, though only intermittently. Even
before the Norman conquest the title "Bishop of Chester" is found in
documents applied to prelates who would be more correctly described as
Bishops of Mercia or even of Lichfield. After the Council of London in
1075 had decreed the transfer of all episcopal chairs to cities, Peter,
Bishop of Lichfield, removed his seat from Lichfield to Chester, and
became known as Bishop of Chester. There he chose the collegiate Church
of St. John the Baptist as his cathedral. The next bishop, however,
transferred the see to Coventry on account of the rich monastery there,
though he retained the episcopal palace at Chester. The Diocese of
Coventry and Lichfield was of enormous extent, and it was probably
found convenient to have something analogous to a cathedral at Chester,
even though the 
<i>cathedra</i> itself were elsewhere; accordingly we find that the
church of St. John ranked as a cathedral for a considerable time, and
had its own dean and chapter of secular canons down to the time of the
Reformation. But the chief ecclesiastical foundation in Chester was the
Benedictine monastery of St. Werburgh, the great church of which
finally became the Cathedral Church of Christ and the Blessed Virgin
Mary. The site had been occupied even during the Christian period of
the roman occupation by a church dedicated to Sts. Peter and Paul, and
rededicated to St. Werburgh and St. Oswald during the Saxon period. The
church was served by a small chapter of secular canons until 1093, when
Hugh Lupus, Earl of Chester, converted it into a great Benedictine
monastery, in which foundation he had the co-operation of St. Anselm,
then Prior of Bec, who sent Richard, one of his monks, to be the first
abbot. A new Norman church was built by him and his successors. The
monastery, though suffering loss of property both by the depredations
of the Welsh and the inroads of the sea, prospered, and in the
thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries the monks transformed
their Norman church into a gothic building which, though not be
reckoned among the greatest cathedrals of England, yet is not unworthy
of its rank, and affords a valuable study in the evolution of Gothic
architecture. It has been said of it that "at every turn it is
satisfying in small particulars and disappointing in great features".
The last of the abbots was John, or Thomas, Clark, who resigned his
abbey, valued at £1,003 5s. 11d. per annum, to the king.</p>
<p id="c-p3414" shownumber="no">In 1541 Henry VIII, having thrown off all obedience to the pope,
created six new bishoprics, one of which was Chester. The archdeaconry
of Chester, from the Diocese of Coventry and Lichfield, and that of
Richmond, from York, were combined to form the new see, and the abbey
church, now the cathedral, was to be served by a dean and six prebends,
the complaisant ex-abbot becoming the first dean. At first the diocese
was annexed to the Province of Canterbury, but by another Act of
Parliament it was soon transferred to that of York. The first bishop
was the Provincial of the Carmelites, John Bird, a doctor of divinity
who had attracted the king's attention by his sermons preached against
the pope's supremacy. Having already been reward by the Bishopric of
Bangor, he was now translated to Chester. On the accession of Mary he
was deprived as being a married man, and died Vicar of Dunmow in 1556.
The diocese being now canonically recognized by the pope, George Cotys,
Master of Balliol and Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, in which
university he had been a distinguished lecturer in theology, was
appointed bishop by the Holy See. In 1556 he was succeeded by Cuthbert
Scott, a very learned theologian and Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge
University. On the accession of Elizabeth he was one of the four
Catholic bishops chosen to defend Catholic doctrine at the conference
at Westminster, and immediately after this he was sent to the Tower.
Being released on bail, he contrived to escape to the Continent. He
died at Louvain, 9 Oct., 1564. The arms of the see were: gules, three
mitres and their labels, or.</p>
<p id="c-p3415" shownumber="no">LYSONS, Cheshire (1810); HEMINGWAY, History of Chester (Chester,
1831); ORMEROD, History of Cheshire (1882); MORRIS, Chester during the
Plantagenet and Tudor Periods (privately printed, 1893); Chester
Architectural and Archæological Society Journal; HIATT, Chester:
The Cathedral and See (London, 1905).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3416" shownumber="no">EDWIN BURTON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3416.1" title="Cheverus, Jean-Louis Lefebvre de" type="Encyclopedia">Jean-Louis Lefebvre de Cheverus</term>
<def id="c-p3416.2">
<h1 id="c-p3416.3">Jean-Louis Lefebvre de Cheverus</h1>
<p id="c-p3417" shownumber="no">First Bishop of Boston, U.S.A., Bishop of Montauban; Archbishop of
Bordeaux, France, and Cardinal, b. at Mayenne, France, 28 January,
1768; d. at Bordeaux 19 July, 1836. Ordained priest by dispensation
when not yet twenty-three, he was appointed assistant to an uncle, whom
he shortly succeeded as pastor of Mayenne, receiving faculties, also,
to act as vicar-general. Refusal to take the oath imposed by the
Revolution cost him his parish, and very nearly his life. He escaped
from Paris to London, in disguise. Proferred aid on his arrival, he
replied: "The little I have will suffice until I learn something of the
language. Once acquainted with that, I can earn my living by manual
labour, if necessary". In three months he knew English enough to teach,
and within a year gathered a congregation. A letter from a former
professor, the Rev. Francis A. Matignon, then pastor at Boston, told
him of the hard conditions and crying needs of Catholic work there,
urging, also, his peculiar fitness for bringing it to success, if he
would only come there. The call was heeded. Arriving in Boston, 3
October, 1796, he wrote Bishop Carroll: "Send me where you think I am
most needed, without making yourself anxious about the means of my
support. I am willing to work with my hands, if need be".</p>
<p id="c-p3418" shownumber="no">His work in New England, covering twenty-seven years, included every
form of missionary activity. He lived among the Indians, mastering
their dialect; trudged on foot long distances, attending scattered
Catholics; nursed the sick and buried the dead during two yellow-fever
epidemics; collected funds and built a church in Boston; was
business-man, adviser, peacemaker, servant, doctor for his flock,
failing them in no form of helpfulness. This disinterested devotion to
humble duties joined with extraordinary tact gradually won the respect
of the prejudiced Puritans. Closer acquaintance, revealing Cheverus's
brilliant talents, wide learning, innate refinement, transparent
holiness, and Christ-like charity, deepened respect into confidence,
veneration, and love. Ministers invited him to their pulpits. The
legislature sought and acted on his counsels. At a state banquet to
President John Adams (whose name had headed a list of Protestant
contributors to the Catholic Church building fund), he was placed next
the guest of honour. Named first Bishop of Boston, 8 April, 1808, he
was not consecrated owing to the non-arrival of the Bulls until 1
November, 1810.</p>
<p id="c-p3419" shownumber="no">Philadelphia sought him as pastor, France as a bishop, Baltimore as
coadjutor; "I pray, I supplicate, I entreat with heartfelt
earnestness", he besought the pope, "that I may never be transferred;
that I may be permitted to consecrate all my cares to my small but
beloved flock". He had conquered prejudice, but his delicate
constitution could not withstand a harsh climate. Impending loss of
health was made the valid excuse of his recall to France, and he was
transferred to the See of Montauban, 15 January, 1823. His departure
struck Catholics with consternation. Non-Catholics formally protested,
"What will become of the American church?" cried Archbishop Marechal.
"You were, next to God, my greatest dependence". Montauban was a
Huguenot stronghold, but shortly after his arrival there a resident
wrote: "There are no longer Protestants at Montauban; we are all
bishop's people". On 30 July, 1826, he was elevated to the
Archbishopric of Bordeaux; Charles X made him a peer; and on 1
February, 1835, he was created cardinal. In Massachusetts his career
became an apologia for Catholicity. Dr. Channing, the eminent Unitarian
divine, asked: "Who among our religious teachers would solicit a
comparison between himself and the devoted Cheverus? . . . How can we
shut our hearts against this proof of the Catholic religion to form
good and great men? . . . It is time that greater justice were done to
this ancient and widespread community". 
(<i>See</i> ARCHDIOCESE OF BOSTON.)</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3420" shownumber="no">JOSEPH V. TRACY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3420.1" title="Chevreul, Michel-Eugene" type="Encyclopedia">Michel-Eugene Chevreul</term>
<def id="c-p3420.2">
<h1 id="c-p3420.3">Michel-Eugène Chevreul</h1>
<p id="c-p3421" shownumber="no">Chemist, physicist, and philosopher, b. at Angers, France, 31
August, 1786; d. at Paris, 9 April, 1889. His father was a physician,
who had himself been an investigator and had reached the age of
ninety-one years. Educated in his native town at the Ecole Centrale,
formerly the university, Chevreul went to Paris at the age of seventeen
and obtained a place in the laboratory of Vauquelin, a
chemical-manufacturer. Subsequently he became chief of this laboratory.
At the age of twenty he began contributing to scientific literature,
and at twenty-six had attained the rank of professor at the Lycée
Charlemagne. Later he became director of the Gobelins, member of the
Academy of Sciences, and was admitted to the Legion of Honour, in which
he won every promotion until he ultimately received the Grand Cross.
His centennial jubilee in 1886 was a very remarkable demonstration
which the Government directed, and in which Chevreul participated with
bodily and mental vigour. His funeral, which took place two years and
seven months later, was made the occasion of paying great honour to his
memory.</p>
<p id="c-p3422" shownumber="no">Although he is renowned for the extensive range of his work,
Chevreul's fame rests chiefly upon two particular and important lines
of investigation which he entered upon and followed up with great
success: namely, in chemistry, "The Constitution of the Fats", and in
physics, "The Harmony of Colours". The former is set forth in his
"Recherches chimiques sur les corps gras d'orgine animale" (1823), in
which he demonstrated that fats have the constitution of ethereal salts
and are neutral glycerine ethers of fatty acids; that is, that they can
be separated into their respective fatty acids and glycerine. He
demonstrated the reactions occurring when this phenomenon, known as
saponification, is brought about by strong bases or strong acids. He
distinguished the constituent acids of the common fats and determined
their constants. Practical corollaries of this discovery were the
establishment of the great industry of stearin candle manufacture and
the introduction of glycerine into commerce on a large scale. These
researches also led to a broadening amongst chemists of all countries
in the study of the theory of the constitution of organic bodies.</p>
<p id="c-p3423" shownumber="no">Chevreul's position as director of the Gobelins, to which he had
been appointed by Louis XVIII, led to his important discoveries, both
in the chemistry of dyeing, previously little understood, and in the
physics of colour and colour effect. His papers on the latter subject
began in 1828, in the "Mémoirs de l'Acadeémie", and his great
work, "The Law of Simultaneous Contrast of Colours", was published in
1839. Similar studies had engrossed the attention of Abbé
Haüy, the crystallographer, and of Scherffer, a Jesuit (1754); but
Chevreul was able to deduce from a vast number of his own observations
the laws governing changes in intensity of tone and shade or
modification of colour, and particularly the influence of one colour on
another in juxtaposition. A practical application of this knowledge,
together with practical results from the study of dye-stuffs, and the
blending of colours in dyeing, served to bring this art to a perfection
which, increased again by the variety of dyes obtainable from benzol,
has been of the utmost use industrially.</p>
<p id="c-p3424" shownumber="no">Chevreul also participated in many of the philosophical debates of
his century. He strongly combated scepticism and materialism, and
constantly asserted that the harmony of the universe and nature, and of
man's life and place in them, demonstrated a wisdom which must be
called Divine. To some who had written of him as an advocate of an
irreligious science he answered by asserting in an open letter to a
friend (published in "Le Bien Public" 17 September, 1886) that he
wished to be known as a savant, and at the same time a faithful
Catholic: "Those who know me", he wrote, "also know that born a
Catholic, the son of Christian parents, I live and I mean to die a
Catholic". While Chevreul will not occupy a place in the history of
chemistry as high as his fellow-countryman and contemporary, Dumas, he
nevertheless suggests one of the best examples of the union of research
with technical practice resulting in changes great enough to affect the
history of nations. The following are his principal works: "Leçons
de chimie appliquée à la teinture" (1828-1831); "De la loi du
contraste simultané des couleurs" (1839); "Essai de mécanique
chimique" (1854); "De la baguette divinatoire" (1854);
"Considérations sur l'histoire de la partie de la médecine
qui concerne la prescription des remèdes" (1865); "Histoire des
connaissances chimiques" (1866).</p>
<p id="c-p3425" shownumber="no">FARGE 
<i>Biographie de Chevreul;</i> HOFFMAN, 
<i>Nekrolog auf Chevreul, Berichte der deutschen chemischen
Gesellschaft</i> XXII, 8, 1163; BOURGOUGNON, 
<i>M. E. Chevreul</i> in 
<i>Jour. Amer. Chem. Soc.</i>, XI, 71; DENYS COCHIN, 
<i>Le Doyen des Etudiants</i>, in 
<i>Le Correspondant</i> (25 August, 1886), 619; BAILLY, 
<i>M. E. Chevreul</i>, in 
<i>Cosmos</i> (6 September, 1886), 151; KNELLER, 
<i>M. E. Chevreul</i>, in 
<i>Das Christenthum und die Vertreter der neueren
Naturwissenschaft</i>, p. 197 (St. Louis, 1904).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3426" shownumber="no">CHARLES F. McKENNA</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3426.1" title="Cheyenne" type="Encyclopedia">Cheyenne</term>
<def id="c-p3426.2">
<h1 id="c-p3426.3">Cheyenne</h1>
<p id="c-p3427" shownumber="no">DIOCESE OF CHEYENNE (CHEYENNENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p3428" shownumber="no">The Diocese of Cheyenne, established 9 August, 1887, is coextensive
with the State of Wyoming, an area of 97,575 square miles. Its first
bishop, Rt. Rev. Maurice F. Burke, was consecrated 28 October, 1887.
Wyoming had been included in the Diocese of Omaha, established in 1885;
before that it belonged to the Vicariate Apostolic of Nebraska. The
first Mass, of which there is a record, offered up within the territory
of Wyoming was celebrated by the Jesuit missionary, Father De Smet, on
the open prairie at the fur-traders' rendezvous on Green River, Sunday,
4 July, 1840. The congregation was composed of Flathead, Snake and
other Indians, and a motley group of trappers and hunters. Father De
Smet passed through Wyoming many times within the next eleven years on
missionary trips, and as army-chaplain and Indian pacificator. Priests
from Canada passed through en route to Indian missions, and ministered
to Canadian fur-traders and other Catholics whom they met at Fort
Laramie and elsewhere in Wyoming.</p>
<p id="c-p3429" shownumber="no">Owing to the naturally arid soil, the settlement of Wyoming has been
very slow. Absentee cattle-owners ranged vast herds freely everywhere
within its boundaries. The development of mines waited on the tardy
building of railroads. Scores of Catholics lived in this territory over
thirty years and reared families without sacraments, Mass or
priest.</p>
<p id="c-p3430" shownumber="no">The losses to the Faith in Wyoming, as in neighbouring states, have
been appalling. Vicars Apostolic, afterwards bishops, had no funds for
educating or supporting missionary priests. It would seem that in 1887,
as indeed for nearly a decade after, Wyoming's need was not so much
diocesan organization as travelling missionaries. The ecclesiastical
census of 1907 gives the diocese about 10,000 Catholics in a population
of about 100,000; 22 churches, 7 of which had been built within the
year; 17 priests, 20 missions without churches, one academy and
day-school in Cheyenne and an Indian school at St. Stephen's
Mission.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3431" shownumber="no">J.A. DUFFY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3431.1" title="Chezy, Antoine-Leonard de" type="Encyclopedia">Antoine-Leonard de Chezy</term>
<def id="c-p3431.2">
<h1 id="c-p3431.3">Antoine-Léonard de Chézy</h1>
<p id="c-p3432" shownumber="no">A French Orientalist, born at Neuilly, 15 January, 1773; died at
Paris, 31 August, 1832. His father was an engineer, and he was
originally destined for a scientific career, but he preferred
linguistic studies, and devoted himself to Arabic and Persian under
Sacy and Langlès. In 1799 he was appointed assistant librarian in
the department of manuscripts of the Bibliothèque Nationale.
Attracted by the Sanskrit manuscripts, he was the Frenchman who took up
the study of India's sacred language, though he had neither grammar nor
dictionary to assist him. When, in 1814, the first professorship of
Sanskrit in Europe was established at the Collège de France,
Chézy was called to the position. Many of the foremost European
Sanskritists were his pupils, among them Burnouf, Langlois,
Loiseleur-Deslongchamps, and Lassen. In 1805 Chézy married
Wilhelmine Christiane von Klencke, better known as Helmina von
Chézy, an authoress of some reputation. The couple separated after
five years.</p>
<p id="c-p3433" shownumber="no">He is the author of numerous editions and translations of Oriental
works. In 1807 appeared "Les Amours de Medjnoun et Leïla", a
translation of Jami's Persian poem "Laila u Majnun". "La Mort de
Yadjnadatta" (Paris, 1814, and again, with Sanskrit text, 1826) is a
translation of a well-known episode of the Ramayana, describing the
slaying of a hermit by King Dasaratha (Bombay ed., II, 63). A
translation of another episode from the same poem, the fight of
Lakshmana with the giant Atikaya (VI, 71) appeared in 1818.
Chézy's most notable work however, was the publication in 1820 of
Kalidasa's famous drama, "Sakuntala" under the title "La reconnaissance
de Sacountala". This was the first time that the Sanskrit text of this
masterpiece was printed. Other works of his are all analysis of the
Meghaduta (1817), "Anthologie érotique d'Amarou", a translation of
the "Amarusataka", which appeared under the pseudonym of Apudy in 1831,
and "La théorie du Sloka" (1829), a disquisition on Sanskrit
metre. Besides this he has left much work in manuscript.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3434" shownumber="no">ARTHUR F.J. REMY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3434.1" title="Chiabrera, Gabriello" type="Encyclopedia">Gabriello Chiabrera</term>
<def id="c-p3434.2">
<h1 id="c-p3434.3">Gabriello Chiabrera</h1>
<p id="c-p3435" shownumber="no">A poet, born at Savona, Italy, 8 June, 1552, died there 1638. When
nine years of age he went to Rome to live with an uncle and there
received his early education. He attended lectures on philosophy at
Jesuits' College until his twentieth year. When a youth at Rome, he was
on familiar terms with the learned men of the day, and favours came to
him unsought from the Dukes of Savoy, Mantua, and Florence, Pope Urban
VIII and the Republic of Genoa. He spent most of his time in Florence
and Genoa. When fifty years of age he married. He is said to have
written this distich to be inscribed over his tomb:</p>
<p id="c-p3436" shownumber="no" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">Amico,
<br />Io vivendo cervava il conforto per lo Monte Pernasso.
<br />Tu meglio consigliato, fa di cercarlo sul Monte
Calvario.</p>

<p id="c-p3437" shownumber="no">Chiabrera and G. Marini were the greatest lyric
poets of the century. Chiabrera especially was a devoted student of the
Greeks and is often called the Italian Pindar, but Anacreon, Alcaeus,
and Horace as well as Pindar, and, of the French poets, Ronsard were
his models. He used to say that he strove to follow Columbus in
discovering a new world, a new world of poetry, as a reaction against
the conventionalities of Petrarchism and the degenerated taste of the
century. This reaction led the way for the classical lyric of the
eighteenth century. Although he declared himself opposed to the use of
rhyme, and even wrote some of his longer poems unrhymed, many of his
poems show that he was master of it; he even introduced some new metres
into ltalian verse; he seems to have preferred short lines and some of
his poems are in the form of the Pindaric ode, with strophe,
antistrophe, and epode. On the whole, his poems are marked by splendid
epithets, beautiful images, grace of form, richness of rhyme, yet, in
spite of all that, they seern exaggerated and cold. All that he wrote
was done with exactness, but it is only his lyrics that are read today.
Less known are his five long heroic poems. He left, besides, a dozen
dramatic works in verse and eulogies and dialogues in prose.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3438" shownumber="no">JOSEPH DUNN</p></def>

<term id="c-p3438.1" title="Chiapas" type="Encyclopedia">Chiapas</term>
<def id="c-p3438.2">
<h1 id="c-p3438.3">Chiapas</h1>
<p id="c-p3439" shownumber="no">The Diocese of Chiapas comprises almost the entire state of that
name in the Republic of Mexico. San Cristobal Las Casas, formerly
called Ciudad Real, is the episcopal seat, and is the principal city of
the state. The diocese is bounded by those of Guatemala, Tabasco, and
Tehuantepec. From the time of its erection, 14 April, 1538, by Pope
Paul III, this diocese was the centre of a successful Christianizing
movement, due to the apostolic labours of the first bishop who occupied
this see, the great Bartolome de Las Casas. The baptismal record of the
diocese begins in 1541. The Indians were gathered together by the
Dominican brethren of the first bishop into settlements and were taught
the crafts which they still practise, and instructed in Christian
doctrine in their own tongue, as well as in many religious practices
and customs which they have preserved to the present day. The chapter
of the cathedral now numbers 7 capitulars. There are 15 secular priests
and 6 Jesuits in the city.</p>
<p id="c-p3440" shownumber="no">The seminary has all the ordinary classes and a good number of
students. A well-equipped school for primary instruction is directed by
the Marist Brothers, and a school for girls is under the care of the
Sisters of the Divine Providence. There are other Catholic schools in
this and other cities of the diocese. The see city possesses a good
cathedral and nineteen other churches. The diocese has been governed by
thirty-six bishops since its foundation.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3441" shownumber="no">FRANCISCO OROZCO Y JIMENEZ</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3441.1" title="Chiavari" type="Encyclopedia">Chiavari</term>
<def id="c-p3441.2">
<h1 id="c-p3441.3">Chiavari</h1>
<p id="c-p3442" shownumber="no">(CLAVARIUM); DIOCESE OF CHIAVARI (CLAVARENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p3443" shownumber="no">Suffragan of Genoa. Chiavari is a city of the province of Genoa in
Northern Italy, situated on a little bay of the Gulf of Genoa. It
became a diocese in 1892, but until 1896 was administered by the
Archbishop of Genoa, to which diocese it originally belonged. The first
bishop was Fortunato Vinelli.</p>
<p id="c-p3444" shownumber="no">Chiavari is famous for its industry and commerce, also for its
cherrywood chairs first made by Giuseppe Descalzi. Many of the
inhabitants devote themselves to fishing, there being an abundance of
fish about that coast. There are also many slate quarries in the
neighbourhood. The beauty of the city is much enhanced by the churches
of the Madonna, San Francesco, and San Giovanni. After the discovery of
the conspiracy of the Fieschi (1542), and the capture of Chiavari by
the Counts of Lavagna, this city suffered much, being suspected of
friendliness towards the conspirators. Among its illustrious citizens
were: Luca Cantiano di Moneglia, founder of a school of painting, and
Giuseppe Gregorio Solari, translator of many Latin poets.</p>
<p id="c-p3445" shownumber="no">The diocese has a population of 99,200, with 138 parishes, 335
churches and chapels, 293 secular and 28 regular priests, 100
ecclesiastical students, 4 religious houses of men and 5 of women.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3446" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3446.1" title="Chibchas" type="Encyclopedia">Chibchas</term>
<def id="c-p3446.2">
<h1 id="c-p3446.3">Chibchas</h1>
<p id="c-p3447" shownumber="no">(Or MUYSCAS).</p>
<p id="c-p3448" shownumber="no">Next to the Quichuas of Peru and the Aymaras in Bolivia, the
Chibchas of the eastern and north-eastern Highlands of Colombia were
the most striking of the sedentary Indians in South America. At present
they have ceased to form autonomous tribes and are practically extinct.
In the beginning of the sixteenth century they occupied what is now the
departments of Boyaca and Cundinamarca with, possible, a few outlying
settlements. The extent of territory indicated was only that of the
tribes to which the name "Chibchas" is specially applied. The
linguistic stock was scattered over a greater area, and indications
even authorize philologists to admit as highly probable a connection
between the Chibcha dialects and some of the idioms of Costa Rica.
Whence the Chibchas came is not established; indications seem to favour
the North rather than the South. Their traditions allude to the
appearance among them, untold ages ago, of two (or three) powerful men
(possibly Shamans), who performed miracles and attempted to teach the
Indians a different mode of life. It is not quite clear whether the
names "Bochica", "Nemthequeba", and "Zuhé" apply to one or several
personages. Bochica, however, appears most frequently in Chibcha
folk-lore, and is represented as an old man who came to Cundinamarca
from the eastern plains of Venezuela and lived for a fabulous length of
time at Sogamoso on the plateau of Bogotá.</p>
<p id="c-p3449" shownumber="no">The creed of the Muysca was the pantheistic fetishism of American
aborigines in general. Human sacrifices were not uncommon, but most of
the offerings consisted of gold, emeralds, and fruits of the field.
Shamans, or 
<i>Zeques</i>, were numerous, and acted as medicine men, diviners,
oracles. The Chibchas lived in villages, the houses being mostly
circular, and of wood and thatch. In 1571 the population was
approximately given at 150,000 souls. At the head of each tribe stood
the usual council, guided by the oracular utterances of the leading
Shamans, while an elective war-chief (Uzaque) represented the
executive. The clan system prevailed. Agriculture, the gathering of
salt, limited hunting, and war — with their neighbours and among
themselves — were the chief occupations. In certain cases
plurality of wives was licit. Traditional lore leads to the inference
that, until the second half of the fifteenth century, the tribe of
Tunja was the most powerful one of the Chibchas. About 1470 the Indians
of Bogota rose, and when Gonzalo Ximenez de Quesada began the
exploration of the mountains in 1536, the Indians led by the Zippa, or
war-chief of Muequeta, had to be encountered. By 1538 the Chibchas were
virtually conquered, and considerable wealth in gold and emeralds was
secured by the Spaniards at Tunja. Subsequent attempts at revolt on the
part of the Chibchas proved ineffectual.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3450" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3450.1" title="Chicago, Archdiocese of" type="Encyclopedia">Archdiocese of Chicago</term>
<def id="c-p3450.2">
<h1 id="c-p3450.3">Archdiocese of Chicago</h1>
<p id="c-p3451" shownumber="no">(Chicagiensis).</p>
<p id="c-p3452" shownumber="no">Diocese created 28 November, 1842; raised to the rank of an
archdiocese, 10 September, 1880; comprises the State of Illinois,
U.S.A., north of the south line of Whiteside, Lee, De Kalb, Grundy, and
Kankakee Counties, a territory of 10,379 square miles.</p>
<p id="c-p3453" shownumber="no">Any historical sketch of the Archdiocese of Chicago, however brief,
must commence with the name of the intrepid Jesuit missionary James
Marquette, who on 25 October, 1674, set out with two attendants from
the station of St. Francis Xavier on Green Bay, to found a mission on
the Illinois River. This was in pursuance of a promise he and made to
the Illinois whom he had met at their village of Kaskaskia when
returning from his voyage down the Mississippi the year previous. On
the 4th of December he reached on his journey the mouth of the Chicago
River. With his two companions he pushed his way over the frozen
surface of the river, following the South Branch. Having proceeded
about four miles, he was obliged to halt because of sickness. Here he
built a cabin, the first white habitation, it would appear, erected on
the site of the city of Chicago. After Marquette, many of the French
missionaries and voyageurs traversed the land now covered by that
municipality. Father St. Cosme, in all probability, passed this way in
1699. Father Gravier was there in the year following. In 1795 the
Pottawotomies by the treaty of Greenville ceded to the United States a
track of land six miles square at the mouth of the Chicago River. Here,
in 1804, Fort Dearborn was erected, and about this garrison settled the
Catholic pioneers. The Rev. Gabriel Richard of Detroit preached at the
fort in 1821. In 1822 Alexander Beaubien was baptized there by Father
Badin, the first priest ordained within the limits of the thirteen
original United States. As far as known this is the first case of the
administration of baptism to a white person in the vicinity of Fort
Dearborn. In 1833 a petition was addressed to the Right Rev. Joseph
Rosati, Bishop of St. Louis and Vicar-General of Bardstown in which
latter diocese the state of Illinois then lay, praying for the
appointment of a resident pastor. The petition declared that there were
about one hundred Catholics in Chicago and was signed by thirty-eight
men representing one hundred and twenty-two souls. In answer to this
request Bishop Rosati appointed Father John Mary Irenæus St. Cyr
to take charge at Chicago, and he celebrated the first Mass in Mark
Beaubien's log cabin on Lake Street, near Market, 1833. Shortly
thereafter Fr. St. Cyr secured a lot near the corner of Lake and State
Streets and put up a church building twenty-five by thirty-five feet,
at the cost of four hundred dollars. This modest structure was
dedicated in October, 1833. A little later when Bishop Bruté, the
first Bishop of Vincennes, visited Chicago, he found there a
congregation of four hundred souls. The growing necessities of the
missions in northern Illinois soon demanded the services of more than
one priest. So, at the solicitation of Bishop Rosati, Bishop Bruté
sent Fathers Fischer, Shaefer. St. Palais and Dupontavice. The last
named was appointed to Joliet. Father St. Cyr was recalled in 1837. He
was succeeded as pastor of the English-speaking congregation by Father
O'Meara, who removed the church building erected by Father St. Cyr to
Wabash Avenue and Madison Street. After the departure of Father
O'Meara, Father St. Palais built on this site a new brick structure. To
the priests already mentioned the names of Fathers Plunkett and Gueguen
should be added as having rendered good services in the first period of
the Church's history in Chicago.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3453.1">CREATION OF DIOCESE</h3>
<p id="c-p3454" shownumber="no">The needs as well as possibilities of the Catholic settlement about
Fort Dearborn and its vicinity were recognized to be such that the
Plenary Council of Baltimore recommended in May, 1843, the formation of
the new See of Chicago. Rome acted favorably upon this advice, and in
1844 appointed as the first bishop of the see the Rev. William Quarter
of New York. He was born in Killurine, Kings Co., Ireland, 21 January,
1806. After a classical course made in private academies, he attended
Maynooth College. He emigrated to America in 1822, where, soon after
his arrival, he entered Mt. St. Mary's College at Emmitsburg, Maryland.
Ordained priest, 19 September, 1829, he laboured thereafter with marked
success in the diocese of New York, until summoned to the new see of
the West, for which he was consecrated bishop in St. Patrick's
Cathedral, New York, by the Right Rev. John Hughes, 13 March, 1844. On
his arrival in Chicago, the fifth of May following, he found there less
than twenty priests. Of these, only two were in Chicago, and they were
of the number loaned to the mission by Bishop Bruté. Hardly a
month after Bishop Quarter's arrival they were recalled to Vincennes.
But one church, St. Mary's was in the city limits at the time. The new
building commenced by Father St, Palais was unfinished, and the parish
moreover was encumbered with a debt of nearly five thousand dollars.
This, owing to their poverty, the parishioners were unable to
liquidate. It is eloquent of the unselfish zeal of the bishop and his
brother that out of their private means they paid off all the
indebtedness of the parish. The demand for the services of more priests
was in large measure soon met. Only two years after his arrival Bishop
Quarter was able to summon to a diocese synod thirty-two clergymen. To
the credit of his administration it must be noted that he established
the first theological conferences held in America.</p>
<p id="c-p3455" shownumber="no">Thirty days after his arrival in Chicago, Bishop Quarter opened a
college. Two professors, Rev. Jeremiah Kinsella and Rev. B. R. McGorsk.
constituted the teaching corps of this institution in the beginning,
while six young men made up its student body. Not content with a
college, however, the bishop projected a university. In December, 1844,
a charter was granted for the University of St. Mary's of the Lake, and
on the 4th of July, 1846, the new institution, the first of its kind to
appear in the city of Chicago, was ready to receive students. To
provide for the religious instruction of young ladies, Bishop Quarter
secured the services of five Sisters of Mercy. These, with Sister Mary
Francis Ward, arrived in Chicago from Pittsburgh, 23 September, 1846.
The work of this religious community, begun in the first days of the
Chicago diocese, has kept pace with the city's development. It was due
principally to Bishop Quarter that the legislature of the State of
Illinois passed in 1845 the bill according to which the bishop of
Chicago was incorporated as a "corporation sole" with power to "hold
real and other property in trust for religious purposes". Bishop
Quarter died 10 April, 1848. The four years of his episcopacy were
years of foresight, zeal, and energy, fraught with lasting blessings
for the Diocese of Chicago.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3455.1">Second Bishop</h4>
<p id="c-p3456" shownumber="no">The successor of Bishop Quarter was a Jesuit, James Oliver Van de
Velde, born 3 April, 1795, near Tearmonde in Belgium. His early
education was obtained from a French priest, who had escaped to Belgium
during the time of the French Revolution. Young Van de Velde had a
marked talent for languages and, while a professor of languages while
at the seminary at Mechlin, hearing the apostolic Father Nerinckx
appeal for priests for the American missions, he decided to go to the
New World, where he entered the novitiate of the Society of Jesus at
Georgetown. In 1827 he was ordained priest in the cathedral of
Baltimore. After some years of missionary work in Maryland, Father Van
de Velde was made professor of rhetoric and mathematics in the Jesuit
College at St. Louis. He was rector of this institution in 1820, and a
year later was sent to represent the Missouri province at a general
congregation of the order held in Rome. Consecrated Bishop of Chicago
at St. Francis Xavier's Church, St. Louis, 11 February, 1849, he was
installed in his see 1 April following. At this time there were in the
diocese forty priests and fifty-six churches. In the city of Chicago
itself there were four churches: the cathedral of St. Mary; St.
Patrick's founded in 1846 by Rev. Walter J. Quarter; St. Peter's
(German) founded by Rev. John Jung; and St. Joseph's (German), the
first pastor of which was the Father Jung above mentioned. Bishop Van
de Velde in 1849 erected, on Wabash Avenue between Jackson and Van
Buren Streets, an orphan asylum, to shelter the little ones bereft of
their parents through the cholera that visited the city that year. His
name is to be associated too with the General Hospital of the Lake,
founded at this time by the faculty of Rush Medical College, but in
which, with the permission of the bishop, the Sisters of Mercy took
care of the sick. Bishop Van de Velde found the climate of Chicago
detrimental to his health, and tendered his resignation to the Holy
See. This was at first refused; finally, however, he was transferred to
the diocese of Natchez, where, after two years, he died a victim of
yellow fever.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3456.1">Third Bishop</h4>
<p id="c-p3457" shownumber="no">The third bishop of Chicago was the Right Rev. Anthony O'Regan, b.
at Lavalleyroe, County Mayo, Ireland, in 1809. After completing his
studies at Maynooth College he was ordained priest November, 1833, and
for ten years was professor of Scripture, Hebrew, and dogmatic theology
at St. Jarlath's College, Tuam, of which institution he later became
president. He then accepted the invitation of Archbishop Kendrick to
become the head of the theological seminary of St. Louis, U.S.A. It was
from this post he was summoned to occupy the See of Chicago.
Consecrated in St. Louis, 25 July, 1854, he was installed in St. Mary's
Cathedral the third of September following. Bishop O'Regan invited the
Jesuits to establish themselves in his diocese. One of those sent in
response to this call was the Reverend Arnold Damen, who arrived in
Chicago, May, 1857, and though offered the pastorate of the Church of
the Holy Name, preferred instead to found a parish out upon (what then
appeared) an uninhabitable prairie. Undaunted by obstacles, he
persevered until a monument to his zeal appeared in the capacious
edifice of the church of the Holy Family. But Father Damen's work was
not circumscribed by the limits of a single parish. No quarter of the
diocese but could testify to his zeal as a missionary. Gifted with a
power of rugged eloquence, Father Damen was particularly effective as a
preacher to the masses. Adjoining the Holy Family Church is Saint
Ignatius' College, begun in 1869. For years it was the only Catholic
institution of its kind in the city of Chicago, and its alumni are
counted in large numbers not only the priests of the archdiocese, but
among the representatives of all the higher walks of civic life. In
1857 Bishop O'Regan was relieved of a portion of his responsibility by
the erection of the new See of Alton. However, he was anxious to resign
the high office which in the beginning he had sough to escape. His
administration had met with severe complaint on the part of some of his
clergy. And so, after two years and a half in the administration of his
diocese, he set forth for Rome to resign his charge. His resignation (3
May, 1858) was accepted, and he was appointed titular bishop of Dora 25
June, 1858. He died in London, 13 November, 1866, having never returned
to America.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3457.1">Fourth Bishop</h4>
<p id="c-p3458" shownumber="no">The Right Rev. James Duggan, who has acted as administrator of the
diocese, was then appointed its bishop. He was born at Maynooth, County
Kildare, Ireland, 22 May, 1825, and emigrated, in 1842, to St. Louis
U.S.A., where he was ordained priest 29 May, 1847. In 1857 he was
appointed auxiliary to Archbishop Kendrick, and consecrated titular
bishop of Antigone. Two years later he was transferred to the vacant
see of Chicago. From this is dated a new era in the Catholic life of
Chicago. The parochial school system was organized, and charitable
institutions sprang up on all sides. In 1860 the Redemptorists, and in
the following year the Benedictines, established foundations among the
Germans of the North Side. The Religious of the Sacred Heart opened the
institution that has since rendered high service in the cause of
Catholic education. Bishop Duggan chose as his vicar-general the Rev.
Dennis Dunne, pastor of St. Patrick's, a priest whose noble and
generous nature endured him to all who new him. The Rev. Thaddeus
Butler was made secretary and the Rev. John McMullen chancellor. It was
the last named who induced the sisters of the Good Shepherd to take up
their beneficent work in Chicago. St. Columbkill's, St. Bridget's, St.
James, the Immaculate Conception, and St. John's parishes were also
organized at this time. The refinement and gentleness of Bishop Duggan,
his ease and grace of manner, made him socially very popular; while his
public spirit was much appreciated by the community at large. In 1862
he went to Rome to be present at the canonization of the Japanese
martyrs, and he attended, in 1866, the Second Plenary Council of
Baltimore. It was about this time that he gave unmistakable signs of
the mental aberration of which he was finally to fall victim. Acting
upon the advice of friends, he went to Carlsbad, expecting to
recuperate his shattered health, but the effort was in vain, and the
condition of Bishop Duggan became such that he was removed, 14 April,
1869, to the asylum of the Sisters of Charity in St. Louis. There,
without recovering his mental powers, he remained till his death, 27
March 1899. Bishop Duggan being incapacitated, the Rev. H.T. Halligan
took charge of the diocese.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3458.1">Administrator Appointed</h4>
<p id="c-p3459" shownumber="no">The Right Reverend Thomas Foley was appointed coadjutor and
administrator of the practically vacant see, and consecrated titular
bishop of Pergamus, 27 February, 1870. He was born in Baltimore,
Maryland, 6 March, 1822. On the completion of his preparatory studies
at St. Mary's College, in his native city, and of his theological
course in the seminary attached to this college, he was ordained priest
by Archbishop Eccleston, in the cathedral of Baltimore, 16 August,
1846. After a short period spent of the mission of Montgomery County,
Maryland, and as assistant pastor of St. Patrick's Church, Washington,
he was appointed rector of the cathedral. He was made chancellor by
Archbishop Kendrick, and attended, in the capacity of secretary and
notary, the plenary councils held in that city in 1852 and 1866. He was
installed in the pro-Cathedral of the Holy Name, Chicago, 10 March
1870. Bishop Foley had hardly more than become acquainted with the
needs of his charge when he was called upon to witness the devastation
of the church property by the great Chicago fire. Seven churches
together with their parochial residences and schools, the Alexian
Brothers' Hospital, The House of Providence, St. Xavier's Academy and
Convent, an orphan asylum, and a select school conducted by the
Christian Brothers were swept away. The bishop sustained the disaster
with courage, and set himself to the work of reconstruction with
commendable energy. St. Mary's Cathedral being thus destroyed, the new
cathedral of the Holy Name soon appeared on the site of the old church
of that name. The structure is one of the impressive church edifices of
Chicago. With generous assistance from other diocese and the exercise
of indomitable energy on the part of its priests and laity, Catholic
Chicago soon arose from the prostrate state in which it had been left
by the fire. At this time many of the religious orders began to assist
in the development of the new life which seemed to have been infused
into the diocese. The bishop welcomed to his diocese the Franciscans,
the Lazarists, the Servites, the Fathers of Saint-Viateur, and the
Resurrectionists. Owing to the growth attained by the diocese, Bishop
Foley in 1872 recommended that a portion of it be cut off and erected
into a new see, and the Diocese of Peoria was created. The period of
Bishop Foley's administration was for much of the Diocese of Chicago a
new birth. He saw churches, convents, asylums, and schools, the work of
years, wiped out in a few hours. He saw these for the most part
replaced by structures more commodious. He witnessed the erection of
more than twenty-five new churches, and saw in process of construction
five new convents and seven academies. He purchased the Soldier's Home
at the foot of Thirty-fifth street for an orphan asylum, and St. Mary's
church, at Wabash Avenue and Eldridge Court, he bought from the
Congregationalists. At his death, on the 19th of February, 1879, there
were about three hundred churches in the diocese, and the number of
priests had increased from one hundred and forty-two to two hundred and
six. On the occasion of his installation he declared that he had come
to do honour to the peace of Christ. That his episcopacy had rendered
this promised service was universally admitted. Upon his death, after a
brief administration of the diocese by the Rev. Dr. John McMullen, who
had been the late bishop's vicar-general, Bishop Feehan of Nashville,
Tennessee, was promoted to the vacancy.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3459.1">CREATED ARCHDIOCESE</h3>
<p id="c-p3460" shownumber="no">Patrick Augustine Feehan was born at Spring Hill, Co. Tipperary,
Ireland, on 29 August, 1829. At fifteen years of age he entered Castle
Knock College, going from there to Maynooth, where he was appointed to
the Dunboyne establishment. In 1852, he departed for America,
proceeding to St. Louis. where he was ordained priest, 1 November,
1852. Two years later he was appointed successor to Father O'Regan in
the Theological Seminary of Carondelet. He was made pastor of St.
Michael's church in 1858, and shortly after was transferred to the
pastorate of the church of the Immaculate Conception, in both of which
charges he ever showed himself the devoted and zealous priest. On the
7th of July, 1867, Father Feehan was chosen to succeed Bishop Whelen of
Nashville, Tennessee. This diocese had suffered severely during the
Civil War. Under the quiet but energetic administration of Bishop
Feehan the demoralization of religion that followed in the wake of
battle passed; churches multiplied, convents and parochial schools were
reared, while the number of priests increased during his administration
from twelve to twenty-seven. During the visitation of his diocese by
cholera and yellow fever the labours and self-sacrifices of the bishop
were unremitting. On 10 September, 1880, Chicago was raised to the
dignity of an archdiocese, and Bishop Feehan was made its first
archbishop. The ceremony of his installation took place in the
cathedral of the Holy Name in the November following. The archdioceses
at this time comprised of eighteen counties in the northern part of
Illinois and there were one hundred and ninety-four churches and two
hundred and four priests. In 1883 the archbishop went to Rome with the
other archbishops of the country to prepare the matter to be submitted
to the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore. In the next year he
participated in the deliberations of this council. At this synod the
first irremovable rectors of the archdioceses were appointed.</p>
<p id="c-p3461" shownumber="no">On 1 November, 1890, Archbishop Feehan commemorated the twenty-fifth
anniversary of his elevation to the episcopacy, and the demonstration
with which the Catholics of the archdiocese celebrated this event gave
touching proof of the love and esteem they felt for their venerable
archbishop. In 1899, the archbishop, failing in health, and pressed
with the constantly multiplying cares of his charge, asked for an
episcopal assistant. In answer to this request, the Rev. Alexander
McGavick was chosen auxiliary bishop of the diocese and consecrated
titular bishop of Narcopolis, 1 May, 1899. Poor health, however,
directly incapacitated him, and the Holy See was again petitioned for
the needed aid, and the Reverend Peter James Muldoon was consecrated
titular Bishop of Tamassus, 25 July, 1901. His energy and zeal were of
valuable assistance to the archbishop, while upon his personal loyalty
the aged prelate could ever rely. Archbishop Feehan died 12 July, 1902.
His administration in Chicago saw a development of Catholic life
unprecedented in any other period of the city's history. When he was
installed there were in the diocese two hundred and four priests, while
at his death there were five hundred and thirty-eight. At his advent
there were one hundred and ninety-four churches, when he died there
were two hundred and ninety-eight. The city of Chicago, when he was
promoted to the see, had thirty-four churches, at his passing away
there were in the city one hundred and fifty churches. Some idea of the
manner in which Catholic education was promoted under this archbishop
can be gathered from the list of institutions which sprang up in his
time, among them: the De La Salle Institute, St. Cyril's College, St.
Vincent's College, St. Viateur's College at Bourbonnais, St. Patrick's
Academy, and the Loretto Academy at Joliet.</p>
<h4 id="c-p3461.1">Second Archbishop</h4>
<p id="c-p3462" shownumber="no">Bishop James Edward Quigley of Buffalo, New York, was promoted (8
January, 1903) to the Archbishopric of Chicago, and installed 11 March
following. Born at Osshawa, Ontario, 15 October, 1855, he attended St.
Joseph's College in Buffalo, from which he was graduated in 1872. In
this year he won a competitive examination for entrance into the
military academy at West Point, but relinquished military ambition to
study for the Church. To this end he entered the seminary of Our Lady
of the Angels at Niagara Falls. In the following year he went for a
time to the university of Innsbruck in the Austrian Tyrol, and thence
to Rome where, having completed his theological course in the College
of the Propaganda, he was ordained priest 13 April, 1879. He was
appointed rector of St. Vincent's Church, Attica, New York, in 1879,
leaving this mission to become rector of St. Joseph's Cathedral in
Buffalo in 1884. Two years later he became pastor of St. Bridget's
Church in the same city and while ministering in this parish was
appointed Bishop of Buffalo, his consecration taking place 24 February,
1897. The administration of Bishop Quigley in Buffalo was characterized
by a clear, far-reaching discernment. His public spirit, too, made him
ever a controlling power in the community, and he was particularly
alert to the weal of the labouring classes. His mediation in the dock
strike of Buffalo in 1899 and his forceful pronouncements on Socialism
were especially noteworthy. In Chicago his talent for mastering details
and his regard for due procedure brought a new order and system into
the government of the archdiocese, while a synod held 14 December,
1905, marked the introduction to the see of a body of beneficent
legislation. A diocesan college for ecclesiastical students was opened
in 1905, and the measures of previous administrations for the spiritual
care of the immense foreign-born and constantly increasing population
was continued and broadened.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3462.1">STATISTICS</h3>
<p id="c-p3463" shownumber="no">Ten nationalities other than English-speaking were represented in
the Archdiocese in 1908. Of the total of 314 churches they had
ninety-six divided as follows: German 33, Polish 21, Bohemian 9,
Italian 8, Lithuanian 7, Slovak 6, Croatian 5, French 3, Syrian 2,
Rutheian 2. Religious orders and congregations having foundations in
the archdiocese are: 
<i>Men:</i> Augustinians; Benedictines (St. Procopius Abbey);
Carmelites; Franciscans; Fathers and Brothers of the Holy Cross;
Jesuits; Lazarists; Fathers of the Precious Blood; Servites; Clerics of
St. Viateur; Missionary Society of St. Paul the Apostle; Alexian
Brothers; Brothers of the Christian Schools; Congregation of St.
Charles Borromeo; Brothers of Mary; Society of the Divine Word. 
<i>Communities of Women:</i> Sisters of St. Agnes; Benedictine Sisters;
Bohemian Benedictine Sisters; Sisters of Charity of St. Vincent de Paul
(Emmitsburg, Maryland); Sisters of Christian Charity (Wilkesbarre,
Pennsylvania); Sisters of Charity of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Dubuque,
Iowa); Poor Clares; Sisters of the Third Order of St. Dominic
(Sinsinawa, Wisconsin); Sisters of St. Dominic (Blauvelt, New York);
Sisters of St. Dominic (Adrian, Michigan); Sisters of the Third Order
of St. Dominic (St. Catherine, Kentucky); Franciscan Sisters (St.
Louis. Missouri); Franciscan Sisters of the Sacred Heart (Joliet,
Illinois); Sisters of the Third Order of St. Francis (Peoria,
Illinois); School Sisters of St. Francis (Milwaukee, Wisconsin);
Sisters of the Third Order of St. Francis (Joliet, Illinois); Sisters
of the Third Order of St. Francis of Assisi, M. C. (St. Francis,
Wisconsin); Sisters of the Third Order of St. Francis (under the
protection of St. Cunegunde); Sisters of St. Francis (Lafayette,
Indiana); Sisters of St. Francis (Clinton, Iowa); Felician Sisters,
O.S.F. (Detroit, Mich.); Sisters of the Good Shepherd; Sisters of the
Holy Cross (Notre Dame, Indiana); Sisters of the Holy Family of
Nazareth; Sister-Servants of the Holy Heart of Mary (Paris); Hospital
Sisters of St. Joseph; Sisters of St. Joseph (St. Louis, Missouri);
Sisters of St. Joseph (Concordia, Kansas); Sisters of St. Joseph (La
Grange, Illinois); Little Sisters of the Poor; Little Company of Mary
(Rome); Ladies of Loreto (Toronto, Canada); Sisters of Mercy (Chicago,
Illinois); Sisters of Mercy (Oakley Avenue, Chicago, Illinois); School
Sisters of Notre Dame (Milwaukee, Wisconsin); Sisters of the
Congregation of Notre Dame (Montreal); Sisters of the Poor Handmaids of
Jesus Christ (Ft. Wayne, Indiana); Sisters of the Precious Blood
(O'Fallen, Missouri); Sisters of Providence (St, Mary of the Woods,
Indiana); Ladies of the Scared Heart (Chicago Province); Sisters of
Jesus and Mary (Montreal); Daughters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary
(Buffalo, New York); Polish Sisters of St. Joseph (Stevens Point,
Wisconsin); Sisters of the Holy Ghost (Holland); Missionary Sisters of
the Sacred Heart (New York); Sisters of Misericorde; Visitation Nuns;
Sisters of the Resurrection; Sisters of St. Mary (St. Louis,
Missouri);</p>
<p id="c-p3464" shownumber="no">Archbishop, 1, bishops, 2, mitred abbot 1; priests 631: secular,
400, of religious orders, 191; churches, 314: with resident priests
city of Chicago, 176, country 138; missions with churches, 35, stations
5, chapels 61; ecclesiastical students 115, seminaries of religious
orders 3, students 330; colleges and academies for boys 11, students
2575, training schools 2, pupils, 452; academies for girls 27, students
7585; parishes and missions with parochial schools city, 125, pupils
80,520, outside the city, 64, pupils 10,650; orphan asylums 9, orphans
1499; infant asylums 1, inmates 676; industrial and reform schools for
boys 2, for girls 2, inmates 710; working boys' homes 1, inmates 350;
working girls' homes 1, inmates 195; total persons under Catholic care
93,657; hospitals 19, homes for the aged poor 9, inmates 1150,
communities nursing sick in their homes, 3 Catholic population about
1,200,000.</p>
<p id="c-p3465" shownumber="no">Andrews in The History of Chicago; O'Gorman, A Hist. of the R. C.
Church in the U.S. (New York, 1895); Shea, Hist. of the Cath. Ch. in
the U.S. (New York, 1904); McGovern, The Life of Bishop McMullen
(Chicago); Idem, Souvenir of the Silver Jubilee of the Most rev. P. H.
Feehan; Catholic Directory (Milwaukee, 1908).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3466" shownumber="no">JOHN WEBSTER MELODY</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3466.1" title="Chichele, Henry" type="Encyclopedia">Henry Chichele</term>
<def id="c-p3466.2">
<h1 id="c-p3466.3">Henry Chichele</h1>
<h4 id="c-p3466.4">(Or Chicheley)</h4>
<p id="c-p3467" shownumber="no">Archbishop of Canterbury, b. at Higham Ferrers, Northamptonshire,
England, 1362; d. at Oxford, 12 April, 1441. He was the son of Thomas
Chichele, a yeoman, and Agnes, daughter of William Pyncheon. Eucated by
William of Wykeham at St. John the Baptist's College, Winchester, he
passed from there to New College, Oxford. He took the degree of B.C.L.
in 1389-90, and the degree of LL.D. in 1396. Llanvarchall, in the
Diocese of St. Asaph, was his first living, and he held in succession
the rectory of St. Stephen's, Walbrook, the archdeaconry of Dorset,
together with a prebend of Salisbury (1397), a canonry in the
collegiate church of Aberguilly (1400), a canonry of Lichfield (1400),
the archdeaconry of Salisbury (1402), the chancellorship of Salisbury,
together with the living of Odiham in the Diocese of Winchester (1403),
and the livings of Melcombe and Sheraton in the Diocese of Salisbury.
Following upon these came his appointment by provision to the Bishopric
of St. David by Gregory XII, who consecrated him at Lucca (17 June,
1408).</p>
<p id="c-p3468" shownumber="no">Early in his career he was admitted an advocate in the Court of
Arches and for a time acted as the lawyer for Richard Mitford, Bishop
of Salisbury. His skill in legal matters attracted the king's notice,
and in July, 1405, he was sent with Sir John Cheyne on a mission to
Innocent VII. Later in the same year he treated with the King of France
as a commissioner of peace, and in 1407 he journeyed again to Italy on
an embassy to Gregory XII, then at Siena. It was on this occasion that
he received the Bishopric of St. David from the pope, with the king's
approval. He was again in Italy at the Council of Pisa (1409), and it
was not until May, 1411, that he first visited his diocese and was
enthroned. The Diocese of St. David must have seen very little of him,
for he went as king's ambassador to France with the Earl of Warwick in
1413, and early in the following year on the death of Arundel, the king
nominated him to the See of Canterbury (19 February, 1414), to which he
was elected on the 4th of March. As archbishop he was the king's
trusted friend and councillor. He seems to have favoured the policy of
war with France, collecting much money for its support; in 1419 and
again in 1420 he accompanied Henry V into France. A keen and skilful
lawyer, he was active in all legislative matters, particularly with
regard to ecclesiastical affairs, and vigorous in searching out and
suppressing the Lollards. His loyalty to the pope's policy of opposing
the statutes of Provisors and Præmunire has been doubted; the
opponents of the Catholic Church have looked upon him as the upholder
of the independence of the national Church against the claims of Rome.
He certainly displeased Martin V, who slighted him by offering a
cardinal's hat and the powers of a legate 
<i>a latere</i> to Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester. The pope again
passed him by in 1439, when Kemp, Archbishop of York, was created
cardinal and given precedence over him in Parliament in spite of
Chichele's appeal against such treatment. On two occasions, in 1421 and
1422, Martin V severely reprimanded Chichele for his weakness in not
procuring the abolition of the obnoxious statutes. The pope charged him
with hindering the liberties of the Church, and suspended him from the
office of legate which pertained to his see. Though he appealed from
the pope to the judgment of a future council we find him submitting to
the pope's wishes and endeavouring to persuade the Commons to cease
withstanding the pope (1428).</p>
<p id="c-p3469" shownumber="no">Chichele was a munificent benefactor to his birthplace, his
university, and his cathedral church. At Higham Ferrers he built and
endowed a college for eight priests, four clerks, and six choristers;
he founded also a hospital there for twelve poor men. He gave two
hundred marks for the relief of poor students at Oxford; this sum was
preserved in a chest known as "Chichele's Chest". To New College he
gave a similar sum of money. He built the Cistercian College of St.
Bernard, now St. John's, Oxford, but his greatest work for his
university was the foundation of the College of All Souls for a warden
and forty fellows, who were to spend their time in prayer and study.
His name is still perpetuated in Oxford, for the one who fills the
chair of modern history is known as the "Chichele Professor". The last
years of his life were chiefly spent at Oxford superintending his great
foundation there. Old age and infirmity prompted him to suggest his
resignation to the pope (1442), but before the necessary arrangements
could be made he died.</p>
<p id="c-p3470" shownumber="no">     
<span class="sc" id="c-p3470.1">Hook,</span> 
<i>Archbishops of Canterbury</i> (London, 1860-73), V, 1-129; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3470.2">Duck,</span> 
<i>Life of H. Chichele</i> (1699); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3470.3">Wilkins,</span> 
<i>Concilia,</i> III; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3470.4">Anstey,</span> 
<i>Munimenta Academica</i> (Rolls Series), 291; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3470.5">Le Neve,</span> 
<i>Fasti Eccl. Anglicanæ</i>; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3470.6">Milman,</span> 
<i>Latin Christianity,</i> VIII, 326, 328.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3471" shownumber="no">G.E. Hind</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3471.1" title="Chichester" type="Encyclopedia">Chichester</term>
<def id="c-p3471.2">
<h1 id="c-p3471.3">Chichester</h1>
<p id="c-p3472" shownumber="no">Ancient Catholic Diocese of Chichester (Cicestrensis), in England.
This see took its rise in consequence of the decree passed at the
Council of London in 1075, requiring all bishoprics to be removed from
villages to towns. The old see of the South Saxons, which had been
founded towards the end of the seventh century by St. Wilfrid of York,
had been filled by a long line of bishops whose cathedral church was at
Selsea. In consequence of the new decree, Stigand, Bishop of Selsea,
transferred the see to Chichester in 1082. This town, called 
<i>Regnum</i> by the Romans, obtained its present name from Cissa, son
of Ælle, the Saxon chieftain who landed in 477, the town becoming
Cissa's 
<i>Ceaster,</i> or fort 
(<i>castrum</i>), and, in tiime, Chichester. The most notable of the
early bishops was Ralph de Luffa (1091-1123), who built the cathedral;
much of the structure as it still exists was his work. In 1108 he was
able to consecrate at least a part of it, but in 1114 the first fire
occurred, and extensive rebuilding was necessary. The cathedral was
completed and consecrated in 1184, but in 1186 it was again greatly
damaged by fire. Bishop Seyffrid II (1180-1204), who had completed the
building, now undertook its reconstruction, making considerable changes
and introducing Early English work into the Norman building, which
accounts for the composite character of the nave. His successor, Simon
Fitz Robert of Wells (1204-1207), being a favourite of King John,
obtained many important privileges for the see, but after his death,
John kept it vacant for many years. The next bishop was Richard Poore
(1215-1217), known as the builder of Salisbury cathedral. After him
came Ranulf of Warham (1217-1224) and Ralph Neville, the Chancellor
(1224-1244), who was remarkable as a statesman. On his death there was
a contest over the appointment to the see, which the pope settled by
naming and consecrating Richard of Wych (1245- 1253), better known as
St. Richard of Chichester, the friend and chancellor of St. Edmund.
King Henry III, enraged at this, refused him the temporalities of his
see. Having for a time been compelled to live on the alms of his own
clergy, St. Richard ultimately succeeded in overcoming the king's
anger, and for eight years ruled the see with wisdom and holiness, his
last act being to consecrate a church at Dover in honour of his friend
and master, St. Edmund. In 1276, during the pontificate of Stephen of
Berghsted (1262-1288), he was canonized, and his relics were enshrined
above the high altar.</p>
<p id="c-p3473" shownumber="no">Chichester had another saintly prelate in Gilbert de S. Leophardo
(1288-1305), who added to the Lady Chapel. William Rede (1369-1385) was
a scholar-bishop who collected the early records of the see, and his
namesake, Robert Rede (1397-1415) compiled the earliest register now
existing. Bishops succeeded one another rapidly, many being transferred
to other sees. Among them Reginald Pecock (1450-1459), famous for his
learning, was accused of heresy and resigned his see. His successor,
John Arundel, (1459-1478), built the rood screen in the cathedral. But
the diocese fell into bad condition, as is shown by the register of the
next bishop, Edward Storey (1478-1503), a wise administrator who
founded the Chichester grammar school. Robert Sherburne (1508-1536)
made some protest against the encroachments of Henry VIII, but being
unable to withstand them officially, resigned the see, and was
succeeded by the schismatic Richard Sampson (1536-1543), who in 1538
destroyed the shrine of St. Richard at the king's command. The next
bishop, George Day (1543-1557), though he had accepted schismatical
institution from Henry VIII, yet proved a good Catholic, on which
account he was imprisoned, and replaced by John Scory. Bishop Day
regained his see, however, in 1554. He was succeeded by John
Christopherson (1557-1559), the last Catholic Bishop of Chichester.
After him the notorious William Barlow inaugurated the line of Anglican
prelates. There were in the diocese two archdeaconries, Chichester and
Lewes, and, according to the valuation made in 1291, which remained the
basis of valuations until the reign of Henry VIII, there were nearly
three hundred parishes. Battle Abbey and Lewes Priory were the chief
monasteries, and all the chief orders were well represented. One
consequence of Sussex being originally so largely in the hands of
Norman proprietors was the existence of an unusually large number of
small priories dependent on houses in Normandy, such as the Abbey of
Fécamp. The bishop had ten episcopal manors, and the Archbishop of
Canterbury held the collegiate church of South Malling and twenty-five
parishes. The arms of the see were azure, a Presbyter John sitting on a
tombstone, in his left hand a book open, his right hand extended, or,
with a linen mitre on his head, and in his mouth a sword, all
proper.</p>
<p id="c-p3474" shownumber="no">     
<span class="sc" id="c-p3474.1">Walcott,</span> 
<i>Early Statutes of Chichester Cathedral</i> in 
<i>Archælogia</i> (1877), XLV, 143-244; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3474.2">Dugdale,</span> 
<i>Monasticon Anglic.</i> (1846), VI, iii, 1159- 71; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3474.3">Le Neve,</span> 
<i>Fasti Eccl. Anglicanæ</i> (1854), I, 135-85; 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3474.4">Stephens,</span> 
<i>Memorials of the South Saxon See and Cathedral Church of
Chichester</i> (London, 1876); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3474.5">Idem,</span> 
<i>Diocesan History of Chichester</i> (London, 1881); 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3474.6">Corlette,</span> 
<i>Chichester: the Cathedral and See</i> (London, 1901).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3475" shownumber="no">Edwin Burton.</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3475.1" title="Chicoutimi, Diocese of" type="Encyclopedia">Diocese of Chicoutimi</term>
<def id="c-p3475.2">
<h1 id="c-p3475.3">Chicoutimi</h1>
<p id="c-p3476" shownumber="no">Diocese created, 28 May, 1878, a part of the civil and
ecclesiastical Province of Quebec, which embraces the counties of
Charlevoix, Chicoutimi, and Lac St.-Jean, and is situated in the
north-eastern section of the Province of Quebec, north of the St.
Lawrence River. Charlevoix county was settled by the French in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and Chicoutimi and Lac St. Jean
were founded in the middle of the nineteenth by the settlers from the
valley of the St. Lawrence. This mountainous region contains the
Saguenay River, the extensive lakes known as the St.-Jean and the
Mistassini. Chicoutimi and Lac St.-Jean were centres of an extensive
lumber trade earlier in the century; to-day they are better known for
their agricultural development and the paper pulp. This vast region has
communication with the West through the Canadian Northern Railway, with
the interior of the continent and Europe through the Saguenay and the
St. Lawrence Rivers. It was served by the Jesuit missionaries till the
end of the eighteenth century; by the Oblates until the middle of the
nineteenth; since then by secular priests. A small church built by the
Jesuits in 1747 at Tadousac is still standing. The see is at
Chicoutimi, a town of 7000 inhabitants, situated on the Saguenay. The
diocesan seminary comprises a classical college with 200 pupils and the
theological school with 28 student. The parishes have increased from 24
in 1878 to 55 in 1907. There are 105 secular and 18 regular priests
(Oblates, Trappists, Eudists). The Marist Brothers have 6 colleges, and
the Brothers of St. Francis Regis an agricultural Orphan asylum. There
are 340 sisters of the following institutes: Hospitalières,
Ursulines, Good Shepherd, Congregation of Notre Dame, Sisters of
Charity, Sisters of the Holy Rosary, the Petites-Franciscaines
Missionaires de Marie, Sisters of Good Council, Sisters of St. Anthony
of Padua, Servants of the Blessed Sacrament. They have charge of an
orphan asylum, 3 hospitals, 2 female schools of domestic economy, 7
convents, and many parochial schools. There are 15,000 children in the
310 parochial schools. The population of the diocese is about 66,000
inhabitants of French origin, who, with the exception of about fifty,
are all Catholics. The first bishops was Mgr. Dominique Racine,
consecrated 4 Aug., 1878; d. 28 Jan., 1888. His successors have been
Mgr. L. N. BÈgin, consecrated 28 Oct., 1888; appointed Coadjutor
Archbishop of Quebec, 22 Dec. 1891; Mgr. M. T. Labrecque, consecrated
22 May, 1892, and Administrator of the Apostolic Prefecture of the Gulf
of St. Lawrence from 1872 to 1903.</p>
<p id="c-p3477" shownumber="no">Rapports sur les Missions du diocèse de QuÈbec (Quebec,
1839-1874); relations des JÈsuites (Quebec, 1858); HUARD,
L'Apôtre du Saguenay (Quebec, 1895); IDEM, Labrador et Anticosti
(Montreal, 1897); Le Canada EcclÈsiastique (Montreal, 1908).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3478" shownumber="no">V.A. HUARD</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3478.1" title="Chieregati, Francesco" type="Encyclopedia">Francesco Chieregati</term>
<def id="c-p3478.2">
<h1 id="c-p3478.3">Francesco Chieregati</h1>
<p id="c-p3479" shownumber="no">
(<span class="sc" id="c-p3479.1">Chieregato</span>)</p>
<p id="c-p3480" shownumber="no">Papal nuncio, b. at Vicenza, 1479; d. at Bologna, 6 December, 1539.
Little is known of his early career. He was sent by Leo X as papal
nuncio to England (1515-17), and also filled a similar office in
Portugal and in Spain (1519), in which latter country he became
acquainted with Cardinal Adrian Florent, Bishop of Tortosa, the Dutch
preceptor of Charles VI, and later Pope Adrian VI. One of the latter's
first acts, after his entry into Rome, was to make Chieregati, whose
learning and virtue the pope esteemed, Bishop of Teramo in the Kingdom
of Naples; he then sent him to the Diet of Nuremberg, called for the
autumn of 1522. He was commissioned to obtain from the German princes a
more energetic pursuit of the war against the Turks in Hungary, which
nation was then and long after the bulwark of Christian Europe, also a
more vigorous suppression of Lutheranism and the execution of the Edict
of Worms against Luther. In two discourses (19 November and 10
December) he urged the princes to co-operate for the expulsion of the
Turks from Christian Hungary; on the latter date he also demanded the
immediate execution of the Edict of Worms (26 May, 1521), whereby
Luther had been put under the ban of the empire, which formal outlawry
he had hitherto escaped through the protection of Frederick of Saxony
and other friendly princes. Finally, on 3 January, 1523, Chieregati
read publicly two important documents, sent after him from Rome. They
were a papal Brief (issued on the previous 25 November) to the members
of the Diet and an Instruction for Chieregati himself. The former
contained an eloquent appeal to the Catholic piety, immemorial
religious traditions, and magnanimity of the representatives of the
German people, and besought the Diet to quench at once the brand of
religious sedition and compel the submission of Luther and his
adherents. The personal Instruction, issued probably on the same date,
and read to the Diet by Chieregati, is one of the most important
documents for the early history of the Protestant Reformation. In it
Pope Adrian frankly confesses that the sins of ecclesiastics were the
chief cause of the grievous tribulations of the Church, and that in the
Roman Curia itself, both head and members, popes and prelates, had been
guilty of scandalous abuses. For the text of the Instruction see
Raynaldus, "Ann. Trid." (Louvain, 1781), II, 144 sqq.; Pallavicino
"Storia del Concilio di Trento" (Rome, 1656), I (2), 4-6; especially
Wrede, "Deutsche Reichstagskten" (Munich, 1893), III, 391; see below,
Pastor, and Hergenrother-Kirsch. The reply of the Diet was
discouraging; the princes and representatives avoided a satisfactory
answer to the pope's urgent requests, proposed the celebration of a
general council in some German city, and renewed in an offensive manner
the earlier antipapal complaints of the Germans, the famous "Centum
(101) gravamina teutonicae nationis"; Pastor adds (op. cit. 97) that
the failure of Chieregati was in large measure owing to the timidity
and selfishness of the great German prelates who were by no means ready
to repeat the humble confession of the noble-hearted pope. The latter
has often been blamed for his frankness (see remarks of Pallavicino in
Hergenrother-Kirsch), but Pastor (p. 94) defends him both from
exaggeration of facts and untimeliness of speech. His unique and heroic
admissions were necessary, says this writer, in the interest of a
genuine reformation, nor was this remarkable Instruction made public
without papal approval. The subsequent history of Chieregati offers
like interest.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3481" shownumber="no">THOMAS J. SHAHAN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3481.1" title="Chieti" type="Encyclopedia">Chieti</term>
<def id="c-p3481.2">
<h1 id="c-p3481.3">Chieti</h1>
<p id="c-p3482" shownumber="no">ARCHDIOCESE OF CHIETI (THEATENSIS)</p>
<p id="c-p3483" shownumber="no">Archdiocese with the perpetual administration of Vasto. Chieti is
the ancient Teate, capital of the Marrucini, and now an important town
of the Abruzzi Central Italy. It is situated on a mountain, at the base
of which runs the River Pescara. Though the Marrucini, like the Marsi
and other kindred people, were originally enemies of Rome, in 304 B.C.
they concluded a league with the Romans, which lasted until the War
with the Allies, when Teate became a municipality. In the Gothic War it
was captured by Totila; later it fell into the hands of the Lombards,
from whom it was captured by Pepin and devastated. The Normans rebuilt
the city, which thenceforth belonged to the Kingdom of the Two
Sicilies. St. Justinus is venerated as the first Bishop of Chieti, and
the cathedral is dedicated to him. Several of his successors are also
venerated as saints, among them Gribaldus (874), whose portrait is yet
visible on the bronze doors of the monastery of St. Clement in the
Island of Pescara. Other bishops worthy of notice were: Giovanni Pietro
Caraffa, who in 1524 resigned the see, and associated himself with St.
Cajetan of Tiene in the foundation of the Theatine Order. Later Caraffa
became pope under the name of Paul IV. Since 1525 Chieti has been an
archbishopric, but has no suffragans. The archdiocese has a population
of 300,500, with 113 parishes, 442 churches and chapels, 170 secular
and 58 regular priests, 3 religious houses of men and 17 of women.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3484" shownumber="no">U. BENIGNI</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3484.1" title="Chihuahua" type="Encyclopedia">Chihuahua</term>
<def id="c-p3484.2">
<h1 id="c-p3484.3">Chihuahua</h1>
<p id="c-p3485" shownumber="no">The Diocese of Chihuahua, in the north of Mexico, comprises the
State of Chihuahua, with a population of about 327,000, mostly Indians
and mestisos. The diocese was erected in 1891, and has had two bishops:
Jose de J. Ortiz, promoted to the archbishopric of Guadalajara, and
Nicholas Perez Gavilan. There are 42 parishes, 64 churches and chapels,
and a seminary with 50 seminarists.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3486" shownumber="no">J. MONTES DE OCA Y OBREGON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3486.1" title="Chilapa" type="Encyclopedia">Chilapa</term>
<def id="c-p3486.2">
<h1 id="c-p3486.3">Chilapa</h1>
<p id="c-p3487" shownumber="no">Diocese in Mexico, suffragan of the Archdiocese of Mexico, comprises
the State of Guerrero, in the south of Mexico. The diocese was created
in 1863, since which time it has had three bishops: Ambrosia Serrano,
Ramon Ibarra, and Homobono Anaya. The population (all Catholic) is
361,239. There are 64 parishes and 94 priests. The episcopal city of
Chilafa, about 125 miles south-west of Mexico had in 1895 a population
of 8256.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3488" shownumber="no">J. MONTES DE OCA Y OBREGON</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3488.1" title="Children of Mary" type="Encyclopedia">Children of Mary</term>
<def id="c-p3488.2">
<h1 id="c-p3488.3">Children of Mary</h1>
<p id="c-p3489" shownumber="no">The Sodality of Children of Mary Immaculate owes its origin to the
manifestation of the Virgin Immaculate of the Miraculous Medal, on
which the Church has placed a seal, by appointing the twenty-seventh of
November as its feast. This manifestation was made to Sister Catherine
Labouré, a novice in the mother-house of the Daughters of Charity
in Paris, in 1830. Associations were formed, by way of trial, in
various houses, and a rescript of 20 June, 1847, to Very Rev. John
Baptist Etienne, Superior General of the Mission, empowered him to
erect in each house of the Sisters of Charity a pious confraternity,
dedicated to Mary Immaculate, made up of young girls attending their
schools or work-rooms. This same rescript also granted to this
association, not by affiliation but directly, the same indulgence as
are enjoyed by the 
<i>Prima Primaria</i> of the Society of Jesus. Three years later the
sovereign pontiff extended a similar favour to the youths educated by
the Priests of the Lazarists, and to the little boys under the charge
of the Sisters of Charity. The Brief of Pius IX, 19 September, 1876,
permitted the admission into this association of young girls not
attending the schools or work-rooms of the Sisters of Charity. Leo XIII
confirmed these privileges by the Briefs of 21 May, 1897, 2 August,
1897, and 29 April, 1903. The badge adopted by the Children of Mary
Immaculate is the miraculous medal, suspended from a blue ribbon. The
statistics of 1897 gave one hundred thousand living members throughout
the world, four hundred thousand having been registered from the date
of the first canonical erection, in Paris, 19 July, 1847. From the same
date to 1908, forty thousand were registered in the institutions of the
Daughters of Charity in the United States alone.</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3490" shownumber="no">FRANCES GILDART RUFFIN</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3490.1" title="The Children of Mary of the Sacred Heart" type="Encyclopedia">The Children of Mary of the Sacred Heart</term>
<def id="c-p3490.2">
<h1 id="c-p3490.3">The Children of Mary of the Sacred Heart</h1>
<p id="c-p3491" shownumber="no">A Sodality of the Blessed Virgin, founded by the Venerable Mother
Barat of the Society of the Sacred Heart, in the Parish school about
1818, almost simultaneously with the convent itself. Father Varin drew
up its rules. It had from the first, its laws, feasts, privileges and
duties, its directors, president, and other dignitaries. The most
fervent among the elder girls were enrolled. The principal end which
the members proposed to themselves, was to love and serve the
Immaculate Heart of Mary, by imitating her virtues, above all her
fortitude and spotless purity. The lily was the first emblem of the
sodalists, and "Semper Fidelis" their motto. In 1824 their medal was
struck, and from an essay by one of them, Rose de Joigny, the
inscription on it, "Cor meum jungatur vobis", was chosen. The
remarkable fresco of Mater Admirabilis at the Trinità dei Monti in
Rome is the sensible representation of the spirit of the sodality. By
thus placing the ideal of true womanhood before the future wives and
mothers of the next generation, Mother Barat sought to lay the
foundation of many noble Christian homes.</p>
<p id="c-p3492" shownumber="no">This beginning led to a work of wider scope and even greater
importance. As years advanced, Mother Barat longed to do something more
towards securing a higher tone among women. She wrote in 1831:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p3492.1">How rare it is to meet a valiant woman! It must be so, because Holy
Writ says 'Far and from the uttermost coasts is the price thereof'; Let
us labour then to form some at any cost. They will form others and good
will come from it.</blockquote>

<p id="c-p3493" shownumber="no">When Mother Barat visited Lyons in 1832, the mistress general of the
school had lately established an association composed originally of the
former pupils of the Sacred Heart, but afterwards joined by other
ladies. The work was in its infancy, yet Mother Barat saw what it might
lead to, and resolved to develop it. Father Druilhet, S.J., then drew
up the rules by which the Children of Mary of the Sacred Heart are
still governed, and Mother Barat placed the association under the
patronage of the archbishop. A little later she obtained for it the
authorization of Rome, and constituted it on a like basis for all
houses of the Society. Mother wrote on that occasion:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p3493.1">Your mission is a very high one, and I do not fear to 
call it an apostolate, for you are to act as apostles in the midst of 
a perverse world. You must lead into the right path those who are 
wandering from it, encourage those kept back by human respect, and 
stop the downward course of those in danger.</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3494" shownumber="no">To be apostles in the world these Children of Mary are
expected by their rules to practise many virtues, but it is still the
lily of Mary's spotlessness which must shine pre-eminent, hence their
love for her Immaculate Conception. Their devotion to the Heart of
Jesus prompts the making of vestments and other altar requirements for
poor churches and distant missions. Their zeal takes many other forms:
- supporting orphans, visiting hospitals, helping the poor in their
homes, opening work-rooms and guiding reading-circles for young girls,
providing for the maintenance of youthful aspirants to the priesthood:
in a word, all the interests of God and Holy Church are theirs.</p>
<p id="c-p3495" shownumber="no">Few large cities in continental Europe are without one such sodality
connected with some convent of the Sacred Heart. From New York to San
Francisco, Halifax to Buenos Aires, they exist in both Americas. Sydney
and Wellington in Australia have theirs, active and flourishing.
Bishops and pastors find them efficient helpers, and the sovereign
pontiffs have appealed to them, never in vain. Many members have led
lives of eminent usefulness, some have risen to unusual distinction in
the practice of virtue, whilst not a few have died in the odour of
sanctity. Monseigneur Baunard well sums up their character:</p>
<blockquote id="c-p3495.1">A place of honour is here due to thousands upon thousands 
of women and maidens, Children of Mary, whose association, now spread 
throughout France, was born of the desire to serve her and imitate 
her virtues ...  A vast secular association of Christian 
perseverance, it has Mary Immaculate for model and patroness, 
spiritual exercises for means, charity and mutual support for 
resource, and sanctification of self and others for aim the glory of 
the adorable Heart of Jesus for final end.  Associations imitated 
from this type and bearing the same names, are
founded everywhere, and prosper today throughout the Catholic Church
(Un sixcle de l'Eglise de France, Paris, 1902).</blockquote>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3496" shownumber="no">Lady Georgiana Fullerton, herself a president of 
one of these sodalities, thus writes concerning them:</p>

<blockquote id="c-p3496.1">What struck us as eminently, if not peculiarly, 
distinctive of this
institute, is the intense desire, and we might almost say the special
gift, of imparting to those they educate, and those they influence, the
spirit of active apostleship in the world, which is limited to no
particular sphere of action, but spreads itself in every place and
throughout every social circle, where those inspired with it and
trained to it may be thrown. It was the ardent thought of Mother Barat,
and the thought which she was continually placing before her community,
to follow souls through life, and by means of congregations for the
rich and for the poor, never to lose sight of the children educated in
their schools. This thought and this desire led to the foundation of
those associations of the Children of Mary of the Sacred Heart, which
have won so many commendations and encouragements from successive
pontiffs.</blockquote>

<p class="attrib" id="c-p3497" shownumber="no">ALICE POWER</p></def>

<term id="c-p3497.1" title="Chile" type="Encyclopedia">Chile</term>
<def id="c-p3497.2">
<h1 id="c-p3497.3">Chile</h1>
<p id="c-p3498" shownumber="no">(Also written 
<span class="sc" id="c-p3498.1">Chili</span>).</p>
<p id="c-p3499" shownumber="no">A comparatively narrow strip of coast-land in South America between
the Pacific Ocean on the west and the Andes Mountains on the east,
including the watershed. It extends from 17 deg. 30' S. lat. to the
extremity of South America (Cape Horn), about 57 deg. S. lat., thus
including Tierra del Fuego and the islands of Navarino, Hoste, and
smaller isles to the south, besides, in the west, the islands of
ChiloÈ, Wellington, with their surroundings, and farther out in
the Pacific, Juan Fernández. The surface of the country, including
the main islands, is calculated at about 290,000 sq. miles. Chile is
approximately 2500 miles long, while the width varies between 185 and
100 miles. Ascent from the Pacific shore to the eastern crests is
therefore very abrupt, the highest mountain peaks rising to over 22,000
feet in the Aconcgua. The whole chain and its ramifications are dotted
with more than forty volcanoes, some of which are active. Northern
Chile, including the recently occupied Peruvian province of Tacna and
the Bolivian province of Tarapacá, etc. are arid along the coast,
and the soil is alkaline; south of these provinces fertile valleys
abound; the timbered southern extremity is cold, and glaciers reach the
seashore. The eastern shores of the Strait of Magellan are barren. The
agricultural sections of the republic lie almost exclusively in the
temperate zone and are very productive in cereals, fruit, and grapes:
in short, all alimentary products characteristic of temperate regions.
Chile has gold, silver, copper, iron, nitrates, borates and coal; all
of these minerals are worked by the people of the country as well as by
foreign enterprise. The country is therefore progressing rapidly, owing
chiefly to the character of its inhabitants, who distinguish themselves
by energy and intense patriotism. The gold production of Chile from
1544 to August 1894, has been stated at about 9,917,000 ounces. Chile
has, in the southern and central sections, a number of rivers, some of
which are partly navigable, at least for smaller craft. The most
important of these, from south to north are the Cautin or Imperial, the
Biobio, and further north, the Maule, Rapel, and Maipó. The
streams are short and descend from mountain lakes, of which there are a
great number. The southern coast is remarkably indented and the Strait
of Magellan, with countless islands and islets, terminates the mainland
about 53 deg. S. lat. The north of Chile (Tacna, Tarapacá,
Antofagasta and Northern Atacama) is very dry, and rains are scarce.
The climate of the coast, further south, is usually from seven to eight
degrees cooler than that of corresponding latitudes on the Atlantic.
Variations are abrupt, storms frequent, not seldom violent, and rain
falls in great quantities. Towards the extremity of the continent and
in Tierra del Fuego the rains are still heavier, the climate colder,
approaching arctic conditions, with heavy snowfalls. Tempests increase
in violence towards the south, along the coast.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3499.1">POPULATION</h3>
<p id="c-p3500" shownumber="no">According to the census of 1903, the population of Chile numbered
3,205,992 souls, most of whom are Catholics. Of these, however, 15 per
cent were only estimated. In 1895 it included 72,812 foreign residents;
Italians, Germans, and English being the most numerous. Since 1835 the
population had increased threefold. It is the most homogeneous of any
country in South America, the Northern Indians having completely
disappeared as such. In the south, the Araucanians continue to enjoy a
sort of autonomy under military surveillance; their number is variously
stated, but is probably more than 20,000, while some put it as high as
60,000. The number of Patagonian aborigines is inconsiderable, and
Tierra del Fuego has about 4000 inhabitants.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3500.1">GOVERNMENT</h3>
<p id="c-p3501" shownumber="no">The form of government is republican. The legislative power is
vested in Congress, consisting of the Senate and the Chamber of
Deputies. The latter are elected directly in the provinces for a term
of three years, one deputy for every 30,000 inhabitants or fraction
thereof, not less than 15,000. Senators are also elected directly by
the people, one senator for three deputies, or one senator for two
deputies, two if the number of inhabitants does not permit three for
the province. The senators' term of office is six years, at the end of
which they may be re-elected. The president, who is the chief
executive, is chosen by indirect suffrage, that is, by electors chosen
by the people. For judicial purposes the territory is divided into six
sections, at the head of each of which is a Court of Appeals. The
Supreme court is held art the capital, Santiago, and has the
superintendence and direction of all inferior courts. In addition to
the provincial appellate tribunals, there are, in some of the
districts, special judges of criminal and commercial affairs. Chile
consists of twenty-three provinces and the Territory of Magallanes.
Each province is subdivided into departments, each department into
subdelegations, which in turn are composed of districts. At the head of
each province stands an intendant, who is directly dependent on the
president; the departments have their governors, under whom are the
subdelegates, who control the inspectors of each district. The
municipal governments of the provincial capitals are presided over by
the intendants, those of subdelegations by the subdelegate. All
citizens are equal before the law and eligible to public offices,
except in special cases. Residence at all points, association, and
education are free, as also the press. The courts decide all cases of
abuse of the liberty of the press. The great majority of the population
being of Spanish descent, Spanish is the national language, but
foreigners enjoy all reasonable liberties. In 1850 the establishment of
a specifically German colony was begun at Valdivia, and the development
of that province is largely due to German settlers. German immigrants
are numerous throughout Chile, and their business standing is quite
high. The English also have a good share in larger mining operations
and they control to some extent the Chilian lines of steamers on the
Pacific. There are private institutes of education founded and
supported exclusively by foreigners. The Chilian army and navy are the
best in south America. The army has, since the war with Bolivia and
Peru, been specially trained by officers obtained from Germany. The
number of the regular troops is fixed annually by Congress.</p>
<p id="c-p3502" shownumber="no">The metric system obtains in the republic. There are three gold
coins: the condor (20 Chilian pesos, a peso is equivalent to 36½
cents); the doblón (10 pesos), and the escudo (5 pesos); but paper
money and silver are the usual currency. The smallest coins (one and
two cents or centavos) contain 95 per cent of copper and 5 per cent of
nickel. Imports rose, from 1885 to 1905 inclusive, from 44,000,000 to
over 188,000,000 Chilian pesos; exports during the same period, from
51,000,000 to 265,000,000 pesos. The nitrate exports in 1903 alone
amounted to 140,000,000. The exports are chiefly to England and
Germany. The chief commercial port is Valparaiso, established 1543; it
now has a population of 150,000. In 1903, thee were 11,080 miles of
telegraph lines in operation and in 1906, 2875 miles of railroads. On 1
January, 1904, the foreign national debt of Chile amount to 16,449,960
pounds sterling, and the home debt to 103,815,821 Chileian pesos. Sixty
millions of the latter were represented by paper money in
circulation.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3502.1">EDUCATION</h3>
<p id="c-p3503" shownumber="no">The cost of supporting public education is paid by the government
which, in 1903, spent 4, 146,574 pesos for the purpose. Instruction is
free and is divided into primary, secondary, and professional or
superior. Primary instruction is supervised by a body of instructors
headed by an inspector-general. In 1903, there were 1,961 primary
schools with 166,928 pupils and 3608 teachers. Besides, thee were 506
private institutions of primary education, and the private secondary
schools were frequented by 11,184 students. Normal schools for men and
for women also exist. The national institute and the lyceums (11 male
and 4 female), and likewise the university at Santiago, the highest
institution of learning, are under the immediate control of the council
of Public Instruction. Licences to practise law, medicine, and
engineering are issued by the university. Furthermore, there are the
agricultural institute and schools of agriculture and mining, a school
of arts and crafts, academy of painting, pedagogic institute,
conservatory of music, and military and naval schools. The council of
Technical Instruction at Santiago superintends the agricultural
institute, school of arts and crafts, and the professional school for
girls. Public libraries and scientific societies of a rather high order
flourish, and museums exist as well as botanical garden, astronomical
and meteorological observatories, and a hydrographic bureau.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3503.1">RELIGION</h3>
<p id="c-p3504" shownumber="no">While the State religion is Catholic, still the Church has not
enjoyed entire peace. In 1768 the Jesuits, who had begun missionary
work among the Araucanians (q. v.) at the beginning of the seventeenth
or end of the sixteenth century, were expelled. They were re-admitted,
however, in 1843. The State confiscated the church property in 1824,
and fixed a salary for the clergy. Tithes and most of the religious
houses were abolished. In 1883 ecclesiastical tribunals wee placed
under lay supervision, and in 1884 civil marriage was introduced, and
is the only form acknowledged by law. A conflict arose, in 1883,
between Chile and Rome concerning the right of nomination to vacant
sees; this difficulty was satisfactorily adjusted in 1888. Diplomatic
relations are maintained with the Holy See, an internuncio residing
permanently at Santiago.</p>
<p id="c-p3505" shownumber="no">Chile constitutes one ecclesiastical province, comprising the
Archdiocese of Santiago, the suffragan sees of Concepción, San
Carlos de Ancud (Chilóe), and Serena; and the Vicariates Apostolic
of Tarapacá and Antofagasta, both dependent on the congregation of
Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs. In Southern Chile there are
Indian missions conducted by the Franciscan Recollects, the Capuchins,
and the Salesians. There are numerous schools and colleges in the State
conducted by the religious, but even in the public schools religious
instruction is compulsory. (For further religious statistics, see
articles SANTIAGO DE CHILE; CONCEPCION; ANCUD; SERENE; ANTOFAGASTA;
TARAPACA.)</p>
<h3 id="c-p3505.1">HISTORY</h3>
<p id="c-p3506" shownumber="no">Previous to 1535 very little is known of the conditions of the
Indians of Chile. Several, and possibly numerous tribes like the
Quillotanos and Promaucas or Purumaucas, held the northern sections of
the present republic. They, at least the former, may have been of
Peruvian stock, but they have completely disappeared and hardly
anything is known about their idioms. The word 
<i>Chile</i> is variously explained, but there is no certain etymology.
Southern Chile (Paragonia and Tierra del Fuego omitted) appears to have
been held by Indians of Araucanian stock, the warlike people which now
bears that name and is organized into a loose confederacy of tribes,
forming the most considerable cluster. The first Spanish expedition to
Chile was commanded by Diego de Almagro the elder about 1535 and 1536.
It penetrated into Norther chile from Bolivia, across the Atacama
region, and reached as far as the Rio Claro among the Purumaucas. After
an indecisive engagement with that tribe, Almagro retraced his steps to
Cuzco in Peru, there to meet his death. It was only in 1540 that a
permanent conquest was begun, led by Pedro de Valdivia. Valdivia was
more successful that his predecessor. He occupied the country as far as
about 38 deg. S. lat., and came in contact with the Araucanians, who
destroyed him with his entire force on 1 January, 1554. The Indians
north of the Araucanians had been subjected in the years previous,
although not without much resistance and repeated uprisings against the
Spanish invaders. Valdivia had founded at least seven Spanish
settlements, such as Serena, Conceptión, Angol, Imperial, etc. An
Indian war of unequalled duration and fierceness followed. It lasted
with short interruptions for more than two centuries and was brought to
a close only after 1773 by a treaty of peace in which the Araucanians
negotiated with the Spanish officers as an independent and foreign
power. According to the treaty the Araucanians maintained the integrity
of their territory, and were to be represented at Santiago by one of
their chiefs in the quality of an envoy. During the past century, these
conditions were gradually changed, and the Araucanian territory is now
merely the Indian reservation of Chile.</p>
<p id="c-p3507" shownumber="no">The protracted resistance of the Araucanians has no parallel in the
history of America. The Iroquois held their own for not quite two
centuries, but their position, between rival European colonies (first
France and England, then England and the United States) was much more
favourable. They always had a civilized power to fall back upon,
whereas the Araucanians were isolated. The feeble attempts made in the
seventeenth century by Dutch and English corsairs to establish
relations with them had no permanent results. As already mentioned they
displayed a remarkable aptitude for improvement in the art of war,
whereas in the arts of peace they advanced but little. During that
protracted warfare the Spanish colonies in southern Chile were often in
a most critical position, for the Spanish arms sometimes suffered
disastrous reverses. The old settlement of Imperial had to be
definitively abandoned in 1600. In the same year Angol (founded 1553)
suffered the same fate. Tucapel was still more short-lived. The
Araucanians repeatedly destroyed Concepción. In several
engagements in the open field the Indians also obtained considerable
successes, their horsemen encountering Spanish cavalry successfully. In
1563 the governor Pedro de Villagran, was defeated and killed by the
Araucanians. Some of the Spanish leaders, however, like García
Hurtado de Mendoza, obtained signal victories on various occasions.
This state of things was not favourable to a steady development of the
Spanish colony in Chile. Dependent on the Vice-Royalty of Lima, and
frequently molested by English and Dutch filibusters, communication
with the outer world was difficult and occasionally interrupted. Left
mostly to their own resources, the Chilian Spaniards developed into a
hardy and energetic race, proud of having maintained themselves in
spite of adversity.</p>
<p id="c-p3508" shownumber="no">Spain was unable to take care of its colonies in the first decade of
the nineteenth century. A provisional government 
(<i>junta gubernativa</i>) was installed in 1810. Attacked by the
Spanish authorities in Peru, Chile had to resort to arms, but its army,
led by the brave General Bernardo O'Higgins was defeated at Rancagua in
1814, and Spanish authority was restored for a while. At the battle of
Chacabuco, however, (12 February, 1817), and the subsequent action of
Maipo (5 April), the Chilians definitively achieved their independence,
which was formally declared, 12 February, 1818, and recognized by Spain
in 1846. The island of ChiloÈ alone held out for Spain until1826.
Since then Chile has had its internal troubles, though not as many as
other South American republics. The worst was in 1891. Then the people
rose against the attempt of Balmaceda to establish a dictatorial power.
The bloody engagement at La Placilla, in August of that year, ensured
the triumph of the constitutional party. Since then, there have been no
internal troubles. Chile has had several foreign wars. In 1839 the
Chilian army was called to the aid of the Bolivian and Peruvian
opponents of the "Protector" Santa Cruz, who attempted to enforce a
union between Peru and Bolivia. The Chileans and their allies from Peru
achieved a complete victory at Yungay, January, 1839, and the Chilian
flag was displayed in Northern Peru. In 1866 a difficulty arose with
Spain that brought about the bombardment of Valparaiso by a Spanish
squadron. Finally war broke out between Chile and Bolivia, afterwards
also with Peru, in the course of which the Chilian forces destroyed the
Peruvian navy, penetrated victoriously as near Central Bolivia as Puno,
occupied the whole of the Peruvian coast after severe campaigning, and
even reached Cajamarca in Northern Peru. As a result of this long and
serious contest (in which Lima was taken after several bloody
engagements) Chile obtained possession of the maritime provinces of
Bolivia and the Peruvian department of Tacna. A truce, which has not
yet been converted into a formal treaty of peace, was made in 1884,
putting an end to these hostilities.</p>
<p id="c-p3509" shownumber="no">For the works on the anthropology of Chile, see article ARAUCANIANS.
The natural history (and also the anthropology) of Chile has been the
subject of exhaustive treatment by CLAUDIO GAY, Historia Fisica y
Política de Chile (Paris and Santiago 1844 - 1854). In the
Verhandlungen des deutschen wissenschaftlichen Vereins (Santiago), much
valuable material is found, especially by PHILLIPPI and R. LENZ. The
very numerous official publications of the Chilian Government afford a
great wealth of statistics, condensed in the publications of the BUREAU
OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS, at Washington; in the work of ADOLFO ORTUZAR, Le
Chili de nos jours, in Annuaire national (Paris, 1906), of ESPINOXA,
Geografía descriptiva de la República de Chile (Santiago,
1897), of ENRIQUE DE SILVA, Ensayo de una bibliografía
histórica y geográfica de Chile (Santiago, 1902), and of
several others. For the history of Chile the two very important
collections, Historiadores primitivos de Chile, begun by BARROS ARANA,
and the Documentos inÈditos para la historia de Chile, must be
consulted, since they contain most, if not all, of the older literature
on the country and its inhabitants. To these must be added BARROS
ARANA, Historia general de Chile (Santiago, 1884 - 1885); also,
Documentos inÈditos del Archivo de Indias; La Provincia
Eclesiástica Chilena (Freiburg, 1895).</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3510" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3510.1" title="Chimalpain, Domingo (San Anton y Munon)" type="Encyclopedia">Domingo (San Anton y Munon) Chimalpain</term>
<def id="c-p3510.2">
<h1 id="c-p3510.3">Domingo (San Anton y Muñon) Chimalpain</h1>
<p id="c-p3511" shownumber="no">A Mexican Indian of the second half of the sixteenth and the first
half of the seventeenth centuries, who received a liberal education in
the colleges for Indians of Mexico City under the direction of the
clergy. His family having acquired some wealth, he undertook the
investigation of the antiquities of his race, and wrote several works
in Spanish and Nahuatl, one of which was published by Bustamante as the
chronicle of Gomara, of which it appears to be either a copy or a
paraphrase. He is credited with the following books, although it is not
yet certain how far the attribution of authorship is correct: "Historia
mexicana antigua"; Crónica de México desde el año 1068
hasta el de 1597"; Apuntamientos de sucesos desde 1064 hasta 1521";
"Relaciones originales de los Reinos de Aculhuacan, Mexico, etc.";
"Relación de la Conquista de México por los
Españoles".</p>
<p class="attrib" id="c-p3512" shownumber="no">AD. F. BANDELIER</p>
</def>

<term id="c-p3512.1" title="China" type="Encyclopedia">China</term>
<def id="c-p3512.2">
<h1 id="c-p3512.3">China</h1>
<p id="c-p3513" shownumber="no">The Chinese Empire, the largest political division of Eastern Asia,
extends from 18°10' to 53°45' N. lat., and from 73°47'
to 134°25' E. long. It includes China proper or the Eighteen
Provinces (Shi-pa-sheng), theoretically a subject territory of
Manchuria, the cradle of the present dynasty, and the dependencies:
Mongolia, Ili (or Sin-kiang), and Tibet. It boundaries are</p>
<ul id="c-p3513.1">
<li id="c-p3513.2">on the north, Siberia;</li>
<li id="c-p3513.3">west, Russian Turkistan;</li>
<li id="c-p3513.4">south, British India;</li>
<li id="c-p3513.5">southeast, Burma and Tong-king;</li>
<li id="c-p3513.6">east, the Pacific Ocean;</li>
<li id="c-p3513.7">northeast, Korea.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3514" shownumber="no">This article is concerned only with China
proper.</p>

<h3 id="c-p3514.1">AREA AND POPULATION</h3>
<p id="c-p3515" shownumber="no">Roughly speaking, the Eighteen Provinces occupy nearly one-third of
the surface of the empire. The area of China proper is estimated in
round numbers at 2,000,000 square miles; Père Richard gives
1,532,800. The length is 1860, the breadth 1520, miles. According to
the official trade returns for 1906, the estimated population of China
was 438,214,000, which includes that of Feng-tien (Manchurian Province,
16,000,000). The "Almanach de Gotha" (1904) and the "Statesman's
Yearbook" (1905) give for the Eighteen Provinces 319,510,000 and
407,335,305 respectively but Hon. W.W. Rockhill in a careful study
(Smithson, Miscel. Col., quart. issue 27, part III) gives so low a
figure as 270,000,000. The population at various epochs is as
follows:</p>
<ul id="c-p3515.1">
<li id="c-p3515.2">in 1390, 60,545.812;</li>
<li id="c-p3515.3">in 1500, 53,281,153;</li>
<li id="c-p3515.4">in 1619, 60,692,856;</li>
<li id="c-p3515.5">time of Macartney, 333,000,000;</li>
<li id="c-p3515.6">in 1842, 419,600,000;</li>
<li id="c-p3515.7">in 1894, 412,800,000.</li>
</ul>
<h3 id="c-p3515.8">NAMES</h3>
<p id="c-p3516" shownumber="no">The Chinese call their empire 
<i>Chung kwo</i> (Middle Kingdom), a name first applied to Ho-nan, the
country of the Chou dynasty; a Chinaman is designated 
<i>Chung-kwo-jen</i> or man of the Middle Kingdom; in diplomacy China
is 
<i>Ta-ts'ing Kwo</i> (the great empire of Ts'ing, the present dynasty)
as it was formerly 
<i>Ta Ming Kwo</i> (the great empire of Ming). In literature it is
called 
<i>T'ien Hia</i> (Under Heaven), 
<i>Sze Hai</i> [the four (surrounding) seas], 
<i>Chung Hwa Kwo</i> (the Middle Flowery Kingdom); some names refer to
celebrated dynasties, 
<i>Hwa Hia</i> (glorious Hia), 
<i>Han-jen</i> or 
<i>Han-tze</i> (men or sons of Han), 
<i>T'ang-jen</i> or 
<i>T'ang-shan</i> (men or mountains of T'ang).</p>
<p id="c-p3517" shownumber="no">The Arabs called China 
<i>Sin, Chin, Mahachin, Machin</i>. The 
<i>Sinæ</i> and 
<i>Seres</i> of Ptolemy and other classic writers probably represent
the Chinese. In the Middle Ages, Europeans made a distinction between
Northern (Cathay) and Southern (Manzi) China. It is probable that the
name China, from the Ts'in dynasty (third century B.C.), reached the
West by way of Burma and India.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3517.1">PHYSICAL FEATURES</h3>
<p id="c-p3518" shownumber="no">Coast and Islands The Pacific Ocean bears several names; to the
south it is called Nan-Hai, or South (China) Sea, farther up the coast,
Tung-hai, or Eastern Sea, and Hwang-Hai, or Yellow Sea. The coast forms
a semicircle, the islands of the Che-kiang province (123x E. long.
Greenwich), extending farthest east; to the north is the gulf of Chi-li
and Shan-tung Peninsula; to the south the gulf of Tong-king, the Island
of Hai-nan, and Lei-chou Peninsula. There are also</p>
<ul id="c-p3518.1">
<li id="c-p3518.2">the Gulf of Liao-tung, Miao-tao Islands, the Chusan Archipelago,
with Ting-hai and the celebrated pilgrimage of P'u-tu, the islands of
Amoy, Sam-sa, Hai-t'an, Kin-men, T'ung-shan, Tai-wan or Formosa (now
Japanese);</li>
<li id="c-p3518.3">Nan-hai, Mirs bay (Ta'p'ong-hai), Hiang-kiang (Hong Kong), Lappa,
and Kwang-chou Bays;</li>
<li id="c-p3518.4">the islands of Namoa, Hong-Kong, Lan-tao, Lamma Archipelago, the
Ladrones (Lao-wan-chan), the Chw'an Islands (Shang-chw'an, also called
San-cian or St. John's, where St. Francis Xavier died in 1552),
Hia-ch'wan, and the Parcels (Ta'i-chou).</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3519" shownumber="no">The first beacon light was kindled at the mouth of the Yang-tze in
1855; the first light-house was erected on the island of Kung-tung,
near Che-fu, in 1867. In 1907 the coast and ports of China had:</p>
<ul id="c-p3519.1">
<li id="c-p3519.2">116 lighthouses,</li>
<li id="c-p3519.3">5 lightships.</li>
<li id="c-p3519.4">24 light boats,</li>
<li id="c-p3519.5">137 buoys,</li>
<li id="c-p3519.6">10 beacons,</li>
</ul>
<p class="continue" id="c-p3520" shownumber="no">392 in all.</p>

<h4 id="c-p3520.1">Rivers</h4>
<p id="c-p3521" shownumber="no">The chief river is the Yang-tze, called simply Ta-Kiang (Great
River) or Kiang (River); as far as the Sze-ch'wan bend it is called
Kin-sha-kiang; its general course is from west to east and its length
about 4000 miles. It is navigable from the ocean to I-cha'ang, and
semi-navigable, on account of rapids from I'-cha'ang to
P'ing-shan-hien. In the province of Sze-ch'wan its tributaries, on the
left, are the Ya-lung-kiang, the Min-kiang (Ch'eng-tu River), and the
Kia-ling-kiang; on the right the Ho-kiang and the Wu-kiang; in Hu-pe it
receives on the left the Han-kiang; in Kiang-su it crosses the Grand
Canal; near its mouth it receives the Hwang-pu or Shanghai River; at
its estuary it is divided into two branches by Chung-ming Island; it
waters the cities of Ching-kiang, Nan-king, Wu-hu, Ngan-king,
Kiu-kiang, Han-kou, I-ch'ang, Ch'ung-king, Sui-fu, and P'ing-shan.</p>
<p id="c-p3522" shownumber="no">Mention should be made of the following rivers:</p>
<ul id="c-p3522.1">
<li id="c-p3522.2">north of the Yang-tze the Liao-ho which rises in the great K'ingan,
north-east of Dolon-nor, and waters Southern Manchuria;</li>
<li id="c-p3522.3">the Pai-ho (Hai-ho), which flows through T'ien-tsin; at its mouth
is Taku, formerly with forts at the entrance;</li>
<li id="c-p3522.4">the Hwang-Ho (Yellow River) or simply the Ho, which is nearly as
long as the Yang-tze, and is the scourge of China on account of its
floods; in its middle course it forms a large bend, where it runs down
between the provinces of Shen-si and Shan-si, encircling the regions of
the Ordos country; it receives on the right its principal tributary,
the large river Wei, and on the left the Fen-ho; at one time it ran
into the Yellow Sea, south of the Shang-tung Peninsula, but now it
follows the course of the Ts'i-ho and runs north of the peninsula; the
basin of the Ho is considered the cradle of China.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3523" shownumber="no">South of the Yang-tze are:</p>
<ul id="c-p3523.1">
<li id="c-p3523.2">the Ts'ien-tang-kiang;</li>
<li id="c-p3523.3">the Hang-chou River, celebrated on account of its bore;</li>
<li id="c-p3523.4">the Min-kiang, formed by the Kien-k'i, the Shoa-wu-k'i, and the
Ning-hwa-k'i;</li>
<li id="c-p3523.5">the Fu-chou River.</li>
<li id="c-p3523.6">The Si-kiang (West River) from Yun-nan receives on the right the
Yu-kiang, already increased by the influx of the Tso-kiang, the
Nan-ning River; on the left of the Liu-kiang, the Pei (North) kiang;
just this side of Chao-k'ing-fu, the Si-kiang divides into a number of
branches; the north branch which waters Canton is called Chu-kiang or
Pearl River and flows into the sea through the Hu-men, called also the
Bocca Tigris or the Bogue, into which also empties from the East the
Tung-kiang.</li>
<li id="c-p3523.7">The Grand or Imperial Canal, called the Yo-ho or the Yun-ho, was
begun, it is said, during the sixth century B.C., and was finished only
in A.D. 1283 under the Mongol dynasty; it runs from T'ien-tsin to
Hang-chou, crossing the Yang-tze at Chin-kiang and is the water-course
of the Great Plain.</li>
</ul>
<b>Lakes</b>
<p id="c-p3524" shownumber="no">The chief lakes are the T'ung-ting in the Hunan province and the
P'o-yang in the Kiang-si, both south of the Yang-tze by the Yo-chou
Canal; the latter is fed by the Kan-kiang. Mention should also be made
of the Ta-hu near Su-chou (Kiang-su) and the Si-hu, near Hang-chou
(Che-kiang).</p>
<h4 id="c-p3524.1">Mountains</h4>
<p id="c-p3525" shownumber="no">The two chief mountain ranges of China, offshoots of the highlands
of Tibet, are the Eastern Kwen-lun and the Nan-shan. The Eastern
Kwen-lun include the A-la-shan and the Kan-su mountains; the
Ts'in-ling, between the Hwang-ho and the Yang-tze; the Min-shan and the
Kiu-lun. The Nan-shan or Nan-ling extend from Yun-nan, Kwei-chou and
Kwang-si, between the Yang-tze and the Si-kiang, to Kwang-tung and
Fu-kien, their last spurs appearing in the Chusan Archipelago. Mention
should also be made of the O-mi-shan, i.e., Mount O-mi (in Sze-ch'wan),
the Wu-t'ai-shan (north Shan-si), and the Dokerla, near Aten-tze, all
celebrated pilgrim resorts. The Great Plain of China extends from
T'ien-tsin to Hang-chou, forming part of the provinces of Chi-li,
Ho-nan, Ngan-hwei, Kiang-su, and western Shang-tung; it may be
considered the valley of the Great Canal. A certain deposit called 
<i>loess</i> or 
<i>hwang-t'u</i> (yellow earth) covers a great part of Kan-su, Shen-si,
and particularly Shan-si; this tertiary formation is characterized by
its tendency to split vertically and by the numerous clefts caused by
erosion; the caves in this deposit are easily deepened and often serve
as dwelling for the inhabitants; it is exceedingly fertile for which
reasons the Shan-si province has been called the "granary of the
empire".</p>
<h3 id="c-p3525.1">POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY</h3>
<p id="c-p3526" shownumber="no">The territorial divisions of the Chinese Empire have varied greatly
at different times. Under Emperor Yu the Great and the Hia dynasty, the
capital was Yang-hia (in Ho-nan), and China was divided into nine 
<i>chou</i>: K'e, Ts'ing, Yen, Su, Yu, Yung, Leang, King, and Yang.
Under the Shang the capital was Po, near modern Kwei-té-fu
(Ho-nan), and the division remained the same. Under the Chou (1122-660
B.C.) the capitals were successively Hao (Ch'ang-ngan) and Lo-yang (781
B.C.), and there were still nine 
<i>chou</i>: You, Ping, Yen, Ch'ing, Ch'e, Yung, Yu, Chin, Yang. During
the period covered by the "Spring and Autumn Annals" of Confucius
(781-519 B.C.) the capital was Lo-yang and there were the following
kingdoms: Chou (1122-249), Loo (1121-248), Wei (1077-413), Ts'ai
(1106-446), Tsin (1106-376), Ts'aou (1051-486). Ch'eng (805-374), Woo
(1290-472), Yen (863-221), Ch'en (853-478), Sung (1077-285), T'se
(1076-220), T'su (1077-222), T'sin (908-245). Under the Ts'in dynasty
(220-204 B.C.) China was divided into 36 kiun. Under the Han dynasty
(206 B.C. to A.D. 25) the capital was Ch'ang-ngan; there were 103
principalities, 241 marquisates, 32 
<i>tao</i> or provinces, 1314 
<i>hien</i>. Under the Eastern Han dynasty (A.D. 25-220), there were 13

<i>chou</i> and the capital was Lo-yang. The capitals of China were in
turn or at the same time: Lo-Yang (Wei dynasty), Ch'eng-tu (Shu of
Sze-ch'wan), Kien-kang, or Nan-king (Wu), Hang-chou (Southern Sung,
420-477), Ta-tung (Northern Wei, 386-532), Ch'ang-ngan (Sui, 581-618),
Lo-yang (T'ang, 618-907), K'ai-feng and Hang-chou (Sung, 960-1126),
Peking, called Yen-king under the Kin, and Cambalue under the Yuan.
During the Mongol period China was divided into ten sheng or provinces;
under the Ming dynasty there were fifteen sheng, Kan-su having been
taken from Shen-si, Kiang-nan being divided into Kiang-su and
Ngan-hwei, and Hu-kwang into Hu-pe and Hu-nan. There are now eighteen
provinces. At one time Formosa formed one province; Kiang-hwai, or
Northern kiang-su, was temporarily detached from Kiang-su (1905).</p>
<h4 id="c-p3526.1">The Eighteen Provinces</h4>
<p id="c-p3527" shownumber="no">The Eighteen Provinces (Shi-pa-sheng) consist of: (1) Chi-li
(meaning direct rule), in which is Peking (Shun-t'ien-fu), the capital
of the empire. The capital is Pao-ting; principal places Sien-hwa,
Chen-te (Shehol), Yung-p'ing, T'ien-tsin, Ho-kien, Chen-ting; mention
should also be made of Shang-hai-kwan, the most important pass through
the Great Wall, Dolon-nor (Lama-miao), the old summer residence of the
Mongol emperors; the population is 29,400,000. (2) Shang-tung (east of
the mountain, the Heng-shan); capital, Tsi-nan; principal places:
Tsi-ning-chou; Ts'ing-chou-fu, Chou-ts'un, Lai-chou, Teng-chou, the
treaty port Che-fu, the British establishment Wei-hei-wei, the German
port T'sing-tao (Kiao-chou); the T'ai-shan is a celebrated place of
pilgrimage. Confucius and Mencius were born in this province;
population 38,000,000 (3) Shang-si (west of the mountain); capital,
T'ai-yuan-fu; primcipal products, coal and iron; principal mountain,
Wu-t'ai-shan; principal cities: Kwei-hwa-ch'eng (also called 
<i>Kuku-choto</i> or blue city), Ta-tung, P'ing-yang-fu,
P'ing-ting-chou; the population of Shan-si, Shen-si, Kan-su, Ho-nan,
and Kwei-chou is estimated at 55,000,000. (4) Ho-nan [south of the
river (the Hwang-ho)]; capital, K'ai-feng; near Ho-nan-fu, is the
sacred mountain Sung, to the west of which is situated the lung-men
defile, whose banks are adorned with ancient sculptures, (5) Kiang-su
[first syllables of Kiang-ning (Nan-king) and Su-chou]; capital,
Su-chou; principal city Kiang-ning (Nan-king), formerly capital of the
empire, and now residence of the viceroy of the Liang-kiang or Two
Kiangs; chief cities, Shanghai, the most important trading mart of
China, and Yang-chou on the Grand Canal; population 23,980,000. (6)
Ngan-hwei (first syllables of Ngan-k'ing and Hwei-chou); capital
Ngan-k'ing on the left bank of the Yang-tze; principal places Wu-hu, a
treaty port, Hwei-chou, Feng-yang, the birthplace of the Mings;
population, 36,000,000. (7) Kiang-si (west of the Kiang); capital
Nan-ch'ang, on the Kan-kiang, south of the celebrated P'o-yang lake;
principal places Kiu-kiang, a treaty port, Yao-chou, King-te-chen, the
centre of the manufacture of porcelain, with 100,000 workmen;
population 25,534,000. (8) Che-kiang (crooked river); capital,
Hang-chou, on the left bank of the T'sien-tang, near the celebrated
Lake Si-hu; principal places: Hu-chou, Shao-hing, Ning-po, Ting-hai,
Lan-k'i-hien, Kin-hwa; population 11,800,000. (9) Fu-kien (first
syllables of Fu-chou and Kien-ning); capital, Fu-chou on the left bank
of the Min; principal places: Ts'ean-chou, Amoy (Hiamen), Chang-chou,
T'ung-ngan, Yen-p'ing, Kien-ning, Ch'ung-ngan, Lien-kiang, Fu-ning;
population, 20,000,000. (10) Hu-pe (north of the lake, Tung-t'ing);
capital, Wu-ch'ang, on the right bank of the Yang-tze at the mouth of
the Han-ho; opposite, on the right bank of the Han, is Han-yang, on the
left Han-kou; other important places, I-ch'ang, Sha-shi, Siang-yang;
population, 34,000,000. (11) Hunan (south of the lake); capital,
Ch'ang-sha, on the right bank of the Siang-kiang; principal places,
Heng-chou, Siang-t'an, Siang-yin, Yo-Chou, and the great market-city
Ch'ang-te; population 22,000,000. (12) Kwang-tung (east of the Kwang);
capital, Kwang-chou (Canton) after 1664, when it superseded
Chou-k'ing-fu; principal places: Chao-chou, Fa-chan, Swatow, Pak-hoi,
Kiung-chou (Hai-nan); population 32,000,000. (13) Kwang-si (west of the
Kwang); capital, Kwei-lin, on the Kwei-kiang; principal places, Wu-chou
on the Si-kiang, Nan-ning of the Yu-kiang, Lung-chou on the Tso-kiang;
Liu-chou on the Liu-kiang, Po-se; population 8,000,000. (14) Yun-nan
(south of the clouds); capital, Yun-nan-fu; Principal places: Ta-li-fu,
capital of the Mohammedan rebels, Tung-ch'wan, Chao-t'ung, Meng-tze,
Sze-mao, Aten-tze, Momein (Teng-yueh); this province has a large
foreign population, chiefly Minchia, Lolos, Miao-tze, etc.; population,
8,000,000. (15) Kwai-chou (precious region); capital Kwei-yang;
principal places: Tsun-i-fu, Pi-tsieh-hien, Ngan-shun, Hing-i-fu. (16)
Shen-si (west of the Shen T'ung-kwan Pass), capital Si-ngan-fu near the
Wei-ho where the imperial court repaired during the Boxer rebellion
(1900); principal places: Han-chung, Hing-ngan. (17) Kan-su (first
syllables of Kan-chou and Su-chou); capital, Lan-chou, on the right
bank of the Wang-ho; principal places: Si-ning; to the southwest the
celebrated monastery Gum-bum, Ning-hia, Liang-chou, Kan-chou, Su-chou.
(18) Sze-ch'wan (four rivers, i.e., Yang-tze, Min, Ch'ung, and
Kia-ling); capital, Ch'eng-tu, in a large and rich plain,
well-irrigated; principal places: Ta-tsien-lu, Ya-chou, Kia-ting,
Su-chou or Sui-fu, Sh'un-king, Wan, Ling-yuen, capital of Kien-ch'ang,
the Lolo region, Li-tang, and Ba-tang; population, 79,500,000;
estimated in 1904 by A. Hosie at 45,000,000.</p>
<p id="c-p3528" shownumber="no">The following abbreviations are used in the customs, postal, and
telegraphic services:</p>
<ul id="c-p3528.1">
<li id="c-p3528.2">An. Ngan-hwei</li>
<li id="c-p3528.3">Che. Che-kiang</li>
<li id="c-p3528.4">Chi. Chi-li</li>
<li id="c-p3528.5">Fu. Fu-kien</li>
<li id="c-p3528.6">Hei. Hei-lung-kiang (Manchuria)</li>
<li id="c-p3528.7">Ho. Ho-nan</li>
<li id="c-p3528.8">Hun. Hu-nan</li>
<li id="c-p3528.9">Hup. Hu-pe</li>
<li id="c-p3528.10">Kan. Kan-su</li>
<li id="c-p3528.11">Ki. Kiang-si</li>
<li id="c-p3528.12">King. Sheng-king</li>
<li id="c-p3528.13">Kir. Kirin (Manchuria)</li>
<li id="c-p3528.14">Ku. Kiang-su</li>
<li id="c-p3528.15">Kwei. Kwei-chou</li>
<li id="c-p3528.16">Man. Manchuria</li>
<li id="c-p3528.17">Sha. Shan-si</li>
<li id="c-p3528.18">Sht. Shan-tung</li>
<li id="c-p3528.19">Si. Kwang-si</li>
<li id="c-p3528.20">Sin. Sin-kiang</li>
<li id="c-p3528.21">Sze. Sze-ch'wan</li>
<li id="c-p3528.22">Tung. Kwang-tung</li>
<li id="c-p3528.23">Yun. Yun-nan</li>
</ul>
<h3 id="c-p3528.24">ETHNOGRAPHY</h3>
<p id="c-p3529" shownumber="no">It would be a great mistake to think that the Chinese people are all
of one race. The ordinary Chinaman is of middle size, strongly built,
with a round, full face, high cheekbones, a short, depressed nose,
thick lips, and fine teeth. His eyes are black and often oblique, his
complexion varying between pale white and dark brown; his forehead
shaven, and his coarse black hair hanging down his back in a plait; his
beard is black and scanty, his feet small. The true Chinaman, that is
to say, the native of the central provinces, from the banks of the
Hwang-ho and lower Yang-tze, differs greatly from his countrymen of the
maritime provinces of Kwang-tung and Fu-kien. Not only are there racial
differences between the various types of Chinese, but still further
differences arise from the various people living on the borders as well
as in the provinces. On the north, the Tatars, Manchus, and Mongols, on
the west the Tibetans are important groups. The Chinese call the
non-Chinese tribes "barbarians", or Yi, Fan, and Man; the term Yi was
used to designate Europeans and was prohibited by Article 51 of the
British Treaty of T'ien tsin (1858); Fan-lao or Fan-jen according to S.
W. Williams was used at Canton for foreigners; the general names Man
and Mantze are employed more particularly in the West and South and
include such non-Chinese as the Yao, Chwang, Tho, Lolo, or Y-kia,
Chung-kia, Si-fan, Miao tribes, etc. dispersed through Sze-ch'wan and
Yun-nan, while the Hakkas reside in Kwang-tung. There are also savage
tribes in Formosa, on the western slope of the central range of
mountains.</p>
<p id="c-p3530" shownumber="no">The queue 
(<i>pien-tze</i>) worn by the Chinese and so characteristic of the race,
was imported by Manchu conquerors in 1627. To compress the feet of the
females is far from being a universal custom, and has no connection
with position or fortune, Manchu ladies (i.e., those of imperial
family) and most of the southern women do not treat their feet in this
unnatural way; there are no trustworthy data as to the origin of this
torture, which goes back, some say, to A.D. 583. A few years ago some
European ladies started an anti foot-binding movement under the name of

<i>Tien Tsu Hwei</i>, which seems to have met with a fair amount of
success. Some Chinese, especially scholars, wear extraordinarily long
nails, which are intended to show their owners are above manual labor.
Sometimes they sheath their nails with brass of silver.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3530.1">GOVERNMENT</h3>
<p id="c-p3531" shownumber="no">Since the beginning of the fifteenth century the seat of government
has been Peking (northern court), its name being Shun-tien-fu in the
Chi-li province; the southern court (Nan-king) was Kiang-ning in the
Kiang-su province, the capital of the empire in the beginning of the
Ming dynasty. The emperor is styled Hwang-ti (emperor) or Hwang-sheng,
Wan-sui Yeh, Tien-tze (son of heaven), T'ien-wang (heavenly prince);
the empress is styled Hwang-heu or Chung-kung; where there are two
empresses they are designated Tung-kung and Si-kung (respectively
eastern and western, according to the part of the palace they live in.
The heir apparent is the Hwang-t'ai-tze; the hereditary imperial
nobility include:</p>
<ul id="c-p3531.1">
<li id="c-p3531.2">T'sin-wang, prince of the first order;</li>
<li id="c-p3531.3">Kiun-wang, of the second order;</li>
<li id="c-p3531.4">Pei-leh (Bei-leh) of the third order;</li>
<li id="c-p3531.5">Pei-tze, of the fourth order;</li>
<li id="c-p3531.6">Fung-ngen Chen Kwo-kung, duke of the first order;</li>
<li id="c-p3531.7">Fung-ngen Fu Kwo-kung, of the second order;</li>
<li id="c-p3531.8">Pu-ju, Pa-fen Chen Kwo-kung, of the third order;</li>
<li id="c-p3531.9">Pu-ju, Pa-fen Fu Kwo-kung, of the fourth order;</li>
<li id="c-p3531.10">Chen-Kwo Tsaing-kiun,</li>
<li id="c-p3531.11">Fu-Kwo Tsaing-kiun,</li>
<li id="c-p3531.12">Fung-Kwo Tsaing-kiun, and</li>
<li id="c-p3531.13">Fung-ngen Tsiang-kiun, generalissimos of the first, second, third,
and fourth clases respectively.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3532" shownumber="no">The Tsung-shi are the imperial clansmen, descendants of Hien Tsu
(1583-1615), the founder of the Manchu dynasty, and are distinguished
by their yellow girdles; all affairs relating to the imperial family
are treated by the Tsung-jen-fu, the Imperial Clan Court. There are
eight princely families with perpetual inheritance:</p>
<ul id="c-p3532.1">
<li id="c-p3532.2">Li T'sin-wang, Prince of Li;</li>
<li id="c-p3532.3">Jui T'sin-wang, Prince of Jui;</li>
<li id="c-p3532.4">Yu T'sin-wang, Prince of Yu;</li>
<li id="c-p3532.5">Su T'sin-wang, Prince of Su;</li>
<li id="c-p3532.6">Cheng T'sin-wang, Prince of Cheng;</li>
<li id="c-p3532.7">Chwang T'sin-wang, Prince of Chwang;</li>
<li id="c-p3532.8">Shun-ch'éng Kiun-wang, Prince of Shun-ch'éng;</li>
<li id="c-p3532.9">K'e-k'in Kiun-wang, Prince of K'e-k'in.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3533" shownumber="no">I Ts'in Wang, Prince of I, not included in the eight, is also
perpetual.</p>
<p id="c-p3534" shownumber="no">The central government includes: (1) the Kiun-ki Ch'u, Council of
State, created by Yung Chéng in April, 1732, including a few
ministers and sixty secretaries, Chang-king; (2) the Nei-ko or Grand
Secretariat, including four grand secretaries, Ta-heo-she of Chung
T'ang, two Manchus, and two Chinese, each designated by one of the
pavilions of the Imperial Palace: Wen Hwa-tien, Wu Ying-tien, T'i
Jen-ko, Tung-ko; under the Ming dynasty the Chung T'ang were called
Ko-lao; this was the title of the celebrated Paul Siu (Siu K'wang-k'i);
two assistant grand secretaries styled Hie-pan Ta-hio-she; (3) the
ministerial boards or Liu Pu, which, prior to 1906, numbered six: Li
Pu, Board of Civil Appointments; Hu Pu, Board of Review; Li Pu, Board
of Rites; Ping Pu, board of War; Hing Pu, Board of Justice; Kung Pu,
Board of Public Works. The Yo Pu or Board of State Music is a
dependency of the Board of Rites. Some of these boards or ministries
have been remodelled, and new ones created since 1906, and they now
include, besides the Wai-wu Pu, the following boards: Li Pu, the Board
of Civil Office; the Min-cheng Pu, Board of Home Affairs; the Tu-chi
Pu, Board of Finance; Hio Pu, Board of Education or of Public
Instruction; Fa Pu, Board of Justice; Lu-kiun Pu, Ministry of War;
Nung-kung-shang Pu, Board of Agriculture, Works, and Commerce; the
Yu-chw'an Pu, board of Posts and Communications, including steam
navigations, posts, and telegraphs; Li Pu, Board of Rites; Siun-king
Pu, Board of Public Safety. Previous to 1906, each board had two
presidents (Shang-su), Manchu and Chinese, two senior vice-presidents,
(Tso She-Lang), and two junior vice-presidents, (Yeo She-Lang); there
are now one president and two vice-presidents. The Tsung-li Ko
Kwo-she-wu Yamen, commonly called Tsung-li Yamen, the Foreign Office,
was created by Hien Fung, 20 January, 1861, after the war with France
and England; previously foreign affairs had been dealt with by the Li
Fan-yuan, board for the administration of vassal countries, controlling
Mongolia, Tibet, etc., and formerly Russia; the Li Fan-yuan has now
become a ministry of colonies; the Tsung-li Yamen was replaced (23
July, 1901) by the Wai-wu Pu. The Court of Censors or Censorate (Tu
Ch'a Yuan) has two presidents (Tu Yu-she), four vice-presidents,
twenty-four supervising censors (Liu k'o), divided into six boards, and
thirty-eight censors (Yu-che) distributed over fifteen Tao or circuits.
The Han-lin Yuan, college of academicians, has two presidents
(Chang-yuan Hio-she). There are also the Kwo Tze Kien or imperial
college, and K'in-t'ien Kien, or board of astronomy, etc.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3534.1">PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION</h3>
<p id="c-p3535" shownumber="no">There are eighteen provinces (Shi-pa-sheng); these sheng are divided
into Tao (circuits), Fu (prefectures), T'ing (independent
sub-prefectures), Chou, and Hien; independent Chou are called Chi-li
Chou. The Eighteen Provinces, together with Sin-kiang, are under eight
governors general or viceroys (Tsung-tu or Che-t'ai) and twelve
governors, three of whom are independent. The eight viceroyalities are
the Chi-li, Liang-kiang (including Kiang-su, Ngan-hwei, and Kiang-si),
Min-che (Fu-kien, Che-kiang), Liang-hou (Hu-pe, Hu-nan), Liang-kwang
(Kwang-tung, Kwang-si), Yun-kwei (Yun-nan, Kwei-chou), Shen-kan
(Shen-si, Kan-su), and Sze-ch'wan. Each province is presided over by a
governor, (Siun-fu, Fu-t'ai) except Chi-li, Fu-kien, Kan-su,
Sze-ch'wan, Kwang-tung, Yun-nan, and Kan-su; there is one in Sin-kiang;
the Fu-t'ai of Shang-tung, Shan-si, and Ho-nan are not under a
governor-general, but are directly under Peking. Immediately after the
governor are the high provincial treasurer (Pu-cheng She-sze or
Fan-t'ai), the high provincial judge (Ngan-ch'a She-sze or Nieh-t'ai),
the salt controller (Yen-yun She-sze), and the grain intendant
(Liang-tao); these various officials constitute each provincial
government under the collective name of Tu-fu Sze-tao. Next in order
come the Fen-siun Tao; the intendant of a circuit (Tao-t'ai--98 in
all), the prefect of a Fu (Che-fu--181), the T'ung-che (170); the
T'ung-p'an (141); the Che-chou (140); the Che Hien, district magnate
(1290); there is a Hio-cheng (Hio-yuan, Hio-t'ai), or provincial
director of instruction in each province, who presides at the
prefectural examinations.</p>
<p id="c-p3536" shownumber="no">The Chinese functionaries known to Europeans as Mandarin (from 
<i>mandar</i>, to command) are called Kwan by the Chinese; there are
nine ranks of kwan, divided into civil and military officials, who are
distinguished by the button worn on the official hat, by the square
embroidered badge on the breast and back of official robes (a bird for
the civil, a quadruped for the military, and by the clasp of the
girdle. 
</p>
<p id="c-p3537" shownumber="no">A provincial official down to Tao-t'ai inclusive is styled Ta-jen
(great man); from Che Fu to Che Hien, the name is Ta Lao-ye (great old
father); for the rest Lao-ye (old father). Various forms of distinction
are awarded for public services; the principle if the Ling-che (the
feather) of which there are three grades corresponding to degrees of
distinction: the three-eyed, the two-eyed, and the one-eyed peacock
feather (K'ung Tsio-ling) and the crow feather (Lan-ling, blue
feather). The chief distinction for military men is the Hing-kwa or
Hwang-ma-kwa (yellow riding jacket). there are nine degrees of
nobility, either transmissible to a certain number of ancestors or
descendants (she-si), or hereditary forever (she-si-wang):</p>
<ul id="c-p3537.1">
<li id="c-p3537.2">Kung (duke),</li>
<li id="c-p3537.3">Hou (marquis),</li>
<li id="c-p3537.4">Pe (earl--together designated as Ch'ao P'in),</li>
<li id="c-p3537.5">Tze (viscount),</li>
<li id="c-p3537.6">Nan (baron),</li>
<li id="c-p3537.7">K'ing-ch'e Tu-yu,</li>
<li id="c-p3537.8">K'i-tu-yu,</li>
<li id="c-p3537.9">Yun-k'i-yu.</li>
</ul>

<p class="continue" id="c-p3538" shownumber="no">The translations sometimes given the first five titles are
indicated in parentheses. The residence of a mandarin holding a seal is
called 
<i>Yamen</i>; that of a mandarin without a seal, 
<i>Kung-su</i>.</p>

<h3 id="c-p3538.1">EDUCATION</h3>
<p id="c-p3539" shownumber="no">Formerly Chinese children, after being taught to read and write, had
to learn such elementary books as the "San-tze-king" (Three-Character
Classic), the "Pe-kia-sing" (Hundred Family Names), and the
"T'sien-tze-wen" (One Thousand-Character Classic); later they studied
the "Sze Shu" or "Four Classical Books". Memory was developed at the
expense of critical faculty, science being almost entirely neglected. A
good calligraphy and a thorough knowledge of the Confucian classic were
the main requisites for passing an examination, in which an essay on
texts selected from these three classic, and called 
<i>wen-chang</i>, played a considerable part. The wen-chang, suppressed
in 1898 during the short period of reform, has been definitely
abolished. The civil offices were recruited from those who passed the
three examinations: Hiang-she (provincial), held triennially in the
autumn; Hwai-she (metropolitan) held at Peking, in the spring;
Tien-she, the palace examination. The student (T'ung-sheng) took in
succession the three degrees: Siu-ts'ai, Ku-jen, and Tsin-she; at the
last examination the first four competitors received the titles of
Chwang Yuan, Pang yen, T'an Hwa, and Ch'wan Lu.</p>
<p id="c-p3540" shownumber="no">After the war with Russia, China felt the necessity of a thorough
change; Confucianism was no longer a sufficient weapon against Western
enterprise. Elementary, higher primary, middle, higher, and special
schools were established on foreign principles. A university and a
technical school were opened at Peking, while young students were sent
abroad, especially to Japan. It must be admitted that the latter
brought back from the Empire of the Rising Sun an entirely new spirit.
They have been responsible, to a great extent, for the reorganization
of the secret societies, which aim not only at reform, but also at the
overthrow of the present dynasty. By an imperial decree which was dated
2 Sept., 1905, and went into effect at the beginning of 1906, the
former programme and methods of examination were abolished, and a new
system of education inaugurated. This includes the study of the Chinese
language, literature, and composition, the various sciences studied in
the West, history, geography, foreign languages, especially Japanese,
gymnastic exercises and drills, and in the higher grades the study of
political economy, and civil and international law. As a natural
consequence, new degrees corresponding to B.A., M.A., LL.D., etc. were
created. It is evident that the Chinese attitude of mind is undergoing
a great change through contact with Western ideas and learning; what is
less evident is that deeper layers of the nation have not been
reached.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3540.1">PHILOSOPHY</h3>
<p id="c-p3541" shownumber="no">Chinese philosophy, at least in what is fundamental, is embodied in
the religious books, or rather in the classical works called "King".
Confucius was more of a collector than a creator; he was a moral
teacher, imbued with traditions he had studied and mastered, and of
which he was the ideal representative, but he was no inventor. The man
who stamped Chinese philosophy with his strong personality, or rather
his genius, was the philosopher Chu Hi (A.D. 1130-1200), born in
Fu-kien during the Sung dynasty. He had a retreat for intervals of
meditation at the White Deer Grotto in the hills near P'o-Yang lake.
The "Book of Changes" (Y-king) begins with the 
<i>T'ai-ki</i>, the Great Absolute; according to Chu Hi there was in
the beginning the primordial principle, the abstract monad called the
"absolute nothing", 
<i>Wu-ki</i>. When moving, the Great Absolute produced by the
congealing of its breath, the 
<i>Yang</i>, the great male principle; when it finally rested in
produced the 
<i>Yin</i>, or the great female principle; after this great division
what was above was heaven, beneath was earth, and during the subsequent
evolutions and movement were created in turn, the sun and the moon, the
stars and the planets, water and fire, men and animals, vegetables and
minerals, etc. Four laws regulate the present movement of the two
principles: (1) 
<i>Hi</i>, the breath of nature, governed not by arbitrary but by
fixed, inscrutable laws; (2) 
<i>Li</i>, the laws of nature; (3) 
<i>So</i>, the numbers or numerical proportions of the universe; (3) 
<i>Ying</i>, the appearance of forms of nature.</p>
<p id="c-p3542" shownumber="no">This philosophical system is represented by diagrams. Sometimes the
three powers of nature 
(<i>San-t'sai</i>), i.e., 
<i>T'ien</i> (Heaven), 
<i>Ti</i> (Earth), 
<i>Jen</i> (Man), are indicated by a triangle. The two primitive
principles are shown, the first by a straight line _____ which
corresponds to Yang, the male principle, heaven, light, etc.; the
second by a broken line __ __ which corresponds to Yin, the female
principle, earth, darkness, etc. Combinations of these lines give the
following four figures:</p>
<div id="c-p3542.1" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">
<p id="c-p3543" shownumber="no">(1)
<br />_______
<br />_______</p>
<p id="c-p3544" shownumber="no">(2)
<br />_______
<br />___ ___</p>
<p id="c-p3545" shownumber="no">(3)
<br />___ ___
<br />_______</p>
<p id="c-p3546" shownumber="no">(4)
<br />___ ___
<br />___ ___</p>
</div>
<p id="c-p3547" shownumber="no">(1) <i>T'ai Yang</i>, corresponding to sun, heat, eyes, etc.; (2) The 
<i>T'ai Yin</i> corresponding to the moon, cold, ears, etc.; (3) The 
<i>Shao Yang</i> corresponding to the stars, daylight, the nose, etc.;
(4) The 
<i>Shao Yin</i> corresponding to the planets, night, the mouth,
etc.</p>
<p id="c-p3548" shownumber="no">A new combination of these figures was revealed to Fu-hi (2852-2738
B.C.), by a dragon-horse which rose from the Yellow River and presented
to the gaze of the emperor a scroll upon its back inscribed with mystic
diagrams which, being arranged, consisted of eight trigrams or symbols
called 
<i>Pa-kwa</i>:</p>
<div id="c-p3548.1" style="margin-left:0.25in; margin-top:12pt; margin-bottom:12pt">
<p id="c-p3549" shownumber="no">(1)
<br />_____
<br />_____
<br />_____</p>
<p id="c-p3550" shownumber="no">(2)
<br />__ __
<br />_____
<br />_____</p>
<p id="c-p3551" shownumber="no">(3)
<br />_____
<br />__ __
<br />_____</p>
<p id="c-p3552" shownumber="no">(4)
<br />__ __
<br />__ __
<br />_____</p>
<p id="c-p3553" shownumber="no">(5)
<br />_____
<br />_____
<br />__ __</p>
<p id="c-p3554" shownumber="no">(6)
<br />__ __
<br />_____
<br />__ __</p>
<p id="c-p3555" shownumber="no">(7)
<br />_____
<br />__ __
<br />__ __</p>
<p id="c-p3556" shownumber="no">(8)
<br />__ __
<br />__ __
<br />__ __</p>
</div>
<p id="c-p3557" shownumber="no">(1) Corresponds to Heaven and the pure male principle, being
entirely composed of whole lines; (2) vapours, watery exhalations,
lakes; (3) fire, heat, light; (4) thunder; (5) wind; (6) water; (7)
mountains; (8) earth and pure feminine principle, being entirely
composed of broken lines. An octagonal arrangement devised by the
philosophers of the Sung dynasty gives the figures called 
<i>Sien-tien.</i></p>
<p id="c-p3558" shownumber="no">Shen-nung, the second of the Five Emperors, is held to have
multiplied by eight the original Kwa of Fu-hi, forming sixty-four
hexagrams. This number multiplied by six gives 384, the maximum to
which the calculations can be carried practically, though it is stated
that a series of 16,777,216 different forms can be obtained. The two
principles forming the Tai-ki were sometimes represented by two
opposite semi-circles in a circle, the two portions of the circle in
dark and clear respectively; later on a dark disk was inserted in the
clear portion and a clear disk in the dark portions.</p>
<p id="c-p3559" shownumber="no">The male and female principles may also be represented by a circle
and a square; for instance at Peking the Temple of Heaven is circular
while the Temple of Earth is square; the common coin called 
<i>cash</i> being round with a square hole in the centre is a perfect
symbol of Heaven and Earth.</p>
<h3 id="c-p3559.1">CLASSICS</h3>
<p id="c-p3560" shownumber="no">The doctrine of Confucius and his school is contained in the
classical books called "King". Five of the classics of the highest
grade include: (1) The "Y-king" (Book of Changes) with 24,107
characters; (2) the "Shu-king" (Book of History) in fifty-eight
chapters with 25,700 characters extends from the Emperors Yao and Shun
to Ping Wang of the Chou dynasty (720 B.C.); (3) the "She-king" (Book
of Odes) with 39,234 characters, a collection of popular poetry used in
the petty states of China, collected and arranged by Confucius; (4) the
"Li-ki" (Book of Rites) in forty-nine chapters (including the "Ta-hio"
and the "Chung-yung",) 99,010 characters; (5) the "Ch'un-ts'ew" (Spring
and Autumn), or the annals of Lu, the native state of Confucius, from
722 to 484 B.C. The "Yo-king" (Book of Music) was lost. Next came the
lesser "King": (1) the "Sze-shu" (Four Books), "Ta-hio" (Great Study),
"Chung-yung" (Invariable Medium), "Lun-yu" (miscellaneous conversations
between Confucius and his disciples), and "Meng-tze", the conversation
of the sage Mencius (34,685 characters; with the commentary 209,749);
(2) the two rituals, "I-li and "Chou-li" (45,806 characters); (3) the
Hiao-king" (Book of Filial Piety with 1903 characters); (4) the three
ancient commentators of the "Ch'un-ts'ew": "Tso-shi", "Kung-yang", and
"Ku-liang"; (5) the "Eul-ya" (Library Exposition), a dictionary of
terms used in the classical writing of the same period. It must be
borne in mind that Confucius was an administrator, a statesman, in a
word, a practical man, as well as a moralist, but not entirely devoid
of originality.</p>
<p id="c-p3561" shownumber="no">The most distinguished followers of Confucius (b. 551; d. 479 B.C.)
were Tsang-shen (506 B.C.) and Meng-tze (Mencius, 372-289 B.C.). The
rival of Confucius was Lao-tze, or Lao-kiun, a far deeper philosopher,
author of the "Tao-teh-king" and of the "Kan-ying-pien", with his
disciples, Kang-sang-tze (570-43 B.C.), Li-tze (500 B.C.), and Wen-tze
(500 B.C.). The heterodox philosophers were Meh-ti (450 B.C.) and
Yang-chu (450 B.C.); the Taoists, Chwang-tze (330 B.C.) and
Hwai-nan-tze (second century B.C.). Mention should also be made of
Wang-ch'ung, author of the "Lun-héng" (first century A.D.),
Han-yu, or Han Wen-Kung (A.D. 768-824), and finally, under the Sung,
the reformer Wang Ngan-shi (1021-86) and the illustrious Chu-hi (A.D.
1130-1200).</p>
<h3 id="c-p3561.1">STATE RELIGIONS</h3>
<p id="c-p3562" shownumber="no">The three state religions of China 
(<i>San-kiao</i> or three doctrines), are Confucianism, Taoism, and
Buddhism.--Confucianism or 
<i>Ju-kiao</i> (a name adopted by the disciples of Chu-hi in in A.D.
1150) is the religion of the 
<i>literati</i>; from the moral principles taken from the books
arranged by Confucius a state religion has been created; the Trinity 
(<i>San-ts'ai</i>), Heaven, Earth, and Man is represented by the
emperor, 
<i>T'ien-tze</i>, Son of Heaven, the high-priest of the cult who pays
his homage at the winter solstice at midnight and to the earth at the
summer solstice. The state worship includes three grades of sacrifices,
the victims being things, though persons are not excluded: (1) the
great sacrifices offered only to 
<i>T'ien</i> (Heaven), 
<i>Ti</i> (Earth), 
<i>Tai Miao</i> (the great temple of ancestors) and 
<i>Shieh-tsi</i> (gods of the land and grain); (2) the medium
sacrifices, an homage to the sun, the moon, the names of emperors and
kings of foreign dynasties, Confucius, the ancient patrons of
agriculture and silk, the gods of heaven, earth, and the cyclic year;
(3) the inferior sacrifices 
(<i>Kiun-sze</i>, crowd of sacrifices) offered to the patron of
medicine, the spirits of celebrated men, the clouds, rain, wind, and
thunder, the five celebrated mountains, the four seas, four rivers,
etc. The supreme ruler of heaven is Shiang-ti. There is no priesthood
in Confucianism.</p>
<p id="c-p3563" shownumber="no">Taoism, or 
<i>Tao-kiao</i>, was invented by the disciples of Lao-tze, but the
lofty theories of this philosopher have denigrated to the grossest
superstitions, alchemy, astrology, and a worship of a pantheon of
idols, the highest of which is Yu-hwang Shang-ti; the chief of the
Taoists resides at Lung-hu-shan (Kiang-si); most of the hierarchy are
extremely ignorant.</p>
<p id="c-p3564" shownumber="no">Buddhism, or 
<i>Fo-kiao</i>, the religion of Fo (Buddha) comes from India; it is
said to have reached China in 221 or 219 B.C., but this is hardly
probable. The first certain fact regarding Chinese Buddhism is that it
was orally taught in the year 2 B.C. to an ambassador of the Emperor
Ngai by the 
<i>Ta Yue-chi</i> or Indo-Scythians; it was officially recognized by
the emperor Ming-ti (A.D. 61). The search for manuscripts in India led
pilgrims like Fa-hian and Sung-yun 
(<i>Fo-kwo-ki</i>), Hwei-shin, the celebrated Hiuan-tsang (seventh
century), I-tsing, Wang-Hiuan-ts'e, Wu-k'ung and others to undertake
long voyages which have thrown great light on the geography of Northern
India and Central Asia. In spite of their exertions and of the numerous
manuscripts they brought home, it was not until 1410 that the Chinese
procured a complete copy of the Buddhist canon; some of the Buddhist
sanctuaries are famous places of pilgrimage: the island of P'u-tu
(Chu-san), the Wu T'ai-shan (Shan-si); the Omei-shan (Sze-ch'an), the
Dokerla (Yun-nan). The Buddhist priests gather in monasteries; the
superiors of a district or a prefecture are called 
<i>Seng-lu-tze</i>; they are selected from the leading abbots 
(<i>fang-chang</i>); besides the superiors 
(<i>Seng-kang, Seng-chen, Seng-hwei</i>), there are preceptors,
preachers, expositors, and clerks. Buddhism, with its numerous monks,
is the most popular religion of China, though a member of one sect very
often borrows practices from the others cults and, if an official, will
invariably perform the ceremonies of Confucianism. Whatever be the
importance of these three religions, they are insignificant compared to
the real, national religion of all Chinese -- ancestor-worship.</p>
<p id="c-p3565" shownumber="no">Ancestor worship originated in filial piety which, being of
paramount importance in the eyes of the Chinese, is the object of a
special book, the "Hiao-king". Filial piety, however, is not a natural,
spontaneous feeling, but a well-defined duty, embracing the obligations
towards the emperor, princes, officials, parents, and these vary
according to the classes and people. In every house there is a tablet,
if not a room; a rich family has a sep