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    <DC.Title>The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, Vol. XII: Trench - Zwingli</DC.Title>
    <DC.Creator sub="Author">Philip Schaff</DC.Creator>
    <DC.Creator sub="Author" scheme="file-as">Schaff, Philip (1819-1893)</DC.Creator>
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<div1 title="Title Page">


<pb n="i"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="N" /><H2>THE NEW</H2>

<H1>
SCHAFF-HERZOG ENCYCLOPEDIA</H1>


<center><b>OF</b></center>

<H2>RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE</H2>


<center><b>EDITED BY</b></center>


<center><h2>SAMUEL MACAULEY JACKSON, D.D., LL.D.</h2></center>

<center><b>(<I>Editor-in-Chief</I>)</b></center>


<center><b>WITH THE SOLE ASSISTANCE, AFTER VOLUME VI., OF</b></center>


<center><h3><b>GEORGE WILLIAM GILMORE, M.A</b>.</h3></center>

<center>(<I>Associate Editor</I>)</center>


<center>AND THE FOLLOWING DEPARTMENT EDITORS</center>

<h2>
CLARENCE AUGUSTINE BECKWITH, D.D.</h2>

<I>(Department of Systematic Theology)</I>


<h2>
HENRY KING CARROLL, LL.D.
</h2>
<I>(Department of Minor Denominations)</I>


<h2>
JAMES FRANCIS DRISCOLL, D.D.
</h2


<I>(Department of Liturgics and Religious Orders)</I>

<h2>
JAMES FREDERIC McCURDY, PH.D., LL.D.
</h2>
<I>(Department of the Old Testament)</I>


<h2>
HENRY SYLVESTER NASH, D.D.
</h2>
<I>(Department of the New Testament)</I>


<h2>
ALBERT HENRY NEWMAN, D.D., LL.D.
</h2>
<I>(Department of Church History)</I>


<P>

<h2>
FRANK HORACE VIZETELLY, LL.D., F.S.A.
</h2>
</P>
<P>

<I>(Department of Pronunciation and Typography)</I>

</P>


<P>

<h3>
<center>VOLUME XII</center>

</P>
<P>

<center>TRENCH - ZWINGLI</center>

</P>

<P>

<center>APPENDIX</center>

</P>

</h3>
<P>


<center>BAKER BOOK HOUSE</center>

</P>
<P>

<center>GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN</center>

</P>
<P>

<center>1950</center>

</P>

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</div1><div1 title="The New Schaff-Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, Vol. XII: Trench - Zwingli">

<pb n="1"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" /><div3 title="Trench, Richard Chenevix" id="trench_richard_chenevix">

<P><B>TRENCH, RICHARD CHENEVIX:</b>Archbishop of Dublin, Church of Ireland; b. in Dublin, Ireland,
Sept. 5 (9?), 1807; d. in London Mar. 28, 1886. He
studied at the schools of Twyford and Harrow, and
at Trinity College, Cambridge (B.A., 1829; M.A.,
1833; B.D., 1850); traveled in Spain, 1830; was
ordained deacon, 1832; became curate to H. J.
Rose at Hadleigh, Suffolk, 1833; at Colchester,
1834, then going to Italy; returning, he was ordained
priest, 1835; became curate of Curdridge,
Hampshire, 1835; and of Alverstoke, 1841; became
rector of Itchinstoke, Hants, 1844; examining
chaplain to Bishop Wilberforce of Oxford, 1845;
was Hulsean lecturer at Cambridge, 1845-46; professor
of divinity at King&#39;s College, 1846-54; professor
of exegesis of the New Testament, 1854-58;
dean of Westminster, 1856-64; and archbishop of
Dublin, 1864-84. He was a devout and conservative
High-churchman of the best type, but his theological
writings were free from sectional bias. He
threw the weight of his influence against disestablishment.
As a writer, he showed choice Biblical,
patristic, and modern Anglo-German learning,
original thought, and a reverential and truly Christian
spirit. His repute in philology equaled that
in Biblical criticism. Outside of numerous individual
and collected sermons, he was the author of
<I>Notes on the Parables of our Lord</i> (London, 1841,
and often); 
<I>Genoveva; a Poem</i> (1842); 
<I>Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount . . . from . . . St.
Augustine</i> (1844); 
<I>The Fitness of Holy Scripture for Unfolding the Spiritual
Life of Men</i> (Hulsean Lectures for 1845; Cambridge, 1845); 
<I>Christ the Desire of all Nations, or the Unconscious
Prophecies of Heathendom</i> (Hulsean Lectures for 1846; 1846);
<I>Notes on the Miracles of our Lord</i> (London, 1846
and often); 
<I>Sacred Latin Poetry</i> (1849); 
<I>On the Study of Words</i> (Five Lectures; 1851, and often);
<I>On the Lessons in Proverbs</i> (Five Lectures; 1853,
and often); 
<I>Synonyms of the New Testament</i> (Cambridge, 1854, and often); 
<I>Commentary on the Epistles to the Seven Churches in Asia. Revelation i.-iii.</i> (London, 1861); 
<I>Studies in the Gospels</i> (1867);
<I>Plutarch; his Life, Lives, and Morals</i> (1873); 
<I>Lectures on Mediaeval Church History</i> (1877); 
<I>Poems</i> (new ed., 2 vols., 1885); and edited a 
<I>Household Book of English Poetry</i> (1868).</p>

<font size="-1">
<P>BIBLIOGRAPHY: <I>Letters and Memorials of Archbishop Trench</i>,
2 vols., London, 1888; J. Silvester, <I>Archbishop Trench . . .
a Sketch of his Life and Character</i>, ib. 1891; <I>DNB</i>,
lvii. 191-194.</p>
</font>


</div3><div3 title="Trenkle, Franz Sales" id="trenkle_franz_sales">
<P><B>TRENKLE, FRANZ SALES:</b>German Roman Catholic; b. at Waldkirch (9 m. n.n.e. of Freiburg)
Jan. 26, 1860. He was educated at the universities
of Freiburg (1879-82) and Heidelberg (1884-85;
D.D., Freiburg, 1886); became privat-docent at
Freiburg for New-Testament exegesis, 1868; and
associate professor of the same subject, 1894. He
has written a novel, <I>Willa von Waldkirch</i> (under
the pseudonym of Fritz Frei; Heidelberg, 1900);
a commentary on James (Freiburg, 1894); and
<I>Einleitung in das Neue Testament</i> (1897).</p>


</div3><div3 title="Trent, Council of" id="trent_council_of">

<h2>TRENT, COUNCIL OF.</h2>

<dl>
<dt>Occasion, Sessions, and Attendance (§ 1).</dt>
<dt>Objects and General Results (§ 2).</dt>
<dt>The Canons and Decrees (§ 3).</dt>
<dt>Publication of Documents (§ 4).</dt>
</dl>

<P>The Council of Trent, the nineteenth (or, according
to another reckoning, the eighteenth) of the
ecumenical councils recognized by the Roman
Catholic Church, takes its name from the place
where it was held, a city in the southern and Italian
part of the Tyrol (73 m. n.w. of Venice), and lasted,
with interruptions, from Dec. 13, 1545, to Dec. 4,
1563. From a doctrinal and disciplinary point of
view, it was the most important council in the history
of the Roman church, fixing her distinctive
faith and practise in relation to the Protestant
Evangelical churches. Its decrees were supplemented
by the <a href="">Vatican Council of 1870</a>.</p>

<h4>I. Occasion, Sessions, and Attendance.</h4> 

<P>In reply to the bull <I>Exsurge Domine</i> of Leo X.
(1520) Luther had burned the document and appealed
to a general council. From 1522 German
diets joined in the appeal, and Charles V. seconded
and pressed it as a means of settling
the controversy started by the Reformation
and of reunifying the Church.
After the deliverances of Pius II. in
his bull <I>Execrabilis</i> (1460) and his
reply to the University of Cologne
(1463), setting aside the theory of the supremacy
of general councils laid down by the Council of
Constance (see <a href="">CONSTANCE, COUNCIL OF</a>), it was
the papal policy to avoid councils and the free discussions
they developed. Unable, however, to resist
the urgency of Charles V., <a href="">Paul III.</a>,
after proposing Mantua as the place of meeting, convened
the council as exclusively Roman at Trent
(at that time a free city of the Holy Roman Em
pire under a prince-bishop), on Dec. 13, 1545; it
was transferred to Bologna in Mar., 1547 from fear<pb n="2"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />of the plague; indefinitely prorogued, Sept. 17,
1549; reopened at Trent, May 1, 1551, by Pope
Julius III.; broken up by the sudden victory of
Elector Maurice of Saxony over the Emperor Charles
V., and his march into Tyrol, Apr. 28, 1552; and
recalled by Pius IV. for the last time, Jan. 18, 1562,
when it continued to its final adjournment, Dec.
4, 1563. It closed with "Anathema to all heretics,
anathema, anathema."  

The history of the council
is divided into three distinct periods; from 1545 to
1549, from 1551 to 1552, and from 1562 to 1563.
The last was the most important. The number of
attending members in the three periods varied considerably.
It increased toward the close, but never
reached the number of the first ecumenical council
at Nicaea, (which had 318 members), nor of the last
of the Vatican (which numbered 764). The decrees
were signed by 255 members, including four papal
legates, two cardinals, three patriarchs, twenty-five
archbishops, 168 bishops, two-thirds of them being
Italians. Lists of the signers are added to the best
editions of the decrees. England was represented
by Cardinal Reginald Pole, Richard Pate, bishop
of Worcester, and after 1562 by Thomas Goldwell,
bishop of St. Asaph; Ireland by three bishops, and
Germany at no time by more than eight. The
Italian and Spanish prelates were vastly preponderant
in power and numbers. At the passage of
the most important decrees not more than sixty
prelates were present.</p>

<h4>2. Objects and General Results.</h4>

<P>The object of the council was twofold: 

(1) to
condemn the principles and doctrines of Protestantism,
and to define the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church
on all disputed points. It is true the emperor
intended it to be a strictly general or
truly ecumenical council, at which the
Protestants should have a fair hearing.
He secured, during the council&#39;s second period,
1551-52, an invitation, twice given, to the Protestants
to be present, and the council issued a
letter of safe-conduct (thirteenth session) and
offered them the right of discussion, but denied
them a vote.
<a href="">Melanchthon</a> and
<a href="">Johann Brenz</a>,
with some other German Lutherans, actually
started in 1552 on the journey to Trent.
Brenz offered a confession, and Melanchthon, who
got no farther than Nuremberg, took with him
the irenic statement known as the <I>Confessio Saxonica</i>.
But the refusal to give to the Protestants
the right to vote and the consternation produced
by the success of Maurice in his campaign against
Charles V. in 1552 effectually put an end to Protestant
cooperation. 

(2) To effect a reformation
in discipline or administration. This object had
been one of the causes calling forth the reformatory
councils, and had been lightly touched
upon by the Fifth Lateran under Julius II. and
Leo X. The corrupt administration of the Church
was one of the secondary causes of the Reformation.
Twenty-five public sessions were held, but
nearly half of them were spent in solemn formalities.
The chief work was done in committees or
congregations. The entire management was in the
hands of the papal legatee. The court of Rome,
by diplomacy and intrigue, outwitted all the liberal
elements. The council abolished some crying
abuses, and introduced or recommended disciplinary
reforms affecting the sale of indulgences, the
morals of convents, the education of the clergy, the
non-residence of bishops, and the careless 
fulmination of censures, and forbade the duel. These 
deliverances had a salutary influence on the church.
But in regard to the department of doctrine, although
liberal evangelical sentiments were uttered
by some of the ablest members in favor of the supreme
authority of the Scriptures, and justification
by faith, no concession whatever was made to
Protestantism. 

The doctrinal decisions of the
council are divided into decrees (<I>decreta</i>), which
contain the positive statement of the Roman dogmas,
and into short canons (<I>canones</i>),
which condemn the dissenting Protestant views with the 
concluding "<i>anathema sit</i>." They are stated with
great clearness, precision, and wisdom. The decree
on justification betrays special ability and
theological circumspection. The Protestant doctrines,
however, are almost always exhibited in an exaggerated
form, and mixed up with real heresies,
which Protestants condemn as emphatically as the
Church of Rome.</p>

<h4>3. The Canons and Decrees.</h4>

<P>The doctrinal acts are as follows: after reaffirming
the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed (third session), the
decree was passed (fourth session) placing
the Apocrypha on a par with the other books of
the canon and coordinating church
tradition with the Scriptures as a rule
of faith. The Vulgate translation was
affirmed to be authoritative for the
text of Scripture. Justification (sixth
session) was declared to be offered upon the basis
of faith and good works as opposed to the Protestant
doctrine of faith alone, and faith was treated
as a progressive work. The sacramental character
of the seven sacraments was affirmed and the
eucharist pronounced a veritable propitiatory sacrifice
as well as a sacrament, in which the bread
and wine were converted into the body and blood
of Christ (thirteenth and twenty-second sessions).
It is to be offered for dead and living alike and in
giving to the apostles the command "do this in
remembrance of me," Christ conferred upon them
a sacerdotal power. The practise of withholding
the cup from the laity was confirmed (twenty-first
session) as one which the Church had commanded
from of old for good and sufficient reasons; yet in
certain cases the pope was made the supreme arbiter
as to whether the rule should be strictly maintained.
Ordination (twenty-third session) was
given an indelible character. The priesthood of
the New Testament takes the place of the Levitical
priesthood. To the performance of its functions,
the consent of the people is not necessary. In the
decrees on marriage (twenty-fourth session) the
excellence of the celibate state was reaffirmed, concubinage
condemned, and the validity of marriage
made dependent upon its being performed before
a priest and two witnesses. In the case of a
divorce the right of the innocent party to marry
again is denied so long as the guilty party
is alive, even though the other have committed
adultery. In the twenty-fifth and last session,<pb n="3"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />the doctrines of purgatory, the invocation of
saints, and the worship of relics are reaffirmed,
as also the efficacy of indulgences as dispensed
by the Church according to the power given
her, but with some cautionary recommendations.
The council appointed, 1562 (eighteenth session),
a commission to prepare a list of forbidden books
(<I>Index librorum prohibitorum</i>), but it later left the
matter to the action of the pope. The preparation
of a catechism and revised editions of the Breviary
and Missal were also left to the pope.</p>

<P>On adjourning, the synod begged the supreme
pontiff to ratify all its decrees and definitions. Thus
petition was complied with by Pius IV., Jan. 26,
1564, in a bull which enjoins strict obedience upon
all Roman Catholics, and forbids, under pain of
excommunication, all unauthorized interpretation,
reserving this to the pope alone, and threatening
the disobedient with "the indignation of Almighty
God and of his blessed apostles, Peter and Paul."
Pins appointed a commission of cardinals to assist
him in interpreting and enforcing the decrees. 

The
<I>Index libraritum prohibitorum</i> was announced 1564,
and the following books were issued with the papal
imprimatur: the Profession of the Tridentine
Faith and the Tridentine Catechism (1566), the
Breviary (1568), the Missal (1570), and the Vulgate
(1590, and then 1592). The decrees of the
council were acknowledged in Italy, Portugal, Poland,
and by the Roman Catholic princes of Germany
at the diet of 1566. Philip II. accepted them
for Spain, Netherland, and Sicily so far as they did
not infringe on the royal prerogative. In France
they were officially recognized by the king only in
their doctrinal parts. The disciplinary sections
received official recognition at provincial synods and
were enforced by the bishops. No attempt was
made to introduce it into England. Pius IV. sent
the decrees to Mary, queen of Scots, with a letter
dated June 13, 1564, requesting her to publish them
in Scotland; but she dared not do it in the face of
John Knox and the Reformation.</p>

<h4>4. Publication of Documents.</h4>

<P>The canons and decrees of the council have been
published very often and in many languages (for a
large list consult <I>British Museum Catalogue</i>,
under "Trent, Council of"). The first issue
was by P. Manutius (Rome, 1564). The
best Latin editions are by J. Le Plat (Antwerp, 1779),
and by F. Schulte and A. L. Richter (Leipsic,
1853). Other good editions are in vol. vii. of the
<I>Acta et decreta conciliorum recentiorum. Collectio
Lacensis</i> (7 vols., Freiburg, 1870-90), reissued as
as independent volume (1892); <I>Concilium Tridentinum:
Diariorum, actorum, epastularum, . . . collectio</i>,
ed. S. Merkle (4 vols., Freiburg, 1901 sqq.;
only vols. i.-iv. have as yet appeared); not to overlook
Mansi, <I>Concilia</i>, xxxv. 345 sqq. Note also
Mirbt, <I>Quellen</i>, 2d ed, pp. 202-255. The best English
edition is by J. Waterworth (London, 1848;
<I>With Essays on the External and Internal History of
the Council</i>). 

The original acts and debates of the
council, as prepared by its general secretary, Bishop
Angelo Massarelli, in six large folio volumes, are
deposited in the Vatican library, and remained
there unpublished for more than 300 years, and
were brought to light, though only in part, by
Augustin Theiner, priest of the oratory (d. 1874), in 
<I>Acta genuina sancti et aecumenici Concilii Tridentini nunc primum integre edita</i> (2 vols., Leipsic,
1874). Most of the official documents and private
reports, however, which bear upon the council,
were made known in the sixteenth century and
since. The most complete collection of them is
that of J. Le Plat, <I>Monumentorum ad historicam Concilii
Tridentini collectio</i> (7 vols., Louvain, 1781-87).
New materials were brought to light by J. Mendham, <I>Memoirs of 
the Council of Trent</i> (London, 1834-36), from the
manuscript history of Cardinal
Paleotto; more recently by T. Sickel, 
<I>Actenstücke aus österreichischen Archiven</i>
(Vienna, 1872); by J. J. I. von Döllinger 
<I>(Ungedruckte Berichtownd Tagebücher zur Geschichte des Concilii von Trient</i> (2 parts,
Nördlingen, 1876); and A. von Druffel, <I>Monumenta
Tridentina</i> (Munich, 1884-97). See also 
<a href="">TRIDENTINE PROFESSION OF FAITH</a>.</p>

<P class="author">(P. SCHAFF+) D. S. SCHAFF.</p>

<p class="bibliography">BIBLIOGRAPHY: Fundamental for the
history of the council
are the accounts by two Roman Catholics of very different
spirit: (1) that of the liberal Fra Paolo (Pietro] Sarpi
of Venice, <I>Istoria del Concilio Tridentino </i>, London, 1819,
often republished, e.g., 4 vols., Florence, 1858, best ed.
by P. F. Le Courayer, 3 vols., Amsterdam, 1751, in French,
2 vols., London, 1736, Eng. transl. of the original by Sir
N. Brent, London, 1619, and another, 1676, Germ. working over
of the matter by D. J. T. L. Danz, Jena, 1846;
(2) that of Cardinal Sforza Pallavicino, <i>Istoria del Concilio
di Trento</i>, 2 vo1s., Rome, 1656-57, issued also Rome,
1665, Milan, 1717, Lat. transl. by J. B. Giattino, 3 parts,
Antwerp, 1670, Fr. transl., 3 vols., Montrouge, 1844-45
(for criticism of these cf. Rankes, <i>Popes</i>, iii. 46-79; and
J. N. Brischar, <I>Beurtheilung der Controversen Sarpi&#39;a und
Pallavicini&#39;s in der Geschichte den Trienter Concils</i>,
Tübingen, 1844). Further accounts or discussions are:
C. A. Salig, <i>Hist. des tridentinischen Conciliums</i>, 3 vols.,
Halle, 1741-45 (Protestant); I. H. Wessenberg, <i>Die grossen
Kirchenversammlung den 15. und 16. Jahrhunderten</i>,
Constance, 1840 (Roman Catholic); L. F. Bungener,
<i>Hist. du concile de Trente</i>, 2 vols., Paris, 1847, Eng.
transl., 2d ed., Edinburgh, 1853, New York, 1855 (Protestant);
T. A. Buckley, <i>Hist. of the Council of Trent</i>, London, 1852;
idem, <i>The Canons and Decrees of the Council of
Trent, with a Supplement, containing the Condemnation of
the Early Reformers, and other Matters</i>, ib. 1851
(Protestant); W. C. Brownlee, <i>Doctrinal Decrees and
Canons of the Council of Trent, with Preface and Notes</i>,
New York, 1857 (Roman Catholic); E. B. Pussy, <i>Eirenicon</i>,
Oxford, 1865 (Protestant); W. Arthur, <i>The Pope, the Kings,
and the People</i>, 2 vols., London, 1877 (one of the best);
J. C. L. Gieseler, <i>Text-Book of Church History</i>, ed.
H. B. Smith, v. 21-58, New York, 1880 (excellent sketch);
C. Dejob, <i>De l&#39;influence du concile de Trente sur la
littérature et les beaux-arts</i>, Paris, 1884;
D. Laines, <i>Disputationes Tridentinae</i>,. 2 vols., Innsbruck,
1886 (Roman Catholic); T. R. Evans, <i>Council of Trent</i>,
London, 1888 (Protestant polemic); R. F. Littledale, <i>Hist.
of the Council of Trent</i>, London, 1888 (Protestant); J. A.
Froude, <i>Lectures on the Council of Trent</i>, London,
1896 (posthumous; Protestant, brilliant but partisan,
and as issued in unrevised shape unreliable); G. Wolf,
<I>Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Gegenreformation</i>,
Berlin, 1899; A. R. Pennington, <I>Counter-Reformation in
Europe</i>, London, 1901; J. G. Mayer, <i>Das Konzil von Trent
und die Gegenreformation in der Schweiz</i>, 2 vols., Stans,
1900-01; J. Susta, <i>Die römische Curie und das Concil von
Trient</i>, Vienna, 1904; <i>Cambridge Modern History</i>, vol.
iii. passim, New York, 1905; R. Mumm, <i>Die Polemik des
Martin Chemnitz gegen das konzil von Trient</i>, Leipsic, 1905;
J. Hergenröther, <I>Handbuch der allgemeinen Kirchengageschichte</i>, ed. J. P. Kirsch, Freiburg, 1909 (Roman
Catholic); J. Hesner, <i>Die Entstehungageschichte des Trienter
Rachtfertigungadekretes</i>, Paderborn, 1909; L. Carcereri,
<i>Il Concilio di Trento</i>, Bologna, 1910; <i>Die römische Kuríe und das Konzil von Trient unter Pius IV.</i>, Vienna,
1911;</p><pb n="4"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />Ranks, <i>Popes</i>, i. 100-267; Schaff, <i>Creeds</i>, i. 90-100,
ii. 77-210. Discussions are to be found also in the works
on the history of doctrine by Harnack, vole. iv.-vii.
passim; F. Loofs, pp. 664-676, Halle, 1908; R. Seeberg,
ii. 422-440, Leipsic, 1885-98; and J. Schwane, Freiburg,
1890.</p>


</div3><div3 title="Tresspass Offering">
<h3>TRESPASS OFFERING.</h3>
<p>See <a href="">SACRIFICE</a>.</p>


</div3><div3 title="Tressler, Victor George Augustine">

<h3>TRESSLER, VICTOR GEORGE AUGUSTINE:</h3>

<p>Lutheran; b. Somerfield, Pa., Apr. 10, 1866. He
was educated at Pennsylvania College, Gettysburg,
Pa. (B.A., 1886), McCormick Theological Seminary
(1891), and the University of Leipsic (Ph.D., 1900).
He was ordained to the Lutheran ministry in 1892,
and was pastor of Grace Lutheran Church, San
José, Cal., from 1891 to 1898, besides being lecturer
in history in San José Academy in 1896-98 and
president of the Lutheran Synod of California in
1896-97. He was dean and professor of philosophy
in Ansgar College, Hutchinson, Minn., in 1901-02,
and professor of Greek in Wittenberg College,
Springfield, O., in 1903-05, and since 1905 has been
professor of New-Testament philology and criticism
in Hamma Divinity School, Springfield. He is the author of 
<I>The Political Revolution under Elizabeth</I> (1901).</p>


</div3><div3 title="Treves, Archbichopric of">

<h3>TREVES, ARCHBISHOPRIC OF:</h3>
<p>Probably the
oldest German diocese. Christianity seems to have
been established in the ancient Gallic city of the
same name as early as the second century, though
it was not until the reign of Constantine that the
faith made rapid progress. [Tradition reports, however,
that Eucharius, Valerius, and Maternus were
sent by Peter the Apostle to preach in the valley
of the Rhine, and that Eucharius was the first
bishop of Treves, occupying the episcopal chair for
twenty-five years.] In the fifth century the Roman
hall of justice at Treves was transformed into the
church now preserved in the cathedral, though it
was not until the end of the Roman period, late in
the fifth century, that the city became predominantly
Christian. The origin of the diocese is lost
in obscurity, for the reputed disciples of Peter,
namely, Eucharius, Valerius, and Maternus, are
creations of legend. The first certain bishop was

Agroetius, who attended the Synod of Arles in 314.
His successors, Maximinus and Paulinus, aided
Athanasius against the Arians, though it is uncertain
whether they were metropolitans. The capture of
Treves by the Franks, who soon became
Christianized, made no interruption in the episcopal
line, for at the very time of the struggle Bishop
Jamblichus (c. 457) is mentioned, and his suecessors,
Nieetius (after 527), Magnericus (570-596),
and others were of metropolitan rank. This dignity,
however, was lost during the confusion toward the
close of the Merovingian period, but was restored
by Charlemagne before 811, and retained until
the early part of the nineteenth century. The diocese
comprised the territory on both sides of the
Mosel, from the present boundary with Prussia and
Lorraine to the entrance of the river into the Rhine,
and, across the Rhine, a small strip of land on both
banks of the Lahn to a point above Wetzlar. Metz,
Toul, and Verdun were suffragan bishoprics.</P>

<p class="author">(A. HAUCK.)</P>

<p class="bibliography">BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Sources are: J. N. von Hontheim, <i>Historia
Trevirensium diplomatum</i>, 3 vols., Augsburg, 1750; idem,
<i>Prodromus historiae Trevirensis</i>. 2 vols., ib. 1757; <I>Codex
diplomaticus Rheno-Moselkanus</I>, ed. W. Günther, 5 vols.,
Coblenz, 1822-26; <I>Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der . . .
mittelrheinischen Territorien</I>, ed. H. Beyer and others, 3
vols., ib. 1860-74; <I>MGH, Dip.</I>, i <1872); <i>Diplomata
regum el imperatorum Germanicae</i>, 3 vols., Hanover, 1879-1903;
F. X. Kraus, <i>Die christlichen Inschriften der Rheinlande</i>,
2 parts, nos. 75-255, Freiburg, 1890; <i>Gesta Trevirorum</i>,
in <I>MGH, Script.</I>, viii (1848), 111 sqq., xxiv (1879), 368
sqq., and <i>Series archiepiscoporum Treverensium</i>, in the
same, xiii (1881), 296 sqq.; A. G&ouml;rz, <I>Regesten der
Erzbisch&ouml;fen von Trier</I>, 2 vols., Treves, 1859-61. Consult
further: J. Marx, <I>Geschichte des Erzstifts Trier</I>, 5 vols.,
Treves, 1858-64; J. Wegler, <I>Richard von Greiffenclau,
Erzbischof und Kurf&uuml;rst von Trier, 1511-31</I>, ib. 1881;
F. Ferdinand, <I>Cuno von Falkenstein als Erzbischof von
Trier, 1377</I>, Paderborn, 1886; S. Beissel, <I>Geschichte der
Trierer Kirchen</I>, Treves, 1887; P. de Lorenzi, <i>Beitr&auml;ge
zur Geschichte der Pfarreien der Di&ouml;zese Trier</I>, 2 vols.,
ib. 1887; K. Schorn, <I>Eiflia sacra</I>, 2 vols., Bonn, 1887-88;
H. V. Sauerland, <I>Trierer Geschichtsquellen des XI.
Jahrhunderts</I>, Treves, 1889; J. Mohr, <i>Die Heiligen der 
Di&ouml;zese Trier</I>, ib. 1892; E. Vogt, <i>Die 
Reichspolitik des Erzbischofs Balduin von Trier in den Jahren
1328-34</I>, Goths, 1901; 
and the <i>KD</I> of Rettberg, Friedrich, and Hauck.</P>


</div3><div3 title="Treves, Holy Coat of">

<h3>TREVES, HOLY COAT OF</h3>
<p>See <a href="">Holy Coat</a>.</p>


</div3><div3 title="Tribal and Cultic Mysteries">

<h2>TRIBAL AND CULTIC MYSTERIES.</h2>

<dl>
<dt>I. Tribal Mysteries.</dt>
<dd>Definitions (&sect; 1).</dd>
<dd>Basal Factors (&sect; 2).</dd>
<dd>Developments of Tribal Societies (&sect; 3).</dd>
<dd>Social Character (&sect; 4).</dd>
<dd>Magical Fraternities (&sect; 5).</dd>
<dd>The "Men&#39;s House" (&sect; 6).</dd>
<dd>Methods of Initiation (&sect; 7).</dd>
<dd>Educational Value (&sect; 8).</dd>
<dd>Influence on Social Development (&sect; 9).</dd>

<dt>II. Cultic Mysteries.</dt>
<dt>1. The Eleusinia.</dt>
<dd>Greek Religious Background (&sect; 1).</dd>
<dd>Origin of the Eleusinia (&sect; 2).</dd>
<dd>Estimates of the Eleusinia (&sect; 3).</dd>
<dd>The Kore Myth (&sect; 4).</dd>
<dd>Lesser Mysteries (&sect; 5).</dd>
<dd>Greater Mysteries; Initial Ceremonies (&sect; 6).</dd>
<dd>The Mysteries Proper (&sect; 7).</dd>
<dd>Essentials and Sacra (&sect; 8).</dd>
<dd>Officials (&sect; 9).</dd>
<dd>Significance (&sect; 10).</dd>
<dt>2. Dionysiac-Orphic Mysteries.</dt>
<dd>Character of Dionysiac Celebration (&sect; 1).</dd>
<dd>Significance of Orpheus (&sect; 2).</dd>
<dd>Orphie Teachings (&sect; 3).</dd>
<dd>Summary (&sect; 4).</dd>
</dl>

<h3>I. Tribal Mysteries:</h3>
<h4>1. Definitions.</h4>
<p>A mystery is defined by
Miss Jane Ellen Harrison (<I>Prolegomena to the Study
of Greek Religion</i>, p. 151, 2d ed., Cambridge, 1908)
as "a rite in which certain <I>sacra</I> are exhibited
which can not be safely seen by the
worshiper till he has undergone certain
purifications." This holds true
both for tribal and cultic mysteries.
Primitive peoples restrain non-initiates from sight
of <i>sacra</i> for the reasons that such sight is a breach
of taboo which (they suppose) would bring evil on
the tribe, and punish such breach in order to expurgate
the crime and relieve the tribe of the onus
of guilt and the evil consequences supposed to result
from the transgression. By tribal mysteries
are meant those rites of initiation of boys (and in
some regions of girls) at the time of reaching manhood
(or womanhood) into the rights of adultship as
conceived by the tribe, together with the
later developments, coming with advance in civilization,<pb n="5"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />into tribal and magical fraternities. By
cultic mysteries are meant the more advanced organizations
which found place, e.g., in Greece and
the Roman Empire and are best exemplified by
the Eleusinian, Dionysiac (Bacchic), and Orphic
celebrations. The reason for treating these together
will be found from the discussion which follows
to rest upon an actual genetic relationship and upon
a real resemblance in aim, allowance being made for
the difference in the grade of culture reached. The
reason for discussing the subject at all is its fundamental importance not only in religion but in
society, these institutions having had much to do
with molding the social, ethical, and religious life of
the peoples among which they have existed.</P>

<h4>2. Basal Factors.</h4>

<P>The two bases in nature of the institution here
called tribal mysteries are (1) the ineffaceable distinction
of sex, the female being almost universally
regarded in primitive society as the
inferior and therefore limited in natural
privileges; and (2) the distinction,
effaceable by age, of the boy
from the man, the former being classed in society
with the women. Initiation marks the formal separation
of the boy from social classification with
women and from tutelage by them, together with
release from the disabilities which that classification
imposes and the assumption of the rights and
duties of manhood, or, at any rate, the taking of
the first steps toward that assumption. But among
primitive peoples in probably most cases the distinction
between man and boy not being regarded
as erased by age alone, ceremonial must come to the
aid of nature. An unitiated male, even though
aged, is classed with the women and rests under
their tribal disabilities (A. W. Howitt, <I>Native Tribes
of South-Eastern Australia</i>, p. 530, London, 1904).
It is quite in accordance with primitive logic that
the ceremonial should have the two characteristics
of secrecy and an ordeal. The change from boyhood
to manhood involves the power to procreate,
and before the mystery of new life the savage
stands in awe. It is in his mind related with the
power of spirits, therefore within the realm of religion;
the favor of these spirits and the successful
use of the powers of manhood depend upon a certain
correctness of procedure, hence it comes within the
domain also of primitive magic. In both of
these regions there rule the ideas which under the
Romans came to be expressed as <I>sacra</I> and <I>profana</I>,
involving the participation in certain rites by definite
classes and the exclusion from them of other
classes. Because of the assumed inferiority of the
women, on account of their natural disabilities as
conceived by primitive logic, they and all who
were classed with them could not participate in or
even witness the ceremonial which began the transformation
of the boy into the man. The adult males
alone were possessed of knowledge of the means by
which aspirants to adult male rights could attain
those rights, or, to express the idea in other words,
could become members of the tribe in full standing,
sharing by favor of the spirits in its government
and in such duties as fell to the men. Hence it was
the initiated adult males and the candidates alone
who might be present either to participate in or to
witness the initiation, and in many cases only the
elders, those retired from such services as fighting
and the like, conducted the ceremonies: Further,
because the initiation marked the admission of the
candidate to manhood with its responsibilities, the
rites most often assumed the character of an ordeal
which aimed to test his qualifications for the rank
to which he aspired. Once more, because the successful
passing of the ordeal involved ultimate
eligibility to marriage, rites were performed looking
to the married state, such as
<a href="">Circumcision</a>
and sometimes subincision.</P>

<h4>3. Developments of Tribal Societies.</h4>

<P>It follows directly from the foregoing that the
tribe divides into two broad sections, the initiated
(males) and the women and non-initiates. The former
constitute what is to all intents and purposes a secret
society. Secrecy is enforced by a
series of taboos, the breach of which
involves severe penalties. Thus over
a wide area including Australia the sight of a
bullroarer<note>A bull-roarer is a piece of wood carved in the
shape of an elongated rhomboid or modification of that form,
attached by one end to a string, and swung rapidly around
the head by the string, producing a peculiar and very
penetrating sound. It was used by the Greeks and by them
called a rhombus. The sound made by this instrument is
often the signal that puberty rites are being or are about to
be celebrated and that the profane are to remain at a distance
and out of sight. The exhibition of the instrument is
usually an invitation or a command to attend the ceremonies.
</note>
by a woman subjects her to death. The
matter which is kept secret varies with the tribe,
but may be described in general terms as the rites
of initiation and the methods of performing them,
including the masks, disguises of the performers,
the dances, and the songs which constitute part of
the ceremonies, as well as the traditional significance
of them all. The broad division of tribal
members into two classes gives place as social order
advances into a more complex system which works
out in three ways: (1) It may split up into societies
in which there are various degrees with admission
from one to another and rising in importance
and prestige. The basal distinction here is age;
but the number of degrees or other distinguishing
characteristics varies with the tribe or people.
The influence of the individual in the tribe generally
depends upon his advancement through
and status in the various grades. (2) On the other
hand, the society may become intertribal, like the
totem gens, and the occasion of initiation, often
becoming stated, is an affair not of a single tribe
alone, but of the initiates and candidates of the
several tribes thus affiliated. The effect of this in
the direction of social development will be seen at
once. It is wholly natural that at such assemblages
intertribal matters be discussed, occasions of dispute
be talked over, and that causes that might
lead to war, to say nothing of individual differences,
may be so considered as to lead to complete pacification.
At such times an intertribal peace prevails
under penalty of death for its breach. The
immediate consequences are a decided advance in
social structure and ethical well-being. (3) The
third method of development is into what may be
described as the magical fraternity, the total results<pb n="6"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />of which are often the reverse of good in their
effects upon the social organization.</P>

<h4>4. Social Character.</h4>

<P>The initiations being of moment to the tribe, they
are celebrated as occasions of festivity which appeal
to every initiated member. The materials for the
festivities are provided in part by the
fathers of the candidates, in part by
the tribe at large. As culture advances,
the number of the initiated comes to
be less than all the males of the tribe. In the case
where centralization of power in the hands of the
chief has not developed, where the government is
rather by elders, the ideal fostered by the mysteries
is strongly that of fidelity to the tribe as represented
by the elders, who conduct the ceremonies
in the presence of the initiates. Where centralization
has occurred, a less democratic organization
may arise, various secret societies may form, more
or less limited in membership and with different
demands for qualification on the part of aspirants
to membership. In these cases the ceremonies may
grow in complexity and impressiveness, and the
religious element is often more stressed, so that
these become largely the guardian of religion. In
such a situation puberty ceremonies become more
curtailed and do not carry with them membership
in the societies. These more aristocratic organizations
involve not universal obligation, as do the
moat primitive type, but special privilege, the obtaining
of which requires not only the suffrage of
members, but also no slight expenditure, which in
turn secures such a degree of consideration in the
tribe as seems quite commensurate with the difficulty
and expense attendant. The performance of
the rites still required at puberty devolves upon the
higher grades in the societies, each of which grades
has its own ceremony of initiation possibly performed
at considerable intervals. Entrance into these,
therefore, becomes a desideratum to the ambitious.
Where this stage of civilization is reached,
the separation of the boy from his parents may
take place at as early an age as five years, and the
course of instruction and service to the tribe may
last till he is forty or till his father dies and he
enters upon his inheritance. In the tribal societies
the simplicity and naivet&eacute; of primitive faith dies,
and self-seeking enters in with an almost inevitable
duplicity and deceit, advancing to extortion and
governing by oppression and even murder, as in
the interior of Africa. In cases not a few the tribal
society becomes a means of perpetuating the power
of the elders and of securing for them an easy support
in their old age. Necessarily, the conditions
described in the preceding paragraphs tend to
die out with progress in culture, the mysteries may
come to be no secret, and the proscribed classes
may obtain admission at any rate as witnesses.
Among the North American Indians, who are in this
stage, the institution of initiation has as its central
feature the lonely puberty watch of the candidate,
who under the stress of fasting and mental
effort dreams of an animal or spirit which thus
becomes his guardian genius. Still, the fraternities
which are associated with this stage evidently often
perpetuate the principal religious beliefs and cere
monies of earlier conditions.</P>

<h4>5. Magical Fraternities.</h4>

<p>With the belief in the virtue of magic invariable
among primitive peoples, it is not strange that
magical fraternities should form about
the rites of initiation, and that the
ceremonies should not seldom come
to have association with the purpose
of securing success in hunting and agriculture.
One of the fundamental ideas of initiation is correctness
of one&#39;s status with respect to marriage
(and therefore the obtaining of progeny). In primitive
logic the step from this end to consideration
of the means of living is a short one. Mimetic
magic is resorted to for success in various undertakings,
as in the buffalo dance of the Indians (G. Catlin,
<I>Report of Smithsonian Institution for 1885</I>,
ii. 309-311, Washington, 1886). And as deceased
ancestors are supposed to have power for good or
ill in the directions of increase of progeny and of
the fruits of the chase and of toil, it is not strange
that societies form around the cult of ancestors.
In many societies the dead are regarded as members
still active though unseen. Such organizations,
in this way bound to the past yet actively interested
in present welfare, become repositories of
tradition, creators of secret ritual, and protectors
of such rude poetic art as exists under such conditions.
On the other hand, they may and do degenerate
and become the centers of orgies and
practises too horrible to describe, especially in
Africa, where the worst results of this species of
domination are found. In short, the phenomena
attending the initiation into the mysteries among
primitives illustrate both the noblest and the
meanest qualities of humanity. They have contributed
both to the uplift and to the degeneration
of peoples, and exhibit the lofty and worthy aspirations
of man as well as his most lamentable failings.</P>

<h4>6. The "Men&#39;s House:"</h4>
 
<P>In the most primitive conditions and when tribes
are migratory, no exact location other than some
place apart from the tribal camp is
fixed for the ceremonies. In these
circumstances it is usual for the bachelors
and boys to camp apart from the
place where the families are settled
for the time being. The rites are in a still more retired
location, guarded from intrusion by the noise
of the bull-roarer or other instrument, the sound
of which indicates that the ceremonies are in progress.
Where settled habitations are the rule, the
separation of the sexes already referred to has
brought about in many communities the establishment
of the "men&#39;s house." This is usually the
most conspicuous structure in the place, and admission
to it is denied to the non-initiates, or at
least to those not eligible to initiation. There the
unmarried males may live, or at the most sleep;
their separation from the women necessitating
nonparticipation in family life. This house becomes
the center and locus of the mysteries, and as development
proceeds, societies and fraternities make
it their home. With the multiplication of fraternities,
there may be several of these houses in a community.
This house serves the purpose also of council
house, may answer the uses of the modern club,
or may even become the center of defense in case of
attack. Celebrations take place in or before it, and<pb n="7"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />to it news is brought which is of importance to the
tribe. The area where the "men&#39;s house" is known
to have existed within the modern period is essentially conterminous with the regions inhabited by
primitive peoples in Asia, Oceanica, the New World,
and rarely in Australia.</P>

<h4>7. Methods of Initiation.</h4>

<P>Inasmuch as the reason for the existence of the
mysteries is in general the induction of the pubescent
youth into the rights and proper manner of
performing the duties of manhood,
there is involved preparation for marriage
in certain ways deemed necessary
by peoples in that stage of civilization.
The particular methods depend
upon the traditions, usages, and ideas of the tribe,
group of tribes, or people. The practises that prevail
imply two salient ideas: (1) the ordeal, in
volving much of severe pain, physical and mental,
and suffering that may and sometimes does ter
minate fatally, while successful passing of the trial
establishes the right of the candidate to admission
to the ranks of warriors, or at least to such instruction
as will fit him for that status; (2) instruction
in the manner of performing the duties, religious
and social, which the new position involves. Very
often the ordeal involves mutilations which are
permanent, and supposedly may serve the triple
purpose of marks that prove the fact of initiation
and the right to manhood&#39;s privileges, of testing
the aspirant&#39;s courage and power to endure pain
without complaint and even with indifference, and
in the most common rite (that of circumcision) of
fitting the candidate for the duties of marriage. At
the time of initiation the boys are taken from the
women and girls, occasionally assuming a particular
garb indicative of their candidateship. They
are conducted to the men&#39;s encampment or men&#39;s
house (see <a href="">above, &sect; 6</a>); in some cases the
surrender of the boys by the women is the occasion of
ceremonies that are dramatic and impressive, and emphasize
the new status to which the boys aspire.
After their separation the boys are instructed by
precept and often by ceremonial, are told that they
have passed from childhood and its ways, and that
their place is henceforth with the men, from whom
they are to receive the lessons in war or hunting
or other duties which are to make them worthy
members of society. The novice after initiation is
supposed to be a new being. Quite generally his
death and resurrection are dramatically represented.
In the light of more developed institutions it is evident
that this ceremonial is a crude way of expressing
purification; the fundamental notion is not altogether
foreign to the Pauline idea "dead to sin"
(<scripref>Rom. vi. 2</scripref>).
It is not impossible that under hypnotic
influence the candidate actually believes that
he has died and come again to life. The women
either hold this belief or feign it. The candidates
are daubed with filth, mud, powder, or gypsum, and
the removal of this is symbolic of the casting off
of that which had separated them from the full
measure of manhood. Sometimes they are believed
to pass away and to be reborn. Indeed, it is often
startling to find the very arcana of Christianity an
ticipated in the rites and beliefs and even the words
of Australian or primitive American savages. The
period of seclusion varies from a few days to a year,
often on scanty, even repulsive, rations. The fact
of the new birth or resurrection is signalized by the
reception of a new and (it may be) secret name
(this feature continues in the cultic mysteries; cf.
also <scripref>Rev. ii. 17</scripref> and often, for that book
lays great emphasis upon the new name), and even by acquiring
a new and mystic language. The initiates
may pretend that they have lost all their former
stock of knowledge. Over a large area, besides
the mutilations already named, depilation, tattooing,
painting, boring of nose, lip, or ear, loss of one
or more teeth (generally incisors), scorching by
fire, drinking of blood, or heavy floggings may
serve as accompaniments. Especially is much
made of the exhibition of certain paraphernalia,
such as the instruments of noise and certain symbolic
articles which vary in different surroundings,
but may not be spoken of in mixed company.</P>

<h4>8. Educational Value.</h4>

<P>The instruction during the period of seclusion is
in general, even among the rudest tribes, of a character
which must astonish by its salutariness those
who suppose that with a high grade of civilization
alone are developed the moralities, especially those
concerning sex and property. Altogether
outside of what pertains to
every-day necessities (which in this
type of society include besides the
ways of obtaining food by hunting and
fishing, as well as its preparation, also the art and
methods of war), there is the education of the boys
in conduct toward women which is not a whit lower
than is involved by standards of sexual morality
in "enlightened" lands. By inculcation of sheer
self-control a restraint upon indulgence is achieved
which more pretentious grades of culture accomplish
only through the seclusion of women. And
the task of self-control is made the more difficult
because of the system of taboo and the restrictions
imposed by the rules which complicate the ideas
of relationship and prevent intermarriage between
certain classes within the tribe. So the candidate
receives instruction regarding the choice of a wife
which may legally be made, and is charged to keep
strictly within those lines. He is cautioned against
promiscuity and unchastity (though in a few regions
the period of initiation is followed by a sort of orgy).
He is taught the necessity of obedience to the
elders, of fidelity to tribal obligations, is instructed
in the geography of the tribal possessions and the
necessity in the public interest of remaining within
the tribal boundaries. The qualities of truthfulness,
justness, honesty, generosity, kindness to the
weak, filial regard, courage, good judgment are
enjoined, while even the principle of eugenics from the
viewpoint of tribal advantage is emphasized. Fidelity
to the tribe is urged through the impartation
of its history and its relations with other tribes, and
the native games, songs, and dances (having religious
purport); the secrets and obligations of the
system of totems and taboos are also communicated.
Through the advice coming from the elders around
the camp-fire after the daily labors are ended, the
admiration and regard of the youth are won, the
feeling of brotherhood is fostered, and a sobering
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<pb n="14"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />there was evidence of a dissatisfaction with the
state religion, a waking of the soul to life and of
a desire for nobler things, which was in a manner
met by the acceptance and symbolic interpretation
of primitive performances. In this movement the
mysteries described above had the leading part.
But other secret cults in considerable numbers had
their vogue, some merely local, others (like those
of the Great Mother) pervasive, and still others the
invention of mountebanks, intent upon using the
trend of things in the religious world to their own
advantage. Of the first and second, part were associated
with the deities already named. Others, like
the Pythagorean and Isiac, were on a different basis.
But together the effect upon religion was profound,
and was by no means unfelt in Christianity (cf. G.
Anrich, <I>Das antike Mysterienwesen in seinem Einfluss
auf das Christentum</I>, Göttingen, 1894; E. H.
Hatch, <I>Influence of Greek Ideas and Usages upon
the Christian Church</I>, London, 1890). Greek tragedians
and philosophers were hardly less under the
spell of these performances and ideas. So that the
mysteries, tribal and cultic, are among the forces
the vast effects of which are only now beginning to
be appreciated.</p>

<p class="author">GEO. W. GILMORE.</P>

<p class="bibliography">BIBLIOGRAPHY:
For tribal mysteries incomparably the best
works for the student are those which deal with the life
of savages in different lands, compiled by competent observers.
Among the best and indispensable works of
this kind are: L. Fison and A. W. Howitt, <I>Kamilaroi and
Kurnai</I>, Melbourne, 1880; R. H. Codrington, <I>Melanesian
Studies</I>, London, 1891; A. Hamilton, <I>Maori Art</I>,
Wellington, 1896; B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen; <i>Native Tribes
of Central Australia</I>, London, 1899; idem, <i>Northern Tribes
of Central Australia</I>, ib. 1904; F. H. Cushing, <I>Zuni Folk
Tales</I>, New York, 1902; W. H. Furness, <I>Borneo Head
Hunters</I>, London, 1902; A. W. Howitt, <I>Native Tribes of
South-East Australia</I>, ib. 1904; Mrs. K. L. Parker, <I>Euahlayi
Tribe</i>, ib. 1905; and the <I>Reports and Bulletins</I> of the
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. The material has
been brought together in two books of the highest value: H. Schurtz, <I>Altersklassen und Münnerbunde</i>,
Berlin, 1902; and H. Webster, <I>Primitive Secret Societies, a
Study in Early Politics and Religion</I>, New York, 1908 (an
excellent handbook on the subject). Consult further:
E. B. Tylor, in <I>Journal of Anthropological Studies</i>, xxviii
(1898), 145 sqq.; idem, <I>Primitive Culture</I>, new ed., London, 1903; J. G. Frazer, <I>Golden Bough</i>, iii. 422-445, ib.
1900; E. Crawley, <I>Mystic Rose</i>, pp. 215-223, 270-314,
New York, 1902; G. S. Hall, <I>Adolescence</i>, ii. 232-260, ib.
1904.</p>

<P>On Greek Mysteries the work of Miss Harrison cited
so frequently in the text is of prime importance, adducing evidence which is frequently unique. Consult further:
C. A. Lobeck, <I>Aglaophamus</I>, Regensburg, 1829
(indispensable for the collection of materials from the
classics); L. Preller, <I>Demeter und Persephone</I>, Hamburg,
1837; idem, <I>Griechische Mythologie</i>, ed. C. Robert, Berlin,
1894; F. Lenormant, <I>Monographic de la voie sacriée
eleusinienne</I>, Paris, 1864; idem, in <i>Contemporary Review</i>,
1880, i. 847 sqq., ii. 119 sqq., 412 sqq.; A. Mommsen,
<I>Heortologie</i>, Leipsic, 1864; C. Strube, <i>Ueber den Bilderkreis von Eleusis</I>, Leipsic, 1870; C. S. Wake,
<I>Evolution of Morality</i>, ii., chap. vi., London, 1878;
W. Mannhardt, <I>Mythologische Forschungen</I>, Strasburg, 1884;
H. Junker, <I>Die Studenwachen in den Osirismysterien nach den Inschriften von Dendera, Edfu, und Philae</I>, Vienna, 1890;
L. Dyer, <I>Gods in Greece</i>, pp. 174-218, London, 1891;
P. Gardner, <I>New Chapters in Greek Hist</I>., ib. 1892;
H. Rubensohn, <I>Die Mysterienheiligtümer in Eleusis und Samothrace</I>, Berlin, 1892;
A. Dieterich, <I>Nekyia</i>, Leipsic, 1893 (important);
P. Foucart, <I>Recherches sur l&#39;origine et la nature des mysteres
d&#39;Eleusis</I>, Paris, 1895 (of very considerable value);
E. Maass, <I>Orpheus</I>, Munich, 1895;
D. Philios, <I>Eleusis, ses mystères, ses ruines, et son
musee</i>, Athens, 1896, Eng. transl., <I>Eleusis, her Mysteries, Ruins, and Museum</I>, London, 1906 (the treatment of the
mysteries is rather superficial);
T. Mommsen, <i>Die Feste der Stadt Athen</i>, Leipsic, 1898;
A. Lang, <i>Myth, Ritual, and Religion</i>, i. 270 sqq., ii. 286
sqq., London, 1899;
idem, <I>Homeric Hymns</I>, pp. 55-100, 183-210, ib. 1899;
G. D&#39;Alviella, in <I>RHR</i>, xlvi (1902), nos. 2 and 3, xlvii
(1903), nos. 1 and 2;
idem, <I>Eleusinia</i>, Paris, 1903;
E. Rohde, <i>Psyche</i>, 3d ed., Tübingen, 1902(indispensable);
O. Gruppe, <I>Griechische Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte</I>,
Munich, 1906;
R. Reitzenstein, <I>Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligion, ihre
Grundgedanken und Wirkungen</I>, Leipsic, 1910;
F. Cumont, <I>Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism</I>, Chicago,
1911;
Ersch and Gruber, <I>Encyklopädie</i>, I., xxxiii. 268-298,
lxxxii. 219-380.</P>


</div3><div3 title="Tribes, Hebrew">

<h3>TRIBES, HEBREW.</h3>
<p>See <a href="">ISRAEL, HISTORY OF, I.</a></p>


</div3><div3 title="Tribur, Synod of">

<h3>TRIBUR, SYNOD OF:</h3>
<p>A synod held early in
May, 895, at Tribur (12 m. w.n.w. of Darmstadt)
in the presence of King Arnulf, and attended by
the archbishops of Cologne, Mainz, and Treves, and
twenty-six or twenty-seven bishops. It is chiefly
noteworthy as marking a closer relation between
Arnulf and the higher clergy; for, while a large
number of its enactments referred to the restoration of ecclesiastical discipline, a series of important
canons bound the king to make sweeping concessions
to the higher clergy. The synod was also
important as further strengthening the judicial
powers of the Curia, to which it enjoined subjection
and obedience, even though the yoke should prove
heavy. Almost two centuries later (Oct., 1076) a
second assembly met at Tribur, at which the secular
princes combined with a great portion of the
clergy and the Curia against the emperor, subjecting
Henry IV. to Gregory VII., and requiring him
to appear at Augsburg on Feb. 2, 1077, to receive
the verdict of the pope, with the threat that, if he
did not purge himself of the ban within a year from
the pronouncement of excommunication, he should
irrevocably forfeit the empire. The result was
Canossa (see <a href="">GREGORY VII.</a>).</p>

<p class="author">(D. KERLER+.)</p>

<P class="bibliography">BIBLIOGRAPHY: 
For the <I>Acts</I> consult <I>NA</I>, xiv. 49-82, 281-326,
xv. 411-427, xviii. 365-409. xx. 289-352; <I>MGH</i>,
<i>Cap.</i>, ii. 196-249. Consult also: E. L. Dümmler, <I>Geschichte des ostfränkischen Reichs</i>, iii. 395-404;
Hefele, <I>Conciliengeschichte</i>, iv. 552-561.</P>


</div3><div3 title="Tridentine Profession of Faith">
<h3>TRIDENTINE PROFESSION OF FAITH (CREED
OF PIUS IV.):</h3>
<p>For practical purposes the most
important creed-statement of the Roman Catholic
Church. The original name was <i>Forma professionis
fidei Catholicae</I>, or <I>orthodoxoe fidei</I>. It was preceded
by three other professions of faith issued by Pius
IV.: that of 1556 in thirty-six articles; that of
1560, intended for prelates; and that of 1563. The
decrees of the <a href="">Council of Trent</a>
contain no
profession, but in the twenty-fourth session such
a form was suggested. This was prepared by a commission
of cardinals under the direction of Pius
IV. in 1564. It must be subscribed or sworn to by
all priests and public teachers of that church, and
also by Protestant converts (hence called the "Profession
of converts"). It was solemnly affirmed
during the Vatican Council of 1870 at its second
session. It is a very clear and precise summary
of the specific doctrines of the Roman Church as
settled by the Council of Trent, put in the form of
a binding oath of obedience to the pope, as the
successor of the Prince of the apostles, and the
vicar of Christ. It consists of twelve articles of
which the first runs as follows:</p><pb n="15"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" /><q>"I, ---, with a firm faith believe and profess all and
every one of the things contained in that creed which the
holy Roman Church makes use of, viz.:<br />
"I believe in one God, the Father Almighty," etc. (Here
follows the Nicene Creed.)</q>

<p>In the following ten articles the candidate accepts
(1) all the conditions and ordinances of the
Roman Catholic Church; (2) the interpretation
put upon the Scriptures by that church and no
other; (3) the seven sacraments and the mode of
their administration taught by the church; (4)
every article and statement made by the Council
of Trent concerning original sin and justification;
(5) the doctrine of transubstantiation and the sacrificial
nature of the mass; (6) the bread and the
wine as each containing the whole Christ; (7) the
invocation of saints, the worship of relics, and the
doctrine of purgatory, and that the suffrages of
the living avail for the souls there confined; (8) the
worship of images and the virtue of indulgences;
(9) the supremacy of the Roman Church and the
authority of the bishop of Rome as the successor
of St. Peter and the vicar of Jesus Christ; and
(10) the condemnation, rejection, and anathematization
of everything contrary to the decrees of
the general councils as well as all heresies rejected
by the church. The last article contains a most
solemn adjuration, and runs as follows:</p>

<q>"I do, at this present, freely profess and truly hold this
true Catholic faith, without which no one can be saved;
and I promise most constantly to retain and confess the
same entire and inviolate, with God&#39;s assistance, to the end
of my life. And I will take care, as far as in me lies, that it
shall be held, taught, and preached by my subjects, or by
those the care of whom shall appertain to me in my office.
This I, ---, promise, vow, and swear, so help me God, and
these holy Gospels of God."</q>

<p>Since that time the Roman Catholic Church has
added two articles which enter into the profession,
one on the sinlessness of the Virgin Mary, and one
on the infallibility of the pope, in the following
words:</p>

<q>"(1) That &#39;the blessed Virgin Mary, by a singular grace
and privilege of Almighty God, in view of the merits of
Christ Jesus the Savior of mankind, has been preserved free
from all stain of original sin.&#39;<br />
"(2) That &#39;the Roman pontiff, when be speaks 
<I>ex cathedra</i>--that is, in discharge of the office of
pastor, and doctor of all Christians, by virtue of his supreme
apostolic authority, he defines a doctrine regarding faith or
morals--is possessed of that infallibility with which the divine
Redeemer willed that his Church should be endowed; and that
therefore such definitions of the Roman pontiff are irreformable
of themselves, and not from the consent of the Church."</q>

<p class="author>P. SCHAFF+. D. S. SCHAFF.</p>

<p class="bibliography">BIBLIOGRAPHY: 
The papal bulls of Nov. 13 (<I>Injunctum nobis</i>)
and Dec. 9 (<I>In sacrosancta</I>), 1564, are in the
<i>Bullarium magnum Romanum</I>, 19 Vols., Luxemburg, 1727-1758,
the former also in Mirbt, <I>Quellen</i>, pp. 256-258.
The text of the profession is in F. G. Streitwolf and R. E.
Klener, <I>Libri symbolici ecclesiae catholiace</i>, ii. 315-321,
cf. i. pp. xlv.-li., 98-100, G&ouml;ttingen, 1838, and in Schaff,
<I>Creeds</I>, ii. 207-210, cf. i. 96-99. Consult besides the
above: G. C. F. Mohnike, <I>Urkundliche Geschichte der sogenannten
Professei fidei Tridentinoe und . . . andern romisch-catholischen
Glaubensbekenntnisse</I>, Greifswald, 1822; E. K&ouml;11ner,
<I>Symbolik der r&ouml;misch-katholischen Kirche</i>, p. 141,
Hamburg, 1844; H. J. D. Denzinger, <I>Enchiridion symbolorum
et definitionum</i>, pp. 233-235, W&uuml;rzburg, 1900; 
<I>KL</i>, v. 882-685.</p>


</div3><div3 title="Triebs, Franz">

<h3>TRIEBS, FRANZ:</h3>
<p>German Roman Catholic;
b. at Gross-Glogau (58 m. n.w. of Breslau) Nov. 7,
1864. He was educated at the universities of Breslau
and M&uuml;nster (1883-87; D.D., M&uuml;nster, 1888),
and after being a parish priest in Waldenburg
(Silesia), Merzdorf, Sch&ouml;nau, Schwedt, and
Miltisch, 1888-95, resumed his studies at Bonn (1895-97;
Ph.D., 1897), and at Berlin (1897-1900),
being at the same time engaged in parochial work in
the latter city. In 1902 he became privat-docent for
canon law in the University of Breslau, where he was
appointed to his present position of extraordinary
professor of the same subject in 1905, being
made consistorial councilor in 1908. He has written
<I>Veteris Testamenti de Cherubim doctrina</I> (M&uuml;nster,
1888) and <I>Studien zur Lex Dei, i. ii.</I> (Freiburg, 1905-07),
besides editing Salih ibn al-Husain&#39;s <I>Liber
decem quaestionum contra Christianos</I> (Bonn, 1897).</P>


</div3><div3 title="Trigland, Jacobus">
<h3>TRIGLAND, JACOBUS:</h3>
<p>Dutch Reformed; b. at
Vianen (7 m. s.s.w. of Utrecht) July 22, 1583; d.
at Leyden Apr. 5, 1654. Of Roman Catholic parentage,
he was brought up by relatives at Gouda,
and sent, in 1597, to some priests at Amsterdam to
study theology. Toward the end of 1598 he removed to
Louvain, where doubts arose in his mind
which ultimately led him to break with the ancient
faith. He was entrusted with a mission to Haarlem
by the head of the collegium pontificium, and never
returned to Louvain. After a few weeks at Gouda,
where his foster relations rejected him, he sought
refuge in the house of his parents, where he studied
Reformed tenets, meanwhile seeking occupation to
gain his livelihood. In 1602 he was made rector of
the school at Vianen, and in the following year
entered the Reformed Church. Having prepared
privately for the ministry, he was ordained pastor at
Stolwijk in 1607; and was pastor at Amsterdam,
1610-34. Here, in 1614, he began a noteworthy
activity in affairs of Church and State which ended
only with his death. In 1617 he received leave of
absence to the Reformed church at The Hague,
and was a deputy of the provincial synod of North
Holland to the Synod of Dort, which appointed him
a member of the committee to draw up the Canons
of Dort. Trigland was professor of theology at
Leyden, 1634-54, lecturing on the exegesis of the
Old Testament, on the <i>loci communes</I>, 1639-50, and
later on "cases of conscience." He was also pastor
of the Reformed church at Leyden (1637-45).</P>

<P>The writings of Trigland, which are dogmatic and
polemic, reveal him as a man of intense convictions,
rigid dogmatism, and great learning in Scripture and
the Reformed theology, but also as passionate, intolerant,
and haughty, traits which
caused him bitter enemies. Yet his hostility, manifested
particularly against the Remonstrants, did
not come from love of strife, but from sincere feeling
that their teachings were pernicious and not
to be allowed. This is most plainly shown in his
<I>Den rechtghematichden Christen</I> (Amsterdam, 1615).
In his <I>Verdedigingh van de Leere end&#39; Eere der Ghereformeerde
Kerken, ende Leeraren</I> (1616) he defends the
Reformed dogmatics. He sturdily opposed civil
intervention in ecclesiastical affairs in his <I>Antwoordt
op drij vraghen dienende tot advys in de huydendagsche
kerklijke swarigheden</I> (1615), and his 
<I>Christelijcke ende nootwendighe verclaringhe</I> (1615). After
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regime are liberty, equality, fraternity, and justice.
The sultan was not at first deposed, but was
made to accept the constitution-which recognizes
the sovereignty of the dynasty of Othman, Mohammedanism
as the religion of the State, and
the sultan as calif of Islam, but promises religious
liberty, freedom of the press, freedom of speech,
equal rights, and equal duties for all races and
religions-secured by a parliament where all are
equally represented and by a reformed judiciary.
In 1909 an attempt was made to subvert the
constitution, but Abd-ul-Hamid was shown to have
been concerned in the attempt and was deposed;
and his brother, Mohammed Y., was raised to
the throne. This revolution is the work of the
same Ottoman Turks as have ruled the empire for
600 years. They constitute about one-fifth of the
population of the empire and hope that a strong
and regenerated Turkey will restore their influence
in the Mohammedan world. It remains to be seen
how rat it is possible to graft these Christian
principles upon Mohammedanism and how far the
Christian nationalities in the empire will consent to give
up the special privileges which have been assured
to them ever since the capture of Constantinople,
and have served to protect their national churches
from destruction. The Arabs, Albanians, Kurds,
and other Mohammedan races have never loved
the Turks, while the Christian races have always
hoped and prayed for the decay and disappearance
of the Turkish rule. In 1909 in Constantinople,
officially recognized by the Porte, there were
patriarchs of the Armenian, Armenian Catholic, Latin
and Orthodox (Greek) churches, the exarch of the
Bulgarian church, the vekil of the Protestants, and
the Haham Bashi of the Jews. They are appointed
by the sultan and have considerable civil as well as
ecclesiastical authority over their flocks. In these
organizations political interests have often taken
the place of the concerns of religion, and, except the
Protestants and Catholics, none of these religious
bodies have done anything since the Turkish conquest
to propagate their faith. As these communities are
protected by European powers it will be
impossible for the Turks to deprive them of these
privileges by force, and their political interests and
aspirations will lead them to cling as far as possible
to these separate organizations.</P>

<h3>II. Protestant Missions:</h3>
<h4>General.</h4>
<p>The Protestant Reformation in Europe was not without influence in
Turkey, and some of the highest ecclesiastics of the
Orthodox church were more or less in sympathy
with it. But the people were too ignorant and too
isolated to be reached by say movement from without;
and Protestantism was practically
unknown to them until the establishment of
Protestant missions in Turkey,
early in the present century. These missions have
been confined almost exclusively to the Jews sad
the Oriental Christians. Thirty-one societies are
engaged, including the Church Missionary Society, the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, the London
Jews Society, the Established Church of Scotland,
the United Free Church of Scotland, the Irish
Presbyterian Mission, the Palestine Church Missionary 
Society, the British Syrian School Society, the
Lebanon Schools Committee, the Society for
Promoting Female Education in the East. All of these
are British organizations; and in addition to these
there are several independent enterprises, mostly
schools, conducted by the English. The American
societies are the American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions, the Presbyterian Board of
Missions, the Reformed Presbyterian Mission, the
Christian (Campbellite) Mission, the Society of
Friends (American and English). There are also a
number of publication societies, both English and
American, which have agents in Turkey or work
through the missionaries. The most important are
the British and Foreign Bible Society, the
American Bible Society, the American Tract Society, the
London Religious Tract Society. The German missions
are the Kaiaerswerth Deaconeases, the Krishona
Missions, and the Jerusalem Verein. These
societies employ about 450 missionaries and
assistant missionaries, and about 1,800 native assistants.
The whole number of Protestants in Turkey is estimated
at 100,000, of whom about 25,000 are
communicants.</P>

<h4>American Board.</h4>
<P>First of these organizations stands the American
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions,
which originally represented the Presbyterian,
Reformed (Dutch), and Congregational churches of
America, but since 1870 only the last. The work of
this board in Turkey was commenced in 1819, when
two missionaries, Messrs. Fisk and
Parsons, were sent out to begin work
at Jerusalem. This mission was never
fairly established, but in 1823 the
Syrian mission was commenced at Beirut. The
Armenian mission was founded at Constantinople
in 1831, and the Jewish mission in 1832, the Assyrian
mission in 1849, and the Bulgarian in 1858. Several
missionaries have at times been appointed to work
among the Mohammedans, but without any permanent
result. There was a time, after the Crimean
war, when the government tolerated work for the
Mohammedans and there were a few converts. But
in 1865 this toleration ceased, and for the last thirty
years it has been impossible far a Moslem to abjure
his faith and remain in the country. It remains to
be seen how far the religious liberty now promised
will be extended to Mohammedans. The board has
now four distinct missions in Turkey the Euro
pean, Western, Central, and Eastern Turkey missions;
and its work is chiefly among the Armenians,
Bulgarians, and Greeks. The missionaries at first
had no intention of establishing an independent
Protestant church in Turkey, but sought rather to
reform the existing Christian churches. The peculiar
constitution of the Turkish empire, which not only
gave civil power to the patriarchs, but treated as an
outlaw every, person not belonging to some estab
lished church, together with the violent animosity
of the ecclesiastics against Evangelical teaching,
finally forced the missionaries to found a Protestant
church, or, more properly, a Protestant civil community,
which was recognized by the Porte in 1850,
through the influence of England. In 1910 the
American Board had in Turkey 354 male and female
missionaries. They also supported, wholly or
in part, 1,355 native pastors, preachers, teachers,<pb n="40"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />etc. They have 353 stations and sub-stations,
with 16,031 communicants. They have 411 schools
of all grades, with about 20,000 pupils in all.
They have printed and circulated, since the
establishment of the missions, over 3,000,000 books.
There are seven colleges connected with the missions
of the board--at Aintab, Kharpoot, Marsovan,
Marash, Tarsus, Smyrna, and Constantinople--with
1,461 students. The colleges at Conatantinople
and Marash are for girls.</P>

<h4>3. Other Missions.</h4>

<P>The mission to Syria was transferred by the
American Board in 1870 to the Presbyterian Church,
and reports the following statistics for 1910:
missionaries, 38; native laborers, 194; churches, 29;
communicants, 2,819; theological and high schools,
9; high schools for girls, 3; common schools, 91;
printed from beginning, 23,395,410
books. The Reformed (Dutch) Church
Missions. in America in 1894 adopted a mission
which had been started as an independent
work in Arabia, about the Persian Gulf.
There are thirteen missionaries, and their object is
to reach the Mohammedans with the Gospel of our
Lord Jesus Christ. The missions to the Jews in
Turkey are conducted by the London Jews Society,
which has 5 stations, 7 missionaries, 2 medical
missionaries, 6 helpers, and 6 schools; the church of
Scotland, which has 5 stations, 5 missionaries, 1
medical missionary, 6 helpers, and 6 schools; the
Free Church of Scotland, which has 2 stations, 2
missionaries, 2 helpers, and 3 schools. In all there
are four organized churches. It is supposed that
the wives of the missionaries are not included in
these statistics, as they are in those which precede
them.</p>

<h4>4. Bible Societies.</h4>

<P>The British and Foreign Bible Society has eleven
depots and depositories in Turkey, with a central
agency at Constantinople. It now employs thirty-three
colporteurs. It commenced work
in Turkey about 1806. It has circulated
the Bible in thirty-five languages,
to the number of about 2,500,000 volumes.
The American Bible Society has a central
agency at Constantinople. Its most important
branch is at Beirut; but it operates through all the
stations of the American missions. It now employs
50 colporteurs. It circulates the Bible in 26
languages, and the total number of volumes circulated
since 1858 is about 750,000. Both of these societies
have worked in such close connection with the
missionary societies, and have so generally depended
upon the missionaries for their translations and for
the work of publication, that it is impossible to say
exactly how large a proportion of the volumes reported
above is included in the statistics already
given in connection with the missions. Up to 1858
the missionaries acted as agents of the American
Bible Society. Robert College, founded 1863, at
Constantinople, and the Syrian Protestant College
at Beirut, are independent, endowed institutions,
not connected with any missionary society; but
they are the fruit of missionary work. Robert
College has 45 professors and instructors, and 450
students. Its course of instruction is similar to that of
the best American colleges. The Syrian Protestant
College has a medical department and a commercial
school in addition to its college course, and was
founded in 1866. It has 60 professors and instructors,
and 700 students. These colleges are both
American institutions, and in both the language of
instruction is English. Their students represent
almost all the languages, religions, and nationalities
of the East.</P>

<h4>5. Results.</h4>
<P>Of late years most of the missions in Turkey have
given prominence to medical work, and a number
of hospitals have been established at
the mission stations. The most important
connected with American missions are at 
eirut, Aintab, Caesarea, Marsovan, Van,
and Bahrein, and there are dispensaries for medical
aid at most of the stations. This work reaches all
races and religions, and its influence is constantly
increasing. The real influence of Protestant missions
in Turkey can not be measured by any such
statistics as those given above. It has been not
only religious, but intellectual, social, and political.
It has modified the character of the Oriental
churches, and to some extent reformed them. It
has carried Western ideas and Christian civilization
into the darkest corners of the empire. Many English
statesmen familiar with Turkish affairs have
declared that American missionaries have accomplished
more for the regeneration of the East than
all other influences combined. Lord Stratford de
Redcliffe and Lord Shaftesbury may be mentioned,
among others, as having expressed this opinion.</P>
<P>

<h3>III. Roman Catholic Missions:</h3>
<h4></h4>

 Neither the Roman Catholic authorities nor the French embassy at
Constantinople are ready to furnish the statistics
of Roman Catholic missions in Turkey; although
an offer was made to publish what they might
furnish, without note or comment. Without such
statistics, only general statements can be made. All
Roman Catholic missions in Turkey were, until
recently, political agencies of the French Government,
and as such received pecuniary aid and diplomatic
support. In return for this they were expected
to propagate and sustain French influence
under all circumstances. The principal Roman
Catholic organizations in Turkey are the Lazarists,
Mechitarists, Franciscans, Dominicans, Capuchins,
Carmelites, Jesuits, and various organizations of
Sisters of Charity. For many years past they have
made but little apparent progress in winning
converts from other Christian churches, and they have
not attempted to convert Mohammedans. For a
time the Bulgarians, after their conversion to
Christianity, inclined toward Rome; but they finally
united with the Eastern Church; and only a small
body of Paulicians are now Roman Catholics. Since
the commencement of the conflict between the Bulgarians
and the Greek Patriarch, great efforts have
been made to win the Bulgarians over to Rome;
and, since the expulsion of the religious orders from
France, this mission has been largely reenforced, and
French protection has been offered to converts,
especially in Macedonia. The results have thus far
been small. In Albania there is a strong Catholic
element. Among the Greeks no progress has been
made for fifty years. There is a rich and influential
Armenian Catholic Church in Turkey, which
during the eighteenth century suffered terrible persecution;<pb n="41"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />but this church has during the past few
years been distracted by dissensions, growing out
of an effort, on the part of Rome, to Latinize it.
Several thousand families have gone back to the
old Armenian church.</P>

<P>Among the Arabic-speaking races, the Roman
Catholics have won over many of the Jacobites,
control the Maronites of Syria, have some influence
among the Greeks and Copts, and of course maintain
establishments in Tripoli and Tunis. In addition
to the native Roman Catholics, there is all
through the empire a large foreign population, which
is generally Roman Catholic and contributes to the
support of the missions. In fact, much of the influence
of this faith in Turkey has always come from
the diplomatic, consular, and commercial establishments
maintained here by Roman Catholic countries. The
native Christians have always been
taught to feel, that, in becoming Roman Catholics,
they became in some sense Europeans, and shared
in some degree the honor and immunities of foreigners.
In addition to these social and political
advantages afforded to converts, the Roman Catholic
missions have founded churches, schools, hospitals,
and orphanages, monasteries, convents, and
seminaries. Their schools have always been of a
low order; but they have taught the French language,
and such accomplishments as took the fancy
of the people. Until the establishment of Protestant
missions, they were, no doubt, the best schools in
the country. Of late years, whatever progress has
been made has been due chiefly to the work of the
Sisters of Charity in hospitals, orphanages, schools,
and house-to-house visitation. They are to be found
everywhere; and, although generally ignorant and
bigoted, they are indefatigable workers, well trained
to obedience, self-sacrificing, and wholly devoted
to these works of-Christian charity.</P>

<P>The number of Roman Catholic missionaries in
the empire, native and foreign, male and female,
including the ecclesiastics of the native Roman
Catholic churches, can not be less than 3,000. There
is no means of estimating the annual expenditure,
but the Roman Catholic missions have certainly
been more successful than the Protestant in "living
on the country." They depend much less, in
proportion to their numbers, upon foreign aid.</P>

<P>It is not easy for a Protestant to form an estimate
of the success of Roman Catholic missions.
They have no doubt planted the church so firmly
in this empire that it can stand by itself without
foreign aid; but they have done nothing toward
converting the Mohammedans, and have made no
progress in winning over the oriental churches to
a union with Rome. They have not essentially
weakened these churches, nor have they made converts
enough to enter into any rivalry with them.</P>

<p>GEORGE WASHBURN.</p>

<P>BIBLIOGRAPHY: Besides the literature under
<a href="">ARMENIA</a>;
<a href="">SYRIA</a>; and
<a href="">SYRIAN CHURCH</a>, 
consult on the history and life: 
J. W. Zinkeisen, <I>Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches
in Europa</I>, 7 vols., Hamburg, 1840-63;
J. L. Farley, <I>Modern Turkey</I>, London, 1872;
idem, <I>Turks and Christians</I>, ib. 1876;
J. Baker, <I>Turkey in Europe</I>, ib. 1877;
T. Milner, <I>The Turkish Empire; Sultan, Territory and 
People</I>, ib. 1877;
E. L. Clark, <I>The Races of European Turkey</I>,
Edinburgh, 1878;
idem, <I>Turkey</I>, New York, 1883;
E. J. Davies, <I>Life in Asiatic Turkey</I>, London, 1879; 
J. Creagh, <I>Armenians, Koords, and Turks</I>, 2 vols., ib. 1880;
H. F. Tozer,  <I>Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor</I>, ib.
1881; 
J. M. N. Brodhead, <I>Slav and Moslem, Historical Sketches</I>,
Aiken, 1894; 
S. L. Poole, <I>The Mohammedan Dynasties</I>, Westminster, 1894;
R. Davey, <I>The Sultan and his Subjects</I>, New York, 1897;
Mrs. W. M. Ramsay, <I>Everyday Life in Turkey</I>, London, 1903; L. M. Garnett, <I>Turkish Life in Town aced Country</I>, 
London and New York, 1904;
idem, <I>Turkey of the Ottomans</I>, ib. 1911;
M. Sykes, <I>Dar-ul-Islam; a Record of a Journey through
ten of the Asiatic Provinces of Turkey</I>, New York, 1904; 
W. S. Monroe, <I>Turkey and the Turks. An Account of the Lands,
Peoples and Institutions of the Ottoman Empire</I>, Boston, 1907,
London, 1908;
G. F. Abbot, <I>Turkey in Transition</I>, New York, 1909;
L. Collar, <i>Histoire de l&#39;empire ottoman jusqu&#39;a
la revolution de 1909</i>, Paris, 1910.
And on missions and churches:
<i>The Star in the East; Quarterly Record of the
Progress of Christian Missions within the Turkish Empire</I>,
London, 1883;
Hilaire, <I>La France catholique en orient durant les trois derniers siecles</I>, Paris, 1902;
E. von M&uuml;linen, <I>Die Lateinische Kirche im
t&uuml;rkischen Reiche</I>, 2d ed., Berlin, 1903; 
W. A. Essery, <I>The Ascending Cross. Some Results of
Missions in Bible Lands</I>, London, 1905;
J. E. H., <i>One Hundred Syrian Pictures, Illustrating the
Work of the Syrian Mission</i>, ib. 1903;
C. Lagier, <I>Byzance et Stamboul: nos droits francais et nos missions en orient</I>, Paris, 1905;
N. Jorga, <I>Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches</i>, 3 vols., Gotha,
1907-10;
J. L. Barton, <I>Daybreak in Turkey</I>, Boston, 1909.</P>



</div3></div2><div2 title="Turpulins">
<div3 title="Turpulins">
<h3>TURLUPINS:</h3>
<p>A medieval sect akin to the <a href="">Beghards</a>,
like whom they called themselves "the
fellowship of poverty." The origin and meaning of
the derisive epithet "Turlupins" are obscure. They
seem to have been especially numerous in Paris and
the province of Isle-de-France during the reign of
Charles V. (1364-80), while in 1460-65 they were
in the vicinity of Lille. According to their tenets,
which are known only from their opponents, "inward
prayer" was the sole religious duty. They
carried their endeavor to imitate apostolic poverty
to such an extreme that they went almost naked.
In their gatherings, which were secret, they are said
to have laid aside all their garments to symbolize
paradise, and it is also said that they held that those
who had reached a certain stage of perfection could
no longer sin, and might indulge sensual impulses
without hesitation. The Inquisition proceded unsparingly
against the Turlupins, and Gregory XI.
praised the king for his zeal against them, but they
did not entirely disappear from France until the
second half of the fifteenth century.</P>

<p>(EUGEN LACHENMANN.)</P>

<p>BIBLIOGRAPHY: 
J. Gerson, <I>Opera</I>, ed. Du Pin, Antwerp, 1706;
J. Hermant, <I>Hist. des heresies</i>, iv. 374, Rouen, 1726;
P. Fredericq, <I>Corpus documentorum inquisitionis . . .
Neerlandicae</i>, i. 409-412, The Hague, 1889;
H. C. Lea, <I>History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages</i>,
ii. 126, 158, New York, 1906; <i>KL</i>, iii. 147-148.</P>



</div3></div2><div2 title="Turner">
<div3 title="Turner, Arthur Beresford">

</div3><div3>TURNER, ARTHUR BERESFORD:

<P>Church of
England bishop of Korea; b. at Farley (4 m. e. of
Salisbury), Wiltshire, Aug. 24, 1862. He was educated
at Keble College, Oxford (B.A., 1885), and
was ordained to the priesthood in 1888. After
being curate of Watlington, Oxfordshire (1887-89),
Downton, Salisbury (1889-92), and St. Nicholas
Cathedral, Newcastle-on-Tyne (1892-96), he was
a missionary in <a href="">Korea</a> from 1896 till 1905,
when he was consecrated bishop of that country.</p>


</div3><div3 title="Turner, Francis">
<h3>TURNER, FRANCIS:</h3>

<P>Church of England bishop;
b. probably at Fecham, Surrey, c. 1638; d. in London
Nov. 2, 1700. He was educated at Winchester
and at New College, Oxford (B.A., 1&59; M.A.,<pb n="42"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />1663; B.D. and D.D., 1689); became rector of
Therfield, Hertfordshire, 1664; fellow of St. John&#39;s
College, Cambridge, 1668; prebend for Sneating at
St. Paul&#39;s, London, 1669; master of St. John&#39;s Col
lege, Cambridge, 1670, and vice-chancellor, 1678;
rector of Great Hasely, Oxfordshire, 1683; dean of
Windsor and bishop of Rochester, 1683; was trans
lated to Ely, 1684; preached the sermon at the cor
onation of James IL, Apr. 23, 1685; joined in the
protest of the seven bishops against the lung&#39;s dec
laration for liberty of conscience, 1688; refused the
oath of allegiance to William and Mary and was sus
pended, 1689, and deprived, 1690; was arrested but
discharged, 1698. He was a controversialist, and
evoked a sharp retort from Andrew Marvell. Besides
letters and occasional sermons, he wrote
<I>Brief Memoirs of Nicholas Ferrar </I>
(2d ed., London, 1837).</p>

<p>BIBLIOGRAPHY: A. &agrave; Wood, <I>Athenae Oxonienses</I>,
ed. P. Bliss, iv. 545, 619, and <I>Fasti</i>, vol. ii. passim, London, 1813-20;
T. Lathbury, <I>Hist. of the Nonjurors</i>, ib. 1862;
W. H. Hutton, <I>The English Church (1625-1714)</i>, pp. 228, 240, ib. 1903;
<I>DNB</i>, lvii. 336-0337.</p>


</div3><div3 title="Turner, Henry McNeal">

<h3>TURNER, HENRY McNEAL:</h3>

<p>African Methodist Episcopal bishop; b. at Newberry Court House,
S. C., Feb. 1, 1834. In his boyhood he lived in the
cotton fields of his native state and learned to read
and write by his own exertions, while as a servant
in the Abbeville Court House, and later in a medical
college at Baltimore, he widened his knowledge.
In 1858 he was licensed as a preacher in the Methodist
Episcopal Church South and traveled extensively
in the southern states. In 1858 he became a
member of the African Methodist Episcopal Church
and soon joined the Missouri conference, in which
he became an itinerant minister. In the fall of the
same year he was transferred to the Baltimore Conference,
where he remained four years, during which
he completed his education at Trinity College. In
1862-63 he was pastor of Israel Church, Washington,
D. C., and during the Civil War was chaplain
of the First Regiment of United States Colored
Troops. At the close of the war, he was commissioned
chaplain in the regular army and was detailed
to the Freedmen&#39;s Bureau in Georgia. He
returned to the ministry in 1866 and was active
also in educational and political affairs. He was
elected a member of the Georgia constitutional convention
in 1867 and in the following year entered
the legislature of the same state, where he remained
two terms (1868-72). He was then appointed successively
postmaster of Macon, Ga., in 1870, inspector of
customs in 1874, and United States secret
detective in 1875. In 1876 the general conference
of his denomination elected him general manager
of its publications, with his residence at Philadelphia,
and in 1880 he was chosen bishop. He is an
ardent advocate of the return of the negroes to
Africa, where he holds that they should build up
a nation of their own, and he has organized four
annual conferences in Africa at Sierra Leone, Liberia,
Transvaal, and South Africa. He bas written
<I>African Methodist Episcopal Hymnal</I> (Philadelphia, 1876); 
<I>African Methodist Episcopal Catechism</I> (1877);
and <I>Methodist Polity</I> (1889).</p>


</div3><div3 title="Turner, Samuel Hulbeart">
<h3>TURNER, SAMUEL HULBEART:</h3>

<p>Protestant Episcopal; b. in Philadelphia Jan. 23, 1790; d. in
New York Dec. 21, 1861. He was graduated from
the University of Pennsylvania, 1807; settled as
pastor at Chestertown, Md., 1812; became professor
of historic theology in the General Theological
Seminary, New York, 1818, and from 1821 till his
death was professor of Biblical learning. He was
a sound and able commentator. He translated,
with Bishop Whittingham, Jahn&#39;s <I>Introduction to
the Old Testament</I> (New York, 1827), and Planck&#39;s
<I>Introduction to Sacred Philology and Interpretation</I>
(1834); wrote commentaries upon the Greek test of 
<I>Hebrews</I> (1852), <I>Romans</I> (1853), <I>Ephesians</I>
(1856), <I>Galatians</I> (1856); prepared <I>Companion to
the Book of Genesis</I> (1841); <I>Biographical Notices of
some of the most Distinguished Jewish Rabbies, and
Translations of Portions of their Commentaries and
Other Works</I> (1847); <I>Thoughts on the Origin,
Character, and Interpretation of Scripture Prophecy</I> (1852);
<I>Teachings of the Master</I> (1858); <I>Spiritual Things
compared with Spiritual, or Gospels and Acts illustrated by Parallel References</I> (1859); <I>The Gospels
according to the Ammonian Sections and the Tables
of Eusebius</I> (1861).</P>

<P>BIBLIOGRAPHY: <I>Autobiography of Samuel H. Turner</I>,
New York, 1863.</P>


</div3><div3 title="Turnow, Peter">

<h3>TURNOW, tur&#39;nev, PETER:</h3>
<p>Waldensian with
Taboritic tendencies; b. at Tolkemit (50 m. s.w. of
K&ouml;nigsberg), probably about 1390; executed at
Speyer probably in Apr., 1426. Of his early life
nothing is known, but about 1415 he was in Prague.
Henceforth his fortunes were closely connected with
those of <a href="">Johannes Dr&auml;ndorf</a>, and somewhat
later he apparently visited Greece. A few years
before his death he was rector of a school in Speyer,
where, together with Dr&auml;ndorf, he began a series of
attacks on the clergy of the city. He sought in
vain to keep his friend from his own negotiations
with Weinsberg, Heilbronn, and Wimpfen, and the
pair were involved in common ruin. Besides his
attacks on the secular power of the clergy, Turnow
is said to have held that general councils could err,
that the Eucharist must be administered under
both kinds, the priest teaching or acting to the contrary
being doomed to eternal punishment at the last day.</p>


<p>(FERDINAND COHRS.)</p>

<P>


BIBLIOGRAPHY: M. Flacius, <i>Catalogus testium veritatis</i>, Frankfort, 1666; C. D. d&#39;Argentre, <i>Collectio judiciorum de novis
erroribus</i>, vol. ii., Paris, 1728;
J. E. Kapp, <I>Nachlese Einiger . . . zur Erl&auml;uterung der Reformations-Geschichte n&uuml;tzlicher Urkunden</i>, part iii., Leipsic, 1730; H. Haupt, <i>Die
religi&ouml;sen Sekten in Franken vor der Reformation</i>,
W&uuml;rzburg, 1882; idem, in <I>Historisches Taschenbuch</i>,
VI., vii. 233 sqq.;
idem, <i>Waldensertum und Inquisition im s&uuml;d&ouml;stlichen
Deutschland</i>, Freiburg, 1890; L. Seller, <I>Die Reformation
und die &auml;lteren Reformparteien</i>, Leipsic, 1885.</P>


</div3><div3 title="Turrecremata">

<h3>TURRECREMATA, JOHANNES DE.</h3>
<p>See <a href="">Torquemada, Juan de.</a></P>


</div3><div3 title="Turrettini">
<h3>TURRETTINI, tur"r&ecirc;-t&icirc;&#39;n&icirc; (TURRETIN):</h3>
<p>A family of Geneva theologians, whose founder, Francesco
Turrettini, left his native Lucca in 1574 and
settled in Geneva in 1592.</p>

<h4>1. Benedict:</h4>
<p>Son of Francesco; b. in Zurich
1588; d. at Geneva Mar. 4, 1631. He became pastor
and professor of theology at Geneva in 1612. In
1620 he was a delegate to the national synod of
Alais, which introduced the results of the Synod
of Dort into France. In the following year he was<pb n="43"  corrected="N" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />
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<pb n="45"  corrected="N" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />
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<pb n="47"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />(1846); <I>Letters to Dr. Horace Bushnell</i> (1847-48),
and the posthumous <I>Lectures on Theology</i>, with
<I>Memoir</i> by N. Gale (Boston, 1859). His style is
forcible and clear, and his matter always manifests
the old Puritan faith in a personal God of holiness.</p>

<p class="author">M. B. RIDDLE.</p>

<P>


BIBLIOGRAPHY: See <a href="">NEW ENGLAND THEOLOGY, v., § 1</a>,
and consult: the <I>Memoir</i> by N. Gale, ut sup.; E. A. Lawrence,
in <I>New Englander</i>, 1859; A. H. Quint, in <I>Congregational
Quarterly</i>, 1860; A. E. Dunning, <I>Congregationalists in
America</i>, pp. 312, 388, New York, 1894; W. Walker, in
<I>American Church History Series</i>, iii. 358-381, 366, New
York, 1894; idem, <I>New England Leaders</i>, pp. 400-436,
New York, 1901; F. H. </i>Foster, <I>New England Theology</i>, pp.
386-393, Chicago, 1907.</p>


</div3><div3 title="Tymms, Thomas Vincent" id="tymms_thomas_vincent">

<h3>TYMMS, THOMAS VINCENT:</h3>
English Baptist; b. at Westminster, London, Jan. 
5, 1842. He was educated at Regent&#39;s Park College, London. He
held Baptist pastorates at Berwick-on-Tweed (1865-68), 
Accrington (1868-69), and Downs Chapel,
Clapton, London (1869-91). From 1891 until his
retirement from active life in 1904 he was president and
professor of theology in Rawdon College,
Leeds. He was Angus lecturer in Regent&#39;s Park 
College in 1903, and has written <i>The Mystery of God</i>
(London, 1885), the essay on "Christian Theism" in
<I>The Ancient Faith in Modern Light</i> (Edinburgh,
1897); <i>The Christian Idea of Atonement</i> (London,
1904); and <I>The Private Relationships of Christ</i> (1907).</p>


</div3><div3 title="Tyndale, William" id="tyndale_william">

<h3>TYNDALE, tin&#39;dal, WILLIAM:</h3>
<p>Biblical translator and martyr; b. most probably at North
Nibley (15 m. s.s.w. of Gloucester), England, in 1484; d.
at Vilvoorden (6 m. n.e. of Brussels), Belgium, Oct.
6, 1536. He was descended from an ancient Northumbrian
family, went to school at Oxford, and afterward to
Magdalen Hall and Cambridge, and about
1520 became tutor in the family of Sir John Walsh,
at Little Sodbury in Gloucestershire. He was in
orders; but the record of his ordination has not
yet been verified. Having become attached to the
doctrines of the Reformation, and devoted himself
to the study of the Scriptures, the open avowal of
his sentiments in the house of Walsh, his disputes
with Roman Catholic dignitaries there, and especially
his preaching, excited much opposition, and
led to his removal to London (about Oct., 1523),
where he began to preach, and made many friends
among the laity, but none among ecclesiastics. He
was hospitably entertained at the house of Sir
Humphrey Monmouth, and also pecuniarily aided
by him and others in the accomplishment of his
purpose to translate the Scriptures into the vernacular.
Unable to do so in England, he set out
for the continent (about May, 1524), and appears
to have visited Hamburg and Wittenberg; but the
place where he translated the New Testament, although
conjectured to have been Wittenberg, can
not be named with certainty. It is, however, certain
that the printing of the New Testament in
quarto was begun at Cologne in the summer of 1525,
and completed at Worms, and that there was likewise
printed an octavo edition, both before the end
of that year. From an entry in Spalatin&#39;s Diary,
Aug. 11, 1526, it seems that he remained at Worms
about a year; but the notices of his connection with
Hermann von dem Busche and the University of
Marburg are utterly unwarranted conjectures; and,
it being now an established fact that Hans Luft
never had a printing-press at Marburg, the colophon
to Tyndale&#39;s translation of Genesis, and the
title pages of several pamphlets purporting to have
been printed by Luft at Marburg, only deepen the
seemingly impenetrable mystery which overhangs
the life of Tyndale during the interval between his
departure from Worms and his final settlement at
Antwerp. His literary activity during that interval
was extraordinary. When he left England, his
knowledge of Hebrew, if he had any, was of the
most rudimentary nature; and yet he mastered
that difficult tongue so as to produce from the original
an admirable translation of the entire Pentateuch,<note>The
only perfect copy is in the Grenville Library of the
British Museum; one in the Public Library, New York, is
defective, folios XLIV. and XLV., as well as two of the eleven
woodcuts of the volume, are wanting; the missing woodcuts
have been supplied in facsimile by H. Another copy there
lacks Genesis. The copy in the Baptist College, Bristol,
England, contains Genesis, edition of 1534, the other four
books are of the edition of 1530.</note>
the Books of Joshua, Judges, Ruth, First
and Second Samuel, First and Second Kings,
First Chronicles, contained in Matthew&#39;s Bible
of 1537, and of the Book of Jonah, so excellent,
indeed, that to this day his work is not only the
basis of those portions of the Authorized Version,
but constitutes nine-tenths of that translation,
and very largely that of the Revised Version.
His Biblical translations appeared in the following
order: New Testament, 1525-26; Pentateuch,
1530; Jonah, 1531. There is no general title
of the Pentateuch; each book has its own title.</p>

<P>In addition to these he produced the following
works. His first original composition, <i>A
Pathway into the Holy Scripture</i>, is really a
reprint, slightly altered, of his <I>Prologue</i> to the
quarto edition of his New Testament, and had
appeared in separate form before 1532; <i>The Parable
of the Wicked Mammon</i> (1527); and <I>The Obedience
of a Christian Man</i> (1527-28). These several works
drew out in 1529 Sir Thomas More&#39;s <I>Dialogue</i>, etc.
In 1530 appeared Tyndale&#39;s <I>Practyse of Prelates</i>,
and in 1531 his Answer</i>, etc., to the <I>Dialogue</i>,
his <I>Exposition of the First Epistle of St. John</i>, and the 
famous <I>Prologue</i> to Jonah; in 1532, <i>An Exposition
upon the V. VI. VII. Chapters of Matthew</i>; and in
1536, <i>A Brief Declaration of the Sacraments</i>, etc.,
which seems to be a posthumous publication.
Joshua-Second Chronicles also was published after
his death. All these works were written during
those mysterious years, in places of concealment so
secure and well chosen, that neither the ecclesiastical
nor diplomatic emissaries of Wolsey and Henry
VIII., charged to track, hunt down, and seize the
fugitive, were able to reach them, and they are even
yet unknown. Impressed with the idea that the
progress of the Reformation in England rendered it
safe for him to leave his concealment, he settled at
Antwerp in 1534, and combined the work of an
evangelist with that of a translator of the Bible.
Mainly through the instrumentality of one Philips,
the agent either of Henry or of English ecclesiastics,
or possibly of both, he was arrested, imprisoned in
the castle of Vilvoorden, tried, either for heresy or
treason, or both, and convicted; was first strangled,<pb n="48"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />and then burnt in the prison yard, Oct. 6, 1536.
His last words were, "Lord, open the king of England&#39;s
eyes." Excepting the narrative of Foxe,
which is very unsatisfactory, and the opportune
discovery of a letter written by Tyndale in prison,
showing that he was shamefully neglected, and that
he continued his literary labors to the last, no official
records of his betrayal, arrest, trial, and martyrdom,
have as yet been discovered. Indeed, less is known
of Tyndale than of almost any of his contemporaries,
and his history remains to be written. If the unknown
and the mysterious excite and sustain interest,
no theme can excel that attached to Tyndale.
His life must have abounded in incident, variety,
and adventure; and it culminated in tragedy. That
his precious life might have been saved can not be
doubted; and, although neither Cromwell nor Henry
has been convicted of planning and conniving at
his death, it is impossible to exonerate them from
criminal indifference and culpable neglect.</p>

<p>Tyndale&#39;s place in history has not yet been sufficiently
recognized as a translator of the Scriptures,
as an apostle of liberty, and as a chief promoter
of the Reformation in England. In all these
respects his influence has been singularly under-valued.
The sweeping statement found in almost
all histories, that Tyndale translated from the Vulgate
and Luther, is most damaging to the reputation
of the writers who make it; for, as a matter of
fact, it is contrary to truth, since his translations
are made directly from the originals.</p>

<p>Correspondence with Prof. Julius Caesar of Marburg 
(<I>Hand-book</i>, pp. 110 sqq.) proves that Hans
Luft never had a printing-house in that town and
that Tyndale had no connection with its university.
The Prolegomena in Mombert&#39;s <I>William Tyndale&#39;s
Five Books of Moses</i> show conclusively that Tyndale&#39;s
Pentateuch is a translation of the Hebrew
original. The full titles of these works are given in
the footnote.<note>J. I. Mombert,
<I>William Tyndale&#39;s Five Books of Moses called
the Pentateuch, being a literal Reprint of the Edition of
1530, compared with Tyndale&#39;s Genesis of 1634, and the
Pentateuch in the Vulgate, Luther, and Matthew&#39;s Bible with
various Collations and Prolegomena</i> (New York, 1884; this book
is out of print); idem, <I>English Versions of the Bible, a
Hand-book with copious Examples illustrating the Ancestry and
Relationship of the several Versions and Comparative Tables</i>
(London, 1907).</note>
As an apostle of liberty, he stands
foremost among the writers of the period, whose
heroic fortitude and invincible love of the truth
were heard with a force superior to royal and ecclesiastical
injunctions; and the very flames to which
fanaticism and tyranny consigned his writings
burnt them into the very hearts of the people, and
made them powerful instruments in attaching and
converting multitudes to the principles of the Reformation.
It is not exaggeration to say that the
noble sentiments of William Tyndale, uttered in
pure, strong Saxon English, and steeped in the doctrines
of the Gospel, gave shape to the views of the
more conspicuous promoters of that grand movement,
who, like himself, sealed their convictions
with their blood.</p>

<p>A monument commemorating the life and work
of Tyndale has been erected on the Thames Embankment,
London.</p>
<p class="author">J. I. MOMBERT.</p>

<P>BIBLIOGRAPHY: Besides the treatises on the history of the
English Bible given in <a href="">ii. 141 of this work</a>,
consult: R. 
Demaus, <I>William Tyndale</i>, 2d ed., London, 1886;
John Fox, <I>Acts and Monuments</i>, ed. G. Townsend, vols. i.-v.
passim, London, 1843-49 (consult Index); C. Wordsworth,
<I>Ecclesiastical Biography</i>, i. 187 sqq., London, 1810;
J. Strype, <I>Ecclesiastical Memorials</i>, i. 2, pp. 363-367,
London, 1822; J. Stoughton, <I>The Pen, the Palm, and the
Pulpit</i>, London, 1855; H. Money, <I>English Writers</i>, pp.
228-229, London, 1884; W. H. D. Adams, <I>Great English
Churchmen</i>, London, 1879; F. L. Clarke, <I>The Life of W.
Tyndale</i>, London, 1883; C. E. Heisch, <I>William Tyndale</i>,
London, 1884; G. B. Smith, W. <I>Tyndale and his Translation
of the English Bible</i>, London, 1896; C. Tyler, <I>The Story
of William Tyndale</i>, London, 1898; I. M. Price, <I>The
Ancestry of our English Bible</i>, chap. xxi., Philadelphia, 1907;
<I>DNB</i>, lvii. 424-430.</p>


</div3><div3 title="Tyng, Stephen Higginson" id="tyng_stephen_higginson">

<h3>TYNG, STEPHEN HIGGINSON:</h3>
<p>Protestant Episcopal;
b. at Newburyport, Mass., Mar. 1, 1800; d.
at Irvington on the Hudson Sept. 4, 1885. He
graduated at Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass.,
1817; was in business, 1817-19; studied theology,
1819-21; was rector at Georgetown, D. C., 1821-23;
in Queen Anne Parish, Prince George&#39;s County,
Md., 1823-29; of St. Paul&#39;s, Philadelphia, 1829-33;
of the Church of the Epiphany, in the same
city, 1833-45; of St. George&#39;s, New York City,
1845-78, when he retired as pastor emeritus. He
was for years one of the leaders of the Low-church
party in his denomination, and was famous for eloquence
and Christian zeal. He was prominent in the
organization of the American Church Missionary
Society and the Evangelical Education Society, and
was a ready and polished platform-speaker, much
in demand. He edited for several years <I>The Episcopal
Recorder</i> and <I>The Protestant Churchman</i>, and
was the author of <I>Lectures on the Law and the Gospel</i>
(Philadelphia, 1832); <I>Memoir of Rev. G. T. Bedell</i>
(1835); <I>Recollections of England</i> (New York, 1847);
<I>A Lamb from the Flock</i> (1852); <I>Christian Titles, a
Series of Practical Meditations</i> (1853); <I>Fellowship
with Christ</i> (1854); <I>The Rich Kinsman, or the
History of Ruth</i> (1855); <I>Memoir of Rev. E. P. J.
Messenger</i> (1857); <I>The Captive Orphan, Esther, Queen
of Persia</i> (1859); <I>Forty Years&#39; Experience in Sunday
Schools</i> (1860); <I>The Prayer-Book illustrated by
Scripture</i> (8 vols., 1865-67); <I>The Child of Prayer: a
Father&#39;s Memorial of D. A. Tyng</i> (1866); <i>The Reward of
Meekness</i> (1867); <I>The Feast Enjoyed</i> (1868); <I>The
Spencers</i> (1870); <I>The Office and Duty of a Christian
Pastor</i> (1874); and several volumes of sermons.</p>

<P class="bibliography">BIBLIOGRAPHY: C. R. Tyng, <I>Record of
the Life and Work of Stephen H. Tyng, and History of St. George&#39;s
Church, N. Y., to the Close of his Rectorship</i>, New York,
1890.</p>

</div3><div3>
</div3><div3 title="Tyre" id="tyre">
<h3>TYRE.</h3>
<p>See
<a href="">PHENICIA, PHENICIANS, I., §§ 2-3</a>.<P>


</div3><div3 title="Tyrrell, George Henry" id="tyrrell_george_henry">

<h3>TYRRELL, tir&#39;el, GEORGE HENRY:</h3>

<p>English Roman Catholic; b. at Dublin Feb. 6, 1861; d. in
London July 15, 1909. He matriculated at Trinity
College, Dublin, in 1878, but in the following year
left the Anglican Church for the Roman Catholic,
and in 1880 entered the Society of Jesus. He then
studied philosophy at Stonyhurst (1882-85) and theology
at St. Beuno&#39;s, Wales (1888-92), and speedily
became known as one of the ablest Roman Catholic
writers in England. From an ultramontane and
scholastic position he gradually advanced to an attitude
of distinct <a href="">Modernism</a>; but though admonished
for his views on hell in 1900, he did not<pb n="49"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />come into serious conflict with his communion until
1906, when in his <I>Much-Abused Letter</I> (generally
supposed to be to the late St. George Mivart) he
denied that Roman Catholic theology is perfect
and inerrant, and held that the visible Church is but
a mutable organism subject to development and
modification, he incurred the extreme displeasure of
the ecclesiastical authorities. He had sought release
from his obligations as a religious on the
condemnation of the works of Loisy in 1904, and
now, on his refusal to retract the above teachings, he
was expelled from the Jesuit order in Feb., 1906. He
was also forbidden to officiate in the archdiocese of
Westminster, and declined the proffered right to exercise
priestly functions in the archdiocese of Mecheln on
condition that he submit any future writings
to the censor. When, finally, he sharply criticized
the encyclical <I>Pascendi</I> in 1907, he incurred the
minor excommunication. Theologically he described
himself as a "liberal Roman Catholic." His works,
some of which have gone through repeated editions
and been translated into German and French, are
as follows: <I>Nova et Vetera</I> (London, 1897); <I>Hard
Sayings</I> (1898); <I>External Religion</I> (1899); <i>Faith of
the Millions</I> (2 vols., 1901); <I>Lex Arandi</I> (1903); <I>Lex
Credendi</I> (1906); <i>Oil and Wine</I> (1907); <I>Through
Scylla and Charybdis</I> (1907); <I>A Much-Abused Letter</I>
(1907); <I>Medievalism</I> (1908); and <I>Christianity at the
Cross Roads</I> (1909).</P>


</div3><div3 title="Tzschirner, Heinrich Gottlieb">

<h3>TZSCHIRNER, tsh&icirc;r&#39;ner, HEINRICH GOTTLIEB:</h3>
<p>German Lutheran; b. at Mittweida (10 m.
n.n.e. of Chemnitz), Saxony, Nov. 14, 1778; d. at
Leipsic Feb. 17, 1828. He was educated at the
University of Leipsic (1796-99), and in 1800 became
privat-docent at Wittenberg, where he was soon
appointed adjunct of the philosophical faculty.
Before long, however, the death of his father led him
to exchange his academic position for that of deacon
of his native town, where he found leisure, despite
his parochial duties, for writing, <I>Leben and Ende
merkw&uuml;rdiger Selbstm&ouml;rder</I> (Weissenfels, 1805);
<I>Ueber den moralischen Indifferentismus</I> (Leipsic,
1805), and began a <I>Geschichte der Apologetik</I> (1805).
Largely because of the latter work, he was recalled
to Wittenberg in 1805 as professor of theology, thus
having occasion to prepare his <I>De dignitate hominis
per religionem Christianam adserta et declarata</i>
(Wittenberg, 1805) and <I>De virtutum et vitiorum inter se
cognatione</I> (1805), the latter touching upon a theme
more fully developed in his <I>Ueber die Verwandtschaft
der Tugenden und Laster</I> (Leipsic, 1809). In his <I>De
sacris publicis ab ecclesia vetere studiose cultis</I>
(Wittenberg, 1808), moreover, he issued a prelude to
his intended history of Christian worship, which his
academic duties forced him to relinquish. He lectured
on natural theology, dogmatics, and homiletics,
as well as on church history after 1806.</P>

<P>In 1809 Tzschirner was called to Leipsic as fourth
professor of theology. His ability as a church historian
was evinced by his preparation of the ninth
and tenth volumes of J. 117. Schr&ouml;ckh&#39;s great 
<I>Christliche Kirchengeschichte seit der Reformation</i> (Leipsic,
1810-12); while as a dogmatic and homiletic scholar
he wrote <I>Beurteilende Darstellung der dogmatischen
Systeme, welche in der protestantischen Kirche gefunden
werden</I> (in <I>Memorabilien</i>, i., 1810-11), and <I>Briefe
veranlasst dureh Reinhards Gest&auml;ndnisse</I> (1811), in
which he sought to prove that the only middle way
between rationalism and supernaturalism was an
ethical and critical rationalism which held the rational
concept of morality to be the supreme principle of
Christianity, and criticized the Scriptures on
the basis of this concept, retaining all connected
with moral requirements, and rejecting all temporal
elements derived from the later Jewish theology.</P>

<P>In 1813 Tzschirner was for a short time chaplain
in the Saxon army, after which he wrote <I>Ueber den
Krieg, ein philosophischer Versuch</I> (1815). In the autumn
of 1814 he was appointed archdeacon of Thomaskirche,
Leipsic, and shortly afterward was made
pastor of the same church and superintendent of
the diocese of Leipsic (1815). In 1818 he was promoted
to be second professor and canon of Meissen.
Meanwhile the conditions of his country and his
church had changed, and he was now obliged to
combat not only unbelief and indifference, but the
recrudescence of Roman Catholicism and Roman
Catholic tendencies arising within the Protestant
Church, and especially Pietism. While he planned
a work on <I>Der Fall des Heidentums</I>, his interest in
contemporary history led him to write <I>Die Sache
der Griechen die Sache Europas</i> (1821). But the
aims of the Roman Catholic hierarchy engaged his
special attention, and he defended the Protestant
cause in <I>Protestantismus and Katholicismus aus dem
Standpunkte der Politik betrachlet</I> (1822); <i>Die R&uuml;ckkehr
katholischer Christen im Grossherzogtum Baden
zum evangelischen Christentume</i> (1823); <i>Die Gefahr
einer deutschen Revolution</i> (1823); and <i>Zwei Briefe
durch die j&uuml;ngst zu Dresden erschienene Schrift: Die
reine katholische Lehre, veranlasst</i> (1826). He also
wrote four treatises on the relation of the Church to
marriage, urging a revision of marriage law, but rejecting
civil marriage; while in his <I>Gutachten &uuml;ber
die Annahme der Preussischen Agende</I> (1824) he advised
the rejection of this unsatisfactory liturgy, unless its
adoption was expressly recommended, at
the same time urging a thorough reform of public
worship. Besides two collections of sermons (1812-16),
Tzschirner wrote <I>Graeci et Romani scriptores
cur rerum Christianarum raro meminerint</i> (1824-25);
<i>De perpetua inter Catholicam et Evangelicam Ecclesiam
dissentione</i> (1824); <i>De causis impeditae in Francogallia
sacrorum publicorum emendationis</i> (1827);
and <I>De religionis Christianae per philosophiam
Graecam propagatione</I> (1827). After his death a
number of his writings were edited by his friends:
a selection of his sermons from 1817 to 1828
(3 vols., Leipsic, 1828); the first part of the
uncompleted <I>Fall des Heidentums</i> (1829); the
<i>Vorlesungen &uuml;ber die christliche Glaubenslehre</i> (1829);
the academic programs under the title <I>Tzschirneri
opuscula academica</i> (1829); and the unfinished <I>Briefe
eines Deutschen an die Herren Chateaubriand, de la
Mennais und Montlosier &uuml;ber Gegenst&auml;nde der Religion
and Politik</i> (1828).</p>
<p class="author">(P. M. TZSCHIRNER+.)</p>

<P class="bibliography">BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. G. Tzschirner,
<i>Skizze seines Lebens</i>, Leipsic, 1828; J. D. Goldhorn, Mittheilungen aus . . . H. G. Tzschirners . . . Amts- und Lebensjahren</I>, ib. 1828; K. H. L. P&ouml;litz,
<I>H. G. Tzschirner. Abriss seines Lebens and
Wirkens</I>, ib. 1828; J. A. H. Tittmann, <i>Memoria H. G.
Tzschirner</i>, ib. 1828; <i>ADB</i>, xxxix. 62 sqq.</p><pb n="50"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" /></div3></div2><div2 title="U" id="u">
<H1>U</H1>

<div3 title="Ubbonites" id="ubbonites">

<h3>UBBONITES, ub&#39;-bo-naitz:</h3>
<p>A term applied to a
party of Anabaptists in a certain phase of their
development. Ubbo Philipps (Ubbe or Obbe Philipzoon),
b. at Leeuwarden (70 m. n.e. of Amsterdam)
near the beginning of the sixteenth century, had
become a Roman Catholic priest some time before
<a href="">Melchior Hoffmann</a> began his propagandism
in the Netherlands (1529). With multitudes of
others he was persuaded that Hoffmann was a divinely
inspired prophet (c. 1531), and was ready to
follow him blindly in his exposition of the Old-Testament
prophets and the Apocalypse and to expect
speedy deliverance from the trials and persecutions
that were being inflicted by Catholics and Protestants
on true believers. His faith in Hoffmann was
considerably shaken by his failure to go forth from
his Strasburg prison in 1533, as he predicted he
would, at the head of 144,000 enthusiastic believers
who would set up Christ&#39;s kingdom on earth, and
by his failure to keep his vow to live on bread and
water until his liberation. When Jan Mathys,
weary of waiting for the fulfilment of Hoffmann&#39;s
promises, proclaimed himself the Elias that should
usher in the messianic kingdom and ordered the resumption
of baptism which Hoffmann had suspended
for two years, Ubbo, who, with many others, had
been awaiting Hoffmann&#39;s orders, received baptism.
With his brother Dirk and <a href="">Jan David Joris</a>,
he soon came to distrust Mathys with his sanguinary
program and urged the infatuated people to
desist from their plan of setting up the kingdom of
Christ by violence in Munster. In this he had the
cooperation of <a href="">Menno Simons</a>, who did not
definitely become an Anabaptist until 1536. When
Ubbo, Dirk, and others, after the fall of Munster
(1535), saw multitudes that had been under the influence
of Hoffmann and Mathys disillusioned and
anxious to follow wise Evangelical counsel, they
persuaded Menno to assume the leadership, and
Ubbo ordained him, his brother Dirk, and David
Joris, who had not yet manifested his pantheistic
tendencies. During the short period from 1534 to
1536 the quiet, non-resisting Anabaptists that repudiated
Mathys and the Munster kingdom might
properly be called Ubbonites. After Menno&#39;s leadership
became established, the name <a href="">Mennonites</a>
is more applicable to the same people. Ubbo
afterward deeply regretted the part he had taken in
the organization of the Mennonite movement. When
Menno came into recognized leadership, his intolerance
of opposition in matters of doctrine and discipline,
his violent denunciation of other Christian
parties, and the strife that occurred among the
churches of the connection proved distasteful to
Ubbo, and he felt constrained to sever his relations
with the Mennonites. Shortly before his death
(1568) he wrote an interesting account of his life
among the Anabaptists and of the circumstances
that led him to break with the party. Whether he
united with the Reformed when he left the Mennonites
does not clearly appear from his narrative.
His <I>Bekentniss und Aussage</i> is published in full in
J. C. Jehring&#39;s <I>Grundliche Historie von denen 
Begebenheiten,
Streitigkeiten und Trennungen, so unter den
Tauffgesinneten, oder Mennonisten von ihren
Ursprung an bis aufs Jahr 1615 vorgegangen</i> (Jena,
1720; contains lists of the writings of Dirk and
Ubbo Philipps).</p>

<TT>A. H. NEWMAN.</tt>

<font size="-1">
<P>
BIBLIOGRAPHY: H. C. Bergmann, <I>De Ubbone Philippi et
Ubbohitis</i>, Rostock, 1733; A. H. Newman, 
<I>Hist. of AntdPedobaptism</i>, pp. 301, 304 sqq., Philadelphia,
1897.</p>
</font>


</div3><div3 title="Ubertino of Casale" id="ubertino_of_casale">

<P><B>UBERTINO,</b> u"bar-ti&#39;no, <B>OF CASALE:</b>
Italian Franciscan; b. at Casale-Monferrato (32 m. w. of
Turin) 1259; d. about 1350. He entered the 
Franciscan order in 1273, and taught at various places in
Italy, later in Paris (1289-98). After 1298 he devoted
himself chiefly to propagating the views of
Pierre Olivi, whose pupil he had been in the house
of Santa Croce. After the death of Olivi Ubertino
was recognized as the leader of the "spirituals,"
the strict party among the Franciscans which insisted
upon the rigid rule of poverty (see 
<a href="">OLIVI, PIERRE</a>). 
On Oct. 1, 1317, he received permission
from John XXII. to enter the Benedictine monastery
of Gembloux, though it is doubtful whether he
availed himself of this permission, as he was certainly
living at Avignon during 1320-25. In 1325
he fled from Avignon to escape arrest in connection
with the condemnation of the works of Olivi, and
later he is said to have joined the Carthusians.
Besides some minor works (in <I>ALKG</i>, iii.) and
a defense of Olivi (<I>ALKG</i>, ii. 377 sqq.) he wrote
<I>Arbor vitae crucifixae</i> (Venice, 1485), a defense
of Olivi&#39;s doctrine in the style of the mysticism of
Bonaventura and the apocalyptics of
Joachim of More. See <a href="">Francis, 
Saint,  of Assisi, III., §§ 4-5.</a></p>

<font size="-1">
<P>
BIBLIOGRAPHY: J. C. Huck, <I>Ubertin von Casale und dessen
Ideenkreis</i>, Freiburg, 1903; J. J. I. von Döllinger, 
<I>Sekten geschichte des Mittelalters</i>, ii. 508-528, Munich,
1890; Ehrle, in <I>ALKG</i>, ii. 377-418, iii. 48 sqq.; KL, xii. 168
172; F. X. Kraus, <I>Dante</i>, pp. 479, 738 sqq., Berlin, 1897.
</p>
</font>


</div3><div3 title="Ubiquity" id="ubiquity">

<h2>UBIQUITY.</h2>

<dl>
<dt>Preliminary History (§ 1).</dt>
<dt>Luther&#39;s Doctrine (§ 2).</dt>
<dt>The Reformed Doctrines; Brenz (§ 3).</dt>
<dt>Chemnitz (§ 4).</dt>
<dt>Formula of Concord (§ 5).</dt>
<dt>The Two Schools (§ 6).</dt>
</dl>

<h3>1. Preliminary History.</h3>

<P>Ubiquity is the term applied to the non-spatial
("repletive") omnipresence of the body of Christ
set forth by Luther in the eucharistic controversy.
All statements of the Eastern Church which apparently
involve the question of ubiquity from Origen
to John of Damascus affirm, on the unity of the
natures, the logical, not the real, transfer
of the qualities of one nature to the
other, thus teaching an "exchange,"
or "community," of names, not an
exchange of attributes. Augustine,
with his local concept of the "right hand of God"
as contrasted with the non-local view of John of
Damascus, gained favor in the Middle Ages, and later<pb n="51"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />with the Reformed and with Melanchthon. He nowhere
clearly expresses the realistic concept of the
presence of Christ in the Eucharist, but confines the
omnipresence to the divine nature of Christ.
Scholasticism gained increasing interest in the
question of omnipresence in proportion as the doctrine
of the real presence gained the recognition of
the Church and obtained its theory in the dogma
of <a href="">Transubstantiation</a>. Here Augustine
remained the prime authority, and
<a href="">Hugo of St. Victor</a> held that
"Christ is humanly in heaven,
divinely everywhere."
<a href="">Peter Lombard</a> and
<a href="">Thomas Aquinas</a> followed
<a href="">John of Damascus</a>,
in distinguishing between Christ as <I>totus</I> and 
<I>totum</I>, Christ being omnipresent in the former case
in virtue of the unity of his person, but not in the latter
as conception of both natures. Thus the omnipresence
of the body was rejected. According to the 
<I>anhypostasis</I> of <a href="">Leontius</a> the Logos is
essentially the person of Christ; deity follows humanity
everywhere, but not <I>vice versa</I>.
<a href="">Radbertus</a>
taught that in each case the body was created
anew from the bread by a special miracle.
<a href="">Arno of Reichersberg</a> taught "a special power
of Christ of being bodily present wherever he wished,"
not exercised until after death; and in like manner
Peter Lombard taught the presence in one place
of the exalted body of Christ, omnipresence of his
divinity, and multipresence of his sacramental body.
This remained, in all essentials, the teaching of
scholasticism. The difficult problem now arose of explaining
how the circumscribed celestial body of
Christ, with its attributes of quantity and dimension,
could replace the bread in the host. Albert the
Great (see <a href="">ALBERTUB MAGNUS</a>),
distinguishing between
a natural and a spiritual body, held that "the
glorious body" of Christ was present in the host "in
the fashion of the spiritual body." This, however,
combined with the subintration theory (see 
<a href="">TRANSUBSTANTIATION, II., &sect; 4</a>), 
rendered uncertain not
only the spatiality but also the actuality of the body
of Christ in the host.
<a href="">Bonaventura</a> and Thomas Aquinas
accordingly sought to prove "the dimensive quantity
of Christ&#39;s body" in the host, and to
unite their teaching with the theory later taught by
<a href="">William of Occam</a> as "definitive existence,"
namely, "whenever anything is in place so
that the whole is in the whole and in any part whatsoever."
The theory of Bonaventura and Thomas
Aquinas, however, was self-contradictory in that
the portion present in the host was conceived as at
once quantitative and non-quantitative. Occam resolved
this realistic doctrine of space and quantity
critically. To him quantity was something substantial
involving "circumscribed existence." "Definitive
existence" (ut sup.) pertains only to non-quantitative
things. The body of Christ in the host
must, therefore, be conceived as non-quantitative,
thus returning to the original position of scholasticism,
except that the theory of subintration was
replaced by a sort of condensation hypothesis,
whereby, through divine omnipotence, a substance
might be reduced to the mathematical non-extensibility
of a point. But Occam proceeded still further,
dialectically postulating, at least, the possibility
of the "repletive existence" (and thus of the
ubiquity) of the body of Christ. He accordingly
taught, (1) the actual "repletive existence" of
God; (2) the local presence of the body of Christ
in heaven; (3) the non-quantitative, definitive
presence in many places of the body of Christ in the
host; and the possibility of the ubiquity of this
body in the universe.</P>

<h4>2. Luther&#39;s Doctrine.</h4>

<P>On this dialectic straining of the doctrine of the
ubiquity of the body of Christ Luther based his
doctrine. Luther&#39;s original eucharistic theory was
based entirely on opposition to the Roman Catholic
<I>opus operatum</I>. The essential part of
the Eucharist was held to be the word,
faith being the right disposition. Luther
affirmed his belief in the real
presence and transubstantiation in 1519, but within
a year he had replaced the latter by the teaching
of the consubstantiation (of Occam), postulating,
without any attempt at explanation, the substantial
coexistence of the bread and the body of Christ
in the Eucharist. When, however, Johann Carlstadt
and Zwingli denied the real presence, Luther
proceeded further than Occam; and in <I>Wider die
himmlischen Propheten von den Bildern und Sakramenten</I>,
in reply to Carlstadt, he set forth the initial
statement of the synecdochical theory of the real
presence, and the first intimations of the doctrine
of ubiquity. Luther maintained that the "this"
of the words of institution implied the presence of
the body already in the unbroken bread. When
Christ says, "This is my body," he takes the
"whole" (bread and body) "for the part" (body);
this is the synecdoche of Luther, later modified by
Melanchthon. Luther introduced his teaching on
ubiquity in his <I>Sermon vom Sakrament des Leibes</I>
(Wittenberg, 1526), and developed it in his polemics
against Zwingli and Oecolampadius. <I>Dass diese
Worte (das ist mein Leib) noch fesfstehen</I> (1527), and
<I>Bekenntnis vom Abendmahl</I> (1528). Maintaining
the real presence as an immutable article of faith
established by the Scriptures, Luther sought with
equal zeal to defend the doctrine of the true reality
of the body as well as to dispel all gross notions.
He teaches that the body of Christ is exceptional
and supernatural, different from ordinary human
flesh and blood; that his flesh is born of the spirit,
of a spiritual nature, and fit for spiritual food; and
that the attributes of magnitude and extension do
not apply to his body. Two deductions were then
drawn: all things being present and permeable to
Christ, he can enter and pass through them, being
as energy without matter (as proved by the sealed
tomb and the closed door), and the entire body of
Christ may be in the smallest atom, though not circumscribed
by it. This mode of "definitive existence"
explains, however, only how it is possible
for a corporeal being to be present in material substances
without changing itself or them. For an
answer to the further problem, how the body of
Christ can be present simultaneously in heaven and
in the host in countless celebrations of the Lord&#39;s
Supper, recourse becomes necessary to the omnipotence
of God, and Luther returns to the doctrine of the
presence in an indefinite number of
localities according to his will (Arno) taught by
scholasticism. He continually emphasizes the necessity<pb n="52"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />of the belief that with God all things are
possible, and that, therefore, the heavenly body of
Christ is miraculously present in the host. Such is
wrought by the creative word and the command of
God. Although satisfied that "definitive existence"
and presence in as many places as Christ
willed to be were sufficient to faith in view of the
omnipotence of God, he brought still higher arguments
to bear against his opponents, developing
the one into "repletive existence," and the other
into omnipresence. This was done by the symbolic
interpretation of the "right hand of God" and by
the logical consequences of the <I>Communicatio idiomatum</I>.
Definitive existence and multipresence pertain,
through divine omnipotence, also to angels
and demons. The body of Christ, however, possesses
a far higher supernatural character, especially
as he was at once God and man. Luther then
affirmed that "the right hand of God" everywhere
followed the divine omnipotence, and he deduced
that Christ&#39;s body was at the same time at the right
hand of God, and in the Eucharist by his syllogism:
The body of Christ is at the right hand of God; the
right hand of God is everywhere; therefore the
body of Christ is in the bread. The same conclusion he reaches also by his Christology, as is fully
set forth in his larger <I>Bekenntnis</I>. Accordingly,
the two natures of Christ in one person demand the
participation of the exalted humanity of Christ in
the omnipresence of God. Luther now sought to
complete his demonstration of ubiquity by developing
the <I>communicatio idiomatum</I> from the premise
of personal union. That the real presence in the
host naturally follows repletive existence is self-evident,
but proved too much; for it imperiled the
unique sacramental presence, making it superfluous.
To avert this Luther asserted that the sacramental,
distinct from the ubiquitous, presence was
such only by the word of God, whereby he binds
himself to the bread for the reception of the communicant.
This was a recourse to a particular act
of the divine will or a retreat to a multiple presence
subject to Christ&#39;s will. Luther&#39;s doctrine of ubiquity
remains important only for Christology. There
are, then, according to Luther, three demonstrable
ways in which the humanity of Christ may anywhere
be present: "circumscriptive or local existence,"
as it was on earth; "definitive existence,"
as it was during the resurrection through the sealed
tombstone, and afterward through the closed door,
and as it is also in the host; and "repletive existence,"
as the humanity is, in virtue of its personal
union with God and exaltation to his right hand,
everywhere and nowhere, also in the communion
substances, yet in itself inapprehensible and inactive
(<I>wirkungslos</I>). Luther did not restrict the
body of Christ or the omnipotence of God to these
three modes of being, but merely emphasized the
ways human thought can and must establish the
doctrine in accordance with faith and the Bible.
Though transcending reason, if not contrary to it,
yet here is primarily a matter of faith in the miracles
of God in nature and grace.</P>

<h4>3. The Reformed Doctrines; Brenz.</h4>

<P>Zwingli, on the grounds of humanistic and rationalistic
criticism, denied ubiquity and the real presence,
and opposed the <I>communicatio idiomatum</I>
with the disparity of the mode of existence of the
two natures, maintaining the presence of Christ to
be circumscriptive and local in heaven.
Calvin advanced to the doctrine that
the predicates of redemptive activity
apply also really to the human nature
of Christ, but recoiled from the doctrine
of ubiquity. He held that the redemptive
powers of the passion and resurrection of Christ
are really imparted through the symbols of bread
and wine. The believer receives, not the substance,
but "the communion of the body of Christ" (I Cor.
x. 16), mediated by the Holy Ghost. Melanchthon
at first adhered to Luther&#39;s concept of the real
presence, but always remained skeptical regarding
the doctrine of ubiquity. The real presence he desired
to see established on mandatory, not magical,
grounds. His loyalty to the doctrine is shown by
his stanch defense at the Marburg Conference (1529),
as well as in art. 10 of the Augsburg Confession
(1530-31). But after his dialogue with Oecolampadius
he inclined more and more to restrict this presence
to Christ as God. As early as 1535, in a letter
to Johann Brenz, he adopted the figurative exegesis
of the "is" in the words of institution, and he
finally came absolutely to deny the doctrine of
ubiquity, coming to prefer the "communion of the
body of Christ" as the membership of the faithful
in the body of Christ, later emphasized by Calvin.
His increasing hostility to ubiquity led to the local
view of "the right hand of God"; and the eucharistic
presence of Christ was to him his "power in
the believing." Melanchthon thus stood much
closer to Calvin than to Luther. However favorable
the prospects for Protestantism, they were
definitely destroyed by the <a href="">Stuttgart Synod</a>
in 1559, when the confession drawn up by Brenz, and
adopted, fastened the tenet of ubiquity as a symbol
upon the church in W&uuml;rttemberg. The result
was that in the bitter polemics with
<a href="">Heinrich Bullinger</a> and
<a href="">Pietro Martire Vermigli<a/>, Brenz
in a series of writings erected on the basis of Luther&#39;s
arguments an imposing Cbristological system.
In his <I>De majestate Domini nostri</I> (1562) he
re-affirms the two natures in one person upon the
broader basis of the incarnation of the Son of God,
and consequently the deification of the Son of man.
This afforded a double point of departure for the
demonstration of ubiquity: "the personal union,"
and the "deification." The first, which is indissoluble
and effected by divine omnipotence, does
not involve a mutation of humanity into deity nor
a duplication of persons; it is the immediate ground
of the <I>communicatio idiomatum</I>, which is not an
interchange of specific properties in name only but
in fact. To save the human nature from total elimination
Brenz drew a distinction between essential
and separable, accidental qualities. Deity being
without accidental properties, humanity is composite
with a constant substance but with such accidents
as suffering, mortality, and locality, which
may be discarded and replaced by hyperphysical
qualities, as accidental accessories, however. Brenz&#39;s
weakness consisted in reducing local existence to
an accident or negligible quantity, when it was the
brunt of his contention. As to the second basis,<pb n="53"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />the exaltation, Brenz argues the "assumption of
humanity into deity," and the infinite domination
of the latter. The incarnation is really deification,
which transpired <I>in utero</I>; then was Christ raised to
the right hand of God and to full divine majesty, as
Lord of all creatures. The human nature is only
passively endowed with this power through the
grace of the hypostatic union. There is, therefore,
a threefold ascension: at the instant of the incarnation, immediately after the resurrection, and, finally,
a merely spectacular one. In the state of exinanition
Christ lived, during his earthly period, a
twofold existence; a divine-human in heaven
dominated by his deity, and a human-divine on earth,
dominated by his humanity. The "repletive existence,"
by virtue of the exaltation at the incarnation,
is the real state also of his humanity, only
temporarily interrupted or rather attended by the
"circumscriptive existence." The "inanition,"
therefore, postulates only a figurative mode of existence
of the man Christ; there was only a "concealment,"
not a real "kenosis of the function" of the
divine properties. Nevertheless, deity was, in an
indefinable manner, involved in the process by the
<I>communicatio idiomatum</I>. God, although impassible,
so appropriated the suffering and death of Christ,
or was affected by the same, through the hypostatical
union, as though he himself suffered and
died. But to take part in suffering and mortality
and be impassible at once is a contradiction; so is
also an indissoluble union in one person of deity
and humanity, both dwelling in bliss and reigning
over all the world, and at the same time suffering,
dying, and rising again on earth; or, that the man
Christ was at once alive and dead. The <I>communicatio</I>
proved incapable of logical conclusion. On the
other hand, the humanity was imperiled, inasmuch
as the man Jesus, invisible by his exaltation, i.e.,
incarnation, was only  <I>in loco</I> subject to his
condescension. With the proof of ubiquity, the real presence
was also established for Brenz. The
<a href="">Maulbronn Conference</a>
of 1564 served to reveal the weakness
of the Christology of Brenz, yet more enfeebled by
<a href="">Jakob Andre&auml</a>;. The doctrine prevailed in
Wurttemberg for the remainder of the century.</P>

<h4>4. Chemnitz.</h4>

<P><a href="">Martin Chemnitz</a>
sought vainly to mediate between the
Swabian followers of Brenz and the
Philippists of Wittenberg, who rejected ubiquity
and the "scholastic disputations" over the real
presence. His teachings, however, remained
a mass of disparate elements of both factions 
<I>(De duabus naturis in Christo</i>, 1571).
Like Melanchthon, following Aristotle&#39;s dictum,
"properties do not pass
out of their subjects," he held properties to be
essential, not accidental; and locality was, therefore,
an essential, not accidental, property of human
nature. The <I>genus majestaticum</I> (see
<a href="">CHRISTOLOGY, VIII., 1</a>)
thus negated was by degrees regained.
Although conceding that human nature can appropriate
divine properties only according to the finite
human capacity, in the manner of a reenforeement,
yet he argued that in Christ this capacity was so
augmented by the "personal union" that the humanity
possessed the divine attributes not in substance
but efficient power. The humanity was
the automatic organ dynamically of the Logos; the
humanity is permeated with deity, after the analogy
of heat in the iron, by a process which he termed
<I>Perich&ouml;resis</I>. In the humiliation, the Logos, though
never wholly quiescent, retreated to a "concealment
of function," and even to its "kenosis." Thus,
at the same time, a compensation was rendered for
the doctrine of inherent ubiquity, which as an 
intrinsic possession of the humanity was positively
declined, and then regained as a sort of potential
ubiquitous presence. This was in conflict with his
other assertion of the hypostatic union according
to which the humanity embracing all creatures is
ever present in the Logos. Chemnitz loses himself,
therefore, in distraction between an <I>a priori</I>
ubiquity and an <I>a posteriori</I> potential multipresence,
and in conflict with his Aristotelian dictum as
premise. The logical result of his theories was that
the humanity of Jesus was at once essentially
circumscribed and potentially omnipresent.</P>

<h4>5. Formula of Concord.</h4>
<P>The <a href="">Formula of Concord</a> presented a loose
and incongruous combination of the views of Luther
and Brenz and those of Chemnitz. Directly, it may
be said, the potential ubiquitous presence is taught
by the admission of the views of Chemnitz just mentioned
<I>seriatim</I>. While the full possession of the divine
majesty is ascribed to the humanity,
omnipresence is never mentioned
as one of its attributes, being assumed
as implied in omnipotence; and the
"repletive existence" is never expressly asserted
of the humanity. Indirectly is taught the essential
ubiquity of the body of Christ, by the adoption
of large citations from Luther&#39;s eucharistic writings,
not excluding the statements on ubiquity and the
"repletive existence," particularly by falling back
on Luther&#39;s idea of the "right hand of God" for a
figure of the divine majesty. Moreover, the realistic
<i>communicatio idiomatum</i>, as the basis of all Christology,
was so carried through with strong emphasis
on the integrity of the natures and their properties,
the non-receptivity of the divine nature for
human properties, and the separation of the two
states, that the moderated views of Brenz as promulgated
by Andrea and the advanced Melanchthonism
of Chemnitz could both accept it.</P>

<h4>6. The Two Schools.</h4>

<P>The inconclusiveness of the Formula proved itself
in the reservation entered by Chemnitz with his
signature, and the mutual efforts to advance the
doctrine of ubiquity to the front on the part of the
two Swabians, <a href="">Leonhard Hutter</a>,
who essentially reproduced the views
of Brenz; and <a href="">Aegidius Hunnius</a>,
who, following Chemnitz (and perhaps
even Luther), maintained an immanent universal
presence of the humanity in the Logos, or a passive
omnipresence. At the same time, he advanced be
yond Chemnitz by raising the "internal presence,"
latent during Christ&#39;s humiliation, to an "external
omnipresence" through his exaltation, alongside
of which, however, was maintained the continuous
spatial presence of the body of Christ in heaven,
thus making permanent the dualism of the human
existence of Christ which Luther and Brenz had
restricted to his humiliation. Thus the doctrine of
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<pb n="84"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />very conservative utterances respecting the office
of Jesus and the significance of miracles, but it had
broadened its basis, and in 1875 welcomed "all who
desire to work with it in advancing the kingdom of
God." These differences were harmonized by the
action of the national conference at Saratoga in
1894, which made its preamble declare: "these
churches accept the religion of Jesus, holding, in
accordance with his teaching, that practical religion
is summed up in love to God and love to man."
In 1910 there were 504 societies in the United
States and Canada, and the ministers enlisted in the
fellowship were 538. There are theological schools
at Meadville, Penn. (founded 1844) and Berkeley,
Cal. (founded 1904). Students are also trained in
the Harvard Divinity School, founded in 1817 and
maintained as a Unitarian institution to 1878, when
it became the undenominational theological school
of Harvard University.</p>

<p>The latest phase of the Unitarian movement is
the effort to increase cooperation among those in
all lands "who are striving to unite pure religion
and perfect liberty." The International Council
organized for this purpose in Boston in 1900 has
held congresses in London (1901), Amsterdam
(1903), Geneva (1905), Boston (1907), and Berlin
(1910).</p>

<h4>6. Genius of Unitarianism.</h4>

<p>Unitarian religious thought has had successive
phases. It began as a method of inquiry, the method
of Socinians and Arminians. No truth
was allowed prior validity to the Bible,
the Bible was interpreted by reason
and conscience, and the results obtained
from the Bible by this method
were held as historic revelation. The pioneer in a
movement beyond this position was Channing.
Refusing to characterize man by the sin which deprived
him of his true being as man, he found the
essence of human nature in the moral principle of
disinterested justice and benevolence, which is sovereign
over the whole self. Religion and virtue are
the mind itself, are human nature, and nothing else.
Therefore, "we must start in religion from our own
souls. In these is the fountain of all divine truth.
An outward revelation is possible and intelligible
only on the ground of conceptions and principles previously
furnished by the soul." "We have faculties
for the spiritual as truly as for the outward world."
A further development of this view with a polemic
against dependence on miracle and mere Biblicism
enabled <a href="">Theodore Parker</a> to inaugurate the
freer critical historical valuation of the Bible and
to rescue the movement from the rationalism of
Locke&#39;s school, while the more poetic and romantic
transcendentalism of Emerson operated as a powerful
stimulus to independent spiritual intuition and
emancipation from convention and formula. All
these leaders infused into the movement an ardor
of mystical communion with God, without ecstasy
or loss of self, and at the same time an active passion
for all philanthropic reforms. Others, among whom
<a href="">James Freeman Clarke</a> was of greatest
eminence, united the insistence on inner personal
grounds for faith with more historic feeling for the
Christian past. The most eminent philosopher of
the Unitarian school was
<a href="">James Martineau<a/>,
who, with splendor of diction, speculative profundity,
and intense ethical interest, elaborated a view of
experience in which idealistic rationalism was
blended with a refined spiritual mysticism. The
most complete exposition of Unitarian theology in
a form related to the traditional dogmatics is found
in James Drummond&#39;s <I>Studies in Christian Doctrine</I>
(London, 1908).</p>

<p class="author">FRANCIS A. CHRISTIE.</p>

<P class="bibliography">BIBLIOGRAPHY:
On Unitarian history consult: W. Turner, Jr., 
<I>Lives of Eminent Unitarians, with a Notice of Dissenting
Academies</i>, 2 vols., London, 1840-43; O. Fock,
<I>Socinianismus</i>, i. 263-287, Kiel, 1847; R. Wallace, 
<I>Anti-Trinitarian Biography</I>, London, 1850; J. Ferene, 
<I>Kleiner Unitarierspiegel</I>, Vienna, 1879; G. Bonet-Maury, 
<I>Les Origines du christianisme unitaire chez les Anglais</I>,
Paris, 1881, Eng. transl., <I>Early Sources of English Unitarian
Christianity</I>, London, 1884; J. Stoughton, <I>Religion in
England, 1800-50</i>, i. 23, 211 sqq., ib. 1884; G. d&#39;Alviella,
<I>Religious Thought in England, America, and India</i>, ib.
1885; A. H. Drysdale, <I>Hist. of the Presbyterians in England</i>,
i. 522 sqq., 622 sqq., ib. 1889; A. S. Dyer, <I>Sketches of
English Nonconformity</i>, ib. 1893; J. H. Allen, in <I>American
Church History Series</i>, vol. x., New York, 1894;
A. Gordon, <I>Heads of English Unitarian Hist.</i>, London,
1895; W. J. van Douwen, <I>Socinianen en Doopagezinden,
1559-1626</i>, Leyden, 1898; G. E. Evens, <I>Midland Churches;
a Hist. of the Congregations on the Roll of the Midland
Christian Union</I>, Dudley, 1899; W. Lloyd, <I>The Story of
Protestant Dissent and English Unitarianism</I>, London, 1899;
W. C. Bowie, <I>Liberal Religious Thought at the Beginning of
the 20th Century</i>, ib. 1901; G. W. Cooke, <I>Unitarianism in
America</I>, Boston, 1903; W. G. Tarrant, <I>The Story and
significance of the Unitarian Movement</I>, ib. 1910; W. C.
Bowie, <I>Unitarian Churches in Great Britain and Ireland</I>,
London, 1905; <I>Memorable Unitarians</I>, ib. 1906; F. B. Mott, 
<I>Short Hist. of Unitarianism</I>, ib. 1906; H. Triepel,
<I>Unatarismus und Föderaliamus im deutschen Reiche</i>,
Tübingen, 1907; A. Rasmussen, <I>Unitarismen, dens Historie
og Theologi</I>, Copenhagen, 1907; S. A. Eliot, <I>Heralds of a
Liberal Faith</I>, 3 vols., Boston, 1909; <I>The Fifth World
Congress of Free Christians and Other Religious Liberals at
Berlin . . . 1910</I>, Boston, 1910; Lichtenberger, <I>ESR</I>,
xii. 263-271.</P>

<P>For the doctrines consult: The writings of
<a href="">Joseph Priestley</a>,
<a href="">W. E. Channing</a>,
<a href="">J. Martineau</a>, and
<a href="">M. J. Savage</a> and the literature under the
articles on them;
J. Wilson, <i>Concessions of Trinitarians</I>, Manchester, 1842;
J. R. Beard, <I>Unitarianism, Exhibited in its Actual
Condition</I>, London, 1846; J. F. Clarke, <I>Orthodoxy, its
Truths and Errors</I>, Boston, 1870; R. B. Drummond, <I>Free
Thought and Christian Faith</I>, Edinburgh, 1890;
R. Bartram, <I>Religion and Life</I>, London, 1891;
J. Wright, <I>Denials and Beliefs of Unitarians</I>, ib. 1901;
T. R. Slicer, <I>One World at a Time</i>, New York, 1902;
W. G. Tarrant, <I>Unitarianism Restated</I>, London, 1904;
J. E. Manning, <I>The Religion and Theology of Unitarians</i>, ib.
1906;
R. T. Herford, <I>Unitarian Affirmations</I>, 2d ed., ib. 1909;
J. P. Hoff,  <I>The Unitarians&#39; Justification</I>, ib. 1910;
E. Emerton, <I>Unitarian Thought</I>, New York, 1911.</p>


</div3><div3 title="United American Freewill Baptists, Colored">

<h3>UNITED AMERICAN FREEWILL BAPTISTS, COLORED.</h3><p>
See <a href="">MISCELLANEOUS RELIGIOUS BODIES, 19.</a></p>


</div3><div3 title="United Baptists">

<h3>UNITED BAPTISTS.</h3>
<p>See <a href="">BAPTISTS, II., 4 (g).</a></p>


</div3><div3 title="United Brethren in Christ">

<h2>UNITED BRETHREN IN CHRIST.</h2>
<dl>
<dt>I. United Brethren in Christ (New Constitution).</dt>
<dt>Origin (§ 1).</dt>
<dt>Organisation and Work (§ 2).</dt>
<dt>II. United Brethren in Christ, Old Constitution.</dt>
</dl>

<h3>I. United Brethren in Christ (New Constitution):</h3>
<p>A denomination of Evangelical Christians, Arminian
in doctrine, founded by
<a href="">Philip William Otterbein</a>
in the latter part of the eighteenth century.</p>

<h4>1. Origin.</h4>

<p>Otterbein came to America in 1752 as a missionary
of the German Reformed Church. His first charge
was at Lancaster, Penn., where he experienced what
he regarded as his first real change of heart, and his<pb n="85"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />ministry thenceforward assumed a deeply spiritual
character. He began to hold frequent evangelistic
services and instituted special prayer and experience
meetings. In pursuing his evangelistic labors, he made
numerous visits to places near and remote, often conducted
largely attended open-air meetings, and invited
to a hearty cooperation all spiritually-minded
persons of whatever name or church. His labors resulted
in the organization of numerous societies of
converts, who, because of their warmer and more
earnest spiritual life, frequently found it difficult to
remain in harmonious connection with their parent
churches. To supply these people with the ministration
of the word, Otterbein appointed or approved
for them teachers, who visited them at irregular
intervals, expounded to them the Gospel, and encouraged
them to continue faithful in their religious
life. As the work extended, it became necessary to
devise a regular system of supply; and conferences
of ministers, chiefly for this purpose, began to be
held. Finally, in 1800, at one of these conferences,
these scattered societies were organized into one
body; and the name "United Brethren in Christ"
was adopted as the official title of the denomination
thus formed. Otterbein and Martin Boehm, a Mennonite,
were chosen bishops. The people thus organized
spoke at that time almost exclusively the
German language; at the present time that
language is used by less than four per cent. of the
congregations.</P>

<h4>2. Organization and Work.</h4>

<p>The government of the church is vested primarily
in a general conference, holding quadrennial sessions.
The power of the church is in its laity. The
delegates are ministers and laymen in equal proportions,
women being eligible since 1893, all
chosen by popular vote. There are also annual
conferences, whose powers are chiefly
executive, in which each pastoral
charge is entitled to one lay representative.
The bishops are elected by the
general conference quadrennially, as
are also the editors, publishing-house manager, and
the several general boards with their executive officers.
Ministers are appointed to their charges by a
stationing committee for one year, appointments
being renewable indefinitely. Presiding elders,
elected by their respective conferences, have general
supervision over districts or subdivisions of the
annual conferences. A home, frontier, and foreign
missionary society was organized in 1853; a woman&#39;s
missionary board in 1875. The general conference
of 1905 separated the home and foreign work, creating
a board for each. The foreign missions of the
church, begun in western Africa in 1855, have since
extended to China, Japan, Porto Rico, and the
Philippines. The number of missionaries in 1911
was 61, with 141 native preachers and teachers, with
55 in training for Christian work; communicants,
4,335; catechumens and adherents, 11,607. The
aggregate funds contributed for the foreign work are
something over $1,250,000; for the home work,
$1,800,000. A general Sunday-school board was
organized by the general conference in 1865, and a
church-erection society and a general education
board in 1869. On questions of reform, such as temperance
and slavery, the historical attitude of the
church has been that of strong radicalism, its position
concerning slavery having prevented any considerable
extension in the southern states before the war.</P>

<P>The denomination has ten colleges and one theological
seminary (at Dayton, O.) with over 3,500
students, 65 of whom are in the theological seminary.
The total membership in 1911 was 290,516; there
were 2,030 itinerant ministers and 475 local ministers;
the number enrolled in Sunday-schools was
over 360,000. The denomination is found chiefly in
Pennsylvania, Maryland, northern Virginia, western
New York, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and
Kansas, but extends westward in nearly parallel
lines to the Pacific coast and in recent years has
entered a number of the southern states. The
publishing-house at Dayton, O., issues twenty-six
weekly, monthly, semimonthly, and quarterly
periodicals, with an aggregate average circulation
for the year ending Apr. 1, 1911, of 525,250 copies.</P>

<h3>II. United Brethren in Christ, Old Constitution:</h3>

<P>The general conference of the United Brethren in
Christ in 1885 took measures for revising the confession
of faith and amending the constitution of
the church. A commission consisting of the six
bishops and twenty-seven ministers and laymen
was appointed to formulate the proposed changes
and additions and submit them to popular vote.
The result was overwhelmingly in favor of the several
measures, and at the next general conference
in 1889 this result was declared by the presiding
bishops, with the announcement that thenceforth
the conference would transact business under the
amended constitution and the revised confession
of faith. Fourteen delegates, with one bishop, then
withdrew from the conference, and proceeded to
hold the "General Conference of and for the United
Brethren in Christ," elsewhere in the same city,
electing general officers and boards, and transacting
such other business as would pertain to a general
conference. Under the claim that they with
their followers were the true church of the United
Brethren in Christ, they held that the rightful
ownership of the property of the denomination
belonged to them. Yearn of litigation followed,
resulting finally in defeat in the courts. This
organization had at its beginning a following of
between 15,000 and 20,000. Its year-book shows a
membership of 18,317, with 304 itinerant and 75
local ministers. The Sunday-school enrolment is
19,386 scholars. The church has three collegiate
institutions, a home and foreign missionary society,
and a woman&#39;s missionary board, with missions in
West Africa. Its publishing-house is located at
Huntington, Ind., and it issues a church weekly, a
missionary monthly, Sunday-school literature, and
other publications. The doctrinal standards and the
general polity are essentially the same as those of
the United Brethren in Christ.</p>

<p class="author">D. BERGER.</p>

<p class="bibliography">BIBLIOGRAPHY:
A good list of literature is prefixed to D.
Berger. <I>Hist. of the United Brethren in Christ</i>, in
<i>American Church History Series</i>, xii. 310-314, New York,
1897, cf. Berger&#39;s work with same title, Dayton. Ohio, 1897.
Consult besides the above: H. G. Spayth, <I>Hist. of the Church
of the United Brethren</I>, Circleville, Ohio, 1881; J. Lawrence,<pb n="86"  corrected="N" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />
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<pb n="98"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" /></div3></div2><div2 title="Universities" id="universities">
<div3 title="Universities" id="universities">

<H2>UNIVERSITIES.</h2>

<P>
Basal Ideas (§ 1).  <BR>
University of Paris, Organization (§ 2).  <BR>
Bologna University (§ 3).  <BR>
Early "General" Schools (§ 4).  <BR>
Organization (§ 5).  <BR>
Instruction and Degrees (§ 6).  <BR>
Students (§ 7).  <BR>
Post-Reformation Foundations (§ 8).  <BR>
Changes Due to Humanism and the Reformation (§ 9).  <BR>
The Eighteenth Century (§ 10).  <BR>
Nineteenth Century; Germany (§ 11).  <BR>
The Continent and England (§ 12).   <BR>
Other Foundations (§ 13).  <BR>
American Universities; Economic Foundations (§ 14).  <BR>
Types of American Universities (§ 15).  <BR>
Activities of American Universities (§ 16).  <BR>
</p>

<H3>1. Basal Ideas.</h3>
<P>
Universities are a product of the spiritual life of
the Middle Ages, when they were at once 
ecclesiastical and secular institutions. In origin they date
from the twelfth and thirteenth 
centuries, when they were called 
"general schools," as at Paris and Bologna,
in contradistinction from other institutions 
termed "special" or "particular" schools.
Their characteristics were three: they were 
institutions for every one who wished to study; their teaching 
was designed to be for the advantage of all
Christendom; and those who completed the course
of study considered typical and necessary were 
declared worthy, on examination, to propagate and
teach the learning they had acquired.
</p>

<P>
But the university was something more than the
"general school"-- it was a juristic corporation.
Such organizations of teachers and students arose
toward the end of the twelfth century, remolding the
schools and securing important privileges. Within
these corporate bodies, or <I>universitates magistrorum
et scholarium, </i> were "faculties" of teachers and 
"nations" of students. In the course of time the 
designation of the corporate body was transferred to the
corps of teachers, and in Germany <I>studium generale</i>
and <I>universitas </i> were synonyms from the first. The
archetype of the university was found in Paris and
Bologna in the early twelfth century, the former
devoted to theology and the latter to law, but both
employing the same new method. This was the
dialectic consideration of theology and law 
respectively, the set task being the dialectic removal
of discrepancies between Church Fathers or 
glossators, the weighing of the pros and cons, and the
final conclusion, or <I>sententia. </i> In harmony with
the medieval doctrine of the universal monarchy
and the universal Church, theology and 
jurisprudence stood in the foreground of interest. The
universities were favored with special privileges,
the first being the <I>Authentica habita </i> of the 
Emperor Frederick I. (1158) giving imperial 
protection to those journeying to distant places for the
sake of study, exempting them from local 
jurisdiction, and placing them under the control of teacher
or bishop. A similar course was followed by Philip
Augustus for the University of Paris in 1200, and
the popes later bestowed the right of conferring 
degrees and the so-called right of residence.
</p>

<H3>2. University of Paris; Organization.</h3>
<P>
Toward the close of the twelfth century the 
University of Paris was formed by the union of the
teachers of the four subjects of theology, law, 
medicine, and arts. By degrees the teachers of the same
subjects formed still closer associations (caused
primarily by the need of regulation of the conferring
of degrees), which took place 1310-20. About this
same time the term "faculty" was employed to
denote first the subject and then the body of those
teaching it. Among the faculties that of arts was
the lowest, serving as introductory to the other
three. It taught the traditional seven
liberal arts and especially Aristotelian
philosophy, while in its study of 
dialectics it prepared the way for 
theology. The faculty of law, in like
manner, was devoted to canon law. In
these same decades the scholars were divided, for
administration and discipline, into four "nations,"
each headed by its chosen "procurator," and all
four united under a "rector."
</p>

<P>
The students of the faculty of arts soon gained
the ascendency in the university, especially as their
masters were at the same time scholars in the higher
faculties, and about 1274 the rector of the orations,
which included the entire university except the
teachers of the higher faculties, became the head of
the faculty of arts. About the same time each
of the other faculties seems to have given itself a
"dean" as its chief officer, but by 1341 the rector
had become supreme over the deans of medicine
and law, and even of theology, so that he was now
the ruler of the whole university, a development
completed shortly before the foundation of the first
German university (Prague, 1348).
</p>

<H3>3. Bologna University.</h3>
<P>
While in France education had been connected,
since the time of Charlemagne, with monasteries
and churches, so that both teachers and scholars
were clergy; in Italy the laity had also
taught from Roman days, and the 
development of the Bolognese type
accordingly differed from the Parisian.
The chief studies in Italy were grammar, rhetoric,
and law, the latter taught at Rome, Pavia, Ravenna,
and Bologna as a department of the arts. Early in
the fourteenth century, however, law became a 
separate branch of study at Bologna, due to the abiding
influence of the lawyer Irnerius and the canonist
Gratian. Thus practical and legal Bologna 
became the type of lay and democratic student 
universities, while speculative and theological Paris
and Oxford were models of clerical schools of
masters.
</p>

<P>
At Bologna the foreign students formed 
themselves into nations on the pattern of the city gilds;
but by the middle of the thirteenth century the
corporations had become the two great juristic 
universities of Citramontani and Ultramontani, within
which the nations continued to be independent.
These two universities (Citramontani and Ultramontani), 
with their two rectors, existed until the 
sixteenth century, whereas in offshoots from Bologna
reduction to a single university took place at an
earlier date. The teachers of law were at first 
outside the university at Bologna, nor were they
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<pb n="125"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" /><H1>V</H1>

</div3><div3 title="Vadianus" id="vadianus">
<P><B>VADIANUS.</B> See WATT, JOACHIM VON.</P>


</div3></div2><div2 title="Vagantes" id="vagantes">
</div2><div2 type="Article" title="Vagantes" id="vagantes">
<P><B>VAGANTES,</B> va-gan&#39;tiz or gan&#39;tes (<I>Clerici 
vagantes, </i> or <I>vagi</i>): A term applied in early canon law
to those clergy who led a wandering life either 
because they had no benefice or because they had 
deserted the church to which they had been attached.
As early as the fifth and sixth centuries measures
were taken against them, as when the Council of
Chalcedon forbade ordination without appointment
to a specific church, or when the Council of Valencia
(524?) threatened the vagantes with excommunication, 
a penalty extended by the Synod of Arles
(524) to those who should give them shelter. 
Nevertheless, the vagantes still flourished, and frequently
aided bishops and other clergy in the discharge of
their duties or became chaplains in the castles of
the knights, thus making their profession a trade
and interfering with the orderly conditions and
ministrations of the regular clergy. In 789 
Charlemagne renewed the Chalcedon injunctions, and
also forbade the entertainment of any clergy who
could not produce letters from their bishops. But
even these measures failed, and in the ninth 
century several synods (e.g., Mainz, 847, and Pavia,
845-850) sought to check the vagantes, and their
efforts to take possession of benefices already 
conferred on others, while such prelates as Agobard of
Lyons, in his <I>De privilegio et jure sacerdotii, </i> also
opposed them. In the twelfth century Gerhoh of
Reichersberg (q.v.) again complained of them in his
<I>Liber de simonia, </i>  but matters became far worse in
the following century, when the Synods of Mainz
(1261), Aschaffenburg (1292), Treves (1310), and
St. Polten (1284) declared against the vagantes,
while in Bavaria they were expressly excluded from
the king&#39;s peaces of 1244, 1281, and 1300.
</p>
 
<P>
A peculiar type of vagantes arose in France in
the twelfth century, later spreading to England and
Germany. These were the roving minstrels, mostly
dissolute students or wandering clergy, first called
<I>clerici vagantes </i> or <I>ribaldi </i> ("rascals"), and later,
after the early thirteenth century, chiefly known as
<I>goliardi </i> or <I>goliardenses, </i> terms apparently meaning
"sons of Goliath," i.e., "sons of giants." They
were masters of poetic form, but many councils of
the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries sought to
restricts the goliards and their excesses. These
measures seem practically to have suppressed the
goliards in France by the end of the thirteenth 
century; but in Germany they survived until late in
the fifteenth century under various names. Hugo
of Trimberg devoted a special chapter of his <I>Renner</i>
to the <I>ribaldi </i> and other vagantes, while in England
Chaucer alluded to them in no complimentary
terms.
</P>
<TT>(A. HAUCK.)</TT>

<font size="-1">
<P>
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bingham, <I>Origines, </i>VL, iv. 5, VIL, ii. 12,
xVL, xii. 19; G. J. Planck, <I>Geschiehte der christlich-kirch-</i>
<I>Zichen Gesellschaftsverfassung, i. </i>375, ii. 100 sqq., 5 vols.,
Hanover, 1803-09; W. Giesebrecht, in <I>Allgemeine 
Monatsschrift fur Wissenschaft und Literatur, </i>1853, pp. 10 13,
344-381; J. Grimm, <I>XZeinere Schrijten, iii. 1 </i>sqq., Berlin,
1866; O. Hubatseh, Die <I>lateinischen Vapantenlieder des
Mittelalters</i>, Gorlitz, 1870; J. von PBugk-Harttung, Dip-
<I>lorrealisch-historisehe Forachungen, pp. </i>50 sqq., Goths, 1579;
W. Meyer, in <I>Festschrift der Gottinger Gesellsehaf: der </i>
Wroe
<I>aenachajten, </i>Gbttingen, 1801; Neander, <I>Christian Church,
</i>Vol. iii. passim.
</p>
</font>

<div3 type="Article" title="Valdes, Juan and Alfonso de" id="valdes_juan_and_alfonso_de">
<H2>VALDES, val-des&#39;, JUAN and ALFONSO DE.</h2>

<P>
Alfonso on the Sack of Rome (§ 1).     <BR>
Juan&#39;s "Mercury and Sharon"; Alfonso (§ 2).     <BR>
Juan&#39;s Relations with Rome, and with Giulia Gonsaga (§ 3).     <BR>
Later Writings (§ 4).     <BR>
Theological Views (§ 5).   <BR>
</P>

<H3>1. Alfonso on the Sack of Rome.</H3>
<P>
The Hispano-Italian reformers, Juan and 
AIfonso de Valdes, were born as twins at Cuenca (84
m. s.e. of Madrid), Castile, about the end of the 
fifteenth century, Juan dying at Naples in the 
summer of 1541, and Alfonso at Vienna early in Oct.,
1532. Alfonso, in 1520, accompanied the young
King Charles to his coronation at
Aachen, and then went to Worms,
where he witnessed the burning of
Luther&#39;s writings, which he, unlike the
majority, considered but the beginning 
of the tragedy of the Reformation. A few
years later he was imperial secretary to the high
chancellor, Mercurino Arborio da Gattinara, and
when the Spanish monks raged against Erasmus,
Alfonso warmly defended the Basel scholar. In
May, 1527, Rome was stormed and sacked by an
imperial army, though without imperial sanction,
and the pope himself was made prisoner. Alfonso
voiced the sentiment of the court in a dialogue on
the catastrophe between Lactantius, a cavalier of
the emperor, and an archdeacon just come from
Rome to Valladolid. Lactantius, through whom
Alfonso expresses his own views, declares that the
pope, as a disturber of the peace and as faithless to
his word, brought the sack of Rome upon himself.
He advocates the surrender of the papal temporal
power and asserts that, since the exposure of 
ecclesiastical corruption by Erasmus and the sedition
incited by Luther had alike failed to reform the
papacy, God had turned to other means of 
conversion and had found them in the sack of Rome. The
archdeacon himself concludes the dialogue with the
hope that the emperor would now take the 
reformation of the Church in hand. The papal nuncio,
Count Baldassare Castiglione, and Alfonso&#39;s fellow
secretary, Juan Aleman, both sought to have this
"ultra-Lutheran" document condemned to the
flames, but the archiepiscopal grand inquisitor 
declared that the dialogue contained nothing heretical.
</P>

<P>
Meanwhile, probably in Dec., 1528, Juan had
written his dialogue "Mercury and Sharon," a
piece full of biting satire on false Christians. At
the same time, Spain is declared more happy than
Germany, where Lutheranism had given birth to
many other sects. The justice of the punishment
of Rome is maintained, and the absolute need of
reform is stressed. Both the "Mercury" and the
"Lactantius" were printed anonymously, probably
in 1529, repeated editions following; modern editions
are by Usoz i Rio in <I>Reformistas antiguos espanoles,</i>
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<pb n="147"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" /></div3></div2><div2 title="Vatican Council">
<div3 title="Vatican Council">

<I>VATICAN COUNCIL.
</I>



<P>


I. Antecedent History: The first adducible proof

</P>
<P>

that Picas IX. intended to call an ecumenical coun

</P>
<P>

cil appeared Dec. 6,1864, at a session of the cardinals

</P>
  
<P>

of the Congregation of Rites. He then

</P>
 
<P>

r. Prelimi- directed them, and soon extended this

</P>
 
<P>

nary Can- order to include all the cardinals resi

</P>
 
<P>

vass and dent in Rome, to present their views

</P>
<P>

Committees. on that project, in the form of written

</P>
  
<P>

opinions; and early in Mar., 1865, a

</P>
<P>

committee of cardinals was appointed to examine

</P>
<P>

these opinions. The majority of the cardinals agreed

</P>
<P>

that a council was necessary, though there was not

</P>
<P>

entire concord as to the matters to be treated. After

</P>
<P>

that, the convening of a council was no longer an

</P>
<P>

open question. So during April and May, and by

</P>
<P>

advice of the college of cardinals, the prefect of the

</P>
<P>

Propaganda, Cardinal Caterini, addressed to thirty

</P>
<P>

six bishops of various nations a formal request sub

</P>
<P>

<I>arctissima secreti lege, </I>


to set forth in explicit terms

</P>
<P>

the matters which seemed to them most worthy of

</P>
<P>

consideration before the council, with regard to their

</P>
<P>

diocesan interests. Picas IX, had himself outlined

</P>
<P>

the list of these confidential advisers; he also made

</P>
<P>

the first public announcement of the prospective

</P>
<P>

council, on June 26, 1867, in his address to such

</P>
<P>

princes of the church as had assembled in Rome

</P>
<P>

for the jubilee festival. The preparation of the

</P>
<P>

council devolved upon an extraordinary congrega

</P>
<P>

tion of the college of cardinals, briefly known as the

</P>
<P>

" Central Committee." Its members included Car

</P>
<P>

dinals Patrizi, Reisach, Panebianco, Bizarro, Ca

</P>
<P>

terini, and, later, Barnabo, Bilio, Capalli, de Luca.

</P>
<P>

Their preliminary labors in 1865 were occupied with

</P>
<P>

enlisting distinguished theologians and canonists as

</P>
<P>

expert advisers of the council. These invitations

</P>
<P>

were guided by the propositions advanced by the

</P>
<P>

nuncios and by the various bishops. Only the

</P>
<P>

ultramontane trend received such marked prefer

</P>
<P>

ence herein, at the outset, that when the resultant

</P>
<P>

selections became known, they were sharply con

</P>
<P>

tested. Besides the central committee there were

</P>
<P>

accessory committees appointed: (1) on dogmatics,

</P>
<P>

(2) on church discipline, (3) on religious orders,

</P>
<P>

(4) on oriental churches and missions, (5) on eccle

</P>
<P>

siastical polity, and (6) on ceremonies. The labors

</P>
<P>

of these committees were subject to the central

</P>
<P>

committee&#39;s revision. There were ninety-six ad

</P>
<P>

visers actively engaged. The question as to who

</P>
<P>

should be invited to the council at large occasioned

</P>
<P>

prolonged inquiries and incidental scruples. Ob

</P>
<P>

jection was raised against inviting the Roman Cath

</P>
<P>

olic princes. The bull 


<I>Aterni patris, </I>


subscribed by

</P>
<P>

Picas IX. and the cardinals present in Rome, was

</P>


RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA   vatioan
canVatican 


Council




<P>


published on June 29, 1868; and convened the
council to meet at Rome on Dec. 8, 1869. As the
council was to be ecumenical, the bishops of the
churches of oriental rites were also invited; and in
a subsequent bull, all Protestants and others outside the Roman Catholic pale were summoned, on
occasion of the council, to rejoin the Roman Catholic Church. Howbeit, the Orientals declined the
summons, without exception, and on the Protestant
side the invitation was disregarded. The papal invitation found some accordant response. within the
Anglican church; yet here, too, there was counterbalancing opposition. Thus the Curia&#39;s hope of
inducing the schismatic orient and the world of
Protestant heresy to some recognition of the Curia&#39;s
contemplated measures came to naught..

</P>
<P>

The reception accorded to the impending council
in Roman Catholic circles was not everywhere alike
and underwent great fluctuations. Little could be
deduced from the terms of convocation

</P>

a. Recep- respecting the problems to be solved,
tion of because the sweeping phraseology em-
Proposal; braced the entire sphere of Christen-

Topics  dom&#39;s interests. Yet this very lati-
Suggested.  tude allowed the Curia complete
freedom of action. Moreover, because
no ecumenical council had assembled in the past
three centuries, the present design took on the mists
and halo of the extraordinary. Features of this
kind at once insured popular favor for the plan
of a council, and evoked approval on every
side. Nevertheless, an increasingly powerful reac
tion set in among liberal Roman Catholics, when
once the illusions began to dissolve which at first
had enshrouded the motives for convening the
council. What especially illumined the horizon in
advance, was a now famous article in the 


<I>Civiltd
</I>


<I>Cattolica, </I>


a review conducted by Jesuits. This arti
cle appeared in the form of correspondence by way
of France, under date of Feb. 6, 1869, and purported
to reflect the views of many Roman Catholics in
France that the council would be brief, seeing that
its majority stood unanimous. There were named
as topics of procedure: confirmation of the Syllabus
(q.v.), promulgation of the infallibility of the pope,
and dogmatization of the doctrine as to the bodily
assumption of Mary. The impression produced by
this article was enhanced by the fact that Archbishop
Dechamps of Mechlin was warmly praised in a papal
brie_, dated June 26, 1869, for his pamphlet on L In
<I>faillibilite et le concile genkral </I>


(Malines, 1869), where
in he requested that doctrine&#39;s formal definition.
Thenceforth the conviction gained wider currency



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<pb n="149"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />the promulgation of infallibility had been long in
preparation in that quarter and that the attainment
of this goal was the chief object of the entire council,
have been demonstrated by Friedrich (see bibliography).
This is a point especially to be noted,
since Granderath, in his opposing work, affirms the
contrary with great certitude, and since a correct
understanding of the course of the convention depends
on the detail that the Vatican Council be
conceived as the product of ultramontanist growth
in the nineteenth century. From the beginning of
the council, the question of infallibility stood central
in point of general interest, and acted in a
segregative way, as touching party tactics. That
the majority was resolved to vote in the affirmative
is above reasonable doubt; although there was some
uncertainty as to whether the opposition would
prove aggressive, and to what extent, if considerable.
In fact, it was stronger than had been
expected, and prevented the council sessions
from running that expeditious course which had
been so confidently predicted by the <I>Civilt&agrave;&#39;s</I>
article.</P>

<h4>1. Rules of Procedure.</h4>

<P>The prelates who had already reached Rome were
convened in a preliminary synodical assembly in
the Sistine Chapel, Dec. 2, 1869. Pius IX. then
delivered an address, the names of the officers were
announced, and these officers were
sworn in. In the next place, copies of
the order of business were distributed,
with the heading <I>Multiplices inter</i>,
dated Nov. 27, 1869. As presidents were named
Cardinals de Reisach, de Lucca, Bizarri, Bilio, and
Capalli. By this order of business, which he issued
without action by the council in the premises, Pius
IX. insured for himself a determining influence over
the convention. The most important rulings were as
follows: In &sect; 2 the pope claimed it as his exclusive
right to define the objects of the council&#39;s proceedings.
The synodical delegates are permitted, of
course, to make motions, yet with extreme limitation,
since the pope was to decide whether they
should be laid before the council; &sect; 3 obligates the
members of the council to silence in regard to the
proceedings; &sect;&sect; 7 and 8 touched upon the synodical
delegates&#39; assemblings, the congregations general,
and the public sessions. In the congregations general,
whose directors were named by the pope, the
drafts of decrees laid before the council were to be
debated and voted upon, but only in a provisory
way. At the public sessions, deliberations were no
longer in order, but only the final votes. The result
of these was certified by the pope, in personal attendance,
and was to be proclaimed as his decision,
"the holy council approving." The votes were to
be phrased <I>placet</I> or <I>non placet</I>. In the event of no
working agreement, the contested proviso, together
with the proffered objections thereto, were to be
referred to standing committees, and these were to
be elected by the council on written ballot. &sect; 9
forbade the attending ecclesiastics to quit the council
before its termination, except by permission.
For council chamber, and this alike for the congregations
general and the public sessions, they made
use of the right transept of St. Peter&#39;s Church, this
being shut off by a lofty wooden partition. From
the very first day, however, this area proved unfit
on account of its defective acoustics.</P>

<h4>2. First and Second Sessions.</h4>

<P>The first public session took place Wednesday
Dec. 8, 1869, with the opening on a festival. Undue
precipitation set the second public
session for Thursday Jan. 6, 1870.
To what extent the question of infallibility
dominated the council quite
from the start appeared from the election of
the various committees. The chief promoters
of the quorum actively in favor of the definition
at issue met in private conferences, and then
agreed on the plan that no one be elected of whom
it were known that he opposed the definition of
papal infallibility. In the next place, lists of the
proposed candidates were prepared and lithographed.
And all these propositions found acceptance
with the council. The ratified order of business
provoked some contradiction directly after the
work of the council began; but all motions pre
sented before the pope in favor of changing that
fixed routine were set aside. The council&#39;s debates
began only with the fourth congregation general,
Dec. 28, and turned on the "schedule of faith."
The discussion assumed an unexpectedly prolonged
course, for the topic was criticized in many quarters.
The premature appointment of the second public
session for Jan. 6 occasioned the leaders of the council
no small embarrassment. In fact, such a thing
as passing upon the "schedule "in the way of a
conciliar decree was then and there impossible. So,
too, the hope had to be abandoned of seeing the
question of infallibility accepted by the council at
this session, as though by acclamation and independent
of discussion, since Archbishop Darboy of
Paris notified Cardinal de Luca, Dec. 27, that in
the event of such abruptness, 100 bishops would
straightway leave Rome. Accordingly, the second
public session, Jan. 6, 1870, had to be occupied by
taking the synodical delegates&#39; formal deposition in
support of the Council of Trent. The insignificance
of this second session is to be explained by the fact
that it nowise marks a critical juncture in the council&#39;s
history. The proceedings extended till Jan. 10.
The project under consideration appears to have
found unqualified approval with not one of the
thirty-five speakers; but rather there prevailed
great dissension respecting the degree of requisite
amendment in the case. The result of the proceedings
in six congregations general was, on Jan.
10, to refer the issue, along with its proffered
objections, to the deputation on faith.</P>

<h4>3. Prolonged and Resultless Debates.</h4>

<p>In the following weeks (till Feb. 22) the council
deliberated in nineteen congregations general (numbered
11-29) concerning schedules of discipline and
questions of church life. And though these proceedings
form simply an episode in the
history of the council and led to no
practical end, still they afford some
insight into the bishops&#39; frames of
mind. It appears that many of the
synodical delegates entertained a broad conception
of the necessity of reforms; while critical utterances
were heard to this intent, and in no subdued tone,
such as were hardly anticipated by the Curia. During
the discussion of the "schedule concerning bishops,



<pb n="150"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />synods, and vicars general," the objection was
raised that the proposition touched only upon the
duties of bishops, but not on the necessary reform
of the college of cardinals and the Curia. The demand
was also made, that the papal office be made
accessible to others than Italians. In like manner,
it was proposed to internationalize the Roman
congregations and to decentralize the ecclesiastical
administration. There was, furthermore, criticism
of the manner of treating impediments to marriage,
dispensations, and taxes. When the matter of provincial
synods came up, some remarkable conditions
were debated before the Curia. There was even a
demand expressed in the direction of national synods,
and of regularly recurrent ecumenical councils.
After these "schedules" had been discussed by
thirty-seven speakers, they were referred, at the sixteenth
congregation general, Jan. 25, to the deputation
on discipline for revision. From Jan. 25 to Feb.
8, thirty-eight speakers discussed the "schedule
concerning the life and character of the clergy,"
including such details as the spiritual exercises, the
common life of the priests, celibacy, defects in the
Breviary, and the propriety of clerical beards. The
proposition was referred to the deputation on discipline.
From Feb. 10 to 22 (general congregations
24-29), the council was occupied with the schedule
"concerning a small catechism," the pope having
expressed his intention of having a small catechism
prepared, in order to abate the diversity of instruction
regarding the elements of the faith. This catechism
was then to be translated into the various
national tongues, while the bishops retained the
liberty of dispensing catechetical instruction independently thereof. However, while the idea of unifying
such instruction had strong indorsement, it
also encountered vehement opposition, quite variously
prompted. This schedule was also referred
to the deputation on discipline.</P>

<h4>4. New Rules of Procedure.</h4>

<P>A noteworthy landmark in the history of the
council is supplied by the publication, during the
twenty-ninth congregation general, on Feb. 22, of
the papal decree dated Feb. 20;
which must be designated a new order
of business. The most important of
its rulings, which comprised fourteen
heads, were the following. Strictures on a "schedule"
shall henceforth no longer be made orally, but
in writing; and this, too, within a period of time to
be determined by the presidents when the given
schedule is proposed (&sect; 1). Such strictures are to
be accompanied with suggested amendments (&sect; 3),
and shall be tendered before the secretary of the
council, who refers them to the competent deputations
(&sect; 4). Coupled with a summary report on the
previously tendered strictures, the schedule, as
amended by the committee or deputation in charge,
goes to the council for oral discussion (&sect; 5). Speakers
digressing from the question in debate shall be
called to order by the presidents (&sect; 10). In case the
subject of debate be exhausted, then the presidents,
on written motion of ten synodical delegates, may
put the question before the congregation general,
as to whether the discussion shall still be protracted;
anti the majority decides (&sect; 11). Majority vote also
decides the matter of adopting a proposition (&sect; 13).
The voting is done orally, by <I>placet</I> or <I>non placet</I>,
though a conditional <I>placet</I> is also admissible, the
given condition being in writing (&sect; 14). What
prompted this change in the order of business was
the tedious routine of the council&#39;s proceedings,
which in the course of three months had brought
not a single schedule to formal conclusion. That
this new order of business was adapted to expedite
the transaction of business proper is evident; yet
the advance was only contingent in that the
council might have to pay for the abridgment of its
proceedings by disadvantages of another kind. Protests
were lodged against the altered order of business
under the leadership of Archbishop Darboy of
Paris, by fifty bishops on Mar. 1, by twenty-two
other bishops, led by Cardinal Schwarzenberg, on
Mar. 4, and by fourteen bishops, predominantly
German, on Mar. 2. However, these protests accomplished
nothing, not even a written acknowledgment.
Yet the object of altering the order of
business was not simply the better dispatch of the
council&#39;s labors; it especially hinged on the point
of carrying the definition of infallibility through the
channels of parliamentary resolution, after it was
seen that the measure could not be adopted by
acclamation.</P>

<h4>5. Alinement on Infallibility.</h4>

<P>A fortnight after the council opened, there were
conferences in progress on the part of a small coterie
of those favoring the definition, touching their manner
of procedure. Petitions for motion
of the definition were subscribed
by about 480 bishops. Not until the
news of these arrangements transpired
did the opponents of definition actively unite. Their
deliberations began Jan. 8, and in five counter-addresses,
which were subscribed by 136 bishops, the
pope was besought to make no proposition to the
council on the subject of infallibility. But the committee
on motions resolved to commend to the pope
the acceptance of definition. Through these memorials
for and against the question of definition,
the presence of two parties at the council had become
altogether patent. What occasioned great
surprise was the relative status of the two alinements,
broadly surveyed. The process of "ultramontanizing"
the Roman Catholic Church had advanced
quite too far, and the Ultramontane trend
of the council was much too pronounced for any
doubt as to the issue of a dogmatic decision on the
subject of infallibility. The sensation was the
strength of the minority, the impressive gravity
of whose opposition stood all the more enhanced by
the dignity of not a few personalities on the minority
side, as by the partizan grouping along lines
of nationality. Among the German bishops there
were thirteen opposers of the definition, whereas
only four of the German bishops advocated the
definition; among the Austro-Hungarian bishops the
majority were on the opposing side; in the case of
the French bishops, one-third of them sided with the
opposition. Several of the bishops from the United
States opposed it. Among those members who disclosed
special zeal in favoring infallibility, Archbishop
Manning of Westminster, and Bishop Senestrey
of Regensburg stood forth with prominence.
Their strength was in the firm assertion of the necessity<pb n="151"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />of defining the given doctrine; while the
strength of the minority was their theological erudition
and intelligence. That was no accident which
arrayed the Spanish bishops, without exception, on
the side of the majority, and three-fourths of the
German episcopate on the minority side; this relative
attitude was conditioned by the level of
the theological training of the clergy in both
countries.</P>

<h4>6. Minority&#39;s Difficulties; Controversies Aroused.</h4>

<P>It was a serious obstacle to the minority, that the
pope took aggressive and open stand against that
minority&#39;s formulated position. Howbeit,
the decision of the contest depended
upon the question whether or
not the minority possessed the inherent
strength and sufficient confidence
in its cause to assert and carry its will.
It was precisely this internal compactness which
the minority lacked. All that held their imposing
array together was the sheer denial of the question
of defining the infallibility of the pope on grounds
of expediency, not the disavowal of the doctrine
itself, though many of the minority had espoused
this extraneous position. Accordingly, the minor
ity&#39;s platform was one of negation simply. But the
sphere of its action was thereby seriously restricted,
and it lacked the momentum that produces positive
results. It could collectively utilize merely a sectional
extract of all that cogent material which scientific
scholarship was elaborating in support of the
conflict against the doctrine itself. The opposition
must needs collapse forthwith when situations
occurred wherein considerations of expediency and
questions of tact and fitness lost their value, or
even contradicted its very existence. Lastly, the
minority was handicapped by the lack of a commanding
leader.</P>

<p>The drafting and circulation of the memorials
with reference to the matter of infallibility was
accompanied by extensive discussions in a periodical
way, proceeding from members of both parties at
the council. Much attention was aroused in France
by the controversy on the Honorius question (see
<a href="">HONORIUS I.</a>) 
between Auguste Joseph Alphonse
Gratry, French acamedician and sometime oratorian,
and Archbishop Dechamps, and by the pamphlet 
<I>Ce qui se passe au concile</I>, against which the
council deemed it necessary to protest, the more
because the article showed expert knowledge of the
situation. Still stronger was the agitation in Germany,
where the scientific training of the clergy was
too advanced for a surrender to the new dogma
without resistance. On Jan. 19 D&ouml;llinger published
his signed article on infallibility in the <i>Augsburger
allgemeine Zeitung</I>, and this evoked wide comment.</P>

<h4>7. Church and State; Infallibility.</h4>

<P>On Jan. 21 there had been distributed among
the synodical members the schedule entitled <I>Schema
constitutionis dogmaticae de ecclesia Christi</I>. This
stated, that the Church is the mystical
body of Christ (chap. 1); that in this
alone can the Christian religion be duly
practised (chap. 2); that the Church
is the one perfect society (chap. 3); that corporate
bodies detached from the Church can not be designated
as part or parcel of the Church (chap, 5);
that only through the Church; and consequently, in
the Church, can salvation be obtained (chaps. 6, 7);
that the Church is imperishable and indefectible
(chaps. 9, 10); that the Church possesses a peculiar
power and authority (<I>potestas</I>, chap. 10); that in
this body Christ has instituted the primacy of the
bishop of Rome (chap. 11), which involves the possession of temporal sovereignty (chap. 12); in case
of disharmony between Church and State, the State
is to blame (chap. 13). The civil rulers, too, are
bound to the law of God, and the decision as to how
this is to be administered appertains to the supreme
teaching function of the Church (chap. 14). The
closing chapter claims for the Church the province
of instructing the young, freedom in the sphere of
training the clergy, and exemption of the clergy
from military service, unrestricted franchise for the
religious orders, etc. Under the head of canons
may be read (No. XX.): "If any one says that the
supreme rule of conscience in respect to public and
social affairs is vested in the law of the body politic,
or in the public opinion of men, or that the judgments
of the Church do not reach over the said
affairs (by which judgments the Church pronounces
concerning what is lawful, or illicit and unlawful),
or that something is lawful to be done by force of
the civil justice which is unlawful by the divine
justice or law of the Church, let him be anathema."
When, in spite of the injunction to secrecy, this proviso
came to be known by the press of all Europe,
the civil governments were admonished to be vigilant,
and were urged to defend the civil organism,
now menaced by the doctrines of a vanished era.
On Feb. 10, the Austrian Count Beust notified the
Austrian ambassador to advise the cardinal secretary
that the publication of any such ruling, prejudicial
to due respect for the law of the land, was
forbidden in Austria and would be visited with legal
penalties. In a dispatch of Feb. 20, communicated
to the other powers, Count Daru, French minister
of foreign affairs, repelled the schedule&#39;s express
encroachments upon the civil jurisdiction, and
demanded that before the council proceeded to
draft resolutions upon questions relating to civil
statecraft, the holy see should give the French government
opportunity to convey to the council the
French conception herein. Antonelli, however, answered
coldly, and nothing was ultimately achieved
by these protests, since more active measures were
not initiated. The change in the French ministry
on Apr. 18, by which Ollivier became minister of
foreign affairs, obviated all danger of direct coercion
upon the council from a French quarter. And the
same political considerations which decided Napoleon
III. in favor of great reserve, were of controlling
weight with Bismarck, while England also
maintained her policy of reserve and self-restraint.
In the council&#39;s proceedings, the grand stroke fell
on Mar. 6, when a supplementary article to chap.
11 of the schedule <I>De ecclesia</I> was addressed to the
members of the council. This appendix bore the
heading, <I>Romanum pontificem in rebus fidei et morum
definiendis errare non posse</i>, "The Roman pontiff
can not err in defining matters of faith and morals."
The time of the Curia&#39;s evasive policy was past, and
the council faced a clear situation.<pb n="152"  corrected="N" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />
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<pb n="199"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />his selfishness. Thus man becomes master of himself in proportion as he devotes himself to his fellows, is the more free the more social he is, receives more as he demands less, and is more himself the less he belongs to himself." Thus the individual and society grow in unison, attaining mutual perfection in the fulfilment and the service of duty. Applying this doctrine of individualism to the Church, Vinet became an advocate of the separation of Church and State, the step urged in the only two of his works which do not bear the mark of collected essays. Here he maintained that religion is an affair between God and man alone, while the State should have sole control of social morals, which comprize security of person and property and public decency. In 1831 Vinet was still a true son of the national Church, but by the time of the publication of his <i>Essai sur la manifestation, </I>etc., ut sup. (1842), his attitude had changed. The tenets set forth in his first essay of 1826 are here carried still further, with special attack upon the theory that the State is the entire man. Vinet maintained,
on the contrary, that the State is based on identical traits common to all, while the foundation of the Church is human individuality of conscience. Individuality being thus considered a part of the inmost essence of Christianity, Vinet deemed the
union of Church and State as heresy, and allowed validity only to a church independent of the State. A theological system he never evolved, though from him proceeded great ideas destined to bring forth fruit both for theology and for the Church. Thus he became a sort of second Pascal, and there is, therefore, little cause for surprise that Vinet&#39;s posthumous <I>Études sur Blaise Pascal </I>(Paris, 1848; Eng. transl., <I>Studies on Pascal, </I>Edinburgh, 1859) should be the best study yet written on that philosopher. In his apologetics he laid stress on the way in which the Gospel perfectly answers the needs of the heart. He was firmly convinced, moreover, that the most efficacious apologetic is psychological. But the psychological method of apologetics was the weakness, as well as the strength, of Vinet; for though history does not make faith, the neglect of historical factors leads to the peril of subjectivity and ultimately to rationalism. Vinet has even been
termed a rationalist, but, in spite of occasional phrases in his letters and in his conversation, he was no skeptic. Had his attitude toward the Bible been clearer, the charge of rationalism might more easily be refuted. Lack of precision is characteristic of his apologetics and of his theology in general, but the reality which he ascribes, in all his writings, to the fall and to original sin, as well as to the great facts of salvation and the miracles, is alone sufficient to prevent rationalists or modern " liberals " from claiming him as one of their number. The entire character of his works demonstrates with equal clearness that he presupposed as absolutely necessary the facts of revelation. Christianity was for him primarily a history and a fact, which it must have been to gain currency.</P>
<P>The sole works of Vinet on practical theology were posthumous. His <I>Théologie Pastorale </I>(Paris, 1850; Eng. transl., Edinburgh, 1852) is especially valuable for its rich utilization of French Roman Catholic literature. Here he denies any priestly character to the clergy, terms preaching a work of love and a mystery, and regards religious instruction as an act of worship. In his <i>Homilétique ou théorie de la prédication </I>(Paris, 1853; Eng. transl., <I>Homiletics, </I>Edinburgh and New York, 1853, new ed. 1880; often republished, since it was long a text-book in theological seminaries in the United States of America), he shows himself relatively indifferent to his text, deciding upon the themes of his sermons before choosing their texts. Both theoretically and practically he regarded almost exclusively the synthetic sermon, and sharply reproved any neglect of artistic embellishment. In citations he especially affected German writers on the theory of homiletics and the French preachers, whose works he had studied exhaustively. The results of these latter studies are embodied in his third work on practical theology, <I>Histoire de la prédication parmi les Réformés de France au dix-septième siècle </I> Paris, 1860), a publication of great value. The strength of Vinet&#39;s own sermons lies in their masterly control of the psychological method; their weakness in their neglect of Biblical foundation. Of Vinet&#39;s five homiletic volumes only one was based on sermons actually delivered by him, the remainder containing, for the most part, apologetic or ethical studies in rhetorical form, presented to a relatively small circle of students. The inner life of Vinet is clearly mirrored in his poems, a large number of which have justly been incorporated in French Protestant hymnals. In addition to the works already mentioned, Vinet was the author of the following: <I>Chrestomathie française, ou choix de morceaux tirés des meilleurs écrivains français </i> (3 vols., Basel, 1829-30); <I>Études évangeliques </I>(Paris, 1847;  Eng. transl., <I>Gospel Studies, </I> Glasgow, 1849); <I>Méditations évangéliques</I> (1849; Eng. transl., <I>Evangelical Meditations, </I>Edinburgh, 1858); <I>Études sur la littérature française au dix-neuvième siècle </I>(3 vols., 1849-51); <I>Nouvelles études évangeliques </I>(1851); <I>Histoire de la littérature française au dix-huitième siècle </I>(2 vols., 1853; Eng. transl., <i>Hist. of French Literature in the 18th Century,</i> Edinburgh, 1854); <I>Liberté religieuse et questions ecclésiastiques </I>(1854); <i>L&#39;Éducation, la famille et la société </I>(1855); <I>Moralistes des seizième et dix-septième siècles </I>(1859); <I>Poètes du siècle de Louis XIV. </I>(1861); <I>Mélanges </I>(1869); and <I>Lettres </I>(2 vols., Lausanne,1880).   </P>
<P>(ARNOLD RÜEGG†.)</P>
<P>BIBLIOGRAPHY: Biographical sketches are by E. Scherer, Paris, 1853; E. Rambert, 3d ed., 2 vols., Lausanne, 1876;
Laura M. Lane, New York, 1890; E. de Pressensé, Paris, 1890, cf. his <I>Contemporary Portraits, </I>London, ,1879; H.
Lecoultre, Paris, 1892. On Vinet&#39;s activities and thought consult: F. J. Stahl, <I>Kirchenverfassung nach Lehre und
Recht der Protestanten,</I> pp. 279 sqq:, Erlangen, 1840; F. Chavannes, <I>A. Vinet, notice et mémoires, </I>Paris, 1847; idem, <I>A. Vinet . . . comme apologists et moraliste chrétien, </I>Leyden, 1883; J. F. Astié, <I>Esprit d&#39;A. Vinet, </I>2 vols., Lausanne, 1861; idem; <I>Le Vinet de la légende et celui de l&#39;hist.,</I> ib . 1882; A. F. Langlois, <I>A. Vinet consideré comme predicateur, </I>Strasburg, 1864; J. Widmer, <I>A. Vinet envisagé comme apologists, </I>Lausanne, 1875; J. Cramer, <I>A. Vinet, moralist et apologiste chrétien, </I>Lausanne. 1884; L. Molines, <I>Études sur A. Vinet, </I>Paris, 1890; J. B. Roy, <I>L&#39;Individu et la société d&#39;après les . . . ouvrages d&#39;A. Vinet, </I>Lausanne, 1893; V. Rivet, <I>Étude sur les origines de la pensée religieuse de Vinet,</I> Paris, 1896; E. Combs. <I>Vinet inter-</I>


<pb n="200"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />Vinson THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG
Virgin Birth

<P>


prEte du N. T., Paris, 1897; 


A. Rtlegg, A. 


Vind, Gedanken
and Betraehtunpan, 


Heilbronn, 


1897; 


. A. Schumann, 


V%net,
ae%n leben, seine Gedankenmedt, seine Bedeutunp. Leipsic,
1907.

</P>


<P>

</div3></div2><div2 title="Vinson">
<div3 title="Vinson, John">

VERSON, JOHN: Elder and founder of the
Church of the Living God (see 


LIVING GOD, CHURCH


oa 


THE); 


born on his father&#39;s farm in Madison Co.,
Ind., July 9, 1851. $e was educated at the normal
school at Alexandria, and was subsequently a
teacher in the public schools of his state, completing
his education by private reading. He was converted in 1885, and began his public ministry as an
exhorter, later receiving ordination and serving as
pastor and evangelist in different parts of Indiana.
His further work is bound up in that of his denomination.

</P>


<P>


VINTON, ALEXANDER HAMILTON: Protestant Episcopal bishop; b. in Brooklyn Mar. 30,
1852; d. at Springfield, Mass., Jan. 19, 1911. He
was educated at St. Stephen&#39;s College, Annandale,
N. Y. (A.B., 1873), General Theological Seminary
(graduated, 1876), and the University of Leipaic. He
was ordained priest in 1877; was curate of the Church
of the Holy Communion, Norwood, N. J. (1878-79),
and the Holy Comforter Memorial, Philadelphia
(1879-84); rector of All Saints&#39;, Worcester, Magi.
(1884-1902). In 1902hewasconsecratedfirst bishop
of the diocese of Western Massachusetts.

</P>


<P>


VIRET, of"r6&#39;, PIERRE: Swiss Reformer; b. at
Orbs (15 m. n. of Lausanne), Switzerland, May 4,
1511; d. at Orthes (90 m. s. bf Bordeaux), France,
Apr. 4, 1571. He began to study at Paris for the
priesthood, but renounced the Roman Catholic
faith and returned to his native town. He was ordained by Farel in 1531, and preached in Orbe and
elsewhere. In 1533 he went to Geneva as assistant
to Farel, and after the introduction of the Reformation in that city to NeufchAtel, and thence to Lausanne, where his work led to the definite introduction of the Reformation. After the fall of the party
hostile to the Reformation at Geneva, Viret labored
there until the return of Calvin in 1541. At Lausanne, besides preaching, he lectured on the New
Testament in the seminary founded by the citizens
of Bern in 1537.

</P>
<P>

V&#39;n&#39;et began his literary activity with the 


<I>Epistre
txmsolataire </I>


(Geneva, 1541). He made several journeys in the interests of the Reformation, and in
1549 he received a close friend in Beta (q.v.), who
was then appointed ptofessor at Lausanne. To this
period belong some of his chief works: 


<I>Du devoia&#39; et
du besoing qu&#39;orat les hommes a s&#39;enqnkwir de la volontE
de Dieu par sa parolle </I>


(Geneva, 1551; against the
newly opened Council of Trent); two treatises on
clerical duties and the Lord&#39;s Supper: 


<I>De vero verbs
Dei, sacramentorum et etxdeesiee ministerio </I>


(1553), and


<I>De origins, continuations, auctoritate afque proastaretia
ministerii verbs Des et aacramentorum, </I>


etc. (1554);
the historical 


<I>Des Ades des vrais successeuxs de JesusChrist et de see apostres et des apostate de l&#39;eglise </I>


pd


<I>pale, </I>


etc. (1544); and two letters to Frenchmen
condemned by the Inquisition, one at.Lyons and
the other at Chambery. Viret was involved in many
troubles with the government of Bern, and it was
only in 1549 that he was confirmed in his position

</P>


<P>


after clearing. himself of the charge of holding Butzer&#39;s eucharistic doctrines: Matters were brought
to a climes by Viret&#39;s refusal to celebrate the Lord&#39;s
Supper without excluding all those who were recognized as unworthy to communicate, and in 1559 he
and his colleague Jacques Valier were suspended.
Viret was then appointed preacher at Geneva, and
during this period wrote 


<I>Du vray ministbre de la
vraye eglise de Jesus . Christ, et de vrais sacremens
d&#39;icelle, et des faun sacremens de l&#39;4glise de l&#39;Antichrist
</I>


(Geneva, 1560); 


<I>Famili&e et ample instruction. en
la. doctrine chrestienne, et principalement towleant la
divine providence et pr$destinatiort </I>


(1559); and&#39; 


<I>La
Metamorphose chrestienne </I>


(1561). In 1561 he was
called to Nfmes, but in the following year the
French Reformed were obliged to surrender their
church to the Roman Catholics, and Viret retired
to Montpellier. Thence he was called to Lyons,
and on Aug. 19, 1568, he presided over the fourth
French national synod as head of the conaietory
of Lyons. He carried on many controversies with
monks and Italian. antitrinitarians, and developed an extensive literary activity, publishing
no less than nine works between 1563 and 1565,
among them his chief work, 


<I>Instruction chresttenne
en la doctrine de la 7,oy et de l&#39;evangile, . . . (3 </I>


vols.,
Geneva, 1564), containing a system of morals and
politics. In 1565 he was obliged to leave Lyons,
whereupon he went to Orange, and . after 1566
presided over the academy established by Jeanne
d&#39;Albret (q.v.) at Orthez. In the war of 1569 he
was taken prisoner by the Roman Catholics, but was
soon released.

</P>

Viret was highly esteemed by his contemporaries
for his preaching. He left also an instructive and
interesting body of correspondence, covering the
period 1532-67.   (C. 


ScaNETZ>:ER.)

<P>


Bnsrsoassrax: T. Besa, <I>leoraea,. </I>Geneva. 1580: J. Scott.
<I>Calvin and the Swiss Reformation, pp. </I>312-317 et passim.
London. 1833; C. Chenevibre. <I>Fares, Fr»»unt, Viret,
</I>Geneva, 1835; A. Bayous, <I>Ettvdes dittlm%res sur Ies besioaina franyais de la r_Iormat%on, i. </I>181-241. Paris. 1841;
E. and It. Haag, <I>La France Protestants, vol. </I>is., Paris,
1859: C. Schmidt, <I>Leben and auapewMdte Schrijten der
Vti:a . . . der rejormierten %srche, is. </I>39-71. held,
1&il; J. Cart, <I>Pierre V%ret, </I>Lausanne, 1884; P. Godet,
<I>P. Vsret, </I>Lausanne. 1892; <I>Cambridge Modern History,
</I>ii. 293, 388, New York, 1904; C. Schnetsler and J. Barnaud, <I>Notice bsW%ographique our P. Vird, </I>Lausanne, 1905;
<I>Pierre Vinet d&#39;aprh &#39; lu%-m_me. Extraits de ass snares,
</I>Lausanne, 1911; T. Barnaud, P. <I>Viret, as ore et an arsre,
</I>St Amsns,1911; H. VuMleumier, <I>Noire Pierre Viret, </I>Lsueanae, _1911; Schaff, <I>Christian Chyrch, vii. </I>250-252;
Lichtenberger, <I>BSR, </I>xii. 402-408.

</P>


<P>


VBtGIL; ver&#39;jil: Bishop of Salzburg; b. in Ireland, probably in the first or second decade of the
eighth century; d. at Salzburg Nov. 27, 784. After
having risen to be abbot of tfie monastery of Aghaboe (in the modern County Queens), he joined the
court of Pippin in 743, who sent him to Odilo, duke
of Bavaria, in 745. Between 746 and 748 he was
appointed bishop of Salzburg, but having scruples
about receiving consecration, he administered only
the temporal affairs of the diocese. Virgil&#39;s relations with his archbishop, the famous Bonifarx,
soon became strained. Boniface directed Virgil
and 


his 


colleague Sidonius, later bishop of Passau,
to rebaptise all who had been baptised by a
Bavarian priest because the latter had been un-

</P>



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<pb n="231"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" /></div3></div2><div2 title="W">
<div3 title="Wace, Henry">

<p><b>WACE, HENRY:</b> Church of England; b. in London
Dec. 10, 1836. He was educated at Brasenose
College, Oxford (B.A., 1860); was ordered deacon
(1861) and ordained priest (1862); was curate of St.
Luke&#39;s, Berwick Street, London (1861-63), and of
St. James&#39;, Westminster (1863-69), and lecturer of
Grosvenor Chapel (1870-72); chaplain (1872-80)
and preacher (1880-96) of Lincoln&#39;s Inn, London;
rector of St. Michael&#39;s, Cornhill (1896-1903), and
since 1903 has been dean of Canterbury. He was
Boyle Lecturer (1874-75), professor of ecclesiastical
history in King&#39;s College, London (1875-83), and
principal of the same institution (1883-96); select
preacher at Cambridge in 1878, 1890, and 1901, and
at Oxford in 1880-82, Bampton Lecturer at the latter
university in 1879, examining chaplain to the
archbishop of Canterbury in 1883-1903, honorary
chaplain to the queen in 1884-89, and chaplain-in-ordinary
in 1889-1901, and honorary chaplain to the
king in 1901-03, prebendary of Consumpta-per-Mare
in St. Paul&#39;s Cathedral in 1881-1903, rural
dean of the East City in 1900-03, and dean of Canterbury
since 1903. Besides editing <I>A Dictionary
of Christian Biography, Literature, Sects, and Doctrines,
from the time of the Apostles to the Age of Charlemagne</I>
(in collaboration with Sir William Smith; 4
vols., London, 1880-86; in part rewritten, revised,
and reissued in one volume as
<a href=""><I>A Dictionary
of Christian Biography and Literature to the End of
the Sixth Century</I></a>, London and Boston, 1911, in
collaboration with W. C. Piercy); <I>The First Principles
of the Reformation; or, The Primary Works of Luther</I>
(in collaboration with C. A. Buchheim; 1884); <I>The
Speaker&#39;s Commentary on the Apocrypha</I> (2 vols.,
1886); and the second series of <I>Nicene and Post-Nicene
Fathers</I> (in collaboration with P. Schaff; 14
vols., New York, 1890-1900), he has written <I>Christianity
and Morality</I> (Boyle lectures; London,
1876); <I>The Foundations of Faith</I> (Bampton lectures;
1880); <I>The Gospel and its Witnesses</I> (1883); <I>The
Students&#39; Manual of the Evidences of Christianity</I> (1886);
<I>Some Central Points of Our Lord&#39;s Ministry</I> (1890);
<I>Christianity and Agnosticism; Reviews of some recent
Attacks on the Christian Faith</I> (1895); <I>The Sacrifice
of Christ</I> (1898); <I>Confession and Absolution</I> (1902);
<I>Criticism Criticised</I> (1902); <I>The Bible and Modern
Investigation</I> (1903); <I>Appeal to the First Six Centuries</I>
(1905); <I>Principles of the Reformation</I> (1910); and 
<I>Prophecy, Jewish and Christian</I> (1911).</p>


</div3><div3 title="Wackernagel, Karl Eduard Philipp">

<p><b>WACKERNAGEL,</b> vae&#39;ker-n&auml;&#39;&#39;gel, <b>KARL
EDUARD PHILIPP:</b> Hymnologist and educator; b.
in Berlin June 28, 1800; d. at Dresden June 20,
1877. He studied at Berlin and Breslau, devoting
himself especially to mineralogy and crystallography.
He also entered upon his hymnological
studies. He became involved in the political troubles
of the time, and had to leave Breslau for Halle and
Halle for Nuremberg (in 1823), where he taught in a
private school until it was closed for lack of support.
In 1829 he obtained his doctor&#39;s degree and was
called to Berlin as teacher in the Technical School.
In 1839 he went to Stetten in W&uuml;rttemberg as teacher,
in 1845 to Wiesbaden as professor in the Realgymnasium,
and in 1849 to Elberfeld as director of
the Realschule. In 1861 he resigned and lived
thenceforth in retirement in Dresden, occupied with
literary work and hymnological studies, so far as his
strength permitted. He was one of the prominent
founders of the German Evangelical Church Diet (see 
<a href="">C<small>HURCH</small> D<small>IET</small></a>). 
Wackernagel&#39;s work and
achievements in the domain of pedagogy, as well as
in mathematics and the natural sciences, especially
crystallography, were important. As an advocate
of a Christian national education he opposed the
rationalistic pedagogy, and published a series of
"German Reading Books," which were much used,
and a significant treatise, <I>Ueber den Unterricht in der
deutschen Muttersprache</I> (Stuttgart, 1843), in support
of his views. In like manner he held that in the
field of the sciences everything is "spiritually ordered,"
and he had no sympathy with the empirical
point of view which notes only sensuous phenomena.
From his youth a deep interest in the poetry and
song of the people led him to comprehensive studies
in German history and literature. His religious
bent forbade his passing over the pearls of German
folk-songs--the hymns. In this field no one before
him had made so far-reaching, thorough, and methodic
investigation, and no one had brought greater
natural gifts to the undertaking. The first ripe
fruit of his labors was <I>Das deutsche Kirchenlied von
Martin Luther bis auf Nicolaus Herman und Ambrosius
Blaurer</I> (Stuttgart, 1841), a collection of 850
hymns from the oldest and best texts, and a treatise
on the sources whence they were derived. In the
preface a history of hymnology is attempted on
broad lines, and the principles on which it should be
studied and written are discussed. Further study
brought so much new material to light that Wackernagel
determined on a complete recasting of his
work. After thirteen years&#39; preparation he published 
<I>Bibliographie zur Geschichte des deutschen
Kirchenliedes im 16. Jahrhundert</I> (Frankfort, 1855),
in which he described 1,148 song-books and sheets
(against 187 in the first edition; the number was
augmented by 620 more in a supplement in 1877).
The second part, under the title <I>Das Kirchenlied von
der &auml;ltesten Zeit bis zu Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts,
mit Ber&uuml;cksichtigung der deutschen kirchlichen Liederdichtung
im weiteren Sinne und der lateinischen von
Hilarius bis Georg Fabricius und Wolfgang Ammonius</I>,
followed in five volumes (Leipsic,1864-77). It
presents 6,783 hymns. Wackernagel also published
<I>Die Lieder Paul Gerhards</I> (Stuttgart, 1843); a new
edition of Luther&#39;s hymns (1848); <I>Johann Hermanns
geistliche Lieder</I> (1856); <I>Gesangbuch f&uuml;r
Kirche, Schule, and Haus</I> (1860); and <I>Beitr&auml;ge zur
niederl&auml;ndischen Hymnologie</I> (Frankfort, 1867).</P>

<p class="author">(L. SCHULZE.)</p>

<P class="bibliography">BIBLIOGRAPHY: 
L. Schulze, <I>Philipp Wackernagel nach seinem
Leben und Wirken</I>, Leipsic, 1819; R. Wackernagel,
<i>Wilhelm Wackernagel Jugendjahre 1806-33</i>, Basel, 1885;
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<pb n="255"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />255 RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA Waldenses
Waldenstroem

<I>to the Vaudois </I>of <I>Piedmont, </I>London, 1855<I>; P. Heber,
</I>


<I>Waldo, Kaiser Karla des Grrosaen yeiatlicher Rath, and die
</I>


<I>alteren Waldenser, Basel. 1858; D. Costello, Piedmont and
</I>


<I>Italy, 2 vole., </I>London, 18591<I>&#39;; M. Young, The Life
</I>


<I>and Times of Aonio Paleario, 2 vols., </I>London, 1880<I>; P.
</I>


<I>Melia, The Origin, Persecutions, and Doctrines of the Wal
</I>


<I>denses, from Documents, many now the first time collected
</I>


<I>and edited, </I>London, <I>1870; J. P. Maine, General Beckwith:
</I>


<I>his Life and Labours among the Waldenses </I>of <I>Piedmont,
</I>


London, <I>1873; J. Goll, Quellen and Llnterauchungen zur
</I>


<I>Geschichte der bShmischen Briider, Prague, 1878-82; Jane
</I>


L. <I>Willyams, The Waldensian Church in the Valleys </I>of
<I>Piedmont, from the Earliest Period to the Present Time,
</I>


<I>new ed., </I>London, 1879<I>; J. N. Worsfold, Peter Waldo, the
</I>


<I>Reformer of Lyons, </I>London, 1880<I>; J. A. Wylie, History of
</I>


<I>the Waldenses, </I>London, <I>1880; W. Jones, Hist. of the Wal
</I>


<I>denaes, new ed., 2 vole., </I>London, 1882<I>; A. Deissmann,
</I>


<I>Wnldenaer in der GraJschaft Schaumburg, </I>Wiesbaden, <I>1884;
</I>


<I>H. Meille, Recollections of Two Hundred Years ago in the
</I>


<I>Waldenaian Valleys, </I>Edinburgh, 1888<I>; E. Montet, Hial.
</I>


<I>Z%tteraire des Vaudois du Piemont, Geneva, 1886 (reprints
</I>


<I>early sources); K. Muller, Die Waldenser and ihre einzel
</I>


<I>nen Gruppe bis sum Anfang des 1.4. Jahrhunderts, Goths,
</I>


<I>1888; L. Brunel, Les, Vaudois des Alps Jrangaises, Paris,
</I>


<I>1888; D. K. Guthrie, Lecture on the Waldenses and their
</I>


<I>Glorious Return, </I>Edinburgh, 1889<I>; A. </I>Thomson, <I>Letters
</I>


<I>Written in Connection with the Bi-Centenary Commemora
</I>


<I>tion of the " Glorious Return " of the Waldenses to their
</I>


<I>Native Valleys. </I>Edinburgh, <I>1889; J. W. Brown, Italian
</I>


<I>Campaign, </I>London, 1890<I>; J. Chevalier, Memoire his
</I>


<I>torique sur lee heresies du Dauphin, </I>Valence, <I>1890; H.
</I>


<I>Haupt, Waldensertum and Inquisition, Freiburg, 1890 (re
</I>


<I>produces documents); A. Berard Les Vaudois . du
</I>


<I>l,. au 18. siecle, Paris, 1892; F. Rostan, The Waldensian
</I>


<I>Church and her Work of Evangelization in Italy, Torre Pel
</I>


<I>liee, 1894; T. Gay, The Waldenses, their Rise, Struggles,
</I>


<I>Persecutions, and Triumphs, </I>London, 1895<I>; Sofia V. Boni
</I>


<I>piani, A Short History of the Italian Waldenses who have
</I>


<I>inhabited the Valleys of the Cottdan Alps from Ancient
</I>


<I>Times to the Present, New York, 1897; C. Huck, Doymen
</I>


<I>historischer Beitray zur Geschichte der Waldenaer, Frei
</I>


<I>burg, 1897 W. B. Worsfold, The Valley of Light: Studies
</I>


<I>with Pen and Pencil in the Vaudois Valleys of Piedmont,
</I>


London, 1899<I>; G. Jalla, Compendia di storia valdese,
</I>


<I>Florence, 1902; J. Gibson, The Waldenses, their Home and
</I>


<I>History, </I>Edinburgh (1903<I>); H. C. Lea, Inquisition of the
</I>


<I>Middle Ages, 3 vole., New York, 1908, and in general
</I>


<I>works on the </I>Inquisition; T<I>. de Cauzons. Les Vaudois et
</I>


<I>l&#39;inquisitian, 2 vole., Paris, 1907; Schaff, Christian Church,
</I>


<I>v. 1, pp. 493-507; KL, xii. 1185-95.
</I>


<I>On </I>Waldensian literature: <I>F. J. M. Itaynouard, Choix
</I>


<I>des poesies des troubadours, ii. 73-102, Paris, 1817; G. von
</I>


<I>Zezschwitz, Die Kateclaismen der Wa7denser and bBhmischen
</I>


<I>Bruder, Erlangen, 1863; H. Haupt, Die deutsche Bibel
</I>


<I>iibersetzung der mittelalterlichen Waldenser, W urzburg, 1885;
</I>


<I>F. Jostes, Die Waldenser and die vorlutheri3che deutsche
</I>


<I>Bibelubersetzunp,Munster, 1885; J. bliiller, in Monuments
</I>


<I>Germanize pa!dagogica, vol. iv., Berlin, 1887.
</I>

</div3></div2><div2 title="Waldenstroem">
<div3 title="Waldenstroem, Paul Peter">

W A L D E N S T R O E M, vdl&#39;den-str8m, PAUL
PETER: Swedish theologian and educator; b. at
Lulea (106 m. n.e. of Stockholm), Sweden, July 20,
1838. He pursued post-graduate studies at the Uni
versity of Upsala, 18572 (Candidate in Philos
ophy, 1862; Ph.D., 1863); in 1864 he was ordained
and was appointed lector in theology, Greek, and
Hebrew at the gymnasium at Umea. Financially
aided by the State, he traveled, in 1867, in Prussia
and Wiirttemberg, Germany, for the purpose of
studying the German school system. In 1873-74 he
studied at the University of Upsala the symbolical
books of the Lutheran Church, publishing the re
sults in 


<I>De justifeeatione quid statuant libri symbolici
</I>


<I>ecclesice lutherante </I>


(Upsala, 1874). In the spring of
1874 he was appointed lector in theology and He
brew at the gymnasium in Gefle. He has contribu
ted numerous articles on pedagogy to 


<I>Pedagogisk
</I>


<I>Lidsskrift (1866-73); </I>


after the death of Rosenius
(q.v.), in 1868, he became the editor of Pietisten, in

<P>


which most of his religious beliefs have found expression; in 1877-80 he was coeditor of 


<I>Vittnet, </I>


a monthly periodical; and is the editor of the annual 


<I>Calendar Ansgarius. </I>


He is prominent in politics, having
been repeatedly elected a representative at the State
diet, second chamber.

</P>
<P>

It is in the ecclesiastical field that he has exerted
most of his influence. He is one of the foremost
leaders of the Free Church movement in Sweden,
and the father of a theological movement the supporters of which; found both in Sweden and in America, are called Waldenstromianere, though they prefer to be known as Missionsvanner. In a sermon,
published in 


<I>Pietisten, 1872, </I>


he gave impetus to the
theological movement with which he is identified by
proclaiming his novel idea of the atonement. He
holds that the reconciliation through Christ is of us
to God, not of God to us: not through grace on account of Christ, but on account of grace through
Christ. The subject is God, the Father of Christ;
the source is the love of God; the object is the whole
world; the mediator is Christ, the only begotten
God (Waldenstrom accepts and defends the reading
d 


tCOVOyev~s 


9a6g 


in John i. 


<I>18), </I>


the Son of God;
the end is the restitution of men to God, not the
reconciliation of God to men, which latter teaching,
according to Waldenstrom, ,finds no support in
Scripture.

</P>
<P>

This sermon called forth a storm of controversy.
He then published 


<I>(1873) Om forsoningens betydelse,
</I>


which was combated by theologians but met with
the favor of many lay people who were opposed to
State religion, the nucleus of his subsequent constituency.

</P>
<P>

Within the ranks of Evangeliska Fosterlandsstiftelsen 


(a 


society for foreign and home missions,
founded 


<I>1856 </I>


as the result of the evangelical work of
Carl Olof Rosenius; q.v.), the adherents of Waldenstr8m soon brought matters to a schism. They
submitted in 


<I>1875 </I>


a motion to annul the confessional
basis of Fosterlandsstiftelsen by making adherence
to the Augsburg Confession no longer obligatory for
missionary workers. The motion failed to pass.
The Waldenstromians consequently left the Fosterlandsstiftelsen and organized, Aug., 


<I>1878, </I>


Svenska
Missionsforbundet, now consisting of 1,144 congregations with 


<I>91,000 </I>


members. In 


<I>1904, </I>


Waldenstrom became president of Missionsforbundet. Waldenstrom held his clerical position in the State
church till 


<I>1882, </I>


when he resigned. His conflicts
with the church authorities were caused by his manner of accommodating his idea of the Church to circumstances rather than by his doctrine of the atonement. When he once was called to serve a group of
"believers " by administering the Lord&#39;s Supper, the
authorities refused him the use of the church. This
furnished him the opportunity of attacking the
Church for refusing to believing ministers the opportunity to serve people who for the sake of their conscience could not partake of the Lord&#39;s Supper
except with believers.

</P>
<P>

For almost a generation Waldenstrom has been a
leader of the Free Church movement in Sweden. His
influence has also been felt in America, where his
adherents number about 33,000. He visited America in 


<I>1889 </I>


and several times subsequently, the last

</P>



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<pb n="279"  corrected="Y" proofread="Y" thmlized="Y" />separatistic administration of the sacraments, but
it was determined to reach a decision by a final debate,
in which the cause of the Anabaptists was
defeated, according to the opinion of the dominant
element. Watt, to whom Zwingli had sent his
treatise, <i>Yom Tauf, Wiedertauf and Kindertauf</i>, in
1524, was the center of this controversy and contributed
a comprehensive work against the Anabaptists,
which has been lost.</p>

<p>Watt now reorganized the church of St. Gall by
measures which included the submission of the
clergy to the city council. When Watt finally was
elected chief magistrate of the city in 1526, the
victory of the St. Gall Reformation seemed assured.
The success of the disputation of Bern (1528), in
which Watt was moderator, gave occasion for the
enforcement of the Reformation in the country region
subject to the abbey. Wearied by the disputes
growing out of the question of disposal of this abbey,
Watt gradually became less prominent in controversial
issues. He now devoted his interests to the
study of the history of his native city and the abbey
to which the city owed its existence. After the
battle of Kappel, in which Zwingli fell, 1531, Watt
witnessed the restoration of Roman Catholicism in
the abbey, and political derangement in the city.
He continued his work for the welfare of the church
for twenty years. To bring about an agreement
concerning the views of the Eucharist, he wrote his
<i>Aphorismorum de considerations eucharistiae libri
VI</i> (Zurich, 1535). In his writings <I>Pro veritate
carnis triumphantis Christi</I> and <I>Epistola ad Zuiccium</I>,
together with the <i>Antilogia ad Gasparis Schwenkfeldii
argumenta conscripta</i> (1540), directed against
Schwenkfeld, he again defended the Swiss Christology.
But the study of the historical past was of
more interest to him than theological analysis. His
<i>Grosse Chronik der Aebte des Klosters St. Gallen</i> (3
vols., St. Gall, 1575-79), a historical justification of
the Reformation, may be considered one of the
most important controversial works on the history
of the Swiss and the German reformation.</p>

<p class="author">(H. HERMELINK.)</p>

<p>BIBLIOGRAPHY: The German historical writings by Watt
were edited by E. Götzinger, 3 vols., St. Gall, 1875-79;
the <i>Ferrago</i> is in M. Goldast, <i>Rerum Alamannicarum
scriptores</i>, iii. 1-80, ed. H. C. Senkenberg, Frankfort, 1730.
His letters were collected by E. Arbenz, for the <i>Historischer
Verein</i> of St. Gall, <i>Mitteilungen</i>, vols. xxiv.-xxv.,
xxvii.-xxix.
Other sources are Johann Kessler&#39;s <i>Vita</i>, revised at
St. Gall, 1865, and his <i>Sabbata</i>, ed. E. Götzinger,
for the St. Gall <i>Verein</i>, 1866-1868, and in a new ed.,
St. Gall, 1901.
Consult: T. Pressel, <i>Joachim Vadian</i>, Elberfeld, 1861;
R. Stähelin, in <i>Beiträge zur vaterländischen
Geschichte</i>, xi. 191-262, Basel, 1882;
E. Arbenz, in <I>Neujahrsblätter des historischen
Vereins</I>, St. Gall, 1886, 1895, 1905;
E. Egli, <I>Die St. Gallen Täufer</I>, Zurich, 1887;
K. Dändliker, <I>Geschichte der Schweiz</i>, ii. 424 sqq., Zurich,
1894; idem, <I>Short Hist. of Switzerland</i>, pp. 137, 154, 156,
London, 1899;
E. G&ouml;tzinger, in  <I>Schriften des Vereins für
Reformationsgeschichte</i>, 1 (1895);
W. D. McCrackan, <I>Rise of the Swiss Republic</i>, pp. 93, 264,
2d ed., New York, 1901;
S. M. Jackson, <I>Huldreich Zwingli</I>, passim, 2d ed., New
York, 1903.</p>




<h3>WATTS, ISAAC:</h3>
<p>Founder of English hymnody;
b. at Southampton, England, July 17, 1674; d. at
Stoke Newington (4 m. n.e. of Charing Cross, London)
Nov. 25, 1748. He obtained an excellent education
at Southampton grammar-school, then, join
ing the dissenters, he studied at an academy at
Stoke Newington, where he acquired his accuracy
of thought and habit of laborious analysis; leaving
the academy in 1694, he spent two years at home,
beginning his hymn-writing. He was private tutor,
1696-1701; became assistant pastor in the chapel
at Mark Lane, 1699, and sole pastor, 1702; because
of frequent attacks of illness, Samuel Price had assisted
him from 1703 and was chosen copastor 1713;
his illness increased with time, but the congregation
refused to part with one who had become so famous
and beloved. Watts was one of the most popular
writers of his time; the <i>Horae Lyricae</i> (London,
1706) won him fame as a poet, but it was his hymns
that so distinguished him. His poetry by giving
utterance to the spiritual emotions made hymn-singing
an earnest devotional power; the success of
his hymns was tremendous, the two staple volumes
were the
<a href="http://ccel.org/w/watts/psalmshymns/TOC.htm"><i>Hymns</i>
(1707) and the <i>Psalms of David</i></a>
(1719). The various pieces numbered about 600, of
which quite a number are still in general use. His
best pieces rank among the finest hymns in English.
Watts was also the founder of children&#39;s hymnology,
writing the
<a href="http://ccel.org/w/watts/divsongs/htm/i.htm"><i>Divine Songs</i></a>
(1715). For an estimate
of his place in hymnody, see 
<a href="">HYMNOLOGY, IX., § 3.</a>
He was opposed in 1719 to the imposition of the
doctrine of the Trinity on independent ministers.
He held a theory which he hoped might close the
breach between Arianism and the faith of the
Church; he maintained that the human soul of
Christ, created before the world, had been united
to the divine principle in the Godhead known as
the Sophia or Logos, and that the personality of
the Holy Ghost was figurative rather than literal.
He held liberal views on education, and his learning
and piety attracted a great many. His works,
outside his hymns, embrace <i>The Knowledge of the
Heavens and the Earth Made Easy</i> (London, 1726);
<i>An Essay towards the Encouragement of Charity
Schools</i> (I728); <i>Reliquiae Juveniles</i> (1734);
<i>Philosophical Essays</i> (3d ed., 2 pts., 1742). His 
<i>Works</i> appeared ed. D. Jennings and P. Doddridge (6 vols.,
London, 1753; with <i>Memoirs</i> by G. Burder, 6 vols.,
1810-11; 9 vols., Leeds, 1810-11); and <i>Posthumous
Works</i> (2 vols., London, 1779).</p>

<p>BIBLIOGRAPHY: Lives have been written by T. Gibbons,
London, 1780; S. Johnson, London, 1785, 2d ed., 1791;
T. Milner, London, 1834; E. Paxton Hood, London, 1875.
Consult further: Walter Wilson, <i>Hist. and Antiquities of
the Dissenting Churches</i>, 4 vols., London, 1808-1814;
R. E. A. Willmott, <i>Lives of the Sacred Poets</i>, London, 1838;
F. Saunders, <i>Evenings with the Sacred Poets</i>, London, 1870;
S. W. Duffield, <i>English Hymns</i>, pp. 61-64, New York,
Chicago, 1901;
Julian, <i>Hymnology</i>, pp. 349-350, 920, 1236-1241;
<i>DNB</i>, lx, 67-70.</p>


</div3><div3 title="Wayland, Francis">
<h3>WAYLAND, FRANCIS:</h3>
<p>Baptist preacher and educator;
b. in New York Mar. 11, 1796; d. at Providence,
R. I., Sept. 30, 1865. He was graduated from
Union College in 1813; studied medicine for three
years; uniting with the Baptist church, he studied at
Andover Theological Seminary, 1816-17; was tutor
in Union College, 1817-21; pastor of the First Baptist
Church in Boston, 1821-26; professor in Union
College in 1826; president of Brown University,
1827-55; pastor of the First Baptist Church in
Providence, 1855-57; and subsequently devoted
himself to religious and humane work. He is widely
remembered as a college officer. The text-books




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<pb n="300"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />Wends



Werenfels THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG 800




<P>


interpreter. One result of the uprising was that
the peaceful conversion 


of 


the Wends ceased to be
thought of; annihilation was now the word. The
conditions were not bettered when, in 1067, Bishop
Burchard of Halberstadt destroyed the chief senttuary of the Leutizi and rode the sacred steed of
Radigast into Halberstadt. Missionary activity
was resumed when Kruto, the successor of Gottschalk, was slain by Heinrich, son of Gottschalk, who
with Saxon assistance seized the rule. Heinrich
proceded more cautiously than his father, though he
eves a Christian and had a church at Altliibeck, the
only one in Mecklenburg. Constant wars with external foes prevented him from carrying out his
plans. His assassination in 1127 caused missionary
work again to cease. Under the powerful Niklot,
the Mecklenburg country again relapsed into heathenism. The Wends found piracy, which they
learned from the Danes, a more attractive occupation than agriculture or cattle-raising. This again
showed that what was required for the safety of the
kingdom was either thoroughgoing conversion of
the Wends or their annihilation. This was the
watchword in the Saxon crusade of 1147. Count
Adolf of Holstein-Schauenburg and Heinrich of
Badewide succeeded in tearing Wagrien and Pola,bien (East Holstein and Lauenburg) from the
Wends, and the former was completely devastated
and cleared of its Wendish population. German
settlers took their place, to whose spiritual welfare
the aged Vicelin devoted his last days.

</P>
<P>

When Bernard of Clairvaux was preaching a
crusade to the Holy Land, the Saxons replied that
they had heathens enough at home. Bernard
thereupon began to preach with enthusiasm the
crusade against the Wends. Niklot had been living
in peace with the German princes. Adolf of Holstein being reminded of the alliance between him
and Niklot, excused himself, whereupon Niklot
attacked and captured Liibeck. The campaign thus
inauspiciously begun by the crusaders ended in
disaster. The German nobles were finally content
to make a sorry peace with Niklot, upon his agreeing
to let his people be baptized if they wished. .Henry
the Lion saw more profit to himself in the Wends as
heathens, for so he received the tribute that would
have gone to the Church. Upon his receiving the
right of investiture for Wendland, he changed his
policy, and appointed the Provost Evermod to
Ratzeburg, Gerold to Oldenburg, Berno to Mecklenburg (1155). Berno became the Boniface of the
Mecklenburg Wend country. He had, indeed, little
success before Niklot&#39;s heroic death in 1160.
2diklot&#39;s son Pribislaw was baptized and the Christianizing of the country proceeded rapidly. This
was, however, due to the practical extinction of the
original Wendish population. German colonists
had taken their place. The Mecklenburgian Wends
had defied conversion for four hundred years and
had gone dawn without having as a people embraced Christianity.

</P>
<P>

The Sorbs on the southern borders of the German
empire had quite a different history. As early as
?82 a war of the Sorbs is referred to as an " uprising," showing their prior subjection to the empire.
They lived together with Germans in the valleys of

</P>


Thuringia and were regarded as Christians in the
time of Charlemagne. Advances across.the Saale
were begun by Count Otto of Saxony and energeti
cally continued by his son Heinrich I. The Dale
minzians, the eastern neighbors of the Sorbs, were
subdued in 928. Emperor Otto I. undertook the
first missionary work among these southern Wends.
Meissen, Zeitz, and Merseburg were made suffragan
bishoprics of Magdeburg on Wendish soil. The
first bishops, Burkhard, Hugo, and Boso, were con
secrated by Archbishop Adalbert in 968. These
southern Wends clung tenaciously to their national
language and religion, but the progress of Chris
tianity was favored by the immigration of Germans.
At the end of the century, there were a number of
churches, the oldest being at Zeitz and Boson. In
the twelfth century the episcopal cities had become
German and had churches, so also had a number of
the fortified towns, but the mass of the population
clung to heathenism although their sanctuaries and
public idol worship had been done away with. The
gradual diminution of the W endish population and
the increasing immigration of Germans finally
brought about the assimilation of the remaining
Wends, which was completed in some parts of the
country only at the close of the fourteenth century.
In Poland, Count Miseco accepted Christianity
in the tenth century. A Polish bishopric was
founded in 968 (Posen, under Magdeburg), although
the Polish population for a long time remained
more heathen than Christian. Otto III. estab
lished the archbishopric of Gnesen, while Boleslaw
Chrabry, the conqueror of the Pomeranians, es
tablished the bishopric of Kolberg, with a German
bishop, Reinbern. After his death Pomerania re
lapsed, for a time was under Danish rule, and after
the middle of the eleventh century became an inde
pendent heathen kingdom. In 1119 it again fell
into the hands of the Poles. Even at that time
Prince Wratislaw, his wife, and some of the nobles
were Christians, as were a part of the population in
the Pomeranian cities. In 1120 heathenism was
disintegrating, which explains its sudden overthrow
when Boleslaw III. conquered the Pomeranians
and made the acceptance of Christianity one of the
conditions of peace.  (E. ScaAF>x.)
<P>


BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources are: Thietmar of Merseburg,
<I>Chronicon, </I>ed. J. M. Lappenberg in <I>MGH, Script., iii.
</I>(1839), 733-871, and in <I>Script. rer. Germ., </I>Hanover, 1889,
also in <I>MPL, exxxix. </I>1183-1422; Adam of Bremen,
<I>GeaEa Hammaburgensis ecclesix pontificum, </I>ed. J. M. Lappenberg in <I>MGH, Script., vii </I>(1846), 267-389, and in
<I>Script. rer. Germ., </I>2d ed., Hanover, 1876; Helmold,
<I>Chronica Slavorum, in MGH, Script., xxi </I>(1869), 11-99, in
Germ. transl. by J. C. Laurent, 2d ed. by W. Wattenbach,
Leipsic, 1888; Arnoldus Lubecensis, <I>Chronica Slavorum,
</I>in <I>MGH, Script., xxi </I>(1869), 115-250, and ed. J. M. Lappenberg, in <I>Script. rer. Germ., </I>Hanover, 1868; F. Wigger,
<I>Mecklenburgische Areualeu bis . . 1066, </I>Schwerin, 1860;
<I>Mecklenburgisches Urkundeubuch, vol. i., </I>Schwerin, 1863.
Consult: L. Giesebrecht, <I>Wend, sche Geschichten, </I>3 vols.,
Berlin, 1843; <I>Wendisches Volksthum in Sage, Brauch,
and Sitte, </I>Berlin, 1882; L. Nottrott, <I>Aus der Wendenrnis</I>sion, Halls, 1897-98; Hauck, <I>KD, iii. </I>69-149, 623-658,
iv. 554-625; E. Fireusch, <I>Kircheugeschichte der YVendenlande, </I>Paderborn, 1902; and the articles ArrscAH; GoTrBCHAL%, 2; 


OTTO OF 


BAMBERG; and VICELIN, with the
literature under them.

</P>


<P>

</div3></div2><div2 title="Wendt">
<div3 title="Wendt, Hans Hinrich">

WENDT, vent, HAMS HINRICH: German
Protestant; b. at Hamburg June 18, 1853. He was

</P>



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<pb n="307"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" /></div3><div3 title="Wesley, John" id="wesley_john">
<h2>WESLEY, JOHN</h2>

<P>
Youth (§ 1).<br>
In Oxford and Georgia (§ 2).<br>
Conversion; Open-air Preaching (§ 3).<br>
Persecutions; Lay Preaching (§ 4).<br>
Chapels and Organizations (§ 5).<br>
Ordination of Ministers (§ 6).<br>
Advocacy of Arminianism (§ 7).<br>
Doctrines (§ 8).<br>
Personality and Activities (§ 9).<br>
Literary Work (§ 10).<br>
</p>

<h3>Youth.</h3>
<P>
John Wesley, the father of the doctrinal and practical 
system of Methodism, was born at Epworth
(23 m. n.w. of Lincoln) June 28, 1703, and died in
London Mar. 2, 1791. 

The Wesleys were of ancient
Saxon lineage, the family history being
traced backward to the time of Athelstan 
the Saxon, when Guy Wesley, or
Wellesley, was created a thane or member of parliament. 
John Wesley was the son of Samuel Wesley
(q.v.), a graduate of Oxford, and a minister of the
Church of England, who had married in 1689 Susannah, 
the twenty-fifth child of Dr. Samuel Annesley,
and herself became the mother of nineteen children;
in 1696 he was appointed rector of Epworth, where
John, the fifteenth child, was born. He was christened 
John Benjamin, but he never used the second
name. 

An incident of his childhood was his rescue,
at the age of six, from the burning rectory. The
manner of his escape made a deep impression on his
mind; and he spoke of himself as a " brand plucked
from the burning," and as a child of Providence. 

The
early education of all the children was given by Mrs.
Wesley, a woman of remarkable intelligence and
deep piety, apt in teaching, and wise and firm in
governing. In 1713 John was admitted to the 
Charterhouse School, London, where he lived the 
studious, methodical, and (for a while) religious life in
which he had been trained at home. In 1720 he
entered Christ Church College, Oxford (M.A., 1727),
was ordained deacon in 1725 and elected fellow of
Lincoln College in the following year. He served
his father as curate two years, and then returned to
Oxford to fulfil his functions as fellow.
</p>

<H3>2. In Oxford and Georgia.</h3>
<P>
The year of his return to Oxford (1729) marks the
beginning of the rise of Methodism. The famous
"holy club" was formed; and its members, including 
John and Charles Wesley, were derisively called
"Methodists," because of their methodical habits.

John had enjoyed during his early years
a deep religious experience. He went,
says one of his best biographers,
Tyerman, to Charterhouse a saint; but
he became negligent of his religious
duties, and left a sinner. 

In the year of his ordination 
he read Thomas a Kempis and Jeremy Taylor,
and began to grope after those religious truths which
underlay the great revival of the eighteenth 
century. The reading of Law&#39;s <I>Christian Perfection</i> and
<I>Serious Call </i>gave him, he said, a sublimer view of
the law of God; and he resolved to keep it, inwardly
and outwardly, as sacredly as possible, believing
that in this obedience he should find salvation.  He
pursued a rigidly methodical and abstemious life;
studied the Scriptures, and performed his religious
duties with great diligence; deprived himself that he
might have alms to give; and gave his heart, mind,
and soul to the effort to live a godly life. 

When, in
1735, a clergyman "inured to contempt of the
ornaments and conveniences of life, to bodily
austerities, and to serious thoughts," was wanted
by Governor Oglethorpe to go to Georgia, Wesley 
responded, and remained in the colony two
years, returning to England in 1738, feeling that
his mission, which was to convert the Indians
and deepen and regulate the religious life of the
colonists, had been a failure. His High-church
notions, his strict enforcement of the regulations of
the church, especially concerning the administration 
of the holy communion, were not agreeable to
the colonists; and he left Georgia with several 
indictments pending against him (largely due to 
malice) for alleged violation of church law.
</p>

<H3>3. Conversion; Open-air Preaching.</H3>
<P>
As Wesley&#39;s spiritual state is the key to his whole
career, an account of his conversion in the year of
his return from Georgia may not be omitted. For
ten years he had fought against sin,
striven to fulfil the law of the Gospel,
endeavored to manifest his righteousness; 
but he had not, he wrote, 
obtained freedom from sin, nor the witness 
of the Spirit, because he sought
it, not by faith, but "by the works of the law."  He
had learned from the Moravians that true faith was
inseparably connected with dominion over sin and
constant peace proceeding from a sense of forgiveness, 
and that saving faith is given in a moment.

This saving faith he obtained May 24, 1737-38,
at a Moravian meeting in Aldersgate Street, London, 
while listening to the reading of Luther&#39;s
preface to the Epistle to the Romans, in which
explanation of faith and the doctrine of justification 
by faith is given. "I felt," he wrote, "my
heart strangely warmed. I felt I did trust in
Christ, Christ alone, for salvation; and an 
assurance was given me that he had taken away my
sins." Two or three weeks later he preached a 
remarkable sermon, enforcing the doctrine of present
personal salvation by faith, which was followed by
another, on God&#39;s grace "free in all, and free for
all." 

He never ceased in his whole subsequent career
to preach this doctrine and that of the witness of
the Spirit. He allied himself with the Moravian
society in Fetter Lane, and in 1738 went to
Herrnhut, the Moravian headquarters in Germany,
to learn more of a people to whom he felt deeply
indebted. On his return to England he drew up
rules for the bands into which the Fetter Lane
Society was divided, and published a collection
of hymns for them. 

He met frequently with this
and other religious societies in London, but did
not preach often in 1738, because most of the
parish churches were closed to him. His friend,
George Whitefield (q.v.), the great evangelist,
upon his return from America, was likewise 
excluded from the churches of Bristol; and, going
to the neighboring village of Kingswood, he there
preached in the open air, Feb., 1739, to a company
of miners. This was a bold step, and Wesley 
hesitated to accept Whitefield&#39;s earnest request to follow
him in this innovation. But he overcame his scru-

<pb n="308"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />ples, and in April preached his first sermon in the
open air, near Bristol. 

He said he could hardly
reconcile himself to field-preaching, and would have
thought, "till very lately," such a method of saving
souls as "almost a sin." These open-air services
were very successful; and he never again hesitated
to preach in any place where an assembly could be
got together, more than once using his father&#39;s
tombstone at Epworth as a pulpit.  He spent
upward of fifty years in field-preaching-- entering
churches when he was invited, taking his stand
in the fields, in halls, cottages, and chapels, when
the churches would not receive him. 

Late in 1739
a rupture with the Moravians in London occurred.
Wesley had helped them organize in May, 1738,
the Fetter Lane Society; and the converts of
the preaching of himself, his brother, and 
Whitefield, had become members of their bands. But
finding, as he said, that they had fallen into 
heresies, especially quietism, a separation took place;
and so, at the close of 1739, Wesley was led to
form his followers into a separate society. "Thus,"
he wrote, "without any previous plan, began
the Methodist Society in England." Similar
societies were soon formed in Bristol and Kingswood,
and wherever Wesley and his coadjutors made
converts.
</p>

<H3>4. Persecutions; Lay Preaching.</h3>
<P>
From 1739 onward Wesley and the Methodists
were persecuted by clergymen and magistrates; 
attacked in sermon, tract, and book,
mobbed by the populace, often in 
controversy, always at work among the
neglected and needy, and ever 
increasing. They were denounced as 
promulgators of strange doctrines, fomenters of religious
disturbances; as blind fanatics, leading the people
astray, claiming miraculous gifts, inveighing against
the clergy of the Church of England, and endeavoring 
to reestablish popery. Wesley was frequently
mobbed, and great violence was done both to the 
persons and property of Methodists. 

Seeing, however,
that the church failed in its duty to call sinners to
repentance, that its clergymen were worldly minded,
and that souls were perishing in their sins, he 
regarded himself as commissioned of God to warn men
to flee from the wrath to come; and no opposition,
or persecution, or obstacles were permitted by him
to prevail against the divine urgency and authority
of his commission. The prejudices of his High-church 
training, his strict notions of the methods
and proprieties of public worship, his views of the
apostolic succession and the prerogatives of the
priest, even his most cherished convictions, were not
allowed to stand in the way in which Providence
seemed to lead. 

Unwilling that ungodly men should
perish in their sins and unable to reach them from
the pulpits of the Church, he began field-preaching.
Seeing that he and the few clergymen cooperating
with him could not do the work that needed to be
done, he was led, as early as 1739, to approve tacitly, 
soon after openly, of lay preaching; and men
who were not episcopally ordained were permitted
to preach and do pastoral work. Thus one of the
great features of Methodism, to which it has largely
owed its success, was adopted by Wesley in answer
to a necessity.
</p>

<H3>5. Chapels and Organizations.</h3>
<P>
As his societies must have houses to worship in, he
began in 1739 to provide chapels, first in Bristol, and
then in London and elsewhere. The
Bristol chapel was at first in the hands
of trustees; but as a large debt was
contracted, and Wesley&#39;s friends urged
him to keep its pulpit under his own
control, the deed was cancelled, and the trust 
became vested in himself. Following this precedent,
all Methodist chapels were committed in trust to
him until by a "deed of declaration" (see 
METHODISTS, I., 1, § 6) all his interests in them were 
transferred to a body of preachers called the "Legal 
Hundred." 

When disorderly persons began to manifest
themselves among the members of the societies, he
adopted the plan of giving tickets to members, with
their names written thereon by his own hand. These
were renewed every three months. Those who
proved to be unworthy did not receive new tickets,
and thus dropped out of the society without
disturbance. The tickets were regarded as commendatory
letters. 

When the debt on a chapel became
burdensome, it was proposed that one in every twelve
of the members should collect offerings for it 
regularly from the eleven allotted to him. Out of this,
under Wesley&#39;s care, grew, in 1742, the Methodist
class-meeting system (see METHODISTS, I., 1, § 3).

In order more effectually to keep the disorderly out
of the societies, he established a probationary 
system, and resolved to visit each society once in three
months. Thus arose the quarterly visitation, or
conference. As the societies increased, he could not
continue his practise of oral instruction; so he drew
up in 1743 a set of  "General Rules" for the "United
Societies," which were the nucleus of the Methodist
<I>Discipline</I>, and are still preserved intact and 
observed by most Methodist bodies. 

As the number
of preachers and preaching-places increased, it was
desirable that doctrinal matters should be discussed,
difficulties considered, and that an understanding
should be had as to the distribution of fields; so the
two Wesleys, with four other clergymen and four
lay preachers, met for consultation in London in
1744. This was the first Methodist conference (see
METHODISTS, I., 1, § 5). 

Two years later, in order
that the preachers might work more systematically,
and the societies receive their services more 
regularly, Wesley appointed his "helpers" to definitive
circuits, each of which included at least thirty 
appointments a month. Believing that their usefulness
and efficiency were promoted by being changed
from one circuit to another every year or two, he
established the itinerancy, and ever insisted that
his preachers should submit to its rules. When, in
1788, some persons objected to the frequent changes,
he wrote, "For fifty years God has been pleased to
bless the itinerant plan, the last year most of all.
It must not be altered till I am removed, and I hope
it will remain till our Lord comes to reign on earth."
</p>
 
<H3>6. Ordination of Ministers.</H3>
<P>
As his societies multiplied, and all these elements
of an ecclesiastical system were, one after another,
adopted, the breach between Wesley and the Church
of England gradually widened. The question of
separation from that church, urged, on the one side,
by some of his preachers and societies, and most
strenuously opposed on the other by his brother<pb n="309"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />Charles and others, was constantly before him,
but was not settled. In 1745 he wrote that he and
his coadjutors would make any concession 
which their conscience would
permit, in order to live in harmony with
the clergy; but they could not give up
the doctrine of an inward and present
salvation by faith alone, nor cease to preach in
private houses and the open air, nor dissolve the
societies, nor suppress lay preaching. Further than
this, however, he refused then to go. "We dare
not," he said, "administer baptism or the Lord&#39;s
Supper without a commission from a bishop in the
apostolic succession." 

But the next year he read
Lord King on the Primitive Church, and was 
convinced by it that apostolic succession was a figment,
and that he [Wesley] was "a scriptural <I>episcopos</i> as
much as any man in England."  Some years later
Stillingfleet&#39;s <I>Irenicon </i> led him to renounce the 
opinion that Christ or his apostles prescribed any form
of church government, and to declare ordination
valid when performed by a presbyter. 

It was not
until about forty years after this that he ordained
by the imposition of hands; but he considered his
appointment of his preachers an act of ordination.
The conference of 1746 declared that the reason
more solemnity in receiving new laborers was not
employed was because it savored of stateliness and
of haste. "We desire barely to follow Providence
as it gradually opens." 

When, however, he deemed
that Providence had opened the way, and the bishop
of London had definitely declined to ordain a 
minister for the American Methodists who were 
without the ordinances, he ordained by imposition of
hands preachers for Scotland and England and
America, with power to administer the sacraments.
He consecrated, also, by laying on of hands, Dr.
Thomas Coke (q.v.), a presbyter of the Church of
England, to be superintendent or bishop in America,
and a preacher, Alexander Mather, to the same office
in England. 

He designed that both Coke and
Mather should ordain others. This act alarmed his
brother Charles, who besought him to stop and 
consider before he had "quite broken down the bridge,"
and not embitter his [Charles&#39;] last moments on
earth, nor "leave an indelible blot on our memory."
Wesley declared, in reply, that he had not separated
from the church, nor did he intend to, but he must
and would save as many souls as he could while
alive, "without being careful about what may 
possibly be when I die." Thus, though he rejoiced that
the Methodists in America were freed from 
entanglements with both Church and State, he 
counseled his English followers to remain in the 
established church; and he himself died in that
communion.
</p>

<H3>7. Advocacy of Arminianism.</h3>
<P>
Wesley was a strong controversialist. The most
notable of his controversies was that on Calvinism.
His father was of the Arminian school in the church;
but John settled the question for 
himself while in college, and expressed
himself strongly against the doctrines
of election and reprobation. 

Whitefield 
inclined to Calvinism. In his first
tour in America, he embraced the views of the New
England School of Calvinism; and when Wesley
preached a sermon on <I>Free Grace</I>, attacking 
predestination as blasphemous, as representing "God as
worse than the devil," Whitefield besought him
(1739) not to repeat or publish the discourse. He
deprecated a dispute or discussion. "Let us," he
said, "offer salvation freely to all,"  but be silent
about election. Wesley&#39;s sermon was published,
and among the many replies to it was one by 
Whitefield. 

Separation followed in 1741. Wesley wrote
of it, that those who held universal redemption did
not desire separation, but "those who held particular
redemption would not hear of any accommodation." 

Whitefield, Harris, Cennick, and others,
became the founders of Calvinistic Methodism (see
PRESBYTERIANS, IV., VIII., 8).  Whitefield and
Wesley, however, were soon again on very friendly
terms, and their friendship remained thenceforth
unbroken, though they traveled different paths.

Occasional publications appeared on Calvinistic 
doctrines, by Wesley and others; but in 1770 the 
controversy broke out anew with violence and 
bitterness. Toplady, Berridge, Rowland, Richard Hill,
and others were engaged on the one side, and
Wesley and Fletcher chiefly on the other side. 
Toplady was editor of  <I>The Gospel Magazine, </i> which was
filled with the controversy. Wesley in 1778 began
the publication of <I>The Arminian Magazine, </i> not, he
said, to convince Calvinists, but to preserve 
Methodists; not to notice opponents, but to teach the
truth that "God willeth all men to be saved." A
"lasting peace" he thought could be secured in no
other way.
</p>

<H3>8. Doctrines.</H3>
<P>
The doctrines which Wesley revived, restated,
and emphasized in his sermons and writings, are
present personal salvation by faith, the
witness of the Spirit, and sanctification.

The second he defined thus: "the 
testimony of the Spirit is an inward impression on the
soul of believers, whereby the spirit of God directly
testifies to their spirit that they are the children of
God." 

Sanctification he spoke of (1790) as the
" grand <I>depositum </i> which God has lodged with the
people called `Methodists&#39;; and, for the sake of
propagating this chiefly, he appears to have raised
them up." 

He taught that sanctification was 
obtainable instantaneously by faith, between 
justification and death. It was not "sinless perfection"
that he contended for; but he believed that those
who are "perfect in love" feel no sin, feel nothing
but love.  He was very anxious that this doctrine
should be constantly preached for the system of
Wesleyan Arminianism, the foundations of which
were laid by Wesley and Fletcher (see ARMINIUS,
JACOBUS, AND ARMINIANISM).
</p>

<H3>9. Personality and Activities.</H3>
<P>
Wesley was the busiest man in England. He
traveled almost constantly, generally on horseback,
preaching twice or thrice a day. He
formed societies, opened chapels, 
examined and commissioned preachers,
administered discipline, raised funds
for schools, chapels, and charities, 
prescribed for the sick, superintended schools and 
orphanages, prepared commentaries and a vast amount
of other religious literature, replied to attacks on
Methodism, conducted controversies, and carried
on a prodigious correspondence. He is believed to<pb n="310"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />have traveled in the course of his itinerant ministry
more than 250,000 miles, and to have preached more
than 40,000 times. 

The number of works he
wrote, translated, or edited, exceeds 200. The list
includes sermons, commentaries, hymns, a 
Christian library of fifty volumes, and other religious
literature-- grammars, dictionaries, and other 
textbooks, as well as political tracts. He is said to have
received not less than £20,000 for his publications,
but he used little of it for himself. His charities were
limited only by his means. He died poor. He rose
at four in the morning, lived simply and methodically, 
and was never idle, unless by compulsion. 

In
person he was rather under the medium height, well
proportioned, strong, with a bright eye, a clear 
complexion, and a saintly, intellectual face. He 
married very unhappily, at the age of forty-eight, a
widow, and had no children. He died, after a short
illness in which he had great spiritual peace and joy,
leaving as the result of his life-work 135,000 
members, and 541 itinerant preachers, owning the name
"Methodist."
</p>

<H3>10.  Literary Work.</H3>
<P>
Wesley&#39;s mind was of a logical cast. His conceptions 
were clear, his perceptions quick. His thought
clothed itself easily and naturally in
pure, terse, vigorous language. His
logical acuteness, self-control, and
scholarly acquirements made him a
strong controversialist. He wrote with a ready pen.

His written sermons are characterized by spiritual
earnestness and by simplicity. They are doctrinal,
but not dogmatic; expository, argumentative, 
practical. His <I>Notes on the New Testament </i> (1755) are
luminous and suggestive. Both the <I>Sermons </i> (of
which there are about 140) and the <I>Notes </i> are in
the Methodist course of study, and are doctrinal
standards (see METHODISTS, V., §§ 1-2). 

He was
a fluent, impressive, persuasive, powerful preacher,
producing striking effects. He preached generally
extemporaneously and briefly, though occasionally
at great length, using manuscript only for special
occasions. 

As an organizer, an ecclesiastical 
general, and a statesman he was eminent. He knew
well how to marshal and control men, how to achieve
purposes. He had in his hands the powers of a
despot; yet he so used them as not only not to 
provoke rebellion, but to inspire love. His mission was
to spread "Scriptural holiness";  his means and
plans were such as Providence indicated. The course
thus masked out for him he pursued with a deter
mination, a fidelity, from which nothing could swerve
him. 

Wesley&#39;s prose <I>Works </i> were first collected by
himself (32 vols., Bristol, 1771-74, frequently 
reprinted in editions varying greatly in the number
of volumes). His chief prose works are a standard
publication in seven octavo volumes of the Methodist 
Book Concern, New York. The <I>Poetical Works</i>
of John and Charles, ed. G. Osborn, appeared 13
vols., London, 1868-72. 

Besides his <I>Sermons </i> and
<I>Notes </i> already referred to, are his <I>Journals </i> (originally
published in twenty parts, London, 1740-89; new
ed. by N. Curnock, is to contain notes from 
unpublished diaries, 6 vols., vols. i.-ii., London and
New York, 1909-11, which are of great interest;
<I>The Doctrine of Original Sin </i> (Bristol, 1757; in
reply to Dr. John Taylor of Norwich); an  <I>Appeal
to Men of Reason and Religion </i> (originally published
in three parts; 2d ed., Bristol, 1743), an elaborate
defense of Methodism, describing with great vigor
the evils of the times in society and the church; a
<I>Plain Account of Christian Perfection </i>
(1766).
</p>

<P class="author">H. K. CARROLL.</p>

<P class="bibliography">
BIBLIOGRAPHY: 
A considerable amount of pertinent litera
ture will be found under METHODISTS,  especially that 
dealing with the early history of the movement. For a 
bibliography of the works of John and Charles, consult the
work of R. Green named under WESLEY, CHARLES;  also
note the same author&#39;s <I>Books against John </i>


Wesley, Lon
don, 1902. The best biography o£ John is that by Luke
Tyerman, 3 vole., London, 1870, often reissued (full, im
partial); the earliest, aside from mere pamphlets, is by
J. Hampson, 3 vo1s, ib. 1791. Others are:. T. Coke and
H. Moore, London, 1792 (popular); J. Whitehead, 2 vols.,
ib. 1793-96 (deficient); R. Southey, 2 vols., ib. 1820, ed.
Curry, New York, 1847 (inadequate and misleading);
Adam Clarks, 


<I>The Wesley Family, </i>


London, 1823; H.
Moore, 2 vole., ib. 1824 (faithful, trustworthy); R. Wat
son, ib. 1831 (clear and compact, intended for general
readers); W. Jones, ib. 1833 (from the Calvinistic point
of view); T. Jackson, ib. 1839 (unsatisfactory); I. Tay
lor, Wesley 


<I>and Methodism, i</i>


b. 1851 (may be disregarded);
R. Bickersteth, ib. 1856 (acceptable, from the Anglican
point of view); M. Lelievre, Paris, 1868, 3d ed., 1891,
Eng, transl., London, 1871 (reliable, but lacking in
breadth); Julia Wedgwood, London, 1870 (Unitarian);
R. D. Urlin, ib. 1870; G. J. Stevenson, Memorials 


<I>of the</i>


Wesley Family, ib. 1876 (excellent in abundance of ma
terials); J. H. Rigg, The 


<I>Churchmanship of John Wesley,</i>


ib. 1$79 and 1887; F. Bevan, ib.1891; J. Telford, ib. 1899;
G. H. Pike. ib, 1903; F. Banfield, ib. 1900; R. Green, new
ed., ib. 1905; 


<I>.John Wesley, </i>


the Methodist, New York, 1903
(useful and condensed); W. H. Fitchett, Wesley and his
Century, London, 1906 (discriminating, luminous); E.
Miller, ib. 1906; C. T. Winchester, New York, 1906 (im
partial and judicial). Excellent sketches will be found in
W. Walker, Greatest Men 


<I>of the Christian Church, </i>


Chicago,
1908; H. M. Butler, Ten Great 


<I>and Good </i>


Men, New York,
1909; L. P. Powell, Heavenly Heretics, ib. 1909; A. Leger,
L&#39;Augleterre religieuse et les oreginxs du 


<I>Methodisme . .
</i>


Le Jeunesse de Wesley, Paris, &#39;1910; 


<I>DNB, </i>


lx. 303-314;
and his work is estimated in 


<I>Cambridge Modern History,</i>
vi. 81 sqq., 1909.
</p>

</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Wesley, Samuel, Sr" id="wesley_samuel_sr">
<P><B>WESLEY, SAMUEL, SR.:</b> Father of John and
Charles Wesley; b. at Winterbourne-Whitchurch
(28 m. w. of Southampton) Nov. (baptized Dec. 17),
1662; d. at Epworth (23 m. n.w. of Lincoln) Apr.
22, 1735. His early education was received among
the dissenters; but in 1683 he renounced non-con
formity, and entered Exeter College, Oxford (B.A.,
1688). He was ordained deacon that year, and
priest Feb. 24, 1689-90, and held various prefer
ments, including a chaplaincy on a man-of-war, and
the rectory of South Ormsby, Lincolnshire (1690),
until Queen Mary gave him the living of Epworth
in Lincolnshire (1695), in return for the compliment
of his dedication to her of his 


<I>Life of our Blessed Lord
and Savior, Jesus Christ, an Heroic Poem </i>


(1693; ed.
T. Coke, 2 vols., 1809). He was a man of learning,
benevolence, devotional habits, and liberal senti
ments. He wrote largely, and by this means eked
out his salary, which was insufficient to support his
large family. He had nineteen children, of whom,
however, nine died in infancy. Of, his poetical works
mention may be made of: 


<I>The History of the New
</i>


<I>Testament Attempted in Verse, </i>


1701; 


<I>The History </i>of
<I>the Old Testament in Verse, </i>


1704. His learned Latin
Commentary on the Book of Job, 


<I>Dissertationes in
</i>


<I>librum Jabi, </i>


in which he was, however, aided by
others, appeared posthumously (1736). Other prose
works are: 


<I>The Pious Communicant rightly Prepared</i>



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<pb n="351"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />351 RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA 


Wilb81&#39;Y0PC9
Wild.

</div3></div2><div2 title="Wilbur">
<div3 title="Wilbur, John">

WILBUR, JOHN: A noted minister of the So
ciety of Friends; b. at Hopkinton, R. I., July 17,
1774; d. there May 1, 1856. He came into prom
inence in 1838, by opposing Joseph J. Gurney (q.v.),
an English minister, who, he claimed, wax exalting
the letter of the Bible as against the inward light.
His own Meeting sustained him, but the New Eng
land Yearly Meeting was opposed to him and, to
depose him from the ministry, joined his Monthly
Meeting to another which had a majority against
him. In this manner he was disowned by Friends;
but a considerable number of his sympathizers sep
arated from the main body and formed a separate
Yearly Meeting which still exists. A number of
Meetings in different parts of the United States
which held similar views became separated from the
larger bodies of Friends about the same time, and
have been designated by the name " Wilburite "
(see 


FRIENDS, SOCIETY OF, 


I., § 7). John Wilbur
published certain polemical pamphlets during his
life, and his 


<I>Journal and Correspondence </I>


appeared
after his death (Providence, 1859).
BIBLIOGRAPHY: F. 


S. Turner, The Quakers, pp. 247, 300,
302, London, 1889; <I>American Church History </I>Series, xii.
264-272, New York, 1894.
WILDEBOER, vil&#39;de-bor, GERRIT: Dutch
Protestant, Old-Testament scholar; b. at Amster
dam Sept. 9, 1855; d. at Leyden Sept. 4, 1911.
He was educated at the University of Leyden (D.
D., 1880); was pastor of the Dutch Reformed
Church at Heiloo, near Alkmaar (1881-84); be
came professor of Old-Testament exegesis, litera
ture, and religion at the University of Groningen
(1884), where he was rector (1897-98); went to
Leyden in a similar capacity (1907). In theology
he was " historico-critical, believing in God&#39;s par
ticular revelation given to Israel." He wrote
<I>De waarde der syrische Evangelien vests- Cureton
</I>


(Leyden, 1880); 


<I>De profeet Micha en zijne beteekenis
</I>


<I>voor het verstand der profetie onder Israel </I>


(1884); 


<I>De
</I>


<I>profetie onder Israel in hare grondbeteekenis voor
</I>


<I>ehristendom en theologie </I>


(1884); 


<I>Het ontstaan van den
</I>


<I>kanon des Ouden Verbonds </I>


(Groningen, 1889; 4th
ed., 1908; Eng. transl. by B. W. Bacon, 


<I>The Origin
</I>


<I>of the Canon of the Old Testament, </I>


London, 1895);
<I>De letterkunde des Ouden Verbonds naar de tijdsorde
</I>


<I>van hair ontstaan </I>


(1893, 3d. ed., 1903); 


<I>Karakter
</I>


<I>en beginselen van het historisch-kritisch onderzoek des
</I>


<I>Ouden Verbonds </I>


(Utrecht, 1897); the volumes on
Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, and Esther in K. Marti&#39;s
<I>Kurzer Handkommentar zum Alien Testament </I>


(Frei
burg, 1897-1908); and 


<I>Jahvedienst en Volksreligie
</I>


(Groningen, 1898).
WILDENSPUCH, vil&#39;den-spuH, CRUCIFIXION,
THE: An event which took place in the hamlet
of Wildenspuch (about 6 m. s. of Schaffhausen),
canton of Zurich, Switzerland, Mar. 15, 1823. The
deed is partially explicable from the religious fer
ment caused quite widely in Europe by several
series of events, such as the Napoleonic wars, the
German wars for freedom, the lingering effects of
the French Revolution, the famine years of 1816
1817, and the celebration of the Reformation, which
in the region named took place in 1819. A sort of
revival, attended by violent physical convulsions
and other like phenomena, involved the district and

<P>


induced singular experiences and led to singular beliefs in numbers of cases.

</P>
<P>

In the hamlet of Wildenspuch, consisting of about
twenty houses, lived a well-to-do family named
Peter engaged in agriculture, in which there were
one son and five daughters, one of the latter married
to a shoemaker and farmer named Johannes Moser,
of the neighboring village of Oerlingen. The youngest daughter was Maxgareta, born in 1794, unusually
gifted mentally and spiritually, and from an early
age very precocious. She became the favorite of
the family and neighborhood, and was expected to
develop into something extraordinary. She, however, developed chronic phthisis, and seemed destined to an early death. But one day at noon during her illness, while in her father&#39;s vineyard, she
had a vision of an angel who showed her a herb in
a place about an hour distant from her home which
was to cure her. She found the herb, distilled from
it a tea which she drank, and found herself restored.
In thankfulness she dedicated herself to God, became associated with pious persons, attended with
her brother-in-law Moser the assemblies of the
Herrnhut Brethren, began to preach, and conceived
that she had battles with the devil and evil spirits.
She came into connection with Barbara Juliana von
Kruedener (q.v.), being accompanied by her brotherin-law and her sisters Elizabeth and Susanna, and
she came to have the opinion that the events of the
period presaged the imminent end of the world.

</P>
<P>

A new influence upon her at this time was the
personality and opinions of Jakob Ganz, a man of
lowly birth and moderate equipment, vicar of Embrach in the canton of Zurich, and a preacher of revival type. He had developed the theory that in
order to attain blessedness no real change was necessary in man&#39;s life, but that there was needed
simply a development of the good in man which had
been latent but not lost. His watchword was: Not
Christ for us, but Christ in us. The Church was
Antichrist since Christ had not arisen in it. In each
Christian Christ must .fight Satan, suffer, die, and
rise again. Under this influence Margareta deserted
the association of the Brethren and preached at
home. In a vision she found herself before the
throne of God, saw there the Father and the Spirit
surrounded by angels, patriarchs, Elijah, and the
apostles; but the Son was not there, and God told
her that the Son was to live, suffer, die, and abide
in her; she also looked into hell, where she saw
thousands of poor souls whom she was to save.
Through Ganz a certain melancholic shoemaker
named Morf, a married man and a father, was summoned to receive in his house Margareta and her
sister Elizabeth, where they remained inactive for
a year and a half, while to Morf was revealed that
with Margareta he was to enjoy a spiritual love and
was to be transported to heaven. The two sisters
returned home Jan. 11, 1823, after Margareta had
given birth the night before to a daughter by Morf
-as Maxgareta stated, altogether unexpectedly to
her, therefore by God&#39;s doing. She declared that
she must prepare for the great event which was to
happen, and therefore undertook no more visits and
remained at home inactive. On Mar. 13, she assembled her relations to fight against the devil for

</P>



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<pb n="354"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" /><P>[This article has not been corrected.] books for Chautauqua courses, special mention may
be made of 
<I>The Dance of Modern Society </I>
(New
York, 1868); 
<I>A Free Lance in the Field of Life and
Letters </I>
(1874); 
<I>The Baptist Principle </I>
(Philadelphia,
1881); 
<I>Edwin Arnold as Poetizer and Paganizer </I>
(New
York, 1885); 
<I>The </I>
<I>Epic of Saul </I>
(1889); 
<I>The Epic </I>
of
</P>
<P>
<I>Paul </I>
(1897); 
<I>The Epic of Moses </I>
(1905); and 
<I>Modern
Masters of Pulpit Discourse </I>
(1905); 
<I>Good </I>
of 
<I>Life and
Other Little Essays </I>
(1910); and 
<I>Daniel Webster; </I>
d
<I>Vindication, and other historical Essays </I>
(1911). His
poems have been collected in . five volumes (New
York, 1909).
</P>
</div3><div3 title="Will, freedom of the">
<H3>WILL, FREEDOM OF THE</H3>
<TABLE>
<TR>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
I. Biblical
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
Medieval Catholicism §4
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
III. Analysis of the problem
</TD>
</TR>
<TR>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
II. Historical
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
The Reformation Period §5
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
   The Nature of Freedom §1
</TD>
</TR>
<TR>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
   Classical Antiquity §1
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
Modern Philosophy §6
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
   The Avoidability of Sin §2
</TD>
</TR>
<TR>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
   <a href="http://www.ccel.org/php/disp.php?authorID=schaff&bookID=encyc12&page=355&view=thml">Greek Patristics §2</a>
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
The Nineteenth Century §7
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
   Omniscience and Freedom §3
</TD>
</TR>
<TR>
<TD WIDTH="300" colspan="2">
   <a href="http://www.ccel.org/php/disp.php?authorID=schaff&bookID=encyc12&page=355&view=thml">Latin Patristics; Pelagian Controversy § 3</a>
</TD>
<TD WIDTH="33%">
IV. Supplement
</TD>
</TR>
</TABLE>
<P>   <B>I Biblical:</B> The Old Testament as a Biblical
theological basis is favorable to the assumption of
the freedom of the human will. The will of God
always appeals to the autonomy of man. Nothing
happens without the divine will (Job vii 17-21;
Isa. xlv 17-21; Jer. x 23, xxxi 18); . on the other
hand, the autonomous decision of the human will,
whether in relation to enticing sin (Gen. iv 7) or
to grace (Jer. xxix 13-14), is asserted more frequently and positively. The law makes its appeal
to free choice (Deut. xxx 15 sqq.); the relation of
man and God adapts itself to the free inclination of
the human heart (Pa. xviii 26-29). In view of this
parallelism striking antitheses and paradoxical symbolisms are inevitable (Ex. xxxiv 6-7; Hos. xiii; cf.
Deut. xxx, xxxi; Jer. xviii). The tradition of the
Mosaic idea of hereditary guilt gives way to that of
personal accountability (Jer. xxxi; Ezek. xviii). A
distinction between hereditary guilt and original sin
would not resolve the contradiction: because (1) it
would exceed the simple Old-Testament representation; (2) the same figures applied to ordinary
human weaknesses are also referred to man&#39;s proneness to sin; (3) a development of the idea of freedom
appears in prophecy (Isa. xxix, xlv; Jer. xviii).
Western thought first laid open the logical alternative between these two trains of religious and
ethical thought aeries, which lie in the Old Testament in embryo: Is the good such because God
wills it or <I>vice versa?</I> (Plato.) Must man will the
good because God works within him to do so?
(Augustine.) Or, is the willing of man good because
of voluntary adaptation to the divine will? (Duns
Scotus.) This dilemma gave rise to a theological
antinomy and became the principal point of controversy between the Roman Catholics and the
Protestants; and the cleavage was present already
between the free-will Sadducees, the deterministic
Essenes, and the Pharisees holding to a general dependence upon divine omnipotence, with free choice
to the individual. The synoptical discourses of
Jesus emphasize sometimes the moral freedom of the
individual (Matt. vii 24, xii 27, 37, xix 14, xxiii 37); at other times the causal connection of character with education, heredity, or divine descent
(Matt. xii 34, xv 13, xviii 7, xxiii 32). Paul, too,
emphasizes the idea of freedom. Although everything good, especially forgiveness, is a gift of God
and sanctification the work of God, yet there is the
direct appeal (Rom. vi 12); damnation is just (iii
7-8), and every one is accountable (II Cor. v 10).
To the contrary is the fact of experience that conduct does not result from perception of the good and corresponding willing (Rom. vii 20; Gal. v 17) ;
much less may the natural man sold under sin (Rom.
vii 14) be called free (vii 23, viii 7). Grace has
broken the bond of sin (vi 18), but the new state is
another servitude (vi 19), and God performed the
act of transformation (iii 21 sqq.; Eph. ii 8). 
The descent of sin according to the law may be traced
back to the progenitor of the race (Rom. v 12 sqq.),
and the growth of sin falls into unison with the purpose of grace (v 20-21). Formal freedom may seem
implied at least for the reason (vii 16); but free deliberation is expressly denied the arbitrament (iii 19,
ix 20; II Cor. x 5); and beside the duality of
"mind" and "flesh", is pictured the monism of the
absolute dependence on God (Rom. xi 32). The
contrast is yet sharper in the Johannine writings.
The knowledge of truth and the reception of eternal
life depend on the will of the individual (John v 40,
vii 17; cf. viii 45-46). I John betrays a strong
undertone sounding an appeal to faithfulness and
brotherly love, and casually calls for the duty of
self-sacrifice (iii 16). On the other hand, the
Christian state of grace appears so exclusively the
work of divine omnipotence that the believer is
designated as the offspring of God, as the product of
a divine "seed," even incapable of sinning (iii 9,
iv 4-5).. The Gospel, too, teaches this dualism
(viii 34, 44, 47). God wills the salvation of all
men (II Pet, iii 9), and voluntary surrender to
corruption results in the inevitable doom (ii 9).
On the other side, unbelievers are appointed to
stumble (I Pet. ii 8). The New-Testament doctrine teaches freedom as well as constraint. There is
no theoretical contradiction, since there is no thematic discussion, but a multiplicity of particular expressions bear upon the various sides of the problem in the vivid, Oriental symbolical fashion. The
individual is now God&#39;s planting, offspring, elect,
and now self-determining: partly fundamentally one
with God, and partly distinct and different. Dualism applies now to the antithesis of God and man,
now of God and Satan, and again of good and evil.
The only difference between the Old and New Testaments is that in the latter the duty of moral volition
and the sense of natural impotence have been intensified (Mark xiii 37; I Cor. xvi 13; Gal. v; Rom.
vii).</P>
<P>   <B>II. Historical:</B> §1 The Old Hellenic theory of the
will was predominantly deterministic, partly in the
metaphysical, religious sense of fate (Heraclitus, the
Pythagoreans, and the Eleatics), and partly in the
psychological, ethical sense that the will is governed
by the degree of understanding (the Socratic school).</P><pb n="355"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" /><P>Epicurus, in spite of his atomic philosophy and his
doctrine of blind fortuity, advocated the sense of
freedom, perhaps as a postulate of happiness; and Aristotle consented to the preponderance of free moral practise
to mere understanding. The doctrine of the Sophists that man is the measure of all
things favored freedom. The Stoics emphasized the
independence of man from external influences, but
at the same time held to the fixedness of the basic
character. The problem how to reconcile freedom
and necessity they tried to solve by the use of the
Socratic conception of providence and by moral education for voluntary submission to the cosmic purpose. The Neoplatonists distinguished between the
servitude of the sensuous life with its imagined freedom and the contemplative transport of the soul to
participation in the divine life. Plato taught that
virtue uncoerced was free to every one. Whoever
chooses it, chooses life, to which he then is attached
of necessity; and not God but the individual is responsible for an evil destiny. This became the
basis for the predeterminism of Origen. Interesting were the distinctions of Aristotle: (1) between
the free and the necessary; (2) the indifferent mean,
not perceived as necessity and not taking place by
design; (3) the free act under involuntary circumstances; (4) the purpose ripening from rational premeditation; (5) the future subject to decision in
contrast with the past as apparently the result of
necessity; and (6) in double contrast with necessity
the contingent and the free volitional, both involving
alternative possibilities. An ascending series is
thus formed as follows: (1) necessity to nature, (2)
partial freedom, (3) entire freedom but with unripe
judgment, and (4) deliberate design with ripened
judgment. Enlightened freedom is a goal, only to
be reached by practise, and every man is responsible for his own acts. Plato and Aristotle coined
the terminology for the future. From the time of
Boethius the Christian influence prevails in speculative philosophy. Only the personal God is free;
man&#39;s reason thinks in terms of time and the human
will is complicated with temporal change.</P>
<P>   §2 According to the Greek Fathers freedom of will
formed the central characteristic of the divine
image in man. But between this divine gift of the
good and human independence there is only a formal
difference: on the one hand, the incipient freedom
of choice is to be considered a gift of God by creation, and the goal or complete conscious conformity
with the divine will, as a purposive human object; on the other hand, the beginning in moral development seems
more a matter of human freedom, and
the providential consequence more a matter of
divine concern. The human subject, exercising the
primal gift of God in choosing the good, happens to
choose, at the same time, in conformity with the will
of the giver, God. According to Chrysostom (q.v.),
choice and decision belong to man, the fulfilment to
God. According to Clement of Alexandria (q.v.)
Adam was only "adapted for virtue", not "perfect"; without free consent there is no salvation;
self-determination is the nature of the soul. Cyril of
Jerusalem (q.v.) remarks that grace needs a willingness to believe as the stylus requires the hand that
writes. Gregory Nazianzen (q.v.) comments on
Rom. ix 16, stating that "not merely human willing" was of more importance than "willing and
running." The Antiochians (see <a href="http://www.ccel.org/php/disp.php?authorID=schaff&bookID=encyc01&page=201&view=thml">ANTIOCH, SCHOOL OF</a>) taught that faith and faithfulness were wholly
matters of self-resolution, in spite of the grace of
providence. Gregory of Nyssa strongly emphasizes objective purpose as independent volition.
Origen&#39;s predeterminism, the doctrine of the pretemporal fall, only offers a peculiar expression to the
conviction of individual self-determination. The
typical representative of extreme indeterminism was
Isaac of Antioch (c. 450). According to him the
whole struggle of life rests upon freedom; even regeneration is the personal act of man. Man in his
freedom ranks higher than the angels and is more
free than Satan who lacks the power of execution,
although his will is capable of taking up every
concept of evil. On the contrary man, by moral
dietetics, may intensify his moral power to a godlike
perfection. However, this virtue of moral independence, by which man resembles God, is not by nature
but grace. The Greek position transmits itself
to the Pelagian controversy, except that it blunts the
assertion of freedom by emphasis on grace. The
analogy of the physician and the free acceptance of
his remedies by Origen and Clement returns in SemiPelagianism (q.v.).</P>
<P>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;§3 In the West other motives enter with the Biblical,
corresponding to the stern sense of Roman law, the
Stoic basic necessity, and the Platonic-Manichean
dualism with the consequence of the doctrine of the hereditary corruption of
Patristrics; man, of the exclusiveness of grace, and the necessity of a vicarious atonement.
The line of thought becomes more soteriological than anthropological. Tertullian (q.v.) admits, beside the omnipotent freedom
of God, limited human freedom; but holds that
human volition, in so far as it is good, is the work of
God. Cyprian (q.v.) accedes that grace is received
in proportion to the "capacity of faith" offered by
man, but presupposes everything, even the latter, as
determined in God&#39;s will. Ambrose perceived that
the idea of freedom lies in the conception of obedience as well as in that of transgression, but emphasized that the efficient work of redemption demands
the initiative of God. The first scientific discussion
of the problem of the will within the history of the
development of the Christian dogma was occasioned
by the Pelagian controversy (see <B>PELAGIUS, PELAGIAN CONTROVERSIES</B>).  Pelagius and Celestius were
offended by Augustine&#39;s formula of prayer: "Give
what thou commandest and command what thou
wilt"; because of the apparent elimination of all
human freedom. The Council at Ephesus (431) consented to the rejection of the Pelagian doctrine ac
cording to which man also after the fall retained the
capacity to choose the good, since man has kept some
commandments while Adam kept none; and without
the freedom of good or evil there can be no imputation of guilt. Conscience, it maintained, shows a
certain sanctity of the nature made by God, from
which issues responsibility. Sin is not nature, for
man shall do the good; therefore he can: but it is a</P>



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<pb n="369"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" /></div3><div3 type="Article" title="Williams, Roger" id="williams_roger">

<H2>WILLIAMS, ROGER</h2>
<H3>Early Life; Removal to America.</h3>
<P>
Separatist Anglo-American 
theologian, advocate of liberty of conscience,
and founder of Rhode Island; 

b. probably in 
London about 1600 (the date is uncertain; Knowles
gives 1599; Waters, 1599-1602; Guild, Dec. 21,
1602; Straus, 1607); d. at Providence, R. I., 1684.

Under the patronage of Sir Edward
Coke, the famous jurist, he was 
educated at Sutton&#39;s Hospital and at the
University of Cambridge (B.A., 1627).
He seems to have had a gift for languages, 
and early acquired familiarity with Latin,
Greek, Dutch, and French, and, during his early
years in New England, mastered the language of the
natives to a remarkable degree. At an earlier date
he gave John Milton lessons in Dutch in exchange
for lessons in Hebrew. 

Some time before the end
of 1630 he adopted separatist views and reached the
conviction that he could not labor in England under
Laud&#39;s rigorous administration. He turned aside
from offers of preferment in the university and in the
Church, and resolved to seek in New England the
liberty of conscience denied him at home. Arriving
at Boston (Feb., 1631), he was almost immediately
invited to supply the place of the pastor, who was
returning to England. But he had found that it
was "an unseparated church" and he "durst not
officiate to" it. He was prompted to give utterance 
to his conviction, formed no doubt before he
left England, that the magistrate may not punish
any sort of "breach of the first table," such as
idolatry, Sabbath-breaking, false worship, and
blasphemy; and that every individual should be
free to follow his own convictions in religious 
matters. 

The Salem church, which through intercourse
with the Plymouth colonists had imbibed separatist
sentiments, invited Williams to become its teacher;
but his settlement was prevented by a remonstrance
addressed to Governor Endicott by six of the Boston 
leaders. The Plymouth colony received him
gladly as teacher or associate pastor. Here he 
remained about two years, and, according to Governor 
Bradford, "his teaching was well approved."

While there he spent much time among the Indians,
his "soul&#39;s desire" being "to do the natives good."
"God was pleased to give me a painful, patient
spirit, to lodge with them in their filthy, smoky
holes . . . to gain their tongue." Toward the close
of his ministry at Plymouth, according to Brewster,
he began to "vent . . . divers of his own singular
opinions" and to "seek to impose them upon
others."
</p>

<H3>Life at Salem; Distinctive Views.</H3>
<P>
Meeting with opposition, Williams removed to
Salem (summer of 1633) and became unofficial 
assistant to Pastor Skelton. In Aug., 1634 (Skelton 
having died), he became acting pastor and entered 
almost immediately upon controversies with the
Massachusetts authorities that in a few months
were to lead to his banishment. He
was formally set apart as pastor of the
church about May, 1635, in the midst
of the controversies and against the
remonstrance of the Massachusetts
authorities. An outline of the issues
raised by Williams and uncompromisingly pressed
includes the following: 

(1) He regarded the Church
of England as apostate, and any kind of fellowship
with it as grievous sin. He accordingly renounced
communion not only with this church but with all
who would not join with him in repudiating it.

(2) He denounced the charter of the Massachusetts
Company because it falsely represented the king
of England as a Christian, and assumed that he had
the right to give to his own subjects the land of the
native Indians. He disapproved of "the unchristian 
oaths swallowed down" by the colonists "at
their coming forth from Old England, especially in
the superstitious Laud&#39;s time and domineering."
He drew up a letter addressed to the king expressing 
his dissatisfaction with the charter and sought
to secure for it the endorsement of prominent 
colonists. In this letter he is said to have charged King
James I. with blasphemy for calling Europe 
"Christendom" and to have applied to the reigning king
some of the most opprobrious epithets in the Apocalypse. 

(3) Equally disquieting was Williams&#39; 
opposition to the "citizens&#39; oath," which magistrates
sought to force upon the colonists in order to be
assured of their loyalty. William maintained that
it was Christ&#39;s sole prerogative to have his office
established by oath, and that unregenerate men
ought not in any case to be invited to perform any
religious act. In opposing the oath William gained
so much popular support that the measure had to
be abandoned. 

(4) In a dispute between the Massachusetts 
Bay court and the Salem colony regarding
the possession of a piece of land (Marblehead)
claimed by the latter, the court offered to accede to
the claims of Salem on condition that the Salem
church make amends for its insolent conduct in 
installing Williams as pastor in defiance of the court
and ministers. This demand involved the removal
of the pastor. Williams regarded this proposal as
an outrageous attempt at bribery and had the Salem
church send to the other Massachusetts churches
a denunciation of the proceeding and demand that
the churches exclude the magistrates from membership. 
This act was sharply resented by magistrates
and churches, and such pressure was brought to
bear upon the Salem church as led a majority to
consent to the removal of their pastor. He never
entered the chapel again, but held religious services
in his own house with his faithful adherents.
</p>

<H3>Banishment; Settlement at Providence.</H3>
<P>
The decree of banishment (Oct. 19, 1635, carried
into effect Jan., 1636) was grounded on his aggressive 
and uncompromising hostility to the charter
and the theocracy, and was the 
immediate result of the controversy about
the Marblehead land. His radical
tenets, involving complete separation
of Church and State and absolute
voluntaryism in matters of religion, and his refusal
to have communion with any who gave 
countenance or support to the existing order, made his
banishment seem necessary to the theocratic leaders 
of Massachusetts. 

He had scarcely recovered
from a severe illness contracted during his trial,
when it was intimated to him that the authorities
were arranging to send him back to England to be
dealt with by the Laudian government. Accompanied 
or followed by a few devoted adherents, he
plunged into the wilderness and made his way to<pb n="370"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />his Indian friends, who gave him such entertainment 
as they could. "I was sorely tossed for one
fourteen weeks, in a bitter winter season, not knowing 
what bread or bed did mean." 

In June he arrived
at the present site of Providence and, having 
secured land from the natives, he admitted to equal
rights with himself twelve "loving friends and
neighbors" (several had come to him from 
Massachusetts since the opening of spring). It was 
provided that "such others as the major part of us
shall admit into the same fellowship of vote with us"
from time to time should become members of their
commonwealth. Obedience to the majority was
promised by all, but "only in civil things." In 1640
another agreement was signed by thirty-nine 
freemen, in which they express their determination
"still to hold forth liberty of conscience." 

In 1643
Williams was sent to England by his fellow citizens
to secure a charter for the colony. The Puritans
were then in power, and through the good offices of
Sir Henry Vane a thoroughly democratic charter
was readily obtained. In 1647 a somewhat similar
but larger colony having been planted on Rhode
Island by William Coddington, John Clarke, and
others, Providence was united with the Rhode
Island towns under a single government, and liberty
of conscience was again proclaimed. 

Disagreement
having arisen between Providence and Warwick on
the mainland and the towns on the island and 
between the followers of Clarke on the island and
those of Coddington, Coddington had gone to 
England and in 1651 had secured from the council of
state a commission to rule the islands of Rhode
Island and Conanicut. This arrangement left
Providence and Warwick to themselves. Coddington&#39;s 
scheme was strongly disapproved by Williams
and Clarke and their followers, especially as it
seemed to involve a federation of Coddington&#39;s 
domain with Massachusetts and Connecticut and a
consequent imperiling of liberty of conscience not
only on the islands but also in Providence and 
Warwick, which would be left unprotected. 

Many of
the opponents of Coddington were by this time
Baptists. Later in the same year Williams and
Clarke went to England on behalf of their friends
to secure from Cromwell&#39;s government the annulling 
of Coddington&#39;s charter and the recognition
of the colony as a republic dependent only on 
England. This they succeeded in accomplishing, and
Williams soon returned to Providence. To the end
of his life he continued to take a deep interest in
public affairs.
</p>

<H3>Relations with the Baptists.</h3>
<P>
In 1638 several Massachusetts Christians who
had been led to adopt antipedobaptist views and
found themselves subject to persecution removed
to Providence. Most of these had probably been
under Williams&#39; influence while he was
in Massachusetts, and some of them
may have been influenced by English
antipedobaptists before they left 
England. 

Williams himself probably knew
of the Arminian antipedobaptist party of which
John Smyth, Thomas Helwys, and John Murton
were founders (1609) and of the rich literature in
advocacy of liberty of conscience produced by this
party after its return to England (see BAPTISTS, I.,
1, §§ 1-9). He could hardly have failed to learn
something of the Calvinistic antipedobaptist party
that arose in London in 1633, a short time after
his departure, led by Spilsbury, Eaton, and others.

It is not likely that Williams adopted 
antipedobaptist views before his banishment from 
Massachusetts, for antipedobaptism was not laid to his
account by his opponents. Winthrop attributes
Williams&#39; "Anabaptist" views to the influence of
Mrs. Scott, a sister of Anne Hutchinson, the Antinomian (see 
ANTINOMIANISM AND ANTINOMIAN 
CONTROVERSIES, II., 2). It is probable that Ezekiel
Holliman came to Providence as an antipedobaptist
and joined with Mrs. Scott in impressing upon
Williams the importance of believers&#39; baptism.

About Mar., 1639, Williams was baptized by 
Holliman and immediately proceeded to baptize 
Holliman and eleven others. Thus was constituted the
first Baptist church in America, which still survives.
Williams remained with the little church only a few
months. He became convinced that the ordinances
having been lost in the apostasy could not be validly
restored without a special divine commission. He
assumed the attitude of a "Seeker" or "Comeouter," 
always deeply religious and active in the
propagation of Christian truth, yet not feeling 
satisfied that any body of Christians had all of the marks
of the true Church. He continued on the most
friendly terms with the Baptists, being in agreement 
with them in their rejection of infant baptism
as in most other matters. 

William&#39; religious and
ecclesiastical attitude is well expressed in the 
following sentences (1643): "The two first principles
and foundations of true religion, or worship of the
true God in Christ, are repentance from dead works
and faith toward God, before the doctrines of 
baptism or washing and the laying on of hands, which
continue the ordinances and practises of worship;
the want of which I conceive is the bane of millions
of souls in England and all other nations 
professing to be Christian nations, who are brought
by public authority to baptism and fellowship
with God in ordinances of worship, before
the saving work of repentance and a true turning
to God."
</p>

<P>
Williams&#39; career as an author began with <I>A Key
into the Language of America </i> (London, 1643), 
written during his first voyage to England. His next
publication was 
<I>Mr. Cotton&#39;s Letter lately Printed,
Examined and Answered </i>
(London, 1644; reprinted,
with Cotton&#39;s letter, which it answered, in 
<I>Publications of the Narragansett Club, </i>
vol. ii.). 

Soon after
Williams&#39; banishment he had written to John Cotton
of Boston, bitterly complaining of the treatment he
had received from the Massachusetts authorities.
Cotton had written a long letter in reply, in which he
sought to win him from the error of his way and at
the same time to justify his banishment. Cotton
expressed the opinion in this letter that if Williams
had perished in the wilderness his blood would have
been upon his own head. Williams examines 
minutely Cotton&#39;s argument, elaborately states his
own position, and defends his attitude toward the
Massachusetts authorities. 

<I>The Bloudy Tenent of
Persecution, for Cause of Conscience </i>
soon followed
(London, 1644). This is his most famous work, and
<pb n="371"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />was the ablest statement and defense of the 
principle of absolute liberty of conscience that had 
appeared in any language. It is in the form of a 
dialogue between Truth and Peace, and well illustrates
the vigor of his style. 

During the same year 
appeared in London an anonymous pamphlet which
has been commonly ascribed to Williams, entitled:
<I>Queries of Highest Consideration Proposed to Mr. Tho.
Goodwin, Mr. Phillip Nye, Mr. Wil. Bridges, Mr.
Jer. Burroughs, Mr. Sidr. Simpson, all Independents,</i>
etc. These Independents were members of the
Westminster Assembly and their <I>Apologetical
Narration, </i> in which they plead for toleration, fell
very far short of Williams&#39; doctrine of liberty of
conscience. 

In 1652, during his second visit to
England, Williams published <I>The Bloody Tenent yet
more Bloody: by Mr. Cotton&#39;s Endeavor to wash it
white in the Blood of the Lamb; of whose precious
Blood, spilt in the Blood of his Servants; and of the
Blood of Millions spilt in former and later Wars for
Conscience sake, that most Bloody Tenent of Persecution 
for cause of Conscience, upon, a second Tryal is
found more apparently and more notoriously guilty,</i>
etc. (London, 1652). This work traverses anew
much of the ground covered by the <I>Bloudy Tenent;</i>
but it has the advantage of being written in answer
to Cotton&#39;s elaborate defense of New England 
persecution, <I>A Reply to Mr. Williams his Examination</i>
(<I>(Publications of the Narragansett Club</i>, vol. ii.).

Other works by Williams are <I>The Hireling Ministry
None of Christ&#39;s </i>(London, 1652); <I>Experiments of
Spiritual Life and Health, and their Preservatives</i>
(London, 1652; reprinted, Providence, 1863), and
<I>George Fox Digged out of his Burrowes </i>(Boston, 1676).
A volume of his letters is included in the 
Narragansett Club edition of Williams&#39; <I>Works </i> (7 vols.,
Providence, 1866-74), and a volume was edited by
J. R. Bartlett (1882).
</p>

<P class="author">A. H. NEWMAN.</p>

<P class="bibliography">
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Besides the Narragansett ed. of the <I>Works
</i>noted above (which contains also John Cotton&#39;s writings
against liberty of conscience), <I>The Bloody Tenent </i>was reprinted, with introduction by E. B. Underhill, by the
Hanserd Knollys Society, London, 1848; <I>A Key into the
Language, </i>etc., is in <I>Collections of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society</i>, vols. iv.-v.,
and in <I>Collections of the Rhode
Island Historical Society</i>, vol. i.; 
<I>Experiments of Spiritual
Life and Health, and their Preservatives</i> was reprinted in
facsimile, Providence, 1863; and his <I>Christenings Make
not Christians </i>was published at the same place, no. 14 of
<I>Rhode Island Historical Tracts, </i>1881.
</p>
<P class="bibliography">
On his life and work consult: O. S. Straus, <I>Roger 
Williams, the Pioneer of Religious Liberty, </i>New York, 1894;
J. D. Knowles, <I>Memoir of Roger Williams, </i>Boston, 1834;
W. Gammell, <I>Life of Roger Williams, </i>Boston, 1845; J.
Durfee, <I>Works, </i>ed. by his son, pp. 1-175, Providence,
1849; R. Elton, <I>Life of Roger Williams, </i>Providence, 1853;
S. G. Arnold, <I>Hist. of the State of Rhode Island, vol. i.,
</i>New York, 1859; D. C. Eddy. <I>Roger Williams and the
Baptists. </i>Boston, 1561; W. E. H. Lecky, <I>Hist. </i>


of 


<I>the Rise
</i>


of 


<I>the Spirit </i>


of 


<I>Rationalism ire Europe, ii. </i>70-84, London,
1885; R. A. Guild, <I>Biographical Introduction to the Writings </i>


of 


<I>Roger Williams, </i>Providence, 1866; C. Deane,
<I>Roger Williams and the Massachusetts Charter, </i>Cambridge,
Mass., 1873; H. M. Dexter, <I>As to Roger Williams and his
" Banishment " from </i>the Massachusetts Plantation, <I>Bos</i>ton, 1876; T. M. Merriman, The <I>Pilgrims, Puritans, and
Roger Williams Vindicated, Boston, </i>1892; A. H. Newman,
<I>American Church, History Series, ii. </i>passim, New York,
1894; W. H. Whitsitt. <I>A Question in Baptist History.
</i>Louisville, 1898; H. M. King, <I>The Baptism </i>


of 


<I>Roger
Williams, </i>Providence, 1897; E. J. Carpenter, <I>A Study </i>


of
Roger Williams, New York, 1909; DNB, lxi. 445-450;


and works on the history of New England, especially of
Rhode Island.

</p>

</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Williams, Rowland" id="williams_rowland">
<P><B>WILLIAMS, ROWLAND:</b> English Broad-church
theologian; b. at Halkyn (12 m. e.s.e. of St. Asaph),
Wales, Aug. 16, 1817; d. at Broad Chalke (7 m.
w.s.w. of Salisbury), Wiltshire, Jan. 18, 1870. He
studied at Eton and at King&#39;s College, Cambridge
(B.A., 1841; M.A., 1844; B.D., 1851; D.D., 1857),
where he was fellow 1839-59, and classical tutor
1842-50. During 1843-46 he was instrumental in
averting the proposed amalgamation of the sees of
St. Asaph and Bangor, publishing in the press a
number of remonstrances against the measure. In
1848 he won the Muir prize for a preliminary essay
on the comparative merits of Christianity and 
Hinduism. From 1850 until 1862 he was vice-principal
and professor of Hebrew at the theological college of
St. David&#39;s, Lampeter, Wales. Despite the most 
uncompromising opposition on account of his liberal
views regarding the interpretation of Scripture, his
administration of the college was aggressive and
successful. In Dec., 1854, he was appointed select
preacher at Cambridge, though his sermons there
were quickly interrupted by his father&#39;s death. In
1858 he accepted the living of Broad Chalke, whither
he removed in 1862. In 1860 he contributed 
<I>Bunsen&#39;s Biblical Researches </i>
to the famous <I>Essays and Reviews, </i>
which resulted in his trial for heterodoxy
before the Court of Arches (see 
ESSAYS AND REVIEWS). 

His principal works were, <I>Rational Godliness </i>
(London, 1855), sermons preached at 
Cambridge and at St. David&#39;s College; 
<I>Christianity and
Hinduism Compared </i> (1856), his greatest work; 
<I>The Hebrew Prophets Translated . . . with Introduction
and Notes </i> (2 parts, 1866-71); 
<I>Broad Chalke Sermon-Essays </i> (1867); 
<I>Owen Glendower: a Dramatic Biography . . . and Other Poems </i>
(1870); and 
<I>Psalms and Litanies </i> (1872).
</p>

<P class="bibliography">
BIBLIOGRAPHY: 
His <I>Life and Letters</i> was published by his
widow, 2 vols., London, 1574. Consult: John Owen, in
<I>Contemporary Review, </i>Apr., 1870; C. K. Paul, <I>Biographical Sketches. </i>London, 1883; <I>DNB, lxi. </i>450-453; literature
under 


ESSAYS AND REVIEWS. 


The <I>Judgment of S. </i>Lushington in the Court <I>of </i>Arches was published, London, 1882.

</p>


</div3><div3 type="Article" title="Williams, Samuel Wells" id="williams_samuel_wells">
<P><B>WILLIAMS, SAMUEL WELLS:</b> Congregational
layman and sinologue; b. at Utica, N. Y., Sept. 22,
1812; d. at New Haven, Conn., Feb. 16, 1884. In
1831 he entered Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute
at Troy, N. Y.; went to Canton, China, in 1833 as
a printer for the American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions; there he was editor, contributor 
to, and printer of <I>The Chinese Repository,</i>
1838-51; removed to Macao, 1835, to complete the
printing of Medhurst&#39;s <I>Hokkeen Dictionary, </i> 1835;
visited Japan, 1837, and translated into Japanese
Genesis and Matthew; began to print Bridgman&#39;s
<I>Chinese Christomathy, </i> to which he contributed 
one-half, 1837-38; he was away from China, 1844-48,
spending three years in America, where he was 
instrumental in raising funds for a full font of Chinese
type; was interpreter to Commodore Perry&#39;s Japan
expeditions, 1853-54; became secretary and 
interpreter of the U. S. Legation, Peking, 1855; assisted
Minister Reed in negotiating the treaty with China,
1858. He made two more visits to America, and in
1877 he returned to become professor of the Chinese
language and literature at Yale University. He had
been charge d&#39;affaires nine times during his term as
secretary and interpreter in China. His great work
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<pb n="400"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />ing. But hopes were disappointed. At a synod at Zurich (May 4, 1538), in which the note was loudly voiced that the agreement should only be assumed as valid after Luther had formally recalled his written attacks against Zwingli, a reply to Luther was resolved upon, in which the Swiss asserted the partaking of the body through a believing spirit; presumed that no difference longer existed; and begged the privilege, under present circumstances, of presenting such instruction to the people as would be most intelligible to them. But before its receipt, Luther, in an answer to Bullinger, assumed the harmony to be an assured thing, and the missive of the Swiss he acknowledged briefly by referring them, regarding his scruples, to Butzer as mediator. Thus, the movement resolved itself for years into polite correspondence; of an ultimate concord, by the action of a general convention, there was no
more mention; and Butzer, who had made another attempt at Wittenberg (1538), seemed to have lost his former interest. The only fruit was a temporary truce of friendliness with the cities of upper
Germany. Luther&#39;s comparison of Zwingli with Nestorius (<I>Concilien and Kirchen,</I> 1539) caused deep resentment in Switzerland. His restrictions upon the Swiss and their orthodoxy became ever severer until by a letter (Aug. 31, 1543) he broke off all relations with them, offering to pray and teach against them until his end.  (T. KOLDE.)</p>

<p><font size=2>B<font size=1>IBLIOGRAPHY</font>: The sources are the official reports in Butzer&#39;s <I>Scripta Anglicana</i>, pp. 648 sqq., Basel, 1577, and in Walch&#39;s ed. of Luther&#39;s <I>Werke</i>, xvii. 2543; the matter in Tentzel, <I>Supplementum hist. Gothanæ</I>, pp. 114 sqq., Jena, 1716; Wolfgang Musculus&#39; reports in his <I>Itinerarium</I>, given in T. Kolde, <I>Analecta Lutherana</I>, pp. 216 sqq., Gotha, 1883. Consult: J. C. G. Neudecker, <I>Urkunden aus der Reformationszeit</I>, Cassel, 1836; idem, <I>Merkwürdige Aktenstücke aus der Zeit der Reformation</I>, 2 parts, Nuremberg, 1838; idem, <I>Neue Beiträge zur Geschichte der Reformation</I>, Leipsic, 1841; T. Kelm, <I>Die Reformation der Reichstadt Ulm</I>, Stuttgart, 1851; idem, <I>Schwäbische Reformationsgeschichte</I>, Tübingen, 1855; C. Pestalozzi, <I>Heinrich Bullinger</I>, Elberfeld, 1858; J. W. Baum, <I>Capito und Butzer</I>, ib. 1860; G. Uhlhorn, <I>Urbanus Rhegius</I>, ib., 1861; F. W. Hassencamp, <I>Hessische Reformationsgeschichte</I>, vol. i., Frankfort, 1864; M. Lenz, <I>Briefwechsel Landgraf Philipps mit Bucer</I>, 3 vols., Leipsic, 1880-91; G. Kawerau, <I>Der Briefwechsel des Justus Jonas</I>, Halle, 1884 sqq.; H. E. Jacobs, <I>The Book of Concord</I>, ii. 253-259, Philadelphia, 1893; idem, <I>Martin Luther</I>, pp. 316 sqq., New York, 1898; W. Germann, <I>Johann Forster</I>, Meiningen, 1894; J. W. Richard, <I>Philip Melanchthon</I>, pp. 254-255, New York, 1898; E. Egli, <I>Analecta reformatoria</I>, Zurich, 1899 sqq.; K. Wolfart, <I>Die Augsburger Reformation in . . . 1533-1534</I>, Leipsic, 1901; F. Roth, <I>Augsburgs Reformationsgeschichte</I>, 3 vols., Munich, 1901-07; <I>Cambridge Modern History</I>, ii. 234, 339, New York, 1904; K. Schornbaum, <I>Zur Politik des Markgrafen Georg von Brandenburg</I>, Munich, 1906; T. Kolde, <I>Die älteste Redaktion der Augsburger Konfession</I>, Gütersloh, 1908; idem, <I>Historische Einleitung in die symbolischen Bücher der evang.-lutherischen Kirche</I>, ib. 1907; the letters and lives of Luther (see under article on him), and the literature on the later stages of the German Reformation.</font></P>


<P>
</div3></div2><div2 title="Witzel">
<div3 title="Witzel, Georg">
WITZEL, vit&#39;sel, GEORG: German Roman Catholic theologian; b. at Vacha-on-the-Werra (30 m. s.w. of Gotha) 1501; d. at Mainz Feb. 16, 1573. He studied at the University of Erfurt 1516-18, then interrupted his studies and became parish schoolmaster in Vacha; after that he continued work at the University of Wittenberg for twenty-eight weeks under Luther, Carlstadt, and Melanchthon. In the same year he was consecrated priest and served as vicar and also a part of the time as town-clerk in his native city until his twenty-fourth year. In 1523 he petitioned the abbot of Fulda for permission to marry, and in the silence of the abbot married without dispensation the daughter of a citizen in Eisenach. In 1524 he lost his clerical position. In Eisenach he became acquainted with Jakob Strauss (q.v.), in conjunction with whom he preached sermons against princes and bishops, against Roman abuses, picturing also the heavy burdens of the peasantry. Strauss made him preacher of Wenigen-Lupnitz, where he zealously began his work when the excitement among the peasants had already reached an alarming height. However much he may have been influenced by the social ideas of Strauss, his later assurance is to be received that he tried to subdue the rebellious spirit. In consequence of the Peasants&#39; War he lost his position and was in great need until at the recommendation of Luther he became preacher at the small town of Niemegk. His leisure at that place he employed in comprehensive studies, especially of the Church Fathers, while the works of Erasmus influenced his views of the Church. What had led him to the Evangelical cause had not been assent to Luther&#39;s doctrine of justification or personal longing for certainty of faith, but a desire for the purification of the Church from abuses in worship and discipline, partly also in doctrine, but principally in life. Seeing in Lutheranism disagreement between doctrine and life, he at a later time returned to the Roman Catholic Church. Lutherans mistakenly accused Witzel of the Antitrinitarianism of Campanus, so that in Mar., 1530, he was arrested and imprisoned in the castle of Belzig. His innocence was soon proved and he returned, sick, to Niemegk, greatly disappointed and dissatisfied with Luther and his associates. In 1531 he left Niemegk, and began his open contest with the "Lutheran sect." Two years he spent in Vacha, trying in vain to find a new position, his mariage naturally proving an obstacle. But he was at this time diligently engaged in literary work. In 1533 Count Hoyer of Mansfeld called him as minister to St. Andrew&#39;s in Eisleben, where he as preacher and pastor of a small number of Roman Catholics experienced five years of bitter struggle with Johann Agricola, Güttel, Cordatus, Coelius, Kymaeus, Balthasar Raidt, and especially with Jonas. He also tried to put into practise his program of a renewal of the Roman Catholic Church in accordance with the principles of the primitive Church. On Aug. 30,1538, he was still in Eisleben, when he accepted a call from Duke George to Dresden or Leipsic, where he attempted to reconcile the two religious parties by leading them back to the doctrine and custom of the apostolic and early Church. Duke George laid no obstacles in his way, but under Duke Henry, his successor, Witzel was compelled to flee into the mountains of Bohemia. Thence he went to Berlin to Joachim II., who at first seemed to be inclined to adopt the Catholicism of Witzel, whom soon the sentiment of the country compelled to introduce the Reformation. Berlin was therefore no longer open to Witzel, who began to lead a migratory life, trying to find a receptive soil for his ideas in Lusatia, Silesia, Bamberg, and in 1540 in Würzburg. In 1541 he found<pb n="401"  corrected="N" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />
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<pb n="403"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />403 RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA W
V~.m
1gner




<P>


were issued after his death (4th ed., 1835), and parts
not issued by him appeared 1787. The authorship
did not remain hidden, though Lessing tried to lay a
false scent by suggesting the name of Johann Lorenz
Schmidt, the editor of the Wertheim Bible (see


BIBLES, ANNOTATED, I., § 4). 


The author was
Herrmann Samuel Reimarus, as is confirmed by his
own son, Johann Albert Heinrich Reimarus, who
gave to the Hamburg city library the complete work
from which the fragments were taken (a letter from
the younger Reimarus is published in the 


<I>Leipziger
Litteraturzeitung, </I>


1827, no. 55, in which the authorship is asserted).

</P>
<P>

Hermann Samuel Reimarus was born at Hamburg
Dec. 22, 1694, and died there Mar. 1, 1768. He
came of a family of ministers, though his father was
a teacher, but one of rare talents, and was himself
the oldest son. In his preparatory course he was
under such instructors as Johann Christian Wolff;
he studied at the universities of Jena and Wittenberg, at the latter of which he taught in the philosophical faculty. In 1723 he became rector of the
city school at Wismar, and in 1717 professor of
oriental languages in the gymnasium of Hamburg,
where he remained in spite of a call to Göttingen to
succeed Gesner. Reimarus was held in high honor
in his native city, and his house was the gatheringplace of choice spirits. He employed the leisure
which his duties left him in the study of one branch
of learning after another. His official position entailed upon him the duty of preparing memorials of
deceased persons. Outside of these he left but three
larger works, which appeared in the earlier portion
of his life. These were: 


<I>Die vornehmsten Wahrheiten
der naturlichen Religion </I>


(Hamburg, 1754); 


<I>Die Vernunftlehre, als eine </I>


Anweisung 


<I>zum richtigen Gebrauch
der Vernunft in der Erkenntnis der Wahrheit </I>


(1756);
and Allgemeine Betrachtungen 


<I>über die Triebe der
Tiere </I>


(1760). These appeared in several editions
after the death of Reimarus and were translated
into Dutch. The philosophical standpoint of Reimarus was essentially that of Wolff, though more
radical; the being of God, the divine plan in the
world, the annihilation of doubt of the divine providence, the immortality of the soul, the advantages
of religion were proved by reason, and so far his attitude was apologetic. He was awake to the fact that
in his time many little works had appeared which
assailed not only Christianity but all religion and
ethics, and his aim was to oppose these and to set
forth by the claims of reason the truths of natural
religion as well as of Christianity. Hence he named
the great work which he left behind "Apology or
Defense for the Rational Worshiper of God." In
this he subjected the entire Biblical history to the
tests of analytical criticism; according to the deistic
standpoint of Reimarus, miracle is impossible, so
that if the prophets and Jesus and the apostles pretended to work miracles, they were impostors. Such
"impurities" he found to be conceivable in the
Bible, since it contained much that was at variance
with virtue as tested by the laws of nature and of
peoples. A psychological explanation of this attitude of Reimarus appears when it is recalled that he
was a man highly honored by his contemporaries,
and that he held fast to the observances of the

</P>


<P>


Church, even though he regarded both Judaism and
Christianity to have been founded by processes
which involved imposture. He recognized that his
book would cause unrest, and so did not print it, preferring that it remain concealed, being available for
the use of such friends of his as were possessed of
discretion. Some parts he had frequently worked
over, and had revised the whole shortly before his
death; this revised autograph is still extant.

</P>
<P>

While Lessing went to Hamburg in Apr., 1767,
and Reimarus did not die until March of the next
year, there is no evidence that the two met; but
soon after the death of Reimarus, Lessing became
acquainted with the son and daughter of Reimarus.
According to a letter of Lessing to the son (in 


<I>Lessing&#39;s Briefe, Nachträge and Berichtigungen, p. </I>


17,
no. 183a, Berlin, 1886), the latter was aware of
Lessing&#39;s possession of parts of the elder Reimarus&#39;
work. These parts were in the author&#39;s handwriting, but not in their final shape, though the main
thought was in no way different. Permission to
publish excerpts was obtained by Lessing only on
condition that the name of the author be not
divulged. The complete work was carefully guarded
by the family and shown to but few-"the community" of friends of Reimarus. In 1779 Lessing
was allowed to copy from the final draft the chapters
which related to the passage of the Red Sea, in which
the results with reference to the numbers differed
from what had been published. In 1779 the publisher Ettinger of Gotha was ready to publish the
whole work, but the family decisively negatived the
proposition, fearing a loss of the good reputation
which it enjoyed and the effect upon the health of
the mother of the family. The intention to republish portions 


<I>(Zeitschrift </I>für <I>historische Theologie,
</I>


1850-52) failed through lack of interest in the work


on 


the part of the public. (CARL BERTHEAUt.)

</P>


<P>


Bibliography: An ed. of the " Fragments " as issued by
Lessing appeared Berlin, 1895. There is an Eng. transl.
of part, <I>Fragments from Reimarus, </I>ed. C. Voysey, London,
1879 (cf. J. Sawyer, <I>A Criticism of . . . C. Voysey&#39;s
" Fragments from Reimarus," ib. </I>1880). Consult: the
literature under GOBZE, 


JOHAN 


MELCHIOR; and LESSING,
GOTTHOLD EPHRAIM; D. F. Strauss, <I>Hermann Samuel
ReimaruS and seine Schutzschrift für die vernünftigen
Verehrer Gottes, </I>Leipsic, 1862; <I>J. A. H. Reimari . . . de
vita sua commentarius. Additae sunt de vita H. S. Reimari
narrationes J. G. Büschii et C. A. Klotzii, </I>Hamburg, 1815;
C. Mönckeberg, <I>Hermann Samuel&#39; Reimarus und Johann
Christian Edelmann, </I>ib. 1867; K. Fischer, <I>Geschichte der
neueren Philosophie, ii. </I>759-772, Heidelberg, 1867; K. C.
Scherer, <I>Das Tier in die Philosophie des H. S. Reimarus,
</I>Würzburg, 1898; B. Brandl, <I>Die Ueberlieferung der
" Schutzschrift " des H. S. Reimarus, </I>Pilsen, 1907.

</P>


<P>


WOLFF, 


volf, 


CHRISTIAN, AND THE WOLFFIAN SCHOOL: German philosopher; b. at

</P>
<P>

Breslau Jan. 24, 1679; d. at Halle May 9, 1754.

</P>
<P>

He was educated at the gymnasium in Breslau

</P>
<P>

and the University of Jena, where he was greatly

</P>
  
<P>

attracted to the study of mathematics

</P>
 
<P>

Life. by the certainty of its method, which

</P>
  
<P>

seemed to him typical for science.

</P>
<P>

Without entirely giving up the thought of a theo

</P>
<P>

logical career, he took his master&#39;s degree in Leipsic,

</P>
<P>

then studied philosophy at Jena, and in 1703 estab

</P>
<P>

lished himself as privat-docent of philosophy at

</P>
<P>

Leipsic. In 1707 he accepted a call to Halle where

</P>
<P>

he lectured 


on 


mathematics, 


after 1709 also 


on

</P>



<pb n="404"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />Wolff 


THE NEW SCHAFF-HERZOG 404

<P>


physics, then on other branches of philosophy. His
success as a teacher was extraordinary and was soon
supplemented by the impression made by his writings. His fame extended over Europe. At home
king and government heaped honors upon him, and
scholars gathered about him; but in Halle itself the
Pietists and Christian Thomasius (q.v.) were hostile.
After some friction the address 


<I>De Sinarum philosophia practica </I>


(Frankfort, 1726; Eng. transl., The


<I>Real Happiness of a People under a Philosophical
King Demonstrated, </I>


London, 1750), which Wolff delivered in 1721, led to a complete rupture. His enemies found in it a glorification of the morality of
Confucius and inferred that Wolff taught the dispensability of Christian revelation for human happiness. The Pietists won the ear of the king who on
Nov. 8, 1723, ordered the deposition of Wolff and
ordered him to leave the realm within forty-eight
hours. From 1723 to 1740 Wolff was professor in
Marburg. It was the most brilliant and the happiest
period of his life. He continually gained philosophical adherents and new students and earned rich
honors. In the mean time conditions in Prussia
became better. Provost Reinbeck in Berlin was
active in his behalf; the king changed his opinion,
ordered candidates to study his works; and would
have liked to recall Wolff to Prussia as early as 1733,
but he died during the negotiations. Frederic
II., who in 1736 had designated Wolff as the greatest
philosopher of his time, carried out his father&#39;s plan,
and since Wolff declined a position in the academy
at Berlin, he was called as privy councilor and vicechancellor to Halle where he arrived in 1740, was
received with unusual honors, and was active until
his death.

</P>
<P>

Of his numerous treatises and books those of
especial importance for theology, many of which
reached numerous editions, are: 


<I>Methodus demonstrandi veritatem religionis Christianae </I>


(1707); 


<I>Vernünftige Gedanken von den Kraften des</I>

</P>
 
Works. 


<I>menschlichen Verstandes and ihrem
</I>


<I>richtigen Gebrauche in Erkenntnis der
</I>


<I>Wahrheit </I>


(1712; Eng. transl., 


<I>Logic, or Rational
</I>


<I>Thoughts on the Powers of the Human Understanding,
</I>


London, 1770); 


<I>Ratio praelectionum Wolfianarum
</I>


<I>in Mathesin et philosophiam universam </I>


(1718);
<I>Vernünftige Gedanken von Gott, der Welt and der
</I>


<I>Seele des Menschen </I>


(1719; his great theological
work); 


<I>Vernünftige Gedanken von der Menschen
</I>


<I>Thun and Lassen zu Beförderung ihrer Glückseligkeit
</I>


(1720); 


<I>Vernünftige Gedanken von dem gesellschaft
</I>


<I>lichen Leben der Menschen and insonderheit dem
</I>


<I>gemeinen Wesen zur Beförderung der Gluckseligkeit
</I>


<I>des menschlichen Geschlechts </I>


(1721); 


<I>Vernünftige
</I>


<I>Gedanken von den Wirkungen der Natur </I>


(3 parts,
1723-25); 


<I>Vernünftige Gedanken von den Absichten
</I>


<I>der natürlichen Dinge </I>


(1724); 


<I>Philosophia rationalis
</I>


<I>sive Logica </I>


(1728); 


<I>Philosophia prima sive ontologia
</I>


(1729); 


<I>Cosmologia generalis </I>


(1731); 


<I>Psychologia
</I>


<I>empirica </I>


(1732); 


<I>Psychologia rationalis </I>


(1734);
<I>Theologia naturalis </I>


(2 parts, 1736-37), 


<I>Philosophia
</I>


<I>practica universalis </I>


(1738). G. F. Hagen edited his
<I>Gesammelte kleine philosophische Schriften </I>


(6 parts,
Halle, 1736-40).

<P>


Wolff was not a great creative spirit, but rather
the philosopher in whom the scientific efforts 


of 


the

</P>


time combined and in their connection influenced
the future.  By the application of the mathematical-
syllogistic method he tried to give to all sciences the
same formal  certainty and thus to make possible a
universal system of human science.
Philosophy.  Philosophy is for him the science of the
conceivable or the possible, which ap
pears as the essence of reality. Upon the relation of
the higher (rational) and the lower (sensual) faculty
of the soul is built the distinction between rational
and empirical knowledge. The objective order of
the sciences is based upon psychology, upon the
distinction between knowledge and desire. On the
one side stands theoretical, on the other side practi
cal philosophy. In the system of Wolff logic leads
as a sort of propaedeutic. Then follow the rational
theoretical sciences, metaphysics, ontology; then in
the order of the three main objects (world, soul, and
God), cosmology, rational psychology, natural theol
ogy. The rational practical sciences begin with gen
eral practical philosophy and natural law, and then
consider man in Aristotelian fashion successively as
individual being (ethics), citizen (politics), and mem
ber of the family (economy). The empirical sciences
are empirical-theoretical science (empirical psychol
ogy, teleology, empirical theology, dogmatic physics)
and empirical-practical science (technology, experi
mental physics). Esthetics is not taken into the
system. The most characteristic feature of Wolff&#39;s
theology is the emphasis upon natural religion.
While he strictly separated this from the knowledge
given by revelation and refrained from encroach
ments upon the dogmatic sphere, he based upon
natural religion the general religious truths which
seemed to be assailed by naturalism, brought it to
the front in the spiritual struggle, and focused about
it the religious and. theological interest which hith
erto had been directed to revelation. In the proof
of the existence of the deity he stressed the cosmolog
ical argument, and employed also the ontological.
However much the philosophy of Wolff tended to
depreciate miracles and revelation, he himself fully
acknowledged both in so far as they fulfil definite
conditions in the system. Since God does nothing
superfluous, revelation can comprehend only neces
sary, otherwise unknowable things, mysteries; it
may not contain any inner contradictions, nor may
it contradict the attributes of God, reason, or experi
ence. Miracles are changes which by the nature of
the bodies concerned are not impossible, though
they lack the natural cause. In psychology Wolff
taught that souls are simple created substance,
originating at creation, and existing without con
sciousness until the latter was induced through
birth. He held that the bodily and spiritual proc
esses are independent of each other; their agree
ment does not rest upon perpetual miracle, as the
occasionalists teach, but upon preestablished
harmony. The intellectual faculty takes prece
dence over the will. , In practical philosophy Wolff
separated ethics from religion and based it upon
reason. His system is, therefore, rationalistic
throughout.
<P>


The success of the philosophy of Wolff is a proof
that it victoriously comprehended and satisfied the
longing 


of 


his time. To this contributed his talent

</P>



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is, in salvation, the mediator for the world and the community. The statement is to be explained by Christ&#39;s words when he bases his rulership of the world on the fact that God alone knows him. He who is known and revealed by God alone stands for this very reason nearer to God than to the world; hence, in spite of his existence in the world, he is raised above it and has power over it. To God the Father, the Son of God, and the world he rules Paul adds a fourth quantity: the community which has been created in Christ from eternity. Hellenic philosophy always recognizes the morally cultured man as merely a part of the kosmos; Christianity, however, looks upon the man who is reconciled to God in Christ, who also works for the kingdom of God, as of greater value than the world. This view is a corollary of the knowledge that God is the Father of Jesus Christ and our Father. Although only a part of the universe is known to him, the Christian believes that the unity of the world is guaranteed by general laws and by a supreme law above all these.</p>

<h4>6. Dogmatic Conception.</h4>

<p>The use of this Biblical train of thought has always been checked in dogmatic theology by a Neoplatonic rationalism which holds medieval scholasticism higher than all the results of Scriptural exegesis. The scholastics before and after the Reformation have always approached the conception of God by looking away from the determination, limitation, and order of the world, and predicate as God the undetermined and unlimited Being. By attributing to this abstraction power and goodness, qualities which do not pertain to it, this God who is a negation of the world is looked upon as the creator of the world. A variant of this conception is the more recent one of the absolute, which, without relation to anything, therefore without relation to the world, has the quality of being in, by, and for itself. As the world is not made the basis of this absolute (<scripRef>cf. Rom. i. 19,20</scripRef>), it does not express the concept of an almighty God. Indeed, the thinker who suppresses the world in order to look upon God as the absolute, must begin by suppressing himself, since as a thinking being he is a part of the world. The right understanding of the doctrine of God, however, is the recognition that Christ is the ground of our knowledge of God and of his relation to the world. He must therefore be conceived as Paul conceived him, as the aim of the world for which it was created.</p>

<h4>7. Religious Conception.</h4>

</p>The religious explanation of the world assumes that all things redound to the benefit of those who are chosen and loved by God. The theological amplification of this thought does not have to deal with the investigation of each particular event; for the decrees and ways of God are usually unsearchable (<scripRef>Rom. xi. 33</scripRef>). The theological conception is that the whole world, the entire circle of the interaction of the forces of nature and man&#39;s free will, are under the control of God, who directs all this for the salvation and bliss of his children among mankind, so that all experiences of ill also serve God&#39;s purposes. In theological ethics, the world is used to signify earthly goods, in so far as they are temptations to sin. Therefore, the Church catholic teaches that Christian perfection is to be sought by withdrawal from all the relations of life in common. This end could only be attained in the life of the hermit, not even in that of the cloister, since any community offers occasion for vexation and anger. Hence the rules given by Paul (<sripRef>Gal. vi. 14</scripRef>; <scripRef>Rom. xii. 2</scripRef>) can be understood to mean only that each individual Christian is peculiarly tempted by certain special worldly relations, and Christianity, therefore, requires that its followers should avoid those things which possess this quality for them. In general, however, the use of all worldly goods is Permitted to the Christian since they give him an opportunity to prove the mastery of the world by the self-control he exhibits.<p>

<p class="author"> (L. DIESTEL+; A. RITSCHL+. Revised by J. WEISS.)</p>

<small>

<p class="bibliography"> B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY</small>: For the Biblical side reference is to be made to the works named in and under B<small>IBLICAL THEOLOGY</small>, and to the commentaries on the passages cited. For the modern philosophic conceptions consult:

L. Frobenius, <i>Die Weltanschauung der Naturvölker,</i> Weimar, 1898;

W. Lutoslawski, <i>Ueber die Grundvoraussetzungen und Consequenzen der individualistischen Weltanschauung,</i> Helsingfors, 1898;

W. Bender, <i>Die Entstehung der Weltanschauungen im griechischen Altertum,</i> Stuttgart, 1899; 

G. Mohr, <i>Christliche Weltanschauung auf biblischen Grunde,</i>Ulm, 1899;

P. Paulsen, <i>Die Gewissheit der christlichen Weltanschauung im modernen Geistleben,</i> Stuttgart, 1900;

R. Steiner, <i>Welt- und Lebensanschauungen im 19. Jahrhundert,</i> 2 vols., Berlin, 1900-01;

K. A. von Hass, <i>Die psychologische Begründung der religibsen Weltanschauung im XIX. Jahrhundert,</i>ib. 1901;

0. Hellberg, <i>Die Welt unserer Begriffe,</i> Halle, 1901;

G. Meisel-Hess, <i>In der modernen Weltanschauung,</i> Leipsic, 1901;

R. Eueken, <i>Die Lebensanschauungen der grosser Denker, </i> 4th ed., ib. 1902;

A. Rüscher, <i>Göttliche Notwendigkeits-Weltanschauung; Teleologie, mechanische Naturansicht und Gottesidee,</i> Zurich, 1902;

A. Kalthoff, <i>Religiöse Weltanschauung,</i> Leipsic, 1903;

J. Baumann, <i>Dichterische und wissenschaftliche Weltansicht,</i> Gotha, 1904;

idem, <i>Welt- und Lebensansicht in ihren realwissenschaftlichen und philosophischen Grundzügen,</i> ib. 1906;

R. Otto, <i>Naturalistische and religiöse Weltansicht,</i> Tübingen, 1904;

L. Ragaz, <i>Du sollst. Grundzüge einer sittlichen Weltanschauung,</i> 2d ed., Freiburg, 1904;

H. Winckler, <i>Die Weltanschauung des alten Orients,</i> Leipsic, 1904;

H. Gomperz, <i>Weltanschauungslehre, </i>vol.i.,<i> Methodologie,</i>ib. 1905;

J. Reiner, <i>Aus der modernen Weltanschauung,</i> Hanover, 1905;

H. Bavinck, <i>Christliche Weltanschauung,</i> Heidelberg, 1907;

J. Behrens, <i>Die natürliche Welteinheit. Bausteine zu einer idealistischen Weltanschauung,</i> Wismar, 1907;

L. Busse, <i>Die Weltanschauungen der grossen Philosophen der Neuzeit,</i> 3d ed., Leipsic, 1907;

E. Dennert, <i>Die Weltanschauung des modernen Naturforschers,</i> Stuttgart, 1907;

C. Wenzig, <i>Die Weltanschauungen der Gegenwart im Gegensatz und Ausgleich. Einführung in der Grundprobleme und Grundbegriffe der Philosophie, </i> Leipsic, 1907;

S. Arrhenius, <i>The Life of the Universe,</i> London, 1909;

A. Heussner, <i>Die philosophischen Weltanschauungen und ihre Hauptvertreter,</i> Göttingen, 1910;

P. W. Van Peyma, <i>The Why of the Will: the Unity of the Universe,</i> Boston, 1910;

B. Kern, <i>Weltanschauungen und Welterkenntnis,</i> Berlin, 1911.

</small>

<pb n="431"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />
<h1>WORMS.</h1>

<dl>
 <dt>I. The City and Bishopric.</dt>
 <dt>II. The Concordat.</dt>
 <dt>III. The Diet.</dt>
 <dt>IV. Religious Conferences.</td>
  <dt>1. Conference of 1540-41.</dt>
   <dd>The Occasion and Preliminaries (§ 1).</dd>
   <dd>Progress and Close (§ 2).</dd>
  <dt>2. Conference of 1557.</dt>
   <dd>Preliminaries (§ 1).</dd>
   <dd>The Flacian Breach (§ 2).</dd>
   <dd>The Conference Futile (§ 3).</dd>
</dl>

<h2>I. The City and Bishopric:</h2>

<p>[Worms, one of the oldest and most interesting cities in Germany, also long one of the most important, lies in the plain of the Wonne on the left bank of the Rhine, twentyfive miles south of Mainz. It has about 42,000 inhabitants, of whom two-thirds are Protestants, about one-third Roman Catholic, and 2,500 are Jews. Its name in the Roman period was Borbetomagus, in a Celtic district, and it was the seat of the Vangiones, a small tribe settled there by Julius Cæsar, where arose the civitas Vangionum. In the fifth century it came under the Burgundians, and there the legends of Gunther and Brunhilde, Siegfried and Kriemhild, and later of Eginhard and Emma are laid. It was the see city of an ancient bishopric, was often the residence of the Frankish kings and of Charlemagne and his successors, gave its name to a famous concordat, and was the scene of the diet where Luther made his famous defense and declaration before Charles V. (see <a href=""> L<small>UTHER</small, M<small>ARTIN</small>, § 9</a>), and of two important conferences. It is noted also for its Romanesque cathedral, of red sandstone, dating from the twelfth to the fourteenth century, and for the great monument to Luther, designed by Rietschel (see <a href=""> S<small>CULPTURE</small>,C<small>HRISTIAN</small> U<small>SE</small> <small>OF</small>, III., § 3)</a>.] The circumstances of the founding of the bishopric are unknown; even when Christianity entered the region is uncertain, since it is not known whether the referelice of Irenæus <i>(Hær.</i>, I., x. 2) to churches in the German provinces refers to this place. The first secure trace is the statement of Orosius (<i>Hist.</i>, VII., xxxii. 13) that in the beginning of the fifth century the Burgundians received Christianity, and that the left bank of the Rhine was in general organized ecclesiastically (cf. Socrates, <i>Hist. eccl.</i>, VII., xxx.). But there is no report of a bishopric, and no list of bishops for this period. For 200 years nothing more is heard, meanwhile the Franks took possession of the land, the Burgundians having withdrawn; the city thus became German instead of Roman. The Christian community survived the change, and at the synod held at Paris in 614 a Bishop Berhtulfus of Uarnacium appeared; in 696 Rupert of Salzburg was bishop, after which follows a gap of a century in knowledge of the see. From the end of the eighth century the bishops&#39; names are known. The diocese itself was located on both sides of the Rhine. The bishopric was suppressed in 1801.</p>

<p class="author">(A. HAUCK.)

<h2>II. The Concordat:</h2>

<p>[For the terms of this agreement see <a href="">C<small>ONCORDATS</small> <small>AND</small> D<small>ELIMITING</small> B<small>ULLS</small>, I</a>. Its significance rests in the fact that it ended the dispute between pope and emperor regarding Investiture (q.v.) in an agreement between Calixtus II. and Henry V. The terms of the concordat were read before a multitude in a meadow near the city.</p>

<h2>III. The Diet:</h2>

<p>This important gathering, before which Luther was summoned to appear, closed the first period of the Reformation, showing to the world that the movement started by Luther was something greater than that started by Huss, and likely to take quite another turn. Luther arrived on Tuesday,
Apr. 16, 1521, in the forenoon, and was lodged in the house of the Knights of St. John. The next day at six o&#39;clock in the afternoon, he appeared before the diet, assembled in the episcopal palace. For the proceedings and result see <a href="">L<small>UTHER</small>, M<small>ARTIN</small>, § 9</a>.]</p>

<h2>IV. Religious Conferences:</h2>

<h3>1. Conference of 1540-41:</h3>

<h4>The Occasion and Preliminaries.</h4>

<p>The Hagenau Conference (q.v.) having proved ineffective, a new one was called for Oct. 28 of the same year (1540). Paul III. decided to have as his representative a man not a cardinal, and appointed Tommaso Campeggi, bishop of Feltre. His instrucions emphasized the grace of the pope in accepting a conference of this kind, which he so abhorred, and directed that the authority of the Curia be guarded and all proposals be reserved for papal decision. Morone, the nuncio, also appeared, his purpose being to obstruct the conference as much as possible. Pietro Paolo Vergerio
(q.v.) came ostensibly as the French representative, really in the secret service of the pope to encourage the return of Protestants to the Church. Melanchthon set on foot on Oct. 22 in Gotha a protest against the claim of the pope to precedence and to the ultimate decision in such a conference. His own instructions were definite to refuse recognition of the papal supremacy, and warned of the danger of cleavage in Protestant ranks in case certain positions should not be maintained. The Protestants were to stand by the Schmalkald conclusions. The members of the conference arrived promptly, but the emperor&#39;s representative delayed his arrival till Nov.
22. Roman Catholics of note deputed were Nausea, Cochlæus, Pflug, Pelargus, Gropper, Eck, and Mensing, while for the Evangelicals appeared Jakob Sturm, Butzer, Capito, Calvin, W. Link, Osiander, Schnepf, Brenz, and Amsdorf. Representatives of Mainz, Bavaria, Pfalz; and Strasburg were to officiate as presidents. The Evangelicals used the delay in cementing a united front. On Nov. 25 Granvella opened the conference. To the Evangelicals it was suggested that they submit in writing what they proposed to hold, to which they replied by submitting the Augsburg Confession and Apology.</p>

<h4>Progress and Close.</h4>

<p>The real beginning of the conference was continually postponed, and on Dec. 8 Campeggi appeared and spoke of the zeal of the pope for a healing of the religious divisions, and to this assent was given without mention of the pope. The Evangelicals opposed the delivery of the summaries of action to the emperor alone, and demanded that each side receive an original set of documents, though they finally agreed to accept certified copies. The Roman Catholic party was not in agreement as to the measures to be adopted. It seemed as though the conference was going to pieces upon the question of the form of interchange of proposals. Granvella had from the beginning no confidence in a public conference,<pb n="432"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />
and endeavored to get some individuals from the Protestant side to consent to more private proceedings and so to enable a compromise to be reached. On Jan. 2, 1541, the proposition was put forward that each of the eleven participants should speak together with the chief speaker for each side, the notaries to take down the chief points; on this the Evangelicals were not at one, Melanchthon and Butzer seeking to mediate, the effect of Granvella&#39;a astute policy being seen in this attitude, the result being the anger of Osiander, who saw that some secret understanding was obtained. The Protestants desired that each of the participants should have free speech. Granvella sought from the emperor authority to close the conference, but on Jan. 14 the conference began with Eck as the Roman Catholic speaker. He excused the delay on the ground that the Confession (of 1540) laid before them differed from that of 1530 and that comparison had required time, to which Melanchthon replied that they were essentially the same. Eck practically passed article 1, and began debate on article 2 dealing with original sin, upon which he and Melanchthon disputed till the 17th, when Granvella called both, together with Mensing and Butzer, to a meeting, where the four agreed upon a formula which the Evangelicals could accept. Meanwhile, on the day before Granvella had received orders from the emperor to close the conference, and on Jan. 18, when further proceedings were to be carried on, the president declared that the emperor had ordered, since no progress had been made, that the matters be deferred to the coming diet, and the conference was abruptly broken off.</p>

<h3>2. Conference of 1557:</h3>

<h4>Preliminaries.</h4>

<p>By the Augsburg Religous Peace (q.v.) of 1555 the states of the Augsburg Confession had won as a permanent right freedom to exercise their religion. But the hope of a religious union and ecclesiastical agreement in matters of teaching and ceremonies had not been given up. The discussion of the equalization of the religious parties was referred at the time to the then future diet appointed for Mar. 1, 1556. The difficulty of the Evangelical princes was that since Luther&#39;s death their churches had become disunited through various controversies, and there was no recognized leader; Melanchthon&#39;s authority was challenged by a part even of his own scholars, while Brenz was suspected by one whole group. At the Augsburg Diet; Christoph of Wurttemberg had desired a meeting of Evangelical princes; Philip of Hesse had wanted a meeting of their counselors and theologians; the Ernestine dukes sought to bring both about. But the theologians (Amsdorf, Stolz, Aurifaber, Schnepff, and Strigel) disapproved and wanted a decision against false doctrines. The Regensburg Diet proposed a committee of eight. The Roman Catholics preferred a council, the Protestants a religious conference; Ferdinand saw that a council was impossible at the time and declared for a conference, which he appointed to meet at Worms Aug. 24, 1557. Each side was to have six debaters, six associates, six " auditors," and two notaries. The presidency fell ultimately to Julius von Pflug (q.v.), bishop of Naumburg; the Protestant principals were Melanchthon, Brenz, Schnepf, Professor Macchabaus of Copenhagen (later, Runge of Greifswald), Karg, and Pistorius; the Roman Catholic representatives were Pflug, Helding, Gropper, P. Canisius, Delfius of Strasburg, and Professor Rithoven of Louvain.</p>

<h4>The Flacian Breaeh.</h4>

<p>Attempts had been made in vain to heal the breach between Melanchthon and Flacius (qq.v.), and in view of the coming conference it was resolved to have the Evangelical states come together at Worms Aug. 1 in order to make a new attempt to heal the breach. A preliminary meeting of the princes under Duke Christoph was held at Frankfort in June, but Elector August was absent by the advice of Melanchthon; agreement was reached that they unanimously maintained the Augsburg Confession. Flacius insisted upon a condemnation of all errant teaching, brought definite charges against some of the Protestant principals, and declared a pronouncement against all corruptions of doctrine to be absolutely necessary. Melanchthon and his associates arrived at Worms Aug. 28, and the Ernestine theologians soon saw that they were practically isolated, nearly all "adoring Philip as a divinity." The Evangelicals met together Sept. 5, and Monner and Schnepff brought up their proposal for the condemnation of all corruptions of the last ten years, with especial reference to Melanchthon; in reply, it was pointed out that common action against the common foe was necessary, even if to accomplish this other representatives had to be secured. A new attempt was made on Sept. 9, but with the result that the Flacians threatened to make open statement of their position.</p>

<h4>The Conference Futile.</h4>

<p>On Sept.  11 the conference began, and at once arose the inevitable discussion concerning the order of procedure; Melanchthon&#39;s proposal for oral methods was rejected in favor of Helding&#39;s that written documents be handed in. Instead of the Augsburg Confession a statement by Canisius, in twenty-three articles, of the chief points in dispute was to be the basis of discussion. At the fifth session, Sept. 16, Canisius referred to the split among the Evangelicals, which the Flacians seized upon to emphasize their position. On Sept. 20, Canisius again read a document referring to Osiander and Major (see <a href="">M<small>AJOR</small>, G<small>EORG</small>; O<small>SIANDER</small>, A<SMALL>NDREAS</SMALL></a>), and the Flacians again pointed out the logic of their position and affirmed that they were compelled to justify themselves, and to the threat to replace them replied that they would appeal to the president. Peace could not be obtained, though strenuous efforts were made to heal the breach and to get the Evangelicals to present a united front. All was useless, for on Sept. 27 the representatives of Johann Friedrich gave to the Roman Catholic assessors their protestation, and on Oct. 1 the notification that they were about to depart, and then left Worms on the same day. The conference had in fact been interrupted since Sept. 20; the Roman Catholic part would gladly have closed the matter at once, but the Evangelicals hoped to find a way, by continuing, to relieve the sad impression of this conflict in their own camp. The conference was resumed Oct. 6, but at once there arose a dispute as to<pb n="433"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />
whether the Flacian declaration was official or private. A new question then arose as to whether the remaining Protestant disputants were competent as adherents of the Augsburg Confession and had rightly excluded the Flacians; further, would the Flacians recognize the conference? So objection after objection arose, and the Evangelicals did not succeed in bringing under discussion the doctrines at issue. Postponements ensued to obtain word from Ferdinand, which came at last instructing the reinstatement of the Weimar theologians in their rights as participants; over the interpretation of this message new strife arose. Finally, on Nov. 28, the Roman Catholics having declared that they could not treat with a divided party, the whole matter was
referred to the next diet, each party asserting its innocence of the causes leading to this result.</p>

<p>If the Regensburg Conference (q.v.) revealed the strength of the Protestant party, that at Worms had shown its weakness. The split had become a spectacle for the opponents and made these latter see the turn in the tide for their cause. Canisius thought that the princes of the Roman party would no longer oppose a general council, while the Counter-Reformation was already on its way. For further developments on the Protestant side see <a href=""> F<small>RANKFORT</small> R</small>ECESS.</a></p>

<p class="author"> (G. K<small>AWERAU</small>.)</p>

<small>

<p class="bibliography"> B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY</small>: On the city and bishopric consult:

J. F. Schaanat, <i>Historia episcopatus Wormatiensis,</i> Frankfort,1734;

W. Wagner, <i>Die vormaligen geistlichen Stifte im Grossherzogthum Hessen,</i> 2 vols., Darmstadt, 1873-78;

H. Boos, <i>Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Worms,</i> 3 vols., Berlin, 1886-93;

idem, <i>Geschichte der rheinischen Städtekultur,</i> vols. i. iv., ib. 1897-1901;

A. Köster, <i>Die Wormser Annalen,</i> Leipsic, 1887;

F. Soldan, <i>Die Zerstörung der Stadt Worms im Jahre 1889</i>, Worms, 1889;

idem, <i>Beiträgs zur Geschichte der Stadt Worms,</i> ib. 1896;

F. X. Kraus, <i>Die christlichen Inschriften der Rheinlande,</i> nos. 22-29, Freiburg, 1890;

H. Haupt, <i>Beiträge zur Reformationsgschichte der Reichsstadt Worms,</i> Giessen, 1897;

C. Koehne, <i>Die Wormser Stadtrechtsreformation vom Jahre 1499,</i> Berlin, 1897;

O. Beckmann <i>Führer durch Worms,</i> Stuttgart, 1902;

Rettberg <i>KD,</i> i. 633;

Hauck, <i>KD,</i> 4 vols.;

<i>KL,</i> xii. 1759-88.

On the concordat, besides the literature in <a href="">iii. 218</a> of this work consult:

G. Wolfram, <i>Friedrich I. und das Wormser Concordat,</i> Marburg, 1883.

On the diet the following are available:

J. Friedrich, <i>Der Reichstag in Worms, 1521,</i> Munich, 1870;

K. Jansen, <i>Aleanden am Reichetage zu Worms 1521,</i> Kiel, 1883;

T. Kolde, <i>Luther und der Reichstag zu Worms,</i> Gotha, 1883;

F. Soldan. <i>Der Reichstag zu Worms, 1521,</i> Worms, 1883;

W. Oncken, <i>Martin Luther in Worms,</i> Gressen, 1884;

<i>Cambridge Modern History,</i> ii. 139 sqq., 146 sqq., 158, 166. 170 sqq., New York, 1904.

On the conferences consult:

Melanchthon, <i>Colloquium Wormaciense,</i> Wittenberg, 1542;

<i>CR,</i> iii. 1121 sqq., iv. 1-91;

<i>ZHT,</i> 1872, pp. 36 sqq.;

J. P. Roeder, <i>De colloquio Wormatiense.</i> Nuremberg, 1744;

H. Laemmer, <i>Monumenta Vaticana,</i> pp. 300-342, Freiburg, 1861;

R. Moses, <i>Die Religionsverhandlungen zu Hagenau und Worms, 1540 and 1541,</i> Jena, 1889;

J. W. Richard, <i>Philip Melanchthon,</i> chap. xxiii., New York, 1898;

J. Janssen, <i>Hist. of the German People,</i> vi. 107-113, vii. 34-45, St. Louis, 1903-1905;

<i>Cambridge Modern History,</i> ii. 239, New York, 1904;

W. Friedensburg, in <i>ZBG,</i> xxi. 112 sqq.;

the literature under <a href="">B<small>UTZER</small></a>; <a href="">E<small>CK</small></a>; and <a href="">M<small>ELANCHTHON</small></a>.</p>

</small>



</div3><div3 title="Worship" id="worship">

<h3>WORSHIP.</h3>

<dl>
<dt>Definition (§ 1).</dt>
 <dt>Necessity of Study of Primitive. Religions (§ 2).</dt>
 <dt>Widely Divergent Theories of Comparative Religion (§ 3).</dt>
 <dt>The Theory of Fear (§ 4).</dt>
 <dt>The Theory of Love (§ 5).</dt>
 <dt>Rival Theories of Order of Development (§ 6).</dt>
 <dt>Caution Requisite in Constructing Theories (§ 7).</dt>
 <dt>Probable Origin of Worship (§8 ).</dt>
 <dt>The Earliest Forms of Worship (§ 9).</dt>
 <dt>Worship and the Kingship (§ 10).</dt>
 <dt>Relation of Fetishism to Worship (§ 11).</dt>
 <dt>Ancestor Worship (§ 12).</dt>
 <dt>Worship of Trees and Plants (§ 13).</dt>
 <dt>Worship of Life-Giving Forces (§ 14).</dt>
 <dt>Communal Worship (§ 15).</dt>
 <dt>Associational Cults (§ 16).</dt>
 <dt>Joyous Character of Primitive Worship (§ 17).</dt>
 <dt>Propitiatory and Apotropaic Worship  (§ 18).</dt>
 <dt>The Greek Mysteries (§ 19).</dt>
 <dt>Influence of subjectivity on Worship <§ 20).</dt>
 <dt>Justification of Christian Analogies with Judaea-Ethnic Cults (§ 21).</dt>
 <dt>Eucharistic Worship; Latria and Dulls (§ 22).</dt>
 <dt>The Ethical Aspect of Worship (§ 23).</dt>
</dl>

<h4>1. Definition.</h4>

<p>Worship may be defined as the acknowledgment by some formal act of mind or body, or both, of God&#39;s supreme dominion, or (among pagans) of the exalted power of some divine or semi-divine being. In older English the word was used in a less limited sense, denoting honor or reverence in general. Traces of this usage are seen in the formula of the marriage-service in the English Prayer-book, where the bride-groom says to the bride, "With my body I thee worship, and with all my worldly goods I thee endow," as well as in the current application of the title "his Worship" and the epithet "worshipful" to the mayors of English towns; while to this day, among Roman Catholics, it would be possible to hear the expression "the worship of the saints" used without offense, although, as will be seen, nothing is clearer to them than the distinction between the supreme honor due to God alone and the subordinate or relative honor paid to even the highest and holiest of his creatures.</p>

<h4>2. Necessity of Study of Primitive Religions.</h4>

<p>The conception instinctively suggested to Christian people by the word in its narrower sense is inevitably stamped by the definition of the Founder of their religion, "God is a Spirit: and they that worship him must worship him in spirit and in truth" (<scripref>John iv. 24</scripref>); but an encyclopedic treatment of the subject must go beak for many centuries beyond the christian era, and patiently seek to penetrate the obscurity which veils the mental processes of primitive and uncivilized man. The modern study of comparative religion, also, has brought to light the profound significance of many rites of savage tribes which until recent years were contemptuously dismissed as mere barbarism or child&#39;s play, unworthy of the attention of serious thinkers. In them is often found the answer to many questions, which would otherwise have seemed insoluble, as to the manner in which primitive man regarded the supernatural and his relation to it. "It is ritual," says L. R. Farnell (<i>Cults of the Greek States,</i> i. 9, Oxford, 1896), "that is chiefly the conservative part of religion. And in ritual the older and cruder ideas are often held as in petrifaction, so that the study of it is often as it were the study of unconscious matter, in so far as it deals with facts of worship of which the worshiper does not know the meaning, and which frequently are out of accord with the highest<pb n="434"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

religious consciousness of the community." So important is worship that one eminent German scholar (Otto Gruppe, quoted by Otto Schrader) has declared ritual to be the source of religion; but if this is going too far and putting the cart before the horse, at least the study of its development is one of the most interesting and instructive chapters in the history of the human mind.</p>

<h4>3. Widely Divergent Theories of Comparative Religion.</h4>

<p>When approach is made to what is logically the first step in the consideration of the subject-the origin to be assigned, according to the best results of comparative religion and anthropological science, to what is understood by worship, a wide divergence of views comes to light. This is not to be wondered at, if the fact is taken into consideration that Comparative Religion (q.v.) itself, the discipline which attempts to answer such questions by the inductive method, is of very recent growth, dating practically from the last third of the nineteenth century. For many ages it was considered that these methods were wholly inapplicable to the study of a question whose solution seemed to be already included within the province of revelation. Even so independent a thinker as Hobbes expressly excluded "the doctrine of God&#39;s worship" from philosophy, "as being not to be known by natural reason, but by the authority of the Church; and as being the object of faith and not of knowledge" (<i>Elements of Philosophy,</i> I., viii., London, 1656). The first stimulus came from the discovery and study of the sacred books of the East, followed by the deciphering of the Assyro-Babylonian and Egyptian texts; but the past forty years have been so fruitful of results for the scientific study of religion that a large body of data bearing on the subject of this article is now accessible, even though the conclusions to be drawn from them are not as yet by any means matters of general agreement. Working along these lines, one must start with some knowledge of the manner in which the idea of God may be supposed, apart from any case of an immediate revelation, to have grown up in the mind of primitive and utterly uncivilized man. It may be taken for granted that some more or less definite idea of the existence of a supernatural being or beings is to be found in all branches of the human race; writers who approach the question from such diverse points of view, as E. B. Tylor, T. Waitz, J. L. A. de Quatrefages, Max M&#252;ller, G. Gerland, and C. P. Tiele, are agreed upon so much.

<h4>4. The Theory of Fear.</h4>

<p>One principal ground of controversy seems to be whether fear or veneration is the predominant sentiment in the attempt to enter into communion with these superhuman beings. Some observers are inclined to attach by far the greater importance to the motive of fear. Thus E. A. Westermarck says (<i>Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas,</i> ii. 612, London, 1908): "In early religion the most common motive [for sacrifice] is undoubtedly a desire to avert evils; and we have reason to believe that such a desire was the first source of religious worship." And even in modern times Sir M. Monier Williams (<i>Brahmanism and Hinduism,</i> p. 230, 4th ed., London, 1891) asserts that "no one who has ever been brought into contact with the Hindus in their own country can doubt that the worship of at least 90 per cent of the people of India in the present day is a worship of fear." This view has been stated in various forms, the most often quoted of
the earlier ones being the saying of Statius in the first century, <i>Primus in orbe timor fecit deos-</i> "First in the world fear created gods," which, says Hobbes in the seventeenth, "spoken of the gods (that is to say, of the many gods of the Gentiles) is very true"; and Renan in the nineteenth was equally convinced that religion began by endeavors to propitiate the hostile powers by which man found himself surrounded.</p>

<h4>5. The Theory of Love.</h4>

<p>Tiele, on the other hand, in his sober and thoughtful <i>Gifford Lectures</i> (</i>Elements of the Science of Religion,</i> Edinburgh, 1897-99), says deliberately that prolonged research and reflection have more and more convinced him of the inaccuracy of this view, and that he would far rather indorse the words of Robertson Smith (<i>Rel. of Sem.,</i> p. 55) : "From the earliest times  religion, as distinct from magic and sorcery, addresses itself to kindred and friendly beings, who may indeed be angry with their people for a time, but are always placable except to the enemies of their worshipers or to renegade members of the community. It is not with a vague fear of unknown powers, but with a loving reverence for known gods who are knit to their worshipers by strong bonds of kinship, that religion in the only true sense of the word begins." His distinction between religion in the proper sense and magic is one which deserves attention; but even those who, with F. B. Jevons, maintain that "it is in love and not in fear that religion in any true sense of the word has its origin" (<i>Introduction to the History of Religion,</i> p. 109, 4th ed., London, 1908) admit that "it is none the less true that fear-not of irrational dangers, but of deserved punishment-is essential to the moral and religious education of man; it is &#39;the fear of the Lord&#39; that is &#39;the beginning of wisdom.&#39;"</p>

<h4>6. Rival Theories of Order of Development. </h4>

<p>"Another much-controverted point is the order in which the various aspects of worship emerged. Many hold, following Robertson Smith, that the idea of communion with the supernatural being or beings is antecedent in time to the gift sacrifice. Tylor, on the other hand (<i>Primitive Culture,</i> ii. ch. xviii., 4th ed., London, 1903), believes that the gift sacrifice is the most primitive form, basing this conclusion on the analogy of man&#39;s dealings with his fellow men, and assuming that he treated his god as he would a chief (according to the usual ancient custom, illustrated in Gen. xxxii. 20; xliii. 11). He thus places as the stages in the development first the gift, second the idea of homage, and third that of abnegation or expiation.</p>

<h4>7. Caution Requesite in Constructing Theories</h4>

<p>The fact is that, in this as in all other questions which concern the history of worship, it is necessary to base a judgment upon a wide and patient investigation of data from different ages and different parts of the world. There has been too frequent a tendency to lay down a <i>priori</i> conclusions as certain, with the same finality as Hobbes <i>(Leviathan, I.,</i><pb n="435"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

xii.): "For the worship which naturally men exhibit to powers invisible, it can be no other but such expressions of their reverence as they would use toward men; gifts, petitions, in thanks, submission of body, considerate addresses, sober behavior, premeditated words, swearing (that is, assuring one another of their promises) by invoking them. Beyond that reason suggesteth nothing; but leaves them either to rest there, or for further ceremonies to rely on those they believe
to be wiser than themselves." Too often, again, a whole theory has been constructed upon observations relating to a single group of phenomena, and then boldly given forth as accounting for the origin and significance of worship in general, if not of religion itself. Thus, those who maintain that the origin of primitive religious worship was fear may be supposed to have neglected such records as the answer made to the early Spanish missionaries in America, questioning the Indians on their belief as to the origin of their gods; the usual reply was that they had come from the air or heaven, to dwell among them and do them good. Other investigators of aboriginal beliefs in the same continent have dwelt, and even with astonishment, on the prevalence of the worship of malicious spirits rather than good, led to their conclusion by the somewhat serious failure to take into account the totem-god in a land where totemism flourished to a degree unequaled elsewhere except in Australia. Again, among the Aryan races, which to this day are the most thoroughly known, the simple household worship, in no sense public, did not attract the attention of the poets, whose verses are filled with the more picturesque marvels of mythological legend. Very little testimony concerning this system of worship has made its way into literature; what is known about it has been largely recovered by a patient piecing together of information recovered from an illuminating interpretation of a sentence here and a paragraph there.<p>

<h4>8. Probable Origin of Worship.</h4>

<p>It is not, however, a rash speculation to see in the history of primitive man first a recognition of the existence of superhuman powers controlling his destinies, or at least intervening in them at times; then a tendency to see in these powers a personal will analogous to that of which he was conscious in himself; and finally a casting about for means of entering into relations with them to his own advantage. His sentiment of a certain kinship with the supernatural powers, combined with his conviction of entire dependence upon them, impelled him to seek communion with them, and to reestablish such communion when he thought it had been broken off through his own fault. From this impulse, according to Tiele, spring all those religious observances which are usually embraced in the term worship.</p>

<h4>9. The Earliest Forms of Worship.</h4>

<p>The content of this term, however, was very much smaller in prehistoric times. Holding strongly to the idea of blood-kinship; extending it beyond the visible family to include the deceased members with whom communion is still desired; then seeking, under totemism, for alliance with another tribe, some mysterious supernatural clan–a prehistoric race develops but slowly a definite idea of worship offered "to" some one. According to Jevons, worship in its rudimentary stage meant the sprinkling upon the altar of the blood of the totem-animal, with the sole purpose of renewing the blood-covenant and procuring the presence and aid of the totem-god. On this theory, the idea of offering a sacrifice "to" a god could be developed only in a later stage of totemism, when the stone had come to be identified with the god, and the god was no longer in the animal. The idea of worship, further, implies the existence, for the worshiper, not merely of a supernatural being as such, but of a supernatural being who "has stated relations with a community" (Robertson Smith, ut sup., p. 119).</p>

<h4>10. Worship and the Kingship.</h4>

In the nature-religions–those which have grown up by a gradual process of evolution, not derived from the authority of a conscious and definite founder–the organization of the worship continues to coincide with that of social life, this social life being, according to the stage of development, that of the clan, the family, or the nation. In the head of the family are combined the temporal rule and the religious leadership; and the same prerogatives are conceded to the heads of a larger family, the early kings. In Egypt the king and his sons held as of right the highest sacerdotal dignities, while the other priests were merely their deputies in religious as well as in civil and even military affairs. The same thing is found in the Babylonian and Assyrian systems; the kings attached great importance to their sacerdotal titles, and they conducted all religious observances without the assistance of any other priests. Long after historical memory of this state of things had faded in Greece and Rome, its record was preserved in the attribution of the title <i>archon basileus</i> (king) to the official who conducted the public worship, and that of <i>rex</i> to the patrician who, in the Roman republic, presided over the ancient <i>sacra.</i> Then and later the title of <i>pontifex maximus</i>, or high-priest, still borne by the pope, was conferred upon the head of the state; nor may it be unduly fanciful to see a reminiscence of this early feeling in the concession to the later heads of the Holy Roman Empire of the right to assist as subdeacons, wearing the dalmatic, in the solemn mass celebrated by the pope–although it would more probably be consciously referred to the analogy in Jewish history of the similar anointing of prophets, priests, and kings. There is, then, much evidence to show that in the older forms of society the two offices were one, and only gradually became differentiated, owing in great measure to the practical difficulties arising from the strict taboo which surrounded these sacred personages. The evolution, however, of a separate priestly class, and the way in which its rights and duties developed, belongs less to this place than to the article <a href="">P<small>RIEST</small></a> (q.v.)</p>

<h4>11. Relation of Fetishism to Worship.</h4>

<p>Among strictly communal rites of worship, a time comes when disasters and distresses impress the tribe with the idea that they have offended their<pb n="436"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" /><bp n="436">

divine protector, and they seek to propitiate him by what are called piacular sacrifices. The development of this sentiment on a large scale may more fitly be treated later, when the discussion comes to the gradual loosening of the bonds of the predominantly tribal or national
cult. The mention of it here will afford an opportunity to speak of what is somewhat loosely known as Fetishism (q.v.). The term calls up all the associations which are vaguely present to the minds of average people when they sing the words "The heathen in his blindness Bows down to wood and stone"; and indeed the objects supposed to be endued with supernatural power are often, to our minds, of a very inadequate and even ridiculous nature. But, as far as the mind of the African savage, for example, can be studied, it seems tolerably clear that the original source of these strange proceedings is nothing more than the desire to secure the countenance or protection of some mighty spirit, possibly one not already preoccupied with the tribal affairs, who chooses to take up his abode in or render himself accessible through some such object as a prominent rock or a curiously carved piece of wood. There is no longer likelihood of falling into the error, once so prevalent, of supposing that the African savage worships an inanimate object, knowing it to be inanimate. As Pfleiderer puts the matter generally, "what is really worshiped in the object anywhere is not itself but a transcendental <i>x</i> within and beyond it." Fetishism, in the sense of the worship which finds its way, frequently from the individual, to dimly conceived supernatural beings by and through such means of approach, leads to the next branch of the subject.

<h4>12. Ancestor Worship.</h4>

As the clan dissolved, or else increased so that its members were at too great a distance from the official seat of worship, guardian spirits or family gods were chosen for the smaller groups or for individuals, the rites of their worship being modeled on those already familiar to the race. Among the Semites, the <i>Teraphim</i> (q.v.) were family gods, as the <i>lares</i> were among the Romans; while the Greeks had their <i>theoi patrõioi.</i> The tendency here indicated connected itself very easily and naturally with the respect paid to deceased members of the family; and the ceremonies at first usual as mere signs of grief developed, as they grew conventional, into rites of worship. It was the danger of this development which caused a special prohibition of them to the Hebrews (<scripref>Lev. xix. 28</scripref>). It comes up first in the period of settled agricultural life, when the family begins to be an institution. "The worship of ancestors," says E. Clodd (<i>Myths and Dreams,</i> p. 113, 2d ed., London, 1891), "is not primal. The comparatively late recognition of kinship by savages, among whom some rude form of religion existed, tells against it as the earliest mode of worship." Herbert Spencer and Grant Allen attempted to account for the origin of religion by the worship of ghosts; but there are countless phenomena which can not be traced back to it–and it can be proved that wherever ancestor worship exists, as in China, it exists side by side with the public worship of the community. The two have their sources in the same feeling, quite as the Latin word <i>pietas</i> was applied indifferently to reverence for the gods and to filial obedience; and, just as sacrifice survived the materialistic ideas often attached to it in the early stages and became a symbol of humility and reverence, so, according to the belief of many races, the disembodied spirits, like the gods, desire to be worshiped not only because they depend on human care for their sustenance or comfort, but because it is an act of homage. The one never develops into the other.

<h4>13. Worship of Trees and Plants.</h4>

Tree-worship, and more especially plant-worship, belong again to the agricultural stage. In the animistic philosophy of the savage, in his blind search through the universe for manifestations of the supernatural, he came to believe, and in many widely separated lands, that trees and plants possessed supernatural powers; and, in accordance with the earlier totem-principle, he attempted to establish relations with any species which he believed to be of especial importance for his own life. Jevons dwells at some length on the history of plant-worship, attributing to it great importance for the history not only of religion but also of civilization, "for it was through plant-worship that cereals and food-plants came to be cultivated, and it was in consequence of their cultivation that the act of worship received a remarkable extension" (ut
sup., p. 210).

<h4>14. Worship of Life-giving Forces.</h4>

So far from the religious impulse having originated, as Grant Allen contends, in "the worship of death," it would be far truer, if either must be said, to find its source in the thought of the potency and the preciousness of life. This feeling expressed itself in a great variety of different forms. One, to which too much importance has apparently been attached by some modern investigators, is the symbolic worship known as phallicism. Phallic worship, as a separate and organized cult, is extremely rare, in spite of the temptation to use it as a cloak for unbridled excesses. It is found, to be sure, as a phase of some other cult, among many savage tribes in America and Asia (and, as has been recently pointed out, in Japan); but where it attained its greatest development, among the Semitic and Dravidian races, in Greece under Semitic influences, or connected among the Aztecs with the higher forms of nature-worship, it put on sooner or later a symbolic meaning as typifying the mysterious force which renews the earth in spring and provides for the continuance of the wonderful thing which is called life. All over the world, with rites bearing at least a superficial similarity, the deities or spirits of vegetation, on whom man was thought to depend for the food which sustained his life, were worshiped with ceremonies of which there are curious survivals, no longer understood, in the spring and harvest customs of European countries. Likewise, in the pastoral and agricultural stage, men were impressed with the need of winning the favor of the great forces of nature–streams and fountains, clouds, the sky, the sun and moon. Communion was sought, where possible, by placing the offerings of the worshiper in contact with the divine<pb n="437"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

power, as by throwing them into water; in the case of the sun, the old principle of classification suggested fire as akin to his substance.

<h4>15. Communal Worship.</h4>

Certainly the most wide-spread, as well as the most important, of primitive religious rites are those which set forth the public worship of the tribe or clan. Robertson Smith is inclined to regard communal worship as the only worship in very early times. "In antiquity," he says, "all religion was the affair of the community rather than of the individual" (op. cit., p. 236). Here, however, Daniel G. Brinton strongly disagrees with him, attributing to his special remunal searches among the Semitic peoples the general theory, which "is contradicted by nearly every primitive religion known to me "; and of course it is obvious that in so far as one&#39;s notions are unconsciously colored by records such as those of the Greek poets one will lean toward the former view–little definite record is likely to be left of the worship of the individual or of the small private group of the family in the earliest stages of its growth. Again, there is
often an unconscious tendency to depend on official explanations, which are, in many cases, far later than the primitive rites for which they undertake to account, and are the work of men who were ashamed of some feature of the rite, or who were unwilling to confess themselves unable to give an authentic explanation of it. It is necessary to bear in mind that often they may give only a partial or factitious view of their subject, while quite another may be the true one, or may have been held at the same time by large numbers of people. Thus, for example, the animal-worship of Egypt was explained in several different ways. The official or priestly interpretation varied. It was said that the gods had concealed themselves in the forms of beasts during the revolutionary wars of Set against Horus; or that the adoration was directed not to the animal but to the qualities which it personified; or that the beastgods were memorials of badges (representing animals) borne by the various tribal companies in the forces of Osiris. Apollonius of Tyana is quoted as holding that the beasts were symbols of deity, not deities; and Porphyry (<i>De abstinentia,</i> iv. 9) asserts definitely that "under the semblance of animals the Egyptians worship the universal power which the gods have revealed in the various forms of living
nature." But these are theories constructed by learned men long after the origin of the rites; and it is obvious that there is a grave disadvantage in having no record of what the simple peasantry thought of customs in which recent scholars have been inclined to see "a consecration and elaborate survival of totemism." In view of the natural inclination to concentrate the attention on public acts, it is not surprising that Pfleiderer defines religious cult as "an utterance or manifestation of the religious consciousness by means of the representative observances of the community, whereby its aspiration for communion with the divine attains actual consummation." Yet, however true the second part of his definition may be, it must not be forgotten that the religious rites practised by the individual in perfect solitude and by the father in the midst of his immediate family are to be included in
any comprehensive definition.

<h4>16. Associational Cults.</h4>

Also, in a period as a rule far later than the primitive (speaking generally, about the sixth century B.C.), the historian of worship is obliged to take into account the gradual formation of small associations which aimed at supplementing the public worship, or at superseding it. This tendency is found even in religious which are swayed by animism. Thus among the North American Indians it led to the formation of small bands to which no one was admitted without having first undergone severe tests of self-control and perseverance; their members were regarded as elevated above the rest of the tribe and in closer relation with the spirits. Among the Hebrews, at the time of the Captivity, when the old national religion seemed to have broken down, we find in the strange sacrifices of "unclean creatures"–swine, dogs, mice, and other vermin–what may be considered as the recrudescence of a cult of the most primitive totem type; though it is distinguished from the old in that it is practised now by men who desert the religion of their bins, as a means of initiation into a new brotherhood. These obscure rites, says Robertson Smith, "have a vastly greater importance than has been commonly recognized; they mark the first appearance in Semitic history of the tendency to found religious societies on voluntary association and mystic initiation, instead of natural kinship and nationality " (ut sup., p. 339). Sects of this kind are found growing out of other higher religions, such as those of China, India, and Persia; and in a similar class may be placed the Hanifites of Arabia, the Eleusinian mysteries, the Pythagoreans, Orphics, and Neoplatonists (see <a href="">N<small>EOPLATONISM</small></a>) in Greece, and the Essenes (q.v.) in Israel, with their partly Persian and partly Greek affinities; while not a few of the heretical associations of the Middle Ages–Cathari (see <a href="">N<small>EW</small> M<small>ANICHEANS</SMALL>, II.</a>), Fraticelli, Friends of God (qq.v.), and the like–stand in exactly the same relation to the accepted cult. In the older stages of civilization, too, there is a special incentive to the formation of such voluntary associations in the fact that as a general rule women as well as children were not admitted to the tribal worship, and would thus be likely to welcome anything in which they would have more latitude (see, further, <a href="">T<small>RIBAL AND</small> C<small>ULTIC</small> M<small>YSTERIES</small></a>).

<h4>17. Joyous Character of Primitive Worship.</h4>

But the tendency which in ancient times led people to draw together in such societies has its roots far deeper in human psychology than in a mere wish to have the distinction of belonging to something not open to the great body of the community and of possessing secrets unknown to them. As a general rule, the official or tribal worship was of a cheerful nature. "Worship the gods with a joyous worship," says Cicero; and this precept was widely obeyed. A superficial survey of Greek religion would give the impression that by far the larger part of it was like that which Robertson Smith describes as the type of worship prevalent among the earlier Hebrews, and characteristic of their Semitic neighbors in general: "universal<pb n="438"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

hilarity prevailed, men ate, drank, and were merry together, rejoicing before their god." The same attitude of mind was seen among the Germanic tribes; Grimm says (<i>Teutonic Mythology,</i> Eng. transl., i. 42, London, 1879) that the religious rites of the ancient Germans were, as a rule, cheerful, and those which were of this nature were the earliest and the commonest. This, of course, was natural if the first of public rites was one of joyousness, an invitation to the god to be present and partake of a repast spread for him by his worshipers. Purely religious banquets, festal commemorations, and thanksgivings would thus make up a large part of early rites among those religions in which "the habitual temper of the worshipers is one of joyous confidence in their god, untroubled by any habitual sense of human guilt, and resting on the firm conviction that they and the deity they adore are good friends, who understand each other perfectly and are united by bonds not easily broken." This temper of mind may be put down to the ease with which in the childhood of the race, as in that of the individual, troublesome thoughts are cast off; but it could never have spread as widely or lasted as long if it had not been for the view that religion was in large measure the affair of the community, and the conviction that the benefits expected from the gods were of a public character. In widely separated regions, the mourner was " unclean," excluded from the worship of the tribe; as Robertson Smith puts it, " the very occasions of life in which spiritual things are nearest to the Christian, and the comfort of religion is most fervently sought, were in the ancient world the times when a man was forbidden to approach the seat of God&#39;s presence."</p>

<h4>18. Propitiatory and Apotropatic Worship.</h4>

It is not, then, surprising to find in a large number of the later cults of the private or non-official kind, whose history, precisely because they were non-official and more or less secret, has filled far less space than the other in literary records, an effort to propitiate or to drive away supernatural beings conceived, not as the friends of the worshipers, but as hostile, or in some way dangerous. Skilled and scientific investigation of these cults is even more recent than study of the general subject; but such thorough and painstaking work as that done for one group of them by Miss Jane Harrison in her <i>Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion</i> (2d ed., Cambridge, 1908), and the amount of new light thrown by it on a subject
which was supposed to be pretty thoroughly known fifty years ago, show conclusively the need of much more research along these lines. In her opening chapter she admits that one factor, and a prominent one, in the Greek religion of the fifth century <small>B.C.</small> was the idea of service (<i>therapeia</i>), in which there was no element of fear; if man did his part in the friendly transaction, the gods would do theirs. But the whole tenor of her book, with its wealth of piled-up instances and its acute analysis, goes to show that side by side with the worship of the kindly Olympian deities there existed a whole mass of cult-forms which expressed awe and reverence of spirits or beings of the under-world. Plutarch protests eloquently against the religion of fear; but Miss Harrison has supplied sufficient evidence to warrant the conclusion that what he regards as superstition (<i>deisidaimonia,</i> in its later and unfavorable sense) was, in the sixth and even in the fifth century <small>B.C.</small>, the real religion of the great mass of the Greek people. The formula of this religion is not, like the other, <i>do ut des</i> ("I give that you may give"), but <i>do ut abeas</i> ("I give that you may go, and keep, away"). The evidence consists not only in direct statements such as that of the orator Isocrates (436-338 <small>B.C.</small>), which is worth quoting for its direct completeness: "Those of the gods who are the source to us of good things have the title of Olympians, those whose department is that of calamities and punishments have harsher titles; to the first class both private persons and states erect altars and temples, the second is not worshiped either with prayers or burnt-sacrifices, but in their case we perform ceremonies of riddance" (<i>Oratio,</i> v. 117). His contemporary Plato, in the <i>Laws</i> (717 A), arranges the objects of divine worship in a regular sequence; first, the Olympian gods, together with "those who keep the city"; second, the underworld gods, whose share are things of unlucky omen; third, the <i>d&#230;mons,</i> whose worship is characterized as "orgiastic"; fourth, the heroes; and fifth, the ancestral gods-concluding the list with living parents, to whom much honor should be offered. The classification evidenced by ritual is, however, much less minute; the only recognized distinction is that burnt-offerings are the meed of the Olympians, while "devoted" offerings (<i>enagismoi</i>) belong to the chthonic or underworld gods.</p>

<h4>19. The Greek Mysteries.</h4>

In Greece there was, moreover, a long series of ritual acts intended to propitiate or avert the presence of these latter&ndash;the Anthesteria, or spring festival of the revocation and aversion of ghosts; the Thargelia, an early summer festival of first-fruits(singularly cognate with the Australian <i>intichiuma</i> for the removal of taboo on the harvest-store); the women&#39;s festivals&ndash;Thesmophoria, Arrhephoria, Skirophoria, Stenia, and Haloa&ndash;leading up to the Eleusinian mysteries, which have acquired a greater fame (owing to their adoption by Athens and their later affiliation to the mysteries of Dionysus), but which originally may have been nothing more than the Haloa, or harvest-festival, of Eleusis. Their development, as shown by Jevons, acquires its significance first from the fact that, by an exception wholly alien to the spirit of the antique religions and strictly confined to an exceptional case, the State threw open to all Greeks, men and women, bond and free, the national worship of a national god, and adopted initiation by purification (my&etilde;sis) as the qualification for admission to a cult hitherto
confined to citizens. The opening of the Eleusinian sanctuary to the Athenians coincided with a wave of religious revivalism, which (spreading from Semitic territory in the sixth century <small>B.C.</small>) infused into men&#39;s minds the idea of a definite possibility of happiness in a future life, conditioned on a closer communion with the gods than was attainable on the gift-theory of sacrifice. Purification is the keynote of the worship in the mysteries; by the word mystery is meant a rite in which certain very sacred<pb n="439"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

things are exhibited, which can not be safely seen by the worshiper until he has passed through the prescribed purifications. There followed the introduction to these mysteries of the cult of Iacchus, and his identification with Dionysus; the dramatic performances held in his honor (the fact of the close association between the genesis of the drama, both in Greece and in western Europe&ndash;to say nothing of the curious parallel in the recently gained knowledge of Australian tribes&ndash;and religious worship can only be alluded to in passing); the spread of
the idea, so pregnant with results as a preparation for Christianity, that this communion, with its hopes of future bliss, was open to all who chose to avail themselves of the grace offered; and the conception of a religious community bound together, not by physical or political ties, but by spiritual fellowship and participation in a common worship.</p>

<h4>20. Influence of Subjectivity on Worship.</h4>

<p>Edward Caird, treating rather in the abstract the evolution of religion, without much detail, reaches the same point in the development by a somewhat different road. Tracing the growth of the human mind from the almost purely objective view of phenomena which it takes in its most ignorant form, he says that "in so far as God is conceived as merely an object, the worshiper must feel toward him as a slave, who obeys without any consciousness of anything that lifts him into unity with the power to which he submits"; while later he remarks that the gradual growth of self-consciousness, subjectiveness (which of course is an indispensable, preliminary to a sense
of guilt and need of purification), changes all this. "The later Judaism breaks away in the prophets and psalmists from the forms of national worship, and becomes an inner religion of the individual heart&ndash;thus preparing the way for the universalism of Christianity" (<i>Evolution of Religion,</i> i. 190-193, London, 1893).</p>

<h4>21. Justification of Christian Analogies with Jud&#230;o-Ethnic Cults.</h4>

<p>There is no need to give here an extended treatment of Christian worship, which is abundantly illustrated in all its details in other articles (see especially <a href="">L<small>ITURGY</small></a>; <a href="">M<small>ASS</small></a>; etc.); nor is there any need to explain, still less to apologize for, the reappearance in it of many principles familiar to students of the earlier history of the religious ideas of the race, although to some unreflecting minds the conclusions of advanced modern anthropology have seemed upsetting. There is really nothing to wonder at in the adoption and consecration of cult-principles familiar to earlier generations; the wonder would have been if Christianity, intended to take root in a soil impregnated with the germs of old beliefs, had utterly ignored the centuries of preparation, and had brought a message in no wise recalling what had so long been sacred to the world. In dealing with what primitive Christian worship borrowed from the Jewish rites, it is important to distinguish between the Temple service, which had little direct influence, and that of the synagogue, which in its four main features&ndash;reading of the Scriptures, chants, homilies, and
prayers&ndash;was continued in morphological completeness by the first Christian congregations. In regard to the principal rite which was not taken over from the synagogue, the Lord&#39;s Supper, it is hardly necessary to dwell on the radical divergence between the modern Protestant and Roman Catholic views of its purpose and nature&ndash; the former holding it to be a mere symbolic commemoration of a past historic. event, while the latter regards it as not merely the representation in figure but the re-presentation in actual reality of the sacrifice of Christ, and the feeding of priest and worshipers with the body and blood of their God (see, for the contrasting views, <a href="">L<small>ORD&#39;S</small> S<small>UPPER</small>, IV., &sect;&sect; 1-3</a>; <a href="">M<small>ASS</small></a>). It falls within the scope of the present treatment to point out that from the whole pagan world-although some of the Jews, unmindful of the primitive traditions of their forefathers, said skeptically, "how can this man give us his flesh to eat?"&ndash;the doctrine of <ScripRef>John vi.</ScripRef> in its literal sense would have evoked a responsive memory of their most ancient religious traditions. In like manner baptism, as
the means of initiation into a voluntary and extra-national religious brotherhood, was a ceremony familiar to the adherents of the mysteries among the Mediterranean peoples. Some of them had already regarded their lustrations as not merely a washing away of old sins, but as a spiritual regeneration; and in the rites of Isis baptism with water was supposed to raise the mortal to participation in the divine nature. (For various parallels among savage tribes, showing the prevalence in primitive societies of the idea of death and rebirth at initiation, see J. G. Frazer, <i>Golden Bough,</i> iii. 424-446, London, 1900; E. Crawley, <i>The Tree of Life,</i> p. 57, ib., 1905.)</p>

<h4>22. Eucharistic Worship; Latria and Dulia.</h4>

<p>Worship, reaching its culmination in the Eucharist, became from the first a recognized part of Christian duty. The celebration of the Lord&#39;s Day was from the first in universal custom, as it has long been by strict and positive law throughout the Catholic Church, marked by participation in this rite, including, besides the central mystic offering, the presentation of bread and wine by the congregation (a reminder of primitive cereal oblations, preserved in the Roman rite as late as the ninth century), and, tacitly at least, the self-oblation of the worshipers as "a living sacrifice, holy, acceptable unto God," their "reasonable service" (<ScripRef>Rom. xii. 1/ScripRef>). An interesting feature of the liturgical researches of Ducheane (<i>Christian Worship,</i> p. 161, Eng. transl., 2d ed., London, 1904) is the distinction in the early  <i>Ordines Roynani</i> between the "stational," or public, and the less solemn, or private, masses. To the great liturgical assemblies known under the former title, all the clergy and people of the entire local church were convoked; and whether in one of the great basilicas or in a simple presbyteral church, whether the pope or an ordinary priest was the celebrant, the ceremonies were of an elaborate type; and the entire function was thus a reproduction in essence of the ancient communal sacrifices offered by and in presence of the whole tribe. In this place it may be well to speak of the distinction (alluded to at the beginning of this article) between various forms<pb n="440"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

of veneration understood in Roman Catholic theology. It is emphatically laid down that worship in the stricter sense of the word, or what is called technically <i>latria,</i> is and can be offered to none, under any circumstances, but to God alone; and the supreme and perfect form of such worship, the only adequate worship, is the eucharistic sacrifice, in which Christ is conceived to be both priest and victim. The derived or lower reverence paid to the
saints is known as <i>Dulia</i> (q.v.), with <i>hyperdulia,</i> attributed to the Blessed Virgin Mary, as its highest possible form.</p>

<h4>23. The Ethical Aspect of Worship.</h4>

<p>In closing, it may be well to say a few words on the ethical aspect of worship, and its results upon the man who offers it. It has been pointed out by Caird that religions of the objective type are not wholly without ethical influence upon their followers. "Even in a very primitive form of such religion, the gods are regarded as the forefathers of the race of their worshipers; and their worship is therefore bound up with the natural piety which unites the individual to his kinsmen. So also in Greece and Rome civic patriotism was consecrated by a religion which combined the worship of the gods with the service of the state. And it may fairly be said that, throughout all the ancient world, the principle of nationality and the worship of a national god were bound up together." This, however, is very far from being all that follows from it as the subjective consciousness develops. Rites of purification were at first conceived in a half-conscious and non-moral spirit; but they did not remain on this low ground. As the religious consciousness broadened and deepened, men saw more and more clearly what must be in their hearts as they brought their gifts to the altar. Among the Chinese, worship was regarded as one aspect of an exercise in good manners and in human dignity through offerings and through observance of rules and respectful conduct toward the great forefathers and divinities; and this moral conception was a special feature of Chinese worship. Prayer, a very prominent and well-nigh universal element in primitive religions, whether it appears as thanksgiving by praise, or as
petition for assistance and protection, or, again, as penitence for neglect of, duty, can not be sincerely offered without affecting him who makes it. It has been justly remarked by L. W. E. Rauwenhoff that all worship is of a twofold character. Man approaches his God, and God approaches man. This reciprocal relation is suggested to Augustine by the Latin word for worship; <i>cultus</i> designates not only the adoration of the Deity, but the tilling of a field or the care of the body (Serm., ccxiii. 9). The transition is abrupt to a sage of a very different temper from the African bishop; but Emerson teaches the same lesson of result: "The happiest man is he who learns from nature the lesson of worship."; The student of the history of worship must journey far, through obscure and perplexing paths; but at least he sees that worship, in its origin and essence, is "a striving after union with God, and the worshiper&#39;s periodical escape from the turmoil of everyday life, with its petty cares and great sorrows, its strife and discord, its complete immersion in the material, in order that he may for a while breathe a higher and purer atmosphere."</p>

<p class="author">A. I. DU P. COLEMAN.</p>

<p class="bibliography">B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY</small>:

On worship in non-Christian religions consult:

Lord Avebury, <i>Origin of Civilization,</i> London, 1870;

C. F. Keary, <i>Outlines of Primitive Beliefs among the Indo-European Races,</i> New York, 1882;

A. Kuenen, <i>Natural Religions and Universal Religions,</i> London, 1882;

A. R&#233;ville, <i>Religions des peuples non-civilis&#233;s,</i> 2 vols., Paris, 1883;

C. P. Tiele, <i>Babylonisch-Assyrische Geschichte,</i> Gotha, 1886;

idem, <i>Elements of the Science of Religion,</i> 2 vols., London, 1897-99;

O. Speeman, <i>Die gottesdienstlichen Gebr&auml;uche der Griechen und R&ouml;mer,</i> Leipsic, 1888;

E. Clodd, <i>Myths and Dreams,</i> 2d ed., London, 1891;

C. Caird. <i>The Evolution of Religion,</i> ib. 1893;

Smith, <i>Rel. of Sem.,</i> 2d ed., Edinburgh, 1894;

F. Granger, <i>The Worship of the Romans,</i> London, 1895;

L. R. Farnell, <i>The Cults of the Greek States,</i> 5 vols., Oxford, 1896 sqq.;

A. Wiedemann, <i>Religion of the Ancient Egyptians,</i> New York, 1897;

D. G. Brinton, <i>Religions of Primitive Peoples,</i> ib. 1899;

A. Lang, <i>Myth, Ritual, and Religion,</i> 2 vols., 2d ed., London, 1899;

idem, <i>Magic and Religion,</i> ib. 1901;

B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, <i>The Native Tribes of Western Australia,</i> ib. 1899;

idem, <i>Northern Tribes of Central Australia,</i> ib. 1904;

J. G. Frazer, <i>The Golden Bough,</i> 3d ed., ib., 1906 sqq.;

P. Gardner, <i>An Historic View of the New Testament,</i> ib. 1901;

E. B. Tylor, <i>Primitive Culture,</i> 2 vols., 4th ed., ib. 1903;

P. Le Page Renouf, <i>The Religion of the Ancient Egyptians,</i> new ed., ib. 1904;

W. Mannhardt, <i>Baumkultus der Germanen,</i> new ed., Berlin, 1904;

idem, <i>Wald- und Feldkulte,</i> 2d ed., ib. 1905;

R. H. Nassau, <i>Fetishism in West Africa,</i> New York, 1904;

E. Crawley, <i>The Tree of Life,</i> London, 1905;

P. D. Chantepie de la Saussaye, <i>Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte,</i> 3d ed., T&uuml;bingen, 1905;

W. Karsten, <i>Origin of Worship,</i> Wasa, 1905;

R. E. Dennett, <i>At the Back of the Black Man&#39;s Mind,</i> London, 1906;

Jane E. Harrison, <i>Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion,</i> 2d ed., Cambridge, 1908;

F. B. Jevons, <i>Introduction to the History of Religion,</i> 4th ed., London, 1908;

E. Westermarck, <i>Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas,</i> 2 vols., ib. 1908;

S. Reinach, <i>Cultes, mythes, et religions,</i> 3 vols., 2d ed., Paris, 1908;

idem, <i>Orpheus, a General Hist. of Religions,</i> New York, 1909;

A. Le Roy, <i>La Religion des primitifs,</i> Paris, 1909;

R. R. Marett, <i>The Threshold of Religion,</i> London, 1909;

F. Cumont, <i>Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism,</i> Chicago, 1911;

M. Jastrow, Jr., <i>Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria,</i> New York, 1911.

For Christian worship use:

Bingham, <i>Origines</i> (above all usable for the details and history);

E. Mart&egrave;ne, <i>De antiquis ecclesi&aelig; ritibus,</i> 2d ed., 4 vols., Antwerp, 1736-1738;

M. A. Nickel, <i>Die heiligen Zeiten und Feste der katholischen Kirche,</i> 6 vols., Mainz, 1836;

H. Alt, <i>Der christlichen Cultus nach seinen verschiedenen Entwickelungsformen und seinen einzelnen Theilen historisch dargestellt,</i> Berlin, 1843, 2d ed., 2 vols., 1851-60;

J. G. M&uuml;ller, <i>Geschichte der christlichen Feste,</i> Berlin, 1843;

K. L. Weitzel, <i>Die christlichen Passafeier der drei ersten Jahrhunderten,</i> Pforzheim, 1848;

G. Huyasen, <i>Die Feste der christlichen Kirche,</i> 2 vols., Iserlohn, 1850-59;

H. Abeken, <i>Der Gottesdienst der alten Kirche,</i> Berlin, 1853;

T. Harnack, <i>Der christliche Gemeindegottesdienst im apostolischen und altkatholischen Zeitalter,</i> Erlangen, 1854;

F. Probst, <i>Lehre und Gebet in den ersten christlichen Jahrhunderten,</i> T&uuml;bingen, 1871;

H. Otte, <i>Glockenkunde,</i> 2d ed., Leipsic, 1884;

H. A. K&ouml;stlin, <i>Geschichte des christlichen Gottesdienates,</i> Freiburg, 1887;

O. Gisler, <i>Gottesdienst der katholischen Kirche,</i> Einsiedeln, 1888;

P. Kleinert, <i>Zur christlichen Kultus&ndash;und Kulturgeschichte,</i> Berlin, 1889;

E. Doumergue, <i>Essai sur l&#39;histoire du culte r&eacute;form&eacute; principalement au XVI. et XIX. si&egrave;cle,</i> Paris, 1890;

M. A. Goldstein, <i>Gebet und Glaube Beitrag zur Erkl&auml;rung des Gottesdienstes,</i> Budapest, 1890;

K. Moser, <i>Der Gottesdienat in Kirche, Schule, und Haus,</i> 4th ed., Innsbruck, 1891;

E. Meuss, <i>Die Gottesdienstlichen Handlungen in der evangelischen Kirche,</i> Gotha, 1892;

D. Sokolow, <i>Darslellung des Gottesdienstes der orthodox-katholischen Kirche des Morgenlandes,</i>Berlin, 1893;

G. R. Crooks and J. F. Hurst, <i>Theological Encyclop&aelig;dia and Methodology,</i> pp. 527-547, new ed., New York, 1894;

C. C. Hall and others, <i>Christian Worship,</i> New York, 1897;

F. Lemme, <i>Wegweiser in den evangeliachen Gottesdienal,</i> 3 parts, Breslau, 1897;

J. Keating, <i>The Agape and the Eucharist in the Early<pb n="441"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

Church,</i> London, 1901;

H. Kellner, <I>Heortologie oder das Kirchenjahr und die heiligen Feste in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwickelung,</i> Freiburg, 1901;

L. Ruland, <i>Geschichte der kirchlichen Leichenfeier,</i> Regensburg, 1901;

O. J. Mehl, <i>Die sch&ouml;nen Gottesdienste,</i> Hamburg, 1902;

P. Drews, <i>Studien zur Geschichte des Gottesdienstes,</i> 4 parts, Tfibingen, 1902-10;

A. J. Maclean, <i>Recent Discoveries Illustrating Early Christian Life and Worship, </i> London, 1904;

W. H. Dolbeer, <i>The Benediction,</i> Philadelphia, 1908;

G. A. J. Ross, <i>The Value of Worship,</i> New York, 1909;

L. Duchesne, <i>Christian Worship: its Origin and Evolution,</i> 3d Eng. ed., London, 1910;

the literature under <a href="">C<small>OMMON</small> P<small>RAYER</small>, B<small>OOK</small> <small>OF</small></a>; <a href="">F<small>EASTS</small> <small>AND</small> F<small>ESTIVALS</small></a>; <a href="">L<small>ITURGICS</small></a>; <a href="">P<small>RACTICAL</small> T<small>HEOLOGY</small></a>; <a href="">S<small>UNDAY</small></a>; also under the articles on the ethnic religions much will be found apart from those works specifically noted above.</p>



</div3><div3 title="Worthington, George" id="worthingtongeorge">

<h3>WORTHINGTON, GEORGE</h3>

<p>Protestant Episcopal bishop; b. at Lenox, Mass., Oct. 14, 1840; d. at Mentone Jan. 7, 1908. He was graduated from Hobart College, Geneva, N. Y., 1860, and from the General Theological Seminary, New York, 1863; was ordered deacon, 1863, and ordained priest, 1864; became assistant at St. Paul&#39;s Church, Troy, N. Y., 1863; rector of Christ Church, Ballston Spa, N. Y., 1865; was rector of St. John&#39;s Church, Detroit, Mich., 1868-85; and was bishop of Nebraska from 1885. His administration was marked by a great development in the affairs of the see.</p>

<p class="bibliography">B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY</small>:

W. S. Perry, <i>The Episcopate in America,</i> p. 291, New York, 1895.</p>



</div3><div3 title="Worthington, John" id="worthingtonjohn">

<h3>WORTHINGTON, JOHN</h3>

<p>An English clergyman, known as a member of the school of "Cambridge Platonists" (q.v.), into whose inner life his <i>Diary and Correspondence</i> (ed. Crossley, for the Chetham Society, Manchester, 1847) gives valuable glimpses. He was b. at Manchester, Feb., 1618; d. in London, Nov. 30, 1671; was educated at Emmanuel College, Cambridge (B.A., 1635; M.A., 1639; fellow, 1641), where he had Benjamin Whichcote for his tutor and Nathanael Culverwel (qq.v.) for his friend; became a clergyman in 1646. Besides several parochial preferments, he was master of Jesus College, Cambridge, from 1650 to 1660, when he was displaced to make room for the restoration of a former master who had been ejected by the Puritans. He spent his remaining years between London and Lincolnshire, where he held the living of Ingoldsby, of which More was the patron, and a prebend in Lincoln cathedral. His original work consists mainly of a volume of <i>Discourses</i> (London, 1725), and a smaller volume of <i>Miscellanies</i> (1704); but he also edited with great care the works of Joseph Mead, from whom the Cambridge movement may in a sense be said to take its rise, and the <i>Select Discourses</i> of John Smith, one of its most important members.</p>

<p class="bibliography">B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY</small>:

Besides the literature under <a href="">C<small>AMBRIDGE</small> P<small>LATONISTS</small></a>, and under the articles on the members of that school, consult Worthington&#39;s <i>Diary and Correspondence,</i> ut sup.;

Simon Patrick&#39;s <i>Autobiography,</i> Oxford, 1839;

J. Tulloch, <i>Rational Theology and Christian Philosophy,</i> ii. 426-433, Edinburgh, 1874;

<i>DNB</i>, lxiii. 40-42.</p>



</div3><div3 title="Wortman, Denis" id="wortmandenis">

<h3>WORTMAN, DENIS</h3>

<p>Dutch Reformed; b. at East Fishkill, N. Y., Apr. 30, 1835. He was graduated from Amherst (B.A., 1857) and the Reformed Church Seminary, New Brunswick, N. J. (1860). He held pastorates at Brooklyn, N. Y. (1860-63), Philadelphia (1863-65), Schenectady, N. Y. (1865-1871); Fort Plain, N. Y. (1880-83), and Saugerties (1883-1901), He was debarred from regular pastoral work in 1871-76 by ill-health, and for the next four years acted as supply to various churches. Since 1901 he has been secretary of the Ministerial Relief Fund of the Reformed Church in America. In theology he holds "to the Reformed faith, with modifications as suggested by scientific learning and broader sympathies." He has written the two poems <i>Reliques of the Christ</i> (New York, 1888), and <i>The Divine Processional</i> (1903). Several of his hymns are in current use.</p>



</div3><div3 title="Wrath of God" id="wrathofgod">

<h3>WRATH OF GOD</h3>

<h4>Old Testament.</h4>

The Hebrew language is rich in terms for "anger," these picturing either the inward fire of wrath, or its outward manifestations in terms of animated physical life, specially breathing (<i>&#39;anaph</i>), then overflowing rage, and consuming fire (<scripRef passage="Deut. xxxii. 19" parsed="Deuteronomy|32|19|0|0">Deut. xxxii. 19</scripRef> sqq). The anger of God is kindled (<scripRef passage="Isa. v. 25" parsed="Isaiah|5|25|0|0">Isa. v. 25</scripRef>), and he comes "to render his anger with fury, and his rebuke with flames of fire" (<scripRef passage="Isa. lxvi. 15" parsed="Isaiah|66|15|0|0">Isa. lxvi. 15</scripRef>); his indignation is poured out (<scripRef passage="Zeph. iii. 8" parsed="Zephaniah|3|8|0|0">Zeph. iii. 8</scripRef>); and his wrath produces the tempest described in <scripRef passage="Ps. xviii. 7" parsed="Psalms|18|7|0|0">Ps. xviii. 7</scripRef> sqq. Jeremiah and Ezekiel may be described as <i>par excellence </i> the prophets of wrath. Nor is this wrath a mere figure of speech; it is real anger, manifested not only in its effects, but in the divine motive toward his creation. It is the divine counterpart of human anger, and one tacitly accepted by the New Testament from the Old. The traditional view holds that the first sin and the divine anger are correlates, so that man is now a "child of wrath," while God has withdrawn far from him. Drop by drop man must drink the cup of divine wrath to the dregs, until finally the angry divine majesty snaps the thread of the life of man who selfishly withdraws in sin from the service of God (cf. <scripRef passage="Gen. ii.; iii." parsed="Genesis|2|0|3|0">Gen. ii., iii.</scripRef> with <scripRef passage="Ps. xc." parsed="Psalms|90|0|0|0">Ps. xc.</scripRef>). Since anger is possible only when one associates with another, and since, after Yahweh had chosen Israel, such intercommunication was possible only with his own people, and no longer with the Gentiles, whom he left "to walk in their own ways" (<scripRef passage="Acts xiv. 16" parsed="Acts|14|16|0|0">Acts xiv. 16</scripRef>), therefore the wrath of God is generally spoken of in the Old Testament only in connection with human interference in Yahweh&#39;s personal relations with Israel: The very basis of the entire dispensation whereby Yahweh restricted his presence to Israel and left the Gentiles to their own devices was his wrath, which led him to deliver to death the race which had proved recreant to him (<scripRef passage="Gen. iii.; vi.; xi." parsed="Genesis|3|0|0|0;Genesis|6|0|0|0;Genesis|9|0|0|0">Gen. iii., vi., xi.</scripRef>); and this divine wrath, separating sinful man from life, is typified in the cherubim and the flaming sword at the gates of Eden (<scripRef passage="Gen. iii. 24" parsed="Genesis|3|24|0|0">Gen. iii. 24</scripRef>). All this makes clear the relation of the wrath of God to his holiness. When man becomes sensible of the separation between himself and God, he must seek to repair the breach, and since repentance is the object of all divine judgments, God then restrains his wrath, so that mention is made, throughout all periods of the Old-Testament revelation, of the mercy and long-suffering of Yahweh. And yet, the rendering of love is not unlimited by the claims of wrath, and the holiness of God must still set up a barrier against the sin of man, so that all who draw near unworthily encounter divine wrath which is, in the most literal sense, a devouring flame (cf. <scripRef passage="Deut. iv. 33" Parsed="Deuteronomy|4|33|0|0">Deut. iv. 33</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="Lev. x. 1-3" parsed="Leviticus|10|1|10|3">Lev. x. 1-3</scripRef>). But despite his sin, man<pb n="442"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

may draw near to God, approaching by means of prayer and intercession. This was true not only of
such men of God as Abraham and Moses, but also of the priests, though even the latter must bring
gifts and sacrifices. Sin must be "covered" from the sight of a wrathful God, and the killing of the sacrificial victim symbolizes the punishment of death which Yahweh&#39;s representative must exact. When death or sickness or other distresses approach, the righteous cry: "Rebuke me not in thins anger, neither chasten me in thy hot displeasure" (<scripRef passage="Ps. vi. 1; xxxviii. 1" parsed="Psalms|6|1|0|0;Psalms|38|1|0|0">Ps. vi. 1, xxxviii. 1</scripRef>); but even when the faithful experience the wrath of God, this is but transitory, vividly contracting with the divine grace which endures forever (<scripRef passage="Ps. xxx. 5" parsed="Psalms|30|5|0|0">Ps. xxx. 5</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="Isa. liv. 7-8, lx. 10" parsed="Isaiah|54|7|54|8;Isaiah|60|10|0|0">Isa. liv. 7-8, Ix. 10</scripRef>). Intermediate between these passages are those which represent the people of God; just and unjust, as one, in which the wrath of God is salvation to the faithful remnant and to the others a consuming fire (<scripRef passage="Isa. xxvi. 20" parsed="Isaiah|26|20|0|0">Isa. xxvi. 20</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="Mic. vii. 9" parsed="Micah|7|9|0|0">Mic. vii. 9</scripRef>). Here the wrath of God can not be assumed as merely instrumental or feigned, concealing the real motive of love. The entire earthly relation between God and man, and especially between Yahweh and Israel, is entirely preparatory and transitional, and the sharp antithesis between wrath and grace is reached only at the end. "Days of wrath" come in the present world to individuals and communities (<scripRef passage="Prov. xi. 4" parsed="Proverbs|11|4|0|0">Prov. xi. 4</scripRef>); and for
Israel it is the day of the destruction of Jerusalem (<scripRef Passage="Ezek. vii. 19" parsed="Ezekiel|7|19|0|0">Ezek. vii. 19</scripRef>). The "after time" brings the day of the Lord and his wrath against the apostate, and especially against the Gentiles opposed to him and Israel (cf. <scripRef passage="Deut. xxxii. 35-36" parsed="Deuteronomy|32|35|32|36">Deut. xxxii. 35-36</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="Isa. lxi. 2,lxiii. 4" parsed="Isaiah|61|2|0|0;Isaiah|63|4|0|0">Isa. lxi. 2,lxiii. 4</scripRef>); and from the time of Joel this judgment gradually widens into the judgment of the world, and the day of the Lord is resolved into a final judgment issuing into an eternal dualism of grace and wrath (<scripRef passage="Isa. lxv.-lxvi." parsed="Isaiah|65|0|66|0">Isa. lxv.-lxvi.</scripRef>).</p>

<h4>The New Testament.</h4>

<p>The wrath of God is as prominent in the New Testament as in the Old. Christ is described as angry (<scripRef passage="Mark iii. 5" parsed="Mark|3|5|0|0">Mark iii. 5</scripRef>), especially at the cleansing of the temple (<scripRef passage="Matt. xxi. 12-13" parsed="Matthew|21|12|21|13">Matt. xxi. 12-13</scripRef>), while such parables as those of the talents and of the sheep and the goats imply a similar feeling. The wrath of God described in the New Testament is essentially eschatological. John the Baptist speaks of flight from "the wrath to come" (<scripRef passage="Matt. iii. 7" parsed="Matthew|3|7|0|0">Matt. iii. 7</ScripRef>); from which Christ gives deliverance (<scripRef passage="I Thess. i. 10" parsed="1 Thessalonians|1|10|0|0">I Thess. i. 10</scripRef>). Paul mentions a series of sins that provoke the divine wrath (<scripRef passage="Eph. v. 3-6" parsed="Ephesians|5|3|5|6">Eph. v. 3-6</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="Col. iii. 5-6" parsed="Colossians|3|5|3|6">Col. iii. 5-6</scripRef>); and to him wrath is the antithesis of justification, being the imputation and punishment of guilt (<scripRef passage="Rom. v. 9" parsed="Romans|5|9|0|0">Rom. v. 9</scripRef>). In other passages it may be uncertain whether the wrath mentioned is, in character eschatological, or general, embracing a combination of the two with alternative emphasis (<scripRef passage="John iii. 36" parsed="John|3|36|0|0">John iii. 36</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="Rom. i. 18; iii. 5; iv. 15; ix. 22; xii. 19" parsed="Romans|1|18|0|0;Romans|3|5|0|0;Romans|4|15|0|0;Romans|9|22|0|0;Romans|12|19|0|0">Rom. i. 18, iii. 5, iv. 15, ix. 22, xii. 19</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="Eph. ii. 3; v. 6" parsed="Ephesians|2|3|0|0;Ephesians|5|6|0|0">Eph. ii. 3, v. 6</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="I Thess. ii. 16" parsed="1 Thessalonians|2|16|0|0">I Thess. ii. 16</scripRef>). It seems most probable, however, that these passages do not exclusively refer to the eschatological idea, but also allude to the wrath of God as essentially present in this world. This view also justifies the orthodox idea of the Atonement (q.v.), that through Christ the divine wrath, which doomed a sinful world to the judgment of death, was averted, and in its place, mercy, justice, and life were brought to mankind (practically to those who believe). By its implications the New Testament seems to justify the doctrine that Christ bore the wrath of God for man (cf. <scripRef passage="Gal. iii. 13" parsed="Galatians|3|13|0|0">Gal. iii. 13</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="II Cor. v. 21" parsed="2 Corinthians|5|21|0|0">II Cor. v. 21</scripRef>). If to the Pauline utterances concerning the relation of the death of Christ to mankind and to death, the wages of sin, there be added the synoptic statements regarding the death of Christ, who must suffer according to the Scriptures, and give his life a ransom for many (<scripRef passage="Matt. xx. 28" parsed="Matthew|20|28|0|0">Matt. xx. 28</scripRef>; cf. <scripRef passage="Isa. liii." parsed="Isaiah|53|0|0|0">Isa. liii.</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="Zech. xi." parsed="Zechariah|11|0|0|0">Zech. xi.</scripRef>), then it becomes clear that the apostolic Church was convinced that Christ had turned away the divine wrath. To this must be added the fourth Word from the Cross, the agony in the garden, and the numerous references of Paul and other New-Testament writers to sacrifice and to prophecy (especially <scripRef passage="Isa. liii." parsed="Isaiah|53|0|0|0">Isa. liii.</scripRef>) with reference to Christ, all of which imply that the judgment of divine wrath for a sinful world was actually borne, in concentrated form, by Christ. The fact that there is no specific mention of the wrath of God in connection with the work of Christ is doubtless due to the lack of anthropomorphism in the New Testament, where the wrath of God, except in its eschatological sense, is used only to denote the cause of the condemnation of fallen man. This does not imply that the wrath of God is not real, or that it is a mere figure of speech for the concept of righteous recompense; but the Old-Testament relation of Yahweh to Israel no longer existed, and the Old-Testament covenantal concept was at an end. There could be, therefore, no such allusions to divine wrath as in the Old Testament, except in eschatological passages like <scripRef passage="Rev. xvi. 19, xix. 15" parsed="Revelation|16|19|0|0;Revelation|19|15|0|0">Rev. xvi. 19, xix. 15</scripRef>; and since a wrong connotation might be given to the Old-Testament concept, the phrase "wrath of God" seems to have been intentionally omitted in the New-Testament passages concerning the atonement.</p>

<h4>Dogma.</h4>

In opposition to the Epicurean and Stoic concepts of God, Lactantius (q.v.) postulated not merely the possibility but the necessity of the "wrath in God"; not alone because of the divine personality, of which man&#39;s nature was a pattern, but also because of the divine love, since "he who hates not, loves not" <i>(De ira Dei.</i>, iv., vii.; Eng. transl., <i>ANF,</i> vii. 260-263), besides laying stress on the practical perils lurking in the denial of so restraining a doctrine. It is true that a living, personal God is unimaginable without emotions and will, the former taking cognizance of pleasure and displeasure, and the latter acting and reacting. Thus wrath becomes an attribute of God, with whom it forms the constant protector of the divine self-complacency against all disturbing elements. A wrathless association of God with others than himself is unthinkable, without sacrificing his personality. A "natural side" to the divine being (F. Delitzsch), or a "dark background" or abyss (J. Boehme), to ground the possibility of God&#39;s wrath, are futile conjectures; it can come in view only in God&#39;s intercourse with others, or revelation. The Fathers, biased by a philosophy which abhorred anthropomorphic aspects of deity, and clinging to the idea of an impassible God, were strangely at one with the rationalistic deists, who deny the divine wrath;<pb n="443"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

but their belief in the true revelation of God and its record in the Bible forestalled the consequences of the divorce between God and man on the part of the latter.</p>

<p>The relation of the divine wrath to the holiness of God depends largely on the problem whether wrath is an emotion with God as with man. This is rightly affirmed by Lactantius, when he defines anger as "an emotion of the mind arousing itself for the restraining of faults" (<i>De ira</i>, xvii.), a definition followed by many later theologians. The relation of God&#39;s wrath to his holiness may be thus stated. In the conditions of life created by the divine holiness God participates personally with his feeling and self-complacency. Any disturbance of these conditions of life involves an alteration of the motive life and self-complacency of God who reveals himself to and dwells among men; and thus necessarily not only brings about au instantaneous reaction, but results in a personal defensive attitude, a personal antagonism and the withdrawal of self from the disturbing factor, and the removal of the latter from self. It is not altogether correct to consider wrath as the energy of divine justice in its punitive aspect, for the latter appertains to the divine will, while wrath is primarily a part of emotion and self-sensibility. Justice is concerned with the preservation of divine order; wrath with the
protection of God&#39;s personal interest. To avert the questionable aspects of personal emotion and passion, many theologians would seek for anger a close coordination with love. Just as an earthly father, in punishing a naughty child, becomes really angry and exercises the right of stern chastisement, while contemplating at the same time loving intention and hope, rendered, however, only on condition of improvement, so God is at the same time truly wrathful against the sinful, but full of love toward them when they repent. In so far as the experience of this wrath tends to produce repentance, it is, of course, a means to the end of love. To man&#39;s conduct toward God corresponds God&#39;s conduct toward man. Partial separation and partial alienation of man from God entails the dual dispensation of love and wrath. To these alternating preponderances of God&#39;s rendering to the individual corresponds also God&#39;s attitude toward the obdurate as a class and inversely toward the believers.</p>

<h4>Sin and Atonement.</h4>

<p>By sin man not only violates the divinely appointed order, which consequently reacts against
him, but he also invades the sphere of God&#39;s life and so conflicts, as person against person, with the divine self-consciousness as to draw upon himself the movement which negates both him and the relation to God. The power of life becomes a power of death and destruction. The first negation of sin by God followed the first emission of wrath that placed the sinful world universally under the permanent sway of the powers of death and destruction (<ScripRef>Gen. iii.</ScripRef>). This the New Testament frequently designates as "wrath of God," and it warrants the Church in referring God&#39;s anger to original sin. There are climaxes of this revelation of wrath, partly against all mankind because of "ungodliness and unrighteousness" (<ScripRef>Rom. i. 18</ScripRef>), and principally within the sphere of the special covenant, because of personal fellowship between God and man. A distinction must be drawn between an objective wrath, which, pregnant with destruction, lowers over a sinful world, breaking with fury from time to time, and a personal wrath manifested by God toward and apperceived by individuals. The latter is felt in
proportion to the tenderness of conscience, and thus is found especially among believers. Among these the sense of divine wrath may become excited to a morbid experience confounding truth and error, as in the case of many mystics. In the atonement, he who places himself under the wrath of God over the sinful world, in order to withdraw it from others, must do this by the free ethical assumption of the judgment of penalty pending over the world. On the other hand, only he is qualified to do this who is the organic head of the race. The coalescence of the two produces the ethical mystical view, presented here as the Biblical. In this substitute is realized that toward which humanity aspired symbolically by their sacrifices, and for which God set up a type in the Old Testament, not only in the sacrifices and prophecies but on the whole in the entire institution in which he accepted propitiation, whether through persons, acts, intercessions, or suffering. As before Christ the time of wrath was indeed the time of "forbearance" (<ScripRef>Rom. iii. 25-26</ScripRef>), so, inversely, in Christ, the revealer of grace and
truth, the wrath and curse over sin come first to light in the full sense; and there is ushered in the crisis continuing throughout the centuries dividing the human race into "vessels of wrath" and "vessels of mercy," until the last day of wrath (see <a href="">D<small>AY OF THE</small> L<small>ORD</small></a>) shall bring the ultimate decision. To those who persist to the end in self-estrangement from God, it can mean only interminable separation from him and the divine life.</p>

<p class="author">(A<small>RNOLD</small> R<small>ÜEGG</small> +)</p>

<p class="bibliography"> B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY</small>:

For discussions of the Biblical idea the reader is referred to the works named in and under <a href="">B<small>IBLICAL</small> T<small>HEOLOGY</small></a>.

From the dogmatic standpoint the literature is to be found in the works specified in and under <a href="">D<small>OGMA</small></a>, <a href="">D<small>OGMATICS</small></a>;

and under Sin Consult further:

Lactantius, <i>De ira Dei,</i> Eng transl. in <i>ANF,</i> vii. 259-280;

A. Ritschl, <i>De ira Dei,</i> Bonn, 1859
(cf. L. Haug, <i>Darstellung und Beurtheilung der Ritschl&#39;schen Theologie,</i> Ludwigsburg, 1885–combats Ritschl);

idem, <i>Rechtfertigung and Versöhnung,</i> ii. 119-156, 3 vols., Bonn, 1870-74;

F. Weber, <i>Vom Zorne Gottes,</i> Erlangen, 1862;

C. von Orelli, in <i>ZKW</i>, 1884, pp. 22-33;

W. G. T. Shedd, <i>Doctrine of Endless Punishment,</i> New York, 1886;

J. Ninek, <i>Jesus als Charakter,</i> pp. 27-40, Berlin, 1906;

M. Pohlenz, <i>Vom Zorne Gottes. Ein Studie über den Einfuss der griechischen Philosophice auf das alte Christentum,</i> Göttingen, 1909.</p>



</div3><div3 title="Wratislaw, Albert Henry" id="wratislawalberthenry">

<h3>WRATISLAW, ALBERT HENRY</h3>

Church of England, Slavonic scholar; b. at Rugby (28 m. s.e. of Birmingham), England, Nov. 5, 1821; d. at Southsea, a suburb of Portsmouth, Nov. 3, 1892. He studied at Rugby School, and at Trinity, later at Christ College, Cambridge (B.A., 1844; M.A., 1847; and fellow, 1844-53); became a tutor of his college, in 1849 visited Bohemia, studying the Czech language in Prague; was head master of Felstead School, 1850-55; of Bury St. Edmunds Grammar School, 1855-79; and held the college living of Manorbier in Pembrokeshire, 1877-89, when he retired to Southsea. From 1850 to 1870 Wratislaw<pb n="444"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

was deeply engaged in scholastic work, and in 1877 he delivered lectures at the Taylorian Institution in Oxford, which were published as <i>The Native Literature of Bohemia in the Fourteenth Century</i> (London, 1878). He translated from the Bohemian the <i>Adventures of Baron W. Wratislaw of Mitrowitz</i> (London, 1862), and a number of poems issued as <i>Lyra Czecho-Slovanska</i> (1849).

His theological works embrace

<i>Barabbas the Scapegoat, and other Sermons and Dissertations</i> (London, 1859);
<i>Historical and Statistical Sketch of the Slavonic Protestants, in the north of the Austrian Empire</i> (1861);
<i>Notes and Dissertations, principally on Difculties in the Scriptures of the New Covenant</i> (1863);
<i>How Saints are made at Rome in Modern Days</i> (1866);
<i>Intercourse and Intercommunion among Christians. Rome and England. Two Essays</i> (1866); 
<i>Life, Legend, and Canonization of St. John Nepomueen</i> (1873); and 
<i>John Hus. The Commencement of Resistance to Papal Authority on the Part of the Inferior Clergy</i> (1882).</p>

<p class="bibliography"> B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY</small>:

<i>DNB</i>, lxiii. 68-69.</p>



</div3><div3 title="Wrede, William" id="wredewilliam">

<h4>WREDE, vr&ecirc;&#39;de, WILLIAM</h4>

<p>German New-Testament scholar; b. at B&uuml;cken (25 m. s.s.e. of Bremen) May 10, 1859; d. at Breslau Nov. 23, 1906. He received his education at the gymnasium at Celle, the universities of Leipsic and G&ouml;ttingen, and the theological seminary at Loccum; became inspector of the theological foundation at G&ouml;ttingen, 1884; took a pastorate at Langenholzen, 1887; returned to G&ouml;ttingen to teach, 1889; became extraordinary professor for the New Testament at Breslau, 1893, and professor, 1895. His principal works are

<i>Untersuchungen zum ersten Clemensbriefe</i> (G&ouml;ttingen, 1891);
<i>Ueber Aufgabe und Methode der . . . neutestamentlichen Theologie</i> (1897);
<i>Das Messiasgeheimnis in den Evangelien</i> (1901);
<i>Charakter und Tendenz des Johannesevangeliums</i> (1903);
<i>Paulus</i> (T&uuml;bingen, 1905; Eng. transl., <i>Paul,</i> London, 1907);

and the posthumous

<i>Vortr&auml;ge und Reden</i> (1907); and
<i>Die Entstehung der Schriften des Neuen Testaments</i> (1907; Eng. tranel., <i>The Origin of the New Testament,</i> New York, 1910).</p>

<p>The two works for which Wrede is best known, the <i>Messiasgeheimnis</i> and the <i>Paulus,</i> illustrate well both the excellences and the defects of their author as well as his services to theological science. Even in his first work on the First Epistle of Clement, he
revealed himself as not only a learned, careful, and keen-sighted scholar, but also as an independent and thoughtful critic. Anew he proved the value of that letter as a source of knowledge not only for the Roman community but for the general tendencies and needs of the postapostolic generation. His interest was not in the details, but in the general relations both to the preceding and the following literature and events. So in his treatment of New-Testament theology he bound together religion and theology. His <i>Paulus </i> deals with a side of what he
regarded as within the province of New-Testament theology. In all this work he consciously limited himself to certain lines of investigation, not because he had no interest in what lay beyond, but because in this chosen field he found problems that required answers which he felt he must find before he advanced to the wider field, in answering, which, too, he felt that he was preparing himself for advance. In his researches he did not permit himself to be fettered by tradition, no matter what its source. While he honored profoundly his teachers, he subjected himself to none of them; he neither belonged to a "school" nor did he build one. As a teacher he
evinced these same qualities, took his work earnestly, and stimulated his pupils to thoroughgoing
patience and industry in their labors.</p>

<p>His <i>Paulus</i> is rather a work of art than a popular book, though it belongs to a popular series. It does not concern itself with detail, but is a polished treatment of the essential life and work of the apostle, comparing that life with the life of Jesus. In that it does not furnish a purely historical decision it reflects Wrede&#39;s subjective standpoint. The author regards Paul as the second founder of Christianity, the builder of ecclesiastical orthodoxy, who changed,
by his doctrine of the incarnation, death, and resurrection of Christ, the religion of Jesus. Not that he charges Paul with a fault here, but rather regrets that it was Paul who did what had to be done. As a check upon the unwholesome and panegyrical exposition of the life of Paul, Wrede&#39;s work was valuable; but Wrede does not present the entire Paul to his readers, it is a profile picture which he paints. Similarly in his treatment of the Gospel of John, only one side is presented, not a consideration of the entire problem. A one-sidedness of another kind comes to light in the <i>Messiasgeheimnis</i>. To bring up earnestly the question whether, according to the consensus of the New Testament, Jesus conceived of himself as Messiah was a great service and as a stimulus has borne good fruit. Since his work investigation concerning the self-consciousness of Jesus has taken a new start. The error of Wrede lies in the fact that he overestimated the conclusiveness and deliberateness with which the evangelists individually assumed one or another of the view-points possible in their time. He worked too much in logical categories, asked too often why and how; he handled Mark and Paul as though they were men of
our times.</p>

<p>In spite of these defects his short period of work, shortened even beyond the actual time by calamity and illness, was uncommonly fruitful.. His plow went deep, and he scattered his seed beyond his own furrow.</p>

<p class="author">(G. A. J<small>&Uuml;LICHEA</small>.)</p>



</div3><div3 title="Wright, Charles Henry Hamilton" id="wrightcharleshenryhamilton">

<h4>WRIGHT, CHARLES HENRY HAMILTON</h4>

<p>Church of England; b. at Dublin Mar. 9, 1836; d. in London Mar. 22, 1909. He was educated at
Trinity College, Dublin (B.A., 1857; M.A., 1859), and was ordered deacon in 1859 and ordained priest in the following year. He was curate of Middleton-Tyas, Yorkshire, in 1859-63, chaplain of the English church at Dresden in 1863-68, chaplain of Holy Trinity, Boulogne-sur-Mer, in 1868-73, incumbent of St. Mary&#39;s, Dublin, in 1874-85, and of Bethesda Church in the same city in 1885-91, and vicar of St. John&#39;s, Liverpool, in 1891-98. After 1898 he was clerical superintendent of the Protestant Reformation Society. He was also Bampton Lecturer at Oxford in 1878, Donellan Lecturer at Trinity College, Dublin, in 1880-81, and Grinfeld Lecturer on the Septuagint at Oxford in 1893-97, besides being examiner in Hebrew at different times to the universities of Oxford, London, Manchester,<pb n="445"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

and Wales. In theology he described himself as "evangelical and conservative, but quite willing to adopt opinions based on real evidence and not on mere conjectures or hypotheses of scholars however eminent."

He wrote or edited

<i>A Grammar of the Modern Irish Language</i> (Dublin, 1855);
<i>The Book of Genesis in Hebrew</i> (London, 1859);
<i>The Book of Ruth in Hebrew</i> (1864);
<i>Bunyan&#39;s Allegorical and Select Poetical Works</i> (1866);
<i>The Fatherhood of God, and its Relation to the Person and Work of Christ, and the Operations of the Holy Spirit</i> (Edinburgh, 1867);
<i>Zechariah and his Prophecies Considered in Relation to Modern Criticism</i> (Bampton lectures; London, 1879); 
<i>The Book of Koheleth, commonly called Ecclesiastes, Considered in Relation to Modern Criticism
and to the Doctrines of Modern Pessimism</i>(Donellan lectures; 1883);
<i>Biblical Essays </i> (Edinburgh, 1886);
<i>The Writings of St. Patrick, the Apostle of Ireland</i> (London, 1887);
<i>Introduction to the Old Testament</i> (1890);
<i>The Bible Readers&#39; Manual; or, Aids to Biblical Study</i> (1895);
<i>The Service of the Mass in the Greek and Roman Churches</i> (1898);
<i>Roman Catholicism: or, The Doctrines of the Church of Rome briefly examined in the Light of Scripture</i> (1896; 4th ed., 1909);
<i>The Intermediate State and Prayers for the Dead examined in the Light of Scripture and Ancient Jewish and Christian Literature</i> (1900);
<i>The Statutory Prayer Book</i> (in collaboration with J. J. Tomlinson; 1902);
<i>A Protestant Dictionary</i> (edited in collaboration with C. Neil; 1904);
<i>The Book of Isaiah, and other Historical Essays</i> (1905);
<i>Daniel and his Prophecies</i> (1906);
<i>Daniel and its Critics </i> (1906); and
<i>Light from Egyptian Papyri on Jewish Hist. before Christ</i> (1908).</p>



</div3><div3 title="Wright, George Frederick" id="Wrightgeorgefrederick">

<h4>WRIGHT, GEORGE FREDERICK</h4>

Congregationalist; b. at Whitehall, N. Y., Jan. 22, 1838. He was graduated from Oberlin College, Oberlin, 0.(A.B., 1859), and Oberlin Theological Seminary (1862), after serving for five months as a private in the Union Army in 1861; held pastorates at Bakersfield, Vt. (1862-72), and Andover, Mass. (1872-1881); after which he was professor of New-Testament language and literature in Oberlin Theological Seminary (1881-92). Since 1892 he has been professor of the harmony of science and revelation in the same institution. He was also an assistant in the Pennsylvania Geological Survey in 1881-82, and in the United States Geological Survey in 1884-92. Since 1884 he has been editor of the <i>Bibliotheca Sacra,</i> and in addition to briefer contributions, many of them devoted to establishing the harmony of geological discoveries with the accounts of the Bible, has written 

<i>Logic of Christian Evidences </i> (Andover, 1880);
<i>Studies in Science and Religion </i> (1882);
<i>An Inquiry concerning the Relation of Death to Probation</i> (Boston, 1882);
<i>The Divine Authority of the Bible</i> (1884);
<i>The Glacial Boundary in Ohio, Indiana, and Kentucky</i> (Cleveland, 0., 1884);
<i>The Ice Age in North America, and its Bearings upon the Antiquity of Man</i> (New York, 1889; 5th ed., 1911);
<i>Charles Grandison Finney</i> (Boston, 1891);
<i>Man and the Glacial Period</i> (New York, 1892);
<i>Greenland Icefields and Life in the North Atlantic</i> (1896);
<i>Scientific Aspects of Christian Evidences</i> (1898);
<i>Asiatic Russia</i> (1902); and
<i>Scientific Confirmations of Old Testament History</i> (Oberlin, 0., 1907).</p>



</div3><div3 title="Wright, Theodore Francis" id="Wrighttheodorefrancis">

<h3>WRIGHT, THEODORE FRANCIS</h3>

<p>Swedenborgian; b. at Dorchester (now a part of Boston), Mass., Aug. 3, 1845; d. at sea near Alexandria, Egypt, Nov. 13, 1907. He was graduated from Harvard (A.B., 1866) and the New Church Theological School (then at Waltham, Mass., 1868); in 1864-65 he served in the Union Army as first lieutenant of the 108th Colored Volunteers; after the completion of his studies was pastor of the Church of the New Jerusalem at Bridgewater, Mass, (1868-1889); and after 1889 was dean of the New Church Theological School at Cambridge, Mass., where he was professor of history after 1884. He was also honorary American secretary of the Palestine Exploration Fund after 1890. In addition to editing <i>The New Church Review</i> after 1893, he wrote

<i>The Realities of Heaven</i> (New York, 1880);
<i>Life Eternal</i> (Boston, 1885);
<i>The Human and its Relation to the Divine</i> (Philadelphia, 1892); and
<i>Psalms from Swedenborg&#39;s Latin Translations</i> (Germantown, Pa., 1900).</p>



</div3><div3 title="Wright, Thomas" id="Wrightthomas">

<h3>WRIGHT, THOMAS</h3>

<p>Church of England layman; b. at Olney (51 m. n.w. of London), Bucks, May 16, 1859. He was educated at Buxton College, Forest Gate, London; since 1882 he has been principal of Cowper School, Olney. Besides being a trustee and the secretary of the Cowper Museum, formed by the gift of the poet Cowper&#39;s house to the town of Olney in 1900, he is the founder and secretary of the Cowper Society (founded in 1900) and of the John Payne Society (founded in 1905). Theologically he belongs to the Evangelical school of the Church of England. Besides being editor of all works published by the Cowper and John Payne societies, he has edited the letters of Cowper (4 vols., London, 1904); and has written:

<i>The Town of Cowper</i>(London, 1886);
<i>The Chalice of Carden</i> (1889);
<i>The Blue Firedrake</i> (1892);
<i>The Mystery of St. Dunstan&#39;s</i> (1892);
<i>The Life of William Cowper</i> (1892);
<i>The Life of Daniel Defoe</i> (1894);
<i>The Acid Sisters</i> (poems; 1897);
<i>Hind Head</i> (1898);
<i>Ianthe</i> (1900);
<i>The Ivory Coffer</i> (poems; 1903);
<i>The Life of Edward Fitzgerald</i> (2 vols., 1904);
<i>The Life of Sir Richard Burton</i> (2 vole., 1906);
<i>The Life of Walter Pater</i> (2 vols., 1907);
<i>The Life of Colonel Fred Burnaby</i>(1908);
<i>The Life of William Huntington</i> (1909); and
<i>Joseph Hart. Being personal Memoirs . . . from unpublished Materials</i> (1910).</p>



</div3><div3 title="Wright, William" id="Wrightwilliam">

<h3>WRIGHT, WILLIAM</h3>

<p>Orientalist; b. at Mallye or Mallai, on the Nepal frontier, India, Jan. 17, 1830; d. at Cambridge, England, May 22, 1889. He early developed a fondness for oriental languages; studied
at St. Andrews, from which he was graduated; then at Halle, devoting his main efforts to Syriac, but acquiring all the Semitic languages together with Sanskrit; and lastly at Leyden; was professor of Arabic at University College, London, 1855-56; and at Trinity College, Dublin, 1856-61, lecturing there on Hindustani; for the opportunity of original work, he held a post in the department of manuscripts at the British Museum, 1861-70; and was professor of Arabic at Cambridge, 1870-89, where he also became a fellow. As a member of the Old-Testament revision committee he had a field for the exercise of his extensive scholarship. His cooperative activity<pb n="446"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

yielded such fruits as the oriental series of the Pal&aelig;ographical Society, drawn up under his editorship, and contributions to the lexical works of Payne Smith in Syriac, of Dozy in Arabic, and of Neubauer in Hebrew. He was an eminent teacher. He edited the book of Jonah in four Semitic versions (1857); <i>Fragments of the Curetonian Gospels</i> (1872); <i>Fragments of the Homilies of Cyril of Alexandria on the Gospel of S. Luke</i> (1874); translated and edited Caspari&#39;s <i>Grammar of the Arabic Language</i> (2 vols., London, 1859-62); collected and edited <i>Opuscula Arabica</i> (Leyden, 1859); and with English translation and notes <i>Contributions to the Apocryphal Literature of the New Testament</i> (London, 1865); edited and translated <i>Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles</i> (2 vols., 1871); edited with English translation and notes <i>The Chronicle of Joshua the Stylite</i> (1882); and wrote <i>Lectures on the Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages</i> (Cambridge, 1890); and <i>A Short History of Syriac Literature</i> (London, 1894).</p>

<p class="bibliography"> B<small>IBLIOGRAPHY</small>:

R. L. Benaly, in <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,</i> 1889, pp. 708 sqq.;
<i>DNB,</i> lxiii. 138-139.</p>



</div3><div3 title="Writing and the Art of Writing, Hebrew" id="Writing">

<h2>WRITING AND THE ART OF WRITING, HEBREW.</h2>

<dl>
  <dt>I. The Biblical Statements.</dt>
    <dd>Statements Implying Early Use of Writing (&sect; 1).</dd>
    <dd>The Materials Employed (&sect; 2).</dd>
  <dt>II. Information from Other Sources.</dt>
  <dt>III. The North Semitic and Early Hebrew Script.</dt>
    <dd>North Semitic Script (&sect; 1).</dd>
    <dd>Development of the Alphabet (&sect; 2).</dd>
  <dt>IV. Aramaic Varieties of Writing and the Hebrew Square Character</dt>
    <dd>The Older Forms (&sect; 1).</dd>
    <dd>Development of the Square Characters (&sect; 2).</dd>
    <dd>Sacredness of the Square Character (&sect; 3).</dd>
    <dd>Documentary Testimony to Hebrew Script (&sect; 4).</dd>
    <dd>Printed Documents (&sect; 5).</dd>
</dl>

<h3>I. The Biblical Statements</h3>

<h4>1 Statements Implying Early Use of Writing.</h4>

<p>For an acquaintance of the Hebrews with the art of writing in the period before Moses there are no direct testimonies. Though on the signet of Judah (<scripRef passage="Gen. xxxviii. 18" parsed="Genesis|38|18|0|0">Gen. xxxviii. 18</scripRef>) was engraved probably some pictorial representation, the account in <scripRef passage="Gen. xxiii." parsed="Genesis|23|0|0|0">Gen. xxiii.</scripRef> of the transaction before witnesses between Abraham and Ephron can only by employing the argument from silence be used against the idea of the possession by the Hebrews of the knowledge of writing. The old name of the city of Debir was Kirjath-sepher (<scripRef passage="Josh. xv. 15-16" parsed="Joshua|15|15|15|16">Josh. xv. 15-16</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="Judges i. 11-12" parsed="Judges|1|11|1|12">Judges i. 11-12</scripRef>; Septuagint, <i>Kariassophar,</i> Egyptian <i>Bait tupar</i> [the rendering of this is disputed: it has been interpreted "Book-town," and the claim founded thereupon that writing was widely diffused in Palestine and that books were numerous; the Septuagint suggests rather the rendering "town of the scribe," and this conveys a directly opposite meaning]). The "officers" of the Hebrews in Egypt (<scripRef passage="Ex. v. 6" parsed="Exodus|5|6|0|0">Ex. v. 6</scripRef>) are called in Hebrew <i>shotarim;</i> in Assyrian and Arabic the root of this word has the meaning "to write," and the corresponding noun in Aramaic carries the meaning "document." But does this involve anything regarding the employment of this art among the Hebrews of that period? At any rate, if writing was diffused as an art among the Hebrews of the time of Moses, it can not be reckoned a new invention. Moses wrote matter that was legal (<scripRef passage="Ex. xxiv. 4; 7" parsed="Exodus|24|4|0|0;Exodus|24|7|0|0">Ex. xxiv. 4; 7</scripRef> [in the E record], <scripRef passage="Ex. xxxiv. 27" parsed="Exodus|34|27|0|0">xxxiv. 27</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="Deut. xxxi. 9; 24" parsed="Deuteronomy|32|9|0|0;Deuteronomy|32|24|0|0"> Deut. xxxi. 9, 24</scripRef>), and historical (<scripRef passage="Ex. xvii. 24" parsed="Exodus|17|24|0|0">Ex. xvii. 24</scripRef> [E]; <scripRef passage="Numbers xxxiii. 2" parsed="Numbers|33|2|0|0">Numbers xxxiii. 2<scripRef> [P]); the Song of Moses (<scripRef passage="Deut. xxxi. 22" parsed="Deuteronomy|31|22|0|0">Deut. xxxi. 22</scripRef>; cf. also <scripRef passage="Num. xvii. 2" parsed="Numbers|17|2|0|0">Num. xvii. 2</scripRef>). The priests wrote (<ScripRef passage="Num.v. 23" parsed="Numbers|5|23|0|0">Num. v. 23</scripRef> [P]) the imprecation in the water of Ordeal (q.v., &sect; 7); and according to <scripRef passage="Deut. vi. 9; xi. 20; xxiv. 1; 3" parsed="Deuteronomy|6|9|0|0;Deuteronomy|11|20|0|0;Deuteronomy|24|1|0|0;Deuteronomy|24|3|0|0">Deuteronomy (vi. 9, xi. 20, xxiv. 1, 3)</scripRef> others wrote. The engraving of names and other words on stone and metal is mentioned (<scripRef passage="Ex. xxviii. 9; 36" parsed="Exodus|28|9|0|0;Exodus|28|36|0|0"Ex. xxviii. 9, 36</scripRef> [P]). Joshua is recorded as having written the law of Moses (<scripRef passage="Josh. viii. 32" parsed="Joshua|8|32|0|0">Josh. viii. 32</scripRef>), as having the land of Canaan described in a book for purposes of allotment (<scripRef passage="Josh. xviii. 6; 8; 9" parsed="Joshua|18|6|0|0;Joshua|18|8|18|9">xviii. 6, 8, 9</scripRef>), and himself as writing certain matters in the book of the law of God at the assembly of the people at Shechem (<scripRef passage="Josh. xxiv. 26" parsed="Joshua|24|26|0|0">xxiv. 26</scripRef>). In the period of the Judges the ability to use writing must have been common, for a youth caught by chance was able to give in writing to Gideon the names of seventy-seven of the princes and elders of the city (scripRef passage="Judges viii. 14" parsed="Judges|8|14|0|">Judges viii. 14</scripRef>, margin). According to <scripRef passage="I Sam. x. 25" parsed="1 Samuel|10|25|0|">I Sam. x. 25</scripRef> Samuel wrote down the "law of the kingdom." Poems like those in <scripRef passage="Num. xxi." parsed="Numbers|21|0|0|0">Num. xxi.</scripRef> and <scripRef passage="Judges v." parsed="Judges|5|0|0|0">Judges v.</scripRef> were certainly set down in writing at an early period; in <scripRef passage="Num. xxi. 14" parsed="Numbers|21|14|0|0">Num. xxi. 14</scripRef> are some lines of a poem cited from "the book of the wars of the Lord"; citations are made from "the book of Jasher" in <scripRef passage="Josh. x. 13" parsed="Joshua|10|13|0|0">Josh. x. 13</scripRef>; <scripRef passage="II Sam. i.18; 19" parsed="2 Samuel|1|18|1|19">II Sam. i.18, 19</scripRef>; and <scripRef passage="I Kings viii. 53" parsed="1 Kings|8|53|0|0">I Kings viii. 53</scripRef> (according to the Septuagint-cf. J. C. Matthes in <i>ZATW</i>, 1903, p. 121, who would read in all three passages "book of the ode" instead of "book of Jasher," the difference being in the transposition of two letters). Consequently the assertion of T. T. Hartmann, W. Vatke, and P. von Bohlen is not defensible that not until shortly before Solomon, or even later, was the art of writing an accomplishment of the Hebrews. From the regal period there are numerous testimonies to the application of writing both in public and in private life; such are the letter concerning Uriah (<scripRef passage="II Sam, xi. 14" parsed="Samuel|11|14|0|0">II Sam, xi. 14</scripRef>), the letters of Jezebel concerning Naboth (<scripRef passage="I Kings xxi. 8" parsed="1 Kings|21|8|0|0;1 Kings|21|11|0|0">I Kings xxi. 8, 11</scripRef>); the letters of commendation for Naaman to the king of Israel (<scripRef passage="II Kings v. 5" parsed="2 Kings|5|5|0|0>"II Kings v. 5</scripRef> sqq.); the roll of Isaiah in <scripRef passage="Isa. viii. 1" parsed="Isaiah|8|1|0|0">Isa. viii. 1</scripRef> sqq.; the letter from the Assyrian to Hezekiah (<scripRef passage="Isa. xxxvii. 14" parsed="Isaiah|37|14|0|0">Isa. xxxvii. 14</scripRef>), and of Merodach-baladan to the same (<scripRef passage="Isa. xxxix. 1" parsed="Isaiah|39|1|0|0">Isa. xxxix. 1</scripRef>); that from Huram of Tyre to Solomon (<scripRef passage="II Chron. ii. 11" parsed="2 Chronicles|2|11|0|0">II Chron. ii. 11</scripRef>); witness of the purchase of a piece of land (<scripRef passage="Jer. xxxii. 10" parsed="Jeremiah|32|10|0|0">Jer. xxxii. 10</scripRef>); and the recording of accusations (<scripRef passage="Job xiii. 26; xxxi. 35" parsed="Job|13|26|0|0;Job|31|35|0|0">Job xiii. 26, xxxi. 35</scripRef>). Not altogether clear is the activity of the royal officers called scribes, as under David (<scripRef passage="II Sam. viii. 17" parsed="2 Samuel|8|17|0|0">II Sam. viii. 17</scripRef>), Solomon (<scripRef passage="I Kings iv. 3" parsed="1 Kings|4|3|0|0">I Kings iv. 3</scripRef>), Hezekiah (<scripRef passage="II Kings xviii. 18; 37; xix. 2" parsed="2 Kings|18|18|0|0;2 Kings|18|37|0|0;2 Kings|19|2|0|0;"II Kings xviii. 18, 37, xix. 2), and Josiah (<scripRef passage="II Kings xxii. 3" parsed="2 Kings|22|3|0|0">II Kings xxii. 3</scripRef>); apparently their duty was to keep the archives and prepare the correspondence of the king; while according to <scripRef passage="II Kings xii. 11" parsed="2 Kings|12|11|0|0">II Kings xii. 11</scripRef> the scribe had the overnight of the money applied to the restoration of the temple. From <scripRef passage="Isa. x. 19" parsed="Isaiah|10|19|0|0">Isa. x. 19</scripRef> it appears that in the time of that prophet a child could write.</p>

<h4>2. The Materials Employed.</h4>

The material upon which men generally wrote was probably papyrus (<scripRef passage="II John 12" parsed="2 John|0|12|0|0">II John 12</scripRef>). To be sure, this is not affirmed in the Old Testament; but just as little testimony exists to the employment (assumed by many) of dressed skins. Certainly the Septuagint is right in so translating <i>chartion</i> and <i>chart&#275;s</i> in <scripRef passage="Jer. xxxvi." parsed="Jeremiah|36|0|0|0">Jer. xxxvi.</scripRef> (Septuagint xliii.), for it has been<pb n="447"  corrected="Y" proofread="N" thmlized="N" />

correctly remarked by Schlottmann that the king would hardly have cast whole pieces of leather upon the open firebox of the orient; and so far as Num. v. 23 is concerned, one can easily wash fresh ink from papyrus. Papyrus (q.v.) still grows in Palestine at various places, as in the marshes on the coast, at Lake Huleh, at the Sea of Tiberias, and lower down on the Jordan to the Dead Sea (cf. L. Fonek, <i>Streifz&uuml;ge durch die biblische Flora,</i> pp. 36 sqq., Freiburg, 1900). Import of papyrus from Egypt to Phenicia is authenticated for the eleventh century <small>B.C. </small> Nevertheless, the use of rolls of leather was so common in antiquity, that its use among the Israelites can well be assumed. The later discovery of parchment (Eumenes II. of Pergamon, 197-158 <small>B.C.</small>) has bearing only on the New Testament (II Tim. iv. 13). The books were in the form of rolls (Jer. xxxvi.; Ezek. ii. 9, iii. 1 sqq.; Ps. xl. 7; Zech. v. 1 sqq.). The writing-instrument was a stylus (Hebr. <i>`et</i>; Ps. xlv. 1; Jer. viii. 8; <i>kalamos,</i> III John 13) which was brought to a point by the use of the scribe&#39;s knife (Jer. xxxvi. 23) and was dipped in ink (Hebr. <i>dyp</i>, Jer. xxxvi. 18; Gk. <i>melan,</i> II Cor. iii. 3; II John 12; III John 13). The inkhorn was called <i>keseth hassopher</i> (Ezek. ix. 2, 3, 11). The writer&#39;s equipment was carried in his girdle (Ezek. ix.). For engraving upon metal or stone there was in use the iron stylus (<i>&#39;et barzel,</i> Jer. xvii. 1; Job xix. 24); the term used in Isa. viii. 1 is <i>,heret,</i> from a root meaning to incise or engrave.</p>

<h3>II. Information from Other Sources</h3>

<p>The discoveries in the winter of 1887-88 at Tell el-Amarna (see <a href="">A<small>MARNA</small> T<small>ABLETS</small></a>) and the more recent discoveries at Taanach have in surprising fashion shown that in Palestine about 1400 <small>B.C.</small>, there were in use the Babylonian script and the Babylonian language, this being employed not only on the part of Egyptians and official Palestinians in reports and petitions to the pharaohs Amenophis III. and IV., but also in communications from the upper-class Palestinians to the people of the land. It is concluded from these facts that in that period a script better suited to Canaanitic needs was either not yet available or was not widely diffused (H. Winckler in <i>Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek,</i> vol. v., Berlin, 1896; also in Schrader, <i>KAT</i>; E. Sellin, <i>Tel Ta&#39;annek,</i> Vienna, 1904). It is unknown at which point of contact of Babylonia with Palestine the use of the Babylonian script became common. If the theory of J. Hal&#233;vy  <i>(Revue s&#233;mitique,</i> 1904, pp. 240-248) becomes established, this being that the Habiri of the Amarna Tablets were descendants of Casshite military colonies, it will be necessary to think of the seventeenth or the sixteenth century before Christ as the period. That the Israelites after the conquest of Canaan in any great measure made use of the cuneiform writing has no support in actual evidence. With this would fall the supposition of some Englishmen and of H. Winckler that the Decalogue was first written in the cuneiform script. So far as it is possible to trace back the course of events, the Israelites seem to have used the same form of writing as that discovered in June, 1880, in the Siloam I
